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2 Împărați 11

¹ Atalia, mama lui Ahazia, văzând că fiul ei a murit, s-a sculat şi a omorât pe toţi cei de neam împărătesc.

² Dar Ioşeba fata împăratului Ioram, sora lui Ahazia, a luat pe Ioas, fiul lui Ahazia, şi l-a ridicat din mijlocul fiilor împăratului, când i-au omorât: l-a pus împreună cu doica lui în odaia paturilor. Astfel a fost ascuns de privirile Ataliei, şi n-a fost omorât.

³ A stat şase ani ascuns cu Ioşeba, în Casa Domnului. Şi în ţară domnea Atalia.

⁴ În anul al şaptelea, Iehoiada a trimes şi a luat pe sutaşii Cheretiţilor şi alergătorilor, şi i-a adus la el în Casa Domnului. A făcut legământ cu ei, i-a pus să jure în Casa Domnului, şi le-a arătat pe fiul împăratului.

⁵ Apoi le-a poruncit astfel: ,,Iată ce aveţi să faceţi. O treime din voi, cari intră de slujbă în ziua Sabatului, să facă de strajă la casa împăratului,

⁶ o treime la poarta Sur, şi o treime la poarta dinapoia alergătorilor: să păziţi bine casa, aşa încât să nu lăsaţi pe nimeni să intre.

⁷ Celelalte două cete ale voastre, toţi cei ce ies din slujbă în ziua Sabatului, vor păzi Casa Domnului de lângă împărat;

⁸ să înconjuraţi pe împărat de toate părţile, fiecare cu armele în mână, şi să omorîţi pe oricine va intra în şirurile voastre; să fiţi lângă împărat când va ieşi şi când va intra.``

⁹ Sutaşii au îndeplinit toate poruncile pe cari le dăduse preotul Iehoiada. Şi-au luat fiecare oamenii, pe cei ce intrau în slujbă şi pe ceice ieşeau din slujbă în ziua Sabatului, şi s-au dus la preotul Iehoiada.

¹⁰ Preotul a dat sutaşilor suliţele şi scuturile cari veneau dela împăratul David, şi cari se aflau în Casa Domnului.

¹¹ Alergătorii, fiecare cu armele în mână, au înconjurat pe împărat, apezându-se dela latura dreaptă până la latura stângă a casei, lângă altar şi lângă casă.

¹² Preotul a adus înainte pe fiul împăratului, şi i-a pus cununa împărătească şi mărturia. L-au pus împărat, l-au uns, şi bătând din palme, au zis: ,,Trăiască împăratul!``

¹³ Atalia a auzit vuietul alergătorilor şi poporului, şi a venit la popor în Casa Domnului.

¹⁴ S-a uitat. Şi iată că împăratul stătea pe scaunul împărătesc, după datină. Căpeteniile şi trâmbiţele erau lângă împărat: tot poporul ţării se bucura, şi sunau din trâmbiţe. Atalia şi-a sfîşiat hainele, şi a strigat: ,,Vânzare!`` ,,Vânzare!``

¹⁵ Atunci preotul Iehoiada a dat următoarea poruncă sutaşilor, cari erau în fruntea oştirii: ,,Scoateţi-o afară din şiruri, şi ucideţi cu sabia pe oricine va merge după ea.`` Căci preotul zisese: ,,Să nu fie omorâtă în Casa Domnului!``

¹⁶ I-au făcut loc, şi s-a dus la casa împăratului pe drumul pe care intrau caii: acolo a fost omorâtă.

¹⁷ Iehoiada a făcut un legământ între Domnul, împărat şi popor, prin care ei aveau să fie poporul Domnului; a încheiat şi un legământ între împărat şi popor.

¹⁸ Tot poporul ţării a intrat în templul lui Baal, şi l-au dărâmat, i-au sfărâmat cu desăvârşire altarele şi icoanele, şi au ucis înaintea altarelor pe Matan, preotul lui Baal. Preotul Iehoiada a pus străjeri în Casa Domnului.

¹⁹ A luat pe sutaşi, pe Cheretiţi şi alergători, şi pe tot poporul ţării, au pogorât pe împărat din Casa Domnului, şi au intrat în casa împăratului, pe drumul care duce la poarta alergătorilor. Şi Ioas a şezut pe scaunul de domnie al împăraţilor.

²⁰ Tot poporul ţării se bucura, şi cetatea era liniştită. Pe Atalia o omorâseră cu sabia în casa împăratului.

²¹ Ioas avea şapte ani când a ajuns împărat.

{"verseMap":{"1":[{"id":793,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Ahab","title_en":"Ahab","content_ro":"<h3>AHAB<\/h3>\n<li>1. Eighth king of the northern kingdom of Israel, who reigned about 874–853 BC<\/span>. His father, Omri, founded a dynasty that lasted 40 years, through the reigns of Ahab and his two sons, Ahaziah and Jehoram. Omri’s dynasty had an impact beyond biblical history, being mentioned on the famous Moabite Stone and in several Assyrian inscriptions. According to 1 Kings, Omri was a general in the army of King Elah, son of Baasha. When Elah was assassinated, Omri was acclaimed king by his own forces in the field (16:8-16). He prevailed in the resulting civil war and occupied Tirzah, the capital city (16:17-23). Soon he moved his capital to Samaria and built fortifications in the region (16:24). Omri also made an alliance with the Phoenicians, as David and Solomon had done, but was condemned for it by later generations. When Ahab succeeded his father (16:28), he pursued this alliance by marrying the Phoenician king’s daughter, Jezebel (16:29-31).<\/li>\n\nAhab’s marriage to Jezebel, an immoral and fanatical pagan, strongly affected Israel (21:21-26) and had consequences even in the southern kingdom of Judah. Athaliah, their daughter, married Jehoram of Judah and the results of this marriage were disastrous (2 Kgs 8:17-18, 26-27; 11:1-20). Under Jezebel’s influence Ahab gave up the worship of God and took up Baal worship. Ahab’s new religion was a fertility cult that featured sexual unions between priests and temple “virgins,” practices explicitly contrary to the laws of God. Even in marrying Jezebel, Ahab had violated the biblical prohibition of marriage to pagans (Dt 7:1-5).<\/p>\nThe biblical narrative mentions that Ahab built many cities (1 Kgs 22:39) and fought a number of wars, but for the most part it centers on the great prophetic figure, Elijah (1 Kgs 17:1; 18:1; 19:1). Early in Ahab’s reign, God sent Elijah to predict years of drought and famine as punishment for the king’s sin (1 Kgs 17:1; 18:16-18). The drought lasted three and a half years and was such a remarkable period in Israel’s history that it was remembered into NT times (Lk 4:25; Jas 5:17). It was a time of great suffering for both people and animals (1 Kgs 18:5). At the end of the three and a half years Elijah challenged Ahab to gather all the pagan prophets for a final confrontation between God and Baal. Elijah taunted the 450 prophets of Baal for not being able to attract the attention of their false god. Then he prayed to God, and fire fell from heaven on God’s altar. The people shouted their belief in God and helped Elijah execute the pagan prophets (1 Kgs 18:16-40). The drought ended immediately (18:41-46).<\/p>\nWhen she heard what had happened to her prophets, Jezebel swore revenge. Elijah fled, and on Mt Horeb, God told him to anoint Jehu to become king of Israel in place of Ahab (1 Kgs 19:1-16). This assignment was carried out by the prophet’s successor, Elisha (1 Kgs 19:19-21; 2 Kgs 9:1-10). Elijah then challenged Ahab’s acquisition of a vineyard owned by a man named Naboth (1 Kgs 21:1-16). When Naboth refused to sell his land to the king, Jezebel had false witnesses swear that Naboth had cursed God and the king. Naboth was stoned to death for blasphemy. Elijah denounced Ahab, saying that as a judgment God would bring a bloody end to his family (1 Kgs 21:17-24). Ahab’s repentance caused God to postpone the judgment until after Ahab’s death (1 Kgs 21:27-29; 2 Kgs 10:1-14).<\/p>\nDuring his reign Ahab had military encounters with King Ben-hadad II of Syria (Aram), largely provoked by the Syrians. In the first encounter Ben-hadad besieged Samaria, Israel’s capital, and demanded heavy tribute. Ahab refused the demands and called a council of elders. As the Syrians were preparing to attack, a prophet advised Ahab to attack first (1 Kgs 20:1-14). The Syrians were routed and Ben-hadad barely escaped with his life (1 Kgs 20:15-22). The following year Ben-hadad mounted another attack on Ahab’s forces, was again defeated, and eventually surrendered to Ahab (1 Kgs 20:23-33). Ben-hadad gave up some Israelite cities that had been overrun by his father and granted Israel trading posts in Damascus (20:34). God rebuked Ahab through a prophet for forming such an alliance with a pagan power (1 Kgs 20:35-43).<\/p>\nIn Ahab’s last war with Syria, he had the advantage of an alliance with the king of Judah, Jehoshaphat (1 Kgs 22:2-4; 2 Chr 18:1-3). That alliance had been fortified by the marriage of Ahab’s daughter Athaliah to Jehoram, son of Jehoshaphat. Ahab proposed a campaign for the recovery of Ramoth-gilead in the northeast corner of Israel. When Jehoshaphat refused to believe the optimistic predictions of Ahab’s 400 prophets, a prophet of God named Micaiah was called, who foretold Ahab’s death (1 Kgs 22:5-28; 2 Chr 18:4-27).<\/p>\nFor the battle with Syria, Jehoshaphat put on his royal robes. Ahab tried to disguise himself as an ordinary soldier, but a Syrian archer hit him between the joints of his armor. Ahab died that evening, and his troops gave up the battle. His chariot and armor were washed beside the pool of Samaria, where, as Elijah had prophesied, dogs licked Ahab’s blood. The fallen king was succeeded by his son Ahaziah (1 Kgs 22:29-40; 2 Chr 18:28-34).<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Elijah #1; Jezebel; Israel, History of; King; Kings, Books of First and Second; Chronology of the Bible (Old Testament).<\/p>\n\n<li>2. Kolaiah’s son, a notorious false prophet in the closing days of Judah. He was among the Jews taken to Babylon in the deportation of Jehoiachin (598–597 BC<\/span>). This Ahab and his colleague Zedekiah were denounced by the prophet Jeremiah for lying in God’s name and for their sexual immorality (Jer 29:21-23).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>AHAB<\/h3>\n<li>1. Eighth king of the northern kingdom of Israel, who reigned about 874–853 BC<\/span>. His father, Omri, founded a dynasty that lasted 40 years, through the reigns of Ahab and his two sons, Ahaziah and Jehoram. Omri’s dynasty had an impact beyond biblical history, being mentioned on the famous Moabite Stone and in several Assyrian inscriptions. According to 1 Kings, Omri was a general in the army of King Elah, son of Baasha. When Elah was assassinated, Omri was acclaimed king by his own forces in the field (16:8-16). He prevailed in the resulting civil war and occupied Tirzah, the capital city (16:17-23). Soon he moved his capital to Samaria and built fortifications in the region (16:24). Omri also made an alliance with the Phoenicians, as David and Solomon had done, but was condemned for it by later generations. When Ahab succeeded his father (16:28), he pursued this alliance by marrying the Phoenician king’s daughter, Jezebel (16:29-31).<\/li>\n\nAhab’s marriage to Jezebel, an immoral and fanatical pagan, strongly affected Israel (21:21-26) and had consequences even in the southern kingdom of Judah. Athaliah, their daughter, married Jehoram of Judah and the results of this marriage were disastrous (2 Kgs 8:17-18, 26-27; 11:1-20). Under Jezebel’s influence Ahab gave up the worship of God and took up Baal worship. Ahab’s new religion was a fertility cult that featured sexual unions between priests and temple “virgins,” practices explicitly contrary to the laws of God. Even in marrying Jezebel, Ahab had violated the biblical prohibition of marriage to pagans (Dt 7:1-5).<\/p>\nThe biblical narrative mentions that Ahab built many cities (1 Kgs 22:39) and fought a number of wars, but for the most part it centers on the great prophetic figure, Elijah (1 Kgs 17:1; 18:1; 19:1). Early in Ahab’s reign, God sent Elijah to predict years of drought and famine as punishment for the king’s sin (1 Kgs 17:1; 18:16-18). The drought lasted three and a half years and was such a remarkable period in Israel’s history that it was remembered into NT times (Lk 4:25; Jas 5:17). It was a time of great suffering for both people and animals (1 Kgs 18:5). At the end of the three and a half years Elijah challenged Ahab to gather all the pagan prophets for a final confrontation between God and Baal. Elijah taunted the 450 prophets of Baal for not being able to attract the attention of their false god. Then he prayed to God, and fire fell from heaven on God’s altar. The people shouted their belief in God and helped Elijah execute the pagan prophets (1 Kgs 18:16-40). The drought ended immediately (18:41-46).<\/p>\nWhen she heard what had happened to her prophets, Jezebel swore revenge. Elijah fled, and on Mt Horeb, God told him to anoint Jehu to become king of Israel in place of Ahab (1 Kgs 19:1-16). This assignment was carried out by the prophet’s successor, Elisha (1 Kgs 19:19-21; 2 Kgs 9:1-10). Elijah then challenged Ahab’s acquisition of a vineyard owned by a man named Naboth (1 Kgs 21:1-16). When Naboth refused to sell his land to the king, Jezebel had false witnesses swear that Naboth had cursed God and the king. Naboth was stoned to death for blasphemy. Elijah denounced Ahab, saying that as a judgment God would bring a bloody end to his family (1 Kgs 21:17-24). Ahab’s repentance caused God to postpone the judgment until after Ahab’s death (1 Kgs 21:27-29; 2 Kgs 10:1-14).<\/p>\nDuring his reign Ahab had military encounters with King Ben-hadad II of Syria (Aram), largely provoked by the Syrians. In the first encounter Ben-hadad besieged Samaria, Israel’s capital, and demanded heavy tribute. Ahab refused the demands and called a council of elders. As the Syrians were preparing to attack, a prophet advised Ahab to attack first (1 Kgs 20:1-14). The Syrians were routed and Ben-hadad barely escaped with his life (1 Kgs 20:15-22). The following year Ben-hadad mounted another attack on Ahab’s forces, was again defeated, and eventually surrendered to Ahab (1 Kgs 20:23-33). Ben-hadad gave up some Israelite cities that had been overrun by his father and granted Israel trading posts in Damascus (20:34). God rebuked Ahab through a prophet for forming such an alliance with a pagan power (1 Kgs 20:35-43).<\/p>\nIn Ahab’s last war with Syria, he had the advantage of an alliance with the king of Judah, Jehoshaphat (1 Kgs 22:2-4; 2 Chr 18:1-3). That alliance had been fortified by the marriage of Ahab’s daughter Athaliah to Jehoram, son of Jehoshaphat. Ahab proposed a campaign for the recovery of Ramoth-gilead in the northeast corner of Israel. When Jehoshaphat refused to believe the optimistic predictions of Ahab’s 400 prophets, a prophet of God named Micaiah was called, who foretold Ahab’s death (1 Kgs 22:5-28; 2 Chr 18:4-27).<\/p>\nFor the battle with Syria, Jehoshaphat put on his royal robes. Ahab tried to disguise himself as an ordinary soldier, but a Syrian archer hit him between the joints of his armor. Ahab died that evening, and his troops gave up the battle. His chariot and armor were washed beside the pool of Samaria, where, as Elijah had prophesied, dogs licked Ahab’s blood. The fallen king was succeeded by his son Ahaziah (1 Kgs 22:29-40; 2 Chr 18:28-34).<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Elijah #1; Jezebel; Israel, History of; King; Kings, Books of First and Second; Chronology of the Bible (Old Testament).<\/p>\n\n<li>2. Kolaiah’s son, a notorious false prophet in the closing days of Judah. He was among the Jews taken to Babylon in the deportation of Jehoiachin (598–597 BC<\/span>). This Ahab and his colleague Zedekiah were denounced by the prophet Jeremiah for lying in God’s name and for their sexual immorality (Jer 29:21-23).<\/li>","summary_ro":"AHAB 1. Eighth king of the northern kingdom of Israel, who reigned about 874–853 BC. His father, Omri, founded a dynasty that lasted 40 years, through the reigns of Ahab and his two sons, Ahaziah and Jehoram. Omri’s dynasty had an impact beyond biblical history, being mentioned on the famous Moabite Stone and in several Assyrian inscriptions. According to 1 Kings, Omri was a general in the army of King Elah, son of Baasha. When Elah was assassinated, Omri was acclaimed king by his own forces ...","summary_en":"AHAB 1. Eighth king of the northern kingdom of Israel, who reigned about 874–853 BC. His father, Omri, founded a dynasty that lasted 40 years, through the reigns of Ahab and his two sons, Ahaziah and Jehoram. Omri’s dynasty had an impact beyond biblical history, being mentioned on the famous Moabite Stone and in several Assyrian inscriptions. According to 1 Kings, Omri was a general in the army of King Elah, son of Baasha. When Elah was assassinated, Omri was acclaimed king by his own forces ...","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":853,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Ahaziah","title_en":"Ahaziah","content_ro":"<h3>AHAZIAH<\/h3>\n<li>1. Ahab’s son, who ruled the northern kingdom of Israel for two years as its ninth king (853–852 BC<\/span>). He came to the throne when Ahab was killed while trying to recover Ramoth-gilead from Syrian control. Ahaziah was a contemporary of King Jehoshaphat of Judah and of Jehoshaphat’s son Jehoram. Politically, his short reign was characterized by peace with Judah, in contrast with the days of Asa and Baasha (2 Chr 20:37; cf. 1 Kgs 22:48-49). No sooner had he become king than he was compelled to launch an expedition against Mesha of Moab, who had ceased paying tribute to Israel.<\/li>\nEvidently Ahaziah followed not only the corrupt religion of Jeroboam I but also the overt Baal worship of his parents, Ahab and Jezebel (1 Kgs 22:51-53). The first chapter of 2 Kings is devoted to Ahaziah’s terminal illness. He fell from the second story of his palace and was seriously injured. Instead of turning to the Lord for aid, he turned to the god of Jezebel, “Baal-zebub, the god of Ekron.” When the prophet Elijah condemned the king for his actions, Ahaziah, enraged, tried to arrest him. Two groups of soldiers were consumed by fire from God, a sign of victory over Baal since Baal was worshiped as the god of fire and lightning by his followers. Ahaziah died as predicted in Elijah’s pronouncement from God (2 Kgs 1:2-18). He was succeeded by his younger brother, Jehoram, at a time when Ahaziah’s brother-in-law, also named Jehoram, was king of Judah.<\/p>\n<li>2. The son of Jehoram of Judah, grandson of Jehoshaphat and nephew of the Ahaziah just described. He ruled as the sixth king of Judah for only one year (841 BC) at the age of 22 (2 Kgs 8:25-26). The apostasy of the northern kingdom of Israel reached into the southern kingdom of Judah partly because this Ahaziah was a grandson of Ahab and Jezebel (his mother, Athaliah, was their daughter).<\/li>\nAhaziah joined his uncle Jehoram of Israel (sometimes abbreviated Joram) in a campaign against King Hazael of Syria. In the battle Jehoram was wounded and went to Jezreel to recover. When Ahaziah went to visit his fallen kinsman at the royal residence at Jezreel (2 Chr 22:7-9), the visit proved to be a fatal mistake. Jehu, the army commander, anointed by Elisha to destroy Ahab’s descendants (2 Kgs 9:1-13), seized this opportunity to kill both Joram and Ahaziah together (9:14-29).<\/p>\nWhen Ahaziah’s mother, Athaliah, learned of his death, she seized the throne for herself and tried to kill all of his children. One child, Joash, escaped death and eventually became king (2 Kgs 11:1-21). Ahaziah’s name is sometimes given as Jehoahaz (2 Chr 21:17) or Azariah (2 Chr 22:6, kjv<\/span>; cf. nlt<\/span> mg).<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Israel, History of; Kings, Books of First and Second; Chronology of the Bible (Old Testament); King.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>AHAZIAH<\/h3>\n<li>1. Ahab’s son, who ruled the northern kingdom of Israel for two years as its ninth king (853–852 BC<\/span>). He came to the throne when Ahab was killed while trying to recover Ramoth-gilead from Syrian control. Ahaziah was a contemporary of King Jehoshaphat of Judah and of Jehoshaphat’s son Jehoram. Politically, his short reign was characterized by peace with Judah, in contrast with the days of Asa and Baasha (2 Chr 20:37; cf. 1 Kgs 22:48-49). No sooner had he become king than he was compelled to launch an expedition against Mesha of Moab, who had ceased paying tribute to Israel.<\/li>\nEvidently Ahaziah followed not only the corrupt religion of Jeroboam I but also the overt Baal worship of his parents, Ahab and Jezebel (1 Kgs 22:51-53). The first chapter of 2 Kings is devoted to Ahaziah’s terminal illness. He fell from the second story of his palace and was seriously injured. Instead of turning to the Lord for aid, he turned to the god of Jezebel, “Baal-zebub, the god of Ekron.” When the prophet Elijah condemned the king for his actions, Ahaziah, enraged, tried to arrest him. Two groups of soldiers were consumed by fire from God, a sign of victory over Baal since Baal was worshiped as the god of fire and lightning by his followers. Ahaziah died as predicted in Elijah’s pronouncement from God (2 Kgs 1:2-18). He was succeeded by his younger brother, Jehoram, at a time when Ahaziah’s brother-in-law, also named Jehoram, was king of Judah.<\/p>\n<li>2. The son of Jehoram of Judah, grandson of Jehoshaphat and nephew of the Ahaziah just described. He ruled as the sixth king of Judah for only one year (841 BC) at the age of 22 (2 Kgs 8:25-26). The apostasy of the northern kingdom of Israel reached into the southern kingdom of Judah partly because this Ahaziah was a grandson of Ahab and Jezebel (his mother, Athaliah, was their daughter).<\/li>\nAhaziah joined his uncle Jehoram of Israel (sometimes abbreviated Joram) in a campaign against King Hazael of Syria. In the battle Jehoram was wounded and went to Jezreel to recover. When Ahaziah went to visit his fallen kinsman at the royal residence at Jezreel (2 Chr 22:7-9), the visit proved to be a fatal mistake. Jehu, the army commander, anointed by Elisha to destroy Ahab’s descendants (2 Kgs 9:1-13), seized this opportunity to kill both Joram and Ahaziah together (9:14-29).<\/p>\nWhen Ahaziah’s mother, Athaliah, learned of his death, she seized the throne for herself and tried to kill all of his children. One child, Joash, escaped death and eventually became king (2 Kgs 11:1-21). Ahaziah’s name is sometimes given as Jehoahaz (2 Chr 21:17) or Azariah (2 Chr 22:6, kjv<\/span>; cf. nlt<\/span> mg).<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Israel, History of; Kings, Books of First and Second; Chronology of the Bible (Old Testament); King.<\/p>","summary_ro":"AHAZIAH 1. Ahab’s son, who ruled the northern kingdom of Israel for two years as its ninth king (853–852 BC). He came to the throne when Ahab was killed while trying to recover Ramoth-gilead from Syrian control. Ahaziah was a contemporary of King Jehoshaphat of Judah and of Jehoshaphat’s son Jehoram. Politically, his short reign was characterized by peace with Judah, in contrast with the days of Asa and Baasha (2 Chr 20:37; cf. 1 Kgs 22:48-49). No sooner had he become king than he was compell...","summary_en":"AHAZIAH 1. Ahab’s son, who ruled the northern kingdom of Israel for two years as its ninth king (853–852 BC). He came to the throne when Ahab was killed while trying to recover Ramoth-gilead from Syrian control. Ahaziah was a contemporary of King Jehoshaphat of Judah and of Jehoshaphat’s son Jehoram. Politically, his short reign was characterized by peace with Judah, in contrast with the days of Asa and Baasha (2 Chr 20:37; cf. 1 Kgs 22:48-49). No sooner had he become king than he was compell...","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":3144,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Athaliah","title_en":"Athaliah","content_ro":"<h3>ATHALIAH<\/h3>\n<li>1. Wife of King Jehoram of Judah, and daughter of King Ahab of Israel and his wife, Jezebel. Athaliah, Judah’s only queen, ruled 841–835 BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 11; 2 Chr 22–23).<\/li>\nLike her mother, Jezebel, Athaliah worshiped the Canaanite god Baal and encouraged her husband to do the same. Evidently she had considerable influence over Jehoram. After his death their son Ahaziah was made king (2 Kgs 8:25-27; 2 Chr 22:1). Like Jehoram, Ahaziah was influenced by Athaliah and did “what was evil in the Lord<\/span>’s sight” (2 Kgs 8:27).<\/p>\nBecause the kings of Israel and Judah disobeyed the Lord, Jehu was anointed by God to be the true king of Israel (2 Kgs 9:2-3). Jehu then killed Joram, king of Israel (2 Kgs 9:24), and Ahaziah, king of Judah (2 Kgs 9:27; 2 Chr 22:9). After the death of her son, Athaliah seized the throne of Judah by destroying (so she thought) all the males in the royal family (2 Kgs 11:1; 2 Chr 22:10). But Jehoshabeath, Jehoram’s daughter and the wife of Jehoiada the priest, rescued Ahaziah’s son Joash and hid him away (2 Kgs 11:2-3; 2 Chr 22:11-12).<\/p>\nAfter six years Jehoiada “took courage” and resolved to reveal the young prince Joash to the people, making an agreement with some mercenary army officers who summoned to Jerusalem “the Levites . . . and the heads of fathers’ houses of Israel” (2 Chr 23:1-3, rsv<\/span>). In a secret ceremony in the temple Joash was crowned king. Athaliah heard people rejoicing and blowing trumpets and tried to halt the proceedings by tearing her clothes and yelling, “Treason!” She was immediately taken from the temple area and executed (2 Kgs 11:13-16; 2 Chr 23:12-15). See<\/em> Israel, History of; Kings, Books of First and Second.<\/p>\n<li>2. One of the sons of Jehoram from Benjamin’s tribe (1 Chr 8:26).<\/li>\n<li>3. Father of Jeshaiah, the head of the sons of Elam who returned from Babylon with Ezra (Ezr 8:7).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>ATHALIAH<\/h3>\n<li>1. Wife of King Jehoram of Judah, and daughter of King Ahab of Israel and his wife, Jezebel. Athaliah, Judah’s only queen, ruled 841–835 BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 11; 2 Chr 22–23).<\/li>\nLike her mother, Jezebel, Athaliah worshiped the Canaanite god Baal and encouraged her husband to do the same. Evidently she had considerable influence over Jehoram. After his death their son Ahaziah was made king (2 Kgs 8:25-27; 2 Chr 22:1). Like Jehoram, Ahaziah was influenced by Athaliah and did “what was evil in the Lord<\/span>’s sight” (2 Kgs 8:27).<\/p>\nBecause the kings of Israel and Judah disobeyed the Lord, Jehu was anointed by God to be the true king of Israel (2 Kgs 9:2-3). Jehu then killed Joram, king of Israel (2 Kgs 9:24), and Ahaziah, king of Judah (2 Kgs 9:27; 2 Chr 22:9). After the death of her son, Athaliah seized the throne of Judah by destroying (so she thought) all the males in the royal family (2 Kgs 11:1; 2 Chr 22:10). But Jehoshabeath, Jehoram’s daughter and the wife of Jehoiada the priest, rescued Ahaziah’s son Joash and hid him away (2 Kgs 11:2-3; 2 Chr 22:11-12).<\/p>\nAfter six years Jehoiada “took courage” and resolved to reveal the young prince Joash to the people, making an agreement with some mercenary army officers who summoned to Jerusalem “the Levites . . . and the heads of fathers’ houses of Israel” (2 Chr 23:1-3, rsv<\/span>). In a secret ceremony in the temple Joash was crowned king. Athaliah heard people rejoicing and blowing trumpets and tried to halt the proceedings by tearing her clothes and yelling, “Treason!” She was immediately taken from the temple area and executed (2 Kgs 11:13-16; 2 Chr 23:12-15). See<\/em> Israel, History of; Kings, Books of First and Second.<\/p>\n<li>2. One of the sons of Jehoram from Benjamin’s tribe (1 Chr 8:26).<\/li>\n<li>3. Father of Jeshaiah, the head of the sons of Elam who returned from Babylon with Ezra (Ezr 8:7).<\/li>","summary_ro":"ATHALIAH 1. Wife of King Jehoram of Judah, and daughter of King Ahab of Israel and his wife, Jezebel. Athaliah, Judah’s only queen, ruled 841–835 BC (2 Kgs 11; 2 Chr 22–23). Like her mother, Jezebel, Athaliah worshiped the Canaanite god Baal and encouraged her husband to do the same. Evidently she had considerable influence over Jehoram. After his death their son Ahaziah was made king (2 Kgs 8:25-27; 2 Chr 22:1). Like Jehoram, Ahaziah was influenced by Athaliah and did “what was evil in the L...","summary_en":"ATHALIAH 1. Wife of King Jehoram of Judah, and daughter of King Ahab of Israel and his wife, Jezebel. Athaliah, Judah’s only queen, ruled 841–835 BC (2 Kgs 11; 2 Chr 22–23). Like her mother, Jezebel, Athaliah worshiped the Canaanite god Baal and encouraged her husband to do the same. Evidently she had considerable influence over Jehoram. After his death their son Ahaziah was made king (2 Kgs 8:25-27; 2 Chr 22:1). Like Jehoram, Ahaziah was influenced by Athaliah and did “what was evil in the L...","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":11949,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Family Life and Relations","title_en":"Family Life and Relations","content_ro":"<h3>FAMILY LIFE AND RELATIONS<\/h3>\nIn Bible times, the family comprised members of a household, including not only parents and children, along with other relatives and concubines, but also servants, travelers, aliens, and anyone else who happened to be within the house and was therefore under the protection of the head of the family. The family of Jacob, for example, comprised three generations (Gn 46:8-26). Biblically, the term “family” is interchangeable with “house,” and “founding a house” can refer to setting up a separate dwelling as well as establishing a family. In the broader sense, “house” may refer to an entire nation (“house of Israel”). The heads of families returning from Babylon in the postexilic period controlled sometimes several hundred family members (Ezr 8:1-14). The family was a smaller part of a clan and tribe. In nomadic times the responsibilities and allegiances centered on the larger family group.<\/p>\nThose who belonged to the clan knew that they had to work for common interests and accept responsibility for the whole group. All members of the family were to be protected and assisted in time of need.<\/p>\nAs the life of the Israelites became more settled, families (in the wider sense of the term) lived in villages surrounded by fields of wheat, barley, and flax, with areas of grazing land for sheep and goats. Each group of villages consisted of an intermarried, interdependent family group, such as that of the Danites of Zorah and Eshtaol (Jgs 18:11). The hard life of those days demanded a sharing of work and the loyal cooperation of the entire family for survival.<\/p>\nAs crafts and trades developed, along with a more sedentary lifestyle, sons learned their fathers’ skills and continued the family trade. Consequently, the whole village might follow a particular craft (1 Chr 4:14; Neh 11:35). By specializing in such trades, however, the villagers became less self-sufficient, depending more on farmers for food and on other specialized villages for the production of cloth or pottery (1 Chr 4:21-23).<\/p>\nWith the growth of cities, related groups lived together in specific areas. Many members of the tribes of Benjamin and Judah were listed in the census of Jerusalem by Nehemiah (Neh 11:4-8), and by the writer of Chronicles (1 Chr 9:3-9). One consequence of life in the cities was the fragmentation of the family group. As the bonds of the wider family were loosened, the unit consisted increasingly of a husband and wife with their children, living in one house. The size of houses that have been excavated precludes the idea of any larger family unit as the norm in OT societies.<\/p>\nDuring the kingdom period, King David’s sons Amnon and Absalom set up their own separate houses (2 Sm 13:7-8, 20). At that time there were few slaves in Hebrew society, but they also were considered members of the family. As bonds of the wider family loosened, and the master of the household lost a degree of authority, the society became one in which the king was sovereign and all the people were his subjects.<\/p>\nThe early kings of Israel promoted such a change in order to establish a central ruling authority for the entire country. The king’s subjects fell broadly into the categories of employers and employees, corresponding to the rich and poor of society. By the eighth century BC<\/span>, members of the wider family no longer worked for the communal good under the authority of the clan’s head; rather, individuals worked primarily for the good of their own immediate family. Hence one’s labor and devotion were focused more narrowly, and the greatest beneficiary was the king, the personal symbol of the nation.<\/p>\nEmphasis on the smaller family unit increased, and old duties that had been willingly accepted by the wider groups in former times came to be neglected. People did not always help relatives in times of need, and they frequently had to be reminded of their obligations, particularly toward widows and orphans (Is 1:17; Jer 7:6). Family feuds also declined because members no longer felt responsible to take vengeance as a way to uphold the honor of the clan (2 Sm 3:27; 16:8; 2 Kgs 9:26). Nevertheless, Nehemiah expected Israelites to fight for their family honor (Neh 4:14). In NT times, the family was such a unit that it could be sold for a debt incurred by one of its members (Mt 18:25).<\/p>\nThe Hebrew religion’s emphasis on family participation in certain celebrations strengthened the small unit. The Passover, for example, was always celebrated as a family thanksgiving meal (Ex 12:3-4, 46). The prophet Samuel’s parents made a traditional annual pilgrimage to the shrine at Shiloh (1 Sm 2:19). In modern times, a young Jewish boy’s arrival at the threshold of manhood is celebrated with the Bar Mitzvah ceremony. Being so honored in the midst of a religious family preserves the ancient Hebrew tradition of family participation in religious ceremonies.<\/p>\nIn his preaching Jesus used the family as a symbol for the relationship of God to his people (Mt 19:14; 23:9; Lk 8:21). From the cross he handed over responsibility for the care of his mother to his disciple John (Jn 19:27).<\/p>\nIn NT times, the communion meals in the Jerusalem church took place by households (Acts 2:46). Early Christian meetings were held in the homes of believers because of opposition by the authorities. The book of Acts contains examples of entire families being converted to Christianity (Acts 10:24, 44-48; 16:15, 31-32). Timothy learned the gospel from his grandmother and mother (2 Tm 1:5).<\/p>\nPreview<\/p>\n• Status of Family Members<\/p>\n• Marital Security<\/p>\n• Position of Children<\/p>\n• The Rights of Children<\/p>\n• Daily Life of the Hebrew Family<\/p>\n• In New Testament Times<\/p>\nStatus of Family Members<\/p>\nFrom nomadic times, a father’s authority held the family group together in their encampment, and he became the symbol of their security. In ancient patriarchal societies, the father was an absolute master who had the power of life and death over family members, ruling with unchallenged authority. Although he had extensive responsibilities for those under his care, his power was awesome and his status unquestioned.<\/p>\nA man’s possessions included his wife, servants, slaves, and animals (Ex 20:17; Dt 5:21). In fact, the phrase “to marry a wife” comes from a Hebrew root meaning “to become the master of a wife.” A husband was as much the master of his wife as he was of his home or his fields. Consequently, the wife addressed him in a subservient manner, as a slave would address a master (Gn 18:12; Jgs 19:26). This low status for a woman extended to a daughter’s position in the ancient household. Females were always under the authority of a male relative: first, the father; then a husband. If a woman became a widow, she was subject to her husband’s nearest male relative, who became her “redeemer.” The bride price (Gn 29:18, 27; Ex 22:16-17; 1 Sm 18:25; 2 Sm 3:14) paid by her husband was not exactly a purchase of the woman from her father, but the exchange of money did stigmatize her. The amount of a bride price depended on the father’s status (Gn 34:12). The usual price was probably 20 to 30 shekels of silver. The bride received gifts of jewelry, ornaments, and clothing from her future husband, and she occasionally enjoyed some sort of financial or material return from the bride price for her own use (Jos 15:19; Jgs 1:15). When her father or husband died, the money frequently reverted to her.<\/p>\nAn engaged woman was considered her fiancé’s property just as much as if she were already married to him (Dt 22:23-27). The woman left her own family at marriage, to live with and become part of her new husband’s family. Normally, any succeeding marriages would be with members of that family.<\/p>\nDespite the low legal status of the mother of the family, her life was not as bad as one might suppose. She was the legal wife, not an unpaid servant, and she frequently took a strong role as adviser to her husband in family affairs. Her most important function, aside from childbearing, was organization of the household, of which she was generally the respected manager. Even though the wife might have been acquired through capture in war (Dt 21:10-14), she could not be sold as a slave or daughter could (Ex 21:7; Neh 5:5).<\/p>\nNevertheless, her position was precarious, in that she could be disowned or divorced by her husband as the result of a simple renunciation: “She is no longer my wife, and I am no longer her husband.” Perhaps he had found fault with her culinary skills, or possibly he was casting his eyes on another woman. In any event, a husband knew that if his wife did not obey even a signal or a glance, he was within his rights to obtain a divorce (cf. Ecclus 25:26). The wife, however, obtained a certain degree of protection in the letter of repudiation, by which her freedom was formally restored. Under Jewish tradition, a wife could not divorce her husband.<\/p>\nIn matters of domestic protocol, the Hebrew wife was not introduced to her husband’s guests, a tradition that subsequently led to considerable embarrassment for Abraham’s wife, Sarah, and for Rebekah (Gn 20:16). A woman normally remained veiled in public (24:65; 38:14; Is 47:2).<\/p>\nThe imagery in Proverbs 19:13 and 27:15 draws a vigorous comparison between a contentious woman and water dripping from a leaky roof. The OT leaves little doubt about the type of behavior expected from a woman. She was expected to be charming, soft-spoken, discreet, and calm (Prv 9:13; 11:16, 22; 21:9). She was also to be responsible, well-organized, intelligent, thoughtful, reverent, and a good manager of both the household and the family purse (31:10-31). A woman should also be pious and beautiful, and in NT tradition, submissive to her husband, as befitted a woman adorned with the priceless jewel of a gentle and quiet spirit (Ti 2:4-5; 1 Pt 3:1-6).<\/p>\nThe actions of a few women whose roles in life do not seem to fit the pattern of the meek, passive female pictured above, are recorded in the Bible and the Apocrypha. The books of Judith and Esther recount heroic tales of how national fortunes were saved by women. Deborah and Jael were renowned heroines (Jgs 4–5), and the kingdom of Judah was ruled by a vicious woman, Athaliah, for several years (2 Kgs 11). The women who stepped to the forefront of public life were exceptional and few in number. Judith was a rich widow, an unusual thing in Israel.<\/p>\nMarital Security<\/p>\nThe security of a wife’s position improved considerably when she produced her first child, particularly if it was a son. A woman’s primary duty to her husband and his family was procreation (Gn 1:28; 9:1), and until she gave birth to a son, she feared displacement by a second wife or a concubine. Polygamous marriages were by no means rare, especially in wealthy families. They resulted in two ill-defined family groups, controlled by the mothers but under the overall authority of fathers; there were inevitable jealousies and frictions.<\/p>\nThe legal status of a woman was consistently poor in Bible times. With no evidence at all, a husband could accuse his wife of adultery, and she was compelled to face a trial by ordeal. She had to abase herself by taking an oath, eating dust and a cereal offering, and drinking bitter water. A priest, meanwhile, made pronouncements regarding the dire results that would come to her if she were guilty: she would become an outcast with no hope of survival. But if she maintained her serenity, and if her thigh did not rot nor her abdomen swell, she was considered to have “proved” her innocence. In such an event she would go free, and her husband bore no blame whatsoever for his false accusation (Nm 5:12-31).<\/p>\nIf a woman took a vow, it was legal only as long as her father or husband approved it. If she became a widow, the vow still remained in force and could be used against her (Nm 30:3-15).<\/p>\nA woman in Israel was always under the protection of a male, be it her father, grandfather, great-grandfather, brother, husband, or some other member of her husband’s family. She had few legal rights and, in contrast to Babylonian traditions, could not inherit at her husband’s death. It is small wonder that widows were classed with orphans and the poor. A childless widow could on occasion return to her father’s family (Gn 38:11; Lv 22:13; Ru 1:8), thus becoming subject again to the authority of her father. A Hebrew widow could also remain with her late husband’s family. She would then come under the protection of her “redeemer,” a male relative of her husband’s family who assumed responsibility for her. If a husband died leaving a woman childless, it was the responsibility of the husband’s brother to marry her. The first son born of such a union was then regarded as the heir of the first husband.<\/p>\nIt was normal for a brother to accept the obligation for such a marriage (levirate). It could be refused on various grounds, but such refusal was considered dishonorable, for it was a man’s duty to perpetuate his brother’s name and to safeguard the family fortune.<\/p>\nA redeemer’s responsibilities were considerable. In addition to the marriage, he was perhaps involved in avenging the family reputation, and he had to ensure that family property increased and remained within family control.<\/p>\nIf an Israelite fell into debt and was forced to sell himself into slavery, he would normally be “redeemed” by one of his relatives (Lv 25:47-49). If in his penury an Israelite had to sell his land or his house, the redeemer had the right of first refusal over all other prospective purchasers. It was as much his duty as his right to prevent family property from passing into the hands of strangers (v 25). The prophet Jeremiah bought his cousin Hanamel’s field under similar circumstances (Jer 32:6-15).<\/p>\nThe most familiar OT story of a childless widow, her “redeemer,” and their levirate marriage is recorded in the book of Ruth. One of Naomi’s two sons married Ruth. When Ruth was widowed, her impoverished mother-in-law, Naomi, left her home in Moab and returned to Bethlehem to sell some of the family property. Although a close relative was prepared to buy the land and keep it in the family, he was not ready to marry Ruth as well (Ru 3:12; 4:4). He knew that a son of that union would be deemed a son of the deceased, bearing the dead husband’s name, and thus ultimately inheriting the land (4:4-6). The next relative in order of kinship was Boaz, who became Ruth’s “redeemer.” He was prepared to accept the double obligation of purchasing the land and marrying Ruth (4:9-10).<\/p>\nPosition of Children<\/p>\nChildren were generally well loved, but their childhood was short and they were often regarded as laborers for the house or fields. According to the law of primogeniture, the eldest son received a double portion of the estate as his birthright (Dt 21:17). Thus, he was assured of the position of family head. Even during his father’s lifetime, the eldest son took precedence over his brothers and sisters (Gn 43:33). Where twins were born, the first to emerge from the womb was considered the elder, with all the attendant privileges (25:24-26; 38:27-30).<\/p>\nFor a serious offense, the eldest son could lose the right of primogeniture (Gn 35:22; 49:3-4; 1 Chr 5:1), or it could be surrendered voluntarily, as Esau did by selling his birthright to his brother Jacob (Gn 25:29-34). There was a law protecting the eldest son from his father’s favoritism for a younger brother (Dt 21:15-17). Nevertheless, King David gave his kingdom to Solomon, his youngest son (1 Kgs 2:15).<\/p>\nIn a family with no sons, a daughter could inherit property (Nm 27:8). Frequently, parents consulted neither sons nor daughters when marriage partners were arranged for them. Marriage was often an alliance or contract between two families, and thus the wishes and concerns of individuals were considered unimportant. Love matches were few, although occasionally a son would marry in defiance of his parents, as Esau did (Gn 26:34-35). Although it was rare for young people to express their feelings and preferences about marriage in an open fashion, Saul’s daughter, Michal, made known her love for David (1 Sm 18:20).<\/p>\nThere is no record of legal adoption among the Hebrews, but it was practiced from ancient times in Mesopotamia. It was especially useful as a means of ensuring a childless couple that their land would be tilled and that they would be cared for in their old age. All examples of adoption mentioned in the OT took place outside the land of Israel (Ex 2:10; 1 Kgs 11:20; Est 2:7, 15) and are not examples of true adoption as a lifetime member of a family.<\/p>\nThe Rights of Children<\/p>\nThe nature of patriarchal society made for unfortunate distinctions between male and female children. The position of a daughter, who could be sold into slavery or sold to be the concubine of a man and then possibly sold again (Ex 21:7-11), was certainly inferior to that of a son. In the patriarchal period, however, both a son and a daughter could be put to death for disobeying the head of the family. One’s children could also be sacrificed in worship rituals (see Gn 22; Jgs 11). It is probable that infant sacrifice was practiced by nations neighboring Israel, including Canaan and Ammon.<\/p>\nThe rights of children were improved considerably with the promulgation of the code of Mosaic law. A father was no longer permitted to put his child to death without referring the case to the elders (Dt 21:18-21). Both sons and daughters could be brought before such authorities and accused of being disobedient, gluttonous, or drunkards. A father’s absolute authority even extended to his married son and family if they were living under his roof. The law also prohibited children from being held responsible for the crimes of their parents (Dt 24:16). In King David’s time a person convicted by the community had the right of appeal to the king (2 Sm 14:4-11).<\/p>\nIn Hebrew families both parents were held in high respect. Honor had to be given to both mother and father (Ex 20:12), and the law condemned offenses against either parent (21:17; Lv 20:9; Dt 21:18; 27:16). Respect due to the mother is a recurrent theme in the Wisdom Literature (Prv 19:26; 20:20; cf. Ecclus 3:1-16).<\/p>\nDaily Life of the Hebrew Family<\/p>\nIn the everyday affairs of a Hebrew household, it was the father’s responsibility to maintain the family fortune and to be the provider. He might work in the fields, most probably with crops of flax, barley, or wheat. Or he would work at a trade, possibly as a weaver, builder, potter, dyer, fuller, or a worker in copper or bronze. If he lived near the shore, he might be a fisherman.<\/p>\nThe father was also responsible for the religious well-being of the family. It was his duty to take over his sons’ education from the mother at an early age, teaching them the tenets of Hebrew religion (Ex 10:2; 12:26; Dt 4:9; 6:7). He also explained all the facets of the law and the interwoven history of the nation.<\/p>\nThe father was the disciplinarian of the family, with the rod being used to drive home the lessons taught (Prv 13:24; 22:15; 29:15-17). Though children were loved and valued, they were not pampered (Ecclus 30:9-12). In postexilic times education also took place within the precincts of the synagogue, and shortly before the time of Christ, a general elementary education was introduced. It was also imperative that a father teach his sons a trade, normally his own, for a man without a trade either starved or became a thief. Another important paternal responsibility was to provide wives for male offspring in the household.<\/p>\nThe mother was responsible for her sons’ and daughters’ early education (Prv 1:8; 6:20), teaching them religious songs and prayers as soon as they could talk. A father took over the education of his sons, but the mother continued with the daughters, training them to spin, weave, cook, clean, trim the lamps, and generally to become competent in all the household duties (31:13-31).<\/p>\nWith little furniture, keeping a house clean meant sweeping the floors to keep them free from dust and dirt. Cooking was at once simple and difficult. It was simple in that much of the food was cooked in the form of a soup or stew, or else made into a cake and cooked on a griddle. It was difficult in that the corn had to be ground by hand and bread was baked daily.<\/p>\nA mother was expected to take wool, card it, spin it, and often weave and make clothes for her family. In addition, she would help her husband in the fields at harvesttime. Because many families had one or more olive trees, a few grapevines, and fig trees, the mother would also assist in picking the fruit. She would sometimes work at the press when the olives or grapes were being processed. Frequently the treading of grapes in the family vat would be done together by husband and wife. Drawing water from the well was considered a menial task and was generally the wife’s responsibility, although sometimes it was assigned to the children (Gn 24:15-16).<\/p>\nAs in all societies, there was a time when children laughed and played together (Zec 8:5; Mt 11:16), although childhood and adolescence were not recognized as specific stages of development. Children were considered as sucklings if under three, but were regarded as boys or girls when they were able to take care of themselves. A small child sat on his mother’s lap and was played with (Is 66:12). There is no evidence of organized sports for children. Toys, including whistles, rattles, dolls, and miniature cooking utensils, have been excavated at Palestinian sites.<\/p>\nAs soon as a boy was old enough, he took his place in the family and accepted his appointed task. Among other things, children were expected to gather fuel (Jer 7:18). Young boys and girls tended the flocks. The sheep had to be protected from marauding wild beasts, guarded against their own folly when they wandered near crevices, steered toward good pasture and water, and carried home when sick or injured (Gn 29:6; Ex 2:16). The care of cattle was also the responsibility of children (1 Sm 16:11). Of necessity, boys were trained in the various arts of war.<\/p>\nChildren sometimes joined their fathers in the fields, and their presence was always welcome. From earliest times, boys in particular would watch their fathers until they too picked up a tool or implement to try their skill; girls watched and learned from their mothers. Young children frequently listened to the talk of the elders at the city gates or in the villages. A visit to a sanctuary at festival time was a family affair, furnishing an ideal learning experience. As a child, Jesus accompanied his parents, Mary and Joseph, to the temple in Jerusalem (Lk 2:42-47).<\/p>\nYoung girls were surprisingly free to go about their appointed tasks. They were not secluded or veiled and could visit uninhibited with friends and neighbors (Gn 34:1). They were also able to converse with men without embarrassment (24:15-25; 29:11-12; 1 Sm 9:11-13).<\/p>\nMealtimes were strictly family times. It is doubtful whether a meal comparable to a breakfast was eaten, and a farmer would probably have a light lunch in the fields. The main meal of the day was prepared by the mother, and it would be eaten in the early evening. Although the variety of food available was limited, its preparation was time-consuming.<\/p>\nFeast times were periods of great religious significance and were also the days when family members participated in the symbolic rituals of their faith. Among the Israelites several kinds of food were fundamental to their religious ritual. Family unity and the national religion were molded together by special meals in the home.<\/p>\nDaylight played an important part in the daily habits of the people in antiquity. Although oil lamps were readily available in later periods, it was customary to rise with the sun and go to bed relatively soon after dark. The wife would probably be up before sunrise and might continue her labor after dark.<\/p>\nIn New Testament Times<\/p>\nBy NT times, for those who followed the Greek and Roman style, life became more elegant. Despite that, the status of many family members did not change substantially. Wealthier families had more slaves, and the children were more likely to have formal education, sometimes spending less effort on family chores. Even in Roman times, however, the father still had a legal right to accept or reject his child.<\/p>\nThe status of the woman had definitely improved by the NT period. A Roman matron was highly respected and exerted a strong influence over her husband. She was not sequestered in a particular section of the house, as a Greek woman was, but managed and supervised tasks in any part of her home. She helped her husband in business, had her own place in theaters, games, and religious festivals, and sometimes managed her own property. Palestinian women began to enjoy a new status and dignity as the result of Jesus’ attitude toward women and its influence on the early Christian church.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Education; Marriage, Marriage Customs; Sex, Sexuality; Widow; Woman.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>FAMILY LIFE AND RELATIONS<\/h3>\nIn Bible times, the family comprised members of a household, including not only parents and children, along with other relatives and concubines, but also servants, travelers, aliens, and anyone else who happened to be within the house and was therefore under the protection of the head of the family. The family of Jacob, for example, comprised three generations (Gn 46:8-26). Biblically, the term “family” is interchangeable with “house,” and “founding a house” can refer to setting up a separate dwelling as well as establishing a family. In the broader sense, “house” may refer to an entire nation (“house of Israel”). The heads of families returning from Babylon in the postexilic period controlled sometimes several hundred family members (Ezr 8:1-14). The family was a smaller part of a clan and tribe. In nomadic times the responsibilities and allegiances centered on the larger family group.<\/p>\nThose who belonged to the clan knew that they had to work for common interests and accept responsibility for the whole group. All members of the family were to be protected and assisted in time of need.<\/p>\nAs the life of the Israelites became more settled, families (in the wider sense of the term) lived in villages surrounded by fields of wheat, barley, and flax, with areas of grazing land for sheep and goats. Each group of villages consisted of an intermarried, interdependent family group, such as that of the Danites of Zorah and Eshtaol (Jgs 18:11). The hard life of those days demanded a sharing of work and the loyal cooperation of the entire family for survival.<\/p>\nAs crafts and trades developed, along with a more sedentary lifestyle, sons learned their fathers’ skills and continued the family trade. Consequently, the whole village might follow a particular craft (1 Chr 4:14; Neh 11:35). By specializing in such trades, however, the villagers became less self-sufficient, depending more on farmers for food and on other specialized villages for the production of cloth or pottery (1 Chr 4:21-23).<\/p>\nWith the growth of cities, related groups lived together in specific areas. Many members of the tribes of Benjamin and Judah were listed in the census of Jerusalem by Nehemiah (Neh 11:4-8), and by the writer of Chronicles (1 Chr 9:3-9). One consequence of life in the cities was the fragmentation of the family group. As the bonds of the wider family were loosened, the unit consisted increasingly of a husband and wife with their children, living in one house. The size of houses that have been excavated precludes the idea of any larger family unit as the norm in OT societies.<\/p>\nDuring the kingdom period, King David’s sons Amnon and Absalom set up their own separate houses (2 Sm 13:7-8, 20). At that time there were few slaves in Hebrew society, but they also were considered members of the family. As bonds of the wider family loosened, and the master of the household lost a degree of authority, the society became one in which the king was sovereign and all the people were his subjects.<\/p>\nThe early kings of Israel promoted such a change in order to establish a central ruling authority for the entire country. The king’s subjects fell broadly into the categories of employers and employees, corresponding to the rich and poor of society. By the eighth century BC<\/span>, members of the wider family no longer worked for the communal good under the authority of the clan’s head; rather, individuals worked primarily for the good of their own immediate family. Hence one’s labor and devotion were focused more narrowly, and the greatest beneficiary was the king, the personal symbol of the nation.<\/p>\nEmphasis on the smaller family unit increased, and old duties that had been willingly accepted by the wider groups in former times came to be neglected. People did not always help relatives in times of need, and they frequently had to be reminded of their obligations, particularly toward widows and orphans (Is 1:17; Jer 7:6). Family feuds also declined because members no longer felt responsible to take vengeance as a way to uphold the honor of the clan (2 Sm 3:27; 16:8; 2 Kgs 9:26). Nevertheless, Nehemiah expected Israelites to fight for their family honor (Neh 4:14). In NT times, the family was such a unit that it could be sold for a debt incurred by one of its members (Mt 18:25).<\/p>\nThe Hebrew religion’s emphasis on family participation in certain celebrations strengthened the small unit. The Passover, for example, was always celebrated as a family thanksgiving meal (Ex 12:3-4, 46). The prophet Samuel’s parents made a traditional annual pilgrimage to the shrine at Shiloh (1 Sm 2:19). In modern times, a young Jewish boy’s arrival at the threshold of manhood is celebrated with the Bar Mitzvah ceremony. Being so honored in the midst of a religious family preserves the ancient Hebrew tradition of family participation in religious ceremonies.<\/p>\nIn his preaching Jesus used the family as a symbol for the relationship of God to his people (Mt 19:14; 23:9; Lk 8:21). From the cross he handed over responsibility for the care of his mother to his disciple John (Jn 19:27).<\/p>\nIn NT times, the communion meals in the Jerusalem church took place by households (Acts 2:46). Early Christian meetings were held in the homes of believers because of opposition by the authorities. The book of Acts contains examples of entire families being converted to Christianity (Acts 10:24, 44-48; 16:15, 31-32). Timothy learned the gospel from his grandmother and mother (2 Tm 1:5).<\/p>\nPreview<\/p>\n• Status of Family Members<\/p>\n• Marital Security<\/p>\n• Position of Children<\/p>\n• The Rights of Children<\/p>\n• Daily Life of the Hebrew Family<\/p>\n• In New Testament Times<\/p>\nStatus of Family Members<\/p>\nFrom nomadic times, a father’s authority held the family group together in their encampment, and he became the symbol of their security. In ancient patriarchal societies, the father was an absolute master who had the power of life and death over family members, ruling with unchallenged authority. Although he had extensive responsibilities for those under his care, his power was awesome and his status unquestioned.<\/p>\nA man’s possessions included his wife, servants, slaves, and animals (Ex 20:17; Dt 5:21). In fact, the phrase “to marry a wife” comes from a Hebrew root meaning “to become the master of a wife.” A husband was as much the master of his wife as he was of his home or his fields. Consequently, the wife addressed him in a subservient manner, as a slave would address a master (Gn 18:12; Jgs 19:26). This low status for a woman extended to a daughter’s position in the ancient household. Females were always under the authority of a male relative: first, the father; then a husband. If a woman became a widow, she was subject to her husband’s nearest male relative, who became her “redeemer.” The bride price (Gn 29:18, 27; Ex 22:16-17; 1 Sm 18:25; 2 Sm 3:14) paid by her husband was not exactly a purchase of the woman from her father, but the exchange of money did stigmatize her. The amount of a bride price depended on the father’s status (Gn 34:12). The usual price was probably 20 to 30 shekels of silver. The bride received gifts of jewelry, ornaments, and clothing from her future husband, and she occasionally enjoyed some sort of financial or material return from the bride price for her own use (Jos 15:19; Jgs 1:15). When her father or husband died, the money frequently reverted to her.<\/p>\nAn engaged woman was considered her fiancé’s property just as much as if she were already married to him (Dt 22:23-27). The woman left her own family at marriage, to live with and become part of her new husband’s family. Normally, any succeeding marriages would be with members of that family.<\/p>\nDespite the low legal status of the mother of the family, her life was not as bad as one might suppose. She was the legal wife, not an unpaid servant, and she frequently took a strong role as adviser to her husband in family affairs. Her most important function, aside from childbearing, was organization of the household, of which she was generally the respected manager. Even though the wife might have been acquired through capture in war (Dt 21:10-14), she could not be sold as a slave or daughter could (Ex 21:7; Neh 5:5).<\/p>\nNevertheless, her position was precarious, in that she could be disowned or divorced by her husband as the result of a simple renunciation: “She is no longer my wife, and I am no longer her husband.” Perhaps he had found fault with her culinary skills, or possibly he was casting his eyes on another woman. In any event, a husband knew that if his wife did not obey even a signal or a glance, he was within his rights to obtain a divorce (cf. Ecclus 25:26). The wife, however, obtained a certain degree of protection in the letter of repudiation, by which her freedom was formally restored. Under Jewish tradition, a wife could not divorce her husband.<\/p>\nIn matters of domestic protocol, the Hebrew wife was not introduced to her husband’s guests, a tradition that subsequently led to considerable embarrassment for Abraham’s wife, Sarah, and for Rebekah (Gn 20:16). A woman normally remained veiled in public (24:65; 38:14; Is 47:2).<\/p>\nThe imagery in Proverbs 19:13 and 27:15 draws a vigorous comparison between a contentious woman and water dripping from a leaky roof. The OT leaves little doubt about the type of behavior expected from a woman. She was expected to be charming, soft-spoken, discreet, and calm (Prv 9:13; 11:16, 22; 21:9). She was also to be responsible, well-organized, intelligent, thoughtful, reverent, and a good manager of both the household and the family purse (31:10-31). A woman should also be pious and beautiful, and in NT tradition, submissive to her husband, as befitted a woman adorned with the priceless jewel of a gentle and quiet spirit (Ti 2:4-5; 1 Pt 3:1-6).<\/p>\nThe actions of a few women whose roles in life do not seem to fit the pattern of the meek, passive female pictured above, are recorded in the Bible and the Apocrypha. The books of Judith and Esther recount heroic tales of how national fortunes were saved by women. Deborah and Jael were renowned heroines (Jgs 4–5), and the kingdom of Judah was ruled by a vicious woman, Athaliah, for several years (2 Kgs 11). The women who stepped to the forefront of public life were exceptional and few in number. Judith was a rich widow, an unusual thing in Israel.<\/p>\nMarital Security<\/p>\nThe security of a wife’s position improved considerably when she produced her first child, particularly if it was a son. A woman’s primary duty to her husband and his family was procreation (Gn 1:28; 9:1), and until she gave birth to a son, she feared displacement by a second wife or a concubine. Polygamous marriages were by no means rare, especially in wealthy families. They resulted in two ill-defined family groups, controlled by the mothers but under the overall authority of fathers; there were inevitable jealousies and frictions.<\/p>\nThe legal status of a woman was consistently poor in Bible times. With no evidence at all, a husband could accuse his wife of adultery, and she was compelled to face a trial by ordeal. She had to abase herself by taking an oath, eating dust and a cereal offering, and drinking bitter water. A priest, meanwhile, made pronouncements regarding the dire results that would come to her if she were guilty: she would become an outcast with no hope of survival. But if she maintained her serenity, and if her thigh did not rot nor her abdomen swell, she was considered to have “proved” her innocence. In such an event she would go free, and her husband bore no blame whatsoever for his false accusation (Nm 5:12-31).<\/p>\nIf a woman took a vow, it was legal only as long as her father or husband approved it. If she became a widow, the vow still remained in force and could be used against her (Nm 30:3-15).<\/p>\nA woman in Israel was always under the protection of a male, be it her father, grandfather, great-grandfather, brother, husband, or some other member of her husband’s family. She had few legal rights and, in contrast to Babylonian traditions, could not inherit at her husband’s death. It is small wonder that widows were classed with orphans and the poor. A childless widow could on occasion return to her father’s family (Gn 38:11; Lv 22:13; Ru 1:8), thus becoming subject again to the authority of her father. A Hebrew widow could also remain with her late husband’s family. She would then come under the protection of her “redeemer,” a male relative of her husband’s family who assumed responsibility for her. If a husband died leaving a woman childless, it was the responsibility of the husband’s brother to marry her. The first son born of such a union was then regarded as the heir of the first husband.<\/p>\nIt was normal for a brother to accept the obligation for such a marriage (levirate). It could be refused on various grounds, but such refusal was considered dishonorable, for it was a man’s duty to perpetuate his brother’s name and to safeguard the family fortune.<\/p>\nA redeemer’s responsibilities were considerable. In addition to the marriage, he was perhaps involved in avenging the family reputation, and he had to ensure that family property increased and remained within family control.<\/p>\nIf an Israelite fell into debt and was forced to sell himself into slavery, he would normally be “redeemed” by one of his relatives (Lv 25:47-49). If in his penury an Israelite had to sell his land or his house, the redeemer had the right of first refusal over all other prospective purchasers. It was as much his duty as his right to prevent family property from passing into the hands of strangers (v 25). The prophet Jeremiah bought his cousin Hanamel’s field under similar circumstances (Jer 32:6-15).<\/p>\nThe most familiar OT story of a childless widow, her “redeemer,” and their levirate marriage is recorded in the book of Ruth. One of Naomi’s two sons married Ruth. When Ruth was widowed, her impoverished mother-in-law, Naomi, left her home in Moab and returned to Bethlehem to sell some of the family property. Although a close relative was prepared to buy the land and keep it in the family, he was not ready to marry Ruth as well (Ru 3:12; 4:4). He knew that a son of that union would be deemed a son of the deceased, bearing the dead husband’s name, and thus ultimately inheriting the land (4:4-6). The next relative in order of kinship was Boaz, who became Ruth’s “redeemer.” He was prepared to accept the double obligation of purchasing the land and marrying Ruth (4:9-10).<\/p>\nPosition of Children<\/p>\nChildren were generally well loved, but their childhood was short and they were often regarded as laborers for the house or fields. According to the law of primogeniture, the eldest son received a double portion of the estate as his birthright (Dt 21:17). Thus, he was assured of the position of family head. Even during his father’s lifetime, the eldest son took precedence over his brothers and sisters (Gn 43:33). Where twins were born, the first to emerge from the womb was considered the elder, with all the attendant privileges (25:24-26; 38:27-30).<\/p>\nFor a serious offense, the eldest son could lose the right of primogeniture (Gn 35:22; 49:3-4; 1 Chr 5:1), or it could be surrendered voluntarily, as Esau did by selling his birthright to his brother Jacob (Gn 25:29-34). There was a law protecting the eldest son from his father’s favoritism for a younger brother (Dt 21:15-17). Nevertheless, King David gave his kingdom to Solomon, his youngest son (1 Kgs 2:15).<\/p>\nIn a family with no sons, a daughter could inherit property (Nm 27:8). Frequently, parents consulted neither sons nor daughters when marriage partners were arranged for them. Marriage was often an alliance or contract between two families, and thus the wishes and concerns of individuals were considered unimportant. Love matches were few, although occasionally a son would marry in defiance of his parents, as Esau did (Gn 26:34-35). Although it was rare for young people to express their feelings and preferences about marriage in an open fashion, Saul’s daughter, Michal, made known her love for David (1 Sm 18:20).<\/p>\nThere is no record of legal adoption among the Hebrews, but it was practiced from ancient times in Mesopotamia. It was especially useful as a means of ensuring a childless couple that their land would be tilled and that they would be cared for in their old age. All examples of adoption mentioned in the OT took place outside the land of Israel (Ex 2:10; 1 Kgs 11:20; Est 2:7, 15) and are not examples of true adoption as a lifetime member of a family.<\/p>\nThe Rights of Children<\/p>\nThe nature of patriarchal society made for unfortunate distinctions between male and female children. The position of a daughter, who could be sold into slavery or sold to be the concubine of a man and then possibly sold again (Ex 21:7-11), was certainly inferior to that of a son. In the patriarchal period, however, both a son and a daughter could be put to death for disobeying the head of the family. One’s children could also be sacrificed in worship rituals (see Gn 22; Jgs 11). It is probable that infant sacrifice was practiced by nations neighboring Israel, including Canaan and Ammon.<\/p>\nThe rights of children were improved considerably with the promulgation of the code of Mosaic law. A father was no longer permitted to put his child to death without referring the case to the elders (Dt 21:18-21). Both sons and daughters could be brought before such authorities and accused of being disobedient, gluttonous, or drunkards. A father’s absolute authority even extended to his married son and family if they were living under his roof. The law also prohibited children from being held responsible for the crimes of their parents (Dt 24:16). In King David’s time a person convicted by the community had the right of appeal to the king (2 Sm 14:4-11).<\/p>\nIn Hebrew families both parents were held in high respect. Honor had to be given to both mother and father (Ex 20:12), and the law condemned offenses against either parent (21:17; Lv 20:9; Dt 21:18; 27:16). Respect due to the mother is a recurrent theme in the Wisdom Literature (Prv 19:26; 20:20; cf. Ecclus 3:1-16).<\/p>\nDaily Life of the Hebrew Family<\/p>\nIn the everyday affairs of a Hebrew household, it was the father’s responsibility to maintain the family fortune and to be the provider. He might work in the fields, most probably with crops of flax, barley, or wheat. Or he would work at a trade, possibly as a weaver, builder, potter, dyer, fuller, or a worker in copper or bronze. If he lived near the shore, he might be a fisherman.<\/p>\nThe father was also responsible for the religious well-being of the family. It was his duty to take over his sons’ education from the mother at an early age, teaching them the tenets of Hebrew religion (Ex 10:2; 12:26; Dt 4:9; 6:7). He also explained all the facets of the law and the interwoven history of the nation.<\/p>\nThe father was the disciplinarian of the family, with the rod being used to drive home the lessons taught (Prv 13:24; 22:15; 29:15-17). Though children were loved and valued, they were not pampered (Ecclus 30:9-12). In postexilic times education also took place within the precincts of the synagogue, and shortly before the time of Christ, a general elementary education was introduced. It was also imperative that a father teach his sons a trade, normally his own, for a man without a trade either starved or became a thief. Another important paternal responsibility was to provide wives for male offspring in the household.<\/p>\nThe mother was responsible for her sons’ and daughters’ early education (Prv 1:8; 6:20), teaching them religious songs and prayers as soon as they could talk. A father took over the education of his sons, but the mother continued with the daughters, training them to spin, weave, cook, clean, trim the lamps, and generally to become competent in all the household duties (31:13-31).<\/p>\nWith little furniture, keeping a house clean meant sweeping the floors to keep them free from dust and dirt. Cooking was at once simple and difficult. It was simple in that much of the food was cooked in the form of a soup or stew, or else made into a cake and cooked on a griddle. It was difficult in that the corn had to be ground by hand and bread was baked daily.<\/p>\nA mother was expected to take wool, card it, spin it, and often weave and make clothes for her family. In addition, she would help her husband in the fields at harvesttime. Because many families had one or more olive trees, a few grapevines, and fig trees, the mother would also assist in picking the fruit. She would sometimes work at the press when the olives or grapes were being processed. Frequently the treading of grapes in the family vat would be done together by husband and wife. Drawing water from the well was considered a menial task and was generally the wife’s responsibility, although sometimes it was assigned to the children (Gn 24:15-16).<\/p>\nAs in all societies, there was a time when children laughed and played together (Zec 8:5; Mt 11:16), although childhood and adolescence were not recognized as specific stages of development. Children were considered as sucklings if under three, but were regarded as boys or girls when they were able to take care of themselves. A small child sat on his mother’s lap and was played with (Is 66:12). There is no evidence of organized sports for children. Toys, including whistles, rattles, dolls, and miniature cooking utensils, have been excavated at Palestinian sites.<\/p>\nAs soon as a boy was old enough, he took his place in the family and accepted his appointed task. Among other things, children were expected to gather fuel (Jer 7:18). Young boys and girls tended the flocks. The sheep had to be protected from marauding wild beasts, guarded against their own folly when they wandered near crevices, steered toward good pasture and water, and carried home when sick or injured (Gn 29:6; Ex 2:16). The care of cattle was also the responsibility of children (1 Sm 16:11). Of necessity, boys were trained in the various arts of war.<\/p>\nChildren sometimes joined their fathers in the fields, and their presence was always welcome. From earliest times, boys in particular would watch their fathers until they too picked up a tool or implement to try their skill; girls watched and learned from their mothers. Young children frequently listened to the talk of the elders at the city gates or in the villages. A visit to a sanctuary at festival time was a family affair, furnishing an ideal learning experience. As a child, Jesus accompanied his parents, Mary and Joseph, to the temple in Jerusalem (Lk 2:42-47).<\/p>\nYoung girls were surprisingly free to go about their appointed tasks. They were not secluded or veiled and could visit uninhibited with friends and neighbors (Gn 34:1). They were also able to converse with men without embarrassment (24:15-25; 29:11-12; 1 Sm 9:11-13).<\/p>\nMealtimes were strictly family times. It is doubtful whether a meal comparable to a breakfast was eaten, and a farmer would probably have a light lunch in the fields. The main meal of the day was prepared by the mother, and it would be eaten in the early evening. Although the variety of food available was limited, its preparation was time-consuming.<\/p>\nFeast times were periods of great religious significance and were also the days when family members participated in the symbolic rituals of their faith. Among the Israelites several kinds of food were fundamental to their religious ritual. Family unity and the national religion were molded together by special meals in the home.<\/p>\nDaylight played an important part in the daily habits of the people in antiquity. Although oil lamps were readily available in later periods, it was customary to rise with the sun and go to bed relatively soon after dark. The wife would probably be up before sunrise and might continue her labor after dark.<\/p>\nIn New Testament Times<\/p>\nBy NT times, for those who followed the Greek and Roman style, life became more elegant. Despite that, the status of many family members did not change substantially. Wealthier families had more slaves, and the children were more likely to have formal education, sometimes spending less effort on family chores. Even in Roman times, however, the father still had a legal right to accept or reject his child.<\/p>\nThe status of the woman had definitely improved by the NT period. A Roman matron was highly respected and exerted a strong influence over her husband. She was not sequestered in a particular section of the house, as a Greek woman was, but managed and supervised tasks in any part of her home. She helped her husband in business, had her own place in theaters, games, and religious festivals, and sometimes managed her own property. Palestinian women began to enjoy a new status and dignity as the result of Jesus’ attitude toward women and its influence on the early Christian church.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Education; Marriage, Marriage Customs; Sex, Sexuality; Widow; Woman.<\/p>","summary_ro":"FAMILY LIFE AND RELATIONS In Bible times, the family comprised members of a household, including not only parents and children, along with other relatives and concubines, but also servants, travelers, aliens, and anyone else who happened to be within the house and was therefore under the protection of the head of the family. The family of Jacob, for example, comprised three generations (Gn 46:8-26). Biblically, the term “family” is interchangeable with “house,” and “founding a house” can refe...","summary_en":"FAMILY LIFE AND RELATIONS In Bible times, the family comprised members of a household, including not only parents and children, along with other relatives and concubines, but also servants, travelers, aliens, and anyone else who happened to be within the house and was therefore under the protection of the head of the family. The family of Jacob, for example, comprised three generations (Gn 46:8-26). Biblically, the term “family” is interchangeable with “house,” and “founding a house” can refe...","source":"Articles\/F.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":15868,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Hebrew Language","title_en":"Hebrew Language","content_ro":"<h3>HEBREW LANGUAGE<\/h3>\nLanguage of the Jewish people. The name Hebrew is not applied by the OT to its own language, although the NT does use the name that way. In the OT, “Hebrew” means the individual or people who used the language. The language itself is called “the language of Canaan” (Is 19:18, nlt<\/span> mg) or “the language of Judah” (Neh 13:24).<\/p>\nPreview<\/p>\n• Origin and History<\/p>\n• Family of Languages<\/p>\n• Character<\/p>\n• Hebrew Script and Grammar<\/p>\n• Style<\/p>\n• Legacy<\/p>\nOrigin and History<\/p>\nIn the Middle Ages a common view was that Hebrew was the primitive language of humankind. Even in colonial America, Hebrew was still referred to as “the mother of all languages.” Linguistic scholarship has now made this theory untenable.<\/p>\nHebrew is actually one of several Canaanite dialects that included Phoenician, Ugaritic, and Moabite. Other Canaanite dialects (for example, Ammonite) existed but have left insufficient inscriptions for scholarly investigation. Such dialects were already present in the land of Canaan before its conquest by the Israelites.<\/p>\nUntil about 1974, the oldest witnesses to Canaanite language were found in the Ugarit and Amarna records dating from the 14th and 15th centuries BC<\/span>. A few Canaanite words and expressions appeared in earlier Egyptian records, but the origin of Canaanite has been uncertain. Between 1974 and 1976, however, nearly 17,000 tablets were dug up at Tell Mardikh (ancient Ebla) in northern Syria, written in a previously unknown Semitic dialect. Because they possibly date back to 2400 BC<\/span> (perhaps even earlier), many scholars think that language may be the “Old Canaanite” that gave rise to Hebrew. By 1977, when another 1,000 tablets were unearthed, only about 100 inscriptions from Ebla had been reported on. Languages change over a long period of time. For example, the English used in the time of Alfred the Great (ninth century AD<\/span>) seems almost like a foreign language to contemporary English speakers. Although Hebrew was no exception to the general principle, like other Semitic languages it remained remarkably stable over many centuries. Poems such as the Song of Deborah (Jgs 5) tended to preserve the language’s oldest form. Changes that took place later in the long history of the language are shown in the presence of archaic words (often preserved in poetic language) and a general difference in style. For example, the book of Job reflects a more archaic style than the book of Esther.<\/p>\nVarious Hebrew dialects apparently existed side by side in OT times, as reflected in the episode involving the pronunciation of the Hebrew word “shibboleth\/sibboleth” (Jgs 12:4-6). It seems that the Israelites east of the Jordan pronounced the initial letter with a strong “sh” sound, while those in Canaan gave it the simple “s” sound. Scholars have also identified features of Hebrew that could be described as reflecting the northern or southern parts of the country.<\/p>\nFamily of Languages<\/p>\nHebrew belongs to the Semitic family of languages; these languages were used from the Mediterranean Sea to the mountains east of the Euphrates River valley, and from Armenia (Turkey) in the north to the southern extremity of the Arabian peninsula. Semitic languages are classified as Southern (Arabic and Ethiopic), Eastern (Akkadian), and Northwestern (Aramaic, Syriac, and Canaanite—Hebrew, Phoenician, Ugaritic, and Moabite).<\/p>\nCharacter<\/p>\nHebrew, like the other early Semitic languages, concentrates on observation more than reflection. That is, things are generally observed according to their appearance as phenomena, not analyzed as to their inward being or essence. Effects are observed but not traced through a series of causes.<\/p>\nHebrew’s vividness, conciseness, and simplicity make the language difficult to translate fully. It is amazingly concise and direct. For example, Psalm 23 contains 55 words; most translations require about twice that many to translate it. The first two lines, with slashes separating the individual Hebrew words in the original, read:<\/p>\nThe Lord\/[is] my shepherd\/<\/p>\nI shall want\/not<\/p>\nThus eight English words are required to translate four Hebrew words.<\/p>\nHebrew does not use separate, distinct expressions for every shade of thought. Someone has said, “The Semites have been the quarries whose great rough blocks the Greeks have trimmed, polished, and fitted together. The former gave religion; the latter philosophy.”<\/p>\nHebrew is a pictorial language in which the past is not merely described but verbally painted. Not just a landscape is presented but a moving panorama. The course of events is reenacted in the mind’s sight. (Note the frequent use of “behold,” a Hebraism carried over to the NT.) Such common Hebraic expressions as “he arose and went,” “he opened his lips and spoke,” “he lifted up his eyes and saw,” and “he lifted up his voice and wept” illustrate the pictorial strength of the language.<\/p>\nMany profound theological expressions of the OT are tightly bound up with Hebrew language and grammar. Even the most sacred name of God himself, “the Lord<\/span>” (Yahweh), is directly related to the Hebrew verb “to be” (or perhaps “to cause to be”). Many other names of persons and places in the OT can best be understood only with a working knowledge of Hebrew.<\/p>\nHebrew Script and Grammar<\/p>\n<h5>Alphabet and Script<\/h5>\nThe Hebrew alphabet consists of 22 consonants; signs for vowels were devised and added late in the language’s history. The origin of the alphabet is unknown. The oldest examples of a Canaanite alphabet were preserved in the Ugaritic cuneiform alphabet of the 14th century BC<\/span>.<\/p>\nThe old style of writing the letters is called the Phoenician or paleo-Hebrew script. It is the predecessor of the Greek and other Western alphabets. The script used in modern Hebrew Bibles (Aramaic or square script) came into vogue after Israel’s exile into Babylon (sixth century BC<\/span>). The older style was still used sporadically in the early Christian era on coins and for writing God’s name (as in the Dead Sea Scrolls). Hebrew has always been written right to left.<\/p>\n\n<h5>Consonants<\/h5>\nThe Canaanite alphabet of the Phoenician and Moabite languages had 22 consonants. The older Canaanite language reflected in Ugaritic had more consonants. Arabic also preserves some Old Canaanite consonants found in Ugaritic but missing in Hebrew.<\/p>\n<h5>Vowels<\/h5>\nIn the original consonantal Hebrew script, vowels were simply understood by the writer or reader. On the basis of tradition and context, the reader would supply whatever vowels were needed, much as is done in English abbreviations (“bldg.” for “building”; “blvd.” for “boulevard”). After the collapse of the nation in AD<\/span> 70, the dispersion of the Jews and the destruction of Jerusalem led to Hebrew’s becoming a “dead language,” no longer widely spoken. Loss of traditional pronunciation and understanding then became more of a possibility, so Jewish scribes felt a need for permanently establishing the vowel sounds.<\/p>\nFirst, vowel letters called “mothers of reading” (matres lectionis)<\/em> were added. These were consonants used especially to indicate long vowels. These were added before the Christian era, as the Dead Sea Scrolls reveal.<\/p>\nLater (about the fifth century AD<\/span>), the scribes called Masoretes added vowel signs to indicate short vowels. At least three different systems of vowel signs were employed at different times and places. The text used today represents the system devised by Masoretic scribes who worked in the city of Tiberias. The vowels, each of which may be long or short, are indicated by dots or dashes placed above or below the consonants. Certain combinations of dots and dashes represent very short vowel sounds, or “half-vowels.”<\/p>\n<h5>Linkage<\/h5>\nHebrew joins together many words that in Western languages would be written separately. Some prepositions (be<\/span>-, “in”; le<\/span>-, “to”; ke<\/span>-, “like”) are prefixed directly to the noun or verb that they introduce, as are the definite article ha<\/span>-, “the” and the conjunction wa<\/span>-, “and.” Suffixes are used for pronouns, either in the possessive or accusative relationship. The same word may simultaneously have both a prefix and a suffix.<\/p>\n<h5>Nouns<\/h5>\nHebrew has no neuter gender; everything is masculine or feminine. Inanimate objects may be either masculine or feminine, depending on the formation or character of the word. Usually, abstract ideas or words indicating a group are feminine. Nouns are derived from roots and are formed in various ways, either by vowel modification or by adding prefixes or suffixes to the root. Contrary to Greek and many Western languages, compound nouns are not characteristic of Hebrew.<\/p>\nThe Hebrew plural is formed by adding -im<\/span> for masculine nouns (<\/em>seraphim, cherubim<\/span>)<\/em> and -oth<\/span> for feminine nouns.<\/p>\nThree original case endings indicating nominative, genitive, and accusative have dropped away during the evolution of Hebrew. To compensate for the lack of case endings, Hebrew resorts to various indicators. Indirect objects are indicated by the preposition le<\/span>-, “to”; direct objects by the objective sign ’eth<\/span>;<\/em> the genitive relationship by putting the word before the genitive in the “construct state,” or shortened form.<\/p>\n<h5>Adjectives<\/h5>\nHebrew is deficient in adjectives. “A double heart” is indicated in the original Hebrew by “a heart and a heart” (Ps 12:2), and “two differing weights” is actually “a stone and a stone” (Dt 25:13); “the whole royal family” is “the seed of the kingdom” (2 Kgs 11:1).<\/p>\nAdjectives that do exist in Hebrew have no comparative or superlative forms. Relationship is indicated by the preposition “from.” “Better than you” is expressed literally in Hebrew “good from you.” “The serpent was more subtle than any other beast” is literally “the serpent was subtle from every beast” (Gn 3:1). The superlative is expressed by several different constructions. The idea “very deep” is literally “deep, deep” (Eccl 7:24); the “best song” is literally “song of songs” (compare “king of kings”); “holiest” is literally “holy, holy, holy” (Is 6:3).<\/p>\n<h5>Verbs<\/h5>\nHebrew verbs are formed from a root usually consisting of three letters. From such roots, verbal forms are developed by a change of vowels or by adding prefixes or suffixes. The root consonants provide the semantic backbone of the language and give a stability of meaning not characteristic of Western languages. The vowels are quite flexible, giving Hebrew considerable elasticity.<\/p>\nHebrew verb usage is not characterized by precise definition of tenses. Hebrew tenses, especially in poetry, are largely determined by context. The two tense formations are the perfect (completed action) and imperfect (incomplete action). The imperfect is ambiguous. It represents the indicative mood (present, past, future) but may also represent such moods as the imperative, optative, and jussive or cohortative. A distinctive usage of the perfect tense is the “prophetic perfect,” where the perfect form represents a future event considered so sure that it is expressed as past (e.g., see Is 5:13, kjv<\/span>).<\/p>\nStyle<\/p>\n<h5>Vocabulary<\/h5>\nMost Hebrew roots originally expressed some physical action or denoted some natural object. The verb “to decide” originally meant “to cut”; “to be true” originally meant “to be firmly fixed”; “to be right” meant “to be straight”; “to be honorable” meant “to be heavy.”<\/p>\nAbstract terms are alien to the character of Hebrew; for example, biblical Hebrew has no specific words for “theology,” “philosophy,” or “religion.” Intellectual or theological concepts are expressed by concrete terms. The abstract idea of sin is represented by such words as “to miss the mark” or “crooked” or “rebellion” or “trespass” (“to cross over”). Mind or intellect is expressed by “heart” or “kidneys,” and emotion or compassion by “bowels” (see Is 63:15, kjv<\/span>). Other concrete terms in Hebrew are “horn” for strength or vigor, “bones” for self, and “seed” for descendants. A mental quality is often depicted by the part of the body thought of as its most appropriate embodiment. Strength can be represented by “arm” or “hand,” anger by “nostril,” displeasure by “falling face,” acceptance by “shining face,” thinking by “say.”<\/p>\nSome translators have attempted to represent a Hebrew word always by the same English word, but that leads to serious problems. Sometimes there is considerable disagreement on the exact shade of meaning of a Hebrew word in a given passage. A single root frequently represents a variety of meanings, depending on usage and context. The word for “bless” can also mean “curse, greet, favor, praise.” The word for “judgment” is used also for “justice, verdict, penalty, ordinance, duty, custom, manner.” The word for “strength” or “power” also means “army, virtue, worth, courage.”<\/p>\nFurther ambiguity arises from the fact that some Hebrew consonants stand for two different original consonants that have merged in the evolution of the language. Two words that on the surface appear to be identical may be traced back to two different roots. For an example of this phenomenon in English, compare “bass” (a fish) with “bass” (a vocalist).<\/p>\n<h5>Syntax<\/h5>\nHebrew syntax is relatively uncomplicated. Few subordinating conjunctions (“if,” “when,” “because,” etc.) are used; sentences are usually coordinated by using the simple conjunction “and.” English translations of biblical texts generally try to show the logical connection between successive sentences, even though it is not always clear. In Genesis 1:2–3:1, all but three of the 56 verses begin with “and,” yet the nlt<\/span> translates that conjunction variously as “then” (1:3), “so” (v 27), “so” (2:1), and “instead” (v 6).<\/p>\nHebrew style is enlivened by use of direct discourse. The narrator does not simply state that “such and such a person said that . . .” (indirect discourse). Instead, the parties speak for themselves (direct discourse), creating a freshness that remains even after repeated reading.<\/p>\n<h5>Poetry<\/h5>\nHebrew poetry uses a variety of rhetorical devices. Some of them—such as assonance, alliteration, and acrostics—can be appreciated only in the original Hebrew. But parallelism, the most important characteristic of Hebrew poetry, is evident even in English translation. Among the many forms of parallelism possible, four common categories exist: (1) synonymous, a repeating style in which parallel lines say the same thing in different words; (2) antithetic, a contrasting style in which contrary thoughts are expressed; (3) completive, with a completing parallel line filling out the thought of the first; (4) climactic, in which an ascending parallel line picks up something from the first line and repeats it. Numerous other forms of parallelism enrich Hebrew poetry. The possible varations of parallelism are almost endless.<\/p>\n<h5>Figures of Speech<\/h5>\nHebrew abounds in expressive figures of speech based on the Hebrew people’s character and way of life. Certain odd but well-known expressions found in English literature come from the Hebrew style, like “apple of his eye” (Dt 32:10; Ps 17:8; Prv 7:2; Zec 2:8) and “skin of my teeth” (Job 19:20). Some of the more striking Hebrew modes of expression are hard to transfer into English, such as “to uncover the ear,” meaning “to disclose, reveal.” Others are more familiar, like “to stiffen the neck” for “to be stubborn, rebellious”; “to bend or incline the ear” for “to listen closely.”<\/p>\nLegacy<\/p>\nEnglish and a number of other modern languages have been enriched by Hebrew. English even contains a number of Hebrew “loan words.” Some of these have had wide influence (“amen,” “hallelujah,” “jubilee”). Many Hebrew proper nouns are used in modern languages for persons and places, such as David, Jonathan\/John, Miriam\/Mary, Bethlehem (the name of several towns and cities in the United States).<\/p>\nMany common Hebrew expressions have been unconsciously accepted into English figures of speech, as in “mouth of the cave” and “face of the earth.” Some figures, such as “east of Eden,” have been used as titles for books and films.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>HEBREW LANGUAGE<\/h3>\nLanguage of the Jewish people. The name Hebrew is not applied by the OT to its own language, although the NT does use the name that way. In the OT, “Hebrew” means the individual or people who used the language. The language itself is called “the language of Canaan” (Is 19:18, nlt<\/span> mg) or “the language of Judah” (Neh 13:24).<\/p>\nPreview<\/p>\n• Origin and History<\/p>\n• Family of Languages<\/p>\n• Character<\/p>\n• Hebrew Script and Grammar<\/p>\n• Style<\/p>\n• Legacy<\/p>\nOrigin and History<\/p>\nIn the Middle Ages a common view was that Hebrew was the primitive language of humankind. Even in colonial America, Hebrew was still referred to as “the mother of all languages.” Linguistic scholarship has now made this theory untenable.<\/p>\nHebrew is actually one of several Canaanite dialects that included Phoenician, Ugaritic, and Moabite. Other Canaanite dialects (for example, Ammonite) existed but have left insufficient inscriptions for scholarly investigation. Such dialects were already present in the land of Canaan before its conquest by the Israelites.<\/p>\nUntil about 1974, the oldest witnesses to Canaanite language were found in the Ugarit and Amarna records dating from the 14th and 15th centuries BC<\/span>. A few Canaanite words and expressions appeared in earlier Egyptian records, but the origin of Canaanite has been uncertain. Between 1974 and 1976, however, nearly 17,000 tablets were dug up at Tell Mardikh (ancient Ebla) in northern Syria, written in a previously unknown Semitic dialect. Because they possibly date back to 2400 BC<\/span> (perhaps even earlier), many scholars think that language may be the “Old Canaanite” that gave rise to Hebrew. By 1977, when another 1,000 tablets were unearthed, only about 100 inscriptions from Ebla had been reported on. Languages change over a long period of time. For example, the English used in the time of Alfred the Great (ninth century AD<\/span>) seems almost like a foreign language to contemporary English speakers. Although Hebrew was no exception to the general principle, like other Semitic languages it remained remarkably stable over many centuries. Poems such as the Song of Deborah (Jgs 5) tended to preserve the language’s oldest form. Changes that took place later in the long history of the language are shown in the presence of archaic words (often preserved in poetic language) and a general difference in style. For example, the book of Job reflects a more archaic style than the book of Esther.<\/p>\nVarious Hebrew dialects apparently existed side by side in OT times, as reflected in the episode involving the pronunciation of the Hebrew word “shibboleth\/sibboleth” (Jgs 12:4-6). It seems that the Israelites east of the Jordan pronounced the initial letter with a strong “sh” sound, while those in Canaan gave it the simple “s” sound. Scholars have also identified features of Hebrew that could be described as reflecting the northern or southern parts of the country.<\/p>\nFamily of Languages<\/p>\nHebrew belongs to the Semitic family of languages; these languages were used from the Mediterranean Sea to the mountains east of the Euphrates River valley, and from Armenia (Turkey) in the north to the southern extremity of the Arabian peninsula. Semitic languages are classified as Southern (Arabic and Ethiopic), Eastern (Akkadian), and Northwestern (Aramaic, Syriac, and Canaanite—Hebrew, Phoenician, Ugaritic, and Moabite).<\/p>\nCharacter<\/p>\nHebrew, like the other early Semitic languages, concentrates on observation more than reflection. That is, things are generally observed according to their appearance as phenomena, not analyzed as to their inward being or essence. Effects are observed but not traced through a series of causes.<\/p>\nHebrew’s vividness, conciseness, and simplicity make the language difficult to translate fully. It is amazingly concise and direct. For example, Psalm 23 contains 55 words; most translations require about twice that many to translate it. The first two lines, with slashes separating the individual Hebrew words in the original, read:<\/p>\nThe Lord\/[is] my shepherd\/<\/p>\nI shall want\/not<\/p>\nThus eight English words are required to translate four Hebrew words.<\/p>\nHebrew does not use separate, distinct expressions for every shade of thought. Someone has said, “The Semites have been the quarries whose great rough blocks the Greeks have trimmed, polished, and fitted together. The former gave religion; the latter philosophy.”<\/p>\nHebrew is a pictorial language in which the past is not merely described but verbally painted. Not just a landscape is presented but a moving panorama. The course of events is reenacted in the mind’s sight. (Note the frequent use of “behold,” a Hebraism carried over to the NT.) Such common Hebraic expressions as “he arose and went,” “he opened his lips and spoke,” “he lifted up his eyes and saw,” and “he lifted up his voice and wept” illustrate the pictorial strength of the language.<\/p>\nMany profound theological expressions of the OT are tightly bound up with Hebrew language and grammar. Even the most sacred name of God himself, “the Lord<\/span>” (Yahweh), is directly related to the Hebrew verb “to be” (or perhaps “to cause to be”). Many other names of persons and places in the OT can best be understood only with a working knowledge of Hebrew.<\/p>\nHebrew Script and Grammar<\/p>\n<h5>Alphabet and Script<\/h5>\nThe Hebrew alphabet consists of 22 consonants; signs for vowels were devised and added late in the language’s history. The origin of the alphabet is unknown. The oldest examples of a Canaanite alphabet were preserved in the Ugaritic cuneiform alphabet of the 14th century BC<\/span>.<\/p>\nThe old style of writing the letters is called the Phoenician or paleo-Hebrew script. It is the predecessor of the Greek and other Western alphabets. The script used in modern Hebrew Bibles (Aramaic or square script) came into vogue after Israel’s exile into Babylon (sixth century BC<\/span>). The older style was still used sporadically in the early Christian era on coins and for writing God’s name (as in the Dead Sea Scrolls). Hebrew has always been written right to left.<\/p>\n\n<h5>Consonants<\/h5>\nThe Canaanite alphabet of the Phoenician and Moabite languages had 22 consonants. The older Canaanite language reflected in Ugaritic had more consonants. Arabic also preserves some Old Canaanite consonants found in Ugaritic but missing in Hebrew.<\/p>\n<h5>Vowels<\/h5>\nIn the original consonantal Hebrew script, vowels were simply understood by the writer or reader. On the basis of tradition and context, the reader would supply whatever vowels were needed, much as is done in English abbreviations (“bldg.” for “building”; “blvd.” for “boulevard”). After the collapse of the nation in AD<\/span> 70, the dispersion of the Jews and the destruction of Jerusalem led to Hebrew’s becoming a “dead language,” no longer widely spoken. Loss of traditional pronunciation and understanding then became more of a possibility, so Jewish scribes felt a need for permanently establishing the vowel sounds.<\/p>\nFirst, vowel letters called “mothers of reading” (matres lectionis)<\/em> were added. These were consonants used especially to indicate long vowels. These were added before the Christian era, as the Dead Sea Scrolls reveal.<\/p>\nLater (about the fifth century AD<\/span>), the scribes called Masoretes added vowel signs to indicate short vowels. At least three different systems of vowel signs were employed at different times and places. The text used today represents the system devised by Masoretic scribes who worked in the city of Tiberias. The vowels, each of which may be long or short, are indicated by dots or dashes placed above or below the consonants. Certain combinations of dots and dashes represent very short vowel sounds, or “half-vowels.”<\/p>\n<h5>Linkage<\/h5>\nHebrew joins together many words that in Western languages would be written separately. Some prepositions (be<\/span>-, “in”; le<\/span>-, “to”; ke<\/span>-, “like”) are prefixed directly to the noun or verb that they introduce, as are the definite article ha<\/span>-, “the” and the conjunction wa<\/span>-, “and.” Suffixes are used for pronouns, either in the possessive or accusative relationship. The same word may simultaneously have both a prefix and a suffix.<\/p>\n<h5>Nouns<\/h5>\nHebrew has no neuter gender; everything is masculine or feminine. Inanimate objects may be either masculine or feminine, depending on the formation or character of the word. Usually, abstract ideas or words indicating a group are feminine. Nouns are derived from roots and are formed in various ways, either by vowel modification or by adding prefixes or suffixes to the root. Contrary to Greek and many Western languages, compound nouns are not characteristic of Hebrew.<\/p>\nThe Hebrew plural is formed by adding -im<\/span> for masculine nouns (<\/em>seraphim, cherubim<\/span>)<\/em> and -oth<\/span> for feminine nouns.<\/p>\nThree original case endings indicating nominative, genitive, and accusative have dropped away during the evolution of Hebrew. To compensate for the lack of case endings, Hebrew resorts to various indicators. Indirect objects are indicated by the preposition le<\/span>-, “to”; direct objects by the objective sign ’eth<\/span>;<\/em> the genitive relationship by putting the word before the genitive in the “construct state,” or shortened form.<\/p>\n<h5>Adjectives<\/h5>\nHebrew is deficient in adjectives. “A double heart” is indicated in the original Hebrew by “a heart and a heart” (Ps 12:2), and “two differing weights” is actually “a stone and a stone” (Dt 25:13); “the whole royal family” is “the seed of the kingdom” (2 Kgs 11:1).<\/p>\nAdjectives that do exist in Hebrew have no comparative or superlative forms. Relationship is indicated by the preposition “from.” “Better than you” is expressed literally in Hebrew “good from you.” “The serpent was more subtle than any other beast” is literally “the serpent was subtle from every beast” (Gn 3:1). The superlative is expressed by several different constructions. The idea “very deep” is literally “deep, deep” (Eccl 7:24); the “best song” is literally “song of songs” (compare “king of kings”); “holiest” is literally “holy, holy, holy” (Is 6:3).<\/p>\n<h5>Verbs<\/h5>\nHebrew verbs are formed from a root usually consisting of three letters. From such roots, verbal forms are developed by a change of vowels or by adding prefixes or suffixes. The root consonants provide the semantic backbone of the language and give a stability of meaning not characteristic of Western languages. The vowels are quite flexible, giving Hebrew considerable elasticity.<\/p>\nHebrew verb usage is not characterized by precise definition of tenses. Hebrew tenses, especially in poetry, are largely determined by context. The two tense formations are the perfect (completed action) and imperfect (incomplete action). The imperfect is ambiguous. It represents the indicative mood (present, past, future) but may also represent such moods as the imperative, optative, and jussive or cohortative. A distinctive usage of the perfect tense is the “prophetic perfect,” where the perfect form represents a future event considered so sure that it is expressed as past (e.g., see Is 5:13, kjv<\/span>).<\/p>\nStyle<\/p>\n<h5>Vocabulary<\/h5>\nMost Hebrew roots originally expressed some physical action or denoted some natural object. The verb “to decide” originally meant “to cut”; “to be true” originally meant “to be firmly fixed”; “to be right” meant “to be straight”; “to be honorable” meant “to be heavy.”<\/p>\nAbstract terms are alien to the character of Hebrew; for example, biblical Hebrew has no specific words for “theology,” “philosophy,” or “religion.” Intellectual or theological concepts are expressed by concrete terms. The abstract idea of sin is represented by such words as “to miss the mark” or “crooked” or “rebellion” or “trespass” (“to cross over”). Mind or intellect is expressed by “heart” or “kidneys,” and emotion or compassion by “bowels” (see Is 63:15, kjv<\/span>). Other concrete terms in Hebrew are “horn” for strength or vigor, “bones” for self, and “seed” for descendants. A mental quality is often depicted by the part of the body thought of as its most appropriate embodiment. Strength can be represented by “arm” or “hand,” anger by “nostril,” displeasure by “falling face,” acceptance by “shining face,” thinking by “say.”<\/p>\nSome translators have attempted to represent a Hebrew word always by the same English word, but that leads to serious problems. Sometimes there is considerable disagreement on the exact shade of meaning of a Hebrew word in a given passage. A single root frequently represents a variety of meanings, depending on usage and context. The word for “bless” can also mean “curse, greet, favor, praise.” The word for “judgment” is used also for “justice, verdict, penalty, ordinance, duty, custom, manner.” The word for “strength” or “power” also means “army, virtue, worth, courage.”<\/p>\nFurther ambiguity arises from the fact that some Hebrew consonants stand for two different original consonants that have merged in the evolution of the language. Two words that on the surface appear to be identical may be traced back to two different roots. For an example of this phenomenon in English, compare “bass” (a fish) with “bass” (a vocalist).<\/p>\n<h5>Syntax<\/h5>\nHebrew syntax is relatively uncomplicated. Few subordinating conjunctions (“if,” “when,” “because,” etc.) are used; sentences are usually coordinated by using the simple conjunction “and.” English translations of biblical texts generally try to show the logical connection between successive sentences, even though it is not always clear. In Genesis 1:2–3:1, all but three of the 56 verses begin with “and,” yet the nlt<\/span> translates that conjunction variously as “then” (1:3), “so” (v 27), “so” (2:1), and “instead” (v 6).<\/p>\nHebrew style is enlivened by use of direct discourse. The narrator does not simply state that “such and such a person said that . . .” (indirect discourse). Instead, the parties speak for themselves (direct discourse), creating a freshness that remains even after repeated reading.<\/p>\n<h5>Poetry<\/h5>\nHebrew poetry uses a variety of rhetorical devices. Some of them—such as assonance, alliteration, and acrostics—can be appreciated only in the original Hebrew. But parallelism, the most important characteristic of Hebrew poetry, is evident even in English translation. Among the many forms of parallelism possible, four common categories exist: (1) synonymous, a repeating style in which parallel lines say the same thing in different words; (2) antithetic, a contrasting style in which contrary thoughts are expressed; (3) completive, with a completing parallel line filling out the thought of the first; (4) climactic, in which an ascending parallel line picks up something from the first line and repeats it. Numerous other forms of parallelism enrich Hebrew poetry. The possible varations of parallelism are almost endless.<\/p>\n<h5>Figures of Speech<\/h5>\nHebrew abounds in expressive figures of speech based on the Hebrew people’s character and way of life. Certain odd but well-known expressions found in English literature come from the Hebrew style, like “apple of his eye” (Dt 32:10; Ps 17:8; Prv 7:2; Zec 2:8) and “skin of my teeth” (Job 19:20). Some of the more striking Hebrew modes of expression are hard to transfer into English, such as “to uncover the ear,” meaning “to disclose, reveal.” Others are more familiar, like “to stiffen the neck” for “to be stubborn, rebellious”; “to bend or incline the ear” for “to listen closely.”<\/p>\nLegacy<\/p>\nEnglish and a number of other modern languages have been enriched by Hebrew. English even contains a number of Hebrew “loan words.” Some of these have had wide influence (“amen,” “hallelujah,” “jubilee”). Many Hebrew proper nouns are used in modern languages for persons and places, such as David, Jonathan\/John, Miriam\/Mary, Bethlehem (the name of several towns and cities in the United States).<\/p>\nMany common Hebrew expressions have been unconsciously accepted into English figures of speech, as in “mouth of the cave” and “face of the earth.” Some figures, such as “east of Eden,” have been used as titles for books and films.<\/p>","summary_ro":"HEBREW LANGUAGE Language of the Jewish people. The name Hebrew is not applied by the OT to its own language, although the NT does use the name that way. In the OT, “Hebrew” means the individual or people who used the language. The language itself is called “the language of Canaan” (Is 19:18, nlt mg) or “the language of Judah” (Neh 13:24). Preview • Origin and History • Family of Languages • Character • Hebrew Script and Grammar • Style • Legacy Origin and History In the Middle Ages a common v...","summary_en":"HEBREW LANGUAGE Language of the Jewish people. The name Hebrew is not applied by the OT to its own language, although the NT does use the name that way. In the OT, “Hebrew” means the individual or people who used the language. The language itself is called “the language of Canaan” (Is 19:18, nlt mg) or “the language of Judah” (Neh 13:24). Preview • Origin and History • Family of Languages • Character • Hebrew Script and Grammar • Style • Legacy Origin and History In the Middle Ages a common v...","source":"Articles\/H.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":18688,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Jehoash","title_en":"Jehoash","content_ro":"<h3>JEHOASH<\/h3>\nName of two OT kings, occurring only in the book of 2 Kings. The name means “the Lord<\/span> is strong” or “the Lord<\/span> hath bestowed.” Joash, the shorter form of the name, frequently appears in the Kings and Chronicles narratives.<\/p>\n1. Son of Ahaziah and seventh king of Judah (835–796 BC<\/span>). Jehoash ascended the throne after the wicked Athaliah had been killed at the command of Jehoiada the priest. As an infant, he was hidden by his aunt Jehosheba in the temple and thus survived the slaughter of the king’s household by Athaliah (2 Kgs 11:1-3; 2 Chr 23:10-12). After remaining six years within the temple precinct, Jehoash was declared king at the age of seven and ruled for 40 years (2 Kgs 11:21–12:1; 2 Chr 24:1-3).<\/p>\nHis major activity during his reign was the renovation of the temple (2 Kgs 12:4-5; 2 Chr 24:4-5). When, by his 23d year, little progress had been made (2 Kgs 12:6), he revised the taxation schedule, commanded the people of Judah to bring their contributions directly to the Jerusalem temple, and soon restored the Lord’s house to its proper condition (2 Chr 24:13).<\/p>\nAfter the death of the priest Jehoiada, Jehoash and Judah forsook the Lord and served the Asherim and the idols (2 Chr 24:15-18). Not heeding the prophetic warning of divine judgment (v 20), Jehoash and his people were conquered by the Arameans. Though Jehoash had once been able to avert a siege of Judah by paying tribute to Hazael (2 Kgs 12:17-18), the same strategy did not work a second time. The Arameans plundered Judah and Jerusalem, sending the spoil to Hazael in Damascus (2 Chr 24:23-24). Jehoash was assassinated by his servants Jozacar (Jozabad\/Zabad) and Jehozabad while recuperating from wounds incurred in battle with the Arameans (2 Kgs 12:20-21; 2 Chr 24:25-26).<\/p>\n<li>2. Son of Jehoahaz and 13th king of Israel (798–782 BC<\/span>). Jehoash enjoyed a measure of military success that had eluded his father. No longer subject to punitive military exploits from Hazael of Aram, he was able to establish political stability in the northern kingdom. In fact, he subjugated the southern kingdom of Judah while Amaziah was king in Jerusalem (796–767 BC<\/span>). The conflict between Amaziah and Jehoash was precipitated mainly by Amaziah. Overconfident with his victories in Edom, Amaziah initiated a military conflict with Israel (2 Chr 25:17-19). The battle was fought near Beth-shemesh in the Judean Shephelah. King Jehoash routed the army of Judah, captured Amaziah, and moved on to Jerusalem. Destroying the outer wall from the Ephraim Gate to the Corner Gate, he entered the capital city and plundered the treasures of both the palace and the temple (vv 21-24). He was apparently used as an instrument of the Lord to subdue Judah (v 20).<\/li>\nA contemporary of Jehoash was Elisha the prophet. In spite of the pervasive wickedness in Israel and the apostasy of the king himself (2 Kgs 13:10-11), Jehoash still sought the counsel of this prophet of the Lord. While Elisha was on his deathbed, Jehoash sought the prophet’s blessing (v 14). Elisha assured the king that the Arameans would be defeated by Israel at Aphek and that Israel would enjoy three decisive victories over this same enemy (vv 15-19). During his 16-year reign, Jehoash achieved political stability in the northern kingdom. Though considered an evil king, he was used as an instrument of judgment against Amaziah of Judah and enjoyed the blessing of Yahweh against Aram.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Israel, History of.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JEHOASH<\/h3>\nName of two OT kings, occurring only in the book of 2 Kings. The name means “the Lord<\/span> is strong” or “the Lord<\/span> hath bestowed.” Joash, the shorter form of the name, frequently appears in the Kings and Chronicles narratives.<\/p>\n1. Son of Ahaziah and seventh king of Judah (835–796 BC<\/span>). Jehoash ascended the throne after the wicked Athaliah had been killed at the command of Jehoiada the priest. As an infant, he was hidden by his aunt Jehosheba in the temple and thus survived the slaughter of the king’s household by Athaliah (2 Kgs 11:1-3; 2 Chr 23:10-12). After remaining six years within the temple precinct, Jehoash was declared king at the age of seven and ruled for 40 years (2 Kgs 11:21–12:1; 2 Chr 24:1-3).<\/p>\nHis major activity during his reign was the renovation of the temple (2 Kgs 12:4-5; 2 Chr 24:4-5). When, by his 23d year, little progress had been made (2 Kgs 12:6), he revised the taxation schedule, commanded the people of Judah to bring their contributions directly to the Jerusalem temple, and soon restored the Lord’s house to its proper condition (2 Chr 24:13).<\/p>\nAfter the death of the priest Jehoiada, Jehoash and Judah forsook the Lord and served the Asherim and the idols (2 Chr 24:15-18). Not heeding the prophetic warning of divine judgment (v 20), Jehoash and his people were conquered by the Arameans. Though Jehoash had once been able to avert a siege of Judah by paying tribute to Hazael (2 Kgs 12:17-18), the same strategy did not work a second time. The Arameans plundered Judah and Jerusalem, sending the spoil to Hazael in Damascus (2 Chr 24:23-24). Jehoash was assassinated by his servants Jozacar (Jozabad\/Zabad) and Jehozabad while recuperating from wounds incurred in battle with the Arameans (2 Kgs 12:20-21; 2 Chr 24:25-26).<\/p>\n<li>2. Son of Jehoahaz and 13th king of Israel (798–782 BC<\/span>). Jehoash enjoyed a measure of military success that had eluded his father. No longer subject to punitive military exploits from Hazael of Aram, he was able to establish political stability in the northern kingdom. In fact, he subjugated the southern kingdom of Judah while Amaziah was king in Jerusalem (796–767 BC<\/span>). The conflict between Amaziah and Jehoash was precipitated mainly by Amaziah. Overconfident with his victories in Edom, Amaziah initiated a military conflict with Israel (2 Chr 25:17-19). The battle was fought near Beth-shemesh in the Judean Shephelah. King Jehoash routed the army of Judah, captured Amaziah, and moved on to Jerusalem. Destroying the outer wall from the Ephraim Gate to the Corner Gate, he entered the capital city and plundered the treasures of both the palace and the temple (vv 21-24). He was apparently used as an instrument of the Lord to subdue Judah (v 20).<\/li>\nA contemporary of Jehoash was Elisha the prophet. In spite of the pervasive wickedness in Israel and the apostasy of the king himself (2 Kgs 13:10-11), Jehoash still sought the counsel of this prophet of the Lord. While Elisha was on his deathbed, Jehoash sought the prophet’s blessing (v 14). Elisha assured the king that the Arameans would be defeated by Israel at Aphek and that Israel would enjoy three decisive victories over this same enemy (vv 15-19). During his 16-year reign, Jehoash achieved political stability in the northern kingdom. Though considered an evil king, he was used as an instrument of judgment against Amaziah of Judah and enjoyed the blessing of Yahweh against Aram.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Israel, History of.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JEHOASH Name of two OT kings, occurring only in the book of 2 Kings. The name means “the Lord is strong” or “the Lord hath bestowed.” Joash, the shorter form of the name, frequently appears in the Kings and Chronicles narratives. 1. Son of Ahaziah and seventh king of Judah (835–796 BC). Jehoash ascended the throne after the wicked Athaliah had been killed at the command of Jehoiada the priest. As an infant, he was hidden by his aunt Jehosheba in the temple and thus survived the slaughter of t...","summary_en":"JEHOASH Name of two OT kings, occurring only in the book of 2 Kings. The name means “the Lord is strong” or “the Lord hath bestowed.” Joash, the shorter form of the name, frequently appears in the Kings and Chronicles narratives. 1. Son of Ahaziah and seventh king of Judah (835–796 BC). Jehoash ascended the throne after the wicked Athaliah had been killed at the command of Jehoiada the priest. As an infant, he was hidden by his aunt Jehosheba in the temple and thus survived the slaughter of t...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":22077,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Books of First and Second Kings","title_en":"Books of First and Second Kings","content_ro":"<h3>KINGS, Books of First and Second<\/h3>\nBooks continuing the history of the covenant people as recorded in Joshua, Judges, and the books of Samuel. The record in Kings begins with the events at the end of David’s reign (1 Kgs 1–2). It continues through the reign of Solomon (chs 3–11); the histories of the divided kingdoms (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17); and the history of the surviving kingdom in the south, through its fall in 586 BC<\/span> and the subsequent kindness shown Jehoiachin by Evil-merodach, king of Babylon, around 561 BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 18–25).<\/p>\nPreview<\/p>\n• Authorship and Date<\/p>\n• Sources<\/p>\n• Theology and Purpose<\/p>\n• Content<\/p>\nAuthorship and Date<\/p>\nKings was originally regarded as one book in the Hebrew canon; the division into two books of approximately equal length appeared first in the Septuagint and finally entered the Hebrew Bible in the 15th century AD<\/span>.<\/p>\nThe book itself is anonymous, and information about its author can only be deduced by examining the concerns and perspectives of the work. The Babylonian Talmud (Baba Bathra<\/em> 15a) attributes Kings to Jeremiah. Although this identification could have arisen from the tendency of later Jewish tradition to assign biblical books to prophetic authors, the theory of origin in prophetic circles fits the evidence quite well. Substantial portions are given to the lives of the prophets; 16 of 47 chapters are devoted to the lives of Elijah and Elisha (1 Kgs 17—2 Kgs 10), and there is considerable interest in other prophetic figures such as Ahijah (1 Kgs 11:29-39; 14:1-16), an unnamed man of God (13:1-10), and Micaiah (22:13-28). Possible dependence on Isaiah (2 Kgs 18–20; cf. Is 36–39) and Jeremiah (2 Kgs 24–25; cf. Jer 52) also suggest prophetic origin. The author-compiler also shows intense concern with the efficacy of the prophetic word, frequently calling attention to the fulfillment of words spoken earlier by the prophets.<\/p>\nOne might initially think that such a history would be unlikely for a prophet, but the evidence is to the contrary. The prophets were the guardians of the covenant relationship and are known to have produced accounts used as sources by other biblical historians. The following are among such sources: the acts of Samuel the seer, the acts of Nathan the prophet, the acts of Gad the seer (1 Chr 29:29); the acts of Nathan the prophet, the prophecy of Ahijah the Shilonite, the visions of Iddo the seer (2 Chr 9:29); the chronicles of Shemaiah the prophet and of Iddo the seer (12:15); the annotations of the prophet Iddo (13:22); and the acts of Uzziah by Isaiah the prophet (26:22). Add to this the fact that Kings is positioned in the Hebrew canon in the Former Prophets (Joshua to 2 Kings), and a consistent picture of prophetic origin emerges.<\/p>\nThe date of the final part of the book must be after the last events recorded. Evil-merodach’s kindness toward Jehoiachin (c. 561 BC<\/span>) is the terminus of the book and therefore fixes the earliest date. Since the work shows no knowledge of the restoration period, a date before 539 BC<\/span> is probable. The author’s selection of his data to answer the burning theological questions of the exilic community also suggests a date between 561 and 539 BC<\/span>.<\/p>\nSources<\/p>\nThe compiler of Kings specifically names three of the sources that he used in his work, and biblical scholars have suggested the presence of a number of other sources that may have been cited. Of course, the sources not mentioned specifically by the compiler are only the speculations of those who have studied his work and can have only varying degrees of probability. The sources both specified and alleged are as follows.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the Acts of Solomon<\/h5>\nAs 1 Kings 11:41 says, “The rest of the events in Solomon’s reign, including his wisdom, are recorded in The Book of the Acts of Solomon”<\/em> (nlt<\/span>). Presumably additional materials of a biographical nature were included, specifically accounts similar to the judgment between the two mothers (3:16-28) or the visit of the queen of Sheba (10:1-10). There has been debate as to whether these materials were official court records or nonofficial documents. Some scholars have attempted to isolate further materials within this section by identifying descriptions of the buildings as from temple archives (chs 6–7) and lists of administrators as from administrative documents (chs 4–5), but this must remain speculative.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the History of the Kings of Israel<\/h5>\nThis source is mentioned 17 times in Kings, usually in the closing formulas at the end of the account of the reign of a northern king. Some idea of the nature of these chronicles can be derived from looking at the type of information to which the compiler refers his readers (see 1 Kgs 14:19; 16:27; 22:39; 2 Kgs 13:12; 14:28). These passages suggest that this source was the official annals covering the reigns of the kings.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the History of the Kings of Judah<\/h5>\nThis source is mentioned in 15 passages, and as with the kings of Israel, is found in the concluding formulas to the accounts of the reigns. This source was to be consulted for additional details on individuals’ reigns (for example, see 1 Kgs 15:23; 22:45; 2 Kgs 20:20; 21:17). These sources for the histories of the two kingdoms were probably similar to the annals known from the surrounding cultures, particularly from the reigns of Assyrian kings. They were likely official court histories kept in Samaria and Jerusalem.<\/p>\nIn addition to these explicitly mentioned sources, scholars have suggested the compiler drew on other sources that he does not name.<\/p>\n<h5>Davidic Court History<\/h5>\nSecond Samuel 9–20 is often identified as a unit of material in the composition of the books of Samuel; it is variously called “the court history” or “the succession narrative.” Because of similar vocabulary and outlook, 1 Kings 1–2 are often associated with this material from Samuel. The statement of 1 Kings 2:46, “so the kingdom was now firmly in Solomon’s grip,” is taken to be the end of this record.<\/p>\n<h5>Sources for the House of Ahab<\/h5>\nThe reigns of individual kings are ordinarily given only brief notices; for example, the father of Ahab, Omri, is given eight verses, even though when judged by political and economic significance, he was among the greatest of the northern kings (1 Kgs 16:21-28). However, beginning with the reign of Ahab, the record becomes quite expansive, and extensive coverage is given the dynasty of Ahab through the coup by Jehu (1 Kgs 16—2 Kgs 12). The use of the stereotyped formulas for the reigns is suspended in this material, and the existence of other literature used by the compiler is probable. This material is commonly subdivided into further sources for the lives of Elijah and Elisha and the reign of Ahab.<\/p>\nThe Elijah section covers material in the following chapters: 1 Kings 17–19, including the feeding by the ravens, the incidents with the widow of Zarephath, the drought, the fire on Carmel, and the revelation of God at Sinai; 1 Kings 21, the affair of Naboth’s vineyard; and 2 Kings 1, the death of Ahaziah’s messengers. The reign of Ahab, which gets so much attention in Kings, is primarily a backdrop for the accounts concerning Elijah.<\/p>\nThe Elisha material found in 2 Kings 2–13 may have had an independent literary development from that of the Elijah accounts. It includes the following: chapter 2 (Elisha’s succession to the prophetic office, the purification of a spring, the death of mocking children); chapter 3 (on the campaign against Moab); chapter 4 (the widow’s oil, the Shunammite woman); chapter 5 (Naaman’s leprosy); chapter 6 (the Aramean attempt to capture Elisha); chapter 7 (the famine in Samaria); chapter 8 (the Shunammite’s property, the coup of Hazael); chapter 9 (the anointing of Jehu); and chapter 13 (the death of Elisha). No other portion of the OT takes the sheer delight in the miraculous that is seen in the Elisha narratives.<\/p>\nIn 1 Kings 16 to 2 Kings 13 there are additional incidents not directly related to the biographies of Elijah and Elisha; accounts such as the military campaigns of 1 Kings 20:1-34 and further details of Jehu’s coup (2 Kgs 9:11–10:36) are often attributed to a third source containing accounts of the dynasty of Ahab and his successors. In all three of these possible sources the orientation is toward affairs in the northern kingdom.<\/p>\n<h5>Isaiah Source<\/h5>\nThe account of the reign of Hezekiah contains a section (2 Kgs 18:13–20:19) that is nearly a verbatim citation of material also found in Isaiah (Is 36:1–39:8). The section records the invasion of Sennacherib, the mission of the Rabshakeh, Hezekiah’s prayer, Isaiah’s prophecy, Hezekiah’s illness, the regression of the sun, and the envoys from Merodach-baladan. The material must be regarded as based on the book of Isaiah or some other source used in both Isaiah and Kings.<\/p>\n<h5>A Prophetic Source<\/h5>\nBecause Kings shows great interest in the prophets and their ministries, various scholars have suggested that yet another source was used by the compiler; this would be an independent literary unit containing accounts of the prophets. This source would have contained the records for the material on Ahijah (1 Kgs 11:29-39; 14:1-16), unnamed prophets (ch 12; 20:35-43), Micaiah (22:13-28), and other references.<\/p>\nApart from the sources explicitly mentioned and inferences about their character, the remainder of the sources suggested have only varying degrees of probability. Considerable scholarly effort has gone into identifying and characterizing such sources, but it remains speculative. When considering the sources the compiler may have used, one important caution must be kept in mind. Even if such sources did exist, one cannot have confidence in a reconstruction of the compositional history. Which sources had already been integrated into a larger composition before they were used by the compiler of Kings? We cannot be certain that the life situation out of which these other sources grew has been correctly identified, nor can we know that even the compiler himself was aware of the past history of his sources. Biblical scholarship has expended considerable energy in trying to delineate the past history of the book of Kings, but it has often been at the neglect of the unity of perspective that is the product of the final compiler(s) in whose hands the book received its canonical form.<\/p>\nWhat is important to understanding the book is not the perspective of its various sources (of which the compiler himself may have been unaware), but the perspective of the book as a whole on the history of the kingdoms. It is the outline that the compiler has imposed on the sources that establishes the teaching of the book; his sources are used in accord with his own purposes, a fact that makes the purposes for which the sources had been prepared largely irrelevant to the teaching of the book in its present form. Exploring possible sources, worthwhile in itself, must not eclipse the message of the book as a whole. This is not to imply that the books of Kings are simply a compilation of unaltered sources. The writer(s) undoubtedly exercised a measure of selectivity and literary skill in composing the historical narrative.<\/p>\nOne compositional technique of the compiler is quite prominent in the histories of the divided kingdoms: this is the use of formulaic introductions and conclusions to the various reigns. The formulas for both kingdoms are quite similar, differing only in minor details. For the kings of Judah, the full introductory formula is as follows: (1) year of accession synchronized with the regnal year of the northern king; (2) age of the king at his accession; (3) length of his reign; (4) name of his mother; (5) judgment on the character of the reign. The account of a Judean king’s reign is concluded as follows: (1) a reference to the chronicles of the kings of Judah for further information; (2) a statement regarding the death of the king, including the place of burial; (3) successor: “And his son reigned in his stead” (rsv<\/span>). The full formula for a Judean king can be seen, for example, in the reign of Rehoboam (1 Kgs 14:21-22, 29-31).<\/p>\nThe formulas differ slightly for the kings of Israel; the introduction is as follows: (1) year of succession synchronized with the regnal year of the southern king; (2) length of his reign; (3) location of the royal residence; (4) condemnation for idolatry; (5) name of the king’s father. The account of an Israelite king’s reign ends as follows: (1) a reference to the chronicles of the kings of Israel for further information; (2) a statement regarding his death; (3) a statement of the succession of his son, unless a usurper follows. The full formula for an Israelite king can be seen, for example, in the reign of Baasha (1 Kgs 15:33-34; 16:5-6).<\/p>\nThere is some variation in the use of these patterns, but on the whole, they are consistently followed and provide the basic framework for the history of the divided kingdom. The synchronisms of the reigns provide data for constructing the chronology of the period. The variations in the formulas may reflect the characteristics of the sources the compiler was using or may reflect his own interests. The name of the mother of a Judean king is recorded, but not of an Israelite king, perhaps reflecting concern with a more exact and fuller record of the Davidic succession. The royal residence is presumed to be Jerusalem for the southern kings (though it may be mentioned) but is recorded for the northern kings since it moved several times, from Shechem to Penuel to Tirzah to Samaria. The mention of the king’s father for a northern ruler also reflects the frequent change in dynasties there, as opposed to the dynastic stability of Judah, which is reinforced by mentioning the burial of almost all its kings in the city of David.<\/p>\nTheology and Purpose<\/p>\nThe books of Kings record the history of the covenant people from the end of the reign of David (961 BC<\/span>) through the fall of the southern kingdom (586 BC<\/span>). Yet it is not history written in accord with modern expectations for history textbooks. Rather than concentrating on economic, political, and military themes as they shaped the history of the period, the compiler of Kings is motivated by theological concerns.<\/p>\nEvaluation of the theology and purpose of the books of Kings is made easier by the fact that there is a parallel history for much of Kings found in the books of Chronicles. By comparing the two accounts, especially where the later Chronicler adds or deletes material found in Kings, the interests of both histories are thrown into clearer relief.<\/p>\nThe books of Kings were composed during the exile, likely between 560 and 539 BC<\/span>. Jerusalem had been turned into rubble, and there was no longer a throne of David. Those two pillars of the popular theology—the inviolability of the temple and the throne of David (Jer 7:4; 13:13-14; 22:1-9; see 1 Kgs 8:16, 29)—had tumbled. If Israel’s faith was to survive, the burning questions that had to be answered were “How did it all happen? Can’t God keep his promises to David and to Zion? Have the promises failed?” The writer of Kings aims to deal with the bewilderment of the chosen people in response to the disasters of 722 BC<\/span> (fall of Samaria) and 586 BC<\/span> (fall of Jerusalem). Kings, like the book of Job, is a theodicy, a justification of the ways of God to men.<\/p>\nIn order to answer the question “How did it happen?” the compiler adopts the procedure of recounting the history of the covenant people in light of standards propounded in the Law. For this reason Kings could be called Pentateuchal history, or even more pointedly, Deuteronomic history, for standards propounded only in the book of Deuteronomy in the Pentateuch are used by the compiler to measure the kingdoms. Among the prominent themes selected from Deuteronomy and applied to the kingdoms are the centralization of worship, the institution of the monarchy, the efficacy of the prophetic word, and the outworking of the covenant curses on disobedience.<\/p>\n<h5>Centralization of Worship<\/h5>\nThe primary concern of the writer is the purity of the worship of the Lord. His major criterion for measuring this purity is the attitude of the kings toward centralization of worship in the Jerusalem temple as opposed to the worship of the Lord elsewhere and the continuation of Canaanite cults mingled with Yahwism at the high places. Centralization of worship at the central shrine is called for in Deuteronomy 12. Perhaps “centralization of worship” is a misnomer, for worship was always centered around the tabernacle in the periods prior to the temple; the change that is envisaged in Deuteronomy is not the centralizing of worship but rather the fact that the shrine would no longer be mobile but stationary. For the kings of the northern kingdom, this criterion becomes virtually a stereotyped formula that “he did that which was evil in the sight of the Lord and walked in the way of Jeroboam son of Nebat, who sinned and made all Israel sin along with him” (see 1 Kgs 14:16; 15:30; 16:31; 2 Kgs 3:3; 10:31; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:22). The compiler of Kings sees the rival altars with the golden calves at Dan and Bethel as the great sin of which the northern kings never repented (1 Kgs 12:25–13:34). Rejecting the primacy of Jerusalem, these altars became the rod with which to measure the northern kings. All the kings of Israel are condemned by this standard (except for Shallum, who reigned but a month, and Hoshea, the last of the northern kings)—even Zimri, the murderer of Elah, who ruled only one week before committing suicide in the flames of his own palace (16:9-20). For the kings of Judah, a different standard is used: what their attitude was to the high places where heterodox worship was allowed to flourish in the environs of Jerusalem. Only Hezekiah and Josiah receive the compiler’s unqualified endorsement for following the ways of David (2 Kgs 18:3; 22:2). Six others are commended for their zeal in suppressing idolatry, though they did not remove the high places (Asa, 1 Kgs 15:9-15; Jehoshaphat, 22:43; Jehoash, 2 Kgs 12:2-3; Amaziah, 14:3-4; Azariah, 15:3-4; Jotham, 15:34-35). The remainder of the Judean kings are condemned for their participation in the high places and their desecration of the temple itself. This one theme is the preeminent motif in the book.<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Monarchy<\/h5>\nA second prominent interest for the compiler was to trace the history of the monarchy. Deuteronomy 17:14-20 provides for the day when Israel would ask for a king and charges that king with the basic religious responsibility for the people. This provision for a king, again a feature found only in Deuteronomy, becomes the basis for the compiler’s intense interest in the history of the monarchy, and particularly the religious fidelity of the kings. David becomes the model of the ideal king, the one by whom the others are measured, the one whose sons “continue long in his kingdom in the midst of Israel” (17:20; see also 1 Kgs 15:11; 2 Kgs 18:3; 22:2 for following in the ways of David, and 1 Kgs 14:8; 15:3-5; 2 Kgs 14:3; 16:2 for the reverse). The compiler wanted to show that God had been faithful to David even though David’s sons were not faithful. While both kingdoms had about the same number of kings, the northern kingdom is marked by repeated dynastic changes and regicide through its 200 years, while the dynasty of David is maintained as a lamp in the south through 350 years (1 Kgs 11:13, 32, 36; 15:4-5; 2 Kgs 8:19; 19:34; 20:6). It is the disaster that had befallen the house of David, and the consequent doubts about the promises of God, that prompted the compiler to write.<\/p>\n<h5>Efficacy of the Prophetic Word<\/h5>\nAnother reason why Kings can be called Deuteronomic history is its concern with the efficacy of the prophetic word. There are three passages in the Pentateuch that deal with the institution of the prophetic order: Numbers 12:1-8; Deuteronomy 13:1-5; and Deuteronomy 18:14-22. It is only in Deuteronomy 18 that the test of a true prophet is given: that what he has spoken comes about, that his words are fulfilled. Notice the number of instances where the writer calls attention to the fulfillment of the words of the prophets: 2 Samuel 7:13 in 1 Kings 8:20; 1 Kings 11:29-36 in 12:15; 1 Kings 13:1-3 in 2 Kings 23:16-18; 1 Kings 14:6-12 in 14:17-18 and 15:29; 1 Kings 16:1-4 in 16:7, 11-12; Joshua 6:26 in 1 Kings 16:34; 1 Kings 22:17 in 22:35-38; 1 Kings 21:21-29 in 2 Kings 9:7-10, 30-37 and 10:10-11, 30; 2 Kings 1:6 in 1:17; 2 Kings 21:10-15 in 24:2; 2 Kings 22:15-20 in 23:30. The writer is concerned to show that the words of the prophets were efficacious, powerful words. His concern with the prophetic order is also seen in the material devoted to Elijah and Elisha and to other prophetic figures.<\/p>\n<h5>Fulfillment of the Curses<\/h5>\nAnother aspect of the compiler’s interest in Deuteronomy is seen in his concern to trace the fulfillment of the covenant curses on disobedience. God’s covenant with Israel would issue in curses or blessings depending on the obedience of the people; the compiler of Kings sees the curses inflicted on the two kingdoms because of their failure to meet the demands of the covenant. He takes care to show that most of the curses of Deuteronomy 28:15-68 had some historical realization in the life of the people. Moses had warned that disobedience would “bring a nation against you from afar, from the end of the earth, as the eagle swoops down” (Dt 28:49, nasb<\/span>), and the Assyrians came to Samaria and the Babylonians to Jerusalem (28:52). The siege of Samaria lasted from 724 to 722 BC<\/span>, and the siege of Jerusalem from 588 to 586 BC<\/span>. The dire conditions of the siege would drive the people to devouring their own children; women would feed on their afterbirths. It happened to Israel in the siege of Ben-hadad (2 Kgs 6:24-30). Just as the Lord had delighted to prosper and multiply his people, so he would not refrain from destroying them and scattering them among the peoples of the earth (Dt 28:63-67).<\/p>\nIn these and other ways the writer of Kings set out to write the history of Israel and Judah to solve a theological dilemma. How was one to reconcile the exile with God’s promises to the nation and David? His answer is twofold: (1) the problem was not with God but with the people’s disobedience—God remains just; (2) the end of the state does not equal the end of the people or the house of David. Here the ending of the book is instructive: Evil-merodach releases Jehoiachin from prison, elevates him above the other kings, and provides his rations (2 Kgs 25:27-30). Even during the exile, though cut down to almost nothing, the house of David still enjoys the favor and blessing of God. God has not abandoned his promises; the people should keep hope.<\/p>\nOther themes in Kings also show the theological motivations underlying the compiler’s selection and arrangement of the data, particularly his use of Deuteronomy as a framework for examining the history of the people. Compare the laws governing the observance of Passover in Exodus 12:1-20 and Deuteronomy 16:1-8: whereas the Passover is centered in the family in Exodus, it is celebrated at the sanctuary in Deuteronomy. The writer of Kings is careful to show that the Passover during the reign of Josiah was celebrated in accordance with the requirements of Deuteronomy (2 Kgs 23:21-23). A passage in Deuteronomy is explicitly cited with reference to Amaziah’s keeping the law (Dt 24:16 in 2 Kgs 14:6).<\/p>\n<h5>Contrast with Chronicles<\/h5>\nThe interests of Kings are further highlighted when compared with the parallel accounts in Chronicles. While the writer of Kings worked in the aftermath of the destruction of Jerusalem and had to answer the “how?” and “why?” questions, the Chronicler is part of the restoration community. Here the burning theological questions were not “how?” and “why?” but rather “What continuity do we have with David? Is God still interested in us?” The need is not to account for the exile but rather to relate the postexilic and the preexilic. The building of the second temple and the ordering of worship there show up in increased detail in Chronicles in any matter pertaining to the former temple. Chronicles is a history of Judah and of the Davidic line, reflecting the fact that it alone survives after the exile. Interesting, too, are the things omitted from the account by the Chronicler. Since he is not building a case for an indictment, as was done in Samuel and Kings, he is free to omit references to David’s sin with Bathsheba (2 Sm 11) or to Solomon’s difficulties in gaining the throne (1 Kgs 1–2). Since in his day the northern kingdom had not survived, the Chronicler did not go into detail about the sins of Jeroboam (chs 13–14). Chronicles is interested more in the affairs of the temple and does not show the marked interest in prophetic matters found in Kings, so that the lives of Elijah and Elisha are omitted (1 Kgs 16—2 Kgs 10). Nor does the Chronicler recite the sins that led to the demise of the northern kingdom (2 Kgs 17:1–18:12). In all these examples one can see the interplay of the historical moment and theological concerns of the people and the compilers. Each compiler has selected and arranged the data in accordance with the concerns and needs of the community in which he was a member; comparing the two accounts throws the interests of each into sharp relief.<\/p>\nContent<\/p>\n\nThe books of Kings fall into three parts: (1) the reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 1–11); (2) the history of the divided kingdom (1 Kgs 12–2 Kgs 17); (3) the history of the surviving kingdom in Judah (2 Kgs 18–25).<\/p>\n<h5>The Reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 1–11)<\/h5>\nThe record begins with an account of the court intrigue surrounding Solomon’s accession to the throne, set against the backdrop of the abortive coup by Adonijah (ch 1). The dying David charges Solomon to obey the commandments of God (2:1-4) and also to take vengeance on his enemies (vv 5-9). After David’s death Solomon orders the deaths of Adonijah, Joab, and Shimei, and the banishment of Abiathar, the priest who had supported Adonijah in his bid for the throne (vv 13-46). Enemies eliminated, the kingdom was firmly established by Solomon (v 46).<\/p>\nThe remainder of Solomon’s reign is divided into two parts: Solomon the good, who follows in the ways of his father, David (chs 3–10); and Solomon the bad, whose heart is led astray (ch 11). While sacrificing at Gibeon, Solomon asks God to give him the gift of wisdom to rule—wisdom promptly demonstrated in the quarrel of two prostitutes about a child (ch 3). An account is given of the administrative organization of the kingdom and the incomparable wisdom of Solomon (ch 4). The compiler of Kings gives extensive coverage to the preparations (ch 5), building (chs 6–7), and dedication (ch 8) of the temple. God appeared to Solomon a second time, reminding him to keep his commandments as David had done (9:1-9). Details are given of the king’s building and commercial activities (vv 10-27). The account of the visit by the queen of Sheba is followed with elaboration of Solomon’s splendor (ch 10). But Solomon did not keep God’s commands; seduced to pagan worship by his foreign wives, he was not fully devoted to the Lord as David had been (11:4), and God determined to take away the northern tribes from the rule of his son (vv 11-13). As punishment from the hand of God, Solomon faced rebellion among conquered peoples (vv 14-25) and within Israel in the person of Jeroboam (vv 26-40).<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Divided Kingdom (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17)<\/h5>\n\nThe united monarchy dissolved after the death of Solomon. The northern kingdom (Israel) would exist for about two centuries, would be ruled by 20 kings from nine different dynasties, and would show a history of internal weakness riddled with regicide and usurpation. In contrast, the southern kingdom would last for three and a half centuries and would be ruled by 19 kings of Davidic descent (apart from a short period under the dynastic interloper Athaliah).<\/p>\nThere had been a long history of independent action and even warfare between the northern and southern tribes prior to David and Solomon, so it is no surprise that the division would take place along the lines that it did. The immediate cause, however, was the unwise severity with which Rehoboam replied to the representatives of the northern tribes while negotiating for the kingship. Jeroboam, the popular hero of the earlier insurrection against Solomon, became king in the north. He immediately erected the rival sanctuaries at Dan and Bethel (1 Kgs 12); these rival altars became the measure by which the kings of Israel were condemned for following in the sins of Jeroboam.<\/p>\nFor two generations there would be warfare between Israel and Judah over the border areas in Benjamin claimed by both sides. Fifty years of sporadic fighting on their mutual frontier, interlaced with invasions from the Arameans in the north or the Egyptians in the south, would consume the reigns of Jeroboam, Nadab, Baasha, Elah, and Zimri in Israel and of Rehoboam, Abijam, and Asa in Judah (1 Kgs 13:1–16:20).<\/p>\nThe accession of Omri in Israel introduced a ruling house that would last for a total of four generations and end the dynastic instability of the northern kingdom. Though Kings gives Omri a scant eight verses (1 Kgs 16:21-28), he was among the greatest of the northern kings, forging alliances with the Phoenicians and Judah; for over a century, the Assyrians would call Israel “the house of Omri.”<\/p>\nThe reigns of Omri’s successors, Ahab, Ahaziah, and Jehoram, are treated at disproportionate length, taking almost a third of the total book, 16 of 47 chapters (1 Kgs 17—2 Kgs 10). This is due to the fact that the compiler of Kings incorporated extensive coverage of the lives of Elijah and Elisha, weaving a contrast between good and evil by paralleling the dynasty of Omri with these prophets. Ahab and Jezebel were used as foils for the account of Elijah, so that Ahab became a paradigm of the evil king (e.g., 2 Kgs 21:3).<\/p>\nBecause of this preoccupation with the dynasty of Omri and the lives of Elijah and Elisha, the equivalent period in Judah is not given as extensive coverage. During this period, the northern kingdom appears to have exercised some hegemony over Judah, as attested by the marriage of an Omride (Athaliah, 2 Kgs 8:18, 26) to Jehoram of Judah and the subservient role of Jehoshaphat to Ahab at the battle of Ramoth-gilead (1 Kgs 22). Judah’s fortunes declined in this period when Edom revolted against Jehoram (2 Kgs 8:20-22), costing Judah control over the port at Ezion-geber and consequent economic losses.<\/p>\nIn 842 BC<\/span> Jehu, after being anointed king by a prophet (2 Kgs 9:1-13), led a coup ending the house of Omri and also killing Ahaziah of Judah (vv 14-29). Jehu’s purge also brought the death of Jezebel, Ahab’s family, members of the family of Ahaziah, and the ministers of Baal (9:30–10:36). The consequences were severe politically: the murder of the Phoenician princess Jezebel and the king of Judah cost Israel its allies to the north and south.<\/p>\nJehu’s dynasty had the longest succession of any in Israel, including Jehoahaz, Jehoash, Jeroboam II, and Zechariah, a period spanning 90 years. Jehu’s murder of Ahaziah of Judah set the stage for the one threat to the continuity of the Davidic dynasty. Queen Athaliah, herself an Omride, seized the throne and attempted a purge of Davidic pretenders. She ruled for six years, until the faithful priest Jehoiada staged a countercoup to place the child Joash on the throne of David (ch 11).<\/p>\nIsrael endured a half century of weakness as a result of Jehu’s coup, during which the Arameans had a free hand, reducing the forces of Jehu’s son Jehoahaz to a small army and bodyguard (2 Kgs 13:1-7).<\/p>\nThe reemergence of Assyria early in the ninth century BC<\/span> gave relief to Israel and Judah. Assyrian armies conquered the Arameans; with that threat removed, Israel and Judah enjoyed a dramatic resurgence. Jehoash of Israel, grandson of Jehu, reconquered cities lost to the Arameans (2 Kgs 13:25); Elisha died during his reign (v 20). In the south Amaziah reconquered the Edomites (14:7). Amaziah and Jehoash renewed the warfare between the kingdoms, with the north again victorious (vv 8-14).<\/p>\nUnder Jeroboam II, Israel enjoyed a period of prosperity when the borders of the kingdom reached the same extent as they had under Solomon (2 Kgs 14:23-28). Uzziah (Azariah), his contemporary in Judah, also fortified Jerusalem and undertook a program of offensive operations extending Judah’s sway to the south (14:21-22; 15:1-7).<\/p>\nYet this resurgence was but a brilliant sunset in the history of the two kingdoms. After the death of Jeroboam II, the history is one of successive disasters, culminating in the fall of Israel and the subjugation of Judah to the might of Assyria. The next 30 years in Israel would see four dynasties, three represented by only one king, and repeated regicides as the northern kingdom hastened to its demise. A period of civil war and anarchy would see five kings in just over ten years (2 Kgs 15). Heavy tribute was paid to Tiglath-pileser III in both the north and south (15:19-20; 16:7-10). Israel and the Arameans forged a coalition to throw back the Assyrians and sought to press Ahaz of Judah into the fight; Ahaz appealed to Tiglath-pileser III for help. The coalition was destroyed, and Israel and Judah became vassals. Hoshea defected as soon as he felt safe, looking to Egypt for help, but it was suicide for the northern kingdom. Shalmaneser V retaliated, and the political history of the state of Israel came to an end (17:1-23). The area was resettled with other displaced populations (vv 24-41).<\/p>\nIsrael had faced the Arameans and survived, only to fall to Assyria. And now, similarly, Judah would outlast Assyria, only to fall to Babylon.<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Surviving Kingdom of Judah (2 Kgs 18–25)<\/h5>\nAhaz’s appeal for Assyrian aid cost him his liberty, and Judah became a vassal of the Assyrian Empire. Illegitimate worship flourished under his rule (2 Kgs 16:1-19). Ahaz was succeeded by the first of the outstanding reform kings of Judah: Hezekiah. Much of the account of his reign is given to his rebellion against Sennacherib of Assyria: the rebellion, the Assyrian envoys and threats, Isaiah’s assurances of deliverance, and the destruction of the Assyrian armies (18:9–19:37). Hezekiah’s illness was averted after a sign and oracle from Isaiah (20:1-11). As part of what appears to be negotiations toward an anti-Assyrian alliance, Hezekiah also entertained envoys from Babylon, a decision that the prophet announced would be costly (vv 12-21).<\/p>\nHezekiah was followed by Manasseh, who ruled longer than any other king of Judah (a total of 55 years). His reign was marked by great apostasy—apostasy so severe that the compiler of Kings regarded his reign as sufficient reason for the exile that was unavoidable (2 Kgs 21:1-18; cf. 23:26; 24:3-4; Jer 15:1-4). Manasseh was followed by his son Amon, a carbon copy of his father, who ruled only two years before he was deposed by the people (2 Kings 21:19-26).<\/p>\nThe second great reform king of Judah, Josiah, followed. In his reign the Book of the Law was found while the temple was being refurbished; he led the people in a renewal of the covenant and suppressed illegitimate worship (2 Kgs 22:1–23:14). The Assyrian Empire was in rapid decline, so Josiah extended his borders to the north, destroying the altar at Bethel and the high places throughout Samaria (23:15-20). A great Passover celebration was convened in Jerusalem, and further measures were taken to rectify worship (vv 21-25). Josiah tried to block Pharaoh Neco’s foray to assist Assyria, and he lost his life at Megiddo (vv 26-30).<\/p>\nJosiah was the only king of Judah to have three of his sons succeed him. At his death the people put Jehoahaz on the throne, but Neco removed him three months later and took him to Egypt in chains (2 Kgs 23:31-33), replacing him with another son of Josiah, Eliakim, whose name was changed to Jehoiakim (vv 34-37). During his reign, Nebuchadnezzar conquered Judah, and Jehoiakim became his vassal. Late in his life Jehoiakim rebelled against Nebuchadnezzar. Jehoiakim died, leaving his son Jehoiachin to face retaliation from Babylon (24:1-10). Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem; when the city fell, Jehoiachin, the queen mother, the army, and the leaders of the land were carried away captive. Nebuchadnezzar put Mattaniah (uncle of Jehoiachin and third son of Josiah) on the throne, changing his name to Zedekiah (vv 11-17). Nine years later Zedekiah, too, would rebel against Babylon. Nebuchadnezzar besieged the city for two years and, when it fell, utterly destroyed it. Zedekiah’s sons were killed before his eyes, and then his own eyes were put out, and he was taken to Babylon (24:18–25:21). Nebuchadnezzar appointed Gedaliah to rule as governor from nearby Mizpah; he was assassinated, and the conspirators fled to Egypt (25:22-26).<\/p>\nThe book concludes by showing that God had not forgotten his promise to David, mentioning that in captivity Jehoiachin enjoyed favor from the hand of Evil-merodach, successor of Nebuchadnezzar (2 Kgs 25:27-30).<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Chronicles, Books of First and Second.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>KINGS, Books of First and Second<\/h3>\nBooks continuing the history of the covenant people as recorded in Joshua, Judges, and the books of Samuel. The record in Kings begins with the events at the end of David’s reign (1 Kgs 1–2). It continues through the reign of Solomon (chs 3–11); the histories of the divided kingdoms (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17); and the history of the surviving kingdom in the south, through its fall in 586 BC<\/span> and the subsequent kindness shown Jehoiachin by Evil-merodach, king of Babylon, around 561 BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 18–25).<\/p>\nPreview<\/p>\n• Authorship and Date<\/p>\n• Sources<\/p>\n• Theology and Purpose<\/p>\n• Content<\/p>\nAuthorship and Date<\/p>\nKings was originally regarded as one book in the Hebrew canon; the division into two books of approximately equal length appeared first in the Septuagint and finally entered the Hebrew Bible in the 15th century AD<\/span>.<\/p>\nThe book itself is anonymous, and information about its author can only be deduced by examining the concerns and perspectives of the work. The Babylonian Talmud (Baba Bathra<\/em> 15a) attributes Kings to Jeremiah. Although this identification could have arisen from the tendency of later Jewish tradition to assign biblical books to prophetic authors, the theory of origin in prophetic circles fits the evidence quite well. Substantial portions are given to the lives of the prophets; 16 of 47 chapters are devoted to the lives of Elijah and Elisha (1 Kgs 17—2 Kgs 10), and there is considerable interest in other prophetic figures such as Ahijah (1 Kgs 11:29-39; 14:1-16), an unnamed man of God (13:1-10), and Micaiah (22:13-28). Possible dependence on Isaiah (2 Kgs 18–20; cf. Is 36–39) and Jeremiah (2 Kgs 24–25; cf. Jer 52) also suggest prophetic origin. The author-compiler also shows intense concern with the efficacy of the prophetic word, frequently calling attention to the fulfillment of words spoken earlier by the prophets.<\/p>\nOne might initially think that such a history would be unlikely for a prophet, but the evidence is to the contrary. The prophets were the guardians of the covenant relationship and are known to have produced accounts used as sources by other biblical historians. The following are among such sources: the acts of Samuel the seer, the acts of Nathan the prophet, the acts of Gad the seer (1 Chr 29:29); the acts of Nathan the prophet, the prophecy of Ahijah the Shilonite, the visions of Iddo the seer (2 Chr 9:29); the chronicles of Shemaiah the prophet and of Iddo the seer (12:15); the annotations of the prophet Iddo (13:22); and the acts of Uzziah by Isaiah the prophet (26:22). Add to this the fact that Kings is positioned in the Hebrew canon in the Former Prophets (Joshua to 2 Kings), and a consistent picture of prophetic origin emerges.<\/p>\nThe date of the final part of the book must be after the last events recorded. Evil-merodach’s kindness toward Jehoiachin (c. 561 BC<\/span>) is the terminus of the book and therefore fixes the earliest date. Since the work shows no knowledge of the restoration period, a date before 539 BC<\/span> is probable. The author’s selection of his data to answer the burning theological questions of the exilic community also suggests a date between 561 and 539 BC<\/span>.<\/p>\nSources<\/p>\nThe compiler of Kings specifically names three of the sources that he used in his work, and biblical scholars have suggested the presence of a number of other sources that may have been cited. Of course, the sources not mentioned specifically by the compiler are only the speculations of those who have studied his work and can have only varying degrees of probability. The sources both specified and alleged are as follows.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the Acts of Solomon<\/h5>\nAs 1 Kings 11:41 says, “The rest of the events in Solomon’s reign, including his wisdom, are recorded in The Book of the Acts of Solomon”<\/em> (nlt<\/span>). Presumably additional materials of a biographical nature were included, specifically accounts similar to the judgment between the two mothers (3:16-28) or the visit of the queen of Sheba (10:1-10). There has been debate as to whether these materials were official court records or nonofficial documents. Some scholars have attempted to isolate further materials within this section by identifying descriptions of the buildings as from temple archives (chs 6–7) and lists of administrators as from administrative documents (chs 4–5), but this must remain speculative.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the History of the Kings of Israel<\/h5>\nThis source is mentioned 17 times in Kings, usually in the closing formulas at the end of the account of the reign of a northern king. Some idea of the nature of these chronicles can be derived from looking at the type of information to which the compiler refers his readers (see 1 Kgs 14:19; 16:27; 22:39; 2 Kgs 13:12; 14:28). These passages suggest that this source was the official annals covering the reigns of the kings.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the History of the Kings of Judah<\/h5>\nThis source is mentioned in 15 passages, and as with the kings of Israel, is found in the concluding formulas to the accounts of the reigns. This source was to be consulted for additional details on individuals’ reigns (for example, see 1 Kgs 15:23; 22:45; 2 Kgs 20:20; 21:17). These sources for the histories of the two kingdoms were probably similar to the annals known from the surrounding cultures, particularly from the reigns of Assyrian kings. They were likely official court histories kept in Samaria and Jerusalem.<\/p>\nIn addition to these explicitly mentioned sources, scholars have suggested the compiler drew on other sources that he does not name.<\/p>\n<h5>Davidic Court History<\/h5>\nSecond Samuel 9–20 is often identified as a unit of material in the composition of the books of Samuel; it is variously called “the court history” or “the succession narrative.” Because of similar vocabulary and outlook, 1 Kings 1–2 are often associated with this material from Samuel. The statement of 1 Kings 2:46, “so the kingdom was now firmly in Solomon’s grip,” is taken to be the end of this record.<\/p>\n<h5>Sources for the House of Ahab<\/h5>\nThe reigns of individual kings are ordinarily given only brief notices; for example, the father of Ahab, Omri, is given eight verses, even though when judged by political and economic significance, he was among the greatest of the northern kings (1 Kgs 16:21-28). However, beginning with the reign of Ahab, the record becomes quite expansive, and extensive coverage is given the dynasty of Ahab through the coup by Jehu (1 Kgs 16—2 Kgs 12). The use of the stereotyped formulas for the reigns is suspended in this material, and the existence of other literature used by the compiler is probable. This material is commonly subdivided into further sources for the lives of Elijah and Elisha and the reign of Ahab.<\/p>\nThe Elijah section covers material in the following chapters: 1 Kings 17–19, including the feeding by the ravens, the incidents with the widow of Zarephath, the drought, the fire on Carmel, and the revelation of God at Sinai; 1 Kings 21, the affair of Naboth’s vineyard; and 2 Kings 1, the death of Ahaziah’s messengers. The reign of Ahab, which gets so much attention in Kings, is primarily a backdrop for the accounts concerning Elijah.<\/p>\nThe Elisha material found in 2 Kings 2–13 may have had an independent literary development from that of the Elijah accounts. It includes the following: chapter 2 (Elisha’s succession to the prophetic office, the purification of a spring, the death of mocking children); chapter 3 (on the campaign against Moab); chapter 4 (the widow’s oil, the Shunammite woman); chapter 5 (Naaman’s leprosy); chapter 6 (the Aramean attempt to capture Elisha); chapter 7 (the famine in Samaria); chapter 8 (the Shunammite’s property, the coup of Hazael); chapter 9 (the anointing of Jehu); and chapter 13 (the death of Elisha). No other portion of the OT takes the sheer delight in the miraculous that is seen in the Elisha narratives.<\/p>\nIn 1 Kings 16 to 2 Kings 13 there are additional incidents not directly related to the biographies of Elijah and Elisha; accounts such as the military campaigns of 1 Kings 20:1-34 and further details of Jehu’s coup (2 Kgs 9:11–10:36) are often attributed to a third source containing accounts of the dynasty of Ahab and his successors. In all three of these possible sources the orientation is toward affairs in the northern kingdom.<\/p>\n<h5>Isaiah Source<\/h5>\nThe account of the reign of Hezekiah contains a section (2 Kgs 18:13–20:19) that is nearly a verbatim citation of material also found in Isaiah (Is 36:1–39:8). The section records the invasion of Sennacherib, the mission of the Rabshakeh, Hezekiah’s prayer, Isaiah’s prophecy, Hezekiah’s illness, the regression of the sun, and the envoys from Merodach-baladan. The material must be regarded as based on the book of Isaiah or some other source used in both Isaiah and Kings.<\/p>\n<h5>A Prophetic Source<\/h5>\nBecause Kings shows great interest in the prophets and their ministries, various scholars have suggested that yet another source was used by the compiler; this would be an independent literary unit containing accounts of the prophets. This source would have contained the records for the material on Ahijah (1 Kgs 11:29-39; 14:1-16), unnamed prophets (ch 12; 20:35-43), Micaiah (22:13-28), and other references.<\/p>\nApart from the sources explicitly mentioned and inferences about their character, the remainder of the sources suggested have only varying degrees of probability. Considerable scholarly effort has gone into identifying and characterizing such sources, but it remains speculative. When considering the sources the compiler may have used, one important caution must be kept in mind. Even if such sources did exist, one cannot have confidence in a reconstruction of the compositional history. Which sources had already been integrated into a larger composition before they were used by the compiler of Kings? We cannot be certain that the life situation out of which these other sources grew has been correctly identified, nor can we know that even the compiler himself was aware of the past history of his sources. Biblical scholarship has expended considerable energy in trying to delineate the past history of the book of Kings, but it has often been at the neglect of the unity of perspective that is the product of the final compiler(s) in whose hands the book received its canonical form.<\/p>\nWhat is important to understanding the book is not the perspective of its various sources (of which the compiler himself may have been unaware), but the perspective of the book as a whole on the history of the kingdoms. It is the outline that the compiler has imposed on the sources that establishes the teaching of the book; his sources are used in accord with his own purposes, a fact that makes the purposes for which the sources had been prepared largely irrelevant to the teaching of the book in its present form. Exploring possible sources, worthwhile in itself, must not eclipse the message of the book as a whole. This is not to imply that the books of Kings are simply a compilation of unaltered sources. The writer(s) undoubtedly exercised a measure of selectivity and literary skill in composing the historical narrative.<\/p>\nOne compositional technique of the compiler is quite prominent in the histories of the divided kingdoms: this is the use of formulaic introductions and conclusions to the various reigns. The formulas for both kingdoms are quite similar, differing only in minor details. For the kings of Judah, the full introductory formula is as follows: (1) year of accession synchronized with the regnal year of the northern king; (2) age of the king at his accession; (3) length of his reign; (4) name of his mother; (5) judgment on the character of the reign. The account of a Judean king’s reign is concluded as follows: (1) a reference to the chronicles of the kings of Judah for further information; (2) a statement regarding the death of the king, including the place of burial; (3) successor: “And his son reigned in his stead” (rsv<\/span>). The full formula for a Judean king can be seen, for example, in the reign of Rehoboam (1 Kgs 14:21-22, 29-31).<\/p>\nThe formulas differ slightly for the kings of Israel; the introduction is as follows: (1) year of succession synchronized with the regnal year of the southern king; (2) length of his reign; (3) location of the royal residence; (4) condemnation for idolatry; (5) name of the king’s father. The account of an Israelite king’s reign ends as follows: (1) a reference to the chronicles of the kings of Israel for further information; (2) a statement regarding his death; (3) a statement of the succession of his son, unless a usurper follows. The full formula for an Israelite king can be seen, for example, in the reign of Baasha (1 Kgs 15:33-34; 16:5-6).<\/p>\nThere is some variation in the use of these patterns, but on the whole, they are consistently followed and provide the basic framework for the history of the divided kingdom. The synchronisms of the reigns provide data for constructing the chronology of the period. The variations in the formulas may reflect the characteristics of the sources the compiler was using or may reflect his own interests. The name of the mother of a Judean king is recorded, but not of an Israelite king, perhaps reflecting concern with a more exact and fuller record of the Davidic succession. The royal residence is presumed to be Jerusalem for the southern kings (though it may be mentioned) but is recorded for the northern kings since it moved several times, from Shechem to Penuel to Tirzah to Samaria. The mention of the king’s father for a northern ruler also reflects the frequent change in dynasties there, as opposed to the dynastic stability of Judah, which is reinforced by mentioning the burial of almost all its kings in the city of David.<\/p>\nTheology and Purpose<\/p>\nThe books of Kings record the history of the covenant people from the end of the reign of David (961 BC<\/span>) through the fall of the southern kingdom (586 BC<\/span>). Yet it is not history written in accord with modern expectations for history textbooks. Rather than concentrating on economic, political, and military themes as they shaped the history of the period, the compiler of Kings is motivated by theological concerns.<\/p>\nEvaluation of the theology and purpose of the books of Kings is made easier by the fact that there is a parallel history for much of Kings found in the books of Chronicles. By comparing the two accounts, especially where the later Chronicler adds or deletes material found in Kings, the interests of both histories are thrown into clearer relief.<\/p>\nThe books of Kings were composed during the exile, likely between 560 and 539 BC<\/span>. Jerusalem had been turned into rubble, and there was no longer a throne of David. Those two pillars of the popular theology—the inviolability of the temple and the throne of David (Jer 7:4; 13:13-14; 22:1-9; see 1 Kgs 8:16, 29)—had tumbled. If Israel’s faith was to survive, the burning questions that had to be answered were “How did it all happen? Can’t God keep his promises to David and to Zion? Have the promises failed?” The writer of Kings aims to deal with the bewilderment of the chosen people in response to the disasters of 722 BC<\/span> (fall of Samaria) and 586 BC<\/span> (fall of Jerusalem). Kings, like the book of Job, is a theodicy, a justification of the ways of God to men.<\/p>\nIn order to answer the question “How did it happen?” the compiler adopts the procedure of recounting the history of the covenant people in light of standards propounded in the Law. For this reason Kings could be called Pentateuchal history, or even more pointedly, Deuteronomic history, for standards propounded only in the book of Deuteronomy in the Pentateuch are used by the compiler to measure the kingdoms. Among the prominent themes selected from Deuteronomy and applied to the kingdoms are the centralization of worship, the institution of the monarchy, the efficacy of the prophetic word, and the outworking of the covenant curses on disobedience.<\/p>\n<h5>Centralization of Worship<\/h5>\nThe primary concern of the writer is the purity of the worship of the Lord. His major criterion for measuring this purity is the attitude of the kings toward centralization of worship in the Jerusalem temple as opposed to the worship of the Lord elsewhere and the continuation of Canaanite cults mingled with Yahwism at the high places. Centralization of worship at the central shrine is called for in Deuteronomy 12. Perhaps “centralization of worship” is a misnomer, for worship was always centered around the tabernacle in the periods prior to the temple; the change that is envisaged in Deuteronomy is not the centralizing of worship but rather the fact that the shrine would no longer be mobile but stationary. For the kings of the northern kingdom, this criterion becomes virtually a stereotyped formula that “he did that which was evil in the sight of the Lord and walked in the way of Jeroboam son of Nebat, who sinned and made all Israel sin along with him” (see 1 Kgs 14:16; 15:30; 16:31; 2 Kgs 3:3; 10:31; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:22). The compiler of Kings sees the rival altars with the golden calves at Dan and Bethel as the great sin of which the northern kings never repented (1 Kgs 12:25–13:34). Rejecting the primacy of Jerusalem, these altars became the rod with which to measure the northern kings. All the kings of Israel are condemned by this standard (except for Shallum, who reigned but a month, and Hoshea, the last of the northern kings)—even Zimri, the murderer of Elah, who ruled only one week before committing suicide in the flames of his own palace (16:9-20). For the kings of Judah, a different standard is used: what their attitude was to the high places where heterodox worship was allowed to flourish in the environs of Jerusalem. Only Hezekiah and Josiah receive the compiler’s unqualified endorsement for following the ways of David (2 Kgs 18:3; 22:2). Six others are commended for their zeal in suppressing idolatry, though they did not remove the high places (Asa, 1 Kgs 15:9-15; Jehoshaphat, 22:43; Jehoash, 2 Kgs 12:2-3; Amaziah, 14:3-4; Azariah, 15:3-4; Jotham, 15:34-35). The remainder of the Judean kings are condemned for their participation in the high places and their desecration of the temple itself. This one theme is the preeminent motif in the book.<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Monarchy<\/h5>\nA second prominent interest for the compiler was to trace the history of the monarchy. Deuteronomy 17:14-20 provides for the day when Israel would ask for a king and charges that king with the basic religious responsibility for the people. This provision for a king, again a feature found only in Deuteronomy, becomes the basis for the compiler’s intense interest in the history of the monarchy, and particularly the religious fidelity of the kings. David becomes the model of the ideal king, the one by whom the others are measured, the one whose sons “continue long in his kingdom in the midst of Israel” (17:20; see also 1 Kgs 15:11; 2 Kgs 18:3; 22:2 for following in the ways of David, and 1 Kgs 14:8; 15:3-5; 2 Kgs 14:3; 16:2 for the reverse). The compiler wanted to show that God had been faithful to David even though David’s sons were not faithful. While both kingdoms had about the same number of kings, the northern kingdom is marked by repeated dynastic changes and regicide through its 200 years, while the dynasty of David is maintained as a lamp in the south through 350 years (1 Kgs 11:13, 32, 36; 15:4-5; 2 Kgs 8:19; 19:34; 20:6). It is the disaster that had befallen the house of David, and the consequent doubts about the promises of God, that prompted the compiler to write.<\/p>\n<h5>Efficacy of the Prophetic Word<\/h5>\nAnother reason why Kings can be called Deuteronomic history is its concern with the efficacy of the prophetic word. There are three passages in the Pentateuch that deal with the institution of the prophetic order: Numbers 12:1-8; Deuteronomy 13:1-5; and Deuteronomy 18:14-22. It is only in Deuteronomy 18 that the test of a true prophet is given: that what he has spoken comes about, that his words are fulfilled. Notice the number of instances where the writer calls attention to the fulfillment of the words of the prophets: 2 Samuel 7:13 in 1 Kings 8:20; 1 Kings 11:29-36 in 12:15; 1 Kings 13:1-3 in 2 Kings 23:16-18; 1 Kings 14:6-12 in 14:17-18 and 15:29; 1 Kings 16:1-4 in 16:7, 11-12; Joshua 6:26 in 1 Kings 16:34; 1 Kings 22:17 in 22:35-38; 1 Kings 21:21-29 in 2 Kings 9:7-10, 30-37 and 10:10-11, 30; 2 Kings 1:6 in 1:17; 2 Kings 21:10-15 in 24:2; 2 Kings 22:15-20 in 23:30. The writer is concerned to show that the words of the prophets were efficacious, powerful words. His concern with the prophetic order is also seen in the material devoted to Elijah and Elisha and to other prophetic figures.<\/p>\n<h5>Fulfillment of the Curses<\/h5>\nAnother aspect of the compiler’s interest in Deuteronomy is seen in his concern to trace the fulfillment of the covenant curses on disobedience. God’s covenant with Israel would issue in curses or blessings depending on the obedience of the people; the compiler of Kings sees the curses inflicted on the two kingdoms because of their failure to meet the demands of the covenant. He takes care to show that most of the curses of Deuteronomy 28:15-68 had some historical realization in the life of the people. Moses had warned that disobedience would “bring a nation against you from afar, from the end of the earth, as the eagle swoops down” (Dt 28:49, nasb<\/span>), and the Assyrians came to Samaria and the Babylonians to Jerusalem (28:52). The siege of Samaria lasted from 724 to 722 BC<\/span>, and the siege of Jerusalem from 588 to 586 BC<\/span>. The dire conditions of the siege would drive the people to devouring their own children; women would feed on their afterbirths. It happened to Israel in the siege of Ben-hadad (2 Kgs 6:24-30). Just as the Lord had delighted to prosper and multiply his people, so he would not refrain from destroying them and scattering them among the peoples of the earth (Dt 28:63-67).<\/p>\nIn these and other ways the writer of Kings set out to write the history of Israel and Judah to solve a theological dilemma. How was one to reconcile the exile with God’s promises to the nation and David? His answer is twofold: (1) the problem was not with God but with the people’s disobedience—God remains just; (2) the end of the state does not equal the end of the people or the house of David. Here the ending of the book is instructive: Evil-merodach releases Jehoiachin from prison, elevates him above the other kings, and provides his rations (2 Kgs 25:27-30). Even during the exile, though cut down to almost nothing, the house of David still enjoys the favor and blessing of God. God has not abandoned his promises; the people should keep hope.<\/p>\nOther themes in Kings also show the theological motivations underlying the compiler’s selection and arrangement of the data, particularly his use of Deuteronomy as a framework for examining the history of the people. Compare the laws governing the observance of Passover in Exodus 12:1-20 and Deuteronomy 16:1-8: whereas the Passover is centered in the family in Exodus, it is celebrated at the sanctuary in Deuteronomy. The writer of Kings is careful to show that the Passover during the reign of Josiah was celebrated in accordance with the requirements of Deuteronomy (2 Kgs 23:21-23). A passage in Deuteronomy is explicitly cited with reference to Amaziah’s keeping the law (Dt 24:16 in 2 Kgs 14:6).<\/p>\n<h5>Contrast with Chronicles<\/h5>\nThe interests of Kings are further highlighted when compared with the parallel accounts in Chronicles. While the writer of Kings worked in the aftermath of the destruction of Jerusalem and had to answer the “how?” and “why?” questions, the Chronicler is part of the restoration community. Here the burning theological questions were not “how?” and “why?” but rather “What continuity do we have with David? Is God still interested in us?” The need is not to account for the exile but rather to relate the postexilic and the preexilic. The building of the second temple and the ordering of worship there show up in increased detail in Chronicles in any matter pertaining to the former temple. Chronicles is a history of Judah and of the Davidic line, reflecting the fact that it alone survives after the exile. Interesting, too, are the things omitted from the account by the Chronicler. Since he is not building a case for an indictment, as was done in Samuel and Kings, he is free to omit references to David’s sin with Bathsheba (2 Sm 11) or to Solomon’s difficulties in gaining the throne (1 Kgs 1–2). Since in his day the northern kingdom had not survived, the Chronicler did not go into detail about the sins of Jeroboam (chs 13–14). Chronicles is interested more in the affairs of the temple and does not show the marked interest in prophetic matters found in Kings, so that the lives of Elijah and Elisha are omitted (1 Kgs 16—2 Kgs 10). Nor does the Chronicler recite the sins that led to the demise of the northern kingdom (2 Kgs 17:1–18:12). In all these examples one can see the interplay of the historical moment and theological concerns of the people and the compilers. Each compiler has selected and arranged the data in accordance with the concerns and needs of the community in which he was a member; comparing the two accounts throws the interests of each into sharp relief.<\/p>\nContent<\/p>\n\nThe books of Kings fall into three parts: (1) the reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 1–11); (2) the history of the divided kingdom (1 Kgs 12–2 Kgs 17); (3) the history of the surviving kingdom in Judah (2 Kgs 18–25).<\/p>\n<h5>The Reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 1–11)<\/h5>\nThe record begins with an account of the court intrigue surrounding Solomon’s accession to the throne, set against the backdrop of the abortive coup by Adonijah (ch 1). The dying David charges Solomon to obey the commandments of God (2:1-4) and also to take vengeance on his enemies (vv 5-9). After David’s death Solomon orders the deaths of Adonijah, Joab, and Shimei, and the banishment of Abiathar, the priest who had supported Adonijah in his bid for the throne (vv 13-46). Enemies eliminated, the kingdom was firmly established by Solomon (v 46).<\/p>\nThe remainder of Solomon’s reign is divided into two parts: Solomon the good, who follows in the ways of his father, David (chs 3–10); and Solomon the bad, whose heart is led astray (ch 11). While sacrificing at Gibeon, Solomon asks God to give him the gift of wisdom to rule—wisdom promptly demonstrated in the quarrel of two prostitutes about a child (ch 3). An account is given of the administrative organization of the kingdom and the incomparable wisdom of Solomon (ch 4). The compiler of Kings gives extensive coverage to the preparations (ch 5), building (chs 6–7), and dedication (ch 8) of the temple. God appeared to Solomon a second time, reminding him to keep his commandments as David had done (9:1-9). Details are given of the king’s building and commercial activities (vv 10-27). The account of the visit by the queen of Sheba is followed with elaboration of Solomon’s splendor (ch 10). But Solomon did not keep God’s commands; seduced to pagan worship by his foreign wives, he was not fully devoted to the Lord as David had been (11:4), and God determined to take away the northern tribes from the rule of his son (vv 11-13). As punishment from the hand of God, Solomon faced rebellion among conquered peoples (vv 14-25) and within Israel in the person of Jeroboam (vv 26-40).<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Divided Kingdom (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17)<\/h5>\n\nThe united monarchy dissolved after the death of Solomon. The northern kingdom (Israel) would exist for about two centuries, would be ruled by 20 kings from nine different dynasties, and would show a history of internal weakness riddled with regicide and usurpation. In contrast, the southern kingdom would last for three and a half centuries and would be ruled by 19 kings of Davidic descent (apart from a short period under the dynastic interloper Athaliah).<\/p>\nThere had been a long history of independent action and even warfare between the northern and southern tribes prior to David and Solomon, so it is no surprise that the division would take place along the lines that it did. The immediate cause, however, was the unwise severity with which Rehoboam replied to the representatives of the northern tribes while negotiating for the kingship. Jeroboam, the popular hero of the earlier insurrection against Solomon, became king in the north. He immediately erected the rival sanctuaries at Dan and Bethel (1 Kgs 12); these rival altars became the measure by which the kings of Israel were condemned for following in the sins of Jeroboam.<\/p>\nFor two generations there would be warfare between Israel and Judah over the border areas in Benjamin claimed by both sides. Fifty years of sporadic fighting on their mutual frontier, interlaced with invasions from the Arameans in the north or the Egyptians in the south, would consume the reigns of Jeroboam, Nadab, Baasha, Elah, and Zimri in Israel and of Rehoboam, Abijam, and Asa in Judah (1 Kgs 13:1–16:20).<\/p>\nThe accession of Omri in Israel introduced a ruling house that would last for a total of four generations and end the dynastic instability of the northern kingdom. Though Kings gives Omri a scant eight verses (1 Kgs 16:21-28), he was among the greatest of the northern kings, forging alliances with the Phoenicians and Judah; for over a century, the Assyrians would call Israel “the house of Omri.”<\/p>\nThe reigns of Omri’s successors, Ahab, Ahaziah, and Jehoram, are treated at disproportionate length, taking almost a third of the total book, 16 of 47 chapters (1 Kgs 17—2 Kgs 10). This is due to the fact that the compiler of Kings incorporated extensive coverage of the lives of Elijah and Elisha, weaving a contrast between good and evil by paralleling the dynasty of Omri with these prophets. Ahab and Jezebel were used as foils for the account of Elijah, so that Ahab became a paradigm of the evil king (e.g., 2 Kgs 21:3).<\/p>\nBecause of this preoccupation with the dynasty of Omri and the lives of Elijah and Elisha, the equivalent period in Judah is not given as extensive coverage. During this period, the northern kingdom appears to have exercised some hegemony over Judah, as attested by the marriage of an Omride (Athaliah, 2 Kgs 8:18, 26) to Jehoram of Judah and the subservient role of Jehoshaphat to Ahab at the battle of Ramoth-gilead (1 Kgs 22). Judah’s fortunes declined in this period when Edom revolted against Jehoram (2 Kgs 8:20-22), costing Judah control over the port at Ezion-geber and consequent economic losses.<\/p>\nIn 842 BC<\/span> Jehu, after being anointed king by a prophet (2 Kgs 9:1-13), led a coup ending the house of Omri and also killing Ahaziah of Judah (vv 14-29). Jehu’s purge also brought the death of Jezebel, Ahab’s family, members of the family of Ahaziah, and the ministers of Baal (9:30–10:36). The consequences were severe politically: the murder of the Phoenician princess Jezebel and the king of Judah cost Israel its allies to the north and south.<\/p>\nJehu’s dynasty had the longest succession of any in Israel, including Jehoahaz, Jehoash, Jeroboam II, and Zechariah, a period spanning 90 years. Jehu’s murder of Ahaziah of Judah set the stage for the one threat to the continuity of the Davidic dynasty. Queen Athaliah, herself an Omride, seized the throne and attempted a purge of Davidic pretenders. She ruled for six years, until the faithful priest Jehoiada staged a countercoup to place the child Joash on the throne of David (ch 11).<\/p>\nIsrael endured a half century of weakness as a result of Jehu’s coup, during which the Arameans had a free hand, reducing the forces of Jehu’s son Jehoahaz to a small army and bodyguard (2 Kgs 13:1-7).<\/p>\nThe reemergence of Assyria early in the ninth century BC<\/span> gave relief to Israel and Judah. Assyrian armies conquered the Arameans; with that threat removed, Israel and Judah enjoyed a dramatic resurgence. Jehoash of Israel, grandson of Jehu, reconquered cities lost to the Arameans (2 Kgs 13:25); Elisha died during his reign (v 20). In the south Amaziah reconquered the Edomites (14:7). Amaziah and Jehoash renewed the warfare between the kingdoms, with the north again victorious (vv 8-14).<\/p>\nUnder Jeroboam II, Israel enjoyed a period of prosperity when the borders of the kingdom reached the same extent as they had under Solomon (2 Kgs 14:23-28). Uzziah (Azariah), his contemporary in Judah, also fortified Jerusalem and undertook a program of offensive operations extending Judah’s sway to the south (14:21-22; 15:1-7).<\/p>\nYet this resurgence was but a brilliant sunset in the history of the two kingdoms. After the death of Jeroboam II, the history is one of successive disasters, culminating in the fall of Israel and the subjugation of Judah to the might of Assyria. The next 30 years in Israel would see four dynasties, three represented by only one king, and repeated regicides as the northern kingdom hastened to its demise. A period of civil war and anarchy would see five kings in just over ten years (2 Kgs 15). Heavy tribute was paid to Tiglath-pileser III in both the north and south (15:19-20; 16:7-10). Israel and the Arameans forged a coalition to throw back the Assyrians and sought to press Ahaz of Judah into the fight; Ahaz appealed to Tiglath-pileser III for help. The coalition was destroyed, and Israel and Judah became vassals. Hoshea defected as soon as he felt safe, looking to Egypt for help, but it was suicide for the northern kingdom. Shalmaneser V retaliated, and the political history of the state of Israel came to an end (17:1-23). The area was resettled with other displaced populations (vv 24-41).<\/p>\nIsrael had faced the Arameans and survived, only to fall to Assyria. And now, similarly, Judah would outlast Assyria, only to fall to Babylon.<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Surviving Kingdom of Judah (2 Kgs 18–25)<\/h5>\nAhaz’s appeal for Assyrian aid cost him his liberty, and Judah became a vassal of the Assyrian Empire. Illegitimate worship flourished under his rule (2 Kgs 16:1-19). Ahaz was succeeded by the first of the outstanding reform kings of Judah: Hezekiah. Much of the account of his reign is given to his rebellion against Sennacherib of Assyria: the rebellion, the Assyrian envoys and threats, Isaiah’s assurances of deliverance, and the destruction of the Assyrian armies (18:9–19:37). Hezekiah’s illness was averted after a sign and oracle from Isaiah (20:1-11). As part of what appears to be negotiations toward an anti-Assyrian alliance, Hezekiah also entertained envoys from Babylon, a decision that the prophet announced would be costly (vv 12-21).<\/p>\nHezekiah was followed by Manasseh, who ruled longer than any other king of Judah (a total of 55 years). His reign was marked by great apostasy—apostasy so severe that the compiler of Kings regarded his reign as sufficient reason for the exile that was unavoidable (2 Kgs 21:1-18; cf. 23:26; 24:3-4; Jer 15:1-4). Manasseh was followed by his son Amon, a carbon copy of his father, who ruled only two years before he was deposed by the people (2 Kings 21:19-26).<\/p>\nThe second great reform king of Judah, Josiah, followed. In his reign the Book of the Law was found while the temple was being refurbished; he led the people in a renewal of the covenant and suppressed illegitimate worship (2 Kgs 22:1–23:14). The Assyrian Empire was in rapid decline, so Josiah extended his borders to the north, destroying the altar at Bethel and the high places throughout Samaria (23:15-20). A great Passover celebration was convened in Jerusalem, and further measures were taken to rectify worship (vv 21-25). Josiah tried to block Pharaoh Neco’s foray to assist Assyria, and he lost his life at Megiddo (vv 26-30).<\/p>\nJosiah was the only king of Judah to have three of his sons succeed him. At his death the people put Jehoahaz on the throne, but Neco removed him three months later and took him to Egypt in chains (2 Kgs 23:31-33), replacing him with another son of Josiah, Eliakim, whose name was changed to Jehoiakim (vv 34-37). During his reign, Nebuchadnezzar conquered Judah, and Jehoiakim became his vassal. Late in his life Jehoiakim rebelled against Nebuchadnezzar. Jehoiakim died, leaving his son Jehoiachin to face retaliation from Babylon (24:1-10). Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem; when the city fell, Jehoiachin, the queen mother, the army, and the leaders of the land were carried away captive. Nebuchadnezzar put Mattaniah (uncle of Jehoiachin and third son of Josiah) on the throne, changing his name to Zedekiah (vv 11-17). Nine years later Zedekiah, too, would rebel against Babylon. Nebuchadnezzar besieged the city for two years and, when it fell, utterly destroyed it. Zedekiah’s sons were killed before his eyes, and then his own eyes were put out, and he was taken to Babylon (24:18–25:21). Nebuchadnezzar appointed Gedaliah to rule as governor from nearby Mizpah; he was assassinated, and the conspirators fled to Egypt (25:22-26).<\/p>\nThe book concludes by showing that God had not forgotten his promise to David, mentioning that in captivity Jehoiachin enjoyed favor from the hand of Evil-merodach, successor of Nebuchadnezzar (2 Kgs 25:27-30).<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Chronicles, Books of First and Second.<\/p>","summary_ro":"KINGS, Books of First and Second Books continuing the history of the covenant people as recorded in Joshua, Judges, and the books of Samuel. The record in Kings begins with the events at the end of David’s reign (1 Kgs 1–2). It continues through the reign of Solomon (chs 3–11); the histories of the divided kingdoms (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17); and the history of the surviving kingdom in the south, through its fall in 586 BC and the subsequent kindness shown Jehoiachin by Evil-merodach, king of Babylo...","summary_en":"KINGS, Books of First and Second Books continuing the history of the covenant people as recorded in Joshua, Judges, and the books of Samuel. The record in Kings begins with the events at the end of David’s reign (1 Kgs 1–2). It continues through the reign of Solomon (chs 3–11); the histories of the divided kingdoms (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17); and the history of the surviving kingdom in the south, through its fall in 586 BC and the subsequent kindness shown Jehoiachin by Evil-merodach, king of Babylo...","source":"Articles\/K.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":36993,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Temple","title_en":"Temple","content_ro":"<h3>TEMPLE<\/h3>\nPreview<\/p>\n• Background<\/p>\n• Solomon’s Temple<\/p>\n• Zerubbabel’s Temple<\/p>\n• Herod’s Temple<\/p>\n• Significance of the Temple in the Old Testament<\/p>\n• Significance of the Temple in the New Testament<\/p>\nBackground<\/p>\nDavid’s capture of Jerusalem (2 Sm 5:6-9) and his designation of it as the nation’s capital is one of the great masterstrokes of history. Occupied by the Jebusites, it was a pocket of neutral territory between the northern and southern sections of David’s united kingdom and was politically acceptable to both. Jerusalem was then established as the national religious center by the return of the ark, which had been largely neglected since its capture by the Philistines (2 Sm 6:1-17). Henceforth, God’s choices of both David and Jerusalem (“Mount Zion”) were indissolubly linked (Ps 78:67-72).<\/p>\nDavid’s great impulse was to build an adequate dwelling place for Israel’s God. The idea was initially approved by Nathan the prophet (2 Sm 7:1-3), but God revealed otherwise to him, and he conveyed the divine purpose to David (vv 4-17). In a significant wordplay, David was informed that, while he was not to build a house (temple) for God, God would build a house (dynasty) for him. David was not the one to build a temple because of the numerous wars during his reign; the temple would instead be built by his son (1 Kgs 5:3; 1 Chr 22:7-8; 28:3). Nevertheless, David enthusiastically amassed most of the necessary finances and materials and drew up the blueprints for the temple (1 Chr 22:3-5, 14; 28:2, 11-19). He also purchased the temple site (21:25).<\/p>\nSolomon’s Temple<\/p>\n\n<h5>Date<\/h5>\nConstruction commenced in Solomon’s fourth year, about 966 BC<\/span>, and took seven years to complete (1 Kgs 6:1, 38). Everything necessary for the temple, including the workers, had been prepared by David (1 Chr 28:21). The temple evidently had first priority among Solomon’s building schemes, as he built his own palace later (1 Kgs 7:1).<\/p>\n<h5>Superintendents and Workforce<\/h5>\nThe principal architect for the bronze furnishings was Huram (Hebrew “Hiram”), whose father was a metal craftsman from Tyre and whose mother was an Israelite (1 Kgs 7:13-14). Cedar for the temple came from Lebanon and was felled and transported by the skilled woodsmen of another Hiram—the king of Tyre, Solomon’s ally (5:5-9). Thirty thousand Israelites, divided into three groups, were drafted to assist at Lebanon. Each group was on duty for one month in three. For the stonework, Solomon conscripted 153,600 foreigners resident in Israel to provide a self-contained group of carriers, stone cutters, and supervisors (vv 15-17; 2 Chr 2:17-18). Possibly the “men of Gebal,” with their specialized skills, formed yet another group (1 Kgs 5:18). Building the temple was obviously a national project of immense size and effort. In order to preserve the sanctity of the site and to eliminate noise, the masonry and carpentry were not done at the temple site (6:7).<\/p>\n<h5>Description<\/h5>\nThe details given in the Bible are sufficiently clear for us to make a reasonably accurate description of the temple. The accounts in Kings and Chronicles are supplemented by Ezekiel’s depiction of the temple (see below), which was broadly based on his knowledge of the Jerusalem temple (Ez 40–48).<\/p>\nThe side rooms probably rested on a foundation or platform that was separate from the temple itself (1 Kgs 6:5, 10; cf. Ez 41:8-9) and were arranged in three stories, each seven and a half feet (2.3 meters) high, extending around the whole building except for the porch side. Each successive story was one and a half feet (.5 meter) wider than the one below, these dimensions coinciding with the thickness of the side wall of the Holy Place. The ground floor rooms were seven and a half feet (2.3 meters) wide; the first story was nine feet (2.7 meters), and the second was ten and a half feet (3.2 meters). Access to the upper stories was possibly by winding staircases (1 Kgs 6:8). There is some uncertainty concerning the location of the entrances; there may have been one on either side, but only one is mentioned (v 8). As in Ezekiel’s temple (Ez 40:17, 28), there were two adjacent courts, an inner and an outer (1 Kgs 6:36; 7:12), but no dimensions are given for these. The inner court, or “court of the priests,” being next to the temple itself, was also called “the upper court” (2 Chr 4:9; Jer 36:10). The wall of the inner court was made of three layers of hewn stone held together by a layer of cedar beams (1 Kgs 6:36), and the doors of both courts were sheathed in bronze (2 Chr 4:9). The palace buildings were within the outer court area, probably with a private passageway between the palace and the temple that was later closed during the reign of Ahaz (2 Chr 4:9, 12; 2 Kgs 16:18).<\/p>\nThe temple itself was 90 feet (27.4 meters) long, 30 feet (9.1 meters) wide, and 45 feet (13.7 meters) high (1 Kgs 6:2), with a porch or vestibule 15 feet (4.6 meters) deep stretching across the width. Probably the vestibule was on the east end of the temple, thus corresponding with the orientation of Ezekiel’s temple (Ez 43:1; 44:1). The larger part of the main sanctuary, next to the porch, formed the Holy Place, which was 60 feet (18.3 meters) long (1 Kgs 6:17). Beyond this was the innermost sanctuary, the Holy of Holies (or the “Most Holy Place“), which was a perfect cube of 30 feet (9.1 meters). All the interior walls were paneled with cedar decorated with flower patterns, cherubim, and palm trees, so that no masonry was visible. The walls of both inner and outer sanctuaries were “overlaid” (v 22) with pure gold. Actually the gold decoration may have been inlaid, on the basis that a solid sheath of gold would spoil the natural beauty of the wood carving. The floor was made of cypress planks (v 15). Narrow windows set high in the walls above the level of the three-storied outer chambers provided light in the Holy Place (v 4). The ceiling was paneled with beams and planks of cedar. No detail is given about the exterior roofing, but probably the contemporary technique was employed, using a wooden, latticelike framework into which a waterproof, limestone plaster was packed and rolled.<\/p>\nThe outer porch was apparently an open space, since no doors are mentioned. Access into the Holy Place was by double doors, both hinged to fold back on themselves, made of cypress and decorated in exactly the same way as the interior walls (vv 34-35). The doorposts were made of olive wood. Within the Holy Place was the altar of incense made of cedar overlaid with gold; it was placed centrally before the Holy of Holies. Also in the Holy Place were a table for the bread of the Presence of God, ten lampstands arranged in two groups of five on either side, and various utensils required for maintaining the priestly duties (1 Kgs 7:48-50). All these were made or overlaid with gold. The ten tables, arranged five on each side, were presumably for the utensils and accessories (2 Chr 4:8).<\/p>\nBetween the Holy Place and the Holy of Holies was a double door made of olive wood, carved with cherubim, palm trees, and flower patterns and overlaid with gold. Inside these doors, veiling still further the Holy of Holies, was a blue, purple, and crimson curtain, made of the finest fabrics and ornamented with cherubim (2 Chr 3:14).<\/p>\nIn the Holy of Holies were two cherubim, each 15 feet (4.6 meters) high and made of olive wood covered with gold (1 Kgs 6:23-28). Each wing measured seven and a half feet (2.3 meters). A wing of each touched the side walls; the other wings met at the center of the room. The divine throne had been considerably less impressive in the tabernacle, where a wing of each cherubim fused into the mercy seat above the ark (Ex 25:17-22). In Solomon’s temple, the ark of the covenant was placed below the forward-facing cherubim, the symbolic protectors. The ark, the only major item surviving from the Mosaic tabernacle, still contained the tablets of the law, but the pot of manna and Aaron’s rod were missing (1 Kgs 8:9).<\/p>\nImmediately outside the temple and on either side of the vestibule were two hollow bronze pillars (1 Kgs 7:15-20; 2 Chr 3:15-17). According to the book of Kings, these pillars were 27 feet (8.2 meters) high, with a circumference of 18 feet (5.5 meters). The metal itself was about four inches (10.2 centimeters) thick. The pillars were surmounted by bronze, lily-shaped capitals seven and a half feet (2.3 meters) high and six feet (1.8 meters) wide, intricately adorned with a chain latticework that supported two rows of pomegranates. The total weight must have been enormous, and their size is attested to by Jeremiah, who notes that the Babylonians had to break them in pieces before transporting them to Babylon (Jer 52:17, 21-23).<\/p>\nThe bronze altar of sacrifice in front of the vestibule is not listed in the specifications of 1 Kings 7. However, it is mentioned in the temple dedication and subsequently (1 Kgs 8:22, 54, 64; 9:25) and clearly stood in the inner court. Its dimensions were 30 feet (9.1 meters) square and 15 feet (4.6 meters) high (2 Chr 4:1). In view of its weight, it was probably cast in sections at Solomon’s foundry in the Jordan Rift valley (vv 17-18) and then transported to the temple site for assembly.<\/p>\nProbably the most striking article in the inner court was the “molten (bronze) sea,” a huge, round tank made of bronze 3 inches (8 centimeters) thick, 7½ feet (2.3 meters) high, and 15 feet (4.6 meters) in diameter (1 Kgs 7:23-26). Its rim flared out like a lily (2 Chr 4:2-5). The tank was supported on 12 bronze oxen, four on each side, and had two rows of decoration, possibly gourds or pomegranates, under the brim. Its capacity was between 10,000 and 12,000 gallons (37,850–45,420 liters). The bronze sea was used for priestly ablutions (v 6). Presumably this involved a platform of sorts, for the brim of this vast basin would have been about 15 feet (4.6 meters) above ground level.<\/p>\nHiram also constructed ten large lavers, mounted on moveable stands and placed in two groups of five, on the north and south sides of the inner court (1 Kgs 7:27-39). Basically the stands were bronze boxes, six feet (1.8 meters) square and four and a half feet (1.4 meters) high with a nine-inch (22.9-centimeter) rim around the top edge. Each corner was attached to braced posts to which the axles were fixed. The four-spoked wheels were 27 inches (68.6 centimeters) high. Into each stand there fitted a laver containing approximately 220 gallons (832.7 liters) of water, used for washing sacrificial animals (2 Chr 4:6). Probably each was adjacent to one of the ten tables that would be used to flay and otherwise prepare the sacrifices (v 8). Supplementary items, such as pots, shovels, and basins, all made of bronze, were also manufactured (1 Kgs 7:40, 45).<\/p>\n<h5>The Dedication<\/h5>\nEleven months elapsed between the completion of the temple and its dedication (1 Kgs 6:38; 8:2), during which time the major items of furniture were set in place. The dedication itself took place in the seventh month, presumably in connection with the Feast of Tabernacles and the Day of Atonement (Lv 23:23-36). The ark of the covenant was brought into its final resting place (1 Kgs 8:3-4), but the inner court proved inadequate for the vast numbers of beasts sacrificed (1 Kgs 8:62-64; 2 Chr 7:7).<\/p>\nThe temple employed the most sophisticated building techniques of the age, and no expense had been spared in construction, ornamentation, or equipment. Yet Solomon readily confessed its utter inadequacy to house the eternal God (1 Kgs 8:27). His prayer also underlined Israel’s propensity to forsake the Lord, contrasting the nation with God, who, though a just judge, was also merciful and faithful. The climax of the proceedings came when fire from heaven consumed the sacrifices and the shekinah glory filled the temple (2 Chr 7:1-3).<\/p>\n<h5>Later History<\/h5>\nLike most ancient shrines, the temple became a treasury for national wealth and as such was often the target for attack. Shishak of Egypt plundered it within five years of Solomon’s death (1 Kgs 14:25-38). Shortly afterward, King Asa (910–869 BC<\/span>) depleted its gold and silver treasures to buy Syrian help against his oppressor, Baasha (908–886 BC<\/span>), king of Israel (15:16-19). Joash, the king of Judah (835–796 BC<\/span>) who was concealed in the temple from the vicious Athaliah during his youth (2 Kgs 11), made provision for its repair after protesting the priests’ embezzlement of gifts (12:4-16). But after the death of Jehoiada, the high priest, Joash himself was adversely influenced by his nobles (2 Chr 24:15-19). As punishment for his apostasy, the Lord allowed the Syrians to attack, and Joash used the temple treasures to buy them off (2 Kgs 12:17-18). Hardly had provision for replacements been made, when Jehoash of Israel (798–782 BC<\/span>), having shattered the arrogant pride of Amaziah of Judah (796–767 BC<\/span>), again stripped the temple (14:8-14). Later, King Ahaz (735-715 BC<\/span>) used the remaining resources of the temple to enlist support from the Assyrians (16:7-9), though he eventually became completely subservient to them.<\/p>\n Then Hezekiah (715–686 BC<\/span>), one of the great reforming kings, thoroughly renovated the temple and restored worship after it had fallen into disuse during theclosing years of Ahaz (2 Chr 29:1-19; 31:9-21). Manasseh (696–642 BC<\/span>), however, completely reversed his father’s policy, bringing the practices of Canaanite and Mesopotamian worship into the temple (2 Kgs 21:3-7). His conversion experience, which probably occurred late in his reign and resulted in certain reform measures in the temple (2 Chr 33:12-19), was not far-reaching enough to escape the final judgment that his reign was the dark spot of Judah’s history (2 Kgs 21:10-16).<\/p>\nManasseh’s grandson Josiah (640–609 BC<\/span>), was the second great reforming king. He organized the repair of the temple in 622 BC<\/span>, during which the lost Book of the Law (almost certainly the book of Deuteronomy) was discovered (2 Kgs 22:3-13). As a result, Josiah’s reformation gained a new dimension and sense of urgency (22:14–23:3). The reformation included a thorough purge of all idolatrous elements from the temple (23:4-12) and the restoration of the traditional festivals. Sadly, however, Josiah’s reformation died with him, and Judah’s downward slide continued under the apostate Jehoiakim (609–598 BC<\/span>). It was probably during this time that Jeremiah preached his famous temple sermon foretelling its destruction (Jer 7:1–8:3; 26:1-19), which alienated him from the religious leaders. In Nebuchadnezzar’s reprisal raid following Jehoiakim’s rebellion in 601 BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 24:1-4), Jerusalem was captured (596 BC<\/span>) and many of the temple treasures were transported to Babylon (2 Chr 36:7). The temple itself appears to have escaped damage, but when Judah again rebelled under Zedekiah (597–586 BC<\/span>), the temple was demolished (2 Kgs 25:8-10). The remaining temple treasures were taken away.<\/p>\nZerubbabel’s Temple<\/p>\n<h5>Construction<\/h5>\nAlthough the temple was devastated, the site still remained as a place of pilgrimage during the exile (Jer 41:4-5). In 538 BC<\/span> the Persian king, Cyrus, in pursuance of a liberal policy diametrically opposed to that of the earlier empires, permitted the Jews to return from exile. And he authorized the rebuilding of the temple, financing it from the Persian treasury.<\/p>\nIn the book of Ezra, the decree of authorization has been preserved in two forms: the general proclamation (Ezr 1:2-4) and a more prosaic memorandum in the national archives indicating the main temple specifications and the amount of promised Persian help (6:1-5). Probably only a minority of the Jews opted to leave the relative comforts of Mesopotamia for the dangers of a long journey to their desolated homeland. According to the book of Ezra, 42,360 dedicated individuals and their servants (2:64-65) responded under the leadership of Sheshbazzar (1:8-11; 5:14-16) and Zerubbabel (2:2; 3:2, 8; 4:2). With great enthusiasm, the altar was rebuilt on the temple site and the traditional pattern of worship reestablished (3:1-6). Utilizing the grant from Persia as well as their own freewill gifts (2:68-69; 3:7), the Jews began to plan the second temple and lay its foundations (3:7-13). The initial impetus quickly died as a result of local opposition (4:1-4, 24), selfish preoccupation, and crop failures (Hg 1:2-11). In 520 BC<\/span> (Ezr 4:24; Hg 1:1; Zec 1:1), inspired by the prophets Haggai and Zechariah, the Jews under Zerubbabel and Joshua the high priest commenced rebuilding. Work continued in spite of official suspicion, if not direct opposition, and the temple was completed and dedicated in 515 BC<\/span> (Ezr 5:1–6:22).<\/p>\nLittle is known of the physical features of Zerubbabel’s temple. The inference that it was vastly inferior to Solomon’s temple (Hg 2:3) probably relates to an early stage in the building operation. In fact, the second temple stood for over 500 years. The dimensions noted in Ezra 6:3 are incomplete; the new temple was no doubt about the same size as its predecessor and was probably built on the same foundation. The construction technique appears to have followed the method of the original, with layers of timber providing a framework for sections of masonry (v 4). Clearly, there was auxiliary accommodation, probably like the side rooms of Solomon’s temple (Ezr 8:29; Neh 12:44; 13:4-5). If Persian aid was forthcoming as promised (Ezr 6:8-12), the second temple was a more splendid, substantial structure than is generally supposed.<\/p>\n<h5>Later History<\/h5>\nSeveral references in the Apocrypha, pseudepigrapha, rabbinic writings, and the historian Josephus help to illumine the history of the temple and give more detail on its structure and furnishings. Josephus, quoting from Hecateus of Abdera (fourth century BC<\/span>), states that the temple was a large building in an enclosure about 500 feet by 150 feet (152.4 meters by 45.7 meters), surrounded by a stone wall, with an altar of unhewn stones the same size as Solomon’s bronze altar (cf. 2 Chr 4:1). Within the sanctuary was a golden altar of incense and a lampstand, the flame of which burned continually. Josephus also notes that Antiochus III (223–187 BC<\/span>) financially supported the temple when the Seleucids displaced the Ptolemies as masters of Jerusalem.<\/p>\nBen Sirach, early in the second century BC<\/span>, commended Simon, the son of Onias the high priest, for his work in fortifying and repairing the temple area. First Maccabees provides valuable evidence of the fate of the temple during the oppression under Antiochus IV Epiphanes (175–164 BC<\/span>). The books of the Maccabees recount the defilement of the altar of burnt offering (1 Macc 1:54) and the plundering of the golden lampstand, altar of incense, table of offering, veil, and other treasures (2 Macc 5:15-16; 6:2-4). When the temple was recaptured and restored, the victorious Maccabees replaced the items taken by the Seleucids, except for the altar of sacrifice, which was considered so polluted that it was dismantled and replaced by a new one constructed of unhewn stone (1 Macc 4:36-61; 2 Macc 10:1-9). Clearly the temple area was used as a fortress, both in opposition to the Seleucid garrison that was maintained in Jerusalem in the Maccabean period and in the conflicts of the later Hasmonean period. When Pompey captured Jerusalem about 63 BC<\/span>, he entered the temple to assert his authority but took no plunder, thus showing respect for it.<\/p>\nThe history of Zerubbabel’s temple closed when Herod, having carefully preserved it from any major damage when he gained control of Jerusalem with Roman aid in 37 BC<\/span>, began to dismantle it about 21 BC<\/span> in preparation for the construction of his own grand temple.<\/p>\nHerod’s Temple<\/p>\nApart from over 100 references in the NT, our main sources of information about Herod’s temple come from the Jewish historian Josephus and from the Middoth (a section of the Jewish rabbinic writings). There are considerable differences in detail between the two, which rules out any dogmatic interpretation in attempted reconstructions. Since Josephus was contemporary with the temple (he was born about AD<\/span> 37 and died early in the second century), he is probably more reliable than the Middoth, which, dating from about AD<\/span> 150, appears to exaggerate occasionally. Archaeological research has been helpful in determining the positions of the outer walls and gates.<\/p>\nHerod’s motive in building his temple was political rather than religious. As an Idumean, he wished to placate his Jewish subjects by constructing a sanctuary as magnificent as Solomon’s. Possible fears that the site might be profaned, or that the existing temple might be demolished and never rebuilt, were allayed by the training of 1,000 priests as masons and the amassing of materials before the work commenced. Herod’s temple followed the tripartite plan of its predecessors, although its porch was much larger. It was built in the contemporary Greco-Roman architectural style and must therefore be regarded as distinct from Zerubbabel’s temple. Work began in 20 BC<\/span>, and while the main sanctuary was quickly erected (it was in full operation within ten years), the total project was not completed until AD<\/span> 64, only six years before it was destroyed by the Romans.<\/p>\nHerod first prepared the site by clearing and leveling an area approximately 500 yards (457.2 meters) from north to south and about 325 yards (297.2 meters) from east to west. This involved cutting away sections of rock in some areas and building up with rubble in others. Considerable sections of the enclosing wall, constructed on stone blocks averaging about 15 feet (4.6 meters) long by 4 feet (1.2 meters) high, still survive. Some of the stones in the corners of the south wall weigh up to 70 tons (63.5 metric tons).<\/p>\nThe sanctuary itself seems to have been based on the same dimensions as Solomon’s temple. It was divided into the Holy Place, which was 60 feet (18.3 meters) long, 30 feet (9.1 meters) wide, and 60 feet high, and the Holy of Holies, which was 30 feet square. There was no furniture within the Holy of Holies, which was separated by a veil from the Holy Place. The Holy Place contained the seven-branch lampstand, the table for the bread of the Presence, and the incense altar. The main divergence from Solomon’s temple was the imposing porch, 150 feet (45.7 meters) in width and height. Outside was a doorway approximately 30 feet (9.1 meters) wide by 40 feet (12.2 meters) high, with an inner doorway about half that size leading into the sanctuary. By allowing empty rooms over the Holy of Holies and the Holy Place, there was a uniform roof height of 150 feet (45.7 meters). Golden spikes on the roof discouraged birds from alighting and defiling the structure. Like its predecessors, the temple was oriented toward the east and was surrounded on the other sides by three stories of rooms rising to a height of 60 feet (18.3 meters). The stone used was the local white stone, cut in huge blocks and highly polished.<\/p>\nAccess to the porch was by a flight of 12 steps from the Court of the Priests. Centrally placed before the porch and 33 feet (10.1 meters) away was the altar of sacrifice. Made of unhewn stone, it was a multilevel construction 15 feet (4.6 meters) high and about 48 feet (14.6 meters) square at its base. Male Israelites were allowed into this area once a year, during the Feast of the Tabernacles, to walk around the altar of sacrifice. Otherwise, they were restricted to the Court of Israel. To the east of the Court of Israel, and separated from it by a flight of 15 steps and by the ornate Great Gate, made of Corinthian bronze, was the Court of the Women. Here the offertory chests for temple expenses were located (Mk 12:41-44). The next court was the large, lower, outer Court of the Gentiles, which surrounded the inner courts and was separated from them by a balustrade and a series of warning notices. Two of these have been excavated, written in Latin and Greek and forbidding trespass by Gentiles into the inner areas, on pain of death. This outer court was widely used. Immediately inside its walls was a portico, supported by four rows of columns almost 40 feet (12.2 meters) high on the south side (the Royal Porch), and two rows on the other sides, the eastern portico known as “Solomon’s Porch” or “Solomon’s Colonnade.” Here is the area where the stalls of the money changers and merchants were set up, where the Sanhedrin met, and where Christ and the scribes taught and debated (Mk 11:27; Lk 2:46; 19:47; Jn 10:23). Here, too, the infant church met before it was rejected by a hostile Judaism (Acts 3:11; 5:12). Just to the northwest of the temple enclosure was the Fortress of Antonia, where the Roman governor resided while in Jerusalem, and where a Roman garrison was on hand to deal with disturbances (Acts 21:31-40). Overlooking the temple area, it was separated from it by a wide moat. The high priest’s vestments were stored in the fortress as a symbol of Roman authority. Access to the Court of the Gentiles was by four gates in the west wall; two in the south wall, where the ground fell away steeply into the valley, a site often identified as the pinnacle of the temple (Mt 4:5; Lk 4:9); and one gate in each of the east and north walls.<\/p>\nSignificance of the Temple in the Old Testament<\/p>\nThe temple in Jerusalem functioned as the focal point of the tribal confederation. In spite of the attempt of Jeroboam I, the first king of the northern kingdom, to divert attention from Jerusalem by establishing shrines at Bethel and Dan (1 Kgs 12:26-30), Jerusalem never lost its preeminence. Naturally, both Hezekiah and Josiah sought to extend their reformation into the area of the northern tribes (2 Chr 30:1-12; 34:6-7), and Jerusalem was a pilgrimage center for those areas even after its destruction (Jer 41:5). The prophets foretold its destiny as the focal point of universal worship (Is 2:1-4).<\/p>\nThe temple was God’s dwelling place among his people. God’s presence, symbolized in the shekinah glory and the pillar of cloud, was associated with the tent of meeting (Ex 33:9-11), with the tabernacle (40:34-38), and finally with the temple (1 Kgs 8:10-11). The paradox is that while God is completely unrestricted, the temple was considered a place for God to live forever (vv 13, 27). God had chosen Zion, as he had chosen David (Pss 68:15-18; 76:2; 78:67-72), so the temple was regarded as God’s house (27:4; 42:4; 84:1-4).<\/p>\n<h5>Ezekiel’s Temple<\/h5>\nEzekiel’s detailed description of the ideal temple (Ez 40–48) was not used as the blueprint for Zerubbabel’s temple. In fact, since Ezekiel must have been familiar with Solomon’s temple before his deportation in 597 BC<\/span>, his description is of greater help in determining uncertain details of the first temple. Ezekiel’s concern was to show the nature of pure worship, safeguarded from all contamination. This worship would allow the glory of God, which had departed from corrupted Solomon’s temple (9:3; 10:4, 18-19: 11:22-23), to return so that Jerusalem could again be named “the Lord is there” (43:1-5; 48:35). This thought, linked with Ezekiel’s vital concept of God’s Spirit indwelling his faithful worshipers (36:24-28), anticipated the NT teaching of the believers becoming God’s temple.<\/p>\nSignificance of the Temple in the New Testament<\/p>\n<h5>Christ and the Temple<\/h5>\nChrist showed considerable respect for the temple. When he was 12 years old, he entered into the rabbinic discussions in its porticoes and described it as his Father’s house (Lk 2:41-50). To him “the house of God” was indwelt by God (Mt 12:4; 23:21). Although he twice cleansed it in righteous anger (Mt 21:12-13; Jn 2:13-16), he wept over the impending destruction of the city and temple (Lk 19:41-44). He often taught there, but he was “greater than the temple” (Mt 12:6). When his presentation to Jerusalem as the predicted Messiah was rejected, in spite of attendant miracles, he foretold its inevitable destruction (Mt 21:9-15; 24:1-2). For a brief period after Pentecost, the early church used the temple as its meeting place, until mounting opposition drove believers from Jerusalem (Acts 5:12, 21, 42; 8:1).<\/p>\n<h5>The Church as the Temple<\/h5>\nThe NT writers used two different Greek words to describe the temple: naos<\/span> and hieron<\/span>.<\/em> Naos<\/span> refers to the actual sanctuary of the temple, the place of God’s dwelling. Hieron<\/span> refers to the temple precincts as well as to the sanctuary. Generally speaking, naos<\/span> was used to designate the inner section of the temple known as the Holy Place and the Holy of Holies, whereas hieron<\/span> included the outer court and the temple proper.<\/p>\nIn Paul’s epistles the word naos<\/span> appears six times (1 Cor 3:16-17; 6:19; 2 Cor 6:16; Eph 2:21; 2 Thes 2:4) and hieron<\/span> once (1 Cor 9:13). In these verses Paul maintains the distinction of definition noted above. When speaking of the actual physical temple, he used the word hieron<\/span> to indicate the place where the priests offered up animal sacrifices on the altar (1 Cor 9:13), which was situated in the outer court (see Ex 27–29, 40). And when Paul referred to the abominable act of the lawless one in usurping God’s place in the temple, he used the word naos<\/span>—the word that designates the place of deity’s presence (2 Thes 2:4).<\/p>\nIn all the other Pauline passages, naos<\/span> is used metaphorically—to depict a human habitation for the divine Spirit. In one instance the sanctuary image is used to describe the individual believer’s body (1 Cor 6:19); in every other instance the sanctuary depicts Christ’s body, the church (1 Cor 3:16-17; 2 Cor 6:16; Eph 2:21). Mistakenly, many readers think 1 Corinthians 3:16-17 speaks of the individual, but according to the Greek text, it is unquestionably clear that Paul was speaking about the collective church (specifically, the church in Corinth).<\/p>\nWhen Paul told the church in Corinth that it was God’s sanctuary, they would have understood the image from their knowledge of pagan temples. But Paul probably had in mind the one temple in Jerusalem. The Gentiles had many gods with many temples in one city; the Jews had one God with only one temple in all of Israel. This helped to preserve unity among the Israelites. The Corinthians needed spiritual unity; they were fragmented due to their individual preferences (see 1 Cor 1:10-13).<\/p>\nIn Ephesians, Paul’s masterpiece on the church, he speaks of the local churches as living, organic entities that are all (compositely speaking) growing into a holy sanctuary in the Lord (Eph 2:21). Paul pictured each local church as providing God with a spiritual habitation in that locality (v 22) and as growing together with all the other churches into one holy, universal sanctuary for the Lord’s indwelling.<\/p>\n<h5>The Temple in John’s Revelation<\/h5>\nIn John’s revelation there is no material temple, even though he continues to use the imagery of Jerusalem and Mt Zion (Rv 3:12; 14:1; 21:2, 10, 22). Three interrelated ideas dominate. First is the concept of the church made up of martyrs, whose faithful members are God’s temple (3:12; 14:1). This temple grows gradually as the number of martyrs increases (6:11). Another aspect is the temple as the place of judgment (11:19; 14:15; 15:5–16:1). Finally, any temple in the new age is unnecessary, “for its temple is the Lord God Almighty and the Lamb” (21:22). The ultimate state will be God’s dwelling with his people—the eternal, spritual temple.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Altar; Ark of the Covenant; Bread of the Presence; David; Feasts and Festivals of Israel; First Jewish Revolt; Judaism; Mercy Seat; Offerings and Sacrifices; Priests and Levites; Sanctuary; Singers in the Temple; Solomon (Person).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>TEMPLE<\/h3>\nPreview<\/p>\n• Background<\/p>\n• Solomon’s Temple<\/p>\n• Zerubbabel’s Temple<\/p>\n• Herod’s Temple<\/p>\n• Significance of the Temple in the Old Testament<\/p>\n• Significance of the Temple in the New Testament<\/p>\nBackground<\/p>\nDavid’s capture of Jerusalem (2 Sm 5:6-9) and his designation of it as the nation’s capital is one of the great masterstrokes of history. Occupied by the Jebusites, it was a pocket of neutral territory between the northern and southern sections of David’s united kingdom and was politically acceptable to both. Jerusalem was then established as the national religious center by the return of the ark, which had been largely neglected since its capture by the Philistines (2 Sm 6:1-17). Henceforth, God’s choices of both David and Jerusalem (“Mount Zion”) were indissolubly linked (Ps 78:67-72).<\/p>\nDavid’s great impulse was to build an adequate dwelling place for Israel’s God. The idea was initially approved by Nathan the prophet (2 Sm 7:1-3), but God revealed otherwise to him, and he conveyed the divine purpose to David (vv 4-17). In a significant wordplay, David was informed that, while he was not to build a house (temple) for God, God would build a house (dynasty) for him. David was not the one to build a temple because of the numerous wars during his reign; the temple would instead be built by his son (1 Kgs 5:3; 1 Chr 22:7-8; 28:3). Nevertheless, David enthusiastically amassed most of the necessary finances and materials and drew up the blueprints for the temple (1 Chr 22:3-5, 14; 28:2, 11-19). He also purchased the temple site (21:25).<\/p>\nSolomon’s Temple<\/p>\n\n<h5>Date<\/h5>\nConstruction commenced in Solomon’s fourth year, about 966 BC<\/span>, and took seven years to complete (1 Kgs 6:1, 38). Everything necessary for the temple, including the workers, had been prepared by David (1 Chr 28:21). The temple evidently had first priority among Solomon’s building schemes, as he built his own palace later (1 Kgs 7:1).<\/p>\n<h5>Superintendents and Workforce<\/h5>\nThe principal architect for the bronze furnishings was Huram (Hebrew “Hiram”), whose father was a metal craftsman from Tyre and whose mother was an Israelite (1 Kgs 7:13-14). Cedar for the temple came from Lebanon and was felled and transported by the skilled woodsmen of another Hiram—the king of Tyre, Solomon’s ally (5:5-9). Thirty thousand Israelites, divided into three groups, were drafted to assist at Lebanon. Each group was on duty for one month in three. For the stonework, Solomon conscripted 153,600 foreigners resident in Israel to provide a self-contained group of carriers, stone cutters, and supervisors (vv 15-17; 2 Chr 2:17-18). Possibly the “men of Gebal,” with their specialized skills, formed yet another group (1 Kgs 5:18). Building the temple was obviously a national project of immense size and effort. In order to preserve the sanctity of the site and to eliminate noise, the masonry and carpentry were not done at the temple site (6:7).<\/p>\n<h5>Description<\/h5>\nThe details given in the Bible are sufficiently clear for us to make a reasonably accurate description of the temple. The accounts in Kings and Chronicles are supplemented by Ezekiel’s depiction of the temple (see below), which was broadly based on his knowledge of the Jerusalem temple (Ez 40–48).<\/p>\nThe side rooms probably rested on a foundation or platform that was separate from the temple itself (1 Kgs 6:5, 10; cf. Ez 41:8-9) and were arranged in three stories, each seven and a half feet (2.3 meters) high, extending around the whole building except for the porch side. Each successive story was one and a half feet (.5 meter) wider than the one below, these dimensions coinciding with the thickness of the side wall of the Holy Place. The ground floor rooms were seven and a half feet (2.3 meters) wide; the first story was nine feet (2.7 meters), and the second was ten and a half feet (3.2 meters). Access to the upper stories was possibly by winding staircases (1 Kgs 6:8). There is some uncertainty concerning the location of the entrances; there may have been one on either side, but only one is mentioned (v 8). As in Ezekiel’s temple (Ez 40:17, 28), there were two adjacent courts, an inner and an outer (1 Kgs 6:36; 7:12), but no dimensions are given for these. The inner court, or “court of the priests,” being next to the temple itself, was also called “the upper court” (2 Chr 4:9; Jer 36:10). The wall of the inner court was made of three layers of hewn stone held together by a layer of cedar beams (1 Kgs 6:36), and the doors of both courts were sheathed in bronze (2 Chr 4:9). The palace buildings were within the outer court area, probably with a private passageway between the palace and the temple that was later closed during the reign of Ahaz (2 Chr 4:9, 12; 2 Kgs 16:18).<\/p>\nThe temple itself was 90 feet (27.4 meters) long, 30 feet (9.1 meters) wide, and 45 feet (13.7 meters) high (1 Kgs 6:2), with a porch or vestibule 15 feet (4.6 meters) deep stretching across the width. Probably the vestibule was on the east end of the temple, thus corresponding with the orientation of Ezekiel’s temple (Ez 43:1; 44:1). The larger part of the main sanctuary, next to the porch, formed the Holy Place, which was 60 feet (18.3 meters) long (1 Kgs 6:17). Beyond this was the innermost sanctuary, the Holy of Holies (or the “Most Holy Place“), which was a perfect cube of 30 feet (9.1 meters). All the interior walls were paneled with cedar decorated with flower patterns, cherubim, and palm trees, so that no masonry was visible. The walls of both inner and outer sanctuaries were “overlaid” (v 22) with pure gold. Actually the gold decoration may have been inlaid, on the basis that a solid sheath of gold would spoil the natural beauty of the wood carving. The floor was made of cypress planks (v 15). Narrow windows set high in the walls above the level of the three-storied outer chambers provided light in the Holy Place (v 4). The ceiling was paneled with beams and planks of cedar. No detail is given about the exterior roofing, but probably the contemporary technique was employed, using a wooden, latticelike framework into which a waterproof, limestone plaster was packed and rolled.<\/p>\nThe outer porch was apparently an open space, since no doors are mentioned. Access into the Holy Place was by double doors, both hinged to fold back on themselves, made of cypress and decorated in exactly the same way as the interior walls (vv 34-35). The doorposts were made of olive wood. Within the Holy Place was the altar of incense made of cedar overlaid with gold; it was placed centrally before the Holy of Holies. Also in the Holy Place were a table for the bread of the Presence of God, ten lampstands arranged in two groups of five on either side, and various utensils required for maintaining the priestly duties (1 Kgs 7:48-50). All these were made or overlaid with gold. The ten tables, arranged five on each side, were presumably for the utensils and accessories (2 Chr 4:8).<\/p>\nBetween the Holy Place and the Holy of Holies was a double door made of olive wood, carved with cherubim, palm trees, and flower patterns and overlaid with gold. Inside these doors, veiling still further the Holy of Holies, was a blue, purple, and crimson curtain, made of the finest fabrics and ornamented with cherubim (2 Chr 3:14).<\/p>\nIn the Holy of Holies were two cherubim, each 15 feet (4.6 meters) high and made of olive wood covered with gold (1 Kgs 6:23-28). Each wing measured seven and a half feet (2.3 meters). A wing of each touched the side walls; the other wings met at the center of the room. The divine throne had been considerably less impressive in the tabernacle, where a wing of each cherubim fused into the mercy seat above the ark (Ex 25:17-22). In Solomon’s temple, the ark of the covenant was placed below the forward-facing cherubim, the symbolic protectors. The ark, the only major item surviving from the Mosaic tabernacle, still contained the tablets of the law, but the pot of manna and Aaron’s rod were missing (1 Kgs 8:9).<\/p>\nImmediately outside the temple and on either side of the vestibule were two hollow bronze pillars (1 Kgs 7:15-20; 2 Chr 3:15-17). According to the book of Kings, these pillars were 27 feet (8.2 meters) high, with a circumference of 18 feet (5.5 meters). The metal itself was about four inches (10.2 centimeters) thick. The pillars were surmounted by bronze, lily-shaped capitals seven and a half feet (2.3 meters) high and six feet (1.8 meters) wide, intricately adorned with a chain latticework that supported two rows of pomegranates. The total weight must have been enormous, and their size is attested to by Jeremiah, who notes that the Babylonians had to break them in pieces before transporting them to Babylon (Jer 52:17, 21-23).<\/p>\nThe bronze altar of sacrifice in front of the vestibule is not listed in the specifications of 1 Kings 7. However, it is mentioned in the temple dedication and subsequently (1 Kgs 8:22, 54, 64; 9:25) and clearly stood in the inner court. Its dimensions were 30 feet (9.1 meters) square and 15 feet (4.6 meters) high (2 Chr 4:1). In view of its weight, it was probably cast in sections at Solomon’s foundry in the Jordan Rift valley (vv 17-18) and then transported to the temple site for assembly.<\/p>\nProbably the most striking article in the inner court was the “molten (bronze) sea,” a huge, round tank made of bronze 3 inches (8 centimeters) thick, 7½ feet (2.3 meters) high, and 15 feet (4.6 meters) in diameter (1 Kgs 7:23-26). Its rim flared out like a lily (2 Chr 4:2-5). The tank was supported on 12 bronze oxen, four on each side, and had two rows of decoration, possibly gourds or pomegranates, under the brim. Its capacity was between 10,000 and 12,000 gallons (37,850–45,420 liters). The bronze sea was used for priestly ablutions (v 6). Presumably this involved a platform of sorts, for the brim of this vast basin would have been about 15 feet (4.6 meters) above ground level.<\/p>\nHiram also constructed ten large lavers, mounted on moveable stands and placed in two groups of five, on the north and south sides of the inner court (1 Kgs 7:27-39). Basically the stands were bronze boxes, six feet (1.8 meters) square and four and a half feet (1.4 meters) high with a nine-inch (22.9-centimeter) rim around the top edge. Each corner was attached to braced posts to which the axles were fixed. The four-spoked wheels were 27 inches (68.6 centimeters) high. Into each stand there fitted a laver containing approximately 220 gallons (832.7 liters) of water, used for washing sacrificial animals (2 Chr 4:6). Probably each was adjacent to one of the ten tables that would be used to flay and otherwise prepare the sacrifices (v 8). Supplementary items, such as pots, shovels, and basins, all made of bronze, were also manufactured (1 Kgs 7:40, 45).<\/p>\n<h5>The Dedication<\/h5>\nEleven months elapsed between the completion of the temple and its dedication (1 Kgs 6:38; 8:2), during which time the major items of furniture were set in place. The dedication itself took place in the seventh month, presumably in connection with the Feast of Tabernacles and the Day of Atonement (Lv 23:23-36). The ark of the covenant was brought into its final resting place (1 Kgs 8:3-4), but the inner court proved inadequate for the vast numbers of beasts sacrificed (1 Kgs 8:62-64; 2 Chr 7:7).<\/p>\nThe temple employed the most sophisticated building techniques of the age, and no expense had been spared in construction, ornamentation, or equipment. Yet Solomon readily confessed its utter inadequacy to house the eternal God (1 Kgs 8:27). His prayer also underlined Israel’s propensity to forsake the Lord, contrasting the nation with God, who, though a just judge, was also merciful and faithful. The climax of the proceedings came when fire from heaven consumed the sacrifices and the shekinah glory filled the temple (2 Chr 7:1-3).<\/p>\n<h5>Later History<\/h5>\nLike most ancient shrines, the temple became a treasury for national wealth and as such was often the target for attack. Shishak of Egypt plundered it within five years of Solomon’s death (1 Kgs 14:25-38). Shortly afterward, King Asa (910–869 BC<\/span>) depleted its gold and silver treasures to buy Syrian help against his oppressor, Baasha (908–886 BC<\/span>), king of Israel (15:16-19). Joash, the king of Judah (835–796 BC<\/span>) who was concealed in the temple from the vicious Athaliah during his youth (2 Kgs 11), made provision for its repair after protesting the priests’ embezzlement of gifts (12:4-16). But after the death of Jehoiada, the high priest, Joash himself was adversely influenced by his nobles (2 Chr 24:15-19). As punishment for his apostasy, the Lord allowed the Syrians to attack, and Joash used the temple treasures to buy them off (2 Kgs 12:17-18). Hardly had provision for replacements been made, when Jehoash of Israel (798–782 BC<\/span>), having shattered the arrogant pride of Amaziah of Judah (796–767 BC<\/span>), again stripped the temple (14:8-14). Later, King Ahaz (735-715 BC<\/span>) used the remaining resources of the temple to enlist support from the Assyrians (16:7-9), though he eventually became completely subservient to them.<\/p>\n Then Hezekiah (715–686 BC<\/span>), one of the great reforming kings, thoroughly renovated the temple and restored worship after it had fallen into disuse during theclosing years of Ahaz (2 Chr 29:1-19; 31:9-21). Manasseh (696–642 BC<\/span>), however, completely reversed his father’s policy, bringing the practices of Canaanite and Mesopotamian worship into the temple (2 Kgs 21:3-7). His conversion experience, which probably occurred late in his reign and resulted in certain reform measures in the temple (2 Chr 33:12-19), was not far-reaching enough to escape the final judgment that his reign was the dark spot of Judah’s history (2 Kgs 21:10-16).<\/p>\nManasseh’s grandson Josiah (640–609 BC<\/span>), was the second great reforming king. He organized the repair of the temple in 622 BC<\/span>, during which the lost Book of the Law (almost certainly the book of Deuteronomy) was discovered (2 Kgs 22:3-13). As a result, Josiah’s reformation gained a new dimension and sense of urgency (22:14–23:3). The reformation included a thorough purge of all idolatrous elements from the temple (23:4-12) and the restoration of the traditional festivals. Sadly, however, Josiah’s reformation died with him, and Judah’s downward slide continued under the apostate Jehoiakim (609–598 BC<\/span>). It was probably during this time that Jeremiah preached his famous temple sermon foretelling its destruction (Jer 7:1–8:3; 26:1-19), which alienated him from the religious leaders. In Nebuchadnezzar’s reprisal raid following Jehoiakim’s rebellion in 601 BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 24:1-4), Jerusalem was captured (596 BC<\/span>) and many of the temple treasures were transported to Babylon (2 Chr 36:7). The temple itself appears to have escaped damage, but when Judah again rebelled under Zedekiah (597–586 BC<\/span>), the temple was demolished (2 Kgs 25:8-10). The remaining temple treasures were taken away.<\/p>\nZerubbabel’s Temple<\/p>\n<h5>Construction<\/h5>\nAlthough the temple was devastated, the site still remained as a place of pilgrimage during the exile (Jer 41:4-5). In 538 BC<\/span> the Persian king, Cyrus, in pursuance of a liberal policy diametrically opposed to that of the earlier empires, permitted the Jews to return from exile. And he authorized the rebuilding of the temple, financing it from the Persian treasury.<\/p>\nIn the book of Ezra, the decree of authorization has been preserved in two forms: the general proclamation (Ezr 1:2-4) and a more prosaic memorandum in the national archives indicating the main temple specifications and the amount of promised Persian help (6:1-5). Probably only a minority of the Jews opted to leave the relative comforts of Mesopotamia for the dangers of a long journey to their desolated homeland. According to the book of Ezra, 42,360 dedicated individuals and their servants (2:64-65) responded under the leadership of Sheshbazzar (1:8-11; 5:14-16) and Zerubbabel (2:2; 3:2, 8; 4:2). With great enthusiasm, the altar was rebuilt on the temple site and the traditional pattern of worship reestablished (3:1-6). Utilizing the grant from Persia as well as their own freewill gifts (2:68-69; 3:7), the Jews began to plan the second temple and lay its foundations (3:7-13). The initial impetus quickly died as a result of local opposition (4:1-4, 24), selfish preoccupation, and crop failures (Hg 1:2-11). In 520 BC<\/span> (Ezr 4:24; Hg 1:1; Zec 1:1), inspired by the prophets Haggai and Zechariah, the Jews under Zerubbabel and Joshua the high priest commenced rebuilding. Work continued in spite of official suspicion, if not direct opposition, and the temple was completed and dedicated in 515 BC<\/span> (Ezr 5:1–6:22).<\/p>\nLittle is known of the physical features of Zerubbabel’s temple. The inference that it was vastly inferior to Solomon’s temple (Hg 2:3) probably relates to an early stage in the building operation. In fact, the second temple stood for over 500 years. The dimensions noted in Ezra 6:3 are incomplete; the new temple was no doubt about the same size as its predecessor and was probably built on the same foundation. The construction technique appears to have followed the method of the original, with layers of timber providing a framework for sections of masonry (v 4). Clearly, there was auxiliary accommodation, probably like the side rooms of Solomon’s temple (Ezr 8:29; Neh 12:44; 13:4-5). If Persian aid was forthcoming as promised (Ezr 6:8-12), the second temple was a more splendid, substantial structure than is generally supposed.<\/p>\n<h5>Later History<\/h5>\nSeveral references in the Apocrypha, pseudepigrapha, rabbinic writings, and the historian Josephus help to illumine the history of the temple and give more detail on its structure and furnishings. Josephus, quoting from Hecateus of Abdera (fourth century BC<\/span>), states that the temple was a large building in an enclosure about 500 feet by 150 feet (152.4 meters by 45.7 meters), surrounded by a stone wall, with an altar of unhewn stones the same size as Solomon’s bronze altar (cf. 2 Chr 4:1). Within the sanctuary was a golden altar of incense and a lampstand, the flame of which burned continually. Josephus also notes that Antiochus III (223–187 BC<\/span>) financially supported the temple when the Seleucids displaced the Ptolemies as masters of Jerusalem.<\/p>\nBen Sirach, early in the second century BC<\/span>, commended Simon, the son of Onias the high priest, for his work in fortifying and repairing the temple area. First Maccabees provides valuable evidence of the fate of the temple during the oppression under Antiochus IV Epiphanes (175–164 BC<\/span>). The books of the Maccabees recount the defilement of the altar of burnt offering (1 Macc 1:54) and the plundering of the golden lampstand, altar of incense, table of offering, veil, and other treasures (2 Macc 5:15-16; 6:2-4). When the temple was recaptured and restored, the victorious Maccabees replaced the items taken by the Seleucids, except for the altar of sacrifice, which was considered so polluted that it was dismantled and replaced by a new one constructed of unhewn stone (1 Macc 4:36-61; 2 Macc 10:1-9). Clearly the temple area was used as a fortress, both in opposition to the Seleucid garrison that was maintained in Jerusalem in the Maccabean period and in the conflicts of the later Hasmonean period. When Pompey captured Jerusalem about 63 BC<\/span>, he entered the temple to assert his authority but took no plunder, thus showing respect for it.<\/p>\nThe history of Zerubbabel’s temple closed when Herod, having carefully preserved it from any major damage when he gained control of Jerusalem with Roman aid in 37 BC<\/span>, began to dismantle it about 21 BC<\/span> in preparation for the construction of his own grand temple.<\/p>\nHerod’s Temple<\/p>\nApart from over 100 references in the NT, our main sources of information about Herod’s temple come from the Jewish historian Josephus and from the Middoth (a section of the Jewish rabbinic writings). There are considerable differences in detail between the two, which rules out any dogmatic interpretation in attempted reconstructions. Since Josephus was contemporary with the temple (he was born about AD<\/span> 37 and died early in the second century), he is probably more reliable than the Middoth, which, dating from about AD<\/span> 150, appears to exaggerate occasionally. Archaeological research has been helpful in determining the positions of the outer walls and gates.<\/p>\nHerod’s motive in building his temple was political rather than religious. As an Idumean, he wished to placate his Jewish subjects by constructing a sanctuary as magnificent as Solomon’s. Possible fears that the site might be profaned, or that the existing temple might be demolished and never rebuilt, were allayed by the training of 1,000 priests as masons and the amassing of materials before the work commenced. Herod’s temple followed the tripartite plan of its predecessors, although its porch was much larger. It was built in the contemporary Greco-Roman architectural style and must therefore be regarded as distinct from Zerubbabel’s temple. Work began in 20 BC<\/span>, and while the main sanctuary was quickly erected (it was in full operation within ten years), the total project was not completed until AD<\/span> 64, only six years before it was destroyed by the Romans.<\/p>\nHerod first prepared the site by clearing and leveling an area approximately 500 yards (457.2 meters) from north to south and about 325 yards (297.2 meters) from east to west. This involved cutting away sections of rock in some areas and building up with rubble in others. Considerable sections of the enclosing wall, constructed on stone blocks averaging about 15 feet (4.6 meters) long by 4 feet (1.2 meters) high, still survive. Some of the stones in the corners of the south wall weigh up to 70 tons (63.5 metric tons).<\/p>\nThe sanctuary itself seems to have been based on the same dimensions as Solomon’s temple. It was divided into the Holy Place, which was 60 feet (18.3 meters) long, 30 feet (9.1 meters) wide, and 60 feet high, and the Holy of Holies, which was 30 feet square. There was no furniture within the Holy of Holies, which was separated by a veil from the Holy Place. The Holy Place contained the seven-branch lampstand, the table for the bread of the Presence, and the incense altar. The main divergence from Solomon’s temple was the imposing porch, 150 feet (45.7 meters) in width and height. Outside was a doorway approximately 30 feet (9.1 meters) wide by 40 feet (12.2 meters) high, with an inner doorway about half that size leading into the sanctuary. By allowing empty rooms over the Holy of Holies and the Holy Place, there was a uniform roof height of 150 feet (45.7 meters). Golden spikes on the roof discouraged birds from alighting and defiling the structure. Like its predecessors, the temple was oriented toward the east and was surrounded on the other sides by three stories of rooms rising to a height of 60 feet (18.3 meters). The stone used was the local white stone, cut in huge blocks and highly polished.<\/p>\nAccess to the porch was by a flight of 12 steps from the Court of the Priests. Centrally placed before the porch and 33 feet (10.1 meters) away was the altar of sacrifice. Made of unhewn stone, it was a multilevel construction 15 feet (4.6 meters) high and about 48 feet (14.6 meters) square at its base. Male Israelites were allowed into this area once a year, during the Feast of the Tabernacles, to walk around the altar of sacrifice. Otherwise, they were restricted to the Court of Israel. To the east of the Court of Israel, and separated from it by a flight of 15 steps and by the ornate Great Gate, made of Corinthian bronze, was the Court of the Women. Here the offertory chests for temple expenses were located (Mk 12:41-44). The next court was the large, lower, outer Court of the Gentiles, which surrounded the inner courts and was separated from them by a balustrade and a series of warning notices. Two of these have been excavated, written in Latin and Greek and forbidding trespass by Gentiles into the inner areas, on pain of death. This outer court was widely used. Immediately inside its walls was a portico, supported by four rows of columns almost 40 feet (12.2 meters) high on the south side (the Royal Porch), and two rows on the other sides, the eastern portico known as “Solomon’s Porch” or “Solomon’s Colonnade.” Here is the area where the stalls of the money changers and merchants were set up, where the Sanhedrin met, and where Christ and the scribes taught and debated (Mk 11:27; Lk 2:46; 19:47; Jn 10:23). Here, too, the infant church met before it was rejected by a hostile Judaism (Acts 3:11; 5:12). Just to the northwest of the temple enclosure was the Fortress of Antonia, where the Roman governor resided while in Jerusalem, and where a Roman garrison was on hand to deal with disturbances (Acts 21:31-40). Overlooking the temple area, it was separated from it by a wide moat. The high priest’s vestments were stored in the fortress as a symbol of Roman authority. Access to the Court of the Gentiles was by four gates in the west wall; two in the south wall, where the ground fell away steeply into the valley, a site often identified as the pinnacle of the temple (Mt 4:5; Lk 4:9); and one gate in each of the east and north walls.<\/p>\nSignificance of the Temple in the Old Testament<\/p>\nThe temple in Jerusalem functioned as the focal point of the tribal confederation. In spite of the attempt of Jeroboam I, the first king of the northern kingdom, to divert attention from Jerusalem by establishing shrines at Bethel and Dan (1 Kgs 12:26-30), Jerusalem never lost its preeminence. Naturally, both Hezekiah and Josiah sought to extend their reformation into the area of the northern tribes (2 Chr 30:1-12; 34:6-7), and Jerusalem was a pilgrimage center for those areas even after its destruction (Jer 41:5). The prophets foretold its destiny as the focal point of universal worship (Is 2:1-4).<\/p>\nThe temple was God’s dwelling place among his people. God’s presence, symbolized in the shekinah glory and the pillar of cloud, was associated with the tent of meeting (Ex 33:9-11), with the tabernacle (40:34-38), and finally with the temple (1 Kgs 8:10-11). The paradox is that while God is completely unrestricted, the temple was considered a place for God to live forever (vv 13, 27). God had chosen Zion, as he had chosen David (Pss 68:15-18; 76:2; 78:67-72), so the temple was regarded as God’s house (27:4; 42:4; 84:1-4).<\/p>\n<h5>Ezekiel’s Temple<\/h5>\nEzekiel’s detailed description of the ideal temple (Ez 40–48) was not used as the blueprint for Zerubbabel’s temple. In fact, since Ezekiel must have been familiar with Solomon’s temple before his deportation in 597 BC<\/span>, his description is of greater help in determining uncertain details of the first temple. Ezekiel’s concern was to show the nature of pure worship, safeguarded from all contamination. This worship would allow the glory of God, which had departed from corrupted Solomon’s temple (9:3; 10:4, 18-19: 11:22-23), to return so that Jerusalem could again be named “the Lord is there” (43:1-5; 48:35). This thought, linked with Ezekiel’s vital concept of God’s Spirit indwelling his faithful worshipers (36:24-28), anticipated the NT teaching of the believers becoming God’s temple.<\/p>\nSignificance of the Temple in the New Testament<\/p>\n<h5>Christ and the Temple<\/h5>\nChrist showed considerable respect for the temple. When he was 12 years old, he entered into the rabbinic discussions in its porticoes and described it as his Father’s house (Lk 2:41-50). To him “the house of God” was indwelt by God (Mt 12:4; 23:21). Although he twice cleansed it in righteous anger (Mt 21:12-13; Jn 2:13-16), he wept over the impending destruction of the city and temple (Lk 19:41-44). He often taught there, but he was “greater than the temple” (Mt 12:6). When his presentation to Jerusalem as the predicted Messiah was rejected, in spite of attendant miracles, he foretold its inevitable destruction (Mt 21:9-15; 24:1-2). For a brief period after Pentecost, the early church used the temple as its meeting place, until mounting opposition drove believers from Jerusalem (Acts 5:12, 21, 42; 8:1).<\/p>\n<h5>The Church as the Temple<\/h5>\nThe NT writers used two different Greek words to describe the temple: naos<\/span> and hieron<\/span>.<\/em> Naos<\/span> refers to the actual sanctuary of the temple, the place of God’s dwelling. Hieron<\/span> refers to the temple precincts as well as to the sanctuary. Generally speaking, naos<\/span> was used to designate the inner section of the temple known as the Holy Place and the Holy of Holies, whereas hieron<\/span> included the outer court and the temple proper.<\/p>\nIn Paul’s epistles the word naos<\/span> appears six times (1 Cor 3:16-17; 6:19; 2 Cor 6:16; Eph 2:21; 2 Thes 2:4) and hieron<\/span> once (1 Cor 9:13). In these verses Paul maintains the distinction of definition noted above. When speaking of the actual physical temple, he used the word hieron<\/span> to indicate the place where the priests offered up animal sacrifices on the altar (1 Cor 9:13), which was situated in the outer court (see Ex 27–29, 40). And when Paul referred to the abominable act of the lawless one in usurping God’s place in the temple, he used the word naos<\/span>—the word that designates the place of deity’s presence (2 Thes 2:4).<\/p>\nIn all the other Pauline passages, naos<\/span> is used metaphorically—to depict a human habitation for the divine Spirit. In one instance the sanctuary image is used to describe the individual believer’s body (1 Cor 6:19); in every other instance the sanctuary depicts Christ’s body, the church (1 Cor 3:16-17; 2 Cor 6:16; Eph 2:21). Mistakenly, many readers think 1 Corinthians 3:16-17 speaks of the individual, but according to the Greek text, it is unquestionably clear that Paul was speaking about the collective church (specifically, the church in Corinth).<\/p>\nWhen Paul told the church in Corinth that it was God’s sanctuary, they would have understood the image from their knowledge of pagan temples. But Paul probably had in mind the one temple in Jerusalem. The Gentiles had many gods with many temples in one city; the Jews had one God with only one temple in all of Israel. This helped to preserve unity among the Israelites. The Corinthians needed spiritual unity; they were fragmented due to their individual preferences (see 1 Cor 1:10-13).<\/p>\nIn Ephesians, Paul’s masterpiece on the church, he speaks of the local churches as living, organic entities that are all (compositely speaking) growing into a holy sanctuary in the Lord (Eph 2:21). Paul pictured each local church as providing God with a spiritual habitation in that locality (v 22) and as growing together with all the other churches into one holy, universal sanctuary for the Lord’s indwelling.<\/p>\n<h5>The Temple in John’s Revelation<\/h5>\nIn John’s revelation there is no material temple, even though he continues to use the imagery of Jerusalem and Mt Zion (Rv 3:12; 14:1; 21:2, 10, 22). Three interrelated ideas dominate. First is the concept of the church made up of martyrs, whose faithful members are God’s temple (3:12; 14:1). This temple grows gradually as the number of martyrs increases (6:11). Another aspect is the temple as the place of judgment (11:19; 14:15; 15:5–16:1). Finally, any temple in the new age is unnecessary, “for its temple is the Lord God Almighty and the Lamb” (21:22). The ultimate state will be God’s dwelling with his people—the eternal, spritual temple.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Altar; Ark of the Covenant; Bread of the Presence; David; Feasts and Festivals of Israel; First Jewish Revolt; Judaism; Mercy Seat; Offerings and Sacrifices; Priests and Levites; Sanctuary; Singers in the Temple; Solomon (Person).<\/p>","summary_ro":"TEMPLE Preview • Background • Solomon’s Temple • Zerubbabel’s Temple • Herod’s Temple • Significance of the Temple in the Old Testament • Significance of the Temple in the New Testament Background David’s capture of Jerusalem (2 Sm 5:6-9) and his designation of it as the nation’s capital is one of the great masterstrokes of history. Occupied by the Jebusites, it was a pocket of neutral territory between the northern and southern sections of David’s united kingdom and was politically acceptabl...","summary_en":"TEMPLE Preview • Background • Solomon’s Temple • Zerubbabel’s Temple • Herod’s Temple • Significance of the Temple in the Old Testament • Significance of the Temple in the New Testament Background David’s capture of Jerusalem (2 Sm 5:6-9) and his designation of it as the nation’s capital is one of the great masterstrokes of history. Occupied by the Jebusites, it was a pocket of neutral territory between the northern and southern sections of David’s united kingdom and was politically acceptabl...","source":"Articles\/T.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":47323,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:1","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:1","content_ro":"11:1-16<\/strong> Athaliah, the mother of King Ahaziah of Judah<\/em>,<\/em> was the daughter of Ahab and Jezebel and the wife of King Jehoram of Judah (8:18, 26). As queen mother, she wielded powerful influence. Unfortunately, it was for evil (8:18, 27; 2 Chr 22:3-4) and included her plans to destroy the rest of the royal family<\/em> (see 2 Chr 22:10). The demise of Ahab’s family in Samaria was complete, but Athaliah seized power in Judah in a slaughter that mirrored Jehu’s slaughter of her family in Samaria.<\/p>","content_en":"11:1-16<\/strong> Athaliah, the mother of King Ahaziah of Judah<\/em>,<\/em> was the daughter of Ahab and Jezebel and the wife of King Jehoram of Judah (8:18, 26). As queen mother, she wielded powerful influence. Unfortunately, it was for evil (8:18, 27; 2 Chr 22:3-4) and included her plans to destroy the rest of the royal family<\/em> (see 2 Chr 22:10). The demise of Ahab’s family in Samaria was complete, but Athaliah seized power in Judah in a slaughter that mirrored Jehu’s slaughter of her family in Samaria.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:1-16 Athaliah, the mother of King Ahaziah of Judah, was the daughter of Ahab and Jezebel and the wife of King Jehoram of Judah (8:18, 26). As queen mother, she wielded powerful influence. Unfortunately, it was for evil (8:18, 27; 2 Chr 22:3-4) and included her plans to destroy the rest of the royal family (see 2 Chr 22:10). The demise of Ahab’s family in Samaria was complete, but Athaliah seized power in Judah in a slaughter that mirrored Jehu’s slaughter of her family in Samaria.","summary_en":"11:1-16 Athaliah, the mother of King Ahaziah of Judah, was the daughter of Ahab and Jezebel and the wife of King Jehoram of Judah (8:18, 26). As queen mother, she wielded powerful influence. Unfortunately, it was for evil (8:18, 27; 2 Chr 22:3-4) and included her plans to destroy the rest of the royal family (see 2 Chr 22:10). The demise of Ahab’s family in Samaria was complete, but Athaliah seized power in Judah in a slaughter that mirrored Jehu’s slaughter of her family in Samaria.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":74949,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:1","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:1","content_ro":"11:1-16<\/strong> Athaliah, the mother of King Ahaziah of Judah<\/em>,<\/em> was the daughter of Ahab and Jezebel and the wife of King Jehoram of Judah (8:18, 26). As queen mother, she wielded powerful influence. Unfortunately, it was for evil (8:18, 27; 2 Chr 22:3-4) and included her plans to destroy the rest of the royal family<\/em> (see 2 Chr 22:10). The demise of Ahab’s family in Samaria was complete, but Athaliah seized power in Judah in a slaughter that mirrored Jehu’s slaughter of her family in Samaria.<\/p>","content_en":"11:1-16<\/strong> Athaliah, the mother of King Ahaziah of Judah<\/em>,<\/em> was the daughter of Ahab and Jezebel and the wife of King Jehoram of Judah (8:18, 26). As queen mother, she wielded powerful influence. Unfortunately, it was for evil (8:18, 27; 2 Chr 22:3-4) and included her plans to destroy the rest of the royal family<\/em> (see 2 Chr 22:10). The demise of Ahab’s family in Samaria was complete, but Athaliah seized power in Judah in a slaughter that mirrored Jehu’s slaughter of her family in Samaria.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:1-16 Athaliah, the mother of King Ahaziah of Judah, was the daughter of Ahab and Jezebel and the wife of King Jehoram of Judah (8:18, 26). As queen mother, she wielded powerful influence. Unfortunately, it was for evil (8:18, 27; 2 Chr 22:3-4) and included her plans to destroy the rest of the royal family (see 2 Chr 22:10). The demise of Ahab’s family in Samaria was complete, but Athaliah seized power in Judah in a slaughter that mirrored Jehu’s slaughter of her family in Samaria.","summary_en":"11:1-16 Athaliah, the mother of King Ahaziah of Judah, was the daughter of Ahab and Jezebel and the wife of King Jehoram of Judah (8:18, 26). As queen mother, she wielded powerful influence. Unfortunately, it was for evil (8:18, 27; 2 Chr 22:3-4) and included her plans to destroy the rest of the royal family (see 2 Chr 22:10). The demise of Ahab’s family in Samaria was complete, but Athaliah seized power in Judah in a slaughter that mirrored Jehu’s slaughter of her family in Samaria.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":102575,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:1","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:1","content_ro":"11:1-16<\/strong> Athaliah, the mother of King Ahaziah of Judah<\/em>,<\/em> was the daughter of Ahab and Jezebel and the wife of King Jehoram of Judah (8:18, 26). As queen mother, she wielded powerful influence. Unfortunately, it was for evil (8:18, 27; 2 Chr 22:3-4) and included her plans to destroy the rest of the royal family<\/em> (see 2 Chr 22:10). The demise of Ahab’s family in Samaria was complete, but Athaliah seized power in Judah in a slaughter that mirrored Jehu’s slaughter of her family in Samaria.<\/p>","content_en":"11:1-16<\/strong> Athaliah, the mother of King Ahaziah of Judah<\/em>,<\/em> was the daughter of Ahab and Jezebel and the wife of King Jehoram of Judah (8:18, 26). As queen mother, she wielded powerful influence. Unfortunately, it was for evil (8:18, 27; 2 Chr 22:3-4) and included her plans to destroy the rest of the royal family<\/em> (see 2 Chr 22:10). The demise of Ahab’s family in Samaria was complete, but Athaliah seized power in Judah in a slaughter that mirrored Jehu’s slaughter of her family in Samaria.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:1-16 Athaliah, the mother of King Ahaziah of Judah, was the daughter of Ahab and Jezebel and the wife of King Jehoram of Judah (8:18, 26). As queen mother, she wielded powerful influence. Unfortunately, it was for evil (8:18, 27; 2 Chr 22:3-4) and included her plans to destroy the rest of the royal family (see 2 Chr 22:10). The demise of Ahab’s family in Samaria was complete, but Athaliah seized power in Judah in a slaughter that mirrored Jehu’s slaughter of her family in Samaria.","summary_en":"11:1-16 Athaliah, the mother of King Ahaziah of Judah, was the daughter of Ahab and Jezebel and the wife of King Jehoram of Judah (8:18, 26). As queen mother, she wielded powerful influence. Unfortunately, it was for evil (8:18, 27; 2 Chr 22:3-4) and included her plans to destroy the rest of the royal family (see 2 Chr 22:10). The demise of Ahab’s family in Samaria was complete, but Athaliah seized power in Judah in a slaughter that mirrored Jehu’s slaughter of her family in Samaria.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":130201,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:1","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:1","content_ro":"11:1-16<\/strong> Athaliah, the mother of King Ahaziah of Judah<\/em>,<\/em> was the daughter of Ahab and Jezebel and the wife of King Jehoram of Judah (8:18, 26). As queen mother, she wielded powerful influence. Unfortunately, it was for evil (8:18, 27; 2 Chr 22:3-4) and included her plans to destroy the rest of the royal family<\/em> (see 2 Chr 22:10). The demise of Ahab’s family in Samaria was complete, but Athaliah seized power in Judah in a slaughter that mirrored Jehu’s slaughter of her family in Samaria.<\/p>","content_en":"11:1-16<\/strong> Athaliah, the mother of King Ahaziah of Judah<\/em>,<\/em> was the daughter of Ahab and Jezebel and the wife of King Jehoram of Judah (8:18, 26). As queen mother, she wielded powerful influence. Unfortunately, it was for evil (8:18, 27; 2 Chr 22:3-4) and included her plans to destroy the rest of the royal family<\/em> (see 2 Chr 22:10). The demise of Ahab’s family in Samaria was complete, but Athaliah seized power in Judah in a slaughter that mirrored Jehu’s slaughter of her family in Samaria.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:1-16 Athaliah, the mother of King Ahaziah of Judah, was the daughter of Ahab and Jezebel and the wife of King Jehoram of Judah (8:18, 26). As queen mother, she wielded powerful influence. Unfortunately, it was for evil (8:18, 27; 2 Chr 22:3-4) and included her plans to destroy the rest of the royal family (see 2 Chr 22:10). The demise of Ahab’s family in Samaria was complete, but Athaliah seized power in Judah in a slaughter that mirrored Jehu’s slaughter of her family in Samaria.","summary_en":"11:1-16 Athaliah, the mother of King Ahaziah of Judah, was the daughter of Ahab and Jezebel and the wife of King Jehoram of Judah (8:18, 26). As queen mother, she wielded powerful influence. Unfortunately, it was for evil (8:18, 27; 2 Chr 22:3-4) and included her plans to destroy the rest of the royal family (see 2 Chr 22:10). The demise of Ahab’s family in Samaria was complete, but Athaliah seized power in Judah in a slaughter that mirrored Jehu’s slaughter of her family in Samaria.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"2":[{"id":3153,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Athaliah","title_en":"Athaliah","content_ro":"<h3>ATHALIAH<\/h3>\n<li>1. Wife of King Jehoram of Judah, and daughter of King Ahab of Israel and his wife, Jezebel. Athaliah, Judah’s only queen, ruled 841–835 BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 11; 2 Chr 22–23).<\/li>\nLike her mother, Jezebel, Athaliah worshiped the Canaanite god Baal and encouraged her husband to do the same. Evidently she had considerable influence over Jehoram. After his death their son Ahaziah was made king (2 Kgs 8:25-27; 2 Chr 22:1). Like Jehoram, Ahaziah was influenced by Athaliah and did “what was evil in the Lord<\/span>’s sight” (2 Kgs 8:27).<\/p>\nBecause the kings of Israel and Judah disobeyed the Lord, Jehu was anointed by God to be the true king of Israel (2 Kgs 9:2-3). Jehu then killed Joram, king of Israel (2 Kgs 9:24), and Ahaziah, king of Judah (2 Kgs 9:27; 2 Chr 22:9). After the death of her son, Athaliah seized the throne of Judah by destroying (so she thought) all the males in the royal family (2 Kgs 11:1; 2 Chr 22:10). But Jehoshabeath, Jehoram’s daughter and the wife of Jehoiada the priest, rescued Ahaziah’s son Joash and hid him away (2 Kgs 11:2-3; 2 Chr 22:11-12).<\/p>\nAfter six years Jehoiada “took courage” and resolved to reveal the young prince Joash to the people, making an agreement with some mercenary army officers who summoned to Jerusalem “the Levites . . . and the heads of fathers’ houses of Israel” (2 Chr 23:1-3, rsv<\/span>). In a secret ceremony in the temple Joash was crowned king. Athaliah heard people rejoicing and blowing trumpets and tried to halt the proceedings by tearing her clothes and yelling, “Treason!” She was immediately taken from the temple area and executed (2 Kgs 11:13-16; 2 Chr 23:12-15). See<\/em> Israel, History of; Kings, Books of First and Second.<\/p>\n<li>2. One of the sons of Jehoram from Benjamin’s tribe (1 Chr 8:26).<\/li>\n<li>3. Father of Jeshaiah, the head of the sons of Elam who returned from Babylon with Ezra (Ezr 8:7).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>ATHALIAH<\/h3>\n<li>1. Wife of King Jehoram of Judah, and daughter of King Ahab of Israel and his wife, Jezebel. Athaliah, Judah’s only queen, ruled 841–835 BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 11; 2 Chr 22–23).<\/li>\nLike her mother, Jezebel, Athaliah worshiped the Canaanite god Baal and encouraged her husband to do the same. Evidently she had considerable influence over Jehoram. After his death their son Ahaziah was made king (2 Kgs 8:25-27; 2 Chr 22:1). Like Jehoram, Ahaziah was influenced by Athaliah and did “what was evil in the Lord<\/span>’s sight” (2 Kgs 8:27).<\/p>\nBecause the kings of Israel and Judah disobeyed the Lord, Jehu was anointed by God to be the true king of Israel (2 Kgs 9:2-3). Jehu then killed Joram, king of Israel (2 Kgs 9:24), and Ahaziah, king of Judah (2 Kgs 9:27; 2 Chr 22:9). After the death of her son, Athaliah seized the throne of Judah by destroying (so she thought) all the males in the royal family (2 Kgs 11:1; 2 Chr 22:10). But Jehoshabeath, Jehoram’s daughter and the wife of Jehoiada the priest, rescued Ahaziah’s son Joash and hid him away (2 Kgs 11:2-3; 2 Chr 22:11-12).<\/p>\nAfter six years Jehoiada “took courage” and resolved to reveal the young prince Joash to the people, making an agreement with some mercenary army officers who summoned to Jerusalem “the Levites . . . and the heads of fathers’ houses of Israel” (2 Chr 23:1-3, rsv<\/span>). In a secret ceremony in the temple Joash was crowned king. Athaliah heard people rejoicing and blowing trumpets and tried to halt the proceedings by tearing her clothes and yelling, “Treason!” She was immediately taken from the temple area and executed (2 Kgs 11:13-16; 2 Chr 23:12-15). See<\/em> Israel, History of; Kings, Books of First and Second.<\/p>\n<li>2. One of the sons of Jehoram from Benjamin’s tribe (1 Chr 8:26).<\/li>\n<li>3. Father of Jeshaiah, the head of the sons of Elam who returned from Babylon with Ezra (Ezr 8:7).<\/li>","summary_ro":"ATHALIAH 1. Wife of King Jehoram of Judah, and daughter of King Ahab of Israel and his wife, Jezebel. Athaliah, Judah’s only queen, ruled 841–835 BC (2 Kgs 11; 2 Chr 22–23). Like her mother, Jezebel, Athaliah worshiped the Canaanite god Baal and encouraged her husband to do the same. Evidently she had considerable influence over Jehoram. After his death their son Ahaziah was made king (2 Kgs 8:25-27; 2 Chr 22:1). Like Jehoram, Ahaziah was influenced by Athaliah and did “what was evil in the L...","summary_en":"ATHALIAH 1. Wife of King Jehoram of Judah, and daughter of King Ahab of Israel and his wife, Jezebel. Athaliah, Judah’s only queen, ruled 841–835 BC (2 Kgs 11; 2 Chr 22–23). Like her mother, Jezebel, Athaliah worshiped the Canaanite god Baal and encouraged her husband to do the same. Evidently she had considerable influence over Jehoram. After his death their son Ahaziah was made king (2 Kgs 8:25-27; 2 Chr 22:1). Like Jehoram, Ahaziah was influenced by Athaliah and did “what was evil in the L...","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":18829,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Jehosheba","title_en":"Jehosheba","content_ro":"<h3>JEHOSHEBA<\/h3>\nDaughter of King Jehoram of Judah (853–841 BC<\/span>) and Queen Athaliah, sister of King Ahaziah (841 BC<\/span>), and wife of Jehoiada the high priest. Upon Ahaziah’s death, Athaliah attempted to kill all the remaining royal heirs to the throne; Jehosheba, however, hid young Joash, Ahaziah’s son, in a temple bedroom for the duration of Athaliah’s reign (841–835 BC<\/span>; 2 Kgs 11:2). Jehosheba is alternately spelled Jehoshabeath in 2 Chronicles 22:11.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JEHOSHEBA<\/h3>\nDaughter of King Jehoram of Judah (853–841 BC<\/span>) and Queen Athaliah, sister of King Ahaziah (841 BC<\/span>), and wife of Jehoiada the high priest. Upon Ahaziah’s death, Athaliah attempted to kill all the remaining royal heirs to the throne; Jehosheba, however, hid young Joash, Ahaziah’s son, in a temple bedroom for the duration of Athaliah’s reign (841–835 BC<\/span>; 2 Kgs 11:2). Jehosheba is alternately spelled Jehoshabeath in 2 Chronicles 22:11.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JEHOSHEBA Daughter of King Jehoram of Judah (853–841 BC) and Queen Athaliah, sister of King Ahaziah (841 BC), and wife of Jehoiada the high priest. Upon Ahaziah’s death, Athaliah attempted to kill all the remaining royal heirs to the throne; Jehosheba, however, hid young Joash, Ahaziah’s son, in a temple bedroom for the duration of Athaliah’s reign (841–835 BC; 2 Kgs 11:2). Jehosheba is alternately spelled Jehoshabeath in 2 Chronicles 22:11.","summary_en":"JEHOSHEBA Daughter of King Jehoram of Judah (853–841 BC) and Queen Athaliah, sister of King Ahaziah (841 BC), and wife of Jehoiada the high priest. Upon Ahaziah’s death, Athaliah attempted to kill all the remaining royal heirs to the throne; Jehosheba, however, hid young Joash, Ahaziah’s son, in a temple bedroom for the duration of Athaliah’s reign (841–835 BC; 2 Kgs 11:2). Jehosheba is alternately spelled Jehoshabeath in 2 Chronicles 22:11.","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":19933,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Joash","title_en":"Joash","content_ro":"<h3>JOASH<\/h3>\n<li>1. Abiezrite who lived at Ophrah and the father of Gideon. Joash built an altar to Baal and an image of Asherah, which Gideon later destroyed (Jgs 6:11-31; 7:14; 8:13, 29-32).<\/li>\n<li>2. Son of King Ahab of Israel (1 Kgs 22:26; 2 Chr 18:25).<\/li>\n<li>3. Alternate name for Jehoash, Ahaziah’s son and king of Judah (835–796 BC<\/span>), in 2 Kings 11:2-3 and 1 Chronicles 3:11. See<\/em> Jehoash #1.<\/li>\n<li>4. Alternate name for Jehoash, Jehoahaz’s son and king of Israel (798–782 BC<\/span>), in 2 Kings 13:10-13. See<\/em> Jehoash #2.<\/li>\n<li>5. Judahite from the house of Shelah (1 Chr 4:22).<\/li>\n<li>6. Second of Beker’s nine sons and a leader in Benjamin’s tribe (1 Chr 7:8).<\/li>\n<li>7. Benjamite warrior who supported David at Ziklag (1 Chr 12:3).<\/li>\n<li>8. One of David’s officials (1 Chr 27:28).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>JOASH<\/h3>\n<li>1. Abiezrite who lived at Ophrah and the father of Gideon. Joash built an altar to Baal and an image of Asherah, which Gideon later destroyed (Jgs 6:11-31; 7:14; 8:13, 29-32).<\/li>\n<li>2. Son of King Ahab of Israel (1 Kgs 22:26; 2 Chr 18:25).<\/li>\n<li>3. Alternate name for Jehoash, Ahaziah’s son and king of Judah (835–796 BC<\/span>), in 2 Kings 11:2-3 and 1 Chronicles 3:11. See<\/em> Jehoash #1.<\/li>\n<li>4. Alternate name for Jehoash, Jehoahaz’s son and king of Israel (798–782 BC<\/span>), in 2 Kings 13:10-13. See<\/em> Jehoash #2.<\/li>\n<li>5. Judahite from the house of Shelah (1 Chr 4:22).<\/li>\n<li>6. Second of Beker’s nine sons and a leader in Benjamin’s tribe (1 Chr 7:8).<\/li>\n<li>7. Benjamite warrior who supported David at Ziklag (1 Chr 12:3).<\/li>\n<li>8. One of David’s officials (1 Chr 27:28).<\/li>","summary_ro":"JOASH 1. Abiezrite who lived at Ophrah and the father of Gideon. Joash built an altar to Baal and an image of Asherah, which Gideon later destroyed (Jgs 6:11-31; 7:14; 8:13, 29-32). 2. Son of King Ahab of Israel (1 Kgs 22:26; 2 Chr 18:25). 3. Alternate name for Jehoash, Ahaziah’s son and king of Judah (835–796 BC), in 2 Kings 11:2-3 and 1 Chronicles 3:11. See Jehoash #1. 4. Alternate name for Jehoash, Jehoahaz’s son and king of Israel (798–782 BC), in 2 Kings 13:10-13. See Jehoash #2. 5. Juda...","summary_en":"JOASH 1. Abiezrite who lived at Ophrah and the father of Gideon. Joash built an altar to Baal and an image of Asherah, which Gideon later destroyed (Jgs 6:11-31; 7:14; 8:13, 29-32). 2. Son of King Ahab of Israel (1 Kgs 22:26; 2 Chr 18:25). 3. Alternate name for Jehoash, Ahaziah’s son and king of Judah (835–796 BC), in 2 Kings 11:2-3 and 1 Chronicles 3:11. See Jehoash #1. 4. Alternate name for Jehoash, Jehoahaz’s son and king of Israel (798–782 BC), in 2 Kings 13:10-13. See Jehoash #2. 5. Juda...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":27975,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Nurse","title_en":"Nurse","content_ro":"<h3>NURSE<\/h3>\nA woman who took care of an infant that did not belong to her, or a man who took care of young children. The work was limited to the nursing and caring of an infant. Women usually took care of their own children, such as Sarah (Gn 21:7) and Hannah (1 Sm 1:23). A wet nurse often became a part of the family circle and had a special place. Rebekah had a nurse, and when she passed away, the woman was even mentioned in the biblical text: “Now Deborah, Rebekah’s nurse, died and was buried under the oak below Bethel. So it was named Allon Bacuth” (Gn 35:8, niv<\/span>). Moses’ mother became his nurse, as she was being paid by Pharaoh’s daughter (Ex 2:7). Royal sons were cared for by nurses, as in the case of Joash, who was hidden with his nurse by Jehosheba his aunt (2 Kgs 11:2). Since Joash was hidden for six years and was seven when he acceded to the throne, Joash was about a year old when he was hidden—and his nurse must have been a wet nurse.<\/p>\nRoyal sons received special care and were under the supervision of a nurse after they had been suckled. Children were nursed up to the age of three, and when they were weaned, there was a feast (Gn 21:8; 1 Sm 1:23-24). Thereafter, a nurse-teacher took charge of the youngster. Mephibosheth was five years old when his nurse fell with him, causing him to be lame (2 Sm 4:4). Naomi took care of her grandson as a nurse (Ru 4:16). It is probable that male nurses were used as teachers for the young aristocrats, such as we find in 2 Kings 10:1, when it is said that Ahab’s children had tutors (cf. also v 5). In this sense we must understand Moses’ reference to himself, too, as a “nurse”: “Did I conceive all these people? Did I give them birth? Why do you tell me to carry them in my arms, as a nurse carries an infant, to the land you promised on oath to their forefathers?” (Nm 11:12, niv<\/span>). Paul saw himself, too, as a “nurse” to the church (1 Thes 2:7).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>NURSE<\/h3>\nA woman who took care of an infant that did not belong to her, or a man who took care of young children. The work was limited to the nursing and caring of an infant. Women usually took care of their own children, such as Sarah (Gn 21:7) and Hannah (1 Sm 1:23). A wet nurse often became a part of the family circle and had a special place. Rebekah had a nurse, and when she passed away, the woman was even mentioned in the biblical text: “Now Deborah, Rebekah’s nurse, died and was buried under the oak below Bethel. So it was named Allon Bacuth” (Gn 35:8, niv<\/span>). Moses’ mother became his nurse, as she was being paid by Pharaoh’s daughter (Ex 2:7). Royal sons were cared for by nurses, as in the case of Joash, who was hidden with his nurse by Jehosheba his aunt (2 Kgs 11:2). Since Joash was hidden for six years and was seven when he acceded to the throne, Joash was about a year old when he was hidden—and his nurse must have been a wet nurse.<\/p>\nRoyal sons received special care and were under the supervision of a nurse after they had been suckled. Children were nursed up to the age of three, and when they were weaned, there was a feast (Gn 21:8; 1 Sm 1:23-24). Thereafter, a nurse-teacher took charge of the youngster. Mephibosheth was five years old when his nurse fell with him, causing him to be lame (2 Sm 4:4). Naomi took care of her grandson as a nurse (Ru 4:16). It is probable that male nurses were used as teachers for the young aristocrats, such as we find in 2 Kings 10:1, when it is said that Ahab’s children had tutors (cf. also v 5). In this sense we must understand Moses’ reference to himself, too, as a “nurse”: “Did I conceive all these people? Did I give them birth? Why do you tell me to carry them in my arms, as a nurse carries an infant, to the land you promised on oath to their forefathers?” (Nm 11:12, niv<\/span>). Paul saw himself, too, as a “nurse” to the church (1 Thes 2:7).<\/p>","summary_ro":"NURSE A woman who took care of an infant that did not belong to her, or a man who took care of young children. The work was limited to the nursing and caring of an infant. Women usually took care of their own children, such as Sarah (Gn 21:7) and Hannah (1 Sm 1:23). A wet nurse often became a part of the family circle and had a special place. Rebekah had a nurse, and when she passed away, the woman was even mentioned in the biblical text: “Now Deborah, Rebekah’s nurse, died and was buried und...","summary_en":"NURSE A woman who took care of an infant that did not belong to her, or a man who took care of young children. The work was limited to the nursing and caring of an infant. Women usually took care of their own children, such as Sarah (Gn 21:7) and Hannah (1 Sm 1:23). A wet nurse often became a part of the family circle and had a special place. Rebekah had a nurse, and when she passed away, the woman was even mentioned in the biblical text: “Now Deborah, Rebekah’s nurse, died and was buried und...","source":"Articles\/N.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":28735,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Palace","title_en":"Palace","content_ro":"<h3>PALACE<\/h3>\nResidence for royalty. Excavations suggest that any city that enjoyed royal patronage would boast of a building that could be described as a palace. Royal cities had a second surrounding wall that shut off the royal palace and its outbuildings, forming the acropolis of the city. Jerusalem had the equivalent in the City of David, which formerly was the Citadel of Zion (2 Sm 5:7-9).<\/p>\nThe OT’s references to palaces in Palestine are vague—for example, David’s palace (2 Sm 11:2, 9), the palace of Tirzah (1 Kgs 16:18) and Ahab’s palace in Jezreel (21:1). Even the references to Solomon’s palace in Jerusalem are quite imprecise. In 1 Kings 7:1-12 the construction of public and private buildings close to the temple went on for 13 years. Only the choicest of materials were used. But from the details supplied, it is quite impossible to reproduce plans of the House of the Forest of Lebanon, the Porch of Pillars, the Porch of the Throne, the palace for Solomon’s Egyptian wife, or the royal palace. What the situation of these buildings was in relation to one another is matter only for conjecture. Round about the whole complex was a great court of hewn stones and cedar beams.<\/p>\nForced labor was universal in the ancient Near East. Samuel’s warning that a king would introduce the system into Israel (1 Sm 8:12-17) was fulfilled, and it came to full development under Solomon when he undertook his massive building program, including his palace. Solomon raised his workforce from all over Israel. The system incited Jeroboam to revolt (1 Kgs 12:4, 16). King Asa used it (15:22), and it continued on into Jeremiah’s time (Jer 22:13). Nehemiah’s builders were volunteers (see Neh 3:5).<\/p>\nProminent among Solomon’s royal buildings was the temple. Apparently, it stood in the middle of a courtyard called the inner court (1 Kgs 6:36), by contrast with the great court (7:12), which included both the temple and the palace. The palace itself had an inner court too (v 8), the northern wall of which was common to the inner court of the temple. Hence it was but a step from the king’s domain to the Lord’s domain.<\/p>\nThe king’s enthronement took place in the palace, in the Porch of the Throne (1 Kgs 1:46; 2 Kgs 11:19). When he took his seat on the throne, it marked his assumption of power (1 Kgs 16:11; 2 Kgs 13:13). Solomon’s throne in his palace became the symbol of royal power, although his throne was still called the throne of David (1 Kgs 2:24, 45; Is 9:7). Solomon’s palace throne is described as one of the wonders of the world (1 Kgs 10:18-20). It was around this throne that the high officials came to do him homage (1:47).<\/p>\nThe king’s daughters lived in the palace until their marriage under the care of women (2 Sm 13:7). They wore a distinctive dress (vv 18-19). The king’s sons were reared in the palace by nurses (2 Kgs 11:2) and tutored under leading men of the city (10:1, 6-7), until they were able to perform certain duties at the court (2 Sm 8:18; 1 Chr 18:17). Then they led an independent life and were provided for by the king (2 Chr 21:3). Amnon evidently lived outside the palace (2 Sm 13:5), and Absalom had his own house (13:20; 14:24), lands, and livestock (13:23; 14:30). Palace or court officials surrounded the royal family (1 Kgs 10:4-5). Whatever their office, they were called the king’s “servants.” There were those “who saw the king’s face,” meaning they were admitted to the king’s presence (2 Sm 14:24, 28, 32), or stood before the king (1 Sm 16:21-22; Jer 52:12). It was a signal mark of favor to be admitted to the royal table (2 Sm 9:7, 13).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>PALACE<\/h3>\nResidence for royalty. Excavations suggest that any city that enjoyed royal patronage would boast of a building that could be described as a palace. Royal cities had a second surrounding wall that shut off the royal palace and its outbuildings, forming the acropolis of the city. Jerusalem had the equivalent in the City of David, which formerly was the Citadel of Zion (2 Sm 5:7-9).<\/p>\nThe OT’s references to palaces in Palestine are vague—for example, David’s palace (2 Sm 11:2, 9), the palace of Tirzah (1 Kgs 16:18) and Ahab’s palace in Jezreel (21:1). Even the references to Solomon’s palace in Jerusalem are quite imprecise. In 1 Kings 7:1-12 the construction of public and private buildings close to the temple went on for 13 years. Only the choicest of materials were used. But from the details supplied, it is quite impossible to reproduce plans of the House of the Forest of Lebanon, the Porch of Pillars, the Porch of the Throne, the palace for Solomon’s Egyptian wife, or the royal palace. What the situation of these buildings was in relation to one another is matter only for conjecture. Round about the whole complex was a great court of hewn stones and cedar beams.<\/p>\nForced labor was universal in the ancient Near East. Samuel’s warning that a king would introduce the system into Israel (1 Sm 8:12-17) was fulfilled, and it came to full development under Solomon when he undertook his massive building program, including his palace. Solomon raised his workforce from all over Israel. The system incited Jeroboam to revolt (1 Kgs 12:4, 16). King Asa used it (15:22), and it continued on into Jeremiah’s time (Jer 22:13). Nehemiah’s builders were volunteers (see Neh 3:5).<\/p>\nProminent among Solomon’s royal buildings was the temple. Apparently, it stood in the middle of a courtyard called the inner court (1 Kgs 6:36), by contrast with the great court (7:12), which included both the temple and the palace. The palace itself had an inner court too (v 8), the northern wall of which was common to the inner court of the temple. Hence it was but a step from the king’s domain to the Lord’s domain.<\/p>\nThe king’s enthronement took place in the palace, in the Porch of the Throne (1 Kgs 1:46; 2 Kgs 11:19). When he took his seat on the throne, it marked his assumption of power (1 Kgs 16:11; 2 Kgs 13:13). Solomon’s throne in his palace became the symbol of royal power, although his throne was still called the throne of David (1 Kgs 2:24, 45; Is 9:7). Solomon’s palace throne is described as one of the wonders of the world (1 Kgs 10:18-20). It was around this throne that the high officials came to do him homage (1:47).<\/p>\nThe king’s daughters lived in the palace until their marriage under the care of women (2 Sm 13:7). They wore a distinctive dress (vv 18-19). The king’s sons were reared in the palace by nurses (2 Kgs 11:2) and tutored under leading men of the city (10:1, 6-7), until they were able to perform certain duties at the court (2 Sm 8:18; 1 Chr 18:17). Then they led an independent life and were provided for by the king (2 Chr 21:3). Amnon evidently lived outside the palace (2 Sm 13:5), and Absalom had his own house (13:20; 14:24), lands, and livestock (13:23; 14:30). Palace or court officials surrounded the royal family (1 Kgs 10:4-5). Whatever their office, they were called the king’s “servants.” There were those “who saw the king’s face,” meaning they were admitted to the king’s presence (2 Sm 14:24, 28, 32), or stood before the king (1 Sm 16:21-22; Jer 52:12). It was a signal mark of favor to be admitted to the royal table (2 Sm 9:7, 13).<\/p>","summary_ro":"PALACE Residence for royalty. Excavations suggest that any city that enjoyed royal patronage would boast of a building that could be described as a palace. Royal cities had a second surrounding wall that shut off the royal palace and its outbuildings, forming the acropolis of the city. Jerusalem had the equivalent in the City of David, which formerly was the Citadel of Zion (2 Sm 5:7-9). The OT’s references to palaces in Palestine are vague—for example, David’s palace (2 Sm 11:2, 9), the pala...","summary_en":"PALACE Residence for royalty. Excavations suggest that any city that enjoyed royal patronage would boast of a building that could be described as a palace. Royal cities had a second surrounding wall that shut off the royal palace and its outbuildings, forming the acropolis of the city. Jerusalem had the equivalent in the City of David, which formerly was the Citadel of Zion (2 Sm 5:7-9). The OT’s references to palaces in Palestine are vague—for example, David’s palace (2 Sm 11:2, 9), the pala...","source":"Articles\/P.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":47324,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:2","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:2","content_ro":"11:2<\/strong> Jehosheba<\/em> was probably born to Jehoram<\/em> by a wife other than Athaliah and was therefore Ahaziah’s half-sister (cp. Josephus, Antiquities<\/em> 9.7.1). • The infant Joash<\/em> was born to Zibiah of Beersheba (2 Chr 24:1), perhaps a lesser wife of Ahaziah. The baby’s birth might therefore have escaped Athaliah’s notice.<\/p>","content_en":"11:2<\/strong> Jehosheba<\/em> was probably born to Jehoram<\/em> by a wife other than Athaliah and was therefore Ahaziah’s half-sister (cp. Josephus, Antiquities<\/em> 9.7.1). • The infant Joash<\/em> was born to Zibiah of Beersheba (2 Chr 24:1), perhaps a lesser wife of Ahaziah. The baby’s birth might therefore have escaped Athaliah’s notice.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:2 Jehosheba was probably born to Jehoram by a wife other than Athaliah and was therefore Ahaziah’s half-sister (cp. Josephus, Antiquities 9.7.1). • The infant Joash was born to Zibiah of Beersheba (2 Chr 24:1), perhaps a lesser wife of Ahaziah. The baby’s birth might therefore have escaped Athaliah’s notice.","summary_en":"11:2 Jehosheba was probably born to Jehoram by a wife other than Athaliah and was therefore Ahaziah’s half-sister (cp. Josephus, Antiquities 9.7.1). • The infant Joash was born to Zibiah of Beersheba (2 Chr 24:1), perhaps a lesser wife of Ahaziah. The baby’s birth might therefore have escaped Athaliah’s notice.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":74950,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:2","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:2","content_ro":"11:2<\/strong> Jehosheba<\/em> was probably born to Jehoram<\/em> by a wife other than Athaliah and was therefore Ahaziah’s half-sister (cp. Josephus, Antiquities<\/em> 9.7.1). • The infant Joash<\/em> was born to Zibiah of Beersheba (2 Chr 24:1), perhaps a lesser wife of Ahaziah. The baby’s birth might therefore have escaped Athaliah’s notice.<\/p>","content_en":"11:2<\/strong> Jehosheba<\/em> was probably born to Jehoram<\/em> by a wife other than Athaliah and was therefore Ahaziah’s half-sister (cp. Josephus, Antiquities<\/em> 9.7.1). • The infant Joash<\/em> was born to Zibiah of Beersheba (2 Chr 24:1), perhaps a lesser wife of Ahaziah. The baby’s birth might therefore have escaped Athaliah’s notice.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:2 Jehosheba was probably born to Jehoram by a wife other than Athaliah and was therefore Ahaziah’s half-sister (cp. Josephus, Antiquities 9.7.1). • The infant Joash was born to Zibiah of Beersheba (2 Chr 24:1), perhaps a lesser wife of Ahaziah. The baby’s birth might therefore have escaped Athaliah’s notice.","summary_en":"11:2 Jehosheba was probably born to Jehoram by a wife other than Athaliah and was therefore Ahaziah’s half-sister (cp. Josephus, Antiquities 9.7.1). • The infant Joash was born to Zibiah of Beersheba (2 Chr 24:1), perhaps a lesser wife of Ahaziah. The baby’s birth might therefore have escaped Athaliah’s notice.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":102576,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:2","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:2","content_ro":"11:2<\/strong> Jehosheba<\/em> was probably born to Jehoram<\/em> by a wife other than Athaliah and was therefore Ahaziah’s half-sister (cp. Josephus, Antiquities<\/em> 9.7.1). • The infant Joash<\/em> was born to Zibiah of Beersheba (2 Chr 24:1), perhaps a lesser wife of Ahaziah. The baby’s birth might therefore have escaped Athaliah’s notice.<\/p>","content_en":"11:2<\/strong> Jehosheba<\/em> was probably born to Jehoram<\/em> by a wife other than Athaliah and was therefore Ahaziah’s half-sister (cp. Josephus, Antiquities<\/em> 9.7.1). • The infant Joash<\/em> was born to Zibiah of Beersheba (2 Chr 24:1), perhaps a lesser wife of Ahaziah. The baby’s birth might therefore have escaped Athaliah’s notice.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:2 Jehosheba was probably born to Jehoram by a wife other than Athaliah and was therefore Ahaziah’s half-sister (cp. Josephus, Antiquities 9.7.1). • The infant Joash was born to Zibiah of Beersheba (2 Chr 24:1), perhaps a lesser wife of Ahaziah. The baby’s birth might therefore have escaped Athaliah’s notice.","summary_en":"11:2 Jehosheba was probably born to Jehoram by a wife other than Athaliah and was therefore Ahaziah’s half-sister (cp. Josephus, Antiquities 9.7.1). • The infant Joash was born to Zibiah of Beersheba (2 Chr 24:1), perhaps a lesser wife of Ahaziah. The baby’s birth might therefore have escaped Athaliah’s notice.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":130202,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:2","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:2","content_ro":"11:2<\/strong> Jehosheba<\/em> was probably born to Jehoram<\/em> by a wife other than Athaliah and was therefore Ahaziah’s half-sister (cp. Josephus, Antiquities<\/em> 9.7.1). • The infant Joash<\/em> was born to Zibiah of Beersheba (2 Chr 24:1), perhaps a lesser wife of Ahaziah. The baby’s birth might therefore have escaped Athaliah’s notice.<\/p>","content_en":"11:2<\/strong> Jehosheba<\/em> was probably born to Jehoram<\/em> by a wife other than Athaliah and was therefore Ahaziah’s half-sister (cp. Josephus, Antiquities<\/em> 9.7.1). • The infant Joash<\/em> was born to Zibiah of Beersheba (2 Chr 24:1), perhaps a lesser wife of Ahaziah. The baby’s birth might therefore have escaped Athaliah’s notice.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:2 Jehosheba was probably born to Jehoram by a wife other than Athaliah and was therefore Ahaziah’s half-sister (cp. Josephus, Antiquities 9.7.1). • The infant Joash was born to Zibiah of Beersheba (2 Chr 24:1), perhaps a lesser wife of Ahaziah. The baby’s birth might therefore have escaped Athaliah’s notice.","summary_en":"11:2 Jehosheba was probably born to Jehoram by a wife other than Athaliah and was therefore Ahaziah’s half-sister (cp. Josephus, Antiquities 9.7.1). • The infant Joash was born to Zibiah of Beersheba (2 Chr 24:1), perhaps a lesser wife of Ahaziah. The baby’s birth might therefore have escaped Athaliah’s notice.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"3":[{"id":32234,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Queen","title_en":"Queen","content_ro":"<h3>QUEEN<\/h3>\nWord used to describe a reigning monarch, a queen consort, or a queen mother. The queen of Sheba became the epitome of wealth at the time of her visit to the luxurious court of King Solomon (1 Kgs 10:1; Mt 12:42; Lk 11:31), when she arrived with a large retinue and camels bearing gold, jewels, and spices. Candace, queen of Ethiopia, is mentioned when a eunuch, a senior minister in her court, is converted by Philip while on a visit to Jerusalem (Acts 8:27).<\/p>\nIn Jewish history, Athaliah, thinking that she had murdered all rival claimants to the throne within the royal family, reigned for six years (2 Kgs 11:3). Also, Salome Alexandra succeeded her husband, Alexander Janneus, as ruler from 76 to 67 BC<\/span>. A queen consort normally played a minor role, although Bathsheba (1 Kgs 1:15-31), who was determined to ensure the succession of her son, and Jezebel (ch 21), who plotted the false accusation leading to the death of Naboth, are notable exceptions. The powerful role was that of queen mother. She not only ruled over the royal household but also was held in respect both by the court and by the monarch (cf. Ex 20:12). Her requests were unlikely to be denied (1 Kgs 2:20). As the mother of the king, she was unique, whereas his wives might share their position with several others. Maacah, queen mother of Abijam, even retained her authority during much of her grandson’s reign (1 Kgs 15:2, 10, 13; 2 Chr 15:16). The queen mother was crowned (Jer 13:18), and Bathsheba, powerful enough as queen, was seated at the right hand of King Solomon when she became queen mother (1 Kgs 2:19).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>QUEEN<\/h3>\nWord used to describe a reigning monarch, a queen consort, or a queen mother. The queen of Sheba became the epitome of wealth at the time of her visit to the luxurious court of King Solomon (1 Kgs 10:1; Mt 12:42; Lk 11:31), when she arrived with a large retinue and camels bearing gold, jewels, and spices. Candace, queen of Ethiopia, is mentioned when a eunuch, a senior minister in her court, is converted by Philip while on a visit to Jerusalem (Acts 8:27).<\/p>\nIn Jewish history, Athaliah, thinking that she had murdered all rival claimants to the throne within the royal family, reigned for six years (2 Kgs 11:3). Also, Salome Alexandra succeeded her husband, Alexander Janneus, as ruler from 76 to 67 BC<\/span>. A queen consort normally played a minor role, although Bathsheba (1 Kgs 1:15-31), who was determined to ensure the succession of her son, and Jezebel (ch 21), who plotted the false accusation leading to the death of Naboth, are notable exceptions. The powerful role was that of queen mother. She not only ruled over the royal household but also was held in respect both by the court and by the monarch (cf. Ex 20:12). Her requests were unlikely to be denied (1 Kgs 2:20). As the mother of the king, she was unique, whereas his wives might share their position with several others. Maacah, queen mother of Abijam, even retained her authority during much of her grandson’s reign (1 Kgs 15:2, 10, 13; 2 Chr 15:16). The queen mother was crowned (Jer 13:18), and Bathsheba, powerful enough as queen, was seated at the right hand of King Solomon when she became queen mother (1 Kgs 2:19).<\/p>","summary_ro":"QUEEN Word used to describe a reigning monarch, a queen consort, or a queen mother. The queen of Sheba became the epitome of wealth at the time of her visit to the luxurious court of King Solomon (1 Kgs 10:1; Mt 12:42; Lk 11:31), when she arrived with a large retinue and camels bearing gold, jewels, and spices. Candace, queen of Ethiopia, is mentioned when a eunuch, a senior minister in her court, is converted by Philip while on a visit to Jerusalem (Acts 8:27). In Jewish history, Athaliah, t...","summary_en":"QUEEN Word used to describe a reigning monarch, a queen consort, or a queen mother. The queen of Sheba became the epitome of wealth at the time of her visit to the luxurious court of King Solomon (1 Kgs 10:1; Mt 12:42; Lk 11:31), when she arrived with a large retinue and camels bearing gold, jewels, and spices. Candace, queen of Ethiopia, is mentioned when a eunuch, a senior minister in her court, is converted by Philip while on a visit to Jerusalem (Acts 8:27). In Jewish history, Athaliah, t...","source":"Articles\/Q.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":47325,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:3","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:3","content_ro":"11:3<\/strong> Jehosheba’s concealment of Joash for six years<\/em> was punishable by death if discovered. Athaliah ruled over the land<\/em> from 841 to 835 BC<\/span>.<\/p>","content_en":"11:3<\/strong> Jehosheba’s concealment of Joash for six years<\/em> was punishable by death if discovered. Athaliah ruled over the land<\/em> from 841 to 835 BC<\/span>.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:3 Jehosheba’s concealment of Joash for six years was punishable by death if discovered. Athaliah ruled over the land from 841 to 835 BC.","summary_en":"11:3 Jehosheba’s concealment of Joash for six years was punishable by death if discovered. Athaliah ruled over the land from 841 to 835 BC.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":74951,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:3","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:3","content_ro":"11:3<\/strong> Jehosheba’s concealment of Joash for six years<\/em> was punishable by death if discovered. Athaliah ruled over the land<\/em> from 841 to 835 BC<\/span>.<\/p>","content_en":"11:3<\/strong> Jehosheba’s concealment of Joash for six years<\/em> was punishable by death if discovered. Athaliah ruled over the land<\/em> from 841 to 835 BC<\/span>.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:3 Jehosheba’s concealment of Joash for six years was punishable by death if discovered. Athaliah ruled over the land from 841 to 835 BC.","summary_en":"11:3 Jehosheba’s concealment of Joash for six years was punishable by death if discovered. Athaliah ruled over the land from 841 to 835 BC.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":102577,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:3","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:3","content_ro":"11:3<\/strong> Jehosheba’s concealment of Joash for six years<\/em> was punishable by death if discovered. Athaliah ruled over the land<\/em> from 841 to 835 BC<\/span>.<\/p>","content_en":"11:3<\/strong> Jehosheba’s concealment of Joash for six years<\/em> was punishable by death if discovered. Athaliah ruled over the land<\/em> from 841 to 835 BC<\/span>.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:3 Jehosheba’s concealment of Joash for six years was punishable by death if discovered. Athaliah ruled over the land from 841 to 835 BC.","summary_en":"11:3 Jehosheba’s concealment of Joash for six years was punishable by death if discovered. Athaliah ruled over the land from 841 to 835 BC.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":130203,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:3","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:3","content_ro":"11:3<\/strong> Jehosheba’s concealment of Joash for six years<\/em> was punishable by death if discovered. Athaliah ruled over the land<\/em> from 841 to 835 BC<\/span>.<\/p>","content_en":"11:3<\/strong> Jehosheba’s concealment of Joash for six years<\/em> was punishable by death if discovered. Athaliah ruled over the land<\/em> from 841 to 835 BC<\/span>.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:3 Jehosheba’s concealment of Joash for six years was punishable by death if discovered. Athaliah ruled over the land from 841 to 835 BC.","summary_en":"11:3 Jehosheba’s concealment of Joash for six years was punishable by death if discovered. Athaliah ruled over the land from 841 to 835 BC.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"4":[{"id":13236,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Gatekeepers","title_en":"Gatekeepers","content_ro":"<h3>GATEKEEPERS<\/h3>\nThose who guarded gates of the cities and doors of palaces, temples, and other large buildings. Their task was to admit or reject visitors (2 Kgs 7:10-11; 11:4-9). In the Bible these men are variously named as gatekeepers, porters, doorkeepers, and guards.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>GATEKEEPERS<\/h3>\nThose who guarded gates of the cities and doors of palaces, temples, and other large buildings. Their task was to admit or reject visitors (2 Kgs 7:10-11; 11:4-9). In the Bible these men are variously named as gatekeepers, porters, doorkeepers, and guards.<\/p>","summary_ro":"GATEKEEPERS Those who guarded gates of the cities and doors of palaces, temples, and other large buildings. Their task was to admit or reject visitors (2 Kgs 7:10-11; 11:4-9). In the Bible these men are variously named as gatekeepers, porters, doorkeepers, and guards.","summary_en":"GATEKEEPERS Those who guarded gates of the cities and doors of palaces, temples, and other large buildings. Their task was to admit or reject visitors (2 Kgs 7:10-11; 11:4-9). In the Bible these men are variously named as gatekeepers, porters, doorkeepers, and guards.","source":"Articles\/G.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":18744,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Jehoiada","title_en":"Jehoiada","content_ro":"<h3>JEHOIADA<\/h3>\n<li>1. Father of Benaiah, a high military officer during the reigns of David and Solomon. Jehoiada was a priest (1 Chr 27:5) who joined forces with David at Hebron and was identified with the house of Aaron (12:27). See<\/em> Benaiah #1.<\/li>\n<li>2. High priest in Jerusalem who organized and led the coup that overthrew Queen Athaliah of Judah, together with the Baal cult she supported, and established his nephew Joash (Jehoash) on the throne (2 Kgs 11:4-21; 2 Chr 23:1-15). As long as he lived, Jehoiada kept the king true to the Lord (2 Kgs 12:1-16; 2 Chr 23:16–24:14). He died at the age of 130 and was buried in the city of David among the kings.<\/li>\n<li>3. Benaiah’s son, who succeeded Ahithophel as King David’s counselor (1 Chr 27:33-34); he was probably a grandson of #1 above, although some believe these to be the same.<\/li>\n<li>4. KJV spelling of Joiada, Paseah’s son, in Nehemiah 3:6. See<\/em> Joiada #1.<\/li>\n<li>5. Alternate name for Joiada, son of Eliashib the high priest, in Nehemiah 13:28. See<\/em> Joiada #2.<\/li>\n<li>6. Priest during the time of Jeremiah who was succeeded by Zephaniah as overseer of the temple (Jer 29:26).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>JEHOIADA<\/h3>\n<li>1. Father of Benaiah, a high military officer during the reigns of David and Solomon. Jehoiada was a priest (1 Chr 27:5) who joined forces with David at Hebron and was identified with the house of Aaron (12:27). See<\/em> Benaiah #1.<\/li>\n<li>2. High priest in Jerusalem who organized and led the coup that overthrew Queen Athaliah of Judah, together with the Baal cult she supported, and established his nephew Joash (Jehoash) on the throne (2 Kgs 11:4-21; 2 Chr 23:1-15). As long as he lived, Jehoiada kept the king true to the Lord (2 Kgs 12:1-16; 2 Chr 23:16–24:14). He died at the age of 130 and was buried in the city of David among the kings.<\/li>\n<li>3. Benaiah’s son, who succeeded Ahithophel as King David’s counselor (1 Chr 27:33-34); he was probably a grandson of #1 above, although some believe these to be the same.<\/li>\n<li>4. KJV spelling of Joiada, Paseah’s son, in Nehemiah 3:6. See<\/em> Joiada #1.<\/li>\n<li>5. Alternate name for Joiada, son of Eliashib the high priest, in Nehemiah 13:28. See<\/em> Joiada #2.<\/li>\n<li>6. Priest during the time of Jeremiah who was succeeded by Zephaniah as overseer of the temple (Jer 29:26).<\/li>","summary_ro":"JEHOIADA 1. Father of Benaiah, a high military officer during the reigns of David and Solomon. Jehoiada was a priest (1 Chr 27:5) who joined forces with David at Hebron and was identified with the house of Aaron (12:27). See Benaiah #1. 2. High priest in Jerusalem who organized and led the coup that overthrew Queen Athaliah of Judah, together with the Baal cult she supported, and established his nephew Joash (Jehoash) on the throne (2 Kgs 11:4-21; 2 Chr 23:1-15). As long as he lived, Jehoiada...","summary_en":"JEHOIADA 1. Father of Benaiah, a high military officer during the reigns of David and Solomon. Jehoiada was a priest (1 Chr 27:5) who joined forces with David at Hebron and was identified with the house of Aaron (12:27). See Benaiah #1. 2. High priest in Jerusalem who organized and led the coup that overthrew Queen Athaliah of Judah, together with the Baal cult she supported, and established his nephew Joash (Jehoash) on the throne (2 Kgs 11:4-21; 2 Chr 23:1-15). As long as he lived, Jehoiada...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":21628,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Kerethites","title_en":"Kerethites","content_ro":"<h3>KERETHITES<\/h3>\nMembers of a tribal group that lived in southern Judah near Hebron (1 Sm 30:14), mentioned along with the Pelethites (2 Sm 8:18). The Kerethites were associated with the Philistines, according to Ezekiel 25:15-17 (cf. Zep 2:5). They were judged with “the rest of the seacoast” for the Philistines’ offense against Israel. Since the Philistines most likely originated in the islands of the Mediterranean, including Crete, the word Kerethite probably means Cretan. “Pelethite” is probably an alternate spelling of Philistine.<\/p>\nBecause of the Kerethites’ Philistine connections, what is known about the Philistines may shed light on them. Archaeological evidence from Cretan murals and Egyptian tomb paintings and temple reliefs shows Philistines wearing plumed headdresses. Similarities between Philistine, Cretan, and Greek pottery designs also suggest a strong link among these Mediterranean peoples.<\/p>\nKerethites and Pelethites were hired by David as mercenaries, forming an elite corps of foreign soldiers faithful to him through all his troubles (2 Sm 15:18; 20:7, 23; 1 Kgs 1:38). Later kings may have continued to use them as soldiers, as suggested by the mention of “Carites” (Kerethites?) in 2 Kings 11:4, 19.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>KERETHITES<\/h3>\nMembers of a tribal group that lived in southern Judah near Hebron (1 Sm 30:14), mentioned along with the Pelethites (2 Sm 8:18). The Kerethites were associated with the Philistines, according to Ezekiel 25:15-17 (cf. Zep 2:5). They were judged with “the rest of the seacoast” for the Philistines’ offense against Israel. Since the Philistines most likely originated in the islands of the Mediterranean, including Crete, the word Kerethite probably means Cretan. “Pelethite” is probably an alternate spelling of Philistine.<\/p>\nBecause of the Kerethites’ Philistine connections, what is known about the Philistines may shed light on them. Archaeological evidence from Cretan murals and Egyptian tomb paintings and temple reliefs shows Philistines wearing plumed headdresses. Similarities between Philistine, Cretan, and Greek pottery designs also suggest a strong link among these Mediterranean peoples.<\/p>\nKerethites and Pelethites were hired by David as mercenaries, forming an elite corps of foreign soldiers faithful to him through all his troubles (2 Sm 15:18; 20:7, 23; 1 Kgs 1:38). Later kings may have continued to use them as soldiers, as suggested by the mention of “Carites” (Kerethites?) in 2 Kings 11:4, 19.<\/p>","summary_ro":"KERETHITES Members of a tribal group that lived in southern Judah near Hebron (1 Sm 30:14), mentioned along with the Pelethites (2 Sm 8:18). The Kerethites were associated with the Philistines, according to Ezekiel 25:15-17 (cf. Zep 2:5). They were judged with “the rest of the seacoast” for the Philistines’ offense against Israel. Since the Philistines most likely originated in the islands of the Mediterranean, including Crete, the word Kerethite probably means Cretan. “Pelethite” is probably...","summary_en":"KERETHITES Members of a tribal group that lived in southern Judah near Hebron (1 Sm 30:14), mentioned along with the Pelethites (2 Sm 8:18). The Kerethites were associated with the Philistines, according to Ezekiel 25:15-17 (cf. Zep 2:5). They were judged with “the rest of the seacoast” for the Philistines’ offense against Israel. Since the Philistines most likely originated in the islands of the Mediterranean, including Crete, the word Kerethite probably means Cretan. “Pelethite” is probably...","source":"Articles\/K.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":47326,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:4","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:4","content_ro":"11:4<\/strong> Jehoiada<\/em> knew that what he was doing was treasonous (11:14), and he was not sure that he could trust the men he was enlisting as his co-conspirators, so he had them swear an oath of loyalty<\/em> before he revealed to them the existence of the rightful heir to the throne of Judah. These men went out to the towns of Judah and brought the Levites and heads of families to the Temple in Jerusalem, where they made a covenant with Joash (2 Chr 23:3). • The Carite mercenaries<\/em>,<\/em> from the Aegean, served as bodyguards for the king (2 Sam 20:23).<\/p>","content_en":"11:4<\/strong> Jehoiada<\/em> knew that what he was doing was treasonous (11:14), and he was not sure that he could trust the men he was enlisting as his co-conspirators, so he had them swear an oath of loyalty<\/em> before he revealed to them the existence of the rightful heir to the throne of Judah. These men went out to the towns of Judah and brought the Levites and heads of families to the Temple in Jerusalem, where they made a covenant with Joash (2 Chr 23:3). • The Carite mercenaries<\/em>,<\/em> from the Aegean, served as bodyguards for the king (2 Sam 20:23).<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:4 Jehoiada knew that what he was doing was treasonous (11:14), and he was not sure that he could trust the men he was enlisting as his co-conspirators, so he had them swear an oath of loyalty before he revealed to them the existence of the rightful heir to the throne of Judah. These men went out to the towns of Judah and brought the Levites and heads of families to the Temple in Jerusalem, where they made a covenant with Joash (2 Chr 23:3). • The Carite mercenaries, from the Aegean, served...","summary_en":"11:4 Jehoiada knew that what he was doing was treasonous (11:14), and he was not sure that he could trust the men he was enlisting as his co-conspirators, so he had them swear an oath of loyalty before he revealed to them the existence of the rightful heir to the throne of Judah. These men went out to the towns of Judah and brought the Levites and heads of families to the Temple in Jerusalem, where they made a covenant with Joash (2 Chr 23:3). • The Carite mercenaries, from the Aegean, served...","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":74952,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:4","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:4","content_ro":"11:4<\/strong> Jehoiada<\/em> knew that what he was doing was treasonous (11:14), and he was not sure that he could trust the men he was enlisting as his co-conspirators, so he had them swear an oath of loyalty<\/em> before he revealed to them the existence of the rightful heir to the throne of Judah. These men went out to the towns of Judah and brought the Levites and heads of families to the Temple in Jerusalem, where they made a covenant with Joash (2 Chr 23:3). • The Carite mercenaries<\/em>,<\/em> from the Aegean, served as bodyguards for the king (2 Sam 20:23).<\/p>","content_en":"11:4<\/strong> Jehoiada<\/em> knew that what he was doing was treasonous (11:14), and he was not sure that he could trust the men he was enlisting as his co-conspirators, so he had them swear an oath of loyalty<\/em> before he revealed to them the existence of the rightful heir to the throne of Judah. These men went out to the towns of Judah and brought the Levites and heads of families to the Temple in Jerusalem, where they made a covenant with Joash (2 Chr 23:3). • The Carite mercenaries<\/em>,<\/em> from the Aegean, served as bodyguards for the king (2 Sam 20:23).<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:4 Jehoiada knew that what he was doing was treasonous (11:14), and he was not sure that he could trust the men he was enlisting as his co-conspirators, so he had them swear an oath of loyalty before he revealed to them the existence of the rightful heir to the throne of Judah. These men went out to the towns of Judah and brought the Levites and heads of families to the Temple in Jerusalem, where they made a covenant with Joash (2 Chr 23:3). • The Carite mercenaries, from the Aegean, served...","summary_en":"11:4 Jehoiada knew that what he was doing was treasonous (11:14), and he was not sure that he could trust the men he was enlisting as his co-conspirators, so he had them swear an oath of loyalty before he revealed to them the existence of the rightful heir to the throne of Judah. These men went out to the towns of Judah and brought the Levites and heads of families to the Temple in Jerusalem, where they made a covenant with Joash (2 Chr 23:3). • The Carite mercenaries, from the Aegean, served...","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":102578,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:4","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:4","content_ro":"11:4<\/strong> Jehoiada<\/em> knew that what he was doing was treasonous (11:14), and he was not sure that he could trust the men he was enlisting as his co-conspirators, so he had them swear an oath of loyalty<\/em> before he revealed to them the existence of the rightful heir to the throne of Judah. These men went out to the towns of Judah and brought the Levites and heads of families to the Temple in Jerusalem, where they made a covenant with Joash (2 Chr 23:3). • The Carite mercenaries<\/em>,<\/em> from the Aegean, served as bodyguards for the king (2 Sam 20:23).<\/p>","content_en":"11:4<\/strong> Jehoiada<\/em> knew that what he was doing was treasonous (11:14), and he was not sure that he could trust the men he was enlisting as his co-conspirators, so he had them swear an oath of loyalty<\/em> before he revealed to them the existence of the rightful heir to the throne of Judah. These men went out to the towns of Judah and brought the Levites and heads of families to the Temple in Jerusalem, where they made a covenant with Joash (2 Chr 23:3). • The Carite mercenaries<\/em>,<\/em> from the Aegean, served as bodyguards for the king (2 Sam 20:23).<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:4 Jehoiada knew that what he was doing was treasonous (11:14), and he was not sure that he could trust the men he was enlisting as his co-conspirators, so he had them swear an oath of loyalty before he revealed to them the existence of the rightful heir to the throne of Judah. These men went out to the towns of Judah and brought the Levites and heads of families to the Temple in Jerusalem, where they made a covenant with Joash (2 Chr 23:3). • The Carite mercenaries, from the Aegean, served...","summary_en":"11:4 Jehoiada knew that what he was doing was treasonous (11:14), and he was not sure that he could trust the men he was enlisting as his co-conspirators, so he had them swear an oath of loyalty before he revealed to them the existence of the rightful heir to the throne of Judah. These men went out to the towns of Judah and brought the Levites and heads of families to the Temple in Jerusalem, where they made a covenant with Joash (2 Chr 23:3). • The Carite mercenaries, from the Aegean, served...","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":130204,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:4","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:4","content_ro":"11:4<\/strong> Jehoiada<\/em> knew that what he was doing was treasonous (11:14), and he was not sure that he could trust the men he was enlisting as his co-conspirators, so he had them swear an oath of loyalty<\/em> before he revealed to them the existence of the rightful heir to the throne of Judah. These men went out to the towns of Judah and brought the Levites and heads of families to the Temple in Jerusalem, where they made a covenant with Joash (2 Chr 23:3). • The Carite mercenaries<\/em>,<\/em> from the Aegean, served as bodyguards for the king (2 Sam 20:23).<\/p>","content_en":"11:4<\/strong> Jehoiada<\/em> knew that what he was doing was treasonous (11:14), and he was not sure that he could trust the men he was enlisting as his co-conspirators, so he had them swear an oath of loyalty<\/em> before he revealed to them the existence of the rightful heir to the throne of Judah. These men went out to the towns of Judah and brought the Levites and heads of families to the Temple in Jerusalem, where they made a covenant with Joash (2 Chr 23:3). • The Carite mercenaries<\/em>,<\/em> from the Aegean, served as bodyguards for the king (2 Sam 20:23).<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:4 Jehoiada knew that what he was doing was treasonous (11:14), and he was not sure that he could trust the men he was enlisting as his co-conspirators, so he had them swear an oath of loyalty before he revealed to them the existence of the rightful heir to the throne of Judah. These men went out to the towns of Judah and brought the Levites and heads of families to the Temple in Jerusalem, where they made a covenant with Joash (2 Chr 23:3). • The Carite mercenaries, from the Aegean, served...","summary_en":"11:4 Jehoiada knew that what he was doing was treasonous (11:14), and he was not sure that he could trust the men he was enlisting as his co-conspirators, so he had them swear an oath of loyalty before he revealed to them the existence of the rightful heir to the throne of Judah. These men went out to the towns of Judah and brought the Levites and heads of families to the Temple in Jerusalem, where they made a covenant with Joash (2 Chr 23:3). • The Carite mercenaries, from the Aegean, served...","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"5":[{"id":47327,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:5","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:5","content_ro":"11:5-8<\/strong> Jehoiada<\/em> divided the royal guard into distinctive units: some to guard the young king; others to take up posts at the palace<\/em>,<\/em> the Sur Gate<\/em> (or Foundation Gate, 2 Chr 23:5), and positions behind the palace guard<\/em>; and still others to stand guard . . . at the<\/em> Lord<\/span>’s Temple<\/em>. All care was taken to secure the king and the site for his anointing.<\/p>","content_en":"11:5-8<\/strong> Jehoiada<\/em> divided the royal guard into distinctive units: some to guard the young king; others to take up posts at the palace<\/em>,<\/em> the Sur Gate<\/em> (or Foundation Gate, 2 Chr 23:5), and positions behind the palace guard<\/em>; and still others to stand guard . . . at the<\/em> Lord<\/span>’s Temple<\/em>. All care was taken to secure the king and the site for his anointing.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:5-8 Jehoiada divided the royal guard into distinctive units: some to guard the young king; others to take up posts at the palace, the Sur Gate (or Foundation Gate, 2 Chr 23:5), and positions behind the palace guard; and still others to stand guard . . . at the Lord’s Temple. All care was taken to secure the king and the site for his anointing.","summary_en":"11:5-8 Jehoiada divided the royal guard into distinctive units: some to guard the young king; others to take up posts at the palace, the Sur Gate (or Foundation Gate, 2 Chr 23:5), and positions behind the palace guard; and still others to stand guard . . . at the Lord’s Temple. All care was taken to secure the king and the site for his anointing.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":74953,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:5","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:5","content_ro":"11:5-8<\/strong> Jehoiada<\/em> divided the royal guard into distinctive units: some to guard the young king; others to take up posts at the palace<\/em>,<\/em> the Sur Gate<\/em> (or Foundation Gate, 2 Chr 23:5), and positions behind the palace guard<\/em>; and still others to stand guard . . . at the<\/em> Lord<\/span>’s Temple<\/em>. All care was taken to secure the king and the site for his anointing.<\/p>","content_en":"11:5-8<\/strong> Jehoiada<\/em> divided the royal guard into distinctive units: some to guard the young king; others to take up posts at the palace<\/em>,<\/em> the Sur Gate<\/em> (or Foundation Gate, 2 Chr 23:5), and positions behind the palace guard<\/em>; and still others to stand guard . . . at the<\/em> Lord<\/span>’s Temple<\/em>. All care was taken to secure the king and the site for his anointing.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:5-8 Jehoiada divided the royal guard into distinctive units: some to guard the young king; others to take up posts at the palace, the Sur Gate (or Foundation Gate, 2 Chr 23:5), and positions behind the palace guard; and still others to stand guard . . . at the Lord’s Temple. All care was taken to secure the king and the site for his anointing.","summary_en":"11:5-8 Jehoiada divided the royal guard into distinctive units: some to guard the young king; others to take up posts at the palace, the Sur Gate (or Foundation Gate, 2 Chr 23:5), and positions behind the palace guard; and still others to stand guard . . . at the Lord’s Temple. All care was taken to secure the king and the site for his anointing.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":102579,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:5","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:5","content_ro":"11:5-8<\/strong> Jehoiada<\/em> divided the royal guard into distinctive units: some to guard the young king; others to take up posts at the palace<\/em>,<\/em> the Sur Gate<\/em> (or Foundation Gate, 2 Chr 23:5), and positions behind the palace guard<\/em>; and still others to stand guard . . . at the<\/em> Lord<\/span>’s Temple<\/em>. All care was taken to secure the king and the site for his anointing.<\/p>","content_en":"11:5-8<\/strong> Jehoiada<\/em> divided the royal guard into distinctive units: some to guard the young king; others to take up posts at the palace<\/em>,<\/em> the Sur Gate<\/em> (or Foundation Gate, 2 Chr 23:5), and positions behind the palace guard<\/em>; and still others to stand guard . . . at the<\/em> Lord<\/span>’s Temple<\/em>. All care was taken to secure the king and the site for his anointing.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:5-8 Jehoiada divided the royal guard into distinctive units: some to guard the young king; others to take up posts at the palace, the Sur Gate (or Foundation Gate, 2 Chr 23:5), and positions behind the palace guard; and still others to stand guard . . . at the Lord’s Temple. All care was taken to secure the king and the site for his anointing.","summary_en":"11:5-8 Jehoiada divided the royal guard into distinctive units: some to guard the young king; others to take up posts at the palace, the Sur Gate (or Foundation Gate, 2 Chr 23:5), and positions behind the palace guard; and still others to stand guard . . . at the Lord’s Temple. All care was taken to secure the king and the site for his anointing.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":130205,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:5","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:5","content_ro":"11:5-8<\/strong> Jehoiada<\/em> divided the royal guard into distinctive units: some to guard the young king; others to take up posts at the palace<\/em>,<\/em> the Sur Gate<\/em> (or Foundation Gate, 2 Chr 23:5), and positions behind the palace guard<\/em>; and still others to stand guard . . . at the<\/em> Lord<\/span>’s Temple<\/em>. All care was taken to secure the king and the site for his anointing.<\/p>","content_en":"11:5-8<\/strong> Jehoiada<\/em> divided the royal guard into distinctive units: some to guard the young king; others to take up posts at the palace<\/em>,<\/em> the Sur Gate<\/em> (or Foundation Gate, 2 Chr 23:5), and positions behind the palace guard<\/em>; and still others to stand guard . . . at the<\/em> Lord<\/span>’s Temple<\/em>. All care was taken to secure the king and the site for his anointing.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:5-8 Jehoiada divided the royal guard into distinctive units: some to guard the young king; others to take up posts at the palace, the Sur Gate (or Foundation Gate, 2 Chr 23:5), and positions behind the palace guard; and still others to stand guard . . . at the Lord’s Temple. All care was taken to secure the king and the site for his anointing.","summary_en":"11:5-8 Jehoiada divided the royal guard into distinctive units: some to guard the young king; others to take up posts at the palace, the Sur Gate (or Foundation Gate, 2 Chr 23:5), and positions behind the palace guard; and still others to stand guard . . . at the Lord’s Temple. All care was taken to secure the king and the site for his anointing.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"6":[{"id":12791,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Foundation Gate","title_en":"Foundation Gate","content_ro":"<h3>FOUNDATION GATE<\/h3>\nStructure mentioned in 2 Chronicles 23:5, in the narrative about Queen Athaliah’s execution. The parallel passage in 2 Kings 11:6 reads “Sur Gate,” while the Septuagint has “gate of the ways,” indicating some difficulties within the Hebrew text.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>FOUNDATION GATE<\/h3>\nStructure mentioned in 2 Chronicles 23:5, in the narrative about Queen Athaliah’s execution. The parallel passage in 2 Kings 11:6 reads “Sur Gate,” while the Septuagint has “gate of the ways,” indicating some difficulties within the Hebrew text.<\/p>","summary_ro":"FOUNDATION GATE Structure mentioned in 2 Chronicles 23:5, in the narrative about Queen Athaliah’s execution. The parallel passage in 2 Kings 11:6 reads “Sur Gate,” while the Septuagint has “gate of the ways,” indicating some difficulties within the Hebrew text.","summary_en":"FOUNDATION GATE Structure mentioned in 2 Chronicles 23:5, in the narrative about Queen Athaliah’s execution. The parallel passage in 2 Kings 11:6 reads “Sur Gate,” while the Septuagint has “gate of the ways,” indicating some difficulties within the Hebrew text.","source":"Articles\/F.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":36474,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Sur Gate","title_en":"Sur Gate","content_ro":"<h3>SUR GATE<\/h3>\nGate in Jerusalem linking the king’s palace to the temple. It is mentioned in 2 Kings 11:6 in connection with the enthronement of Jehoash over Judah and the murder of Athaliah. Its parallel passage in 2 Chronicles 23:5 reads the “Gate of the Foundation,” revealing perhaps a corruption within the Hebrew text.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>SUR GATE<\/h3>\nGate in Jerusalem linking the king’s palace to the temple. It is mentioned in 2 Kings 11:6 in connection with the enthronement of Jehoash over Judah and the murder of Athaliah. Its parallel passage in 2 Chronicles 23:5 reads the “Gate of the Foundation,” revealing perhaps a corruption within the Hebrew text.<\/p>","summary_ro":"SUR GATE Gate in Jerusalem linking the king’s palace to the temple. It is mentioned in 2 Kings 11:6 in connection with the enthronement of Jehoash over Judah and the murder of Athaliah. Its parallel passage in 2 Chronicles 23:5 reads the “Gate of the Foundation,” revealing perhaps a corruption within the Hebrew text.","summary_en":"SUR GATE Gate in Jerusalem linking the king’s palace to the temple. It is mentioned in 2 Kings 11:6 in connection with the enthronement of Jehoash over Judah and the murder of Athaliah. Its parallel passage in 2 Chronicles 23:5 reads the “Gate of the Foundation,” revealing perhaps a corruption within the Hebrew text.","source":"Articles\/S.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"11":[{"id":47328,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:11","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:11","content_ro":"11:11-12<\/strong> With all the palace guards<\/em> in place and their weapons ready<\/em>, . . .<\/em> Jehoiada brought out Joash<\/em> before the populace and crowned him king<\/em>. He also presented him a copy of God’s laws<\/em>. The king was to receive a copy of the law and make a copy for himself and “read it daily as long as he lives” (Deut 17:18-19). Jehoiada provides a strong contrast with Athaliah’s pagan reign.<\/p>","content_en":"11:11-12<\/strong> With all the palace guards<\/em> in place and their weapons ready<\/em>, . . .<\/em> Jehoiada brought out Joash<\/em> before the populace and crowned him king<\/em>. He also presented him a copy of God’s laws<\/em>. The king was to receive a copy of the law and make a copy for himself and “read it daily as long as he lives” (Deut 17:18-19). Jehoiada provides a strong contrast with Athaliah’s pagan reign.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:11-12 With all the palace guards in place and their weapons ready, . . . Jehoiada brought out Joash before the populace and crowned him king. He also presented him a copy of God’s laws. The king was to receive a copy of the law and make a copy for himself and “read it daily as long as he lives” (Deut 17:18-19). Jehoiada provides a strong contrast with Athaliah’s pagan reign.","summary_en":"11:11-12 With all the palace guards in place and their weapons ready, . . . Jehoiada brought out Joash before the populace and crowned him king. He also presented him a copy of God’s laws. The king was to receive a copy of the law and make a copy for himself and “read it daily as long as he lives” (Deut 17:18-19). Jehoiada provides a strong contrast with Athaliah’s pagan reign.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":74954,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:11","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:11","content_ro":"11:11-12<\/strong> With all the palace guards<\/em> in place and their weapons ready<\/em>, . . .<\/em> Jehoiada brought out Joash<\/em> before the populace and crowned him king<\/em>. He also presented him a copy of God’s laws<\/em>. The king was to receive a copy of the law and make a copy for himself and “read it daily as long as he lives” (Deut 17:18-19). Jehoiada provides a strong contrast with Athaliah’s pagan reign.<\/p>","content_en":"11:11-12<\/strong> With all the palace guards<\/em> in place and their weapons ready<\/em>, . . .<\/em> Jehoiada brought out Joash<\/em> before the populace and crowned him king<\/em>. He also presented him a copy of God’s laws<\/em>. The king was to receive a copy of the law and make a copy for himself and “read it daily as long as he lives” (Deut 17:18-19). Jehoiada provides a strong contrast with Athaliah’s pagan reign.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:11-12 With all the palace guards in place and their weapons ready, . . . Jehoiada brought out Joash before the populace and crowned him king. He also presented him a copy of God’s laws. The king was to receive a copy of the law and make a copy for himself and “read it daily as long as he lives” (Deut 17:18-19). Jehoiada provides a strong contrast with Athaliah’s pagan reign.","summary_en":"11:11-12 With all the palace guards in place and their weapons ready, . . . Jehoiada brought out Joash before the populace and crowned him king. He also presented him a copy of God’s laws. The king was to receive a copy of the law and make a copy for himself and “read it daily as long as he lives” (Deut 17:18-19). Jehoiada provides a strong contrast with Athaliah’s pagan reign.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":102580,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:11","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:11","content_ro":"11:11-12<\/strong> With all the palace guards<\/em> in place and their weapons ready<\/em>, . . .<\/em> Jehoiada brought out Joash<\/em> before the populace and crowned him king<\/em>. He also presented him a copy of God’s laws<\/em>. The king was to receive a copy of the law and make a copy for himself and “read it daily as long as he lives” (Deut 17:18-19). Jehoiada provides a strong contrast with Athaliah’s pagan reign.<\/p>","content_en":"11:11-12<\/strong> With all the palace guards<\/em> in place and their weapons ready<\/em>, . . .<\/em> Jehoiada brought out Joash<\/em> before the populace and crowned him king<\/em>. He also presented him a copy of God’s laws<\/em>. The king was to receive a copy of the law and make a copy for himself and “read it daily as long as he lives” (Deut 17:18-19). Jehoiada provides a strong contrast with Athaliah’s pagan reign.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:11-12 With all the palace guards in place and their weapons ready, . . . Jehoiada brought out Joash before the populace and crowned him king. He also presented him a copy of God’s laws. The king was to receive a copy of the law and make a copy for himself and “read it daily as long as he lives” (Deut 17:18-19). Jehoiada provides a strong contrast with Athaliah’s pagan reign.","summary_en":"11:11-12 With all the palace guards in place and their weapons ready, . . . Jehoiada brought out Joash before the populace and crowned him king. He also presented him a copy of God’s laws. The king was to receive a copy of the law and make a copy for himself and “read it daily as long as he lives” (Deut 17:18-19). Jehoiada provides a strong contrast with Athaliah’s pagan reign.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":130206,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:11","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:11","content_ro":"11:11-12<\/strong> With all the palace guards<\/em> in place and their weapons ready<\/em>, . . .<\/em> Jehoiada brought out Joash<\/em> before the populace and crowned him king<\/em>. He also presented him a copy of God’s laws<\/em>. The king was to receive a copy of the law and make a copy for himself and “read it daily as long as he lives” (Deut 17:18-19). Jehoiada provides a strong contrast with Athaliah’s pagan reign.<\/p>","content_en":"11:11-12<\/strong> With all the palace guards<\/em> in place and their weapons ready<\/em>, . . .<\/em> Jehoiada brought out Joash<\/em> before the populace and crowned him king<\/em>. He also presented him a copy of God’s laws<\/em>. The king was to receive a copy of the law and make a copy for himself and “read it daily as long as he lives” (Deut 17:18-19). Jehoiada provides a strong contrast with Athaliah’s pagan reign.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:11-12 With all the palace guards in place and their weapons ready, . . . Jehoiada brought out Joash before the populace and crowned him king. He also presented him a copy of God’s laws. The king was to receive a copy of the law and make a copy for himself and “read it daily as long as he lives” (Deut 17:18-19). Jehoiada provides a strong contrast with Athaliah’s pagan reign.","summary_en":"11:11-12 With all the palace guards in place and their weapons ready, . . . Jehoiada brought out Joash before the populace and crowned him king. He also presented him a copy of God’s laws. The king was to receive a copy of the law and make a copy for himself and “read it daily as long as he lives” (Deut 17:18-19). Jehoiada provides a strong contrast with Athaliah’s pagan reign.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"12":[{"id":2175,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Anoint","title_en":"Anoint","content_ro":"<h3>ANOINT<\/h3>\nTo pour oil or ointment onto a person or object in a ritualistic fashion.<\/p>\nThe Hebrew word for anoint first appears in Genesis 31:13, where it refers to Jacob pouring oil on the stone of Bethel (Gn 28:18-19). At a later time the ceremony was repeated (Gn 35:9-15). The ceremony was clearly religious, signifying induction into sacred use. As a religious act, the anointing was meant to endow the anointed one with the quality of the deity involved. From ancient times the Hebrews inaugurated officers of their national community by pouring special oil on the head of the person designated for office. The same practice was used to set objects apart for special divine use.<\/p>\nScripture supplies few details of the ceremonial anointings of official things and persons. Jacob simply poured oil on a rock with an accompanying pronouncement. When anointing Israel’s first king, the prophet-judge Samuel took Saul aside for instruction (1 Sm 9:25-27), then “took a vial of oil and poured it on his head, and kissed him and said, ‘Has not the Lord anointed you to be prince over his people Israel’” (1 Sm 10:1, rsv<\/span>). For anointing the tabernacle and its priests, a special oil was compounded and used only for that sacred purpose. Skilled perfume makers blended the choicest spices (myrrh, cinnamon, sweet cane, cassia) in olive oil (Ex 30:22-25). The Lord specified that everything set apart for God—the tabernacle, the ark, the table and its instruments, the lampstand and utensils, the incense altar and main altar, the washbasin—was to be anointed. Aaron the high priest and his sons the priests were also to be anointed (Ex 30:26-32). The result was a holy place with holy furnishings, holy implements of worship, and holy ministers.<\/p>\nThe offices of prophet, priest, and king were those associated with anointing in the nation of Israel. Prophets were sometimes, but not invariably, inducted by official anointing (1 Kgs 19:16). They could be referred to as God’s anointed ones (1 Chr 16:22; Ps 105:15). At the institution of the levitical priesthood, all the priests were anointed to their offices, the sons of Aaron as well as Aaron himself (Ex 40:12-15; Nm 3:3). Afterward, anointing was not repeated at the consecration of ordinary priests, but was especially reserved for the high priest (Ex 29:29; Lv 16:32).<\/p>\nBefore they had a king of their own, the Israelites were aware of anointing as a mode of inaugurating kings (Jgs 9:8,15). Anointing became a divinely ordained rite accompanying induction of all the kings of Judah and Israel (2 Kgs 9:1-6; 11:12) from Saul onward (1 Sm 10:1; 1 Kgs 1:39). David’s anointing took place in three stages (1 Sm 16:1, 13; 2 Sm 2:4; 5:1-4). “The Lord’s anointed” or some similar phrase became a common designation for Hebrew kings (1 Sm 12:3-5; 2 Sm 1:14-16; Ps 89:38, 51; Lam 4:20).<\/p>\nAnointing, however, had more than religious or ritualistic significance. Both the Egyptians and the Syrians practiced anointing for medical and cosmetic reasons, and the Scriptures indicate that such nonreligious practice was also a part of Israelite customs (2 Sm 12:20; Ru 3:3; Mi 6:15). In fact, failure to anoint or perfume oneself indicated mourning or distress (2 Sm 14:2; Dn 10:3; Mt 6:17).<\/p>\nIn the NT, anointing of the sick accompanied by prayer for healing by local church elders is recommended when requested by a sick person (Jas 5:14-16). Anointing with oil was also a part of the apostles’ healing ministry (Mk 6:12-13).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>ANOINT<\/h3>\nTo pour oil or ointment onto a person or object in a ritualistic fashion.<\/p>\nThe Hebrew word for anoint first appears in Genesis 31:13, where it refers to Jacob pouring oil on the stone of Bethel (Gn 28:18-19). At a later time the ceremony was repeated (Gn 35:9-15). The ceremony was clearly religious, signifying induction into sacred use. As a religious act, the anointing was meant to endow the anointed one with the quality of the deity involved. From ancient times the Hebrews inaugurated officers of their national community by pouring special oil on the head of the person designated for office. The same practice was used to set objects apart for special divine use.<\/p>\nScripture supplies few details of the ceremonial anointings of official things and persons. Jacob simply poured oil on a rock with an accompanying pronouncement. When anointing Israel’s first king, the prophet-judge Samuel took Saul aside for instruction (1 Sm 9:25-27), then “took a vial of oil and poured it on his head, and kissed him and said, ‘Has not the Lord anointed you to be prince over his people Israel’” (1 Sm 10:1, rsv<\/span>). For anointing the tabernacle and its priests, a special oil was compounded and used only for that sacred purpose. Skilled perfume makers blended the choicest spices (myrrh, cinnamon, sweet cane, cassia) in olive oil (Ex 30:22-25). The Lord specified that everything set apart for God—the tabernacle, the ark, the table and its instruments, the lampstand and utensils, the incense altar and main altar, the washbasin—was to be anointed. Aaron the high priest and his sons the priests were also to be anointed (Ex 30:26-32). The result was a holy place with holy furnishings, holy implements of worship, and holy ministers.<\/p>\nThe offices of prophet, priest, and king were those associated with anointing in the nation of Israel. Prophets were sometimes, but not invariably, inducted by official anointing (1 Kgs 19:16). They could be referred to as God’s anointed ones (1 Chr 16:22; Ps 105:15). At the institution of the levitical priesthood, all the priests were anointed to their offices, the sons of Aaron as well as Aaron himself (Ex 40:12-15; Nm 3:3). Afterward, anointing was not repeated at the consecration of ordinary priests, but was especially reserved for the high priest (Ex 29:29; Lv 16:32).<\/p>\nBefore they had a king of their own, the Israelites were aware of anointing as a mode of inaugurating kings (Jgs 9:8,15). Anointing became a divinely ordained rite accompanying induction of all the kings of Judah and Israel (2 Kgs 9:1-6; 11:12) from Saul onward (1 Sm 10:1; 1 Kgs 1:39). David’s anointing took place in three stages (1 Sm 16:1, 13; 2 Sm 2:4; 5:1-4). “The Lord’s anointed” or some similar phrase became a common designation for Hebrew kings (1 Sm 12:3-5; 2 Sm 1:14-16; Ps 89:38, 51; Lam 4:20).<\/p>\nAnointing, however, had more than religious or ritualistic significance. Both the Egyptians and the Syrians practiced anointing for medical and cosmetic reasons, and the Scriptures indicate that such nonreligious practice was also a part of Israelite customs (2 Sm 12:20; Ru 3:3; Mi 6:15). In fact, failure to anoint or perfume oneself indicated mourning or distress (2 Sm 14:2; Dn 10:3; Mt 6:17).<\/p>\nIn the NT, anointing of the sick accompanied by prayer for healing by local church elders is recommended when requested by a sick person (Jas 5:14-16). Anointing with oil was also a part of the apostles’ healing ministry (Mk 6:12-13).<\/p>","summary_ro":"ANOINT To pour oil or ointment onto a person or object in a ritualistic fashion. The Hebrew word for anoint first appears in Genesis 31:13, where it refers to Jacob pouring oil on the stone of Bethel (Gn 28:18-19). At a later time the ceremony was repeated (Gn 35:9-15). The ceremony was clearly religious, signifying induction into sacred use. As a religious act, the anointing was meant to endow the anointed one with the quality of the deity involved. From ancient times the Hebrews inaugurated...","summary_en":"ANOINT To pour oil or ointment onto a person or object in a ritualistic fashion. The Hebrew word for anoint first appears in Genesis 31:13, where it refers to Jacob pouring oil on the stone of Bethel (Gn 28:18-19). At a later time the ceremony was repeated (Gn 35:9-15). The ceremony was clearly religious, signifying induction into sacred use. As a religious act, the anointing was meant to endow the anointed one with the quality of the deity involved. From ancient times the Hebrews inaugurated...","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":8159,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Crown","title_en":"Crown","content_ro":"<h3>CROWN<\/h3>\nHeadpiece symbolizing honor or high office. In addition to using the word metaphorically, the OT refers to three kinds of crowns. One type of crown was worn by the high priest and Hebrew kings. The high priest’s “holy crown” was a gold plate engraved with the words “Holy to the Lord” fastened to the front of a turban (Ex 29:6; 39:30). It symbolized his consecration as the people’s representative before God. The Hebrew kings wore a crown light enough to be worn into battle (2 Sm 1:10)—perhaps a narrow band of silk studded with jewels. Like the high priest’s, the king’s crown also indicated a divinely appointed office (2 Kgs 11:12; Pss 89:39; 132:18). A second type of crown was a massive gold and jeweled symbol of office worn by pagan kings and idols (2 Sm 12:30; Est 1:11). The prophet Zechariah placed such a crown on Joshua the high priest to indicate the union of royal and priestly functions (Zec 6:11, 14). A third type of crown was a wreath of flowers used at a banquet to symbolize joy and celebration (Sg 3:11; Is 28:1; Wisd of Sol 2:8).<\/p>\nThe word “crown” is used metaphorically to indicate rule or royalty (Na 3:17, kjv<\/span>), glory or honor (Jb 19:9; Ps 8:5; Ez 16:12), joy (Ez 23:42), or pride (Jb 31:36; Is 28:3).<\/p>\nIn the NT the most common word for “crown” means a laurel wreath worn at banquets or a prize given as a civic or military honor. The apostle Paul alluded to its use as an athletic prize when he urged Christians to be disciplined in striving for a “crown” that would not wither (1 Cor 9:25; 2 Tm 2:5). Paul regarded his converts as his “joy and crown” (Phil 4:1; 1 Thes 2:19).<\/p>\nA victor’s wreath symbolizes the eternal life inherited by Christians who have persevered (Jas 1:12; 1 Pt 5:4; Rv 2:10; 3:11). In the book of Revelation the victories of the locusts (9:7), the woman (12:1), and Christ (6:2; 14:14) are symbolized by laurel crowns. A different Greek word, meaning a royal crown, is used for the diadems on the heads of the dragon (12:3), the beast from the sea (13:1), and Christ (19:12).<\/p>\nJesus’ crown of thorns was a circlet formed from a prickly shrub—an ironic parody of a victor’s wreath (Mk 15:17-18). Its combination with the robe, scepter (Mt 27:27-29), and satirical inscription on the cross that Jesus was “the King of the Jews” (Mk 15:26), were all meant to mock him as a defeated messianic aspirant.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>CROWN<\/h3>\nHeadpiece symbolizing honor or high office. In addition to using the word metaphorically, the OT refers to three kinds of crowns. One type of crown was worn by the high priest and Hebrew kings. The high priest’s “holy crown” was a gold plate engraved with the words “Holy to the Lord” fastened to the front of a turban (Ex 29:6; 39:30). It symbolized his consecration as the people’s representative before God. The Hebrew kings wore a crown light enough to be worn into battle (2 Sm 1:10)—perhaps a narrow band of silk studded with jewels. Like the high priest’s, the king’s crown also indicated a divinely appointed office (2 Kgs 11:12; Pss 89:39; 132:18). A second type of crown was a massive gold and jeweled symbol of office worn by pagan kings and idols (2 Sm 12:30; Est 1:11). The prophet Zechariah placed such a crown on Joshua the high priest to indicate the union of royal and priestly functions (Zec 6:11, 14). A third type of crown was a wreath of flowers used at a banquet to symbolize joy and celebration (Sg 3:11; Is 28:1; Wisd of Sol 2:8).<\/p>\nThe word “crown” is used metaphorically to indicate rule or royalty (Na 3:17, kjv<\/span>), glory or honor (Jb 19:9; Ps 8:5; Ez 16:12), joy (Ez 23:42), or pride (Jb 31:36; Is 28:3).<\/p>\nIn the NT the most common word for “crown” means a laurel wreath worn at banquets or a prize given as a civic or military honor. The apostle Paul alluded to its use as an athletic prize when he urged Christians to be disciplined in striving for a “crown” that would not wither (1 Cor 9:25; 2 Tm 2:5). Paul regarded his converts as his “joy and crown” (Phil 4:1; 1 Thes 2:19).<\/p>\nA victor’s wreath symbolizes the eternal life inherited by Christians who have persevered (Jas 1:12; 1 Pt 5:4; Rv 2:10; 3:11). In the book of Revelation the victories of the locusts (9:7), the woman (12:1), and Christ (6:2; 14:14) are symbolized by laurel crowns. A different Greek word, meaning a royal crown, is used for the diadems on the heads of the dragon (12:3), the beast from the sea (13:1), and Christ (19:12).<\/p>\nJesus’ crown of thorns was a circlet formed from a prickly shrub—an ironic parody of a victor’s wreath (Mk 15:17-18). Its combination with the robe, scepter (Mt 27:27-29), and satirical inscription on the cross that Jesus was “the King of the Jews” (Mk 15:26), were all meant to mock him as a defeated messianic aspirant.<\/p>","summary_ro":"CROWN Headpiece symbolizing honor or high office. In addition to using the word metaphorically, the OT refers to three kinds of crowns. One type of crown was worn by the high priest and Hebrew kings. The high priest’s “holy crown” was a gold plate engraved with the words “Holy to the Lord” fastened to the front of a turban (Ex 29:6; 39:30). It symbolized his consecration as the people’s representative before God. The Hebrew kings wore a crown light enough to be worn into battle (2 Sm 1:10)—pe...","summary_en":"CROWN Headpiece symbolizing honor or high office. In addition to using the word metaphorically, the OT refers to three kinds of crowns. One type of crown was worn by the high priest and Hebrew kings. The high priest’s “holy crown” was a gold plate engraved with the words “Holy to the Lord” fastened to the front of a turban (Ex 29:6; 39:30). It symbolized his consecration as the people’s representative before God. The Hebrew kings wore a crown light enough to be worn into battle (2 Sm 1:10)—pe...","source":"Articles\/C.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":15250,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Hand","title_en":"Hand","content_ro":"<h3>HAND<\/h3>\nThe terminal part of the forelimb that has the ability to grasp. “Hand” is used hundreds of times in the Bible to describe a physical part of one’s body. It is also used frequently in metaphors or figurative language.<\/p>\nFiguratively, the hand meant power (Dt 2:15; Ps 31:5; Mk 14:62). Indeed, in Joshua 8:20 “hand to flee” is translated “power to flee” (see Ps 76:5). Conversely, limp hands symbolized irresoluteness and weakness (Is 35:3). Clasping the hands signified friendship (2 Kgs 10:15). To seat someone on one’s right hand denoted favor (Pss 16:11; 77:10; 110:1). Clean hands symbolized innocence (Ps 26:6), while striking hands sealed a bargain (Prv 6:1, kjv<\/span>). Lifting the hand symbolized violence (1 Kgs 11:26, rsv<\/span>). The hands were used in supplicatory prayer (Ex 17:11; Lv 9:22; Is 1:15; 1 Tm 2:8) and in making vows (Gn 14:22, kjv<\/span>; 24:2).<\/p>\nOther idiomatic uses of the hands expressed jeopardizing one’s life (Jgs 12:3), gladness (2 Kgs 11:12), generosity (Dt 15:11), grief (2 Sm 13:19), humility (Prv 30:32), and undertaking a duty (Lk 9:62). Manual labor is an expression of man’s dignity and duty (Eph 4:28; 1 Thes 4:11), the marks of which Paul was not ashamed to display (Acts 20:34; 1 Cor 4:12). Ritual hand washing was obligatory for the priests before fulfilling their office (Ex 30:19-21; 40:30-32). The scribes and Pharisees so misapplied this that Jesus ignored ceremonial hand washing (Mt 15:1-20; Lk 11:38). Pilate’s hand washing (Mt 27:24) disclaimed responsibility for, or professed innocence concerning, a wrong that, however, could not be done without his consent.<\/p>\nWhen Israel went out of Egypt “with an high hand” (Ex 14:8, kjv<\/span>), the reference is to the hand or help of the Lord. The hand of the Lord represented God’s resistless power (Dt 2:15), judgment (Acts 13:11; Heb 10:31), divine inspiration (Ez 8:1; 37:1), and providential care (Ezr 7:6; Jn 10:28-29).<\/p>\nThe laying on of hands had a profound significance and occurs frequently in the Bible. Before making a blood sacrifice, the person making the offering, not the priest, laid hands on the victim. The act signified the transference of guilt to, or self-identification with, the victim (Lv 1:4). Laying on of hands signified appointment to an office, as when Moses commissioned Joshua (Nm 27:12-23), the apostles made seven disciples their associates or deputies in the ministry (Acts 6:5-6), and Paul and Barnabas were appointed missionaries and representatives of the church in Antioch (13:3). By laying on of hands, a person was made an associate with the holder of an office and was admitted to the status of that office (1 Tm 4:14; 2 Tm 1:6). The act was accompanied by prayer and was, in itself, a form of prayer. As Augustine remarks: “What else is the laying on of hands but a prayer over one?”<\/p>\nThe laying on of hands accompanied healing in the ministry of the Lord (Mk 6:5; Lk 4:40; 13:11-13) and of the disciples (Mk 16:18; Acts 9:12, 17; 28:8). This expressed the self-identification and sympathy of the healer with and for the sufferer, as well as reinforced the patient’s faith and God’s imparting health to him in answer to prayer.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Right Hand.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>HAND<\/h3>\nThe terminal part of the forelimb that has the ability to grasp. “Hand” is used hundreds of times in the Bible to describe a physical part of one’s body. It is also used frequently in metaphors or figurative language.<\/p>\nFiguratively, the hand meant power (Dt 2:15; Ps 31:5; Mk 14:62). Indeed, in Joshua 8:20 “hand to flee” is translated “power to flee” (see Ps 76:5). Conversely, limp hands symbolized irresoluteness and weakness (Is 35:3). Clasping the hands signified friendship (2 Kgs 10:15). To seat someone on one’s right hand denoted favor (Pss 16:11; 77:10; 110:1). Clean hands symbolized innocence (Ps 26:6), while striking hands sealed a bargain (Prv 6:1, kjv<\/span>). Lifting the hand symbolized violence (1 Kgs 11:26, rsv<\/span>). The hands were used in supplicatory prayer (Ex 17:11; Lv 9:22; Is 1:15; 1 Tm 2:8) and in making vows (Gn 14:22, kjv<\/span>; 24:2).<\/p>\nOther idiomatic uses of the hands expressed jeopardizing one’s life (Jgs 12:3), gladness (2 Kgs 11:12), generosity (Dt 15:11), grief (2 Sm 13:19), humility (Prv 30:32), and undertaking a duty (Lk 9:62). Manual labor is an expression of man’s dignity and duty (Eph 4:28; 1 Thes 4:11), the marks of which Paul was not ashamed to display (Acts 20:34; 1 Cor 4:12). Ritual hand washing was obligatory for the priests before fulfilling their office (Ex 30:19-21; 40:30-32). The scribes and Pharisees so misapplied this that Jesus ignored ceremonial hand washing (Mt 15:1-20; Lk 11:38). Pilate’s hand washing (Mt 27:24) disclaimed responsibility for, or professed innocence concerning, a wrong that, however, could not be done without his consent.<\/p>\nWhen Israel went out of Egypt “with an high hand” (Ex 14:8, kjv<\/span>), the reference is to the hand or help of the Lord. The hand of the Lord represented God’s resistless power (Dt 2:15), judgment (Acts 13:11; Heb 10:31), divine inspiration (Ez 8:1; 37:1), and providential care (Ezr 7:6; Jn 10:28-29).<\/p>\nThe laying on of hands had a profound significance and occurs frequently in the Bible. Before making a blood sacrifice, the person making the offering, not the priest, laid hands on the victim. The act signified the transference of guilt to, or self-identification with, the victim (Lv 1:4). Laying on of hands signified appointment to an office, as when Moses commissioned Joshua (Nm 27:12-23), the apostles made seven disciples their associates or deputies in the ministry (Acts 6:5-6), and Paul and Barnabas were appointed missionaries and representatives of the church in Antioch (13:3). By laying on of hands, a person was made an associate with the holder of an office and was admitted to the status of that office (1 Tm 4:14; 2 Tm 1:6). The act was accompanied by prayer and was, in itself, a form of prayer. As Augustine remarks: “What else is the laying on of hands but a prayer over one?”<\/p>\nThe laying on of hands accompanied healing in the ministry of the Lord (Mk 6:5; Lk 4:40; 13:11-13) and of the disciples (Mk 16:18; Acts 9:12, 17; 28:8). This expressed the self-identification and sympathy of the healer with and for the sufferer, as well as reinforced the patient’s faith and God’s imparting health to him in answer to prayer.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Right Hand.<\/p>","summary_ro":"HAND The terminal part of the forelimb that has the ability to grasp. “Hand” is used hundreds of times in the Bible to describe a physical part of one’s body. It is also used frequently in metaphors or figurative language. Figuratively, the hand meant power (Dt 2:15; Ps 31:5; Mk 14:62). Indeed, in Joshua 8:20 “hand to flee” is translated “power to flee” (see Ps 76:5). Conversely, limp hands symbolized irresoluteness and weakness (Is 35:3). Clasping the hands signified friendship (2 Kgs 10:15)...","summary_en":"HAND The terminal part of the forelimb that has the ability to grasp. “Hand” is used hundreds of times in the Bible to describe a physical part of one’s body. It is also used frequently in metaphors or figurative language. Figuratively, the hand meant power (Dt 2:15; Ps 31:5; Mk 14:62). Indeed, in Joshua 8:20 “hand to flee” is translated “power to flee” (see Ps 76:5). Conversely, limp hands symbolized irresoluteness and weakness (Is 35:3). Clasping the hands signified friendship (2 Kgs 10:15)...","source":"Articles\/H.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":61811,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People","title_en":"God’s Judgment of His People","content_ro":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\nAlthough the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\nSometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\nYet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\nGod never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nLev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\nAlthough the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\nSometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\nYet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\nGod never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nLev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","summary_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","summary_en":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":89437,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People","title_en":"God’s Judgment of His People","content_ro":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\nAlthough the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\nSometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\nYet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\nGod never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nLev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\nAlthough the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\nSometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\nYet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\nGod never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nLev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","summary_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","summary_en":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":117063,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People","title_en":"God’s Judgment of His People","content_ro":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\nAlthough the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\nSometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\nYet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\nGod never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nLev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\nAlthough the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\nSometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\nYet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\nGod never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nLev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","summary_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","summary_en":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":144689,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People","title_en":"God’s Judgment of His People","content_ro":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\nAlthough the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\nSometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\nYet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\nGod never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nLev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\nAlthough the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\nSometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\nYet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\nGod never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nLev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","summary_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","summary_en":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"13":[{"id":3156,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Athaliah","title_en":"Athaliah","content_ro":"<h3>ATHALIAH<\/h3>\n<li>1. Wife of King Jehoram of Judah, and daughter of King Ahab of Israel and his wife, Jezebel. Athaliah, Judah’s only queen, ruled 841–835 BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 11; 2 Chr 22–23).<\/li>\nLike her mother, Jezebel, Athaliah worshiped the Canaanite god Baal and encouraged her husband to do the same. Evidently she had considerable influence over Jehoram. After his death their son Ahaziah was made king (2 Kgs 8:25-27; 2 Chr 22:1). Like Jehoram, Ahaziah was influenced by Athaliah and did “what was evil in the Lord<\/span>’s sight” (2 Kgs 8:27).<\/p>\nBecause the kings of Israel and Judah disobeyed the Lord, Jehu was anointed by God to be the true king of Israel (2 Kgs 9:2-3). Jehu then killed Joram, king of Israel (2 Kgs 9:24), and Ahaziah, king of Judah (2 Kgs 9:27; 2 Chr 22:9). After the death of her son, Athaliah seized the throne of Judah by destroying (so she thought) all the males in the royal family (2 Kgs 11:1; 2 Chr 22:10). But Jehoshabeath, Jehoram’s daughter and the wife of Jehoiada the priest, rescued Ahaziah’s son Joash and hid him away (2 Kgs 11:2-3; 2 Chr 22:11-12).<\/p>\nAfter six years Jehoiada “took courage” and resolved to reveal the young prince Joash to the people, making an agreement with some mercenary army officers who summoned to Jerusalem “the Levites . . . and the heads of fathers’ houses of Israel” (2 Chr 23:1-3, rsv<\/span>). In a secret ceremony in the temple Joash was crowned king. Athaliah heard people rejoicing and blowing trumpets and tried to halt the proceedings by tearing her clothes and yelling, “Treason!” She was immediately taken from the temple area and executed (2 Kgs 11:13-16; 2 Chr 23:12-15). See<\/em> Israel, History of; Kings, Books of First and Second.<\/p>\n<li>2. One of the sons of Jehoram from Benjamin’s tribe (1 Chr 8:26).<\/li>\n<li>3. Father of Jeshaiah, the head of the sons of Elam who returned from Babylon with Ezra (Ezr 8:7).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>ATHALIAH<\/h3>\n<li>1. Wife of King Jehoram of Judah, and daughter of King Ahab of Israel and his wife, Jezebel. Athaliah, Judah’s only queen, ruled 841–835 BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 11; 2 Chr 22–23).<\/li>\nLike her mother, Jezebel, Athaliah worshiped the Canaanite god Baal and encouraged her husband to do the same. Evidently she had considerable influence over Jehoram. After his death their son Ahaziah was made king (2 Kgs 8:25-27; 2 Chr 22:1). Like Jehoram, Ahaziah was influenced by Athaliah and did “what was evil in the Lord<\/span>’s sight” (2 Kgs 8:27).<\/p>\nBecause the kings of Israel and Judah disobeyed the Lord, Jehu was anointed by God to be the true king of Israel (2 Kgs 9:2-3). Jehu then killed Joram, king of Israel (2 Kgs 9:24), and Ahaziah, king of Judah (2 Kgs 9:27; 2 Chr 22:9). After the death of her son, Athaliah seized the throne of Judah by destroying (so she thought) all the males in the royal family (2 Kgs 11:1; 2 Chr 22:10). But Jehoshabeath, Jehoram’s daughter and the wife of Jehoiada the priest, rescued Ahaziah’s son Joash and hid him away (2 Kgs 11:2-3; 2 Chr 22:11-12).<\/p>\nAfter six years Jehoiada “took courage” and resolved to reveal the young prince Joash to the people, making an agreement with some mercenary army officers who summoned to Jerusalem “the Levites . . . and the heads of fathers’ houses of Israel” (2 Chr 23:1-3, rsv<\/span>). In a secret ceremony in the temple Joash was crowned king. Athaliah heard people rejoicing and blowing trumpets and tried to halt the proceedings by tearing her clothes and yelling, “Treason!” She was immediately taken from the temple area and executed (2 Kgs 11:13-16; 2 Chr 23:12-15). See<\/em> Israel, History of; Kings, Books of First and Second.<\/p>\n<li>2. One of the sons of Jehoram from Benjamin’s tribe (1 Chr 8:26).<\/li>\n<li>3. Father of Jeshaiah, the head of the sons of Elam who returned from Babylon with Ezra (Ezr 8:7).<\/li>","summary_ro":"ATHALIAH 1. Wife of King Jehoram of Judah, and daughter of King Ahab of Israel and his wife, Jezebel. Athaliah, Judah’s only queen, ruled 841–835 BC (2 Kgs 11; 2 Chr 22–23). Like her mother, Jezebel, Athaliah worshiped the Canaanite god Baal and encouraged her husband to do the same. Evidently she had considerable influence over Jehoram. After his death their son Ahaziah was made king (2 Kgs 8:25-27; 2 Chr 22:1). Like Jehoram, Ahaziah was influenced by Athaliah and did “what was evil in the L...","summary_en":"ATHALIAH 1. Wife of King Jehoram of Judah, and daughter of King Ahab of Israel and his wife, Jezebel. Athaliah, Judah’s only queen, ruled 841–835 BC (2 Kgs 11; 2 Chr 22–23). Like her mother, Jezebel, Athaliah worshiped the Canaanite god Baal and encouraged her husband to do the same. Evidently she had considerable influence over Jehoram. After his death their son Ahaziah was made king (2 Kgs 8:25-27; 2 Chr 22:1). Like Jehoram, Ahaziah was influenced by Athaliah and did “what was evil in the L...","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":47329,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:13","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:13","content_ro":"11:13-14<\/strong> The pillar<\/em> may be one of the two pillars that Solomon erected at the Temple<\/em> entrance (1 Kgs 7:15-22; 2 Chr 23:13), or the Hebrew term could mean a raised platform set in place for the occasion so that the new king could be seen by all. • Athaliah’s cry of treason<\/em> is ironic, considering her own treasonous murders to seize the throne (2 Kgs 11:1).<\/p>","content_en":"11:13-14<\/strong> The pillar<\/em> may be one of the two pillars that Solomon erected at the Temple<\/em> entrance (1 Kgs 7:15-22; 2 Chr 23:13), or the Hebrew term could mean a raised platform set in place for the occasion so that the new king could be seen by all. • Athaliah’s cry of treason<\/em> is ironic, considering her own treasonous murders to seize the throne (2 Kgs 11:1).<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:13-14 The pillar may be one of the two pillars that Solomon erected at the Temple entrance (1 Kgs 7:15-22; 2 Chr 23:13), or the Hebrew term could mean a raised platform set in place for the occasion so that the new king could be seen by all. • Athaliah’s cry of treason is ironic, considering her own treasonous murders to seize the throne (2 Kgs 11:1).","summary_en":"11:13-14 The pillar may be one of the two pillars that Solomon erected at the Temple entrance (1 Kgs 7:15-22; 2 Chr 23:13), or the Hebrew term could mean a raised platform set in place for the occasion so that the new king could be seen by all. • Athaliah’s cry of treason is ironic, considering her own treasonous murders to seize the throne (2 Kgs 11:1).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":74955,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:13","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:13","content_ro":"11:13-14<\/strong> The pillar<\/em> may be one of the two pillars that Solomon erected at the Temple<\/em> entrance (1 Kgs 7:15-22; 2 Chr 23:13), or the Hebrew term could mean a raised platform set in place for the occasion so that the new king could be seen by all. • Athaliah’s cry of treason<\/em> is ironic, considering her own treasonous murders to seize the throne (2 Kgs 11:1).<\/p>","content_en":"11:13-14<\/strong> The pillar<\/em> may be one of the two pillars that Solomon erected at the Temple<\/em> entrance (1 Kgs 7:15-22; 2 Chr 23:13), or the Hebrew term could mean a raised platform set in place for the occasion so that the new king could be seen by all. • Athaliah’s cry of treason<\/em> is ironic, considering her own treasonous murders to seize the throne (2 Kgs 11:1).<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:13-14 The pillar may be one of the two pillars that Solomon erected at the Temple entrance (1 Kgs 7:15-22; 2 Chr 23:13), or the Hebrew term could mean a raised platform set in place for the occasion so that the new king could be seen by all. • Athaliah’s cry of treason is ironic, considering her own treasonous murders to seize the throne (2 Kgs 11:1).","summary_en":"11:13-14 The pillar may be one of the two pillars that Solomon erected at the Temple entrance (1 Kgs 7:15-22; 2 Chr 23:13), or the Hebrew term could mean a raised platform set in place for the occasion so that the new king could be seen by all. • Athaliah’s cry of treason is ironic, considering her own treasonous murders to seize the throne (2 Kgs 11:1).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":102581,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:13","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:13","content_ro":"11:13-14<\/strong> The pillar<\/em> may be one of the two pillars that Solomon erected at the Temple<\/em> entrance (1 Kgs 7:15-22; 2 Chr 23:13), or the Hebrew term could mean a raised platform set in place for the occasion so that the new king could be seen by all. • Athaliah’s cry of treason<\/em> is ironic, considering her own treasonous murders to seize the throne (2 Kgs 11:1).<\/p>","content_en":"11:13-14<\/strong> The pillar<\/em> may be one of the two pillars that Solomon erected at the Temple<\/em> entrance (1 Kgs 7:15-22; 2 Chr 23:13), or the Hebrew term could mean a raised platform set in place for the occasion so that the new king could be seen by all. • Athaliah’s cry of treason<\/em> is ironic, considering her own treasonous murders to seize the throne (2 Kgs 11:1).<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:13-14 The pillar may be one of the two pillars that Solomon erected at the Temple entrance (1 Kgs 7:15-22; 2 Chr 23:13), or the Hebrew term could mean a raised platform set in place for the occasion so that the new king could be seen by all. • Athaliah’s cry of treason is ironic, considering her own treasonous murders to seize the throne (2 Kgs 11:1).","summary_en":"11:13-14 The pillar may be one of the two pillars that Solomon erected at the Temple entrance (1 Kgs 7:15-22; 2 Chr 23:13), or the Hebrew term could mean a raised platform set in place for the occasion so that the new king could be seen by all. • Athaliah’s cry of treason is ironic, considering her own treasonous murders to seize the throne (2 Kgs 11:1).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":130207,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:13","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:13","content_ro":"11:13-14<\/strong> The pillar<\/em> may be one of the two pillars that Solomon erected at the Temple<\/em> entrance (1 Kgs 7:15-22; 2 Chr 23:13), or the Hebrew term could mean a raised platform set in place for the occasion so that the new king could be seen by all. • Athaliah’s cry of treason<\/em> is ironic, considering her own treasonous murders to seize the throne (2 Kgs 11:1).<\/p>","content_en":"11:13-14<\/strong> The pillar<\/em> may be one of the two pillars that Solomon erected at the Temple<\/em> entrance (1 Kgs 7:15-22; 2 Chr 23:13), or the Hebrew term could mean a raised platform set in place for the occasion so that the new king could be seen by all. • Athaliah’s cry of treason<\/em> is ironic, considering her own treasonous murders to seize the throne (2 Kgs 11:1).<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:13-14 The pillar may be one of the two pillars that Solomon erected at the Temple entrance (1 Kgs 7:15-22; 2 Chr 23:13), or the Hebrew term could mean a raised platform set in place for the occasion so that the new king could be seen by all. • Athaliah’s cry of treason is ironic, considering her own treasonous murders to seize the throne (2 Kgs 11:1).","summary_en":"11:13-14 The pillar may be one of the two pillars that Solomon erected at the Temple entrance (1 Kgs 7:15-22; 2 Chr 23:13), or the Hebrew term could mean a raised platform set in place for the occasion so that the new king could be seen by all. • Athaliah’s cry of treason is ironic, considering her own treasonous murders to seize the throne (2 Kgs 11:1).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"14":[{"id":29544,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"of the Land*, People","title_en":"of the Land*, People","content_ro":"<h3>PEOPLE OF THE LAND*<\/h3>\nOT phrase also known by its Hebrew transliteration, ‘Am-Ha’arets<\/span>.<\/em> In a generic sense, ‘Am-Ha’arets<\/span> referred to a political or ethnic group of people, such as the Hittite sons of Heth (Gn 23:7), the Egyptians (42:6), the Israelites (Ex 5:5), the nations of Canaan (Nm 13:28; Neh 9:24), and the Ammonites (Nm 21:34). With the expansion of Israel as a nation, this expression was used to define the general class of people who were not part of the upper religious and political levels of society (2 Kgs 11:14-20; 25:3; 2 Chr 33:25; Jer 52:25). During the postexilic period, the mixed race of Jews who had intermarried with heathen peoples were called the people of the land and mostly shunned by Ezra and his followers (Ezr 4:4; 10:2, 11; Neh 10:28-31). Later, rabbinic Judaism labeled the Jewish people who were unwilling or unable to observe the whole law as ‘Am-Ha’arets<\/span>.<\/em><\/p>","content_en":"<h3>PEOPLE OF THE LAND*<\/h3>\nOT phrase also known by its Hebrew transliteration, ‘Am-Ha’arets<\/span>.<\/em> In a generic sense, ‘Am-Ha’arets<\/span> referred to a political or ethnic group of people, such as the Hittite sons of Heth (Gn 23:7), the Egyptians (42:6), the Israelites (Ex 5:5), the nations of Canaan (Nm 13:28; Neh 9:24), and the Ammonites (Nm 21:34). With the expansion of Israel as a nation, this expression was used to define the general class of people who were not part of the upper religious and political levels of society (2 Kgs 11:14-20; 25:3; 2 Chr 33:25; Jer 52:25). During the postexilic period, the mixed race of Jews who had intermarried with heathen peoples were called the people of the land and mostly shunned by Ezra and his followers (Ezr 4:4; 10:2, 11; Neh 10:28-31). Later, rabbinic Judaism labeled the Jewish people who were unwilling or unable to observe the whole law as ‘Am-Ha’arets<\/span>.<\/em><\/p>","summary_ro":"PEOPLE OF THE LAND* OT phrase also known by its Hebrew transliteration, ‘Am-Ha’arets. In a generic sense, ‘Am-Ha’arets referred to a political or ethnic group of people, such as the Hittite sons of Heth (Gn 23:7), the Egyptians (42:6), the Israelites (Ex 5:5), the nations of Canaan (Nm 13:28; Neh 9:24), and the Ammonites (Nm 21:34). With the expansion of Israel as a nation, this expression was used to define the general class of people who were not part of the upper religious and political le...","summary_en":"PEOPLE OF THE LAND* OT phrase also known by its Hebrew transliteration, ‘Am-Ha’arets. In a generic sense, ‘Am-Ha’arets referred to a political or ethnic group of people, such as the Hittite sons of Heth (Gn 23:7), the Egyptians (42:6), the Israelites (Ex 5:5), the nations of Canaan (Nm 13:28; Neh 9:24), and the Ammonites (Nm 21:34). With the expansion of Israel as a nation, this expression was used to define the general class of people who were not part of the upper religious and political le...","source":"Articles\/P.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"16":[{"id":16702,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Horse Gate","title_en":"Horse Gate","content_ro":"<h3>HORSE GATE<\/h3>\nGate near the palace in Jerusalem (Jer 31:40), in the southeast part of the city wall. Here Queen Athaliah was put to death (2 Kgs 11:16; 2 Chr 23:15). The gate was restored under Nehemiah (Neh 3:28).<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Jerusalem.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>HORSE GATE<\/h3>\nGate near the palace in Jerusalem (Jer 31:40), in the southeast part of the city wall. Here Queen Athaliah was put to death (2 Kgs 11:16; 2 Chr 23:15). The gate was restored under Nehemiah (Neh 3:28).<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Jerusalem.<\/p>","summary_ro":"HORSE GATE Gate near the palace in Jerusalem (Jer 31:40), in the southeast part of the city wall. Here Queen Athaliah was put to death (2 Kgs 11:16; 2 Chr 23:15). The gate was restored under Nehemiah (Neh 3:28). See also Jerusalem.","summary_en":"HORSE GATE Gate near the palace in Jerusalem (Jer 31:40), in the southeast part of the city wall. Here Queen Athaliah was put to death (2 Kgs 11:16; 2 Chr 23:15). The gate was restored under Nehemiah (Neh 3:28). See also Jerusalem.","source":"Articles\/H.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":21698,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Kidron","title_en":"Kidron","content_ro":"<h3>KIDRON<\/h3>\nValley and streambed running below the southeast wall of Jerusalem and separating the city from the Mt of Olives on the east. It then turns southeast from Jerusalem and follows a winding course to the Dead Sea. The Kidron can be described as a torrent bed that is nearly always dry, since the watercourse flows only in the rainy season, partly maintained by the two irregular springs Gihon and En-rogel.<\/p>\nThe Gihon was the vital water source for the old City of David, and in Hezekiah’s day an underground tunnel was cut in the rock to guarantee a water supply in time of siege, thus supplying the pool of Siloam within the city walls.<\/p>\nThe term “brook” found in John 18:1 (kjv<\/span>) would be better translated “winter flow” or “winter course,” since the original word intends to convey this seasonal character of the creek rather than to suggest a river.<\/p>\nThe two most important functions of the Kidron Valley for the city of Jerusalem are military and funerary. The walls of the city have always towered over the valley, and its steepness made it extremely difficult for any attack to succeed from that side. Over the centuries rubble from nearby ruins has raised the floor of the valley. In places the present floor is some 40 feet (12.2 meters) above earlier historic levels; it is not certain how many ancient caves and tombs must lie below the present surface. The wide space just south of the city, where the Kidron meets and merges with the Tyropean and Hinnom Valleys, has always been a favorite spot for the royal gardens, irrigated from the two nearby springs.<\/p>\n\nSince the fourth century AD<\/span>, the Kidron has been called “the valley of Jehoshaphat” (Jl 3:12), scene of the judgment of nations at the last day, and this tradition is strong among both Muslims and Jews. Today the sides of the valley are crowded with tombs. Even before the exile it was a popular place for burial (2 Kgs 23:4-12 refers to the graves of the common people and to the dumping of idolatrous refuse there; see also 2 Chr 34:4-5).<\/p>\nThe first reference to the Kidron Valley is in 2 Samuel 15:23, where the people and David crossed over toward the desert. This strategic move would give them a way of escape if rebellious Absalom’s forces decided to attack the city. The people and the king wept bitterly during this move (2 Sm 15:30) because it had such a depressing significance; David was abandoning Zion without a fight. Later the offensive Shimei was forbidden to cross the Kidron by Solomon (1 Kgs 2:36-38) on pain of death. Josephus mentions that the wicked queen Athaliah was put to death in the Kidron Valley (Antiquities<\/em> 9.7.3), but it is not clear from 2 Kings 11:16 whether the horses’ entrance to the palace opened onto the Kidron.<\/p>\nThe last reference to the Kidron is the occasion of Jesus’ crossing it with his disciples on the eve of his betrayal (Jn 18:1). The parallels with the crossing of David are interesting, considering the place David holds in the establishment of the biblical symbolism of king and kingdom. Eschatologically, Jeremiah foretells a time when the Kidron will be sacred to the Lord (Jer 31:38-40) as part of the restoration of Israel.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Jerusalem.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>KIDRON<\/h3>\nValley and streambed running below the southeast wall of Jerusalem and separating the city from the Mt of Olives on the east. It then turns southeast from Jerusalem and follows a winding course to the Dead Sea. The Kidron can be described as a torrent bed that is nearly always dry, since the watercourse flows only in the rainy season, partly maintained by the two irregular springs Gihon and En-rogel.<\/p>\nThe Gihon was the vital water source for the old City of David, and in Hezekiah’s day an underground tunnel was cut in the rock to guarantee a water supply in time of siege, thus supplying the pool of Siloam within the city walls.<\/p>\nThe term “brook” found in John 18:1 (kjv<\/span>) would be better translated “winter flow” or “winter course,” since the original word intends to convey this seasonal character of the creek rather than to suggest a river.<\/p>\nThe two most important functions of the Kidron Valley for the city of Jerusalem are military and funerary. The walls of the city have always towered over the valley, and its steepness made it extremely difficult for any attack to succeed from that side. Over the centuries rubble from nearby ruins has raised the floor of the valley. In places the present floor is some 40 feet (12.2 meters) above earlier historic levels; it is not certain how many ancient caves and tombs must lie below the present surface. The wide space just south of the city, where the Kidron meets and merges with the Tyropean and Hinnom Valleys, has always been a favorite spot for the royal gardens, irrigated from the two nearby springs.<\/p>\n\nSince the fourth century AD<\/span>, the Kidron has been called “the valley of Jehoshaphat” (Jl 3:12), scene of the judgment of nations at the last day, and this tradition is strong among both Muslims and Jews. Today the sides of the valley are crowded with tombs. Even before the exile it was a popular place for burial (2 Kgs 23:4-12 refers to the graves of the common people and to the dumping of idolatrous refuse there; see also 2 Chr 34:4-5).<\/p>\nThe first reference to the Kidron Valley is in 2 Samuel 15:23, where the people and David crossed over toward the desert. This strategic move would give them a way of escape if rebellious Absalom’s forces decided to attack the city. The people and the king wept bitterly during this move (2 Sm 15:30) because it had such a depressing significance; David was abandoning Zion without a fight. Later the offensive Shimei was forbidden to cross the Kidron by Solomon (1 Kgs 2:36-38) on pain of death. Josephus mentions that the wicked queen Athaliah was put to death in the Kidron Valley (Antiquities<\/em> 9.7.3), but it is not clear from 2 Kings 11:16 whether the horses’ entrance to the palace opened onto the Kidron.<\/p>\nThe last reference to the Kidron is the occasion of Jesus’ crossing it with his disciples on the eve of his betrayal (Jn 18:1). The parallels with the crossing of David are interesting, considering the place David holds in the establishment of the biblical symbolism of king and kingdom. Eschatologically, Jeremiah foretells a time when the Kidron will be sacred to the Lord (Jer 31:38-40) as part of the restoration of Israel.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Jerusalem.<\/p>","summary_ro":"KIDRON Valley and streambed running below the southeast wall of Jerusalem and separating the city from the Mt of Olives on the east. It then turns southeast from Jerusalem and follows a winding course to the Dead Sea. The Kidron can be described as a torrent bed that is nearly always dry, since the watercourse flows only in the rainy season, partly maintained by the two irregular springs Gihon and En-rogel. The Gihon was the vital water source for the old City of David, and in Hezekiah’s day ...","summary_en":"KIDRON Valley and streambed running below the southeast wall of Jerusalem and separating the city from the Mt of Olives on the east. It then turns southeast from Jerusalem and follows a winding course to the Dead Sea. The Kidron can be described as a torrent bed that is nearly always dry, since the watercourse flows only in the rainy season, partly maintained by the two irregular springs Gihon and En-rogel. The Gihon was the vital water source for the old City of David, and in Hezekiah’s day ...","source":"Articles\/K.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":47330,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:16","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:16","content_ro":"11:16<\/strong> Athaliah’s death at the gate where horses enter the palace grounds<\/em> is reminiscent of her mother Jezebel’s death under the hooves of Jehu’s horses (9:33).<\/p>","content_en":"11:16<\/strong> Athaliah’s death at the gate where horses enter the palace grounds<\/em> is reminiscent of her mother Jezebel’s death under the hooves of Jehu’s horses (9:33).<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:16 Athaliah’s death at the gate where horses enter the palace grounds is reminiscent of her mother Jezebel’s death under the hooves of Jehu’s horses (9:33).","summary_en":"11:16 Athaliah’s death at the gate where horses enter the palace grounds is reminiscent of her mother Jezebel’s death under the hooves of Jehu’s horses (9:33).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":74956,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:16","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:16","content_ro":"11:16<\/strong> Athaliah’s death at the gate where horses enter the palace grounds<\/em> is reminiscent of her mother Jezebel’s death under the hooves of Jehu’s horses (9:33).<\/p>","content_en":"11:16<\/strong> Athaliah’s death at the gate where horses enter the palace grounds<\/em> is reminiscent of her mother Jezebel’s death under the hooves of Jehu’s horses (9:33).<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:16 Athaliah’s death at the gate where horses enter the palace grounds is reminiscent of her mother Jezebel’s death under the hooves of Jehu’s horses (9:33).","summary_en":"11:16 Athaliah’s death at the gate where horses enter the palace grounds is reminiscent of her mother Jezebel’s death under the hooves of Jehu’s horses (9:33).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":102582,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:16","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:16","content_ro":"11:16<\/strong> Athaliah’s death at the gate where horses enter the palace grounds<\/em> is reminiscent of her mother Jezebel’s death under the hooves of Jehu’s horses (9:33).<\/p>","content_en":"11:16<\/strong> Athaliah’s death at the gate where horses enter the palace grounds<\/em> is reminiscent of her mother Jezebel’s death under the hooves of Jehu’s horses (9:33).<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:16 Athaliah’s death at the gate where horses enter the palace grounds is reminiscent of her mother Jezebel’s death under the hooves of Jehu’s horses (9:33).","summary_en":"11:16 Athaliah’s death at the gate where horses enter the palace grounds is reminiscent of her mother Jezebel’s death under the hooves of Jehu’s horses (9:33).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":130208,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:16","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:16","content_ro":"11:16<\/strong> Athaliah’s death at the gate where horses enter the palace grounds<\/em> is reminiscent of her mother Jezebel’s death under the hooves of Jehu’s horses (9:33).<\/p>","content_en":"11:16<\/strong> Athaliah’s death at the gate where horses enter the palace grounds<\/em> is reminiscent of her mother Jezebel’s death under the hooves of Jehu’s horses (9:33).<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:16 Athaliah’s death at the gate where horses enter the palace grounds is reminiscent of her mother Jezebel’s death under the hooves of Jehu’s horses (9:33).","summary_en":"11:16 Athaliah’s death at the gate where horses enter the palace grounds is reminiscent of her mother Jezebel’s death under the hooves of Jehu’s horses (9:33).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"17":[{"id":47331,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:17","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:17","content_ro":"11:17<\/strong> The renewal of the covenant<\/em> was especially important after years of pagan rule. Covenant<\/em> faithfulness accompanied by periodic renewal was mandated in the law (Deut 31:9-13), and Israel observed it at junctures in its history (see 2 Kgs 23:1-3; Josh 24).<\/p>","content_en":"11:17<\/strong> The renewal of the covenant<\/em> was especially important after years of pagan rule. Covenant<\/em> faithfulness accompanied by periodic renewal was mandated in the law (Deut 31:9-13), and Israel observed it at junctures in its history (see 2 Kgs 23:1-3; Josh 24).<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:17 The renewal of the covenant was especially important after years of pagan rule. Covenant faithfulness accompanied by periodic renewal was mandated in the law (Deut 31:9-13), and Israel observed it at junctures in its history (see 2 Kgs 23:1-3; Josh 24).","summary_en":"11:17 The renewal of the covenant was especially important after years of pagan rule. Covenant faithfulness accompanied by periodic renewal was mandated in the law (Deut 31:9-13), and Israel observed it at junctures in its history (see 2 Kgs 23:1-3; Josh 24).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":74957,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:17","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:17","content_ro":"11:17<\/strong> The renewal of the covenant<\/em> was especially important after years of pagan rule. Covenant<\/em> faithfulness accompanied by periodic renewal was mandated in the law (Deut 31:9-13), and Israel observed it at junctures in its history (see 2 Kgs 23:1-3; Josh 24).<\/p>","content_en":"11:17<\/strong> The renewal of the covenant<\/em> was especially important after years of pagan rule. Covenant<\/em> faithfulness accompanied by periodic renewal was mandated in the law (Deut 31:9-13), and Israel observed it at junctures in its history (see 2 Kgs 23:1-3; Josh 24).<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:17 The renewal of the covenant was especially important after years of pagan rule. Covenant faithfulness accompanied by periodic renewal was mandated in the law (Deut 31:9-13), and Israel observed it at junctures in its history (see 2 Kgs 23:1-3; Josh 24).","summary_en":"11:17 The renewal of the covenant was especially important after years of pagan rule. Covenant faithfulness accompanied by periodic renewal was mandated in the law (Deut 31:9-13), and Israel observed it at junctures in its history (see 2 Kgs 23:1-3; Josh 24).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":102583,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:17","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:17","content_ro":"11:17<\/strong> The renewal of the covenant<\/em> was especially important after years of pagan rule. Covenant<\/em> faithfulness accompanied by periodic renewal was mandated in the law (Deut 31:9-13), and Israel observed it at junctures in its history (see 2 Kgs 23:1-3; Josh 24).<\/p>","content_en":"11:17<\/strong> The renewal of the covenant<\/em> was especially important after years of pagan rule. Covenant<\/em> faithfulness accompanied by periodic renewal was mandated in the law (Deut 31:9-13), and Israel observed it at junctures in its history (see 2 Kgs 23:1-3; Josh 24).<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:17 The renewal of the covenant was especially important after years of pagan rule. Covenant faithfulness accompanied by periodic renewal was mandated in the law (Deut 31:9-13), and Israel observed it at junctures in its history (see 2 Kgs 23:1-3; Josh 24).","summary_en":"11:17 The renewal of the covenant was especially important after years of pagan rule. Covenant faithfulness accompanied by periodic renewal was mandated in the law (Deut 31:9-13), and Israel observed it at junctures in its history (see 2 Kgs 23:1-3; Josh 24).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":130209,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:17","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:17","content_ro":"11:17<\/strong> The renewal of the covenant<\/em> was especially important after years of pagan rule. Covenant<\/em> faithfulness accompanied by periodic renewal was mandated in the law (Deut 31:9-13), and Israel observed it at junctures in its history (see 2 Kgs 23:1-3; Josh 24).<\/p>","content_en":"11:17<\/strong> The renewal of the covenant<\/em> was especially important after years of pagan rule. Covenant<\/em> faithfulness accompanied by periodic renewal was mandated in the law (Deut 31:9-13), and Israel observed it at junctures in its history (see 2 Kgs 23:1-3; Josh 24).<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:17 The renewal of the covenant was especially important after years of pagan rule. Covenant faithfulness accompanied by periodic renewal was mandated in the law (Deut 31:9-13), and Israel observed it at junctures in its history (see 2 Kgs 23:1-3; Josh 24).","summary_en":"11:17 The renewal of the covenant was especially important after years of pagan rule. Covenant faithfulness accompanied by periodic renewal was mandated in the law (Deut 31:9-13), and Israel observed it at junctures in its history (see 2 Kgs 23:1-3; Josh 24).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":61815,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People","title_en":"God’s Judgment of His People","content_ro":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\nAlthough the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\nSometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\nYet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\nGod never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nLev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\nAlthough the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\nSometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\nYet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\nGod never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nLev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","summary_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","summary_en":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":89441,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People","title_en":"God’s Judgment of His People","content_ro":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\nAlthough the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\nSometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\nYet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\nGod never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nLev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\nAlthough the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\nSometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\nYet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\nGod never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nLev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","summary_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","summary_en":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":117067,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People","title_en":"God’s Judgment of His People","content_ro":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\nAlthough the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\nSometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\nYet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\nGod never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nLev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\nAlthough the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\nSometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\nYet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\nGod never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nLev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","summary_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","summary_en":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":144693,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People","title_en":"God’s Judgment of His People","content_ro":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\nAlthough the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\nSometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\nYet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\nGod never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nLev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\nAlthough the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\nSometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\nYet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\nGod never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nLev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","summary_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","summary_en":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"18":[{"id":24638,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Mattan","title_en":"Mattan","content_ro":"<h3>MATTAN<\/h3>\n<li>1. Priest of Baal killed at the time when Jehoiada the priest had Queen Athaliah killed and Joash placed on the throne of Judah (2 Kgs 11:18; 2 Chr 23:17).<\/li>\n<li>2. Father of Shephatiah, a prince under King Zedekiah and among those who persecuted Jeremiah (Jer 38:1-6).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>MATTAN<\/h3>\n<li>1. Priest of Baal killed at the time when Jehoiada the priest had Queen Athaliah killed and Joash placed on the throne of Judah (2 Kgs 11:18; 2 Chr 23:17).<\/li>\n<li>2. Father of Shephatiah, a prince under King Zedekiah and among those who persecuted Jeremiah (Jer 38:1-6).<\/li>","summary_ro":"MATTAN 1. Priest of Baal killed at the time when Jehoiada the priest had Queen Athaliah killed and Joash placed on the throne of Judah (2 Kgs 11:18; 2 Chr 23:17). 2. Father of Shephatiah, a prince under King Zedekiah and among those who persecuted Jeremiah (Jer 38:1-6).","summary_en":"MATTAN 1. Priest of Baal killed at the time when Jehoiada the priest had Queen Athaliah killed and Joash placed on the throne of Judah (2 Kgs 11:18; 2 Chr 23:17). 2. Father of Shephatiah, a prince under King Zedekiah and among those who persecuted Jeremiah (Jer 38:1-6).","source":"Articles\/M.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":47332,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:18","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:18","content_ro":"11:18<\/strong> The temple of Baal<\/em> may be the temple discovered in Ramat Rahel about three miles south of Jerusalem. As Jehu destroyed Baal worship in the northern kingdom (10:18-27) so the people of Judah tore . . . down<\/em> this pagan temple and executed its priest. • Jehoiada . . . stationed guards at the Temple<\/em> as a precaution against further reprisal by those loyal to Athaliah and her false religion.<\/p>","content_en":"11:18<\/strong> The temple of Baal<\/em> may be the temple discovered in Ramat Rahel about three miles south of Jerusalem. As Jehu destroyed Baal worship in the northern kingdom (10:18-27) so the people of Judah tore . . . down<\/em> this pagan temple and executed its priest. • Jehoiada . . . stationed guards at the Temple<\/em> as a precaution against further reprisal by those loyal to Athaliah and her false religion.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:18 The temple of Baal may be the temple discovered in Ramat Rahel about three miles south of Jerusalem. As Jehu destroyed Baal worship in the northern kingdom (10:18-27) so the people of Judah tore . . . down this pagan temple and executed its priest. • Jehoiada . . . stationed guards at the Temple as a precaution against further reprisal by those loyal to Athaliah and her false religion.","summary_en":"11:18 The temple of Baal may be the temple discovered in Ramat Rahel about three miles south of Jerusalem. As Jehu destroyed Baal worship in the northern kingdom (10:18-27) so the people of Judah tore . . . down this pagan temple and executed its priest. • Jehoiada . . . stationed guards at the Temple as a precaution against further reprisal by those loyal to Athaliah and her false religion.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":74958,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:18","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:18","content_ro":"11:18<\/strong> The temple of Baal<\/em> may be the temple discovered in Ramat Rahel about three miles south of Jerusalem. As Jehu destroyed Baal worship in the northern kingdom (10:18-27) so the people of Judah tore . . . down<\/em> this pagan temple and executed its priest. • Jehoiada . . . stationed guards at the Temple<\/em> as a precaution against further reprisal by those loyal to Athaliah and her false religion.<\/p>","content_en":"11:18<\/strong> The temple of Baal<\/em> may be the temple discovered in Ramat Rahel about three miles south of Jerusalem. As Jehu destroyed Baal worship in the northern kingdom (10:18-27) so the people of Judah tore . . . down<\/em> this pagan temple and executed its priest. • Jehoiada . . . stationed guards at the Temple<\/em> as a precaution against further reprisal by those loyal to Athaliah and her false religion.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:18 The temple of Baal may be the temple discovered in Ramat Rahel about three miles south of Jerusalem. As Jehu destroyed Baal worship in the northern kingdom (10:18-27) so the people of Judah tore . . . down this pagan temple and executed its priest. • Jehoiada . . . stationed guards at the Temple as a precaution against further reprisal by those loyal to Athaliah and her false religion.","summary_en":"11:18 The temple of Baal may be the temple discovered in Ramat Rahel about three miles south of Jerusalem. As Jehu destroyed Baal worship in the northern kingdom (10:18-27) so the people of Judah tore . . . down this pagan temple and executed its priest. • Jehoiada . . . stationed guards at the Temple as a precaution against further reprisal by those loyal to Athaliah and her false religion.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":102584,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:18","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:18","content_ro":"11:18<\/strong> The temple of Baal<\/em> may be the temple discovered in Ramat Rahel about three miles south of Jerusalem. As Jehu destroyed Baal worship in the northern kingdom (10:18-27) so the people of Judah tore . . . down<\/em> this pagan temple and executed its priest. • Jehoiada . . . stationed guards at the Temple<\/em> as a precaution against further reprisal by those loyal to Athaliah and her false religion.<\/p>","content_en":"11:18<\/strong> The temple of Baal<\/em> may be the temple discovered in Ramat Rahel about three miles south of Jerusalem. As Jehu destroyed Baal worship in the northern kingdom (10:18-27) so the people of Judah tore . . . down<\/em> this pagan temple and executed its priest. • Jehoiada . . . stationed guards at the Temple<\/em> as a precaution against further reprisal by those loyal to Athaliah and her false religion.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:18 The temple of Baal may be the temple discovered in Ramat Rahel about three miles south of Jerusalem. As Jehu destroyed Baal worship in the northern kingdom (10:18-27) so the people of Judah tore . . . down this pagan temple and executed its priest. • Jehoiada . . . stationed guards at the Temple as a precaution against further reprisal by those loyal to Athaliah and her false religion.","summary_en":"11:18 The temple of Baal may be the temple discovered in Ramat Rahel about three miles south of Jerusalem. As Jehu destroyed Baal worship in the northern kingdom (10:18-27) so the people of Judah tore . . . down this pagan temple and executed its priest. • Jehoiada . . . stationed guards at the Temple as a precaution against further reprisal by those loyal to Athaliah and her false religion.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":130210,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:18","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:18","content_ro":"11:18<\/strong> The temple of Baal<\/em> may be the temple discovered in Ramat Rahel about three miles south of Jerusalem. As Jehu destroyed Baal worship in the northern kingdom (10:18-27) so the people of Judah tore . . . down<\/em> this pagan temple and executed its priest. • Jehoiada . . . stationed guards at the Temple<\/em> as a precaution against further reprisal by those loyal to Athaliah and her false religion.<\/p>","content_en":"11:18<\/strong> The temple of Baal<\/em> may be the temple discovered in Ramat Rahel about three miles south of Jerusalem. As Jehu destroyed Baal worship in the northern kingdom (10:18-27) so the people of Judah tore . . . down<\/em> this pagan temple and executed its priest. • Jehoiada . . . stationed guards at the Temple<\/em> as a precaution against further reprisal by those loyal to Athaliah and her false religion.<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:18 The temple of Baal may be the temple discovered in Ramat Rahel about three miles south of Jerusalem. As Jehu destroyed Baal worship in the northern kingdom (10:18-27) so the people of Judah tore . . . down this pagan temple and executed its priest. • Jehoiada . . . stationed guards at the Temple as a precaution against further reprisal by those loyal to Athaliah and her false religion.","summary_en":"11:18 The temple of Baal may be the temple discovered in Ramat Rahel about three miles south of Jerusalem. As Jehu destroyed Baal worship in the northern kingdom (10:18-27) so the people of Judah tore . . . down this pagan temple and executed its priest. • Jehoiada . . . stationed guards at the Temple as a precaution against further reprisal by those loyal to Athaliah and her false religion.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":61812,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People","title_en":"God’s Judgment of His People","content_ro":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\nAlthough the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\nSometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\nYet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\nGod never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nLev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\nAlthough the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\nSometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\nYet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\nGod never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nLev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","summary_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","summary_en":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":89438,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People","title_en":"God’s Judgment of His People","content_ro":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\nAlthough the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\nSometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\nYet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\nGod never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nLev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\nAlthough the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\nSometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\nYet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\nGod never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nLev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","summary_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","summary_en":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":117064,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People","title_en":"God’s Judgment of His People","content_ro":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\nAlthough the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\nSometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\nYet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\nGod never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nLev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\nAlthough the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\nSometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\nYet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\nGod never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nLev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","summary_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","summary_en":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":144690,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People","title_en":"God’s Judgment of His People","content_ro":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\nAlthough the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\nSometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\nYet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\nGod never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nLev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\nAlthough the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\nSometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\nYet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\nGod never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nLev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","summary_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","summary_en":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"19":[{"id":28726,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Palace","title_en":"Palace","content_ro":"<h3>PALACE<\/h3>\nResidence for royalty. Excavations suggest that any city that enjoyed royal patronage would boast of a building that could be described as a palace. Royal cities had a second surrounding wall that shut off the royal palace and its outbuildings, forming the acropolis of the city. Jerusalem had the equivalent in the City of David, which formerly was the Citadel of Zion (2 Sm 5:7-9).<\/p>\nThe OT’s references to palaces in Palestine are vague—for example, David’s palace (2 Sm 11:2, 9), the palace of Tirzah (1 Kgs 16:18) and Ahab’s palace in Jezreel (21:1). Even the references to Solomon’s palace in Jerusalem are quite imprecise. In 1 Kings 7:1-12 the construction of public and private buildings close to the temple went on for 13 years. Only the choicest of materials were used. But from the details supplied, it is quite impossible to reproduce plans of the House of the Forest of Lebanon, the Porch of Pillars, the Porch of the Throne, the palace for Solomon’s Egyptian wife, or the royal palace. What the situation of these buildings was in relation to one another is matter only for conjecture. Round about the whole complex was a great court of hewn stones and cedar beams.<\/p>\nForced labor was universal in the ancient Near East. Samuel’s warning that a king would introduce the system into Israel (1 Sm 8:12-17) was fulfilled, and it came to full development under Solomon when he undertook his massive building program, including his palace. Solomon raised his workforce from all over Israel. The system incited Jeroboam to revolt (1 Kgs 12:4, 16). King Asa used it (15:22), and it continued on into Jeremiah’s time (Jer 22:13). Nehemiah’s builders were volunteers (see Neh 3:5).<\/p>\nProminent among Solomon’s royal buildings was the temple. Apparently, it stood in the middle of a courtyard called the inner court (1 Kgs 6:36), by contrast with the great court (7:12), which included both the temple and the palace. The palace itself had an inner court too (v 8), the northern wall of which was common to the inner court of the temple. Hence it was but a step from the king’s domain to the Lord’s domain.<\/p>\nThe king’s enthronement took place in the palace, in the Porch of the Throne (1 Kgs 1:46; 2 Kgs 11:19). When he took his seat on the throne, it marked his assumption of power (1 Kgs 16:11; 2 Kgs 13:13). Solomon’s throne in his palace became the symbol of royal power, although his throne was still called the throne of David (1 Kgs 2:24, 45; Is 9:7). Solomon’s palace throne is described as one of the wonders of the world (1 Kgs 10:18-20). It was around this throne that the high officials came to do him homage (1:47).<\/p>\nThe king’s daughters lived in the palace until their marriage under the care of women (2 Sm 13:7). They wore a distinctive dress (vv 18-19). The king’s sons were reared in the palace by nurses (2 Kgs 11:2) and tutored under leading men of the city (10:1, 6-7), until they were able to perform certain duties at the court (2 Sm 8:18; 1 Chr 18:17). Then they led an independent life and were provided for by the king (2 Chr 21:3). Amnon evidently lived outside the palace (2 Sm 13:5), and Absalom had his own house (13:20; 14:24), lands, and livestock (13:23; 14:30). Palace or court officials surrounded the royal family (1 Kgs 10:4-5). Whatever their office, they were called the king’s “servants.” There were those “who saw the king’s face,” meaning they were admitted to the king’s presence (2 Sm 14:24, 28, 32), or stood before the king (1 Sm 16:21-22; Jer 52:12). It was a signal mark of favor to be admitted to the royal table (2 Sm 9:7, 13).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>PALACE<\/h3>\nResidence for royalty. Excavations suggest that any city that enjoyed royal patronage would boast of a building that could be described as a palace. Royal cities had a second surrounding wall that shut off the royal palace and its outbuildings, forming the acropolis of the city. Jerusalem had the equivalent in the City of David, which formerly was the Citadel of Zion (2 Sm 5:7-9).<\/p>\nThe OT’s references to palaces in Palestine are vague—for example, David’s palace (2 Sm 11:2, 9), the palace of Tirzah (1 Kgs 16:18) and Ahab’s palace in Jezreel (21:1). Even the references to Solomon’s palace in Jerusalem are quite imprecise. In 1 Kings 7:1-12 the construction of public and private buildings close to the temple went on for 13 years. Only the choicest of materials were used. But from the details supplied, it is quite impossible to reproduce plans of the House of the Forest of Lebanon, the Porch of Pillars, the Porch of the Throne, the palace for Solomon’s Egyptian wife, or the royal palace. What the situation of these buildings was in relation to one another is matter only for conjecture. Round about the whole complex was a great court of hewn stones and cedar beams.<\/p>\nForced labor was universal in the ancient Near East. Samuel’s warning that a king would introduce the system into Israel (1 Sm 8:12-17) was fulfilled, and it came to full development under Solomon when he undertook his massive building program, including his palace. Solomon raised his workforce from all over Israel. The system incited Jeroboam to revolt (1 Kgs 12:4, 16). King Asa used it (15:22), and it continued on into Jeremiah’s time (Jer 22:13). Nehemiah’s builders were volunteers (see Neh 3:5).<\/p>\nProminent among Solomon’s royal buildings was the temple. Apparently, it stood in the middle of a courtyard called the inner court (1 Kgs 6:36), by contrast with the great court (7:12), which included both the temple and the palace. The palace itself had an inner court too (v 8), the northern wall of which was common to the inner court of the temple. Hence it was but a step from the king’s domain to the Lord’s domain.<\/p>\nThe king’s enthronement took place in the palace, in the Porch of the Throne (1 Kgs 1:46; 2 Kgs 11:19). When he took his seat on the throne, it marked his assumption of power (1 Kgs 16:11; 2 Kgs 13:13). Solomon’s throne in his palace became the symbol of royal power, although his throne was still called the throne of David (1 Kgs 2:24, 45; Is 9:7). Solomon’s palace throne is described as one of the wonders of the world (1 Kgs 10:18-20). It was around this throne that the high officials came to do him homage (1:47).<\/p>\nThe king’s daughters lived in the palace until their marriage under the care of women (2 Sm 13:7). They wore a distinctive dress (vv 18-19). The king’s sons were reared in the palace by nurses (2 Kgs 11:2) and tutored under leading men of the city (10:1, 6-7), until they were able to perform certain duties at the court (2 Sm 8:18; 1 Chr 18:17). Then they led an independent life and were provided for by the king (2 Chr 21:3). Amnon evidently lived outside the palace (2 Sm 13:5), and Absalom had his own house (13:20; 14:24), lands, and livestock (13:23; 14:30). Palace or court officials surrounded the royal family (1 Kgs 10:4-5). Whatever their office, they were called the king’s “servants.” There were those “who saw the king’s face,” meaning they were admitted to the king’s presence (2 Sm 14:24, 28, 32), or stood before the king (1 Sm 16:21-22; Jer 52:12). It was a signal mark of favor to be admitted to the royal table (2 Sm 9:7, 13).<\/p>","summary_ro":"PALACE Residence for royalty. Excavations suggest that any city that enjoyed royal patronage would boast of a building that could be described as a palace. Royal cities had a second surrounding wall that shut off the royal palace and its outbuildings, forming the acropolis of the city. Jerusalem had the equivalent in the City of David, which formerly was the Citadel of Zion (2 Sm 5:7-9). The OT’s references to palaces in Palestine are vague—for example, David’s palace (2 Sm 11:2, 9), the pala...","summary_en":"PALACE Residence for royalty. Excavations suggest that any city that enjoyed royal patronage would boast of a building that could be described as a palace. Royal cities had a second surrounding wall that shut off the royal palace and its outbuildings, forming the acropolis of the city. Jerusalem had the equivalent in the City of David, which formerly was the Citadel of Zion (2 Sm 5:7-9). The OT’s references to palaces in Palestine are vague—for example, David’s palace (2 Sm 11:2, 9), the pala...","source":"Articles\/P.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":47333,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:19","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:19","content_ro":"11:19-20<\/strong> The city was peaceful<\/em>—a mark of the kingdom where God and his law are honored (Isa 35:10; 65:18-24; Jer 33:6-16).<\/p>","content_en":"11:19-20<\/strong> The city was peaceful<\/em>—a mark of the kingdom where God and his law are honored (Isa 35:10; 65:18-24; Jer 33:6-16).<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:19-20 The city was peaceful—a mark of the kingdom where God and his law are honored (Isa 35:10; 65:18-24; Jer 33:6-16).","summary_en":"11:19-20 The city was peaceful—a mark of the kingdom where God and his law are honored (Isa 35:10; 65:18-24; Jer 33:6-16).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":74959,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:19","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:19","content_ro":"11:19-20<\/strong> The city was peaceful<\/em>—a mark of the kingdom where God and his law are honored (Isa 35:10; 65:18-24; Jer 33:6-16).<\/p>","content_en":"11:19-20<\/strong> The city was peaceful<\/em>—a mark of the kingdom where God and his law are honored (Isa 35:10; 65:18-24; Jer 33:6-16).<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:19-20 The city was peaceful—a mark of the kingdom where God and his law are honored (Isa 35:10; 65:18-24; Jer 33:6-16).","summary_en":"11:19-20 The city was peaceful—a mark of the kingdom where God and his law are honored (Isa 35:10; 65:18-24; Jer 33:6-16).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":102585,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:19","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:19","content_ro":"11:19-20<\/strong> The city was peaceful<\/em>—a mark of the kingdom where God and his law are honored (Isa 35:10; 65:18-24; Jer 33:6-16).<\/p>","content_en":"11:19-20<\/strong> The city was peaceful<\/em>—a mark of the kingdom where God and his law are honored (Isa 35:10; 65:18-24; Jer 33:6-16).<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:19-20 The city was peaceful—a mark of the kingdom where God and his law are honored (Isa 35:10; 65:18-24; Jer 33:6-16).","summary_en":"11:19-20 The city was peaceful—a mark of the kingdom where God and his law are honored (Isa 35:10; 65:18-24; Jer 33:6-16).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":130211,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:19","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:19","content_ro":"11:19-20<\/strong> The city was peaceful<\/em>—a mark of the kingdom where God and his law are honored (Isa 35:10; 65:18-24; Jer 33:6-16).<\/p>","content_en":"11:19-20<\/strong> The city was peaceful<\/em>—a mark of the kingdom where God and his law are honored (Isa 35:10; 65:18-24; Jer 33:6-16).<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:19-20 The city was peaceful—a mark of the kingdom where God and his law are honored (Isa 35:10; 65:18-24; Jer 33:6-16).","summary_en":"11:19-20 The city was peaceful—a mark of the kingdom where God and his law are honored (Isa 35:10; 65:18-24; Jer 33:6-16).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"21":[{"id":18690,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Jehoash","title_en":"Jehoash","content_ro":"<h3>JEHOASH<\/h3>\nName of two OT kings, occurring only in the book of 2 Kings. The name means “the Lord<\/span> is strong” or “the Lord<\/span> hath bestowed.” Joash, the shorter form of the name, frequently appears in the Kings and Chronicles narratives.<\/p>\n1. Son of Ahaziah and seventh king of Judah (835–796 BC<\/span>). Jehoash ascended the throne after the wicked Athaliah had been killed at the command of Jehoiada the priest. As an infant, he was hidden by his aunt Jehosheba in the temple and thus survived the slaughter of the king’s household by Athaliah (2 Kgs 11:1-3; 2 Chr 23:10-12). After remaining six years within the temple precinct, Jehoash was declared king at the age of seven and ruled for 40 years (2 Kgs 11:21–12:1; 2 Chr 24:1-3).<\/p>\nHis major activity during his reign was the renovation of the temple (2 Kgs 12:4-5; 2 Chr 24:4-5). When, by his 23d year, little progress had been made (2 Kgs 12:6), he revised the taxation schedule, commanded the people of Judah to bring their contributions directly to the Jerusalem temple, and soon restored the Lord’s house to its proper condition (2 Chr 24:13).<\/p>\nAfter the death of the priest Jehoiada, Jehoash and Judah forsook the Lord and served the Asherim and the idols (2 Chr 24:15-18). Not heeding the prophetic warning of divine judgment (v 20), Jehoash and his people were conquered by the Arameans. Though Jehoash had once been able to avert a siege of Judah by paying tribute to Hazael (2 Kgs 12:17-18), the same strategy did not work a second time. The Arameans plundered Judah and Jerusalem, sending the spoil to Hazael in Damascus (2 Chr 24:23-24). Jehoash was assassinated by his servants Jozacar (Jozabad\/Zabad) and Jehozabad while recuperating from wounds incurred in battle with the Arameans (2 Kgs 12:20-21; 2 Chr 24:25-26).<\/p>\n<li>2. Son of Jehoahaz and 13th king of Israel (798–782 BC<\/span>). Jehoash enjoyed a measure of military success that had eluded his father. No longer subject to punitive military exploits from Hazael of Aram, he was able to establish political stability in the northern kingdom. In fact, he subjugated the southern kingdom of Judah while Amaziah was king in Jerusalem (796–767 BC<\/span>). The conflict between Amaziah and Jehoash was precipitated mainly by Amaziah. Overconfident with his victories in Edom, Amaziah initiated a military conflict with Israel (2 Chr 25:17-19). The battle was fought near Beth-shemesh in the Judean Shephelah. King Jehoash routed the army of Judah, captured Amaziah, and moved on to Jerusalem. Destroying the outer wall from the Ephraim Gate to the Corner Gate, he entered the capital city and plundered the treasures of both the palace and the temple (vv 21-24). He was apparently used as an instrument of the Lord to subdue Judah (v 20).<\/li>\nA contemporary of Jehoash was Elisha the prophet. In spite of the pervasive wickedness in Israel and the apostasy of the king himself (2 Kgs 13:10-11), Jehoash still sought the counsel of this prophet of the Lord. While Elisha was on his deathbed, Jehoash sought the prophet’s blessing (v 14). Elisha assured the king that the Arameans would be defeated by Israel at Aphek and that Israel would enjoy three decisive victories over this same enemy (vv 15-19). During his 16-year reign, Jehoash achieved political stability in the northern kingdom. Though considered an evil king, he was used as an instrument of judgment against Amaziah of Judah and enjoyed the blessing of Yahweh against Aram.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Israel, History of.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JEHOASH<\/h3>\nName of two OT kings, occurring only in the book of 2 Kings. The name means “the Lord<\/span> is strong” or “the Lord<\/span> hath bestowed.” Joash, the shorter form of the name, frequently appears in the Kings and Chronicles narratives.<\/p>\n1. Son of Ahaziah and seventh king of Judah (835–796 BC<\/span>). Jehoash ascended the throne after the wicked Athaliah had been killed at the command of Jehoiada the priest. As an infant, he was hidden by his aunt Jehosheba in the temple and thus survived the slaughter of the king’s household by Athaliah (2 Kgs 11:1-3; 2 Chr 23:10-12). After remaining six years within the temple precinct, Jehoash was declared king at the age of seven and ruled for 40 years (2 Kgs 11:21–12:1; 2 Chr 24:1-3).<\/p>\nHis major activity during his reign was the renovation of the temple (2 Kgs 12:4-5; 2 Chr 24:4-5). When, by his 23d year, little progress had been made (2 Kgs 12:6), he revised the taxation schedule, commanded the people of Judah to bring their contributions directly to the Jerusalem temple, and soon restored the Lord’s house to its proper condition (2 Chr 24:13).<\/p>\nAfter the death of the priest Jehoiada, Jehoash and Judah forsook the Lord and served the Asherim and the idols (2 Chr 24:15-18). Not heeding the prophetic warning of divine judgment (v 20), Jehoash and his people were conquered by the Arameans. Though Jehoash had once been able to avert a siege of Judah by paying tribute to Hazael (2 Kgs 12:17-18), the same strategy did not work a second time. The Arameans plundered Judah and Jerusalem, sending the spoil to Hazael in Damascus (2 Chr 24:23-24). Jehoash was assassinated by his servants Jozacar (Jozabad\/Zabad) and Jehozabad while recuperating from wounds incurred in battle with the Arameans (2 Kgs 12:20-21; 2 Chr 24:25-26).<\/p>\n<li>2. Son of Jehoahaz and 13th king of Israel (798–782 BC<\/span>). Jehoash enjoyed a measure of military success that had eluded his father. No longer subject to punitive military exploits from Hazael of Aram, he was able to establish political stability in the northern kingdom. In fact, he subjugated the southern kingdom of Judah while Amaziah was king in Jerusalem (796–767 BC<\/span>). The conflict between Amaziah and Jehoash was precipitated mainly by Amaziah. Overconfident with his victories in Edom, Amaziah initiated a military conflict with Israel (2 Chr 25:17-19). The battle was fought near Beth-shemesh in the Judean Shephelah. King Jehoash routed the army of Judah, captured Amaziah, and moved on to Jerusalem. Destroying the outer wall from the Ephraim Gate to the Corner Gate, he entered the capital city and plundered the treasures of both the palace and the temple (vv 21-24). He was apparently used as an instrument of the Lord to subdue Judah (v 20).<\/li>\nA contemporary of Jehoash was Elisha the prophet. In spite of the pervasive wickedness in Israel and the apostasy of the king himself (2 Kgs 13:10-11), Jehoash still sought the counsel of this prophet of the Lord. While Elisha was on his deathbed, Jehoash sought the prophet’s blessing (v 14). Elisha assured the king that the Arameans would be defeated by Israel at Aphek and that Israel would enjoy three decisive victories over this same enemy (vv 15-19). During his 16-year reign, Jehoash achieved political stability in the northern kingdom. Though considered an evil king, he was used as an instrument of judgment against Amaziah of Judah and enjoyed the blessing of Yahweh against Aram.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Israel, History of.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JEHOASH Name of two OT kings, occurring only in the book of 2 Kings. The name means “the Lord is strong” or “the Lord hath bestowed.” Joash, the shorter form of the name, frequently appears in the Kings and Chronicles narratives. 1. Son of Ahaziah and seventh king of Judah (835–796 BC). Jehoash ascended the throne after the wicked Athaliah had been killed at the command of Jehoiada the priest. As an infant, he was hidden by his aunt Jehosheba in the temple and thus survived the slaughter of t...","summary_en":"JEHOASH Name of two OT kings, occurring only in the book of 2 Kings. The name means “the Lord is strong” or “the Lord hath bestowed.” Joash, the shorter form of the name, frequently appears in the Kings and Chronicles narratives. 1. Son of Ahaziah and seventh king of Judah (835–796 BC). Jehoash ascended the throne after the wicked Athaliah had been killed at the command of Jehoiada the priest. As an infant, he was hidden by his aunt Jehosheba in the temple and thus survived the slaughter of t...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":47334,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:21","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:21","content_ro":"11:21–12:21<\/strong> The reign of Joash is recorded in standard format: accession (11:21–12:3), royal activities (12:4-18), and closing notice (12:19-21). Particular focus is on Joash’s efforts to repair the Temple (12:4-16) and his subsequent stripping of the Temple’s treasures in the face of an Aramean invasion (12:17-18).<\/p>","content_en":"11:21–12:21<\/strong> The reign of Joash is recorded in standard format: accession (11:21–12:3), royal activities (12:4-18), and closing notice (12:19-21). Particular focus is on Joash’s efforts to repair the Temple (12:4-16) and his subsequent stripping of the Temple’s treasures in the face of an Aramean invasion (12:17-18).<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:21–12:21 The reign of Joash is recorded in standard format: accession (11:21–12:3), royal activities (12:4-18), and closing notice (12:19-21). Particular focus is on Joash’s efforts to repair the Temple (12:4-16) and his subsequent stripping of the Temple’s treasures in the face of an Aramean invasion (12:17-18).","summary_en":"11:21–12:21 The reign of Joash is recorded in standard format: accession (11:21–12:3), royal activities (12:4-18), and closing notice (12:19-21). Particular focus is on Joash’s efforts to repair the Temple (12:4-16) and his subsequent stripping of the Temple’s treasures in the face of an Aramean invasion (12:17-18).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":74960,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:21","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:21","content_ro":"11:21–12:21<\/strong> The reign of Joash is recorded in standard format: accession (11:21–12:3), royal activities (12:4-18), and closing notice (12:19-21). Particular focus is on Joash’s efforts to repair the Temple (12:4-16) and his subsequent stripping of the Temple’s treasures in the face of an Aramean invasion (12:17-18).<\/p>","content_en":"11:21–12:21<\/strong> The reign of Joash is recorded in standard format: accession (11:21–12:3), royal activities (12:4-18), and closing notice (12:19-21). Particular focus is on Joash’s efforts to repair the Temple (12:4-16) and his subsequent stripping of the Temple’s treasures in the face of an Aramean invasion (12:17-18).<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:21–12:21 The reign of Joash is recorded in standard format: accession (11:21–12:3), royal activities (12:4-18), and closing notice (12:19-21). Particular focus is on Joash’s efforts to repair the Temple (12:4-16) and his subsequent stripping of the Temple’s treasures in the face of an Aramean invasion (12:17-18).","summary_en":"11:21–12:21 The reign of Joash is recorded in standard format: accession (11:21–12:3), royal activities (12:4-18), and closing notice (12:19-21). Particular focus is on Joash’s efforts to repair the Temple (12:4-16) and his subsequent stripping of the Temple’s treasures in the face of an Aramean invasion (12:17-18).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":102586,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:21","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:21","content_ro":"11:21–12:21<\/strong> The reign of Joash is recorded in standard format: accession (11:21–12:3), royal activities (12:4-18), and closing notice (12:19-21). Particular focus is on Joash’s efforts to repair the Temple (12:4-16) and his subsequent stripping of the Temple’s treasures in the face of an Aramean invasion (12:17-18).<\/p>","content_en":"11:21–12:21<\/strong> The reign of Joash is recorded in standard format: accession (11:21–12:3), royal activities (12:4-18), and closing notice (12:19-21). Particular focus is on Joash’s efforts to repair the Temple (12:4-16) and his subsequent stripping of the Temple’s treasures in the face of an Aramean invasion (12:17-18).<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:21–12:21 The reign of Joash is recorded in standard format: accession (11:21–12:3), royal activities (12:4-18), and closing notice (12:19-21). Particular focus is on Joash’s efforts to repair the Temple (12:4-16) and his subsequent stripping of the Temple’s treasures in the face of an Aramean invasion (12:17-18).","summary_en":"11:21–12:21 The reign of Joash is recorded in standard format: accession (11:21–12:3), royal activities (12:4-18), and closing notice (12:19-21). Particular focus is on Joash’s efforts to repair the Temple (12:4-16) and his subsequent stripping of the Temple’s treasures in the face of an Aramean invasion (12:17-18).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":130212,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 11:21","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 11:21","content_ro":"11:21–12:21<\/strong> The reign of Joash is recorded in standard format: accession (11:21–12:3), royal activities (12:4-18), and closing notice (12:19-21). Particular focus is on Joash’s efforts to repair the Temple (12:4-16) and his subsequent stripping of the Temple’s treasures in the face of an Aramean invasion (12:17-18).<\/p>","content_en":"11:21–12:21<\/strong> The reign of Joash is recorded in standard format: accession (11:21–12:3), royal activities (12:4-18), and closing notice (12:19-21). Particular focus is on Joash’s efforts to repair the Temple (12:4-16) and his subsequent stripping of the Temple’s treasures in the face of an Aramean invasion (12:17-18).<\/p>","summary_ro":"11:21–12:21 The reign of Joash is recorded in standard format: accession (11:21–12:3), royal activities (12:4-18), and closing notice (12:19-21). Particular focus is on Joash’s efforts to repair the Temple (12:4-16) and his subsequent stripping of the Temple’s treasures in the face of an Aramean invasion (12:17-18).","summary_en":"11:21–12:21 The reign of Joash is recorded in standard format: accession (11:21–12:3), royal activities (12:4-18), and closing notice (12:19-21). Particular focus is on Joash’s efforts to repair the Temple (12:4-16) and his subsequent stripping of the Temple’s treasures in the face of an Aramean invasion (12:17-18).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}]},"labels":{"article":"Articol","map":"Hartă","chart":"Diagramă","textbox":"Notă explicativă","picture":"Imagine","profile":"Profil","study_note":"Notă de studiu","theme_note":"Temă biblică"},"icons":{"article":"📖","map":"🗺️","chart":"📊","textbox":"💡","picture":"🖼️","profile":"👤","study_note":"📝","theme_note":"🎯"},"typeColors":{"article":"#d4af37","map":"#2d7d46","chart":"#3b82f6","textbox":"#8b5cf6","picture":"#ec4899","profile":"#f59e0b","study_note":"#06b6d4","theme_note":"#ef4444"}}

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