2 Împărați 21
1 Manase avea doisprezece ani când a ajuns împărat, şi a domnit cincizeci şi cinci de ani la Ierusalim. Mamă-sa se numea Hefţiba.
2 El a făcut ce este rău înaintea Domnului, după urâciunile neamurilor pe cari le izgonise Domnul dinaintea copiilor lui Israel.
3 El a zidit din nou înălţimile, pe cari le dărâmase tatăl său Ezechia, a ridicat altare lui Baal, a făcut un idol al Astarteei, cum făcuse Ahab, împăratul lui Israel, şi s-a închinat înaintea întregei oştiri a cerurilor şi i-a slujit.
4 A zidit astfel altare în Casa Domnului, măcar că Domnul spusese: ,,În Ierusalim Îmi voi pune Numele.``
5 A zidit altare întregei oştiri a cerurilor în cele două curţi ale Casei Domnului.
6 Şi-a trecut pe fiul său prin foc; se îndeletnicea cu ghicirea şi vrăjitoria, şi a ţinut la el oameni cari chemau duhurile şi ghiceau viitorul. A făcut din ce în ce mai mult ce este rău înaintea Domnului, mâniindu -L.
7 A pus idolul Astarteei, pe care-l făcuse, în casa despre care Domnul spusese lui David şi fiului său Solomon: ,,În casa aceasta, şi în Ierusalim, pe care l-am ales din toate seminţiile lui Israel, vreau să pun pentru totdeauna Numele Meu.
8 Nu voi mai muta piciorul lui Israel afară din ţara pe care am dat-o părinţilor lui, numai să aibă grijă să împlinească tot ce le-am poruncit şi toată legea pe care le-a dat-o robul Meu Moise.``
9 Dar ei n-au ascultat; şi Manase a fost pricina pentru care s-au rătăcit şi au făcut rău mai mult decât neamurile, pe cari le nimicise Domnul dinaintea copiilor lui Israel.
10 Atunci Domnul a vorbit astfel prin robii Săi proorocii:
11 ,,Pentrucă Manase, împăratul lui Iuda, a săvârşit aceste urâciuni, pentrucă a făcut mai rău decât tot ce făcuseră înaintea lui Amoriţii, şi pentrucă a făcut şi pe Iuda să păcătuiască prin idolii lui,
12 iată ce zice Domnul, Dumnezeul lui Israel: ,Voi aduce peste Ierusalim şi peste Iuda nenorociri cari vor asurzi urechile oricui va auzi vorbindu-se de ele
13 Voi întinde asupra Ierusalimului frânghia ca asupra Samariei şi cumpăna ca asupra casei lui Ahab: şi voi curăţi Ierusalimul, ca o farfurie, care se curăţeşte, şi se răstoarnă cu faţa în jos, după ce a fost curăţită.
14 Voi părăsi rămăşiţa moştenirii Mele, şi-i voi da în mânile vrăjmaşilor lor; şi vor ajunge de jaful şi prada tuturor vrăjmaşilor lor,
15 pentrucă au făcut ce este rău înaintea Mea şi M-au mâniat din ziua când au ieşit părinţii lor din Egipt, până în ziua de azi!``
16 Manase a vărsat deasemenea mult sânge nevinovat, până acolo încât a umplut Ierusalimul dela un capăt la altul, afară de păcatele pe cari le-a săvârşit şi în cari a târât şi pe Iuda, făcând ce este rău înaintea Domnului.
17 Celelalte fapte ale lui Manase, tot ce a făcut el, şi păcatele la cari s-a dedat, nu sânt scrise oare în cartea Cronicilor împăraţilor lui Iuda?
18 Manase a adormit cu părinţii săi, şi a fost îngropat în grădina casei, în grădina lui Uza. Şi, în locul lui, a domnit fiul său Amon.
19 Amon avea douăzeci şi doi de ani când a ajuns împărat, şi a domnit doi ani la Ierusalim. Mamă-sa se chema Meşulemet, fata lui Haruţ, din Iotba.
20 El a făcut ce este rău înaintea Domnului, cum făcuse tatăl său Manase;
21 a umblat în toată calea în care umblase tatăl său, a slujit idolilor cărora slujise şi tatăl său, şi s-a închinat înaintea lor;
22 a părăsit pe Domnul, Dumnezeul părinţilor săi, şi n-a umblat în calea Domnului.
23 Slujitorii lui Amon au uneltit împotriva lui, şi au omorât pe împărat în casa lui.
24 Dar poporul ţării a lovit pe toţi cei ce uneltiseră împotriva împăratului Amon; şi poporul ţării a pus împărat, în locul său, pe fiul său Iosia.
25 Celelalte fapte ale lui Amon, şi ce a făcut el, nu sânt scrise oare în cartea Cronicilor împăraţilor lui Iuda?
26 L-au îngropat în mormântul său, în grădina lui Uza. Şi, în locul lui, a domnit fiul său Iosia.
{"verseMap":{"1":[{"id":41740,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Manasseh","title_en":"Manasseh","content_ro":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","summary_ro":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","summary_en":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":69366,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Manasseh","title_en":"Manasseh","content_ro":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","summary_ro":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","summary_en":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":96992,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Manasseh","title_en":"Manasseh","content_ro":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","summary_ro":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","summary_en":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":124618,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Manasseh","title_en":"Manasseh","content_ro":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","summary_ro":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","summary_en":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":6453,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"of the Bible* (Old Testament), Chronology","title_en":"of the Bible* (Old Testament), Chronology","content_ro":"<h3>CHRONOLOGY OF THE BIBLE* (Old Testament)<\/h3>\n<p>Branch of biblical studies that attempts to assign dates and sequences to OT events. Chronology is a science. It deals with evidence, theories, assumptions, and the balance of probabilities. Often it boils down to a matter of choosing among theories that are equally unable to solve all the problems raised by other points of view. OT chronology is an accredited branch of biblical studies primarily because it is essential for understanding the proper historical background of the biblical texts. In general, the chronology of the OT is understood well enough to vindicate the basic accuracy and sequential order of Scripture.<\/p>\n<p>Both biblical and nonbiblical materials are utilized by students of OT chronology. Biblical data include (1) genealogies showing personal and tribal affiliations among various peoples; (2) specific numbers given by biblical authors to indicate a person’s longevity, a king’s reign, or the duration of a specific event; (3) synchronizing statements that date an event in a specific year of a king’s reign or relate it to a natural phenomenon assumed to be common knowledge at the time of writing (e.g., Am 1:1; Zec 14:5).<\/p>\n<p>From the abundance of such chronological passages in the OT, one might conclude that establishment of OT dates and sequences would be a simple procedure. Each of the three kinds of biblical materials, however, exhibits special problems that must be solved first.<\/p>\n<p>Nonbiblical materials that shed light on OT chronology are quite numerous, and more are discovered year by year. They include (1) official records of important affairs such as military campaigns from countries like Egypt or Babylonia; (2) official inscriptions that are dedicatory or commemorate a great victory; (3) annals listing major accomplishments of a ruler year by year; (4) ostraca (inscribed pieces of pottery) containing letters, tax transactions and economic records, military dispatches between field leaders and command headquarters, or other information. Ostraca may be dated archaeologically and are often used to supplement the biblical record.<\/p>\n<p>The chronologist tries to examine the pertinent biblical and nonbiblical information, notes areas of correlation among all the data, and finally establishes a working system into which the most facts can be fitted. New evidence uncovered at any time may necessitate shifts in the present working system. Although the basic structure of biblical chronology seems reasonably firm, many details will no doubt be subject to change as new evidence is discovered.<\/p>\n<p>As a general rule, the earlier the period, the less certain one can be of one’s dating. In the second millennium <span>BC<\/span>, for example, many dates can be assigned within a range of about 100 years. By the time of David and Solomon (c. 1000 <span>BC<\/span>), the margin of error over which scholars debate is a decade or less. The range narrows as one comes toward the present, so that, with the exception of one or two problem eras, dates accurate to within one or two years are possible by roughly the middle of the ninth century <span>BC<\/span>. Such limitations must be kept in mind in any examination of the major periods of OT history.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Prepatriarchal Period<\/p>\n<p>• From Abraham to Moses<\/p>\n<p>• Conquest and Consolidation<\/p>\n<p>• The Monarchy<\/p>\n<p>• Judah after the Fall of Israel<\/p>\n<p>• Beyond 587 <span>BC<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PrepatriarchalPeriod\">Prepatriarchal Period<\/p>\n<h5>Biblical Evidence<\/h5>\n<p>In the first 11 chapters of Genesis are found accounts of the Creation (chs 1–2), the fall (ch 3), Cain and Abel (ch 4), the Flood (chs 6–9), and the Tower of Babel (ch 11). Those events are set within a certain chronological framework.<\/p>\n<p>According to Genesis 5, a period of 10 generations elapsed between the Creation and the Flood. Although the individuals listed enjoyed a total life span of a hefty 847 years plus, the total time elapsing between Adam and the Flood was only 1,656 years.<\/p>\n<p>According to Genesis 11, another 10 generations elapsed from the time of the Flood until the time of Abraham (at least in the Septuagint, the third-century <span>BC<\/span> Greek translation of the OT; the Hebrew Masoretic text has 9). In that period the average age attained by individuals in the list is 346 years (using a figure of 460 for Arphaxad’s son Cainan, who is included in v 13 of the LXX; cf. Lk 3:36); the total elapsed time from the Flood to Abraham is only 520 years. Taken literally, that would mean that all of Abraham’s ancestors as far back as Noah’s son Shem were still alive at Abraham’s birth, and that a total of only 2,176 years elapsed from the time of Creation to Abraham.<\/p>\n<h5>Interpretation of the Biblical Data<\/h5>\n<p>A literalistic or slavishly mathematical interpretation of the figures, as has appeared in the margin of many <span>kjv<\/span> Bibles, requires a number of assumptions: that no names are omitted from the genealogies, that all the numbers given are consecutive, and especially that numbers used in an ancient biblical source carry the same meaning as that associated with them in the modern Western mind. Each assumption needs serious examination in the light of other established facts.<\/p>\n<p>A cursory reading of other biblical genealogies, for example, reveals that not all the names of a given family were always included. Even Matthew recorded a total of 28 generations (two sets of 14 each) between David and Jesus, and comparison with OT genealogies reveals that Matthew omitted several names. Luke listed a total of 42 generations for the same interval. Omissions are also obvious when one compares the genealogical lists given in 1 Chronicles 1–8 with those recorded earlier in Genesis, Exodus, Numbers, Joshua, 1 and 2 Samuel, and 1 and 2 Kings.<\/p>\n<p>Further, ancient peoples thought of numbers in a schematic or stylized way. Use of numbers among the ancient Near Eastern nations differed sharply from current Western practice. Examples of that practice are known from both biblical and nonbiblical sources. For example, a list of eight Sumerian kings who ruled in the city of Shurruppak before the “great flood” of the Jemdet Nar era (c. 3000 <span>BC<\/span>) assigns each man an average reign of more than 30,000 years. Berossus, a Babylonian priest of Marduk living in the third century <span>BC<\/span>, added two names to the eight found in that earlier list of kings and assigned an average of 43,200 years to each king. Such extraordinarily high numbers provide a perspective for considering the numbers of Genesis.<\/p>\n<p>Therefore, although one can assume that the numbers assigned to the ages of the patriarchs preceding Abraham in Genesis had real meaning for those responsible for their preservation, they should not be employed in a purely literal sense to compute the length of the various generations mentioned in the text. Further, the numbers given in the Septuagint and in the Samaritan Pentateuch, another early version of the Pentateuch, diverge in many details from those of the Hebrew Masoretic Text. That means, among other things, that the Genesis numbers caused problems for even the earliest scholars of Scripture.<\/p>\n<h5>Nonbiblical Evidence<\/h5>\n<p>Archaeology provides no evidence that may be used to date either the Creation or any other account preserved in Genesis 1–11. The Flood is an example that illustrates some of the difficulties. Many claims have been made by persons from a wide variety of backgrounds (scientists, explorers, theologians, and others) to the effect that archaeology has proven the Genesis Flood narrative to be true. Yet no city so far excavated in Palestine and Syria (including some of the oldest towns in the world) shows archaeological evidence of the Flood.<\/p>\n<p>Although several cities in Mesopotamia do exhibit evidence of a flood, three factors make it difficult to link that evidence with Genesis 6–9. Each of the flood levels so far discovered dates from a different period. Further, since nearby sites show no evidence of flooding, all of the Mesopotamian flood evidence points to relatively small local floods. Finally, the evidence indicates no great cultural discontinuities of the sort that would result from destruction of an entire population. Thus, it seems that the ancient Mesopotamian floods discovered through archaeological research are of the same kind as the floods that still occur in the Euphrates River valley.<\/p>\n<p>Clearly, certain questions one might ask of the Genesis narratives simply cannot be answered. Many who regard the Bible as the Word of God have concluded that the dating of events found in Genesis 1–11 must be less important than the theological truths of salvation, faith, and obedience that these accounts present.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"FromAbrahamtoMoses\">From Abraham to Moses<\/p>\n<h5>The Patriarchal Age<\/h5>\n<p>The date of Abraham is still a lively topic among biblical scholars who agree that Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob were indeed historical persons. Opinions range from an early-date view that estimates that the patriarchal age extended from 2086 to 1871 <span>BC<\/span>, to a late-date view placing Abraham at around 1400 <span>BC<\/span>. Since each position claims to fit the biblical data, a closer look at the two points of view is in order.<\/p>\n<p>Many OT passages seem to support the view that puts Abraham at a comparatively early date. First Kings 6:1 computes 480 years back from the founding of the temple in the fourth year of Solomon’s reign (961 <span>BC<\/span>, according to the early-date view) to the exodus from Egypt, which would then be dated 1441 <span>BC<\/span>. Counting 430 years as the period of the Israelite sojourn in Egypt (see Gn 15:13; Ex 12:40) takes the date back to 1871 <span>BC<\/span>. To that date are added the 215 years demanded by the total of (1) Abraham’s age upon entering Canaan (75 years according to Gn 12:4); (2) 25 additional years before the birth of Isaac (Gn 21:5); (3) 60 more years to the birth of Jacob (Gn 25:26); and (4) the appearance of Jacob before the pharaoh at age 130 (Gn 47:9). Those 215 years added to the previous total give a date of 2086 <span>BC<\/span> for the entrance of Abraham into Canaan and a date of 2161 <span>BC<\/span> for his birth.<\/p>\n<p>Such a calculation does not use all of the chronological evidence presented in the OT; consequently, the date for Abraham is open to challenge. For example, the 480 years between the exodus and Solomon’s fourth regnal year represent a period of time into which the wilderness wanderings, the career of Joshua and his immediate successors, the period of the judges, Samuel, Saul, and David must all be placed. Although the OT does not specifically say how long were the careers of Joshua, Samuel, or Saul, even a modest reckoning pushes the total years required by all the biblical data together to approximately 600.<\/p>\n<p>In addition, the length of time to be assigned to the Egyptian sojourn is problematic. The Samaritan Pentateuch and the Septuagint both view the number 430 (in Ex 12:40) as applicable not only to the years in Egypt but to the years of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob in Canaan as well. Evidently Paul followed the Septuagint tradition when he dated the giving of the law 430 years later than the time of God’s promise to Abraham (see Gal 3:15-18). That means the Septuagint figure cannot be dismissed lightly.<\/p>\n<p>The late dating of Abraham (c. 1400 <span>BC<\/span>) is based on two propositions: (1) The picture of patriarchal society portrayed in Genesis most closely parallels that reflected in the cuneiform tablets recovered from Nuzi, a town in northeastern Mesopotamia about 175 miles (282 kilometers) north of Baghdad. (2) Because those tablets must be dated in the 15th and 14th centuries <span>BC<\/span>, the parallel patriarchal age must have fallen within the same general time period.<\/p>\n<p>Those who hold the late-date view are aware that their date for Abraham cannot be equated with the set of numbers on which the early-date view depends. They point to other data, also from the OT. Joseph, who was already a highly placed Egyptian official when Jacob moved to Egypt, lived to be 110 years old (Gn 50:26). Moses was a great-grandson of Levi, Joseph’s older brother. Since Joseph lived to see his own greatgrandchildren born (who would probably be younger than Moses since their great-grandfather was younger than his), the late-date view concludes that Joseph could have been alive when Moses was born. The four-generation genealogy of Moses (Levi-Kohath-Amram-Moses, in Ex 6:16-20; Nm 3:17-19; 26:58-59; 1 Chr 6:1-3) was evidently thought to be complete according to Genesis 15:16, which predicted that Abraham’s descendants would be freed from Egyptian bondage “in the fourth generation.”<\/p>\n<p>However, a date of around 1400 <span>BC<\/span> for Abraham cannot be aligned with certain other biblical data, including the long Egyptian sojourn demanded by Genesis 15:13 and Exodus 12:40 and a 40-year (or “one-generation”) wilderness existence. Some normally moderate scholars are forced to reduce the wilderness time to two years in order to maintain their late date for Abraham.<\/p>\n<p>In short, the late-date theory is consistent with part of the biblical evidence (the genealogies of Moses), but the early-date theory conforms to another part (the actual year figures listed in scattered verses from Genesis and Exodus). The late-date theory holds that the genealogies represent more reliable information in Semitic societies generally, whereas the early-date theory computes years given in the biblical account literally throughout its scheme.<\/p>\n<p>Because of problems attached to both positions, a large group of scholars take a middle ground in dating the patriarchal age. Archaeologically, they say, Abraham and his life and times fit perfectly within the early second millennium, but imperfectly within any later period. By placing Abraham roughly between 1800 and 1600 <span>BC<\/span>, they provide enough latitude for a merging of all the available evidence, biblical and nonbiblical, into a workable chronological scheme. Archaeology provides four major bits of evidence for an early second-millennium patriarchal era.<\/p>\n<p>1. Though the Nuzi tablets furnish a clear parallel to patriarchal social life, other tablets from other towns and an earlier era reflect many of the same customs common to Nuzi and Genesis. Since the Nuzians were Hurrians who came to northeastern Mesopotamia from elsewhere (perhaps Armenia), their social customs originated no doubt much earlier than the time of their tablets now in our possession. Accordingly, the 15th-century <span>BC<\/span> date of the Nuzi tablets does not preclude an earlier date for Abraham.<\/p>\n<li>2. The names of several of Abraham’s ancestors listed in Genesis 11 can now be identified with towns in the northern area of Mesopotamia around Haran, the city from which Abraham migrated to Canaan (Gn 11:31–12:3). Significantly, Haran flourished in the 19th and 18th centuries <span>BC<\/span>.<\/li>\n<li>3. Shortly after 2000 <span>BC<\/span> Semitic nomads from the desert invaded the civilized communities of the Fertile Crescent. Those invaders, called Amorites in the OT, established themselves in several cities in northern Syria and Mesopotamia. One of the Amorite cities was Babylon, ruled by Hammurabi sometime around the beginning of the 18th century <span>BC<\/span>. Although the King Amraphel of Genesis 14:1 is not linguistically identifiable with the Babylonian king Hammurabi, as earlier scholars believed, the picture of the times following the Amorite invasion still accords well with the Genesis narratives generally.<\/li>\n<li>4. Mari, another Amorite town, is now well known because of more than 20,000 tablets recovered from its royal palace and archives. Geographically, Mari is located in the general area of Haran. Chronologically, the tablets recovered come from the 18th century <span>BC<\/span>. One 18th-century king of Mari, Zimri Lim, carried on extensive correspondence with Hammurabi of Babylon. The tablets from Mari also furnish valuable information about tribal and ethnic groups and their movements in the general region. Of basic importance for dating the Genesis materials are certain documents from Mari that include personal names very similar to Abraham (Abi-ram), Jacob, Laban, and several other West Semitic names.<\/li>\n<p>Archaeological evidence neither proves nor disproves the actual existence of Abraham, Isaac, or Jacob. That is admitted on all sides. What archaeology has done is to provide a framework of probabilities within which the biblical patriarchal narratives appear more and more to be at home.<\/p>\n<h5>Date of the Exodus<\/h5>\n<p>The problem of dating the patriarchal age is closely related to the problem of assigning a date to the exodus of the Israelites from Egypt. Since the evidence does not permit a precise date for Abraham, a precise date for the entry of Joseph or Jacob into Egypt is likewise unobtainable. Further, the biblical evidence does not yield an exact figure for the length of the Israelite sojourn in Egypt.<\/p>\n<p>For many years biblical scholars viewed 1 Kings 6:1 as a foundation upon which to build an unshakable date for the exodus. Because Solomon’s fourth year could be unquestionably fixed to within at least a 10-year span (967–958 <span>BC<\/span>), the exodus too could be dated with the same precision simply by adding 480 years. But other biblical data raise serious questions about that simple procedure. When the Bible deals with all the events between the time of the exodus and the founding of Solomon’s temple, that is, from Numbers to 1 Kings 5:18, the precise numbers given total not 480 but closer to 600 years.<\/p>\n<p>Because the evidence is insufficient to allow a precise date for the exodus, scholarly opinion remains divided between two possibilities. A 15th-century exodus is supported by several pieces of evidence. The chronology in 1 Kings 6:1 appears to be independently corroborated by a passage in Judges 11:26. It claims that Israel had occupied the area around Heshbon for 300 years preceding Jephthah’s own day. If Jephthah is dated at roughly 1100 <span>BC<\/span>, one is obviously led back to an exodus in the middle of the 15th century. Also, three successive generations of pharaohs who ruled in the 16th and 15th centuries produced no male offspring, making it more likely that Moses would have become the foster son of a royal princess during that time; all of the 19th-dynasty kings (1306–1200 <span>BC<\/span>) had legitimate male heirs.<\/p>\n<p>In addition, a 15th-century date makes possible a connection between the Habiru invasion of Canaan (1400–1350 <span>BC<\/span>)—described in the Amarna letters found at Tell el-Amarna, Egypt—and the invasion of Canaan by the Hebrews described in the OT book of Joshua. Related to that is a reference to “Israel” in the Merneptah Stele, a stone pillar inscribed with the deeds of the Egyptian king, Merneptah, of about 1220 <span>BC<\/span>. It implies that the people referred to, met by Merneptah in the course of a Canaanite military campaign, had been in existence for some time. Finally, an excavator of Jericho, John Garstang, placed the destruction of that city at around 1400 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>Other evidence, however, strongly implies not a 15th- but a 13th-century date for the exodus. Many scholars assign a date between 1290 and 1275 <span>BC<\/span> on the basis of that evidence. First, the 480 years of 1 Kings 6:1 discussed above may be interpreted as schematically representing 12 generations, as indicated by 1 Chronicles 6:3-8. Thus if 12 generations averaged 25 years instead of 40 years, the reduction of 480 schematized years to 300 actual years would point to an exodus date of around 1266 <span>BC<\/span>. Second, archaeological evidence exists that dates destruction at the assumed sites of several cities conquered by Joshua (Lachish, Debir, Bethel, and Hazor) to the late 13th century. Third, there is no biblical mention of Egyptian military campaigns (such as Merneptah’s 1220 <span>BC<\/span> incursion); Israelites living in Canaan before the time of the militarily active pharaohs Seti I (1319–1301 <span>BC<\/span>) and Ramses II (1301–1234 <span>BC<\/span>) would certainly have been affected by such activity. Fourth, Exodus 1:11 mentions the city of Rameses, the capital built by Ramses II, according to his own inscriptions. A fifth line of argument comes from archaeological conclusions that Transjordan and the Negev Desert were not occupied by sedentary people between 1900 and 1300 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas the Bible states clearly that the Israelites encountered stiff opposition from groups in that same region. Thus, it is argued, the Israelites must have entered that region after 1300 <span>BC<\/span>. Sixth, connecting the Habiru with the Israelites of the Conquest lacks weight because many texts besides the Amarna tablets attest to the existence of Habiru groups virtually all over the ancient Near East. “Habiru” seems to be a much broader term, possibly meaning “trespasser,” and is probably unrelated etymologically or semantically to “Hebrew.” Seventh, and finally, Garstang’s work at Jericho has now been revised by archaeologist Kathleen Kenyon, who showed that the fallen walls that Garstang had dated about 1400 <span>BC<\/span> in reality were destroyed in 1800 <span>BC<\/span> or earlier.<\/p>\n<p>So far, it has been impossible to decide with precision between the two centuries proposed for the exodus. The majority opinion among OT scholars generally, including a growing number of moderate or conservative scholars, is in favor of the 13th-century option. On the other hand, many other conservative scholars continue to favor the 15th-century date. Dogmatism is unwarranted since problems remain unresolved with either option.<\/p>\n<p>In accordance with the majority opinion, however, a date of about 1290 <span>BC<\/span> for the exodus will be used in dealing with subsequent problems.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"ConquestandConsolidation\">Conquest and Consolidation<\/p>\n<p>The chronological task for the period of conquest and consolidation is to fit all the events narrated by the OT, chiefly in Joshua and Judges, between the exodus (c. 1290 <span>BC<\/span>) and the times of David (c. 1000 <span>BC<\/span>) and Solomon (d. 930 <span>BC<\/span>). In other words, one must fit roughly 550 years of biblical events between Moses and David into a 290-year span.<\/p>\n<p>Although assigning an early date for the exodus (c. 1447 <span>BC<\/span>) would make the task somewhat easier, the mere addition of about 157 years does not by itself solve all the problems. Neither date allows enough time for all the OT events from Joshua to David to take place singly and consecutively. Accordingly, advocates of both dates assume that some of the judges ruled simultaneously rather than consecutively. The difference is one of degree only.<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua furnishes most of the OT evidence regarding the conquest of Canaan by the Israelites. Unfortunately, the book of Joshua has no chronological notes that specify the amount of time elapsing during Joshua’s career. Further, there are no biblical references to major contemporary events in other parts of the ancient world, the dates of which could be used to fix the chronology. Rather, in what is obviously a telescoped account, the book of Joshua records the fall of Jericho and Ai, followed closely by a southern and then a northern campaign. After those victories, covering much of the total territory of Canaan, various parcels of land were distributed to the tribal groups of Israel; the tribes were expected to complete the task of destroying whatever Canaanite inhabitants remained in their particular region. One seeks in vain, however, for any statements indicating how long those events took.<\/p>\n<p>In the book of Judges a slightly different circumstance prevails. There the OT furnishes a rather complete list of figures to indicate the duration of periods of foreign oppression, judgeships, and ensuing peace. The total number of years described for that period is 410, but that total does not include any time for the many “minor” judges. It seems obvious, therefore, that most if not all of the judges were simply local chieftains whose activity was simultaneous with that of other judges, at least for part of their reign. Unfortunately, the book of Judges provides no cross-reference system to indicate which judges were contemporaries of which others. Perhaps the best one can do is to assume general guidelines for the chronology of that period between Moses and David.<\/p>\n<p>Two significant facts should be kept in mind. First, archaeological information seems to demand a Conquest date beginning about 1250 <span>BC<\/span> rather than 200 years earlier. Assuming concurrent careers for the judges allows one to compress the literal OT figures into the general scheme demanded by other evidence.<\/p>\n<p>Second, the ancient scribes evidently related the chronology of the period to a 40-year or generation-based schema, a practice that lasted until the time of the divided kingdom, when a regular dynastic chronology was introduced. In the face of so many careers being assigned exactly 40 years, the fact remains that the literal totals of such numbers cannot be harmonized with either the biblical or the archaeological evidence for the period. Accordingly, most scholars doubt that the number 40 was ever intended to be an exact mathematical calculation. That view permits enough leeway for cautious fitting of biblical and other evidence into a general timetable.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheMonarchy\">The Monarchy<\/p>\n<h5>Types of Evidence<\/h5>\n<p>For the period of the Israelite monarchy, chronological evidence is abundant.<\/p>\n<p>The OT itself strives to provide all the information necessary for the chronology of the period, including (1) a complete list of all the kings in Israel and in Judah both before and after the division of the kingdom; (2) the age of each king (except Saul) at his accession; (3) synchronisms of the northern kingdom of Israel and the southern kingdom of Judah showing in what year of his contemporary in the other kingdom each king came to the throne; and (4) precise calculations of the length of each king’s reign. In addition some important events are dated by reference to another event; others are coordinated with concurrent events in secular history.<\/p>\n<p>Outside the OT an abundance of material provides evidence for a chronology of the period. By far the most important single source is a collection of Assyrian <em>limmu<\/em> lists. In Assyria a record of each king’s reign was kept on a particular kind of annal. Each year of reign was named after an individual of high rank in the court; the first year was named after the king himself, the second after the next highest-ranking official (though that name appears to have been selected by lot originally), and so on, down until the death of the king. The word <em>limmu<\/em> was used to introduce the name of the official after whom the current year was to be named, hence the designation <em>“limmu<\/em> lists.”<\/p>\n<p>Assyrian <em>limmu<\/em> lists are tied precisely to the solar year, making the documents highly reliable. Further, in addition to many events in Assyrian history, notable natural phenomena were dated on the basis of the <em>limmu<\/em> in which they occurred. For example, a solar eclipse dated by the Assyrian scribes in the <em>limmu<\/em> year of Bur-Sagale has been computed astronomically as June 15, 763 <span>BC<\/span>. Beginning with the year 763, then, and working both backward and forward, a complete list of Assyrian <em>limmu<\/em> officials has been obtained for the period between 891 and 648 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>With the accuracy of the Assyrian <em>limmu<\/em> lists corroborated by a number of sources, they can be used with confidence in reconstructing the chronology of the corresponding period of biblical history. That is especially true where a biblical writer related an Israelite or a Judahite event to a particular year in the reign of an Assyrian king whose <em>limmu<\/em> list indicates the precise years of his reign.<\/p>\n<p>There are also records from Chaldean (Babylonian) king lists and from later Greek historians. Ptolemy, in the second century <span>AD<\/span>, for example, gave dates for Babylonian kings from 747 <span>BC<\/span> and continued with dates for Persian, Greek, and Roman rulers down to <span>AD<\/span> 161. Finally, useful information is found in inscriptions from monuments, stelae, and other artifacts from Assyria and elsewhere.<\/p>\n<h5>Monarchical Chronology<\/h5>\n<p>The <em>limmu<\/em> list of the Assyrian king Shalmaneser III provides a basis for the first comparison of dates among Assyria, Israel, and Judah. In the <em>limmu<\/em> of Daian-Assur, Shalmaneser’s sixth year on the throne, Ahab of Israel was listed as one of the kings who fought against the Assyrians in the battle of Qarqar. Thus the date for that battle may be placed confidently in 853 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>Assyrian records also indicate that Shalmaneser III came into contact with an Israelite king 12 years later, in 841 <span>BC<\/span>. That king was Jehu. Thus two fixed points are available for correlating the biblical information. Following the death of Ahab, which is not dated exactly by reference to the Assyrian records, two of his sons came to power. The first, Ahaziah, reigned two years (1 Kgs 22:51); the second, Joram (also called Jehoram), reigned a total of 12 years (2 Kgs 3:1). Recognizing a nonaccession-year reckoning by the Israelites in that era, the apparent total of 14 years may be reduced to an actual total of 12. Thus it seems evident that Ahab not only fought Shalmaneser III in 853 <span>BC<\/span> but also died in that year. Ahab was then followed by his two sons for a total of 12 years before the accession of Jehu in time to account for his contact with Shalmaneser II in 841 <span>BC<\/span>. Further, because Jehu murdered both the king of Israel (Jehoram) and the king of Judah (Ahaziah) at the same time (2 Kgs 9:24-27), a fixed synchronism is provided between the two kingdoms for the year 841 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>The first nine kings of Israel ruled an apparent total of 98 years or an actual total (taking into account Israel’s nonaccession-year policy) of 90 years. Zimri, who ruled only seven days (1 Kgs 16:15-18), counts as one of the nine but does not insert an extra year in either the actual or apparent totals. The accession of Jeroboam I thus occurred in 930 <span>BC<\/span> (adding 90 years to 841 <span>BC<\/span>), and Rehoboam of Judah began to rule in that same year as well. Allowing Solomon the 40-year reign indicated in 1 Kings 11:42 points to the year 970 <span>BC<\/span> for his accession. The death of David would also be pinpointed in that period, although allowance must be made for the possibility of a short co-regency of David and Solomon before David’s death. The reign of Saul then falls approximately in the late 11th century <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>In Judah the period between the death of Solomon in 930 <span>BC<\/span> and the murder of Ahaziah by Jehu in 841 <span>BC<\/span> was occupied by the kingships of six men whose time on the throne totals 95 biblical years. Computation of that era in Judah is not as simple as for the Israelite kings for several reasons. Problems include a change from accession- to nonaccession-year reckoning sometime around 850 <span>BC<\/span>, at least two co-regencies (Jehoshaphat with Asa and then Jehoram with Jehoshaphat), and the calendar differences between the two kingdoms. It is clear that the 95 apparent years must be reduced, on the basis of the differences in computation and calendar, to 90 actual years in order to bring the Judahite figures into line with the established Assyrian and Israelite synchronisms.<\/p>\n<p>After the year 841, the next biblical event to be certified by nonbiblical materials is the fall of Samaria in 722 <span>BC<\/span>. That date is furnished by the annals of Sargon II of Assyria (722–705 <span>BC<\/span>), successor to Shalmaneser V (727–722 <span>BC<\/span>). Although that date comes just 120 years after the fixed point of 841 <span>BC<\/span> in Israelite history, the chronological materials for that period are quite difficult to interpret accurately. In the past, scholars resorted to assumptions of extensive co-regencies, to presumed confusion on the part of certain scribes over methods to be followed in computations, or to other theories in attempting to understand the period. In spite of the many difficulties, however, all the biblical and Assyrian dates for the period of the divided monarchy have been harmonized—with the exception of four figures related to the closing years of the Israelite kingdom, all connected in some way with the problematic reign of Hoshea.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"JudahaftertheFallofIsrael\">Judah after the Fall of Israel<\/p>\n<p>Following the fall of Samaria in 722 <span>BC<\/span>, OT chronology is concerned only with the southern kingdom of Judah until its destruction some 135 years later. Two events in the biblical record important for establishing a chronology for that period are the siege of Jerusalem by Sennacherib of Assyria in the late eighth century and the eventual fall of Jerusalem to the Babylonians in the early sixth century.<\/p>\n<h5>Sennacherib’s Invasion of Judah<\/h5>\n<p>The Assyrian invasion (704–681 <span>BC<\/span>) is recorded in 2 Kings 18:13-16, where verse 13 dates the event to the 14th year of King Hezekiah. Sennacherib’s own inscriptions include a lengthier version of the affair. From them the date of 701 <span>BC<\/span> is established, placing the accession of Hezekiah in 715 <span>BC<\/span>. That much is simple, but problems still arise. For example, 2 Kings 19:9 reports that Sennacherib was in contact with an Ethiopian king, Tirhakah (c. 690–664 <span>BC<\/span>), during the course of his campaign, which included a siege of Jerusalem. Obviously, contact with a ruler who came to power in 690 <span>BC<\/span> at the earliest could not refer to events in 701 <span>BC<\/span>. It is possible, however, that Sennacherib actually made two invasions of Judah, the first in 701 and the second sometime later. The date of that supposed second invasion is not assured, although 2 Kings 19:35-37 may imply that Sennacherib was murdered only shortly after his withdrawal from Jerusalem. Since Sennacherib was succeeded by his son Esarhaddon in the year 681, the presumed second invasion of Judah would have occurred somewhere in the last half of the same decade.<\/p>\n<p>A number of scholars oppose the assumption of a second invasion of Jerusalem by Sennacherib. They suggest the possibility that Tirhakah, though king only from 690 <span>BC<\/span>, may have led troops against Sennacherib as early as 701, before acceding to the throne. The reference to King Tirhakah in 2 Kings 19:9 would then be understood as use of his eventual title in an effort to identify him to a later generation of readers.<\/p>\n<p>However the question of the number of invasions is decided, it is certain that Sennacherib invaded Judah in 701 <span>BC<\/span>, the 14th regnal year of Hezekiah. Such a synchronism establishes Hezekiah’s accession year as 715 <span>BC<\/span>, but that date raises another problem. The fall of Samaria, now established at 722, is dated by 2 Kings 18:10 in the sixth year of Hezekiah’s reign. The most likely solution is that Hezekiah began a co-regency with his father, Ahaz, six years before Samaria fell. The possibility for confusion arises from the fact that one verse (2 Kgs 18:13; repeated in Is 36:1) synchronizes Sennacherib’s 701 <span>BC<\/span> invasion with the 14th year of Hezekiah’s independent reign; another verse (2 Kgs 18:10) correlates the fall of Samaria with the beginning of Hezekiah’s co-regency. Thus from about 728 to 715 <span>BC<\/span> Hezekiah was co-regent with Ahaz. From 715 to 697 he reigned alone. From 696 to 686 his son Manasseh was co-ruler with him.<\/p>\n<p>According to the chronological information given by a number of verses in 2 Kings, a total of 128 years and six months elapsed between the time of Hezekiah’s accession in 715 and the capture of King Jehoiachin in 597, a date to be discussed below. Thus another problem is to explain the more than 10-year excess apparently demanded by the biblical totals. The best solution appears to lie in the assumption that Manasseh first came to power in 697 as co-regent with his father, Hezekiah. Manasseh died in 642, following what 2 Kings 21:1 states was a 55-year reign. Hezekiah, who came to the throne in 715, is said to have reigned 29 years (2 Kgs 18:2), which would mean that he was king until 686, roughly 11 years after the time when Manasseh must have come to the throne in order to have completed a 55-year reign by 642.<\/p>\n<h5>Fall of Jerusalem<\/h5>\n<p>Contemporary Babylonian records are available to shed valuable light on the last few years of Judah’s existence. For the years 626–623, 618–595, and 556 <span>BC<\/span> the Babylonian Chronicle, a formal record of Babylonian affairs of state, has been recovered. From information contained in that chronicle and other cuneiform documents of the period, three dates in Judah’s history may be fixed firmly. The first is the death of Josiah in 609; the second is the battle of Carchemish in 605; the third is the end of the reign of Jehoiachin, which is dated by the Babylonian Chronicle to the second month of Adar in the ninth year of Nebuchadnezzar, or March 16, 597.<\/p>\n<p>After Jehoiachin’s capture, Zedekiah became puppet king of Judah for 11 years (2 Kgs 24:18). On the tenth day of the tenth month during Zedekiah’s ninth regnal year (2 Kgs 25:1), the final siege of Jerusalem was begun by the Babylonian army. That day was January 15, 588. On the ninth day of the fourth month during the 11th regnal year of Zedekiah, after a siege of almost 18 months, the wall of Jerusalem was broken through (2 Kgs 25:3-4). The temple was burned on day seven of the following (fifth) month.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Beyond587bc\">Beyond 586 <span>BC<\/span><\/p>\n<p>Following the tragedy of 586 <span>BC<\/span>, several further developments are given chronological notice in the OT. Jeremiah 52:30 records a third deportation of Jews to Babylonia in the 23d year of King Nebuchadnezzar (582 or 581 <span>BC<\/span>). Both 2 Kings 25:27 and Jeremiah 52:31 give evidence of the release of King Jehoiachin from prison; the Babylonian Chronicle dates that event at 27 Adar, or March 21, 561 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>In 539 <span>BC<\/span> the Babylonians themselves were destined to learn the meaning of defeat. In that year a Persian ruler, Cyrus the Great, launched a successful campaign against Babylon and its king, Nabonidus. Inheriting control over the exiled Jews and many other groups of people conquered earlier by Babylonia, Cyrus moved quickly to initiate a policy of tolerance toward his new subjects. In the first year of his rule Cyrus issued an edict making it possible for Jews to return to their former land (Ezr 1:1). On the first day of the following year, 1 Tishri (Ezr 3:6), an altar was set up in Jerusalem. In Iyyar of the following year (April\/May 536) work was begun on the temple itself (Ezr 3:8).<\/p>\n<p>After a period of frustrating work stoppages of varying lengths, the preaching of Haggai and Zechariah spurred on the Jews to complete the temple. Work resumed in 520 (Ezr 4:24; Hg 1:1, 15) and was finally completed on 3 Adar, or March 12, 515 (Ezr 6:15). The final stages of OT chronology pertain to the careers of Ezra and Nehemiah. The traditional view of their era places Ezra in the seventh year of Artaxerxes I (458 <span>BC<\/span>) and Nehemiah in the 20th (445 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> “Date” under each OT book; Conquest and Allotment of the Land; Diaspora of the Jews; Exodus, The; Israel, History of; Patriarchs, Period of the; Postexilic Period; Wilderness Wanderings.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>CHRONOLOGY OF THE BIBLE* (Old Testament)<\/h3>\n<p>Branch of biblical studies that attempts to assign dates and sequences to OT events. Chronology is a science. It deals with evidence, theories, assumptions, and the balance of probabilities. Often it boils down to a matter of choosing among theories that are equally unable to solve all the problems raised by other points of view. OT chronology is an accredited branch of biblical studies primarily because it is essential for understanding the proper historical background of the biblical texts. In general, the chronology of the OT is understood well enough to vindicate the basic accuracy and sequential order of Scripture.<\/p>\n<p>Both biblical and nonbiblical materials are utilized by students of OT chronology. Biblical data include (1) genealogies showing personal and tribal affiliations among various peoples; (2) specific numbers given by biblical authors to indicate a person’s longevity, a king’s reign, or the duration of a specific event; (3) synchronizing statements that date an event in a specific year of a king’s reign or relate it to a natural phenomenon assumed to be common knowledge at the time of writing (e.g., Am 1:1; Zec 14:5).<\/p>\n<p>From the abundance of such chronological passages in the OT, one might conclude that establishment of OT dates and sequences would be a simple procedure. Each of the three kinds of biblical materials, however, exhibits special problems that must be solved first.<\/p>\n<p>Nonbiblical materials that shed light on OT chronology are quite numerous, and more are discovered year by year. They include (1) official records of important affairs such as military campaigns from countries like Egypt or Babylonia; (2) official inscriptions that are dedicatory or commemorate a great victory; (3) annals listing major accomplishments of a ruler year by year; (4) ostraca (inscribed pieces of pottery) containing letters, tax transactions and economic records, military dispatches between field leaders and command headquarters, or other information. Ostraca may be dated archaeologically and are often used to supplement the biblical record.<\/p>\n<p>The chronologist tries to examine the pertinent biblical and nonbiblical information, notes areas of correlation among all the data, and finally establishes a working system into which the most facts can be fitted. New evidence uncovered at any time may necessitate shifts in the present working system. Although the basic structure of biblical chronology seems reasonably firm, many details will no doubt be subject to change as new evidence is discovered.<\/p>\n<p>As a general rule, the earlier the period, the less certain one can be of one’s dating. In the second millennium <span>BC<\/span>, for example, many dates can be assigned within a range of about 100 years. By the time of David and Solomon (c. 1000 <span>BC<\/span>), the margin of error over which scholars debate is a decade or less. The range narrows as one comes toward the present, so that, with the exception of one or two problem eras, dates accurate to within one or two years are possible by roughly the middle of the ninth century <span>BC<\/span>. Such limitations must be kept in mind in any examination of the major periods of OT history.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Prepatriarchal Period<\/p>\n<p>• From Abraham to Moses<\/p>\n<p>• Conquest and Consolidation<\/p>\n<p>• The Monarchy<\/p>\n<p>• Judah after the Fall of Israel<\/p>\n<p>• Beyond 587 <span>BC<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PrepatriarchalPeriod\">Prepatriarchal Period<\/p>\n<h5>Biblical Evidence<\/h5>\n<p>In the first 11 chapters of Genesis are found accounts of the Creation (chs 1–2), the fall (ch 3), Cain and Abel (ch 4), the Flood (chs 6–9), and the Tower of Babel (ch 11). Those events are set within a certain chronological framework.<\/p>\n<p>According to Genesis 5, a period of 10 generations elapsed between the Creation and the Flood. Although the individuals listed enjoyed a total life span of a hefty 847 years plus, the total time elapsing between Adam and the Flood was only 1,656 years.<\/p>\n<p>According to Genesis 11, another 10 generations elapsed from the time of the Flood until the time of Abraham (at least in the Septuagint, the third-century <span>BC<\/span> Greek translation of the OT; the Hebrew Masoretic text has 9). In that period the average age attained by individuals in the list is 346 years (using a figure of 460 for Arphaxad’s son Cainan, who is included in v 13 of the LXX; cf. Lk 3:36); the total elapsed time from the Flood to Abraham is only 520 years. Taken literally, that would mean that all of Abraham’s ancestors as far back as Noah’s son Shem were still alive at Abraham’s birth, and that a total of only 2,176 years elapsed from the time of Creation to Abraham.<\/p>\n<h5>Interpretation of the Biblical Data<\/h5>\n<p>A literalistic or slavishly mathematical interpretation of the figures, as has appeared in the margin of many <span>kjv<\/span> Bibles, requires a number of assumptions: that no names are omitted from the genealogies, that all the numbers given are consecutive, and especially that numbers used in an ancient biblical source carry the same meaning as that associated with them in the modern Western mind. Each assumption needs serious examination in the light of other established facts.<\/p>\n<p>A cursory reading of other biblical genealogies, for example, reveals that not all the names of a given family were always included. Even Matthew recorded a total of 28 generations (two sets of 14 each) between David and Jesus, and comparison with OT genealogies reveals that Matthew omitted several names. Luke listed a total of 42 generations for the same interval. Omissions are also obvious when one compares the genealogical lists given in 1 Chronicles 1–8 with those recorded earlier in Genesis, Exodus, Numbers, Joshua, 1 and 2 Samuel, and 1 and 2 Kings.<\/p>\n<p>Further, ancient peoples thought of numbers in a schematic or stylized way. Use of numbers among the ancient Near Eastern nations differed sharply from current Western practice. Examples of that practice are known from both biblical and nonbiblical sources. For example, a list of eight Sumerian kings who ruled in the city of Shurruppak before the “great flood” of the Jemdet Nar era (c. 3000 <span>BC<\/span>) assigns each man an average reign of more than 30,000 years. Berossus, a Babylonian priest of Marduk living in the third century <span>BC<\/span>, added two names to the eight found in that earlier list of kings and assigned an average of 43,200 years to each king. Such extraordinarily high numbers provide a perspective for considering the numbers of Genesis.<\/p>\n<p>Therefore, although one can assume that the numbers assigned to the ages of the patriarchs preceding Abraham in Genesis had real meaning for those responsible for their preservation, they should not be employed in a purely literal sense to compute the length of the various generations mentioned in the text. Further, the numbers given in the Septuagint and in the Samaritan Pentateuch, another early version of the Pentateuch, diverge in many details from those of the Hebrew Masoretic Text. That means, among other things, that the Genesis numbers caused problems for even the earliest scholars of Scripture.<\/p>\n<h5>Nonbiblical Evidence<\/h5>\n<p>Archaeology provides no evidence that may be used to date either the Creation or any other account preserved in Genesis 1–11. The Flood is an example that illustrates some of the difficulties. Many claims have been made by persons from a wide variety of backgrounds (scientists, explorers, theologians, and others) to the effect that archaeology has proven the Genesis Flood narrative to be true. Yet no city so far excavated in Palestine and Syria (including some of the oldest towns in the world) shows archaeological evidence of the Flood.<\/p>\n<p>Although several cities in Mesopotamia do exhibit evidence of a flood, three factors make it difficult to link that evidence with Genesis 6–9. Each of the flood levels so far discovered dates from a different period. Further, since nearby sites show no evidence of flooding, all of the Mesopotamian flood evidence points to relatively small local floods. Finally, the evidence indicates no great cultural discontinuities of the sort that would result from destruction of an entire population. Thus, it seems that the ancient Mesopotamian floods discovered through archaeological research are of the same kind as the floods that still occur in the Euphrates River valley.<\/p>\n<p>Clearly, certain questions one might ask of the Genesis narratives simply cannot be answered. Many who regard the Bible as the Word of God have concluded that the dating of events found in Genesis 1–11 must be less important than the theological truths of salvation, faith, and obedience that these accounts present.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"FromAbrahamtoMoses\">From Abraham to Moses<\/p>\n<h5>The Patriarchal Age<\/h5>\n<p>The date of Abraham is still a lively topic among biblical scholars who agree that Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob were indeed historical persons. Opinions range from an early-date view that estimates that the patriarchal age extended from 2086 to 1871 <span>BC<\/span>, to a late-date view placing Abraham at around 1400 <span>BC<\/span>. Since each position claims to fit the biblical data, a closer look at the two points of view is in order.<\/p>\n<p>Many OT passages seem to support the view that puts Abraham at a comparatively early date. First Kings 6:1 computes 480 years back from the founding of the temple in the fourth year of Solomon’s reign (961 <span>BC<\/span>, according to the early-date view) to the exodus from Egypt, which would then be dated 1441 <span>BC<\/span>. Counting 430 years as the period of the Israelite sojourn in Egypt (see Gn 15:13; Ex 12:40) takes the date back to 1871 <span>BC<\/span>. To that date are added the 215 years demanded by the total of (1) Abraham’s age upon entering Canaan (75 years according to Gn 12:4); (2) 25 additional years before the birth of Isaac (Gn 21:5); (3) 60 more years to the birth of Jacob (Gn 25:26); and (4) the appearance of Jacob before the pharaoh at age 130 (Gn 47:9). Those 215 years added to the previous total give a date of 2086 <span>BC<\/span> for the entrance of Abraham into Canaan and a date of 2161 <span>BC<\/span> for his birth.<\/p>\n<p>Such a calculation does not use all of the chronological evidence presented in the OT; consequently, the date for Abraham is open to challenge. For example, the 480 years between the exodus and Solomon’s fourth regnal year represent a period of time into which the wilderness wanderings, the career of Joshua and his immediate successors, the period of the judges, Samuel, Saul, and David must all be placed. Although the OT does not specifically say how long were the careers of Joshua, Samuel, or Saul, even a modest reckoning pushes the total years required by all the biblical data together to approximately 600.<\/p>\n<p>In addition, the length of time to be assigned to the Egyptian sojourn is problematic. The Samaritan Pentateuch and the Septuagint both view the number 430 (in Ex 12:40) as applicable not only to the years in Egypt but to the years of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob in Canaan as well. Evidently Paul followed the Septuagint tradition when he dated the giving of the law 430 years later than the time of God’s promise to Abraham (see Gal 3:15-18). That means the Septuagint figure cannot be dismissed lightly.<\/p>\n<p>The late dating of Abraham (c. 1400 <span>BC<\/span>) is based on two propositions: (1) The picture of patriarchal society portrayed in Genesis most closely parallels that reflected in the cuneiform tablets recovered from Nuzi, a town in northeastern Mesopotamia about 175 miles (282 kilometers) north of Baghdad. (2) Because those tablets must be dated in the 15th and 14th centuries <span>BC<\/span>, the parallel patriarchal age must have fallen within the same general time period.<\/p>\n<p>Those who hold the late-date view are aware that their date for Abraham cannot be equated with the set of numbers on which the early-date view depends. They point to other data, also from the OT. Joseph, who was already a highly placed Egyptian official when Jacob moved to Egypt, lived to be 110 years old (Gn 50:26). Moses was a great-grandson of Levi, Joseph’s older brother. Since Joseph lived to see his own greatgrandchildren born (who would probably be younger than Moses since their great-grandfather was younger than his), the late-date view concludes that Joseph could have been alive when Moses was born. The four-generation genealogy of Moses (Levi-Kohath-Amram-Moses, in Ex 6:16-20; Nm 3:17-19; 26:58-59; 1 Chr 6:1-3) was evidently thought to be complete according to Genesis 15:16, which predicted that Abraham’s descendants would be freed from Egyptian bondage “in the fourth generation.”<\/p>\n<p>However, a date of around 1400 <span>BC<\/span> for Abraham cannot be aligned with certain other biblical data, including the long Egyptian sojourn demanded by Genesis 15:13 and Exodus 12:40 and a 40-year (or “one-generation”) wilderness existence. Some normally moderate scholars are forced to reduce the wilderness time to two years in order to maintain their late date for Abraham.<\/p>\n<p>In short, the late-date theory is consistent with part of the biblical evidence (the genealogies of Moses), but the early-date theory conforms to another part (the actual year figures listed in scattered verses from Genesis and Exodus). The late-date theory holds that the genealogies represent more reliable information in Semitic societies generally, whereas the early-date theory computes years given in the biblical account literally throughout its scheme.<\/p>\n<p>Because of problems attached to both positions, a large group of scholars take a middle ground in dating the patriarchal age. Archaeologically, they say, Abraham and his life and times fit perfectly within the early second millennium, but imperfectly within any later period. By placing Abraham roughly between 1800 and 1600 <span>BC<\/span>, they provide enough latitude for a merging of all the available evidence, biblical and nonbiblical, into a workable chronological scheme. Archaeology provides four major bits of evidence for an early second-millennium patriarchal era.<\/p>\n<p>1. Though the Nuzi tablets furnish a clear parallel to patriarchal social life, other tablets from other towns and an earlier era reflect many of the same customs common to Nuzi and Genesis. Since the Nuzians were Hurrians who came to northeastern Mesopotamia from elsewhere (perhaps Armenia), their social customs originated no doubt much earlier than the time of their tablets now in our possession. Accordingly, the 15th-century <span>BC<\/span> date of the Nuzi tablets does not preclude an earlier date for Abraham.<\/p>\n<li>2. The names of several of Abraham’s ancestors listed in Genesis 11 can now be identified with towns in the northern area of Mesopotamia around Haran, the city from which Abraham migrated to Canaan (Gn 11:31–12:3). Significantly, Haran flourished in the 19th and 18th centuries <span>BC<\/span>.<\/li>\n<li>3. Shortly after 2000 <span>BC<\/span> Semitic nomads from the desert invaded the civilized communities of the Fertile Crescent. Those invaders, called Amorites in the OT, established themselves in several cities in northern Syria and Mesopotamia. One of the Amorite cities was Babylon, ruled by Hammurabi sometime around the beginning of the 18th century <span>BC<\/span>. Although the King Amraphel of Genesis 14:1 is not linguistically identifiable with the Babylonian king Hammurabi, as earlier scholars believed, the picture of the times following the Amorite invasion still accords well with the Genesis narratives generally.<\/li>\n<li>4. Mari, another Amorite town, is now well known because of more than 20,000 tablets recovered from its royal palace and archives. Geographically, Mari is located in the general area of Haran. Chronologically, the tablets recovered come from the 18th century <span>BC<\/span>. One 18th-century king of Mari, Zimri Lim, carried on extensive correspondence with Hammurabi of Babylon. The tablets from Mari also furnish valuable information about tribal and ethnic groups and their movements in the general region. Of basic importance for dating the Genesis materials are certain documents from Mari that include personal names very similar to Abraham (Abi-ram), Jacob, Laban, and several other West Semitic names.<\/li>\n<p>Archaeological evidence neither proves nor disproves the actual existence of Abraham, Isaac, or Jacob. That is admitted on all sides. What archaeology has done is to provide a framework of probabilities within which the biblical patriarchal narratives appear more and more to be at home.<\/p>\n<h5>Date of the Exodus<\/h5>\n<p>The problem of dating the patriarchal age is closely related to the problem of assigning a date to the exodus of the Israelites from Egypt. Since the evidence does not permit a precise date for Abraham, a precise date for the entry of Joseph or Jacob into Egypt is likewise unobtainable. Further, the biblical evidence does not yield an exact figure for the length of the Israelite sojourn in Egypt.<\/p>\n<p>For many years biblical scholars viewed 1 Kings 6:1 as a foundation upon which to build an unshakable date for the exodus. Because Solomon’s fourth year could be unquestionably fixed to within at least a 10-year span (967–958 <span>BC<\/span>), the exodus too could be dated with the same precision simply by adding 480 years. But other biblical data raise serious questions about that simple procedure. When the Bible deals with all the events between the time of the exodus and the founding of Solomon’s temple, that is, from Numbers to 1 Kings 5:18, the precise numbers given total not 480 but closer to 600 years.<\/p>\n<p>Because the evidence is insufficient to allow a precise date for the exodus, scholarly opinion remains divided between two possibilities. A 15th-century exodus is supported by several pieces of evidence. The chronology in 1 Kings 6:1 appears to be independently corroborated by a passage in Judges 11:26. It claims that Israel had occupied the area around Heshbon for 300 years preceding Jephthah’s own day. If Jephthah is dated at roughly 1100 <span>BC<\/span>, one is obviously led back to an exodus in the middle of the 15th century. Also, three successive generations of pharaohs who ruled in the 16th and 15th centuries produced no male offspring, making it more likely that Moses would have become the foster son of a royal princess during that time; all of the 19th-dynasty kings (1306–1200 <span>BC<\/span>) had legitimate male heirs.<\/p>\n<p>In addition, a 15th-century date makes possible a connection between the Habiru invasion of Canaan (1400–1350 <span>BC<\/span>)—described in the Amarna letters found at Tell el-Amarna, Egypt—and the invasion of Canaan by the Hebrews described in the OT book of Joshua. Related to that is a reference to “Israel” in the Merneptah Stele, a stone pillar inscribed with the deeds of the Egyptian king, Merneptah, of about 1220 <span>BC<\/span>. It implies that the people referred to, met by Merneptah in the course of a Canaanite military campaign, had been in existence for some time. Finally, an excavator of Jericho, John Garstang, placed the destruction of that city at around 1400 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>Other evidence, however, strongly implies not a 15th- but a 13th-century date for the exodus. Many scholars assign a date between 1290 and 1275 <span>BC<\/span> on the basis of that evidence. First, the 480 years of 1 Kings 6:1 discussed above may be interpreted as schematically representing 12 generations, as indicated by 1 Chronicles 6:3-8. Thus if 12 generations averaged 25 years instead of 40 years, the reduction of 480 schematized years to 300 actual years would point to an exodus date of around 1266 <span>BC<\/span>. Second, archaeological evidence exists that dates destruction at the assumed sites of several cities conquered by Joshua (Lachish, Debir, Bethel, and Hazor) to the late 13th century. Third, there is no biblical mention of Egyptian military campaigns (such as Merneptah’s 1220 <span>BC<\/span> incursion); Israelites living in Canaan before the time of the militarily active pharaohs Seti I (1319–1301 <span>BC<\/span>) and Ramses II (1301–1234 <span>BC<\/span>) would certainly have been affected by such activity. Fourth, Exodus 1:11 mentions the city of Rameses, the capital built by Ramses II, according to his own inscriptions. A fifth line of argument comes from archaeological conclusions that Transjordan and the Negev Desert were not occupied by sedentary people between 1900 and 1300 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas the Bible states clearly that the Israelites encountered stiff opposition from groups in that same region. Thus, it is argued, the Israelites must have entered that region after 1300 <span>BC<\/span>. Sixth, connecting the Habiru with the Israelites of the Conquest lacks weight because many texts besides the Amarna tablets attest to the existence of Habiru groups virtually all over the ancient Near East. “Habiru” seems to be a much broader term, possibly meaning “trespasser,” and is probably unrelated etymologically or semantically to “Hebrew.” Seventh, and finally, Garstang’s work at Jericho has now been revised by archaeologist Kathleen Kenyon, who showed that the fallen walls that Garstang had dated about 1400 <span>BC<\/span> in reality were destroyed in 1800 <span>BC<\/span> or earlier.<\/p>\n<p>So far, it has been impossible to decide with precision between the two centuries proposed for the exodus. The majority opinion among OT scholars generally, including a growing number of moderate or conservative scholars, is in favor of the 13th-century option. On the other hand, many other conservative scholars continue to favor the 15th-century date. Dogmatism is unwarranted since problems remain unresolved with either option.<\/p>\n<p>In accordance with the majority opinion, however, a date of about 1290 <span>BC<\/span> for the exodus will be used in dealing with subsequent problems.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"ConquestandConsolidation\">Conquest and Consolidation<\/p>\n<p>The chronological task for the period of conquest and consolidation is to fit all the events narrated by the OT, chiefly in Joshua and Judges, between the exodus (c. 1290 <span>BC<\/span>) and the times of David (c. 1000 <span>BC<\/span>) and Solomon (d. 930 <span>BC<\/span>). In other words, one must fit roughly 550 years of biblical events between Moses and David into a 290-year span.<\/p>\n<p>Although assigning an early date for the exodus (c. 1447 <span>BC<\/span>) would make the task somewhat easier, the mere addition of about 157 years does not by itself solve all the problems. Neither date allows enough time for all the OT events from Joshua to David to take place singly and consecutively. Accordingly, advocates of both dates assume that some of the judges ruled simultaneously rather than consecutively. The difference is one of degree only.<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua furnishes most of the OT evidence regarding the conquest of Canaan by the Israelites. Unfortunately, the book of Joshua has no chronological notes that specify the amount of time elapsing during Joshua’s career. Further, there are no biblical references to major contemporary events in other parts of the ancient world, the dates of which could be used to fix the chronology. Rather, in what is obviously a telescoped account, the book of Joshua records the fall of Jericho and Ai, followed closely by a southern and then a northern campaign. After those victories, covering much of the total territory of Canaan, various parcels of land were distributed to the tribal groups of Israel; the tribes were expected to complete the task of destroying whatever Canaanite inhabitants remained in their particular region. One seeks in vain, however, for any statements indicating how long those events took.<\/p>\n<p>In the book of Judges a slightly different circumstance prevails. There the OT furnishes a rather complete list of figures to indicate the duration of periods of foreign oppression, judgeships, and ensuing peace. The total number of years described for that period is 410, but that total does not include any time for the many “minor” judges. It seems obvious, therefore, that most if not all of the judges were simply local chieftains whose activity was simultaneous with that of other judges, at least for part of their reign. Unfortunately, the book of Judges provides no cross-reference system to indicate which judges were contemporaries of which others. Perhaps the best one can do is to assume general guidelines for the chronology of that period between Moses and David.<\/p>\n<p>Two significant facts should be kept in mind. First, archaeological information seems to demand a Conquest date beginning about 1250 <span>BC<\/span> rather than 200 years earlier. Assuming concurrent careers for the judges allows one to compress the literal OT figures into the general scheme demanded by other evidence.<\/p>\n<p>Second, the ancient scribes evidently related the chronology of the period to a 40-year or generation-based schema, a practice that lasted until the time of the divided kingdom, when a regular dynastic chronology was introduced. In the face of so many careers being assigned exactly 40 years, the fact remains that the literal totals of such numbers cannot be harmonized with either the biblical or the archaeological evidence for the period. Accordingly, most scholars doubt that the number 40 was ever intended to be an exact mathematical calculation. That view permits enough leeway for cautious fitting of biblical and other evidence into a general timetable.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheMonarchy\">The Monarchy<\/p>\n<h5>Types of Evidence<\/h5>\n<p>For the period of the Israelite monarchy, chronological evidence is abundant.<\/p>\n<p>The OT itself strives to provide all the information necessary for the chronology of the period, including (1) a complete list of all the kings in Israel and in Judah both before and after the division of the kingdom; (2) the age of each king (except Saul) at his accession; (3) synchronisms of the northern kingdom of Israel and the southern kingdom of Judah showing in what year of his contemporary in the other kingdom each king came to the throne; and (4) precise calculations of the length of each king’s reign. In addition some important events are dated by reference to another event; others are coordinated with concurrent events in secular history.<\/p>\n<p>Outside the OT an abundance of material provides evidence for a chronology of the period. By far the most important single source is a collection of Assyrian <em>limmu<\/em> lists. In Assyria a record of each king’s reign was kept on a particular kind of annal. Each year of reign was named after an individual of high rank in the court; the first year was named after the king himself, the second after the next highest-ranking official (though that name appears to have been selected by lot originally), and so on, down until the death of the king. The word <em>limmu<\/em> was used to introduce the name of the official after whom the current year was to be named, hence the designation <em>“limmu<\/em> lists.”<\/p>\n<p>Assyrian <em>limmu<\/em> lists are tied precisely to the solar year, making the documents highly reliable. Further, in addition to many events in Assyrian history, notable natural phenomena were dated on the basis of the <em>limmu<\/em> in which they occurred. For example, a solar eclipse dated by the Assyrian scribes in the <em>limmu<\/em> year of Bur-Sagale has been computed astronomically as June 15, 763 <span>BC<\/span>. Beginning with the year 763, then, and working both backward and forward, a complete list of Assyrian <em>limmu<\/em> officials has been obtained for the period between 891 and 648 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>With the accuracy of the Assyrian <em>limmu<\/em> lists corroborated by a number of sources, they can be used with confidence in reconstructing the chronology of the corresponding period of biblical history. That is especially true where a biblical writer related an Israelite or a Judahite event to a particular year in the reign of an Assyrian king whose <em>limmu<\/em> list indicates the precise years of his reign.<\/p>\n<p>There are also records from Chaldean (Babylonian) king lists and from later Greek historians. Ptolemy, in the second century <span>AD<\/span>, for example, gave dates for Babylonian kings from 747 <span>BC<\/span> and continued with dates for Persian, Greek, and Roman rulers down to <span>AD<\/span> 161. Finally, useful information is found in inscriptions from monuments, stelae, and other artifacts from Assyria and elsewhere.<\/p>\n<h5>Monarchical Chronology<\/h5>\n<p>The <em>limmu<\/em> list of the Assyrian king Shalmaneser III provides a basis for the first comparison of dates among Assyria, Israel, and Judah. In the <em>limmu<\/em> of Daian-Assur, Shalmaneser’s sixth year on the throne, Ahab of Israel was listed as one of the kings who fought against the Assyrians in the battle of Qarqar. Thus the date for that battle may be placed confidently in 853 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>Assyrian records also indicate that Shalmaneser III came into contact with an Israelite king 12 years later, in 841 <span>BC<\/span>. That king was Jehu. Thus two fixed points are available for correlating the biblical information. Following the death of Ahab, which is not dated exactly by reference to the Assyrian records, two of his sons came to power. The first, Ahaziah, reigned two years (1 Kgs 22:51); the second, Joram (also called Jehoram), reigned a total of 12 years (2 Kgs 3:1). Recognizing a nonaccession-year reckoning by the Israelites in that era, the apparent total of 14 years may be reduced to an actual total of 12. Thus it seems evident that Ahab not only fought Shalmaneser III in 853 <span>BC<\/span> but also died in that year. Ahab was then followed by his two sons for a total of 12 years before the accession of Jehu in time to account for his contact with Shalmaneser II in 841 <span>BC<\/span>. Further, because Jehu murdered both the king of Israel (Jehoram) and the king of Judah (Ahaziah) at the same time (2 Kgs 9:24-27), a fixed synchronism is provided between the two kingdoms for the year 841 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>The first nine kings of Israel ruled an apparent total of 98 years or an actual total (taking into account Israel’s nonaccession-year policy) of 90 years. Zimri, who ruled only seven days (1 Kgs 16:15-18), counts as one of the nine but does not insert an extra year in either the actual or apparent totals. The accession of Jeroboam I thus occurred in 930 <span>BC<\/span> (adding 90 years to 841 <span>BC<\/span>), and Rehoboam of Judah began to rule in that same year as well. Allowing Solomon the 40-year reign indicated in 1 Kings 11:42 points to the year 970 <span>BC<\/span> for his accession. The death of David would also be pinpointed in that period, although allowance must be made for the possibility of a short co-regency of David and Solomon before David’s death. The reign of Saul then falls approximately in the late 11th century <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>In Judah the period between the death of Solomon in 930 <span>BC<\/span> and the murder of Ahaziah by Jehu in 841 <span>BC<\/span> was occupied by the kingships of six men whose time on the throne totals 95 biblical years. Computation of that era in Judah is not as simple as for the Israelite kings for several reasons. Problems include a change from accession- to nonaccession-year reckoning sometime around 850 <span>BC<\/span>, at least two co-regencies (Jehoshaphat with Asa and then Jehoram with Jehoshaphat), and the calendar differences between the two kingdoms. It is clear that the 95 apparent years must be reduced, on the basis of the differences in computation and calendar, to 90 actual years in order to bring the Judahite figures into line with the established Assyrian and Israelite synchronisms.<\/p>\n<p>After the year 841, the next biblical event to be certified by nonbiblical materials is the fall of Samaria in 722 <span>BC<\/span>. That date is furnished by the annals of Sargon II of Assyria (722–705 <span>BC<\/span>), successor to Shalmaneser V (727–722 <span>BC<\/span>). Although that date comes just 120 years after the fixed point of 841 <span>BC<\/span> in Israelite history, the chronological materials for that period are quite difficult to interpret accurately. In the past, scholars resorted to assumptions of extensive co-regencies, to presumed confusion on the part of certain scribes over methods to be followed in computations, or to other theories in attempting to understand the period. In spite of the many difficulties, however, all the biblical and Assyrian dates for the period of the divided monarchy have been harmonized—with the exception of four figures related to the closing years of the Israelite kingdom, all connected in some way with the problematic reign of Hoshea.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"JudahaftertheFallofIsrael\">Judah after the Fall of Israel<\/p>\n<p>Following the fall of Samaria in 722 <span>BC<\/span>, OT chronology is concerned only with the southern kingdom of Judah until its destruction some 135 years later. Two events in the biblical record important for establishing a chronology for that period are the siege of Jerusalem by Sennacherib of Assyria in the late eighth century and the eventual fall of Jerusalem to the Babylonians in the early sixth century.<\/p>\n<h5>Sennacherib’s Invasion of Judah<\/h5>\n<p>The Assyrian invasion (704–681 <span>BC<\/span>) is recorded in 2 Kings 18:13-16, where verse 13 dates the event to the 14th year of King Hezekiah. Sennacherib’s own inscriptions include a lengthier version of the affair. From them the date of 701 <span>BC<\/span> is established, placing the accession of Hezekiah in 715 <span>BC<\/span>. That much is simple, but problems still arise. For example, 2 Kings 19:9 reports that Sennacherib was in contact with an Ethiopian king, Tirhakah (c. 690–664 <span>BC<\/span>), during the course of his campaign, which included a siege of Jerusalem. Obviously, contact with a ruler who came to power in 690 <span>BC<\/span> at the earliest could not refer to events in 701 <span>BC<\/span>. It is possible, however, that Sennacherib actually made two invasions of Judah, the first in 701 and the second sometime later. The date of that supposed second invasion is not assured, although 2 Kings 19:35-37 may imply that Sennacherib was murdered only shortly after his withdrawal from Jerusalem. Since Sennacherib was succeeded by his son Esarhaddon in the year 681, the presumed second invasion of Judah would have occurred somewhere in the last half of the same decade.<\/p>\n<p>A number of scholars oppose the assumption of a second invasion of Jerusalem by Sennacherib. They suggest the possibility that Tirhakah, though king only from 690 <span>BC<\/span>, may have led troops against Sennacherib as early as 701, before acceding to the throne. The reference to King Tirhakah in 2 Kings 19:9 would then be understood as use of his eventual title in an effort to identify him to a later generation of readers.<\/p>\n<p>However the question of the number of invasions is decided, it is certain that Sennacherib invaded Judah in 701 <span>BC<\/span>, the 14th regnal year of Hezekiah. Such a synchronism establishes Hezekiah’s accession year as 715 <span>BC<\/span>, but that date raises another problem. The fall of Samaria, now established at 722, is dated by 2 Kings 18:10 in the sixth year of Hezekiah’s reign. The most likely solution is that Hezekiah began a co-regency with his father, Ahaz, six years before Samaria fell. The possibility for confusion arises from the fact that one verse (2 Kgs 18:13; repeated in Is 36:1) synchronizes Sennacherib’s 701 <span>BC<\/span> invasion with the 14th year of Hezekiah’s independent reign; another verse (2 Kgs 18:10) correlates the fall of Samaria with the beginning of Hezekiah’s co-regency. Thus from about 728 to 715 <span>BC<\/span> Hezekiah was co-regent with Ahaz. From 715 to 697 he reigned alone. From 696 to 686 his son Manasseh was co-ruler with him.<\/p>\n<p>According to the chronological information given by a number of verses in 2 Kings, a total of 128 years and six months elapsed between the time of Hezekiah’s accession in 715 and the capture of King Jehoiachin in 597, a date to be discussed below. Thus another problem is to explain the more than 10-year excess apparently demanded by the biblical totals. The best solution appears to lie in the assumption that Manasseh first came to power in 697 as co-regent with his father, Hezekiah. Manasseh died in 642, following what 2 Kings 21:1 states was a 55-year reign. Hezekiah, who came to the throne in 715, is said to have reigned 29 years (2 Kgs 18:2), which would mean that he was king until 686, roughly 11 years after the time when Manasseh must have come to the throne in order to have completed a 55-year reign by 642.<\/p>\n<h5>Fall of Jerusalem<\/h5>\n<p>Contemporary Babylonian records are available to shed valuable light on the last few years of Judah’s existence. For the years 626–623, 618–595, and 556 <span>BC<\/span> the Babylonian Chronicle, a formal record of Babylonian affairs of state, has been recovered. From information contained in that chronicle and other cuneiform documents of the period, three dates in Judah’s history may be fixed firmly. The first is the death of Josiah in 609; the second is the battle of Carchemish in 605; the third is the end of the reign of Jehoiachin, which is dated by the Babylonian Chronicle to the second month of Adar in the ninth year of Nebuchadnezzar, or March 16, 597.<\/p>\n<p>After Jehoiachin’s capture, Zedekiah became puppet king of Judah for 11 years (2 Kgs 24:18). On the tenth day of the tenth month during Zedekiah’s ninth regnal year (2 Kgs 25:1), the final siege of Jerusalem was begun by the Babylonian army. That day was January 15, 588. On the ninth day of the fourth month during the 11th regnal year of Zedekiah, after a siege of almost 18 months, the wall of Jerusalem was broken through (2 Kgs 25:3-4). The temple was burned on day seven of the following (fifth) month.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Beyond587bc\">Beyond 586 <span>BC<\/span><\/p>\n<p>Following the tragedy of 586 <span>BC<\/span>, several further developments are given chronological notice in the OT. Jeremiah 52:30 records a third deportation of Jews to Babylonia in the 23d year of King Nebuchadnezzar (582 or 581 <span>BC<\/span>). Both 2 Kings 25:27 and Jeremiah 52:31 give evidence of the release of King Jehoiachin from prison; the Babylonian Chronicle dates that event at 27 Adar, or March 21, 561 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>In 539 <span>BC<\/span> the Babylonians themselves were destined to learn the meaning of defeat. In that year a Persian ruler, Cyrus the Great, launched a successful campaign against Babylon and its king, Nabonidus. Inheriting control over the exiled Jews and many other groups of people conquered earlier by Babylonia, Cyrus moved quickly to initiate a policy of tolerance toward his new subjects. In the first year of his rule Cyrus issued an edict making it possible for Jews to return to their former land (Ezr 1:1). On the first day of the following year, 1 Tishri (Ezr 3:6), an altar was set up in Jerusalem. In Iyyar of the following year (April\/May 536) work was begun on the temple itself (Ezr 3:8).<\/p>\n<p>After a period of frustrating work stoppages of varying lengths, the preaching of Haggai and Zechariah spurred on the Jews to complete the temple. Work resumed in 520 (Ezr 4:24; Hg 1:1, 15) and was finally completed on 3 Adar, or March 12, 515 (Ezr 6:15). The final stages of OT chronology pertain to the careers of Ezra and Nehemiah. The traditional view of their era places Ezra in the seventh year of Artaxerxes I (458 <span>BC<\/span>) and Nehemiah in the 20th (445 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> “Date” under each OT book; Conquest and Allotment of the Land; Diaspora of the Jews; Exodus, The; Israel, History of; Patriarchs, Period of the; Postexilic Period; Wilderness Wanderings.<\/p>","summary_ro":"CHRONOLOGY OF THE BIBLE* (Old Testament) Branch of biblical studies that attempts to assign dates and sequences to OT events. Chronology is a science. It deals with evidence, theories, assumptions, and the balance of probabilities. Often it boils down to a matter of choosing among theories that are equally unable to solve all the problems raised by other points of view. OT chronology is an accredited branch of biblical studies primarily because it is essential for understanding the proper his...","summary_en":"CHRONOLOGY OF THE BIBLE* (Old Testament) Branch of biblical studies that attempts to assign dates and sequences to OT events. Chronology is a science. It deals with evidence, theories, assumptions, and the balance of probabilities. Often it boils down to a matter of choosing among theories that are equally unable to solve all the problems raised by other points of view. OT chronology is an accredited branch of biblical studies primarily because it is essential for understanding the proper his...","source":"Articles\/C.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":16228,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Hephzibah","title_en":"Hephzibah","content_ro":"<h3>HEPHZIBAH<\/h3>\n<li>1. Mother of Manasseh, king of Judah (2 Kgs 21:1).<\/li>\n<li>2. Symbolic name (<span>kjv<\/span>) for the restored city of Jerusalem, meaning “my delight is in her” (Is 62:4).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>HEPHZIBAH<\/h3>\n<li>1. Mother of Manasseh, king of Judah (2 Kgs 21:1).<\/li>\n<li>2. Symbolic name (<span>kjv<\/span>) for the restored city of Jerusalem, meaning “my delight is in her” (Is 62:4).<\/li>","summary_ro":"HEPHZIBAH 1. Mother of Manasseh, king of Judah (2 Kgs 21:1). 2. Symbolic name (kjv) for the restored city of Jerusalem, meaning “my delight is in her” (Is 62:4).","summary_en":"HEPHZIBAH 1. Mother of Manasseh, king of Judah (2 Kgs 21:1). 2. Symbolic name (kjv) for the restored city of Jerusalem, meaning “my delight is in her” (Is 62:4).","source":"Articles\/H.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":22092,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Books of First and Second Kings","title_en":"Books of First and Second Kings","content_ro":"<h3>KINGS, Books of First and Second<\/h3>\n<p>Books continuing the history of the covenant people as recorded in Joshua, Judges, and the books of Samuel. The record in Kings begins with the events at the end of David’s reign (1 Kgs 1–2). It continues through the reign of Solomon (chs 3–11); the histories of the divided kingdoms (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17); and the history of the surviving kingdom in the south, through its fall in 586 <span>BC<\/span> and the subsequent kindness shown Jehoiachin by Evil-merodach, king of Babylon, around 561 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 18–25).<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Authorship and Date<\/p>\n<p>• Sources<\/p>\n<p>• Theology and Purpose<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"AuthorshipandDate\">Authorship and Date<\/p>\n<p>Kings was originally regarded as one book in the Hebrew canon; the division into two books of approximately equal length appeared first in the Septuagint and finally entered the Hebrew Bible in the 15th century <span>AD<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>The book itself is anonymous, and information about its author can only be deduced by examining the concerns and perspectives of the work. The Babylonian Talmud (<em>Baba Bathra<\/em> 15a) attributes Kings to Jeremiah. Although this identification could have arisen from the tendency of later Jewish tradition to assign biblical books to prophetic authors, the theory of origin in prophetic circles fits the evidence quite well. Substantial portions are given to the lives of the prophets; 16 of 47 chapters are devoted to the lives of Elijah and Elisha (1 Kgs 17—2 Kgs 10), and there is considerable interest in other prophetic figures such as Ahijah (1 Kgs 11:29-39; 14:1-16), an unnamed man of God (13:1-10), and Micaiah (22:13-28). Possible dependence on Isaiah (2 Kgs 18–20; cf. Is 36–39) and Jeremiah (2 Kgs 24–25; cf. Jer 52) also suggest prophetic origin. The author-compiler also shows intense concern with the efficacy of the prophetic word, frequently calling attention to the fulfillment of words spoken earlier by the prophets.<\/p>\n<p>One might initially think that such a history would be unlikely for a prophet, but the evidence is to the contrary. The prophets were the guardians of the covenant relationship and are known to have produced accounts used as sources by other biblical historians. The following are among such sources: the acts of Samuel the seer, the acts of Nathan the prophet, the acts of Gad the seer (1 Chr 29:29); the acts of Nathan the prophet, the prophecy of Ahijah the Shilonite, the visions of Iddo the seer (2 Chr 9:29); the chronicles of Shemaiah the prophet and of Iddo the seer (12:15); the annotations of the prophet Iddo (13:22); and the acts of Uzziah by Isaiah the prophet (26:22). Add to this the fact that Kings is positioned in the Hebrew canon in the Former Prophets (Joshua to 2 Kings), and a consistent picture of prophetic origin emerges.<\/p>\n<p>The date of the final part of the book must be after the last events recorded. Evil-merodach’s kindness toward Jehoiachin (c. 561 <span>BC<\/span>) is the terminus of the book and therefore fixes the earliest date. Since the work shows no knowledge of the restoration period, a date before 539 <span>BC<\/span> is probable. The author’s selection of his data to answer the burning theological questions of the exilic community also suggests a date between 561 and 539 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Sources\">Sources<\/p>\n<p>The compiler of Kings specifically names three of the sources that he used in his work, and biblical scholars have suggested the presence of a number of other sources that may have been cited. Of course, the sources not mentioned specifically by the compiler are only the speculations of those who have studied his work and can have only varying degrees of probability. The sources both specified and alleged are as follows.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the Acts of Solomon<\/h5>\n<p>As 1 Kings 11:41 says, “The rest of the events in Solomon’s reign, including his wisdom, are recorded in <em>The Book of the Acts of Solomon”<\/em> (<span>nlt<\/span>). Presumably additional materials of a biographical nature were included, specifically accounts similar to the judgment between the two mothers (3:16-28) or the visit of the queen of Sheba (10:1-10). There has been debate as to whether these materials were official court records or nonofficial documents. Some scholars have attempted to isolate further materials within this section by identifying descriptions of the buildings as from temple archives (chs 6–7) and lists of administrators as from administrative documents (chs 4–5), but this must remain speculative.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the History of the Kings of Israel<\/h5>\n<p>This source is mentioned 17 times in Kings, usually in the closing formulas at the end of the account of the reign of a northern king. Some idea of the nature of these chronicles can be derived from looking at the type of information to which the compiler refers his readers (see 1 Kgs 14:19; 16:27; 22:39; 2 Kgs 13:12; 14:28). These passages suggest that this source was the official annals covering the reigns of the kings.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the History of the Kings of Judah<\/h5>\n<p>This source is mentioned in 15 passages, and as with the kings of Israel, is found in the concluding formulas to the accounts of the reigns. This source was to be consulted for additional details on individuals’ reigns (for example, see 1 Kgs 15:23; 22:45; 2 Kgs 20:20; 21:17). These sources for the histories of the two kingdoms were probably similar to the annals known from the surrounding cultures, particularly from the reigns of Assyrian kings. They were likely official court histories kept in Samaria and Jerusalem.<\/p>\n<p>In addition to these explicitly mentioned sources, scholars have suggested the compiler drew on other sources that he does not name.<\/p>\n<h5>Davidic Court History<\/h5>\n<p>Second Samuel 9–20 is often identified as a unit of material in the composition of the books of Samuel; it is variously called “the court history” or “the succession narrative.” Because of similar vocabulary and outlook, 1 Kings 1–2 are often associated with this material from Samuel. The statement of 1 Kings 2:46, “so the kingdom was now firmly in Solomon’s grip,” is taken to be the end of this record.<\/p>\n<h5>Sources for the House of Ahab<\/h5>\n<p>The reigns of individual kings are ordinarily given only brief notices; for example, the father of Ahab, Omri, is given eight verses, even though when judged by political and economic significance, he was among the greatest of the northern kings (1 Kgs 16:21-28). However, beginning with the reign of Ahab, the record becomes quite expansive, and extensive coverage is given the dynasty of Ahab through the coup by Jehu (1 Kgs 16—2 Kgs 12). The use of the stereotyped formulas for the reigns is suspended in this material, and the existence of other literature used by the compiler is probable. This material is commonly subdivided into further sources for the lives of Elijah and Elisha and the reign of Ahab.<\/p>\n<p>The Elijah section covers material in the following chapters: 1 Kings 17–19, including the feeding by the ravens, the incidents with the widow of Zarephath, the drought, the fire on Carmel, and the revelation of God at Sinai; 1 Kings 21, the affair of Naboth’s vineyard; and 2 Kings 1, the death of Ahaziah’s messengers. The reign of Ahab, which gets so much attention in Kings, is primarily a backdrop for the accounts concerning Elijah.<\/p>\n<p>The Elisha material found in 2 Kings 2–13 may have had an independent literary development from that of the Elijah accounts. It includes the following: chapter 2 (Elisha’s succession to the prophetic office, the purification of a spring, the death of mocking children); chapter 3 (on the campaign against Moab); chapter 4 (the widow’s oil, the Shunammite woman); chapter 5 (Naaman’s leprosy); chapter 6 (the Aramean attempt to capture Elisha); chapter 7 (the famine in Samaria); chapter 8 (the Shunammite’s property, the coup of Hazael); chapter 9 (the anointing of Jehu); and chapter 13 (the death of Elisha). No other portion of the OT takes the sheer delight in the miraculous that is seen in the Elisha narratives.<\/p>\n<p>In 1 Kings 16 to 2 Kings 13 there are additional incidents not directly related to the biographies of Elijah and Elisha; accounts such as the military campaigns of 1 Kings 20:1-34 and further details of Jehu’s coup (2 Kgs 9:11–10:36) are often attributed to a third source containing accounts of the dynasty of Ahab and his successors. In all three of these possible sources the orientation is toward affairs in the northern kingdom.<\/p>\n<h5>Isaiah Source<\/h5>\n<p>The account of the reign of Hezekiah contains a section (2 Kgs 18:13–20:19) that is nearly a verbatim citation of material also found in Isaiah (Is 36:1–39:8). The section records the invasion of Sennacherib, the mission of the Rabshakeh, Hezekiah’s prayer, Isaiah’s prophecy, Hezekiah’s illness, the regression of the sun, and the envoys from Merodach-baladan. The material must be regarded as based on the book of Isaiah or some other source used in both Isaiah and Kings.<\/p>\n<h5>A Prophetic Source<\/h5>\n<p>Because Kings shows great interest in the prophets and their ministries, various scholars have suggested that yet another source was used by the compiler; this would be an independent literary unit containing accounts of the prophets. This source would have contained the records for the material on Ahijah (1 Kgs 11:29-39; 14:1-16), unnamed prophets (ch 12; 20:35-43), Micaiah (22:13-28), and other references.<\/p>\n<p>Apart from the sources explicitly mentioned and inferences about their character, the remainder of the sources suggested have only varying degrees of probability. Considerable scholarly effort has gone into identifying and characterizing such sources, but it remains speculative. When considering the sources the compiler may have used, one important caution must be kept in mind. Even if such sources did exist, one cannot have confidence in a reconstruction of the compositional history. Which sources had already been integrated into a larger composition before they were used by the compiler of Kings? We cannot be certain that the life situation out of which these other sources grew has been correctly identified, nor can we know that even the compiler himself was aware of the past history of his sources. Biblical scholarship has expended considerable energy in trying to delineate the past history of the book of Kings, but it has often been at the neglect of the unity of perspective that is the product of the final compiler(s) in whose hands the book received its canonical form.<\/p>\n<p>What is important to understanding the book is not the perspective of its various sources (of which the compiler himself may have been unaware), but the perspective of the book as a whole on the history of the kingdoms. It is the outline that the compiler has imposed on the sources that establishes the teaching of the book; his sources are used in accord with his own purposes, a fact that makes the purposes for which the sources had been prepared largely irrelevant to the teaching of the book in its present form. Exploring possible sources, worthwhile in itself, must not eclipse the message of the book as a whole. This is not to imply that the books of Kings are simply a compilation of unaltered sources. The writer(s) undoubtedly exercised a measure of selectivity and literary skill in composing the historical narrative.<\/p>\n<p>One compositional technique of the compiler is quite prominent in the histories of the divided kingdoms: this is the use of formulaic introductions and conclusions to the various reigns. The formulas for both kingdoms are quite similar, differing only in minor details. For the kings of Judah, the full introductory formula is as follows: (1) year of accession synchronized with the regnal year of the northern king; (2) age of the king at his accession; (3) length of his reign; (4) name of his mother; (5) judgment on the character of the reign. The account of a Judean king’s reign is concluded as follows: (1) a reference to the chronicles of the kings of Judah for further information; (2) a statement regarding the death of the king, including the place of burial; (3) successor: “And his son reigned in his stead” (<span>rsv<\/span>). The full formula for a Judean king can be seen, for example, in the reign of Rehoboam (1 Kgs 14:21-22, 29-31).<\/p>\n<p>The formulas differ slightly for the kings of Israel; the introduction is as follows: (1) year of succession synchronized with the regnal year of the southern king; (2) length of his reign; (3) location of the royal residence; (4) condemnation for idolatry; (5) name of the king’s father. The account of an Israelite king’s reign ends as follows: (1) a reference to the chronicles of the kings of Israel for further information; (2) a statement regarding his death; (3) a statement of the succession of his son, unless a usurper follows. The full formula for an Israelite king can be seen, for example, in the reign of Baasha (1 Kgs 15:33-34; 16:5-6).<\/p>\n<p>There is some variation in the use of these patterns, but on the whole, they are consistently followed and provide the basic framework for the history of the divided kingdom. The synchronisms of the reigns provide data for constructing the chronology of the period. The variations in the formulas may reflect the characteristics of the sources the compiler was using or may reflect his own interests. The name of the mother of a Judean king is recorded, but not of an Israelite king, perhaps reflecting concern with a more exact and fuller record of the Davidic succession. The royal residence is presumed to be Jerusalem for the southern kings (though it may be mentioned) but is recorded for the northern kings since it moved several times, from Shechem to Penuel to Tirzah to Samaria. The mention of the king’s father for a northern ruler also reflects the frequent change in dynasties there, as opposed to the dynastic stability of Judah, which is reinforced by mentioning the burial of almost all its kings in the city of David.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheologyandPurpose\">Theology and Purpose<\/p>\n<p>The books of Kings record the history of the covenant people from the end of the reign of David (961 <span>BC<\/span>) through the fall of the southern kingdom (586 <span>BC<\/span>). Yet it is not history written in accord with modern expectations for history textbooks. Rather than concentrating on economic, political, and military themes as they shaped the history of the period, the compiler of Kings is motivated by theological concerns.<\/p>\n<p>Evaluation of the theology and purpose of the books of Kings is made easier by the fact that there is a parallel history for much of Kings found in the books of Chronicles. By comparing the two accounts, especially where the later Chronicler adds or deletes material found in Kings, the interests of both histories are thrown into clearer relief.<\/p>\n<p>The books of Kings were composed during the exile, likely between 560 and 539 <span>BC<\/span>. Jerusalem had been turned into rubble, and there was no longer a throne of David. Those two pillars of the popular theology—the inviolability of the temple and the throne of David (Jer 7:4; 13:13-14; 22:1-9; see 1 Kgs 8:16, 29)—had tumbled. If Israel’s faith was to survive, the burning questions that had to be answered were “How did it all happen? Can’t God keep his promises to David and to Zion? Have the promises failed?” The writer of Kings aims to deal with the bewilderment of the chosen people in response to the disasters of 722 <span>BC<\/span> (fall of Samaria) and 586 <span>BC<\/span> (fall of Jerusalem). Kings, like the book of Job, is a theodicy, a justification of the ways of God to men.<\/p>\n<p>In order to answer the question “How did it happen?” the compiler adopts the procedure of recounting the history of the covenant people in light of standards propounded in the Law. For this reason Kings could be called Pentateuchal history, or even more pointedly, Deuteronomic history, for standards propounded only in the book of Deuteronomy in the Pentateuch are used by the compiler to measure the kingdoms. Among the prominent themes selected from Deuteronomy and applied to the kingdoms are the centralization of worship, the institution of the monarchy, the efficacy of the prophetic word, and the outworking of the covenant curses on disobedience.<\/p>\n<h5>Centralization of Worship<\/h5>\n<p>The primary concern of the writer is the purity of the worship of the Lord. His major criterion for measuring this purity is the attitude of the kings toward centralization of worship in the Jerusalem temple as opposed to the worship of the Lord elsewhere and the continuation of Canaanite cults mingled with Yahwism at the high places. Centralization of worship at the central shrine is called for in Deuteronomy 12. Perhaps “centralization of worship” is a misnomer, for worship was always centered around the tabernacle in the periods prior to the temple; the change that is envisaged in Deuteronomy is not the centralizing of worship but rather the fact that the shrine would no longer be mobile but stationary. For the kings of the northern kingdom, this criterion becomes virtually a stereotyped formula that “he did that which was evil in the sight of the Lord and walked in the way of Jeroboam son of Nebat, who sinned and made all Israel sin along with him” (see 1 Kgs 14:16; 15:30; 16:31; 2 Kgs 3:3; 10:31; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:22). The compiler of Kings sees the rival altars with the golden calves at Dan and Bethel as the great sin of which the northern kings never repented (1 Kgs 12:25–13:34). Rejecting the primacy of Jerusalem, these altars became the rod with which to measure the northern kings. All the kings of Israel are condemned by this standard (except for Shallum, who reigned but a month, and Hoshea, the last of the northern kings)—even Zimri, the murderer of Elah, who ruled only one week before committing suicide in the flames of his own palace (16:9-20). For the kings of Judah, a different standard is used: what their attitude was to the high places where heterodox worship was allowed to flourish in the environs of Jerusalem. Only Hezekiah and Josiah receive the compiler’s unqualified endorsement for following the ways of David (2 Kgs 18:3; 22:2). Six others are commended for their zeal in suppressing idolatry, though they did not remove the high places (Asa, 1 Kgs 15:9-15; Jehoshaphat, 22:43; Jehoash, 2 Kgs 12:2-3; Amaziah, 14:3-4; Azariah, 15:3-4; Jotham, 15:34-35). The remainder of the Judean kings are condemned for their participation in the high places and their desecration of the temple itself. This one theme is the preeminent motif in the book.<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Monarchy<\/h5>\n<p>A second prominent interest for the compiler was to trace the history of the monarchy. Deuteronomy 17:14-20 provides for the day when Israel would ask for a king and charges that king with the basic religious responsibility for the people. This provision for a king, again a feature found only in Deuteronomy, becomes the basis for the compiler’s intense interest in the history of the monarchy, and particularly the religious fidelity of the kings. David becomes the model of the ideal king, the one by whom the others are measured, the one whose sons “continue long in his kingdom in the midst of Israel” (17:20; see also 1 Kgs 15:11; 2 Kgs 18:3; 22:2 for following in the ways of David, and 1 Kgs 14:8; 15:3-5; 2 Kgs 14:3; 16:2 for the reverse). The compiler wanted to show that God had been faithful to David even though David’s sons were not faithful. While both kingdoms had about the same number of kings, the northern kingdom is marked by repeated dynastic changes and regicide through its 200 years, while the dynasty of David is maintained as a lamp in the south through 350 years (1 Kgs 11:13, 32, 36; 15:4-5; 2 Kgs 8:19; 19:34; 20:6). It is the disaster that had befallen the house of David, and the consequent doubts about the promises of God, that prompted the compiler to write.<\/p>\n<h5>Efficacy of the Prophetic Word<\/h5>\n<p>Another reason why Kings can be called Deuteronomic history is its concern with the efficacy of the prophetic word. There are three passages in the Pentateuch that deal with the institution of the prophetic order: Numbers 12:1-8; Deuteronomy 13:1-5; and Deuteronomy 18:14-22. It is only in Deuteronomy 18 that the test of a true prophet is given: that what he has spoken comes about, that his words are fulfilled. Notice the number of instances where the writer calls attention to the fulfillment of the words of the prophets: 2 Samuel 7:13 in 1 Kings 8:20; 1 Kings 11:29-36 in 12:15; 1 Kings 13:1-3 in 2 Kings 23:16-18; 1 Kings 14:6-12 in 14:17-18 and 15:29; 1 Kings 16:1-4 in 16:7, 11-12; Joshua 6:26 in 1 Kings 16:34; 1 Kings 22:17 in 22:35-38; 1 Kings 21:21-29 in 2 Kings 9:7-10, 30-37 and 10:10-11, 30; 2 Kings 1:6 in 1:17; 2 Kings 21:10-15 in 24:2; 2 Kings 22:15-20 in 23:30. The writer is concerned to show that the words of the prophets were efficacious, powerful words. His concern with the prophetic order is also seen in the material devoted to Elijah and Elisha and to other prophetic figures.<\/p>\n<h5>Fulfillment of the Curses<\/h5>\n<p>Another aspect of the compiler’s interest in Deuteronomy is seen in his concern to trace the fulfillment of the covenant curses on disobedience. God’s covenant with Israel would issue in curses or blessings depending on the obedience of the people; the compiler of Kings sees the curses inflicted on the two kingdoms because of their failure to meet the demands of the covenant. He takes care to show that most of the curses of Deuteronomy 28:15-68 had some historical realization in the life of the people. Moses had warned that disobedience would “bring a nation against you from afar, from the end of the earth, as the eagle swoops down” (Dt 28:49, <span>nasb<\/span>), and the Assyrians came to Samaria and the Babylonians to Jerusalem (28:52). The siege of Samaria lasted from 724 to 722 <span>BC<\/span>, and the siege of Jerusalem from 588 to 586 <span>BC<\/span>. The dire conditions of the siege would drive the people to devouring their own children; women would feed on their afterbirths. It happened to Israel in the siege of Ben-hadad (2 Kgs 6:24-30). Just as the Lord had delighted to prosper and multiply his people, so he would not refrain from destroying them and scattering them among the peoples of the earth (Dt 28:63-67).<\/p>\n<p>In these and other ways the writer of Kings set out to write the history of Israel and Judah to solve a theological dilemma. How was one to reconcile the exile with God’s promises to the nation and David? His answer is twofold: (1) the problem was not with God but with the people’s disobedience—God remains just; (2) the end of the state does not equal the end of the people or the house of David. Here the ending of the book is instructive: Evil-merodach releases Jehoiachin from prison, elevates him above the other kings, and provides his rations (2 Kgs 25:27-30). Even during the exile, though cut down to almost nothing, the house of David still enjoys the favor and blessing of God. God has not abandoned his promises; the people should keep hope.<\/p>\n<p>Other themes in Kings also show the theological motivations underlying the compiler’s selection and arrangement of the data, particularly his use of Deuteronomy as a framework for examining the history of the people. Compare the laws governing the observance of Passover in Exodus 12:1-20 and Deuteronomy 16:1-8: whereas the Passover is centered in the family in Exodus, it is celebrated at the sanctuary in Deuteronomy. The writer of Kings is careful to show that the Passover during the reign of Josiah was celebrated in accordance with the requirements of Deuteronomy (2 Kgs 23:21-23). A passage in Deuteronomy is explicitly cited with reference to Amaziah’s keeping the law (Dt 24:16 in 2 Kgs 14:6).<\/p>\n<h5>Contrast with Chronicles<\/h5>\n<p>The interests of Kings are further highlighted when compared with the parallel accounts in Chronicles. While the writer of Kings worked in the aftermath of the destruction of Jerusalem and had to answer the “how?” and “why?” questions, the Chronicler is part of the restoration community. Here the burning theological questions were not “how?” and “why?” but rather “What continuity do we have with David? Is God still interested in us?” The need is not to account for the exile but rather to relate the postexilic and the preexilic. The building of the second temple and the ordering of worship there show up in increased detail in Chronicles in any matter pertaining to the former temple. Chronicles is a history of Judah and of the Davidic line, reflecting the fact that it alone survives after the exile. Interesting, too, are the things omitted from the account by the Chronicler. Since he is not building a case for an indictment, as was done in Samuel and Kings, he is free to omit references to David’s sin with Bathsheba (2 Sm 11) or to Solomon’s difficulties in gaining the throne (1 Kgs 1–2). Since in his day the northern kingdom had not survived, the Chronicler did not go into detail about the sins of Jeroboam (chs 13–14). Chronicles is interested more in the affairs of the temple and does not show the marked interest in prophetic matters found in Kings, so that the lives of Elijah and Elisha are omitted (1 Kgs 16—2 Kgs 10). Nor does the Chronicler recite the sins that led to the demise of the northern kingdom (2 Kgs 17:1–18:12). In all these examples one can see the interplay of the historical moment and theological concerns of the people and the compilers. Each compiler has selected and arranged the data in accordance with the concerns and needs of the community in which he was a member; comparing the two accounts throws the interests of each into sharp relief.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n\n<p>The books of Kings fall into three parts: (1) the reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 1–11); (2) the history of the divided kingdom (1 Kgs 12–2 Kgs 17); (3) the history of the surviving kingdom in Judah (2 Kgs 18–25).<\/p>\n<h5>The Reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 1–11)<\/h5>\n<p>The record begins with an account of the court intrigue surrounding Solomon’s accession to the throne, set against the backdrop of the abortive coup by Adonijah (ch 1). The dying David charges Solomon to obey the commandments of God (2:1-4) and also to take vengeance on his enemies (vv 5-9). After David’s death Solomon orders the deaths of Adonijah, Joab, and Shimei, and the banishment of Abiathar, the priest who had supported Adonijah in his bid for the throne (vv 13-46). Enemies eliminated, the kingdom was firmly established by Solomon (v 46).<\/p>\n<p>The remainder of Solomon’s reign is divided into two parts: Solomon the good, who follows in the ways of his father, David (chs 3–10); and Solomon the bad, whose heart is led astray (ch 11). While sacrificing at Gibeon, Solomon asks God to give him the gift of wisdom to rule—wisdom promptly demonstrated in the quarrel of two prostitutes about a child (ch 3). An account is given of the administrative organization of the kingdom and the incomparable wisdom of Solomon (ch 4). The compiler of Kings gives extensive coverage to the preparations (ch 5), building (chs 6–7), and dedication (ch 8) of the temple. God appeared to Solomon a second time, reminding him to keep his commandments as David had done (9:1-9). Details are given of the king’s building and commercial activities (vv 10-27). The account of the visit by the queen of Sheba is followed with elaboration of Solomon’s splendor (ch 10). But Solomon did not keep God’s commands; seduced to pagan worship by his foreign wives, he was not fully devoted to the Lord as David had been (11:4), and God determined to take away the northern tribes from the rule of his son (vv 11-13). As punishment from the hand of God, Solomon faced rebellion among conquered peoples (vv 14-25) and within Israel in the person of Jeroboam (vv 26-40).<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Divided Kingdom (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17)<\/h5>\n\n<p>The united monarchy dissolved after the death of Solomon. The northern kingdom (Israel) would exist for about two centuries, would be ruled by 20 kings from nine different dynasties, and would show a history of internal weakness riddled with regicide and usurpation. In contrast, the southern kingdom would last for three and a half centuries and would be ruled by 19 kings of Davidic descent (apart from a short period under the dynastic interloper Athaliah).<\/p>\n<p>There had been a long history of independent action and even warfare between the northern and southern tribes prior to David and Solomon, so it is no surprise that the division would take place along the lines that it did. The immediate cause, however, was the unwise severity with which Rehoboam replied to the representatives of the northern tribes while negotiating for the kingship. Jeroboam, the popular hero of the earlier insurrection against Solomon, became king in the north. He immediately erected the rival sanctuaries at Dan and Bethel (1 Kgs 12); these rival altars became the measure by which the kings of Israel were condemned for following in the sins of Jeroboam.<\/p>\n<p>For two generations there would be warfare between Israel and Judah over the border areas in Benjamin claimed by both sides. Fifty years of sporadic fighting on their mutual frontier, interlaced with invasions from the Arameans in the north or the Egyptians in the south, would consume the reigns of Jeroboam, Nadab, Baasha, Elah, and Zimri in Israel and of Rehoboam, Abijam, and Asa in Judah (1 Kgs 13:1–16:20).<\/p>\n<p>The accession of Omri in Israel introduced a ruling house that would last for a total of four generations and end the dynastic instability of the northern kingdom. Though Kings gives Omri a scant eight verses (1 Kgs 16:21-28), he was among the greatest of the northern kings, forging alliances with the Phoenicians and Judah; for over a century, the Assyrians would call Israel “the house of Omri.”<\/p>\n<p>The reigns of Omri’s successors, Ahab, Ahaziah, and Jehoram, are treated at disproportionate length, taking almost a third of the total book, 16 of 47 chapters (1 Kgs 17—2 Kgs 10). This is due to the fact that the compiler of Kings incorporated extensive coverage of the lives of Elijah and Elisha, weaving a contrast between good and evil by paralleling the dynasty of Omri with these prophets. Ahab and Jezebel were used as foils for the account of Elijah, so that Ahab became a paradigm of the evil king (e.g., 2 Kgs 21:3).<\/p>\n<p>Because of this preoccupation with the dynasty of Omri and the lives of Elijah and Elisha, the equivalent period in Judah is not given as extensive coverage. During this period, the northern kingdom appears to have exercised some hegemony over Judah, as attested by the marriage of an Omride (Athaliah, 2 Kgs 8:18, 26) to Jehoram of Judah and the subservient role of Jehoshaphat to Ahab at the battle of Ramoth-gilead (1 Kgs 22). Judah’s fortunes declined in this period when Edom revolted against Jehoram (2 Kgs 8:20-22), costing Judah control over the port at Ezion-geber and consequent economic losses.<\/p>\n<p>In 842 <span>BC<\/span> Jehu, after being anointed king by a prophet (2 Kgs 9:1-13), led a coup ending the house of Omri and also killing Ahaziah of Judah (vv 14-29). Jehu’s purge also brought the death of Jezebel, Ahab’s family, members of the family of Ahaziah, and the ministers of Baal (9:30–10:36). The consequences were severe politically: the murder of the Phoenician princess Jezebel and the king of Judah cost Israel its allies to the north and south.<\/p>\n<p>Jehu’s dynasty had the longest succession of any in Israel, including Jehoahaz, Jehoash, Jeroboam II, and Zechariah, a period spanning 90 years. Jehu’s murder of Ahaziah of Judah set the stage for the one threat to the continuity of the Davidic dynasty. Queen Athaliah, herself an Omride, seized the throne and attempted a purge of Davidic pretenders. She ruled for six years, until the faithful priest Jehoiada staged a countercoup to place the child Joash on the throne of David (ch 11).<\/p>\n<p>Israel endured a half century of weakness as a result of Jehu’s coup, during which the Arameans had a free hand, reducing the forces of Jehu’s son Jehoahaz to a small army and bodyguard (2 Kgs 13:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>The reemergence of Assyria early in the ninth century <span>BC<\/span> gave relief to Israel and Judah. Assyrian armies conquered the Arameans; with that threat removed, Israel and Judah enjoyed a dramatic resurgence. Jehoash of Israel, grandson of Jehu, reconquered cities lost to the Arameans (2 Kgs 13:25); Elisha died during his reign (v 20). In the south Amaziah reconquered the Edomites (14:7). Amaziah and Jehoash renewed the warfare between the kingdoms, with the north again victorious (vv 8-14).<\/p>\n<p>Under Jeroboam II, Israel enjoyed a period of prosperity when the borders of the kingdom reached the same extent as they had under Solomon (2 Kgs 14:23-28). Uzziah (Azariah), his contemporary in Judah, also fortified Jerusalem and undertook a program of offensive operations extending Judah’s sway to the south (14:21-22; 15:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>Yet this resurgence was but a brilliant sunset in the history of the two kingdoms. After the death of Jeroboam II, the history is one of successive disasters, culminating in the fall of Israel and the subjugation of Judah to the might of Assyria. The next 30 years in Israel would see four dynasties, three represented by only one king, and repeated regicides as the northern kingdom hastened to its demise. A period of civil war and anarchy would see five kings in just over ten years (2 Kgs 15). Heavy tribute was paid to Tiglath-pileser III in both the north and south (15:19-20; 16:7-10). Israel and the Arameans forged a coalition to throw back the Assyrians and sought to press Ahaz of Judah into the fight; Ahaz appealed to Tiglath-pileser III for help. The coalition was destroyed, and Israel and Judah became vassals. Hoshea defected as soon as he felt safe, looking to Egypt for help, but it was suicide for the northern kingdom. Shalmaneser V retaliated, and the political history of the state of Israel came to an end (17:1-23). The area was resettled with other displaced populations (vv 24-41).<\/p>\n<p>Israel had faced the Arameans and survived, only to fall to Assyria. And now, similarly, Judah would outlast Assyria, only to fall to Babylon.<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Surviving Kingdom of Judah (2 Kgs 18–25)<\/h5>\n<p>Ahaz’s appeal for Assyrian aid cost him his liberty, and Judah became a vassal of the Assyrian Empire. Illegitimate worship flourished under his rule (2 Kgs 16:1-19). Ahaz was succeeded by the first of the outstanding reform kings of Judah: Hezekiah. Much of the account of his reign is given to his rebellion against Sennacherib of Assyria: the rebellion, the Assyrian envoys and threats, Isaiah’s assurances of deliverance, and the destruction of the Assyrian armies (18:9–19:37). Hezekiah’s illness was averted after a sign and oracle from Isaiah (20:1-11). As part of what appears to be negotiations toward an anti-Assyrian alliance, Hezekiah also entertained envoys from Babylon, a decision that the prophet announced would be costly (vv 12-21).<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah was followed by Manasseh, who ruled longer than any other king of Judah (a total of 55 years). His reign was marked by great apostasy—apostasy so severe that the compiler of Kings regarded his reign as sufficient reason for the exile that was unavoidable (2 Kgs 21:1-18; cf. 23:26; 24:3-4; Jer 15:1-4). Manasseh was followed by his son Amon, a carbon copy of his father, who ruled only two years before he was deposed by the people (2 Kings 21:19-26).<\/p>\n<p>The second great reform king of Judah, Josiah, followed. In his reign the Book of the Law was found while the temple was being refurbished; he led the people in a renewal of the covenant and suppressed illegitimate worship (2 Kgs 22:1–23:14). The Assyrian Empire was in rapid decline, so Josiah extended his borders to the north, destroying the altar at Bethel and the high places throughout Samaria (23:15-20). A great Passover celebration was convened in Jerusalem, and further measures were taken to rectify worship (vv 21-25). Josiah tried to block Pharaoh Neco’s foray to assist Assyria, and he lost his life at Megiddo (vv 26-30).<\/p>\n<p>Josiah was the only king of Judah to have three of his sons succeed him. At his death the people put Jehoahaz on the throne, but Neco removed him three months later and took him to Egypt in chains (2 Kgs 23:31-33), replacing him with another son of Josiah, Eliakim, whose name was changed to Jehoiakim (vv 34-37). During his reign, Nebuchadnezzar conquered Judah, and Jehoiakim became his vassal. Late in his life Jehoiakim rebelled against Nebuchadnezzar. Jehoiakim died, leaving his son Jehoiachin to face retaliation from Babylon (24:1-10). Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem; when the city fell, Jehoiachin, the queen mother, the army, and the leaders of the land were carried away captive. Nebuchadnezzar put Mattaniah (uncle of Jehoiachin and third son of Josiah) on the throne, changing his name to Zedekiah (vv 11-17). Nine years later Zedekiah, too, would rebel against Babylon. Nebuchadnezzar besieged the city for two years and, when it fell, utterly destroyed it. Zedekiah’s sons were killed before his eyes, and then his own eyes were put out, and he was taken to Babylon (24:18–25:21). Nebuchadnezzar appointed Gedaliah to rule as governor from nearby Mizpah; he was assassinated, and the conspirators fled to Egypt (25:22-26).<\/p>\n<p>The book concludes by showing that God had not forgotten his promise to David, mentioning that in captivity Jehoiachin enjoyed favor from the hand of Evil-merodach, successor of Nebuchadnezzar (2 Kgs 25:27-30).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Chronicles, Books of First and Second.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>KINGS, Books of First and Second<\/h3>\n<p>Books continuing the history of the covenant people as recorded in Joshua, Judges, and the books of Samuel. The record in Kings begins with the events at the end of David’s reign (1 Kgs 1–2). It continues through the reign of Solomon (chs 3–11); the histories of the divided kingdoms (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17); and the history of the surviving kingdom in the south, through its fall in 586 <span>BC<\/span> and the subsequent kindness shown Jehoiachin by Evil-merodach, king of Babylon, around 561 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 18–25).<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Authorship and Date<\/p>\n<p>• Sources<\/p>\n<p>• Theology and Purpose<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"AuthorshipandDate\">Authorship and Date<\/p>\n<p>Kings was originally regarded as one book in the Hebrew canon; the division into two books of approximately equal length appeared first in the Septuagint and finally entered the Hebrew Bible in the 15th century <span>AD<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>The book itself is anonymous, and information about its author can only be deduced by examining the concerns and perspectives of the work. The Babylonian Talmud (<em>Baba Bathra<\/em> 15a) attributes Kings to Jeremiah. Although this identification could have arisen from the tendency of later Jewish tradition to assign biblical books to prophetic authors, the theory of origin in prophetic circles fits the evidence quite well. Substantial portions are given to the lives of the prophets; 16 of 47 chapters are devoted to the lives of Elijah and Elisha (1 Kgs 17—2 Kgs 10), and there is considerable interest in other prophetic figures such as Ahijah (1 Kgs 11:29-39; 14:1-16), an unnamed man of God (13:1-10), and Micaiah (22:13-28). Possible dependence on Isaiah (2 Kgs 18–20; cf. Is 36–39) and Jeremiah (2 Kgs 24–25; cf. Jer 52) also suggest prophetic origin. The author-compiler also shows intense concern with the efficacy of the prophetic word, frequently calling attention to the fulfillment of words spoken earlier by the prophets.<\/p>\n<p>One might initially think that such a history would be unlikely for a prophet, but the evidence is to the contrary. The prophets were the guardians of the covenant relationship and are known to have produced accounts used as sources by other biblical historians. The following are among such sources: the acts of Samuel the seer, the acts of Nathan the prophet, the acts of Gad the seer (1 Chr 29:29); the acts of Nathan the prophet, the prophecy of Ahijah the Shilonite, the visions of Iddo the seer (2 Chr 9:29); the chronicles of Shemaiah the prophet and of Iddo the seer (12:15); the annotations of the prophet Iddo (13:22); and the acts of Uzziah by Isaiah the prophet (26:22). Add to this the fact that Kings is positioned in the Hebrew canon in the Former Prophets (Joshua to 2 Kings), and a consistent picture of prophetic origin emerges.<\/p>\n<p>The date of the final part of the book must be after the last events recorded. Evil-merodach’s kindness toward Jehoiachin (c. 561 <span>BC<\/span>) is the terminus of the book and therefore fixes the earliest date. Since the work shows no knowledge of the restoration period, a date before 539 <span>BC<\/span> is probable. The author’s selection of his data to answer the burning theological questions of the exilic community also suggests a date between 561 and 539 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Sources\">Sources<\/p>\n<p>The compiler of Kings specifically names three of the sources that he used in his work, and biblical scholars have suggested the presence of a number of other sources that may have been cited. Of course, the sources not mentioned specifically by the compiler are only the speculations of those who have studied his work and can have only varying degrees of probability. The sources both specified and alleged are as follows.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the Acts of Solomon<\/h5>\n<p>As 1 Kings 11:41 says, “The rest of the events in Solomon’s reign, including his wisdom, are recorded in <em>The Book of the Acts of Solomon”<\/em> (<span>nlt<\/span>). Presumably additional materials of a biographical nature were included, specifically accounts similar to the judgment between the two mothers (3:16-28) or the visit of the queen of Sheba (10:1-10). There has been debate as to whether these materials were official court records or nonofficial documents. Some scholars have attempted to isolate further materials within this section by identifying descriptions of the buildings as from temple archives (chs 6–7) and lists of administrators as from administrative documents (chs 4–5), but this must remain speculative.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the History of the Kings of Israel<\/h5>\n<p>This source is mentioned 17 times in Kings, usually in the closing formulas at the end of the account of the reign of a northern king. Some idea of the nature of these chronicles can be derived from looking at the type of information to which the compiler refers his readers (see 1 Kgs 14:19; 16:27; 22:39; 2 Kgs 13:12; 14:28). These passages suggest that this source was the official annals covering the reigns of the kings.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the History of the Kings of Judah<\/h5>\n<p>This source is mentioned in 15 passages, and as with the kings of Israel, is found in the concluding formulas to the accounts of the reigns. This source was to be consulted for additional details on individuals’ reigns (for example, see 1 Kgs 15:23; 22:45; 2 Kgs 20:20; 21:17). These sources for the histories of the two kingdoms were probably similar to the annals known from the surrounding cultures, particularly from the reigns of Assyrian kings. They were likely official court histories kept in Samaria and Jerusalem.<\/p>\n<p>In addition to these explicitly mentioned sources, scholars have suggested the compiler drew on other sources that he does not name.<\/p>\n<h5>Davidic Court History<\/h5>\n<p>Second Samuel 9–20 is often identified as a unit of material in the composition of the books of Samuel; it is variously called “the court history” or “the succession narrative.” Because of similar vocabulary and outlook, 1 Kings 1–2 are often associated with this material from Samuel. The statement of 1 Kings 2:46, “so the kingdom was now firmly in Solomon’s grip,” is taken to be the end of this record.<\/p>\n<h5>Sources for the House of Ahab<\/h5>\n<p>The reigns of individual kings are ordinarily given only brief notices; for example, the father of Ahab, Omri, is given eight verses, even though when judged by political and economic significance, he was among the greatest of the northern kings (1 Kgs 16:21-28). However, beginning with the reign of Ahab, the record becomes quite expansive, and extensive coverage is given the dynasty of Ahab through the coup by Jehu (1 Kgs 16—2 Kgs 12). The use of the stereotyped formulas for the reigns is suspended in this material, and the existence of other literature used by the compiler is probable. This material is commonly subdivided into further sources for the lives of Elijah and Elisha and the reign of Ahab.<\/p>\n<p>The Elijah section covers material in the following chapters: 1 Kings 17–19, including the feeding by the ravens, the incidents with the widow of Zarephath, the drought, the fire on Carmel, and the revelation of God at Sinai; 1 Kings 21, the affair of Naboth’s vineyard; and 2 Kings 1, the death of Ahaziah’s messengers. The reign of Ahab, which gets so much attention in Kings, is primarily a backdrop for the accounts concerning Elijah.<\/p>\n<p>The Elisha material found in 2 Kings 2–13 may have had an independent literary development from that of the Elijah accounts. It includes the following: chapter 2 (Elisha’s succession to the prophetic office, the purification of a spring, the death of mocking children); chapter 3 (on the campaign against Moab); chapter 4 (the widow’s oil, the Shunammite woman); chapter 5 (Naaman’s leprosy); chapter 6 (the Aramean attempt to capture Elisha); chapter 7 (the famine in Samaria); chapter 8 (the Shunammite’s property, the coup of Hazael); chapter 9 (the anointing of Jehu); and chapter 13 (the death of Elisha). No other portion of the OT takes the sheer delight in the miraculous that is seen in the Elisha narratives.<\/p>\n<p>In 1 Kings 16 to 2 Kings 13 there are additional incidents not directly related to the biographies of Elijah and Elisha; accounts such as the military campaigns of 1 Kings 20:1-34 and further details of Jehu’s coup (2 Kgs 9:11–10:36) are often attributed to a third source containing accounts of the dynasty of Ahab and his successors. In all three of these possible sources the orientation is toward affairs in the northern kingdom.<\/p>\n<h5>Isaiah Source<\/h5>\n<p>The account of the reign of Hezekiah contains a section (2 Kgs 18:13–20:19) that is nearly a verbatim citation of material also found in Isaiah (Is 36:1–39:8). The section records the invasion of Sennacherib, the mission of the Rabshakeh, Hezekiah’s prayer, Isaiah’s prophecy, Hezekiah’s illness, the regression of the sun, and the envoys from Merodach-baladan. The material must be regarded as based on the book of Isaiah or some other source used in both Isaiah and Kings.<\/p>\n<h5>A Prophetic Source<\/h5>\n<p>Because Kings shows great interest in the prophets and their ministries, various scholars have suggested that yet another source was used by the compiler; this would be an independent literary unit containing accounts of the prophets. This source would have contained the records for the material on Ahijah (1 Kgs 11:29-39; 14:1-16), unnamed prophets (ch 12; 20:35-43), Micaiah (22:13-28), and other references.<\/p>\n<p>Apart from the sources explicitly mentioned and inferences about their character, the remainder of the sources suggested have only varying degrees of probability. Considerable scholarly effort has gone into identifying and characterizing such sources, but it remains speculative. When considering the sources the compiler may have used, one important caution must be kept in mind. Even if such sources did exist, one cannot have confidence in a reconstruction of the compositional history. Which sources had already been integrated into a larger composition before they were used by the compiler of Kings? We cannot be certain that the life situation out of which these other sources grew has been correctly identified, nor can we know that even the compiler himself was aware of the past history of his sources. Biblical scholarship has expended considerable energy in trying to delineate the past history of the book of Kings, but it has often been at the neglect of the unity of perspective that is the product of the final compiler(s) in whose hands the book received its canonical form.<\/p>\n<p>What is important to understanding the book is not the perspective of its various sources (of which the compiler himself may have been unaware), but the perspective of the book as a whole on the history of the kingdoms. It is the outline that the compiler has imposed on the sources that establishes the teaching of the book; his sources are used in accord with his own purposes, a fact that makes the purposes for which the sources had been prepared largely irrelevant to the teaching of the book in its present form. Exploring possible sources, worthwhile in itself, must not eclipse the message of the book as a whole. This is not to imply that the books of Kings are simply a compilation of unaltered sources. The writer(s) undoubtedly exercised a measure of selectivity and literary skill in composing the historical narrative.<\/p>\n<p>One compositional technique of the compiler is quite prominent in the histories of the divided kingdoms: this is the use of formulaic introductions and conclusions to the various reigns. The formulas for both kingdoms are quite similar, differing only in minor details. For the kings of Judah, the full introductory formula is as follows: (1) year of accession synchronized with the regnal year of the northern king; (2) age of the king at his accession; (3) length of his reign; (4) name of his mother; (5) judgment on the character of the reign. The account of a Judean king’s reign is concluded as follows: (1) a reference to the chronicles of the kings of Judah for further information; (2) a statement regarding the death of the king, including the place of burial; (3) successor: “And his son reigned in his stead” (<span>rsv<\/span>). The full formula for a Judean king can be seen, for example, in the reign of Rehoboam (1 Kgs 14:21-22, 29-31).<\/p>\n<p>The formulas differ slightly for the kings of Israel; the introduction is as follows: (1) year of succession synchronized with the regnal year of the southern king; (2) length of his reign; (3) location of the royal residence; (4) condemnation for idolatry; (5) name of the king’s father. The account of an Israelite king’s reign ends as follows: (1) a reference to the chronicles of the kings of Israel for further information; (2) a statement regarding his death; (3) a statement of the succession of his son, unless a usurper follows. The full formula for an Israelite king can be seen, for example, in the reign of Baasha (1 Kgs 15:33-34; 16:5-6).<\/p>\n<p>There is some variation in the use of these patterns, but on the whole, they are consistently followed and provide the basic framework for the history of the divided kingdom. The synchronisms of the reigns provide data for constructing the chronology of the period. The variations in the formulas may reflect the characteristics of the sources the compiler was using or may reflect his own interests. The name of the mother of a Judean king is recorded, but not of an Israelite king, perhaps reflecting concern with a more exact and fuller record of the Davidic succession. The royal residence is presumed to be Jerusalem for the southern kings (though it may be mentioned) but is recorded for the northern kings since it moved several times, from Shechem to Penuel to Tirzah to Samaria. The mention of the king’s father for a northern ruler also reflects the frequent change in dynasties there, as opposed to the dynastic stability of Judah, which is reinforced by mentioning the burial of almost all its kings in the city of David.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheologyandPurpose\">Theology and Purpose<\/p>\n<p>The books of Kings record the history of the covenant people from the end of the reign of David (961 <span>BC<\/span>) through the fall of the southern kingdom (586 <span>BC<\/span>). Yet it is not history written in accord with modern expectations for history textbooks. Rather than concentrating on economic, political, and military themes as they shaped the history of the period, the compiler of Kings is motivated by theological concerns.<\/p>\n<p>Evaluation of the theology and purpose of the books of Kings is made easier by the fact that there is a parallel history for much of Kings found in the books of Chronicles. By comparing the two accounts, especially where the later Chronicler adds or deletes material found in Kings, the interests of both histories are thrown into clearer relief.<\/p>\n<p>The books of Kings were composed during the exile, likely between 560 and 539 <span>BC<\/span>. Jerusalem had been turned into rubble, and there was no longer a throne of David. Those two pillars of the popular theology—the inviolability of the temple and the throne of David (Jer 7:4; 13:13-14; 22:1-9; see 1 Kgs 8:16, 29)—had tumbled. If Israel’s faith was to survive, the burning questions that had to be answered were “How did it all happen? Can’t God keep his promises to David and to Zion? Have the promises failed?” The writer of Kings aims to deal with the bewilderment of the chosen people in response to the disasters of 722 <span>BC<\/span> (fall of Samaria) and 586 <span>BC<\/span> (fall of Jerusalem). Kings, like the book of Job, is a theodicy, a justification of the ways of God to men.<\/p>\n<p>In order to answer the question “How did it happen?” the compiler adopts the procedure of recounting the history of the covenant people in light of standards propounded in the Law. For this reason Kings could be called Pentateuchal history, or even more pointedly, Deuteronomic history, for standards propounded only in the book of Deuteronomy in the Pentateuch are used by the compiler to measure the kingdoms. Among the prominent themes selected from Deuteronomy and applied to the kingdoms are the centralization of worship, the institution of the monarchy, the efficacy of the prophetic word, and the outworking of the covenant curses on disobedience.<\/p>\n<h5>Centralization of Worship<\/h5>\n<p>The primary concern of the writer is the purity of the worship of the Lord. His major criterion for measuring this purity is the attitude of the kings toward centralization of worship in the Jerusalem temple as opposed to the worship of the Lord elsewhere and the continuation of Canaanite cults mingled with Yahwism at the high places. Centralization of worship at the central shrine is called for in Deuteronomy 12. Perhaps “centralization of worship” is a misnomer, for worship was always centered around the tabernacle in the periods prior to the temple; the change that is envisaged in Deuteronomy is not the centralizing of worship but rather the fact that the shrine would no longer be mobile but stationary. For the kings of the northern kingdom, this criterion becomes virtually a stereotyped formula that “he did that which was evil in the sight of the Lord and walked in the way of Jeroboam son of Nebat, who sinned and made all Israel sin along with him” (see 1 Kgs 14:16; 15:30; 16:31; 2 Kgs 3:3; 10:31; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:22). The compiler of Kings sees the rival altars with the golden calves at Dan and Bethel as the great sin of which the northern kings never repented (1 Kgs 12:25–13:34). Rejecting the primacy of Jerusalem, these altars became the rod with which to measure the northern kings. All the kings of Israel are condemned by this standard (except for Shallum, who reigned but a month, and Hoshea, the last of the northern kings)—even Zimri, the murderer of Elah, who ruled only one week before committing suicide in the flames of his own palace (16:9-20). For the kings of Judah, a different standard is used: what their attitude was to the high places where heterodox worship was allowed to flourish in the environs of Jerusalem. Only Hezekiah and Josiah receive the compiler’s unqualified endorsement for following the ways of David (2 Kgs 18:3; 22:2). Six others are commended for their zeal in suppressing idolatry, though they did not remove the high places (Asa, 1 Kgs 15:9-15; Jehoshaphat, 22:43; Jehoash, 2 Kgs 12:2-3; Amaziah, 14:3-4; Azariah, 15:3-4; Jotham, 15:34-35). The remainder of the Judean kings are condemned for their participation in the high places and their desecration of the temple itself. This one theme is the preeminent motif in the book.<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Monarchy<\/h5>\n<p>A second prominent interest for the compiler was to trace the history of the monarchy. Deuteronomy 17:14-20 provides for the day when Israel would ask for a king and charges that king with the basic religious responsibility for the people. This provision for a king, again a feature found only in Deuteronomy, becomes the basis for the compiler’s intense interest in the history of the monarchy, and particularly the religious fidelity of the kings. David becomes the model of the ideal king, the one by whom the others are measured, the one whose sons “continue long in his kingdom in the midst of Israel” (17:20; see also 1 Kgs 15:11; 2 Kgs 18:3; 22:2 for following in the ways of David, and 1 Kgs 14:8; 15:3-5; 2 Kgs 14:3; 16:2 for the reverse). The compiler wanted to show that God had been faithful to David even though David’s sons were not faithful. While both kingdoms had about the same number of kings, the northern kingdom is marked by repeated dynastic changes and regicide through its 200 years, while the dynasty of David is maintained as a lamp in the south through 350 years (1 Kgs 11:13, 32, 36; 15:4-5; 2 Kgs 8:19; 19:34; 20:6). It is the disaster that had befallen the house of David, and the consequent doubts about the promises of God, that prompted the compiler to write.<\/p>\n<h5>Efficacy of the Prophetic Word<\/h5>\n<p>Another reason why Kings can be called Deuteronomic history is its concern with the efficacy of the prophetic word. There are three passages in the Pentateuch that deal with the institution of the prophetic order: Numbers 12:1-8; Deuteronomy 13:1-5; and Deuteronomy 18:14-22. It is only in Deuteronomy 18 that the test of a true prophet is given: that what he has spoken comes about, that his words are fulfilled. Notice the number of instances where the writer calls attention to the fulfillment of the words of the prophets: 2 Samuel 7:13 in 1 Kings 8:20; 1 Kings 11:29-36 in 12:15; 1 Kings 13:1-3 in 2 Kings 23:16-18; 1 Kings 14:6-12 in 14:17-18 and 15:29; 1 Kings 16:1-4 in 16:7, 11-12; Joshua 6:26 in 1 Kings 16:34; 1 Kings 22:17 in 22:35-38; 1 Kings 21:21-29 in 2 Kings 9:7-10, 30-37 and 10:10-11, 30; 2 Kings 1:6 in 1:17; 2 Kings 21:10-15 in 24:2; 2 Kings 22:15-20 in 23:30. The writer is concerned to show that the words of the prophets were efficacious, powerful words. His concern with the prophetic order is also seen in the material devoted to Elijah and Elisha and to other prophetic figures.<\/p>\n<h5>Fulfillment of the Curses<\/h5>\n<p>Another aspect of the compiler’s interest in Deuteronomy is seen in his concern to trace the fulfillment of the covenant curses on disobedience. God’s covenant with Israel would issue in curses or blessings depending on the obedience of the people; the compiler of Kings sees the curses inflicted on the two kingdoms because of their failure to meet the demands of the covenant. He takes care to show that most of the curses of Deuteronomy 28:15-68 had some historical realization in the life of the people. Moses had warned that disobedience would “bring a nation against you from afar, from the end of the earth, as the eagle swoops down” (Dt 28:49, <span>nasb<\/span>), and the Assyrians came to Samaria and the Babylonians to Jerusalem (28:52). The siege of Samaria lasted from 724 to 722 <span>BC<\/span>, and the siege of Jerusalem from 588 to 586 <span>BC<\/span>. The dire conditions of the siege would drive the people to devouring their own children; women would feed on their afterbirths. It happened to Israel in the siege of Ben-hadad (2 Kgs 6:24-30). Just as the Lord had delighted to prosper and multiply his people, so he would not refrain from destroying them and scattering them among the peoples of the earth (Dt 28:63-67).<\/p>\n<p>In these and other ways the writer of Kings set out to write the history of Israel and Judah to solve a theological dilemma. How was one to reconcile the exile with God’s promises to the nation and David? His answer is twofold: (1) the problem was not with God but with the people’s disobedience—God remains just; (2) the end of the state does not equal the end of the people or the house of David. Here the ending of the book is instructive: Evil-merodach releases Jehoiachin from prison, elevates him above the other kings, and provides his rations (2 Kgs 25:27-30). Even during the exile, though cut down to almost nothing, the house of David still enjoys the favor and blessing of God. God has not abandoned his promises; the people should keep hope.<\/p>\n<p>Other themes in Kings also show the theological motivations underlying the compiler’s selection and arrangement of the data, particularly his use of Deuteronomy as a framework for examining the history of the people. Compare the laws governing the observance of Passover in Exodus 12:1-20 and Deuteronomy 16:1-8: whereas the Passover is centered in the family in Exodus, it is celebrated at the sanctuary in Deuteronomy. The writer of Kings is careful to show that the Passover during the reign of Josiah was celebrated in accordance with the requirements of Deuteronomy (2 Kgs 23:21-23). A passage in Deuteronomy is explicitly cited with reference to Amaziah’s keeping the law (Dt 24:16 in 2 Kgs 14:6).<\/p>\n<h5>Contrast with Chronicles<\/h5>\n<p>The interests of Kings are further highlighted when compared with the parallel accounts in Chronicles. While the writer of Kings worked in the aftermath of the destruction of Jerusalem and had to answer the “how?” and “why?” questions, the Chronicler is part of the restoration community. Here the burning theological questions were not “how?” and “why?” but rather “What continuity do we have with David? Is God still interested in us?” The need is not to account for the exile but rather to relate the postexilic and the preexilic. The building of the second temple and the ordering of worship there show up in increased detail in Chronicles in any matter pertaining to the former temple. Chronicles is a history of Judah and of the Davidic line, reflecting the fact that it alone survives after the exile. Interesting, too, are the things omitted from the account by the Chronicler. Since he is not building a case for an indictment, as was done in Samuel and Kings, he is free to omit references to David’s sin with Bathsheba (2 Sm 11) or to Solomon’s difficulties in gaining the throne (1 Kgs 1–2). Since in his day the northern kingdom had not survived, the Chronicler did not go into detail about the sins of Jeroboam (chs 13–14). Chronicles is interested more in the affairs of the temple and does not show the marked interest in prophetic matters found in Kings, so that the lives of Elijah and Elisha are omitted (1 Kgs 16—2 Kgs 10). Nor does the Chronicler recite the sins that led to the demise of the northern kingdom (2 Kgs 17:1–18:12). In all these examples one can see the interplay of the historical moment and theological concerns of the people and the compilers. Each compiler has selected and arranged the data in accordance with the concerns and needs of the community in which he was a member; comparing the two accounts throws the interests of each into sharp relief.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n\n<p>The books of Kings fall into three parts: (1) the reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 1–11); (2) the history of the divided kingdom (1 Kgs 12–2 Kgs 17); (3) the history of the surviving kingdom in Judah (2 Kgs 18–25).<\/p>\n<h5>The Reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 1–11)<\/h5>\n<p>The record begins with an account of the court intrigue surrounding Solomon’s accession to the throne, set against the backdrop of the abortive coup by Adonijah (ch 1). The dying David charges Solomon to obey the commandments of God (2:1-4) and also to take vengeance on his enemies (vv 5-9). After David’s death Solomon orders the deaths of Adonijah, Joab, and Shimei, and the banishment of Abiathar, the priest who had supported Adonijah in his bid for the throne (vv 13-46). Enemies eliminated, the kingdom was firmly established by Solomon (v 46).<\/p>\n<p>The remainder of Solomon’s reign is divided into two parts: Solomon the good, who follows in the ways of his father, David (chs 3–10); and Solomon the bad, whose heart is led astray (ch 11). While sacrificing at Gibeon, Solomon asks God to give him the gift of wisdom to rule—wisdom promptly demonstrated in the quarrel of two prostitutes about a child (ch 3). An account is given of the administrative organization of the kingdom and the incomparable wisdom of Solomon (ch 4). The compiler of Kings gives extensive coverage to the preparations (ch 5), building (chs 6–7), and dedication (ch 8) of the temple. God appeared to Solomon a second time, reminding him to keep his commandments as David had done (9:1-9). Details are given of the king’s building and commercial activities (vv 10-27). The account of the visit by the queen of Sheba is followed with elaboration of Solomon’s splendor (ch 10). But Solomon did not keep God’s commands; seduced to pagan worship by his foreign wives, he was not fully devoted to the Lord as David had been (11:4), and God determined to take away the northern tribes from the rule of his son (vv 11-13). As punishment from the hand of God, Solomon faced rebellion among conquered peoples (vv 14-25) and within Israel in the person of Jeroboam (vv 26-40).<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Divided Kingdom (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17)<\/h5>\n\n<p>The united monarchy dissolved after the death of Solomon. The northern kingdom (Israel) would exist for about two centuries, would be ruled by 20 kings from nine different dynasties, and would show a history of internal weakness riddled with regicide and usurpation. In contrast, the southern kingdom would last for three and a half centuries and would be ruled by 19 kings of Davidic descent (apart from a short period under the dynastic interloper Athaliah).<\/p>\n<p>There had been a long history of independent action and even warfare between the northern and southern tribes prior to David and Solomon, so it is no surprise that the division would take place along the lines that it did. The immediate cause, however, was the unwise severity with which Rehoboam replied to the representatives of the northern tribes while negotiating for the kingship. Jeroboam, the popular hero of the earlier insurrection against Solomon, became king in the north. He immediately erected the rival sanctuaries at Dan and Bethel (1 Kgs 12); these rival altars became the measure by which the kings of Israel were condemned for following in the sins of Jeroboam.<\/p>\n<p>For two generations there would be warfare between Israel and Judah over the border areas in Benjamin claimed by both sides. Fifty years of sporadic fighting on their mutual frontier, interlaced with invasions from the Arameans in the north or the Egyptians in the south, would consume the reigns of Jeroboam, Nadab, Baasha, Elah, and Zimri in Israel and of Rehoboam, Abijam, and Asa in Judah (1 Kgs 13:1–16:20).<\/p>\n<p>The accession of Omri in Israel introduced a ruling house that would last for a total of four generations and end the dynastic instability of the northern kingdom. Though Kings gives Omri a scant eight verses (1 Kgs 16:21-28), he was among the greatest of the northern kings, forging alliances with the Phoenicians and Judah; for over a century, the Assyrians would call Israel “the house of Omri.”<\/p>\n<p>The reigns of Omri’s successors, Ahab, Ahaziah, and Jehoram, are treated at disproportionate length, taking almost a third of the total book, 16 of 47 chapters (1 Kgs 17—2 Kgs 10). This is due to the fact that the compiler of Kings incorporated extensive coverage of the lives of Elijah and Elisha, weaving a contrast between good and evil by paralleling the dynasty of Omri with these prophets. Ahab and Jezebel were used as foils for the account of Elijah, so that Ahab became a paradigm of the evil king (e.g., 2 Kgs 21:3).<\/p>\n<p>Because of this preoccupation with the dynasty of Omri and the lives of Elijah and Elisha, the equivalent period in Judah is not given as extensive coverage. During this period, the northern kingdom appears to have exercised some hegemony over Judah, as attested by the marriage of an Omride (Athaliah, 2 Kgs 8:18, 26) to Jehoram of Judah and the subservient role of Jehoshaphat to Ahab at the battle of Ramoth-gilead (1 Kgs 22). Judah’s fortunes declined in this period when Edom revolted against Jehoram (2 Kgs 8:20-22), costing Judah control over the port at Ezion-geber and consequent economic losses.<\/p>\n<p>In 842 <span>BC<\/span> Jehu, after being anointed king by a prophet (2 Kgs 9:1-13), led a coup ending the house of Omri and also killing Ahaziah of Judah (vv 14-29). Jehu’s purge also brought the death of Jezebel, Ahab’s family, members of the family of Ahaziah, and the ministers of Baal (9:30–10:36). The consequences were severe politically: the murder of the Phoenician princess Jezebel and the king of Judah cost Israel its allies to the north and south.<\/p>\n<p>Jehu’s dynasty had the longest succession of any in Israel, including Jehoahaz, Jehoash, Jeroboam II, and Zechariah, a period spanning 90 years. Jehu’s murder of Ahaziah of Judah set the stage for the one threat to the continuity of the Davidic dynasty. Queen Athaliah, herself an Omride, seized the throne and attempted a purge of Davidic pretenders. She ruled for six years, until the faithful priest Jehoiada staged a countercoup to place the child Joash on the throne of David (ch 11).<\/p>\n<p>Israel endured a half century of weakness as a result of Jehu’s coup, during which the Arameans had a free hand, reducing the forces of Jehu’s son Jehoahaz to a small army and bodyguard (2 Kgs 13:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>The reemergence of Assyria early in the ninth century <span>BC<\/span> gave relief to Israel and Judah. Assyrian armies conquered the Arameans; with that threat removed, Israel and Judah enjoyed a dramatic resurgence. Jehoash of Israel, grandson of Jehu, reconquered cities lost to the Arameans (2 Kgs 13:25); Elisha died during his reign (v 20). In the south Amaziah reconquered the Edomites (14:7). Amaziah and Jehoash renewed the warfare between the kingdoms, with the north again victorious (vv 8-14).<\/p>\n<p>Under Jeroboam II, Israel enjoyed a period of prosperity when the borders of the kingdom reached the same extent as they had under Solomon (2 Kgs 14:23-28). Uzziah (Azariah), his contemporary in Judah, also fortified Jerusalem and undertook a program of offensive operations extending Judah’s sway to the south (14:21-22; 15:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>Yet this resurgence was but a brilliant sunset in the history of the two kingdoms. After the death of Jeroboam II, the history is one of successive disasters, culminating in the fall of Israel and the subjugation of Judah to the might of Assyria. The next 30 years in Israel would see four dynasties, three represented by only one king, and repeated regicides as the northern kingdom hastened to its demise. A period of civil war and anarchy would see five kings in just over ten years (2 Kgs 15). Heavy tribute was paid to Tiglath-pileser III in both the north and south (15:19-20; 16:7-10). Israel and the Arameans forged a coalition to throw back the Assyrians and sought to press Ahaz of Judah into the fight; Ahaz appealed to Tiglath-pileser III for help. The coalition was destroyed, and Israel and Judah became vassals. Hoshea defected as soon as he felt safe, looking to Egypt for help, but it was suicide for the northern kingdom. Shalmaneser V retaliated, and the political history of the state of Israel came to an end (17:1-23). The area was resettled with other displaced populations (vv 24-41).<\/p>\n<p>Israel had faced the Arameans and survived, only to fall to Assyria. And now, similarly, Judah would outlast Assyria, only to fall to Babylon.<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Surviving Kingdom of Judah (2 Kgs 18–25)<\/h5>\n<p>Ahaz’s appeal for Assyrian aid cost him his liberty, and Judah became a vassal of the Assyrian Empire. Illegitimate worship flourished under his rule (2 Kgs 16:1-19). Ahaz was succeeded by the first of the outstanding reform kings of Judah: Hezekiah. Much of the account of his reign is given to his rebellion against Sennacherib of Assyria: the rebellion, the Assyrian envoys and threats, Isaiah’s assurances of deliverance, and the destruction of the Assyrian armies (18:9–19:37). Hezekiah’s illness was averted after a sign and oracle from Isaiah (20:1-11). As part of what appears to be negotiations toward an anti-Assyrian alliance, Hezekiah also entertained envoys from Babylon, a decision that the prophet announced would be costly (vv 12-21).<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah was followed by Manasseh, who ruled longer than any other king of Judah (a total of 55 years). His reign was marked by great apostasy—apostasy so severe that the compiler of Kings regarded his reign as sufficient reason for the exile that was unavoidable (2 Kgs 21:1-18; cf. 23:26; 24:3-4; Jer 15:1-4). Manasseh was followed by his son Amon, a carbon copy of his father, who ruled only two years before he was deposed by the people (2 Kings 21:19-26).<\/p>\n<p>The second great reform king of Judah, Josiah, followed. In his reign the Book of the Law was found while the temple was being refurbished; he led the people in a renewal of the covenant and suppressed illegitimate worship (2 Kgs 22:1–23:14). The Assyrian Empire was in rapid decline, so Josiah extended his borders to the north, destroying the altar at Bethel and the high places throughout Samaria (23:15-20). A great Passover celebration was convened in Jerusalem, and further measures were taken to rectify worship (vv 21-25). Josiah tried to block Pharaoh Neco’s foray to assist Assyria, and he lost his life at Megiddo (vv 26-30).<\/p>\n<p>Josiah was the only king of Judah to have three of his sons succeed him. At his death the people put Jehoahaz on the throne, but Neco removed him three months later and took him to Egypt in chains (2 Kgs 23:31-33), replacing him with another son of Josiah, Eliakim, whose name was changed to Jehoiakim (vv 34-37). During his reign, Nebuchadnezzar conquered Judah, and Jehoiakim became his vassal. Late in his life Jehoiakim rebelled against Nebuchadnezzar. Jehoiakim died, leaving his son Jehoiachin to face retaliation from Babylon (24:1-10). Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem; when the city fell, Jehoiachin, the queen mother, the army, and the leaders of the land were carried away captive. Nebuchadnezzar put Mattaniah (uncle of Jehoiachin and third son of Josiah) on the throne, changing his name to Zedekiah (vv 11-17). Nine years later Zedekiah, too, would rebel against Babylon. Nebuchadnezzar besieged the city for two years and, when it fell, utterly destroyed it. Zedekiah’s sons were killed before his eyes, and then his own eyes were put out, and he was taken to Babylon (24:18–25:21). Nebuchadnezzar appointed Gedaliah to rule as governor from nearby Mizpah; he was assassinated, and the conspirators fled to Egypt (25:22-26).<\/p>\n<p>The book concludes by showing that God had not forgotten his promise to David, mentioning that in captivity Jehoiachin enjoyed favor from the hand of Evil-merodach, successor of Nebuchadnezzar (2 Kgs 25:27-30).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Chronicles, Books of First and Second.<\/p>","summary_ro":"KINGS, Books of First and Second Books continuing the history of the covenant people as recorded in Joshua, Judges, and the books of Samuel. The record in Kings begins with the events at the end of David’s reign (1 Kgs 1–2). It continues through the reign of Solomon (chs 3–11); the histories of the divided kingdoms (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17); and the history of the surviving kingdom in the south, through its fall in 586 BC and the subsequent kindness shown Jehoiachin by Evil-merodach, king of Babylo...","summary_en":"KINGS, Books of First and Second Books continuing the history of the covenant people as recorded in Joshua, Judges, and the books of Samuel. The record in Kings begins with the events at the end of David’s reign (1 Kgs 1–2). It continues through the reign of Solomon (chs 3–11); the histories of the divided kingdoms (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17); and the history of the surviving kingdom in the south, through its fall in 586 BC and the subsequent kindness shown Jehoiachin by Evil-merodach, king of Babylo...","source":"Articles\/K.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":24213,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Manasseh (Person)","title_en":"Manasseh (Person)","content_ro":"<h3>MANASSEH (P<span>erson<\/span>)<\/h3>\n<li>1. Firstborn son of Joseph and his Egyptian wife, Asenath (Gn 41:50-51). Manasseh, along with Ephraim his brother, visited their grandfather Jacob on his deathbed. Jacob announced that Manasseh and Ephraim were to be considered his own, not Joseph’s sons (Gn 48:5-6), and that Manasseh, the firstborn, would have descendants not quite as great as those of Ephraim (vv 13-20). This explains why Ephraim and Manasseh (in that order) provided their names for two of the 12 tribes of Israel but Joseph did not, at least in most listings (cf. Rv 7:6). Manasseh also founded the Manassite family (Dt 4:43; 2 Kgs 10:33).<\/li>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Manasseh, Tribe of.<\/p>\n<li>2. KJV translation for Moses in Judges 18:30. In Hebrew the two names differ by only one letter. Apparently an early scribe was offended that this verse connected Moses’ grandson with idolatry, so he changed the name to Manasseh to preserve Moses’ reputation. <em>See<\/em> Moses.<\/li>\n<li>3. Thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>) and Jesus’ ancestor (Mt 1:10); notorious for his long and wicked reign, described in 2 Kings 21:1-26 and 2 Chronicles 33:1-20. His father was the godly king Hezekiah, and his mother was Hephzibah (2 Kgs 21:1).<\/li>\n<p>At the age of 12 he became co-ruler with his father. In 686 <span>BC<\/span> his father died and he became sole monarch at only 23. His 55-year reign (2 Kgs 21:1) is dated from the beginning of his co-regency, so he ruled 11 years as co-regent and 44 years as sole king—longer than any other king in Judah or in Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the Judean kings, even resorting to a series of murders, presumably to stay in power (21:16; 24:4). In addition to murder, among his sins listed in 2 Kings 21:2-9 are rebuilding the high places for pagan worship; encouraging Baal, sun, moon, and star worship; and burning his son as a child sacrifice (21:6; cf. 23:10; Jer 7:31).<\/p>\n<p>Second Chronicles 33:11-16 indicates that he was taken as a prisoner of war to Babylon, that he genuinely repented there, that God restored him as king, and that he tried to abolish his former pagan practices and to restore proper worship of God alone. Skepticism about this account is not warranted, even though unparalleled in 2 Kings. Surviving Assyrian records twice mention Manasseh, saying that he faithfully provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esar-haddon (681–669 <span>BC<\/span>) and that he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (669–627 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Though Pharaoh Neco’s similar captivity and release is mentioned, Manasseh’s is not.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span>, at the age of 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded kings like Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:16; 32:33). His son Amon reverted to his father’s wicked practices, but reigned only two years (642–640 <span>BC<\/span>) before being assassinated. It was his godly grandson Josiah (640–609 <span>BC<\/span>) who led the people back to the true worship of Yahweh (2 Kgs 23:4-14). But even his reforms could not avert the judgment promised on account of Manasseh’s sins (vv 26-27).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Prayer of Manasseh.<\/p>\n<li>4. Pahath-moab’s son, who obeyed Ezra’s exhortation to divorce his pagan wife after the exile (Ezr 10:30).<\/li>\n<li>5. Hashum’s son, who obeyed Ezra’s exhortation to divorce his pagan wife after the exile (Ezr 10:33).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>MANASSEH (P<span>erson<\/span>)<\/h3>\n<li>1. Firstborn son of Joseph and his Egyptian wife, Asenath (Gn 41:50-51). Manasseh, along with Ephraim his brother, visited their grandfather Jacob on his deathbed. Jacob announced that Manasseh and Ephraim were to be considered his own, not Joseph’s sons (Gn 48:5-6), and that Manasseh, the firstborn, would have descendants not quite as great as those of Ephraim (vv 13-20). This explains why Ephraim and Manasseh (in that order) provided their names for two of the 12 tribes of Israel but Joseph did not, at least in most listings (cf. Rv 7:6). Manasseh also founded the Manassite family (Dt 4:43; 2 Kgs 10:33).<\/li>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Manasseh, Tribe of.<\/p>\n<li>2. KJV translation for Moses in Judges 18:30. In Hebrew the two names differ by only one letter. Apparently an early scribe was offended that this verse connected Moses’ grandson with idolatry, so he changed the name to Manasseh to preserve Moses’ reputation. <em>See<\/em> Moses.<\/li>\n<li>3. Thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>) and Jesus’ ancestor (Mt 1:10); notorious for his long and wicked reign, described in 2 Kings 21:1-26 and 2 Chronicles 33:1-20. His father was the godly king Hezekiah, and his mother was Hephzibah (2 Kgs 21:1).<\/li>\n<p>At the age of 12 he became co-ruler with his father. In 686 <span>BC<\/span> his father died and he became sole monarch at only 23. His 55-year reign (2 Kgs 21:1) is dated from the beginning of his co-regency, so he ruled 11 years as co-regent and 44 years as sole king—longer than any other king in Judah or in Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the Judean kings, even resorting to a series of murders, presumably to stay in power (21:16; 24:4). In addition to murder, among his sins listed in 2 Kings 21:2-9 are rebuilding the high places for pagan worship; encouraging Baal, sun, moon, and star worship; and burning his son as a child sacrifice (21:6; cf. 23:10; Jer 7:31).<\/p>\n<p>Second Chronicles 33:11-16 indicates that he was taken as a prisoner of war to Babylon, that he genuinely repented there, that God restored him as king, and that he tried to abolish his former pagan practices and to restore proper worship of God alone. Skepticism about this account is not warranted, even though unparalleled in 2 Kings. Surviving Assyrian records twice mention Manasseh, saying that he faithfully provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esar-haddon (681–669 <span>BC<\/span>) and that he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (669–627 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Though Pharaoh Neco’s similar captivity and release is mentioned, Manasseh’s is not.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span>, at the age of 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded kings like Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:16; 32:33). His son Amon reverted to his father’s wicked practices, but reigned only two years (642–640 <span>BC<\/span>) before being assassinated. It was his godly grandson Josiah (640–609 <span>BC<\/span>) who led the people back to the true worship of Yahweh (2 Kgs 23:4-14). But even his reforms could not avert the judgment promised on account of Manasseh’s sins (vv 26-27).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Prayer of Manasseh.<\/p>\n<li>4. Pahath-moab’s son, who obeyed Ezra’s exhortation to divorce his pagan wife after the exile (Ezr 10:30).<\/li>\n<li>5. Hashum’s son, who obeyed Ezra’s exhortation to divorce his pagan wife after the exile (Ezr 10:33).<\/li>","summary_ro":"MANASSEH (Person) 1. Firstborn son of Joseph and his Egyptian wife, Asenath (Gn 41:50-51). Manasseh, along with Ephraim his brother, visited their grandfather Jacob on his deathbed. Jacob announced that Manasseh and Ephraim were to be considered his own, not Joseph’s sons (Gn 48:5-6), and that Manasseh, the firstborn, would have descendants not quite as great as those of Ephraim (vv 13-20). This explains why Ephraim and Manasseh (in that order) provided their names for two of the 12 tribes of...","summary_en":"MANASSEH (Person) 1. Firstborn son of Joseph and his Egyptian wife, Asenath (Gn 41:50-51). Manasseh, along with Ephraim his brother, visited their grandfather Jacob on his deathbed. Jacob announced that Manasseh and Ephraim were to be considered his own, not Joseph’s sons (Gn 48:5-6), and that Manasseh, the firstborn, would have descendants not quite as great as those of Ephraim (vv 13-20). This explains why Ephraim and Manasseh (in that order) provided their names for two of the 12 tribes of...","source":"Articles\/M.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":26880,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Book of Nahum","title_en":"Book of Nahum","content_ro":"<h3>NAHUM, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Seventh book in the canonical grouping of the 12 Minor Prophets. Its significance and importance lie in the strategic place it holds in delineating the plan and program of God in relationship to both Judah and the nations of the world.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Background<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>Nahum is identified as an Elkoshite in the superscription to the book (Na 1:1). The term is somewhat doubtful in meaning but probably refers to a city now unknown. If the term does refer to a geographical location, it may be the village of Elcesi in Judah.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>The book of Nahum deals with the fall of two great cities, Nineveh and Thebes. The fall of Thebes is cited in 3:8-10, and the entire book deals with the destruction of Nineveh, the capital of Assyria, which was yet future. Thebes was destroyed by the Assyrians around 663 <span>BC<\/span>, and Nineveh fell in 612 <span>BC<\/span>. Within this range of history a number of dates for the composition of Nahum have been suggested. Some scholars prefer a date very close to the fall of Nineveh, perhaps during the time when Assyria was being invaded. However, Assyria’s influence extended to Judah at the time of the writing of the book (1:13-15; 2:2), a fact that is hardly consonant with the impending downfall of that nation. Since the influence of Assyria in the western provinces began to decline in the latter half of the seventh century, it is best to place the writing of the book in the middle of the seventh century, subsequent to the destruction of Thebes but before the erosion of Assyrian power in Syro-Palestine.<\/p>\n<p>Scholars who deny the validity of biblical prophecy generally date the book in the period subsequent to the fall of Nineveh.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Background\">Background<\/p>\n<p>The extent of Assyrian dominance in the mid-seventh century was unparalleled. Never before had Assyrian influence extended so far. The destruction of Thebes brought to an end any significant resistance to Assyria by Egypt, their most powerful foe.<\/p>\n<p>The destruction of Thebes occurred during the reign of Manasseh of Judah (696–642 <span>BC<\/span>), who was, for all intents and purposes, a vassal of the Assyrians. Assyrian influence in Judah led to the intrusion of non-Yahwistic influences, such as the revival of fertility cults and the worship of Assyrian astral deities (2 Kgs 21:1-9).<\/p>\n<p>Within the structure of Assyria’s enormous expansion there were many weaknesses that would bring about the decline and eventual demise of that empire. For one thing, it had overextended itself. The task of keeping hostile captive countries in line, many of which were at vast distances from the capital, became increasingly difficult.<\/p>\n<p>Assyria began to experience internal difficulties, particularly with the Chaldeans, a group of loosely knit tribes who had been absorbed into the Assyrian Empire. Egypt also began to withhold tribute. Numerous border raids by barbarians caused the empire to gradually weaken.<\/p>\n<p>The situation worsened as the internal strife began to burgeon into a major crisis. Finally a coalition of Babylonians, Medes, and Scythians brought about the collapse of Assyria when, after a three-month siege, Nineveh fell in 612 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>The site of Nineveh was excavated in 1840 by Henry Layard. The excavation revealed that the city was heavily fortified. Evidence still remains of the moats and bulwarks constructed for its defense. The palace of Sennacherib, with its 71 rooms decorated with artistic works, was also uncovered by Layard. Even though the palace lay buried for millennia, it still revealed the splendor of the days of Nineveh’s greatness.<\/p>\n<p>The prophet Nahum predicted that the city would be burned (Na 2:13). In his description of the city, Layard indicated that a great fire had destroyed Nineveh. This became evident even when only two small portions of the tell had been explored. The massive gates of the city, which Nahum said would be open to its enemies (3:13), were also burned. The massive sculptures that originally stood by the gates were found buried in debris of earth, brick, and stones mixed with charcoal.<\/p>\n<p>An important archaeological find is a Babylonian chronicle recording events in the reign of the Babylonian king Nabopolassar (625–605 <span>BC<\/span>). This chronicle fixes the date of the fall of Nineveh, placing it in the 14th year of Nabopolassar—that is, 612 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTheologicalTeaching\">Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>The purpose of the book of Nahum is to predict the downfall of the Assyrian Empire as prefigured in its capital city, Nineveh. It sets forth the mighty power of God revealed in the arena of history.<\/p>\n<p>At first glance the book may seem to be lacking substantial theological teaching. It is, after all, an extended ode celebrating the downfall of a pagan city. However, when one looks at history from the perspective of a prophet, history becomes the context for the revelation of many of God’s attributes.<\/p>\n<p>In chapter 1 the prophet weaves several significant theological themes into his account of the demise of the city. He sets forth the fact that God loves and cares for his own. In 1:7 he describes the Lord as knowing those who take refuge in him. In 1:13 God promises the end of Assyrian oppression of Judah.<\/p>\n<p>God’s sovereignty is set forth as well. God is sovereign over the nations that oppose him (1:2). He is sovereign over nature, for the clouds are but the dust of his feet (v 3). God cannot be defied (v 6). He is the sovereign of his people (v 13).<\/p>\n<p>Basic to the theological structure of the book is its affirmation that God is the Lord of history. History is the arena of his activity. God is not merely an abstract concept to the prophet, nor is he a disinterested deity. He brings nations into being and he destroys them. History is not under the control of godless nations or fortuitous events; it is under the control of the Creator.<\/p>\n<p>Nahum points out that God does not deal with people only in wrath. His wrath is revealed against those who oppose him. He deals in tenderness and love with those who find him to be their refuge.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>Superscription (1:1)<\/h5>\n<p>Like other prophetic books, Nahum begins with a superscription. It attributes the authorship of the book to the prophet Nahum. The first part of the superscription reads, “An oracle concerning Nineveh,” which indicates the book’s content.<\/p>\n<h5>The Prophet Considers the Wrath and Might of God (1:2-6)<\/h5>\n<p>The message of the prophet begins with a descriptive account of a number of attributes of God, specifically his anger and sovereign power. The statement that God is a jealous God (1:2) is not to be understood as attributing selfish motives to God. Rather, it expresses God’s intense devotion and loyalty to those who are his own.<\/p>\n<p>Basic to this section is the affirmation that God takes vengeance on his foes. This theological principle is the basis for Nahum’s description of the fall of Nineveh. That Assyria was an enemy of God was made clear in history. The Assyrians were not only an instrument used by God to punish his people, but also they were a pagan people who opposed and harassed the Hebrews at every opportunity. Their conquest and exile of the kingdom of Israel was the ultimate manifestation of their opposition to Yahweh. Perhaps it was this dreadful period in Hebrew history that was uppermost in Nahum’s mind.<\/p>\n<p>An opening statement in this book says, “The <span>Lord<\/span> is slow to get angry, but his power is great, and he never lets the guilty go unpunished” (1:3, <span>nlt<\/span>). Even toward his enemies God acts in grace; he does not lash out in uncontrolled rage but deals with them to change their ways. The statement “he never lets the guilty go unpunished” is an allusion to the great affirmation of God in Exodus 34:6. It is best translated, “He will not completely clear the guilty,” which affirms that God forgives but often allows the effects of sin to have their course. This is illustrated in the case of David, whose sin with Bathsheba was forgiven, but the child of the union died. The destruction of Nineveh was thus certain to occur, according to the theological principle established by Nahum: God punishes those who oppose him.<\/p>\n<p>The sovereignty of God over the sphere of nature is established in Nahum 1:3b-6. It, too, is the arena in which his awesome power is revealed.<\/p>\n<h5>The Fall of Nineveh and the Deliverance of Israel (1:7-15)<\/h5>\n<p>The prophet then turned to the city of Nineveh in direct address. In verse 11 he speaks of one who comes forth from Assyria plotting evil against the Lord—a reminder of the Rabshakeh, the Assyrian emissary cited in Isaiah 36:14-20 as counseling the people to give in to his demands for surrender. The words of doom for Nineveh become words of comfort for Judah, for Nahum says that Assyria will afflict them no longer (Na 1:12).<\/p>\n<p>The ultimacy of the destruction of the city is set forth in verses 13-15. No longer would Assyria rise to afflict the Jews. This great truth is celebrated in verse 15, where the prophet encourages the people to return to their worship of God, for they will no longer have Assyria as an enemy.<\/p>\n<h5>The Fall of Nineveh (2:1-13)<\/h5>\n<p>The literary style of Nahum in this section is superb. The fast-moving action, expressed by concise, almost clipped phrasing, lends an atmosphere of excitement and urgency to the description of the collapse of the city. One hears the orders of the defenders in these words: “Sound the alarm! Man the ramparts! Muster your defenses, and keep a sharp watch for the enemy attack to begin!” (2:1, <span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>Nahum seems to describe the rush into the city just moments after the walls had been breached. One sees the flashes of red as shields are brandished (2:3) and hears the crushing sound of the madly dashing chariots (v 4), but the defenders are too late (v 5).<\/p>\n<p>An important part of Nineveh’s defensive structure were the moats that surrounded the city. These moats, fed by two rivers in the vicinity, are alluded to in 2:6, 8. But these moats can’t keep back the invaders.<\/p>\n<p>The language again becomes vivid, punctuated with brisk commands: “Stop, stop!” (2:8). And the invaders are heard to say, “Loot the silver! Plunder the gold!” Finally the siege is over, and there is only desolation and ruin (v 10).<\/p>\n<p>This section closes with a reference to lions (2:11-13). Lions in the OT often stand for the wicked, particularly when the wicked devour the righteous. Assyria was very lionlike in its treatment of the Jews. But God declares that he is against the Assyrians (v 13) and will completely cut them off.<\/p>\n<p>This section, vivid and colorful in its style, contains a deep theological message that should not be overlooked. It affirms God’s activity in history and assures the believer that the enemies of God will never ultimately conquer the people of God. For God is almighty; he is an avenging God who jealously cares for his own.<\/p>\n<h5>A Lament for Nineveh (3:1-19)<\/h5>\n<p>The prophet pronounces “woe” on the city in a lengthy ode celebrating Nineveh’s fall. If he seems to get undue satisfaction from Nineveh’s destruction, it is not necessarily because he has a cruel nature. The OT writers viewed the godless nations of the world as the personification of evil. When Nineveh fell, the sphere of history witnessed God’s conquest of evil in that particular realm.<\/p>\n<p>In 3:1-7 the prophet speaks of the shame that Nineveh will experience as a result of her fall. He describes one of the causes of Assyria’s downfall as her sorceries and harlotries (3:4). This is an evident reference to the idolatrous religion of Assyria. The Assyrian priests were noted for their use of divination and omens. Particularly noteworthy were their attempts to predict the future by observing the motions of the heavenly bodies.<\/p>\n<p>The prophet pointed to other countries that fell prey to their enemies (3:8-11) and affirmed that Assyria is no better than these. He closed by describing the grandeur and might of Nineveh, but he vividly showed how all of that would pass away. Whether it is fortifications (v 12) or extensive trade (v 16), or soldiers (v 17)—all will crumble.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Israel, History of; Nahum (Person) #1; Prophecy; Prophet, Prophetess.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>NAHUM, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Seventh book in the canonical grouping of the 12 Minor Prophets. Its significance and importance lie in the strategic place it holds in delineating the plan and program of God in relationship to both Judah and the nations of the world.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Background<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>Nahum is identified as an Elkoshite in the superscription to the book (Na 1:1). The term is somewhat doubtful in meaning but probably refers to a city now unknown. If the term does refer to a geographical location, it may be the village of Elcesi in Judah.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>The book of Nahum deals with the fall of two great cities, Nineveh and Thebes. The fall of Thebes is cited in 3:8-10, and the entire book deals with the destruction of Nineveh, the capital of Assyria, which was yet future. Thebes was destroyed by the Assyrians around 663 <span>BC<\/span>, and Nineveh fell in 612 <span>BC<\/span>. Within this range of history a number of dates for the composition of Nahum have been suggested. Some scholars prefer a date very close to the fall of Nineveh, perhaps during the time when Assyria was being invaded. However, Assyria’s influence extended to Judah at the time of the writing of the book (1:13-15; 2:2), a fact that is hardly consonant with the impending downfall of that nation. Since the influence of Assyria in the western provinces began to decline in the latter half of the seventh century, it is best to place the writing of the book in the middle of the seventh century, subsequent to the destruction of Thebes but before the erosion of Assyrian power in Syro-Palestine.<\/p>\n<p>Scholars who deny the validity of biblical prophecy generally date the book in the period subsequent to the fall of Nineveh.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Background\">Background<\/p>\n<p>The extent of Assyrian dominance in the mid-seventh century was unparalleled. Never before had Assyrian influence extended so far. The destruction of Thebes brought to an end any significant resistance to Assyria by Egypt, their most powerful foe.<\/p>\n<p>The destruction of Thebes occurred during the reign of Manasseh of Judah (696–642 <span>BC<\/span>), who was, for all intents and purposes, a vassal of the Assyrians. Assyrian influence in Judah led to the intrusion of non-Yahwistic influences, such as the revival of fertility cults and the worship of Assyrian astral deities (2 Kgs 21:1-9).<\/p>\n<p>Within the structure of Assyria’s enormous expansion there were many weaknesses that would bring about the decline and eventual demise of that empire. For one thing, it had overextended itself. The task of keeping hostile captive countries in line, many of which were at vast distances from the capital, became increasingly difficult.<\/p>\n<p>Assyria began to experience internal difficulties, particularly with the Chaldeans, a group of loosely knit tribes who had been absorbed into the Assyrian Empire. Egypt also began to withhold tribute. Numerous border raids by barbarians caused the empire to gradually weaken.<\/p>\n<p>The situation worsened as the internal strife began to burgeon into a major crisis. Finally a coalition of Babylonians, Medes, and Scythians brought about the collapse of Assyria when, after a three-month siege, Nineveh fell in 612 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>The site of Nineveh was excavated in 1840 by Henry Layard. The excavation revealed that the city was heavily fortified. Evidence still remains of the moats and bulwarks constructed for its defense. The palace of Sennacherib, with its 71 rooms decorated with artistic works, was also uncovered by Layard. Even though the palace lay buried for millennia, it still revealed the splendor of the days of Nineveh’s greatness.<\/p>\n<p>The prophet Nahum predicted that the city would be burned (Na 2:13). In his description of the city, Layard indicated that a great fire had destroyed Nineveh. This became evident even when only two small portions of the tell had been explored. The massive gates of the city, which Nahum said would be open to its enemies (3:13), were also burned. The massive sculptures that originally stood by the gates were found buried in debris of earth, brick, and stones mixed with charcoal.<\/p>\n<p>An important archaeological find is a Babylonian chronicle recording events in the reign of the Babylonian king Nabopolassar (625–605 <span>BC<\/span>). This chronicle fixes the date of the fall of Nineveh, placing it in the 14th year of Nabopolassar—that is, 612 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTheologicalTeaching\">Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>The purpose of the book of Nahum is to predict the downfall of the Assyrian Empire as prefigured in its capital city, Nineveh. It sets forth the mighty power of God revealed in the arena of history.<\/p>\n<p>At first glance the book may seem to be lacking substantial theological teaching. It is, after all, an extended ode celebrating the downfall of a pagan city. However, when one looks at history from the perspective of a prophet, history becomes the context for the revelation of many of God’s attributes.<\/p>\n<p>In chapter 1 the prophet weaves several significant theological themes into his account of the demise of the city. He sets forth the fact that God loves and cares for his own. In 1:7 he describes the Lord as knowing those who take refuge in him. In 1:13 God promises the end of Assyrian oppression of Judah.<\/p>\n<p>God’s sovereignty is set forth as well. God is sovereign over the nations that oppose him (1:2). He is sovereign over nature, for the clouds are but the dust of his feet (v 3). God cannot be defied (v 6). He is the sovereign of his people (v 13).<\/p>\n<p>Basic to the theological structure of the book is its affirmation that God is the Lord of history. History is the arena of his activity. God is not merely an abstract concept to the prophet, nor is he a disinterested deity. He brings nations into being and he destroys them. History is not under the control of godless nations or fortuitous events; it is under the control of the Creator.<\/p>\n<p>Nahum points out that God does not deal with people only in wrath. His wrath is revealed against those who oppose him. He deals in tenderness and love with those who find him to be their refuge.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>Superscription (1:1)<\/h5>\n<p>Like other prophetic books, Nahum begins with a superscription. It attributes the authorship of the book to the prophet Nahum. The first part of the superscription reads, “An oracle concerning Nineveh,” which indicates the book’s content.<\/p>\n<h5>The Prophet Considers the Wrath and Might of God (1:2-6)<\/h5>\n<p>The message of the prophet begins with a descriptive account of a number of attributes of God, specifically his anger and sovereign power. The statement that God is a jealous God (1:2) is not to be understood as attributing selfish motives to God. Rather, it expresses God’s intense devotion and loyalty to those who are his own.<\/p>\n<p>Basic to this section is the affirmation that God takes vengeance on his foes. This theological principle is the basis for Nahum’s description of the fall of Nineveh. That Assyria was an enemy of God was made clear in history. The Assyrians were not only an instrument used by God to punish his people, but also they were a pagan people who opposed and harassed the Hebrews at every opportunity. Their conquest and exile of the kingdom of Israel was the ultimate manifestation of their opposition to Yahweh. Perhaps it was this dreadful period in Hebrew history that was uppermost in Nahum’s mind.<\/p>\n<p>An opening statement in this book says, “The <span>Lord<\/span> is slow to get angry, but his power is great, and he never lets the guilty go unpunished” (1:3, <span>nlt<\/span>). Even toward his enemies God acts in grace; he does not lash out in uncontrolled rage but deals with them to change their ways. The statement “he never lets the guilty go unpunished” is an allusion to the great affirmation of God in Exodus 34:6. It is best translated, “He will not completely clear the guilty,” which affirms that God forgives but often allows the effects of sin to have their course. This is illustrated in the case of David, whose sin with Bathsheba was forgiven, but the child of the union died. The destruction of Nineveh was thus certain to occur, according to the theological principle established by Nahum: God punishes those who oppose him.<\/p>\n<p>The sovereignty of God over the sphere of nature is established in Nahum 1:3b-6. It, too, is the arena in which his awesome power is revealed.<\/p>\n<h5>The Fall of Nineveh and the Deliverance of Israel (1:7-15)<\/h5>\n<p>The prophet then turned to the city of Nineveh in direct address. In verse 11 he speaks of one who comes forth from Assyria plotting evil against the Lord—a reminder of the Rabshakeh, the Assyrian emissary cited in Isaiah 36:14-20 as counseling the people to give in to his demands for surrender. The words of doom for Nineveh become words of comfort for Judah, for Nahum says that Assyria will afflict them no longer (Na 1:12).<\/p>\n<p>The ultimacy of the destruction of the city is set forth in verses 13-15. No longer would Assyria rise to afflict the Jews. This great truth is celebrated in verse 15, where the prophet encourages the people to return to their worship of God, for they will no longer have Assyria as an enemy.<\/p>\n<h5>The Fall of Nineveh (2:1-13)<\/h5>\n<p>The literary style of Nahum in this section is superb. The fast-moving action, expressed by concise, almost clipped phrasing, lends an atmosphere of excitement and urgency to the description of the collapse of the city. One hears the orders of the defenders in these words: “Sound the alarm! Man the ramparts! Muster your defenses, and keep a sharp watch for the enemy attack to begin!” (2:1, <span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>Nahum seems to describe the rush into the city just moments after the walls had been breached. One sees the flashes of red as shields are brandished (2:3) and hears the crushing sound of the madly dashing chariots (v 4), but the defenders are too late (v 5).<\/p>\n<p>An important part of Nineveh’s defensive structure were the moats that surrounded the city. These moats, fed by two rivers in the vicinity, are alluded to in 2:6, 8. But these moats can’t keep back the invaders.<\/p>\n<p>The language again becomes vivid, punctuated with brisk commands: “Stop, stop!” (2:8). And the invaders are heard to say, “Loot the silver! Plunder the gold!” Finally the siege is over, and there is only desolation and ruin (v 10).<\/p>\n<p>This section closes with a reference to lions (2:11-13). Lions in the OT often stand for the wicked, particularly when the wicked devour the righteous. Assyria was very lionlike in its treatment of the Jews. But God declares that he is against the Assyrians (v 13) and will completely cut them off.<\/p>\n<p>This section, vivid and colorful in its style, contains a deep theological message that should not be overlooked. It affirms God’s activity in history and assures the believer that the enemies of God will never ultimately conquer the people of God. For God is almighty; he is an avenging God who jealously cares for his own.<\/p>\n<h5>A Lament for Nineveh (3:1-19)<\/h5>\n<p>The prophet pronounces “woe” on the city in a lengthy ode celebrating Nineveh’s fall. If he seems to get undue satisfaction from Nineveh’s destruction, it is not necessarily because he has a cruel nature. The OT writers viewed the godless nations of the world as the personification of evil. When Nineveh fell, the sphere of history witnessed God’s conquest of evil in that particular realm.<\/p>\n<p>In 3:1-7 the prophet speaks of the shame that Nineveh will experience as a result of her fall. He describes one of the causes of Assyria’s downfall as her sorceries and harlotries (3:4). This is an evident reference to the idolatrous religion of Assyria. The Assyrian priests were noted for their use of divination and omens. Particularly noteworthy were their attempts to predict the future by observing the motions of the heavenly bodies.<\/p>\n<p>The prophet pointed to other countries that fell prey to their enemies (3:8-11) and affirmed that Assyria is no better than these. He closed by describing the grandeur and might of Nineveh, but he vividly showed how all of that would pass away. Whether it is fortifications (v 12) or extensive trade (v 16), or soldiers (v 17)—all will crumble.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Israel, History of; Nahum (Person) #1; Prophecy; Prophet, Prophetess.<\/p>","summary_ro":"NAHUM, Book of Seventh book in the canonical grouping of the 12 Minor Prophets. Its significance and importance lie in the strategic place it holds in delineating the plan and program of God in relationship to both Judah and the nations of the world. Preview • Author • Date • Background • Purpose and Theological Teaching • Content Author Nahum is identified as an Elkoshite in the superscription to the book (Na 1:1). The term is somewhat doubtful in meaning but probably refers to a city now un...","summary_en":"NAHUM, Book of Seventh book in the canonical grouping of the 12 Minor Prophets. Its significance and importance lie in the strategic place it holds in delineating the plan and program of God in relationship to both Judah and the nations of the world. Preview • Author • Date • Background • Purpose and Theological Teaching • Content Author Nahum is identified as an Elkoshite in the superscription to the book (Na 1:1). The term is somewhat doubtful in meaning but probably refers to a city now un...","source":"Articles\/N.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":47463,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 21:1","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 21:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>21:1-2<\/strong> <em>fifty-five years:<\/em> Manasseh’s long reign (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>) certainly cannot be attributed to his faithfulness to the Lord but to the Lord’s continued honoring of his covenant promises (see also 8:19; 19:34; 20:6; 2 Sam 7:11-16). External conditions were largely stable. Though the Assyrian kings Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>) and Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) conducted a number of military campaigns, none was directed against Judah until later in Manasseh’s reign, probably around 650–648 <span>BC<\/span> (see 2 Chr 33:10-13). Ashurbanipal’s attention was on building projects, religious pursuits, and the arts, including a great library. • <em>He did what was evil:<\/em> Manasseh was the most wicked of Judah’s kings; discussion of his reign focuses on his evil religious practices.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>21:1-2<\/strong> <em>fifty-five years:<\/em> Manasseh’s long reign (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>) certainly cannot be attributed to his faithfulness to the Lord but to the Lord’s continued honoring of his covenant promises (see also 8:19; 19:34; 20:6; 2 Sam 7:11-16). External conditions were largely stable. Though the Assyrian kings Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>) and Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) conducted a number of military campaigns, none was directed against Judah until later in Manasseh’s reign, probably around 650–648 <span>BC<\/span> (see 2 Chr 33:10-13). Ashurbanipal’s attention was on building projects, religious pursuits, and the arts, including a great library. • <em>He did what was evil:<\/em> Manasseh was the most wicked of Judah’s kings; discussion of his reign focuses on his evil religious practices.<\/p>","summary_ro":"21:1-2 fifty-five years: Manasseh’s long reign (697–642 BC) certainly cannot be attributed to his faithfulness to the Lord but to the Lord’s continued honoring of his covenant promises (see also 8:19; 19:34; 20:6; 2 Sam 7:11-16). External conditions were largely stable. Though the Assyrian kings Esarhaddon (680–669 BC) and Ashurbanipal (668–626 BC) conducted a number of military campaigns, none was directed against Judah until later in Manasseh’s reign, probably around 650–648 BC (see 2 Chr 3...","summary_en":"21:1-2 fifty-five years: Manasseh’s long reign (697–642 BC) certainly cannot be attributed to his faithfulness to the Lord but to the Lord’s continued honoring of his covenant promises (see also 8:19; 19:34; 20:6; 2 Sam 7:11-16). External conditions were largely stable. Though the Assyrian kings Esarhaddon (680–669 BC) and Ashurbanipal (668–626 BC) conducted a number of military campaigns, none was directed against Judah until later in Manasseh’s reign, probably around 650–648 BC (see 2 Chr 3...","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":75089,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 21:1","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 21:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>21:1-2<\/strong> <em>fifty-five years:<\/em> Manasseh’s long reign (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>) certainly cannot be attributed to his faithfulness to the Lord but to the Lord’s continued honoring of his covenant promises (see also 8:19; 19:34; 20:6; 2 Sam 7:11-16). External conditions were largely stable. Though the Assyrian kings Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>) and Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) conducted a number of military campaigns, none was directed against Judah until later in Manasseh’s reign, probably around 650–648 <span>BC<\/span> (see 2 Chr 33:10-13). Ashurbanipal’s attention was on building projects, religious pursuits, and the arts, including a great library. • <em>He did what was evil:<\/em> Manasseh was the most wicked of Judah’s kings; discussion of his reign focuses on his evil religious practices.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>21:1-2<\/strong> <em>fifty-five years:<\/em> Manasseh’s long reign (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>) certainly cannot be attributed to his faithfulness to the Lord but to the Lord’s continued honoring of his covenant promises (see also 8:19; 19:34; 20:6; 2 Sam 7:11-16). External conditions were largely stable. Though the Assyrian kings Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>) and Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) conducted a number of military campaigns, none was directed against Judah until later in Manasseh’s reign, probably around 650–648 <span>BC<\/span> (see 2 Chr 33:10-13). Ashurbanipal’s attention was on building projects, religious pursuits, and the arts, including a great library. • <em>He did what was evil:<\/em> Manasseh was the most wicked of Judah’s kings; discussion of his reign focuses on his evil religious practices.<\/p>","summary_ro":"21:1-2 fifty-five years: Manasseh’s long reign (697–642 BC) certainly cannot be attributed to his faithfulness to the Lord but to the Lord’s continued honoring of his covenant promises (see also 8:19; 19:34; 20:6; 2 Sam 7:11-16). External conditions were largely stable. Though the Assyrian kings Esarhaddon (680–669 BC) and Ashurbanipal (668–626 BC) conducted a number of military campaigns, none was directed against Judah until later in Manasseh’s reign, probably around 650–648 BC (see 2 Chr 3...","summary_en":"21:1-2 fifty-five years: Manasseh’s long reign (697–642 BC) certainly cannot be attributed to his faithfulness to the Lord but to the Lord’s continued honoring of his covenant promises (see also 8:19; 19:34; 20:6; 2 Sam 7:11-16). External conditions were largely stable. Though the Assyrian kings Esarhaddon (680–669 BC) and Ashurbanipal (668–626 BC) conducted a number of military campaigns, none was directed against Judah until later in Manasseh’s reign, probably around 650–648 BC (see 2 Chr 3...","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":102715,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 21:1","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 21:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>21:1-2<\/strong> <em>fifty-five years:<\/em> Manasseh’s long reign (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>) certainly cannot be attributed to his faithfulness to the Lord but to the Lord’s continued honoring of his covenant promises (see also 8:19; 19:34; 20:6; 2 Sam 7:11-16). External conditions were largely stable. Though the Assyrian kings Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>) and Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) conducted a number of military campaigns, none was directed against Judah until later in Manasseh’s reign, probably around 650–648 <span>BC<\/span> (see 2 Chr 33:10-13). Ashurbanipal’s attention was on building projects, religious pursuits, and the arts, including a great library. • <em>He did what was evil:<\/em> Manasseh was the most wicked of Judah’s kings; discussion of his reign focuses on his evil religious practices.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>21:1-2<\/strong> <em>fifty-five years:<\/em> Manasseh’s long reign (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>) certainly cannot be attributed to his faithfulness to the Lord but to the Lord’s continued honoring of his covenant promises (see also 8:19; 19:34; 20:6; 2 Sam 7:11-16). External conditions were largely stable. Though the Assyrian kings Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>) and Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) conducted a number of military campaigns, none was directed against Judah until later in Manasseh’s reign, probably around 650–648 <span>BC<\/span> (see 2 Chr 33:10-13). Ashurbanipal’s attention was on building projects, religious pursuits, and the arts, including a great library. • <em>He did what was evil:<\/em> Manasseh was the most wicked of Judah’s kings; discussion of his reign focuses on his evil religious practices.<\/p>","summary_ro":"21:1-2 fifty-five years: Manasseh’s long reign (697–642 BC) certainly cannot be attributed to his faithfulness to the Lord but to the Lord’s continued honoring of his covenant promises (see also 8:19; 19:34; 20:6; 2 Sam 7:11-16). External conditions were largely stable. Though the Assyrian kings Esarhaddon (680–669 BC) and Ashurbanipal (668–626 BC) conducted a number of military campaigns, none was directed against Judah until later in Manasseh’s reign, probably around 650–648 BC (see 2 Chr 3...","summary_en":"21:1-2 fifty-five years: Manasseh’s long reign (697–642 BC) certainly cannot be attributed to his faithfulness to the Lord but to the Lord’s continued honoring of his covenant promises (see also 8:19; 19:34; 20:6; 2 Sam 7:11-16). External conditions were largely stable. Though the Assyrian kings Esarhaddon (680–669 BC) and Ashurbanipal (668–626 BC) conducted a number of military campaigns, none was directed against Judah until later in Manasseh’s reign, probably around 650–648 BC (see 2 Chr 3...","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":130341,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 21:1","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 21:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>21:1-2<\/strong> <em>fifty-five years:<\/em> Manasseh’s long reign (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>) certainly cannot be attributed to his faithfulness to the Lord but to the Lord’s continued honoring of his covenant promises (see also 8:19; 19:34; 20:6; 2 Sam 7:11-16). External conditions were largely stable. Though the Assyrian kings Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>) and Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) conducted a number of military campaigns, none was directed against Judah until later in Manasseh’s reign, probably around 650–648 <span>BC<\/span> (see 2 Chr 33:10-13). Ashurbanipal’s attention was on building projects, religious pursuits, and the arts, including a great library. • <em>He did what was evil:<\/em> Manasseh was the most wicked of Judah’s kings; discussion of his reign focuses on his evil religious practices.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>21:1-2<\/strong> <em>fifty-five years:<\/em> Manasseh’s long reign (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>) certainly cannot be attributed to his faithfulness to the Lord but to the Lord’s continued honoring of his covenant promises (see also 8:19; 19:34; 20:6; 2 Sam 7:11-16). External conditions were largely stable. Though the Assyrian kings Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>) and Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) conducted a number of military campaigns, none was directed against Judah until later in Manasseh’s reign, probably around 650–648 <span>BC<\/span> (see 2 Chr 33:10-13). Ashurbanipal’s attention was on building projects, religious pursuits, and the arts, including a great library. • <em>He did what was evil:<\/em> Manasseh was the most wicked of Judah’s kings; discussion of his reign focuses on his evil religious practices.<\/p>","summary_ro":"21:1-2 fifty-five years: Manasseh’s long reign (697–642 BC) certainly cannot be attributed to his faithfulness to the Lord but to the Lord’s continued honoring of his covenant promises (see also 8:19; 19:34; 20:6; 2 Sam 7:11-16). External conditions were largely stable. Though the Assyrian kings Esarhaddon (680–669 BC) and Ashurbanipal (668–626 BC) conducted a number of military campaigns, none was directed against Judah until later in Manasseh’s reign, probably around 650–648 BC (see 2 Chr 3...","summary_en":"21:1-2 fifty-five years: Manasseh’s long reign (697–642 BC) certainly cannot be attributed to his faithfulness to the Lord but to the Lord’s continued honoring of his covenant promises (see also 8:19; 19:34; 20:6; 2 Sam 7:11-16). External conditions were largely stable. Though the Assyrian kings Esarhaddon (680–669 BC) and Ashurbanipal (668–626 BC) conducted a number of military campaigns, none was directed against Judah until later in Manasseh’s reign, probably around 650–648 BC (see 2 Chr 3...","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"2":[{"id":41743,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Manasseh","title_en":"Manasseh","content_ro":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","summary_ro":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","summary_en":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":69369,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Manasseh","title_en":"Manasseh","content_ro":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","summary_ro":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","summary_en":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":96995,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Manasseh","title_en":"Manasseh","content_ro":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","summary_ro":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","summary_en":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":124621,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Manasseh","title_en":"Manasseh","content_ro":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","summary_ro":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","summary_en":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":16406,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"High Place","title_en":"High Place","content_ro":"<h3>HIGH PLACE<\/h3>\n<p>Phrase commonly translated from the Hebrew bamah, which apparently derived from a word originally meaning “the back (or ridge) of an animal.” Thus it came to refer to a height or hill or a stone burial cairn. Usually it was an elevated worship center, such as the ones referred to in Numbers 33:51-52, 1 Samuel 9:13-14, 2 Kings 12:3, 2 Chronicles 21:11, and Ezekiel 36:1-2. But sometimes (as in 2 Kgs 23:8) it was a <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">bamah<\/span> of the gate, a sanctuary with no special reference to height, located at the city gate as in Dan and Beersheba. It might even have been placed in a declivity (Jer 7:31).<\/p>\n<p>That a <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">bamah<\/span> might simply be a burial place with commemorative stelae or memorial stones is clear from such a passage as Ezekiel 43:7. An illustration of such a <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">bamah<\/span> is the so-called Gezer high place. This Bronze Age center with its 10 huge pillars is now interpreted as a mortuary shrine instead of a sanctuary in the strict sense of the term.<\/p>\n<p>A second word translated “high place” is <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">ramah<\/span> (elevation), from the Hebrew meaning “to be high.” Ezekiel used this term to refer to illicit worship centers (16:24-25, 31-39) that evidently had no necessary connection with height.<\/p>\n<p>One of the best-known and best-preserved of all high places in the vicinity of Palestine is the great high place at Petra, discovered by George L. Robinson in 1900. Located on a ridge west of the Khazneh, or treasury, it consists of a large rectangular court and adjacent altars. The court is about 47 feet (14.3 meters) long and 21 feet (6.4 meters) wide and is cut into the rock platform to a depth of 18 inches (45.7 centimeters). West of the court stand a square and a round altar, each hewn from the solid rock. South of the court is a pool measuring about eight and a half by nine and a half feet (2.6 by 2.9 meters) and cut four feet (1.2 meters) into the rock. South of the pool stand two sacred obelisks or pillars, also cut out of the solid rock. This whole complex is reached from a lower terrace by two flights of stairs. At this center the ancient Nabatean inhabitants of Petra evidently engaged in feasts and sacrifices to honor their gods. Though the worship center in its present form does not date before the first century <span>BC<\/span>, it preserves an ancient tradition of Transjordan and illustrates the pagan and Israelite high places of OT times.<\/p>\n<p>The pagan high place was usually located on a physical height, where one could feel closer to the god. Its first essential was an altar, which might be a heap of earth, unhewn stones, or a unit cut out of the solid rock. Second, there was a stone pillar (Dt 12:3) or obelisk <em>(<\/em><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">matsebah<\/span><em>)<\/em> representing the male deity and having phallic associations; third, a tree or pole <em>(<\/em><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">asherah<\/span><em>)<\/em> representing the female deity (a fertility goddess); and fourth, a laver for ceremonial washings. A sanctuary with an image of the deity also required a building of some sort to protect it (2 Kgs 17:29).<\/p>\n<p>At these pagan high places sacrifices of animals and sometimes of human beings took place, and religious prostitution or homosexual acts were common. It is natural that such practices should develop in a context of sympathetic magic, where promiscuity and breeding among human beings was supposed to influence animals and crops.<\/p>\n<p>The Hebrews had legitimate high places between the time of the destruction of the tabernacle at Shiloh and construction of the temple, though there was little similarity to pagan accoutrements or practices, apart from the presence of an altar and the offering of sacrifices. At one high place the people ate a sacrificial meal before Samuel anointed Saul king (1 Sm 9:12–10:1). The tabernacle was located at the high place of Gibeon during the reign of David (1 Chr 16:39; 21:29). Solomon offered sacrifices at several high places (1 Kgs 3:2-3), and at the high place of Gibeon he met God and was granted the gift of wisdom for his administration (vv 4-15). Once Solomon’s temple was completed, high places were eliminated and were off-limits for the Hebrews.<\/p>\n<p>When the Hebrews entered Canaan, they encountered pagan peoples who had long worshiped at high places. God commanded the Israelites to destroy those sanctuaries (Nm 33:51-52) to avoid contamination by them, but the warning went largely unheeded. At the height of the Hebrew kingdom, after Solomon had completed the temple, he built high places for the god Chemosh of Moab, Molech of Ammon, and other gods of his pagan wives. For this sin God determined to split the Hebrew kingdom (1 Kgs 11:7-11).<\/p>\n<p>After the division of the kingdom, Jeroboam established high places at Dan and Bethel, and Ahab and others proliferated their construction. Judgment was prophesied (1 Kgs 13:2-3; 2 Kgs 17:7-18), and ultimately the kingdom of Israel went into captivity to Assyria for her idolatry.<\/p>\n<p>Rehoboam, the first king of the southern kingdom, spread high places all over his domain (1 Kgs 14:23-24). Though King Asa launched a revival of true religion, he did not remove the high places (15:12-14). Jehoshaphat also initiated revival, but again the high places remained (22:43). On the other hand, his son Jehoram and his wife, Athaliah, encouraged their construction (2 Chr 21:11). Joash, during his revival, did not eliminate the high places (2 Kgs 12:3), nor did the good king Uzziah in similar efforts (15:3-4). Ahaz made no pretense of faithfulness to God, and actively encouraged the idolatry of the pagan sanctuaries (16:3-4). Finally, Hezekiah launched a campaign against the high places (2 Chr 31:1), but his policies were reversed during the reign of his wicked son Manasseh (2 Kgs 21:2-9). Josiah led the last Judean revival and again attacked the high places (23:5, 8).<\/p>\n<p>The prophets Isaiah (Is 15:2; 16:12), Jeremiah (Jer 48:35), Ezekiel (Ez 6:3), Hosea (Hos 10:8), and Amos (Am 7:9) roundly condemned these centers of idolatry. <em>See<\/em> Canaanite Deities and Religion; Gods and Goddesses; Grove; Idols, Idolatry.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>HIGH PLACE<\/h3>\n<p>Phrase commonly translated from the Hebrew bamah, which apparently derived from a word originally meaning “the back (or ridge) of an animal.” Thus it came to refer to a height or hill or a stone burial cairn. Usually it was an elevated worship center, such as the ones referred to in Numbers 33:51-52, 1 Samuel 9:13-14, 2 Kings 12:3, 2 Chronicles 21:11, and Ezekiel 36:1-2. But sometimes (as in 2 Kgs 23:8) it was a <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">bamah<\/span> of the gate, a sanctuary with no special reference to height, located at the city gate as in Dan and Beersheba. It might even have been placed in a declivity (Jer 7:31).<\/p>\n<p>That a <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">bamah<\/span> might simply be a burial place with commemorative stelae or memorial stones is clear from such a passage as Ezekiel 43:7. An illustration of such a <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">bamah<\/span> is the so-called Gezer high place. This Bronze Age center with its 10 huge pillars is now interpreted as a mortuary shrine instead of a sanctuary in the strict sense of the term.<\/p>\n<p>A second word translated “high place” is <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">ramah<\/span> (elevation), from the Hebrew meaning “to be high.” Ezekiel used this term to refer to illicit worship centers (16:24-25, 31-39) that evidently had no necessary connection with height.<\/p>\n<p>One of the best-known and best-preserved of all high places in the vicinity of Palestine is the great high place at Petra, discovered by George L. Robinson in 1900. Located on a ridge west of the Khazneh, or treasury, it consists of a large rectangular court and adjacent altars. The court is about 47 feet (14.3 meters) long and 21 feet (6.4 meters) wide and is cut into the rock platform to a depth of 18 inches (45.7 centimeters). West of the court stand a square and a round altar, each hewn from the solid rock. South of the court is a pool measuring about eight and a half by nine and a half feet (2.6 by 2.9 meters) and cut four feet (1.2 meters) into the rock. South of the pool stand two sacred obelisks or pillars, also cut out of the solid rock. This whole complex is reached from a lower terrace by two flights of stairs. At this center the ancient Nabatean inhabitants of Petra evidently engaged in feasts and sacrifices to honor their gods. Though the worship center in its present form does not date before the first century <span>BC<\/span>, it preserves an ancient tradition of Transjordan and illustrates the pagan and Israelite high places of OT times.<\/p>\n<p>The pagan high place was usually located on a physical height, where one could feel closer to the god. Its first essential was an altar, which might be a heap of earth, unhewn stones, or a unit cut out of the solid rock. Second, there was a stone pillar (Dt 12:3) or obelisk <em>(<\/em><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">matsebah<\/span><em>)<\/em> representing the male deity and having phallic associations; third, a tree or pole <em>(<\/em><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">asherah<\/span><em>)<\/em> representing the female deity (a fertility goddess); and fourth, a laver for ceremonial washings. A sanctuary with an image of the deity also required a building of some sort to protect it (2 Kgs 17:29).<\/p>\n<p>At these pagan high places sacrifices of animals and sometimes of human beings took place, and religious prostitution or homosexual acts were common. It is natural that such practices should develop in a context of sympathetic magic, where promiscuity and breeding among human beings was supposed to influence animals and crops.<\/p>\n<p>The Hebrews had legitimate high places between the time of the destruction of the tabernacle at Shiloh and construction of the temple, though there was little similarity to pagan accoutrements or practices, apart from the presence of an altar and the offering of sacrifices. At one high place the people ate a sacrificial meal before Samuel anointed Saul king (1 Sm 9:12–10:1). The tabernacle was located at the high place of Gibeon during the reign of David (1 Chr 16:39; 21:29). Solomon offered sacrifices at several high places (1 Kgs 3:2-3), and at the high place of Gibeon he met God and was granted the gift of wisdom for his administration (vv 4-15). Once Solomon’s temple was completed, high places were eliminated and were off-limits for the Hebrews.<\/p>\n<p>When the Hebrews entered Canaan, they encountered pagan peoples who had long worshiped at high places. God commanded the Israelites to destroy those sanctuaries (Nm 33:51-52) to avoid contamination by them, but the warning went largely unheeded. At the height of the Hebrew kingdom, after Solomon had completed the temple, he built high places for the god Chemosh of Moab, Molech of Ammon, and other gods of his pagan wives. For this sin God determined to split the Hebrew kingdom (1 Kgs 11:7-11).<\/p>\n<p>After the division of the kingdom, Jeroboam established high places at Dan and Bethel, and Ahab and others proliferated their construction. Judgment was prophesied (1 Kgs 13:2-3; 2 Kgs 17:7-18), and ultimately the kingdom of Israel went into captivity to Assyria for her idolatry.<\/p>\n<p>Rehoboam, the first king of the southern kingdom, spread high places all over his domain (1 Kgs 14:23-24). Though King Asa launched a revival of true religion, he did not remove the high places (15:12-14). Jehoshaphat also initiated revival, but again the high places remained (22:43). On the other hand, his son Jehoram and his wife, Athaliah, encouraged their construction (2 Chr 21:11). Joash, during his revival, did not eliminate the high places (2 Kgs 12:3), nor did the good king Uzziah in similar efforts (15:3-4). Ahaz made no pretense of faithfulness to God, and actively encouraged the idolatry of the pagan sanctuaries (16:3-4). Finally, Hezekiah launched a campaign against the high places (2 Chr 31:1), but his policies were reversed during the reign of his wicked son Manasseh (2 Kgs 21:2-9). Josiah led the last Judean revival and again attacked the high places (23:5, 8).<\/p>\n<p>The prophets Isaiah (Is 15:2; 16:12), Jeremiah (Jer 48:35), Ezekiel (Ez 6:3), Hosea (Hos 10:8), and Amos (Am 7:9) roundly condemned these centers of idolatry. <em>See<\/em> Canaanite Deities and Religion; Gods and Goddesses; Grove; Idols, Idolatry.<\/p>","summary_ro":"HIGH PLACE Phrase commonly translated from the Hebrew bamah, which apparently derived from a word originally meaning “the back (or ridge) of an animal.” Thus it came to refer to a height or hill or a stone burial cairn. Usually it was an elevated worship center, such as the ones referred to in Numbers 33:51-52, 1 Samuel 9:13-14, 2 Kings 12:3, 2 Chronicles 21:11, and Ezekiel 36:1-2. But sometimes (as in 2 Kgs 23:8) it was a bamah of the gate, a sanctuary with no special reference to height, lo...","summary_en":"HIGH PLACE Phrase commonly translated from the Hebrew bamah, which apparently derived from a word originally meaning “the back (or ridge) of an animal.” Thus it came to refer to a height or hill or a stone burial cairn. Usually it was an elevated worship center, such as the ones referred to in Numbers 33:51-52, 1 Samuel 9:13-14, 2 Kings 12:3, 2 Chronicles 21:11, and Ezekiel 36:1-2. But sometimes (as in 2 Kgs 23:8) it was a bamah of the gate, a sanctuary with no special reference to height, lo...","source":"Articles\/H.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":24217,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Manasseh (Person)","title_en":"Manasseh (Person)","content_ro":"<h3>MANASSEH (P<span>erson<\/span>)<\/h3>\n<li>1. Firstborn son of Joseph and his Egyptian wife, Asenath (Gn 41:50-51). Manasseh, along with Ephraim his brother, visited their grandfather Jacob on his deathbed. Jacob announced that Manasseh and Ephraim were to be considered his own, not Joseph’s sons (Gn 48:5-6), and that Manasseh, the firstborn, would have descendants not quite as great as those of Ephraim (vv 13-20). This explains why Ephraim and Manasseh (in that order) provided their names for two of the 12 tribes of Israel but Joseph did not, at least in most listings (cf. Rv 7:6). Manasseh also founded the Manassite family (Dt 4:43; 2 Kgs 10:33).<\/li>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Manasseh, Tribe of.<\/p>\n<li>2. KJV translation for Moses in Judges 18:30. In Hebrew the two names differ by only one letter. Apparently an early scribe was offended that this verse connected Moses’ grandson with idolatry, so he changed the name to Manasseh to preserve Moses’ reputation. <em>See<\/em> Moses.<\/li>\n<li>3. Thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>) and Jesus’ ancestor (Mt 1:10); notorious for his long and wicked reign, described in 2 Kings 21:1-26 and 2 Chronicles 33:1-20. His father was the godly king Hezekiah, and his mother was Hephzibah (2 Kgs 21:1).<\/li>\n<p>At the age of 12 he became co-ruler with his father. In 686 <span>BC<\/span> his father died and he became sole monarch at only 23. His 55-year reign (2 Kgs 21:1) is dated from the beginning of his co-regency, so he ruled 11 years as co-regent and 44 years as sole king—longer than any other king in Judah or in Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the Judean kings, even resorting to a series of murders, presumably to stay in power (21:16; 24:4). In addition to murder, among his sins listed in 2 Kings 21:2-9 are rebuilding the high places for pagan worship; encouraging Baal, sun, moon, and star worship; and burning his son as a child sacrifice (21:6; cf. 23:10; Jer 7:31).<\/p>\n<p>Second Chronicles 33:11-16 indicates that he was taken as a prisoner of war to Babylon, that he genuinely repented there, that God restored him as king, and that he tried to abolish his former pagan practices and to restore proper worship of God alone. Skepticism about this account is not warranted, even though unparalleled in 2 Kings. Surviving Assyrian records twice mention Manasseh, saying that he faithfully provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esar-haddon (681–669 <span>BC<\/span>) and that he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (669–627 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Though Pharaoh Neco’s similar captivity and release is mentioned, Manasseh’s is not.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span>, at the age of 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded kings like Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:16; 32:33). His son Amon reverted to his father’s wicked practices, but reigned only two years (642–640 <span>BC<\/span>) before being assassinated. It was his godly grandson Josiah (640–609 <span>BC<\/span>) who led the people back to the true worship of Yahweh (2 Kgs 23:4-14). But even his reforms could not avert the judgment promised on account of Manasseh’s sins (vv 26-27).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Prayer of Manasseh.<\/p>\n<li>4. Pahath-moab’s son, who obeyed Ezra’s exhortation to divorce his pagan wife after the exile (Ezr 10:30).<\/li>\n<li>5. Hashum’s son, who obeyed Ezra’s exhortation to divorce his pagan wife after the exile (Ezr 10:33).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>MANASSEH (P<span>erson<\/span>)<\/h3>\n<li>1. Firstborn son of Joseph and his Egyptian wife, Asenath (Gn 41:50-51). Manasseh, along with Ephraim his brother, visited their grandfather Jacob on his deathbed. Jacob announced that Manasseh and Ephraim were to be considered his own, not Joseph’s sons (Gn 48:5-6), and that Manasseh, the firstborn, would have descendants not quite as great as those of Ephraim (vv 13-20). This explains why Ephraim and Manasseh (in that order) provided their names for two of the 12 tribes of Israel but Joseph did not, at least in most listings (cf. Rv 7:6). Manasseh also founded the Manassite family (Dt 4:43; 2 Kgs 10:33).<\/li>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Manasseh, Tribe of.<\/p>\n<li>2. KJV translation for Moses in Judges 18:30. In Hebrew the two names differ by only one letter. Apparently an early scribe was offended that this verse connected Moses’ grandson with idolatry, so he changed the name to Manasseh to preserve Moses’ reputation. <em>See<\/em> Moses.<\/li>\n<li>3. Thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>) and Jesus’ ancestor (Mt 1:10); notorious for his long and wicked reign, described in 2 Kings 21:1-26 and 2 Chronicles 33:1-20. His father was the godly king Hezekiah, and his mother was Hephzibah (2 Kgs 21:1).<\/li>\n<p>At the age of 12 he became co-ruler with his father. In 686 <span>BC<\/span> his father died and he became sole monarch at only 23. His 55-year reign (2 Kgs 21:1) is dated from the beginning of his co-regency, so he ruled 11 years as co-regent and 44 years as sole king—longer than any other king in Judah or in Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the Judean kings, even resorting to a series of murders, presumably to stay in power (21:16; 24:4). In addition to murder, among his sins listed in 2 Kings 21:2-9 are rebuilding the high places for pagan worship; encouraging Baal, sun, moon, and star worship; and burning his son as a child sacrifice (21:6; cf. 23:10; Jer 7:31).<\/p>\n<p>Second Chronicles 33:11-16 indicates that he was taken as a prisoner of war to Babylon, that he genuinely repented there, that God restored him as king, and that he tried to abolish his former pagan practices and to restore proper worship of God alone. Skepticism about this account is not warranted, even though unparalleled in 2 Kings. Surviving Assyrian records twice mention Manasseh, saying that he faithfully provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esar-haddon (681–669 <span>BC<\/span>) and that he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (669–627 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Though Pharaoh Neco’s similar captivity and release is mentioned, Manasseh’s is not.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span>, at the age of 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded kings like Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:16; 32:33). His son Amon reverted to his father’s wicked practices, but reigned only two years (642–640 <span>BC<\/span>) before being assassinated. It was his godly grandson Josiah (640–609 <span>BC<\/span>) who led the people back to the true worship of Yahweh (2 Kgs 23:4-14). But even his reforms could not avert the judgment promised on account of Manasseh’s sins (vv 26-27).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Prayer of Manasseh.<\/p>\n<li>4. Pahath-moab’s son, who obeyed Ezra’s exhortation to divorce his pagan wife after the exile (Ezr 10:30).<\/li>\n<li>5. Hashum’s son, who obeyed Ezra’s exhortation to divorce his pagan wife after the exile (Ezr 10:33).<\/li>","summary_ro":"MANASSEH (Person) 1. Firstborn son of Joseph and his Egyptian wife, Asenath (Gn 41:50-51). Manasseh, along with Ephraim his brother, visited their grandfather Jacob on his deathbed. Jacob announced that Manasseh and Ephraim were to be considered his own, not Joseph’s sons (Gn 48:5-6), and that Manasseh, the firstborn, would have descendants not quite as great as those of Ephraim (vv 13-20). This explains why Ephraim and Manasseh (in that order) provided their names for two of the 12 tribes of...","summary_en":"MANASSEH (Person) 1. Firstborn son of Joseph and his Egyptian wife, Asenath (Gn 41:50-51). Manasseh, along with Ephraim his brother, visited their grandfather Jacob on his deathbed. Jacob announced that Manasseh and Ephraim were to be considered his own, not Joseph’s sons (Gn 48:5-6), and that Manasseh, the firstborn, would have descendants not quite as great as those of Ephraim (vv 13-20). This explains why Ephraim and Manasseh (in that order) provided their names for two of the 12 tribes of...","source":"Articles\/M.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":61737,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Dangers of Sin","title_en":"The Dangers of Sin","content_ro":"<h3>The Dangers of Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15).<\/p>\n<p>The sinful acts of God’s people are prominent throughout the late monarchical period. Words such as <em>sin<\/em>, <em>evil<\/em>, and <em>wicked<\/em> appear frequently to assert that the kings of both Israel (2 Kgs 3:2; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:2) and Judah (8:18, 27; 21:2, 16, 20; 23:32, 37; 24:9, 19) did “what was evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight.”<\/p>\n<p>The northern kingdom was particularly culpable. Its kings and people were uniformly condemned for their godless ways (17:16-17, 22); the basic sin of apostate worship, introduced by Jeroboam I, continued in Israel until the end (10:29; 17:21-23; 23:15). God repeatedly warned the people through his prophets (17:13) and brought the chastisement of foreign invaders (13:3, 7). Nothing moved the Israelites’ hearts, for they were set in their ways (13:6; 17:14-17). Eventually God allowed foreign invaders to defeat them and occupy their land, sending many into exile (17:18, 20-23).<\/p>\n<p>The people of Judah were not innocent either. Many of their kings were guilty of gross wickedness, and Judean society grew increasingly apostate and followed “the evil practices that Israel had introduced” (17:19). Despite God’s repeated acts of kindness (e.g., 19:32-36) and warnings delivered through his prophets (21:8-15), the people persisted in their sin, and God’s judgment once again fell (21:10-15; 23:26-27; 24:1-4; 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Where there is genuine repentance, God will graciously forgive his people and remit the penalty. But how much better to be faithful to God’s Word (2 Kgs 18:5-6; 23:25; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; 2 Tim 4:7; Rev 2:10), so that God’s blessings (Ps 112:1; 119:1-2; 144:15) might bring success (2 Kgs 18:7; see also 2 Chr 26:4-5; Prov 3:1-10; 2 Cor 3:5). God’s people need to give God first place in their lives (1 Kgs 18:21, 36-39; see Deut 6:13; 10:12-13; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33), pray for God’s persevering grace (Ps 19:13), and let the word of God be their guide (Ps 119:9; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 18:20-21; Exod 34:7; Lev 26:14-46; Num 15:30-31; Deut 31:16-18; 1 Kgs 8:46-51; 2 Kgs 8:18, 27; 2 Kgs 13:1-7; 14:23-24; 17:13-23; 18:9-12; 21:8-16; 23:25-27; 24:1-3, 19–25:21; 2 Chr 7:14; 33:12-13; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; Jer 44:2-6; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16; 4:7; Rev 2:10<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Dangers of Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15).<\/p>\n<p>The sinful acts of God’s people are prominent throughout the late monarchical period. Words such as <em>sin<\/em>, <em>evil<\/em>, and <em>wicked<\/em> appear frequently to assert that the kings of both Israel (2 Kgs 3:2; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:2) and Judah (8:18, 27; 21:2, 16, 20; 23:32, 37; 24:9, 19) did “what was evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight.”<\/p>\n<p>The northern kingdom was particularly culpable. Its kings and people were uniformly condemned for their godless ways (17:16-17, 22); the basic sin of apostate worship, introduced by Jeroboam I, continued in Israel until the end (10:29; 17:21-23; 23:15). God repeatedly warned the people through his prophets (17:13) and brought the chastisement of foreign invaders (13:3, 7). Nothing moved the Israelites’ hearts, for they were set in their ways (13:6; 17:14-17). Eventually God allowed foreign invaders to defeat them and occupy their land, sending many into exile (17:18, 20-23).<\/p>\n<p>The people of Judah were not innocent either. Many of their kings were guilty of gross wickedness, and Judean society grew increasingly apostate and followed “the evil practices that Israel had introduced” (17:19). Despite God’s repeated acts of kindness (e.g., 19:32-36) and warnings delivered through his prophets (21:8-15), the people persisted in their sin, and God’s judgment once again fell (21:10-15; 23:26-27; 24:1-4; 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Where there is genuine repentance, God will graciously forgive his people and remit the penalty. But how much better to be faithful to God’s Word (2 Kgs 18:5-6; 23:25; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; 2 Tim 4:7; Rev 2:10), so that God’s blessings (Ps 112:1; 119:1-2; 144:15) might bring success (2 Kgs 18:7; see also 2 Chr 26:4-5; Prov 3:1-10; 2 Cor 3:5). God’s people need to give God first place in their lives (1 Kgs 18:21, 36-39; see Deut 6:13; 10:12-13; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33), pray for God’s persevering grace (Ps 19:13), and let the word of God be their guide (Ps 119:9; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 18:20-21; Exod 34:7; Lev 26:14-46; Num 15:30-31; Deut 31:16-18; 1 Kgs 8:46-51; 2 Kgs 8:18, 27; 2 Kgs 13:1-7; 14:23-24; 17:13-23; 18:9-12; 21:8-16; 23:25-27; 24:1-3, 19–25:21; 2 Chr 7:14; 33:12-13; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; Jer 44:2-6; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16; 4:7; Rev 2:10<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Dangers of Sin Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15). The sinful acts of God’s ...","summary_en":"The Dangers of Sin Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15). The sinful acts of God’s ...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":89363,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Dangers of Sin","title_en":"The Dangers of Sin","content_ro":"<h3>The Dangers of Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15).<\/p>\n<p>The sinful acts of God’s people are prominent throughout the late monarchical period. Words such as <em>sin<\/em>, <em>evil<\/em>, and <em>wicked<\/em> appear frequently to assert that the kings of both Israel (2 Kgs 3:2; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:2) and Judah (8:18, 27; 21:2, 16, 20; 23:32, 37; 24:9, 19) did “what was evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight.”<\/p>\n<p>The northern kingdom was particularly culpable. Its kings and people were uniformly condemned for their godless ways (17:16-17, 22); the basic sin of apostate worship, introduced by Jeroboam I, continued in Israel until the end (10:29; 17:21-23; 23:15). God repeatedly warned the people through his prophets (17:13) and brought the chastisement of foreign invaders (13:3, 7). Nothing moved the Israelites’ hearts, for they were set in their ways (13:6; 17:14-17). Eventually God allowed foreign invaders to defeat them and occupy their land, sending many into exile (17:18, 20-23).<\/p>\n<p>The people of Judah were not innocent either. Many of their kings were guilty of gross wickedness, and Judean society grew increasingly apostate and followed “the evil practices that Israel had introduced” (17:19). Despite God’s repeated acts of kindness (e.g., 19:32-36) and warnings delivered through his prophets (21:8-15), the people persisted in their sin, and God’s judgment once again fell (21:10-15; 23:26-27; 24:1-4; 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Where there is genuine repentance, God will graciously forgive his people and remit the penalty. But how much better to be faithful to God’s Word (2 Kgs 18:5-6; 23:25; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; 2 Tim 4:7; Rev 2:10), so that God’s blessings (Ps 112:1; 119:1-2; 144:15) might bring success (2 Kgs 18:7; see also 2 Chr 26:4-5; Prov 3:1-10; 2 Cor 3:5). God’s people need to give God first place in their lives (1 Kgs 18:21, 36-39; see Deut 6:13; 10:12-13; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33), pray for God’s persevering grace (Ps 19:13), and let the word of God be their guide (Ps 119:9; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 18:20-21; Exod 34:7; Lev 26:14-46; Num 15:30-31; Deut 31:16-18; 1 Kgs 8:46-51; 2 Kgs 8:18, 27; 2 Kgs 13:1-7; 14:23-24; 17:13-23; 18:9-12; 21:8-16; 23:25-27; 24:1-3, 19–25:21; 2 Chr 7:14; 33:12-13; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; Jer 44:2-6; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16; 4:7; Rev 2:10<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Dangers of Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15).<\/p>\n<p>The sinful acts of God’s people are prominent throughout the late monarchical period. Words such as <em>sin<\/em>, <em>evil<\/em>, and <em>wicked<\/em> appear frequently to assert that the kings of both Israel (2 Kgs 3:2; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:2) and Judah (8:18, 27; 21:2, 16, 20; 23:32, 37; 24:9, 19) did “what was evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight.”<\/p>\n<p>The northern kingdom was particularly culpable. Its kings and people were uniformly condemned for their godless ways (17:16-17, 22); the basic sin of apostate worship, introduced by Jeroboam I, continued in Israel until the end (10:29; 17:21-23; 23:15). God repeatedly warned the people through his prophets (17:13) and brought the chastisement of foreign invaders (13:3, 7). Nothing moved the Israelites’ hearts, for they were set in their ways (13:6; 17:14-17). Eventually God allowed foreign invaders to defeat them and occupy their land, sending many into exile (17:18, 20-23).<\/p>\n<p>The people of Judah were not innocent either. Many of their kings were guilty of gross wickedness, and Judean society grew increasingly apostate and followed “the evil practices that Israel had introduced” (17:19). Despite God’s repeated acts of kindness (e.g., 19:32-36) and warnings delivered through his prophets (21:8-15), the people persisted in their sin, and God’s judgment once again fell (21:10-15; 23:26-27; 24:1-4; 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Where there is genuine repentance, God will graciously forgive his people and remit the penalty. But how much better to be faithful to God’s Word (2 Kgs 18:5-6; 23:25; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; 2 Tim 4:7; Rev 2:10), so that God’s blessings (Ps 112:1; 119:1-2; 144:15) might bring success (2 Kgs 18:7; see also 2 Chr 26:4-5; Prov 3:1-10; 2 Cor 3:5). God’s people need to give God first place in their lives (1 Kgs 18:21, 36-39; see Deut 6:13; 10:12-13; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33), pray for God’s persevering grace (Ps 19:13), and let the word of God be their guide (Ps 119:9; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 18:20-21; Exod 34:7; Lev 26:14-46; Num 15:30-31; Deut 31:16-18; 1 Kgs 8:46-51; 2 Kgs 8:18, 27; 2 Kgs 13:1-7; 14:23-24; 17:13-23; 18:9-12; 21:8-16; 23:25-27; 24:1-3, 19–25:21; 2 Chr 7:14; 33:12-13; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; Jer 44:2-6; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16; 4:7; Rev 2:10<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Dangers of Sin Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15). The sinful acts of God’s ...","summary_en":"The Dangers of Sin Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15). The sinful acts of God’s ...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":116989,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Dangers of Sin","title_en":"The Dangers of Sin","content_ro":"<h3>The Dangers of Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15).<\/p>\n<p>The sinful acts of God’s people are prominent throughout the late monarchical period. Words such as <em>sin<\/em>, <em>evil<\/em>, and <em>wicked<\/em> appear frequently to assert that the kings of both Israel (2 Kgs 3:2; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:2) and Judah (8:18, 27; 21:2, 16, 20; 23:32, 37; 24:9, 19) did “what was evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight.”<\/p>\n<p>The northern kingdom was particularly culpable. Its kings and people were uniformly condemned for their godless ways (17:16-17, 22); the basic sin of apostate worship, introduced by Jeroboam I, continued in Israel until the end (10:29; 17:21-23; 23:15). God repeatedly warned the people through his prophets (17:13) and brought the chastisement of foreign invaders (13:3, 7). Nothing moved the Israelites’ hearts, for they were set in their ways (13:6; 17:14-17). Eventually God allowed foreign invaders to defeat them and occupy their land, sending many into exile (17:18, 20-23).<\/p>\n<p>The people of Judah were not innocent either. Many of their kings were guilty of gross wickedness, and Judean society grew increasingly apostate and followed “the evil practices that Israel had introduced” (17:19). Despite God’s repeated acts of kindness (e.g., 19:32-36) and warnings delivered through his prophets (21:8-15), the people persisted in their sin, and God’s judgment once again fell (21:10-15; 23:26-27; 24:1-4; 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Where there is genuine repentance, God will graciously forgive his people and remit the penalty. But how much better to be faithful to God’s Word (2 Kgs 18:5-6; 23:25; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; 2 Tim 4:7; Rev 2:10), so that God’s blessings (Ps 112:1; 119:1-2; 144:15) might bring success (2 Kgs 18:7; see also 2 Chr 26:4-5; Prov 3:1-10; 2 Cor 3:5). God’s people need to give God first place in their lives (1 Kgs 18:21, 36-39; see Deut 6:13; 10:12-13; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33), pray for God’s persevering grace (Ps 19:13), and let the word of God be their guide (Ps 119:9; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 18:20-21; Exod 34:7; Lev 26:14-46; Num 15:30-31; Deut 31:16-18; 1 Kgs 8:46-51; 2 Kgs 8:18, 27; 2 Kgs 13:1-7; 14:23-24; 17:13-23; 18:9-12; 21:8-16; 23:25-27; 24:1-3, 19–25:21; 2 Chr 7:14; 33:12-13; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; Jer 44:2-6; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16; 4:7; Rev 2:10<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Dangers of Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15).<\/p>\n<p>The sinful acts of God’s people are prominent throughout the late monarchical period. Words such as <em>sin<\/em>, <em>evil<\/em>, and <em>wicked<\/em> appear frequently to assert that the kings of both Israel (2 Kgs 3:2; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:2) and Judah (8:18, 27; 21:2, 16, 20; 23:32, 37; 24:9, 19) did “what was evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight.”<\/p>\n<p>The northern kingdom was particularly culpable. Its kings and people were uniformly condemned for their godless ways (17:16-17, 22); the basic sin of apostate worship, introduced by Jeroboam I, continued in Israel until the end (10:29; 17:21-23; 23:15). God repeatedly warned the people through his prophets (17:13) and brought the chastisement of foreign invaders (13:3, 7). Nothing moved the Israelites’ hearts, for they were set in their ways (13:6; 17:14-17). Eventually God allowed foreign invaders to defeat them and occupy their land, sending many into exile (17:18, 20-23).<\/p>\n<p>The people of Judah were not innocent either. Many of their kings were guilty of gross wickedness, and Judean society grew increasingly apostate and followed “the evil practices that Israel had introduced” (17:19). Despite God’s repeated acts of kindness (e.g., 19:32-36) and warnings delivered through his prophets (21:8-15), the people persisted in their sin, and God’s judgment once again fell (21:10-15; 23:26-27; 24:1-4; 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Where there is genuine repentance, God will graciously forgive his people and remit the penalty. But how much better to be faithful to God’s Word (2 Kgs 18:5-6; 23:25; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; 2 Tim 4:7; Rev 2:10), so that God’s blessings (Ps 112:1; 119:1-2; 144:15) might bring success (2 Kgs 18:7; see also 2 Chr 26:4-5; Prov 3:1-10; 2 Cor 3:5). God’s people need to give God first place in their lives (1 Kgs 18:21, 36-39; see Deut 6:13; 10:12-13; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33), pray for God’s persevering grace (Ps 19:13), and let the word of God be their guide (Ps 119:9; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 18:20-21; Exod 34:7; Lev 26:14-46; Num 15:30-31; Deut 31:16-18; 1 Kgs 8:46-51; 2 Kgs 8:18, 27; 2 Kgs 13:1-7; 14:23-24; 17:13-23; 18:9-12; 21:8-16; 23:25-27; 24:1-3, 19–25:21; 2 Chr 7:14; 33:12-13; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; Jer 44:2-6; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16; 4:7; Rev 2:10<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Dangers of Sin Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15). The sinful acts of God’s ...","summary_en":"The Dangers of Sin Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15). The sinful acts of God’s ...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":144615,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Dangers of Sin","title_en":"The Dangers of Sin","content_ro":"<h3>The Dangers of Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15).<\/p>\n<p>The sinful acts of God’s people are prominent throughout the late monarchical period. Words such as <em>sin<\/em>, <em>evil<\/em>, and <em>wicked<\/em> appear frequently to assert that the kings of both Israel (2 Kgs 3:2; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:2) and Judah (8:18, 27; 21:2, 16, 20; 23:32, 37; 24:9, 19) did “what was evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight.”<\/p>\n<p>The northern kingdom was particularly culpable. Its kings and people were uniformly condemned for their godless ways (17:16-17, 22); the basic sin of apostate worship, introduced by Jeroboam I, continued in Israel until the end (10:29; 17:21-23; 23:15). God repeatedly warned the people through his prophets (17:13) and brought the chastisement of foreign invaders (13:3, 7). Nothing moved the Israelites’ hearts, for they were set in their ways (13:6; 17:14-17). Eventually God allowed foreign invaders to defeat them and occupy their land, sending many into exile (17:18, 20-23).<\/p>\n<p>The people of Judah were not innocent either. Many of their kings were guilty of gross wickedness, and Judean society grew increasingly apostate and followed “the evil practices that Israel had introduced” (17:19). Despite God’s repeated acts of kindness (e.g., 19:32-36) and warnings delivered through his prophets (21:8-15), the people persisted in their sin, and God’s judgment once again fell (21:10-15; 23:26-27; 24:1-4; 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Where there is genuine repentance, God will graciously forgive his people and remit the penalty. But how much better to be faithful to God’s Word (2 Kgs 18:5-6; 23:25; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; 2 Tim 4:7; Rev 2:10), so that God’s blessings (Ps 112:1; 119:1-2; 144:15) might bring success (2 Kgs 18:7; see also 2 Chr 26:4-5; Prov 3:1-10; 2 Cor 3:5). God’s people need to give God first place in their lives (1 Kgs 18:21, 36-39; see Deut 6:13; 10:12-13; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33), pray for God’s persevering grace (Ps 19:13), and let the word of God be their guide (Ps 119:9; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 18:20-21; Exod 34:7; Lev 26:14-46; Num 15:30-31; Deut 31:16-18; 1 Kgs 8:46-51; 2 Kgs 8:18, 27; 2 Kgs 13:1-7; 14:23-24; 17:13-23; 18:9-12; 21:8-16; 23:25-27; 24:1-3, 19–25:21; 2 Chr 7:14; 33:12-13; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; Jer 44:2-6; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16; 4:7; Rev 2:10<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Dangers of Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15).<\/p>\n<p>The sinful acts of God’s people are prominent throughout the late monarchical period. Words such as <em>sin<\/em>, <em>evil<\/em>, and <em>wicked<\/em> appear frequently to assert that the kings of both Israel (2 Kgs 3:2; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:2) and Judah (8:18, 27; 21:2, 16, 20; 23:32, 37; 24:9, 19) did “what was evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight.”<\/p>\n<p>The northern kingdom was particularly culpable. Its kings and people were uniformly condemned for their godless ways (17:16-17, 22); the basic sin of apostate worship, introduced by Jeroboam I, continued in Israel until the end (10:29; 17:21-23; 23:15). God repeatedly warned the people through his prophets (17:13) and brought the chastisement of foreign invaders (13:3, 7). Nothing moved the Israelites’ hearts, for they were set in their ways (13:6; 17:14-17). Eventually God allowed foreign invaders to defeat them and occupy their land, sending many into exile (17:18, 20-23).<\/p>\n<p>The people of Judah were not innocent either. Many of their kings were guilty of gross wickedness, and Judean society grew increasingly apostate and followed “the evil practices that Israel had introduced” (17:19). Despite God’s repeated acts of kindness (e.g., 19:32-36) and warnings delivered through his prophets (21:8-15), the people persisted in their sin, and God’s judgment once again fell (21:10-15; 23:26-27; 24:1-4; 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Where there is genuine repentance, God will graciously forgive his people and remit the penalty. But how much better to be faithful to God’s Word (2 Kgs 18:5-6; 23:25; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; 2 Tim 4:7; Rev 2:10), so that God’s blessings (Ps 112:1; 119:1-2; 144:15) might bring success (2 Kgs 18:7; see also 2 Chr 26:4-5; Prov 3:1-10; 2 Cor 3:5). God’s people need to give God first place in their lives (1 Kgs 18:21, 36-39; see Deut 6:13; 10:12-13; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33), pray for God’s persevering grace (Ps 19:13), and let the word of God be their guide (Ps 119:9; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 18:20-21; Exod 34:7; Lev 26:14-46; Num 15:30-31; Deut 31:16-18; 1 Kgs 8:46-51; 2 Kgs 8:18, 27; 2 Kgs 13:1-7; 14:23-24; 17:13-23; 18:9-12; 21:8-16; 23:25-27; 24:1-3, 19–25:21; 2 Chr 7:14; 33:12-13; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; Jer 44:2-6; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16; 4:7; Rev 2:10<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Dangers of Sin Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15). The sinful acts of God’s ...","summary_en":"The Dangers of Sin Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15). The sinful acts of God’s ...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"3":[{"id":16871,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"of Heaven* Host, Host","title_en":"of Heaven* Host, Host","content_ro":"<h3>HOST, HOST OF HEAVEN*<\/h3>\n<p>Hebrew expressions found frequently in the OT and literally meaning “army” and “army of the skies.” “Host” is basically a military term, occurring nearly 500 times in the OT, and can mean “army” (2 Kgs 18:17), “angels,” “heavenly bodies,” or “creation.”<\/p>\n<p>The phrase “host of heaven” has various applications in the Bible. Ancient writers sometimes referred symbolically to the sun, moon, and stars as an army (Dt 4:19; Jgs 5:20). In the astrological cults of antiquity, it was believed that celestial bodies were animated by spirits and thus constituted a living army that controlled heavenly destiny. The worship of the host of heaven was one of the earliest forms of idolatry, and was common among the Israelites in their times of regression from serving God (Jer 19:13; Acts 7:42). Although warned against such pagan beliefs (Dt 4:19; 17:3), the Israelites fell into the practice of worshiping heavenly bodies, particularly during the Assyrian and Babylonian periods (2 Kgs 17:16; 21:3-5; 2 Chr 33:3-5; Jer 8:2; Zep 1:5). The corrective to this pagan practice is belief in the Lord as the Creator of heaven and earth, the Almighty, the one who marshaled the heavenly bodies at his command and ordained them to perform a special function (Gn 1:14-19; 2:1; Neh 9:6; Pss 33:6; 103:21; 148:2; Is 40:26; 45:12).<\/p>\n<p>God is frequently called “the Lord God of hosts,” that is, of the celestial armies (Jer 5:14; 38:17; 44:7; Hos 12:5). The heavenly host includes angels or messengers who are associated with the Lord’s work in heaven and on earth. God presides over a heavenly council composed of angels or “sons of God” (Gn 1:26; 1 Kgs 22:19; Jb 1:6; Ps 82; Is 6) whose messengers are sent from the Lord’s council to accomplish his purpose (Gn 28:12-15; Lk 2:13).<\/p>\n<p>Though the hosts are sometimes understood as the stars or angels, the tribes of Israel are also called “the host of the Lord.” The “host of heaven” in Daniel 8:10-11 appears to be figurative language referring to Israel, “the holy people,” and God, the King of Israel, is called “the Prince of the host.”<\/p>\n<p>The Greek words translated “host” occur only twice in the NT (Lk 2:13; Acts 7:42). “Lord of hosts” is used by Paul and James (Rom 9:29; Jas 5:4) as a title for the Lord. The term expresses God’s sovereign might and majesty in history, but the precise identification of the “hosts” that stand at his command is uncertain.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Hosts, Lord of.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>HOST, HOST OF HEAVEN*<\/h3>\n<p>Hebrew expressions found frequently in the OT and literally meaning “army” and “army of the skies.” “Host” is basically a military term, occurring nearly 500 times in the OT, and can mean “army” (2 Kgs 18:17), “angels,” “heavenly bodies,” or “creation.”<\/p>\n<p>The phrase “host of heaven” has various applications in the Bible. Ancient writers sometimes referred symbolically to the sun, moon, and stars as an army (Dt 4:19; Jgs 5:20). In the astrological cults of antiquity, it was believed that celestial bodies were animated by spirits and thus constituted a living army that controlled heavenly destiny. The worship of the host of heaven was one of the earliest forms of idolatry, and was common among the Israelites in their times of regression from serving God (Jer 19:13; Acts 7:42). Although warned against such pagan beliefs (Dt 4:19; 17:3), the Israelites fell into the practice of worshiping heavenly bodies, particularly during the Assyrian and Babylonian periods (2 Kgs 17:16; 21:3-5; 2 Chr 33:3-5; Jer 8:2; Zep 1:5). The corrective to this pagan practice is belief in the Lord as the Creator of heaven and earth, the Almighty, the one who marshaled the heavenly bodies at his command and ordained them to perform a special function (Gn 1:14-19; 2:1; Neh 9:6; Pss 33:6; 103:21; 148:2; Is 40:26; 45:12).<\/p>\n<p>God is frequently called “the Lord God of hosts,” that is, of the celestial armies (Jer 5:14; 38:17; 44:7; Hos 12:5). The heavenly host includes angels or messengers who are associated with the Lord’s work in heaven and on earth. God presides over a heavenly council composed of angels or “sons of God” (Gn 1:26; 1 Kgs 22:19; Jb 1:6; Ps 82; Is 6) whose messengers are sent from the Lord’s council to accomplish his purpose (Gn 28:12-15; Lk 2:13).<\/p>\n<p>Though the hosts are sometimes understood as the stars or angels, the tribes of Israel are also called “the host of the Lord.” The “host of heaven” in Daniel 8:10-11 appears to be figurative language referring to Israel, “the holy people,” and God, the King of Israel, is called “the Prince of the host.”<\/p>\n<p>The Greek words translated “host” occur only twice in the NT (Lk 2:13; Acts 7:42). “Lord of hosts” is used by Paul and James (Rom 9:29; Jas 5:4) as a title for the Lord. The term expresses God’s sovereign might and majesty in history, but the precise identification of the “hosts” that stand at his command is uncertain.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Hosts, Lord of.<\/p>","summary_ro":"HOST, HOST OF HEAVEN* Hebrew expressions found frequently in the OT and literally meaning “army” and “army of the skies.” “Host” is basically a military term, occurring nearly 500 times in the OT, and can mean “army” (2 Kgs 18:17), “angels,” “heavenly bodies,” or “creation.” The phrase “host of heaven” has various applications in the Bible. Ancient writers sometimes referred symbolically to the sun, moon, and stars as an army (Dt 4:19; Jgs 5:20). In the astrological cults of antiquity, it was...","summary_en":"HOST, HOST OF HEAVEN* Hebrew expressions found frequently in the OT and literally meaning “army” and “army of the skies.” “Host” is basically a military term, occurring nearly 500 times in the OT, and can mean “army” (2 Kgs 18:17), “angels,” “heavenly bodies,” or “creation.” The phrase “host of heaven” has various applications in the Bible. Ancient writers sometimes referred symbolically to the sun, moon, and stars as an army (Dt 4:19; Jgs 5:20). In the astrological cults of antiquity, it was...","source":"Articles\/H.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":22070,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Books of First and Second Kings","title_en":"Books of First and Second Kings","content_ro":"<h3>KINGS, Books of First and Second<\/h3>\n<p>Books continuing the history of the covenant people as recorded in Joshua, Judges, and the books of Samuel. The record in Kings begins with the events at the end of David’s reign (1 Kgs 1–2). It continues through the reign of Solomon (chs 3–11); the histories of the divided kingdoms (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17); and the history of the surviving kingdom in the south, through its fall in 586 <span>BC<\/span> and the subsequent kindness shown Jehoiachin by Evil-merodach, king of Babylon, around 561 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 18–25).<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Authorship and Date<\/p>\n<p>• Sources<\/p>\n<p>• Theology and Purpose<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"AuthorshipandDate\">Authorship and Date<\/p>\n<p>Kings was originally regarded as one book in the Hebrew canon; the division into two books of approximately equal length appeared first in the Septuagint and finally entered the Hebrew Bible in the 15th century <span>AD<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>The book itself is anonymous, and information about its author can only be deduced by examining the concerns and perspectives of the work. The Babylonian Talmud (<em>Baba Bathra<\/em> 15a) attributes Kings to Jeremiah. Although this identification could have arisen from the tendency of later Jewish tradition to assign biblical books to prophetic authors, the theory of origin in prophetic circles fits the evidence quite well. Substantial portions are given to the lives of the prophets; 16 of 47 chapters are devoted to the lives of Elijah and Elisha (1 Kgs 17—2 Kgs 10), and there is considerable interest in other prophetic figures such as Ahijah (1 Kgs 11:29-39; 14:1-16), an unnamed man of God (13:1-10), and Micaiah (22:13-28). Possible dependence on Isaiah (2 Kgs 18–20; cf. Is 36–39) and Jeremiah (2 Kgs 24–25; cf. Jer 52) also suggest prophetic origin. The author-compiler also shows intense concern with the efficacy of the prophetic word, frequently calling attention to the fulfillment of words spoken earlier by the prophets.<\/p>\n<p>One might initially think that such a history would be unlikely for a prophet, but the evidence is to the contrary. The prophets were the guardians of the covenant relationship and are known to have produced accounts used as sources by other biblical historians. The following are among such sources: the acts of Samuel the seer, the acts of Nathan the prophet, the acts of Gad the seer (1 Chr 29:29); the acts of Nathan the prophet, the prophecy of Ahijah the Shilonite, the visions of Iddo the seer (2 Chr 9:29); the chronicles of Shemaiah the prophet and of Iddo the seer (12:15); the annotations of the prophet Iddo (13:22); and the acts of Uzziah by Isaiah the prophet (26:22). Add to this the fact that Kings is positioned in the Hebrew canon in the Former Prophets (Joshua to 2 Kings), and a consistent picture of prophetic origin emerges.<\/p>\n<p>The date of the final part of the book must be after the last events recorded. Evil-merodach’s kindness toward Jehoiachin (c. 561 <span>BC<\/span>) is the terminus of the book and therefore fixes the earliest date. Since the work shows no knowledge of the restoration period, a date before 539 <span>BC<\/span> is probable. The author’s selection of his data to answer the burning theological questions of the exilic community also suggests a date between 561 and 539 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Sources\">Sources<\/p>\n<p>The compiler of Kings specifically names three of the sources that he used in his work, and biblical scholars have suggested the presence of a number of other sources that may have been cited. Of course, the sources not mentioned specifically by the compiler are only the speculations of those who have studied his work and can have only varying degrees of probability. The sources both specified and alleged are as follows.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the Acts of Solomon<\/h5>\n<p>As 1 Kings 11:41 says, “The rest of the events in Solomon’s reign, including his wisdom, are recorded in <em>The Book of the Acts of Solomon”<\/em> (<span>nlt<\/span>). Presumably additional materials of a biographical nature were included, specifically accounts similar to the judgment between the two mothers (3:16-28) or the visit of the queen of Sheba (10:1-10). There has been debate as to whether these materials were official court records or nonofficial documents. Some scholars have attempted to isolate further materials within this section by identifying descriptions of the buildings as from temple archives (chs 6–7) and lists of administrators as from administrative documents (chs 4–5), but this must remain speculative.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the History of the Kings of Israel<\/h5>\n<p>This source is mentioned 17 times in Kings, usually in the closing formulas at the end of the account of the reign of a northern king. Some idea of the nature of these chronicles can be derived from looking at the type of information to which the compiler refers his readers (see 1 Kgs 14:19; 16:27; 22:39; 2 Kgs 13:12; 14:28). These passages suggest that this source was the official annals covering the reigns of the kings.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the History of the Kings of Judah<\/h5>\n<p>This source is mentioned in 15 passages, and as with the kings of Israel, is found in the concluding formulas to the accounts of the reigns. This source was to be consulted for additional details on individuals’ reigns (for example, see 1 Kgs 15:23; 22:45; 2 Kgs 20:20; 21:17). These sources for the histories of the two kingdoms were probably similar to the annals known from the surrounding cultures, particularly from the reigns of Assyrian kings. They were likely official court histories kept in Samaria and Jerusalem.<\/p>\n<p>In addition to these explicitly mentioned sources, scholars have suggested the compiler drew on other sources that he does not name.<\/p>\n<h5>Davidic Court History<\/h5>\n<p>Second Samuel 9–20 is often identified as a unit of material in the composition of the books of Samuel; it is variously called “the court history” or “the succession narrative.” Because of similar vocabulary and outlook, 1 Kings 1–2 are often associated with this material from Samuel. The statement of 1 Kings 2:46, “so the kingdom was now firmly in Solomon’s grip,” is taken to be the end of this record.<\/p>\n<h5>Sources for the House of Ahab<\/h5>\n<p>The reigns of individual kings are ordinarily given only brief notices; for example, the father of Ahab, Omri, is given eight verses, even though when judged by political and economic significance, he was among the greatest of the northern kings (1 Kgs 16:21-28). However, beginning with the reign of Ahab, the record becomes quite expansive, and extensive coverage is given the dynasty of Ahab through the coup by Jehu (1 Kgs 16—2 Kgs 12). The use of the stereotyped formulas for the reigns is suspended in this material, and the existence of other literature used by the compiler is probable. This material is commonly subdivided into further sources for the lives of Elijah and Elisha and the reign of Ahab.<\/p>\n<p>The Elijah section covers material in the following chapters: 1 Kings 17–19, including the feeding by the ravens, the incidents with the widow of Zarephath, the drought, the fire on Carmel, and the revelation of God at Sinai; 1 Kings 21, the affair of Naboth’s vineyard; and 2 Kings 1, the death of Ahaziah’s messengers. The reign of Ahab, which gets so much attention in Kings, is primarily a backdrop for the accounts concerning Elijah.<\/p>\n<p>The Elisha material found in 2 Kings 2–13 may have had an independent literary development from that of the Elijah accounts. It includes the following: chapter 2 (Elisha’s succession to the prophetic office, the purification of a spring, the death of mocking children); chapter 3 (on the campaign against Moab); chapter 4 (the widow’s oil, the Shunammite woman); chapter 5 (Naaman’s leprosy); chapter 6 (the Aramean attempt to capture Elisha); chapter 7 (the famine in Samaria); chapter 8 (the Shunammite’s property, the coup of Hazael); chapter 9 (the anointing of Jehu); and chapter 13 (the death of Elisha). No other portion of the OT takes the sheer delight in the miraculous that is seen in the Elisha narratives.<\/p>\n<p>In 1 Kings 16 to 2 Kings 13 there are additional incidents not directly related to the biographies of Elijah and Elisha; accounts such as the military campaigns of 1 Kings 20:1-34 and further details of Jehu’s coup (2 Kgs 9:11–10:36) are often attributed to a third source containing accounts of the dynasty of Ahab and his successors. In all three of these possible sources the orientation is toward affairs in the northern kingdom.<\/p>\n<h5>Isaiah Source<\/h5>\n<p>The account of the reign of Hezekiah contains a section (2 Kgs 18:13–20:19) that is nearly a verbatim citation of material also found in Isaiah (Is 36:1–39:8). The section records the invasion of Sennacherib, the mission of the Rabshakeh, Hezekiah’s prayer, Isaiah’s prophecy, Hezekiah’s illness, the regression of the sun, and the envoys from Merodach-baladan. The material must be regarded as based on the book of Isaiah or some other source used in both Isaiah and Kings.<\/p>\n<h5>A Prophetic Source<\/h5>\n<p>Because Kings shows great interest in the prophets and their ministries, various scholars have suggested that yet another source was used by the compiler; this would be an independent literary unit containing accounts of the prophets. This source would have contained the records for the material on Ahijah (1 Kgs 11:29-39; 14:1-16), unnamed prophets (ch 12; 20:35-43), Micaiah (22:13-28), and other references.<\/p>\n<p>Apart from the sources explicitly mentioned and inferences about their character, the remainder of the sources suggested have only varying degrees of probability. Considerable scholarly effort has gone into identifying and characterizing such sources, but it remains speculative. When considering the sources the compiler may have used, one important caution must be kept in mind. Even if such sources did exist, one cannot have confidence in a reconstruction of the compositional history. Which sources had already been integrated into a larger composition before they were used by the compiler of Kings? We cannot be certain that the life situation out of which these other sources grew has been correctly identified, nor can we know that even the compiler himself was aware of the past history of his sources. Biblical scholarship has expended considerable energy in trying to delineate the past history of the book of Kings, but it has often been at the neglect of the unity of perspective that is the product of the final compiler(s) in whose hands the book received its canonical form.<\/p>\n<p>What is important to understanding the book is not the perspective of its various sources (of which the compiler himself may have been unaware), but the perspective of the book as a whole on the history of the kingdoms. It is the outline that the compiler has imposed on the sources that establishes the teaching of the book; his sources are used in accord with his own purposes, a fact that makes the purposes for which the sources had been prepared largely irrelevant to the teaching of the book in its present form. Exploring possible sources, worthwhile in itself, must not eclipse the message of the book as a whole. This is not to imply that the books of Kings are simply a compilation of unaltered sources. The writer(s) undoubtedly exercised a measure of selectivity and literary skill in composing the historical narrative.<\/p>\n<p>One compositional technique of the compiler is quite prominent in the histories of the divided kingdoms: this is the use of formulaic introductions and conclusions to the various reigns. The formulas for both kingdoms are quite similar, differing only in minor details. For the kings of Judah, the full introductory formula is as follows: (1) year of accession synchronized with the regnal year of the northern king; (2) age of the king at his accession; (3) length of his reign; (4) name of his mother; (5) judgment on the character of the reign. The account of a Judean king’s reign is concluded as follows: (1) a reference to the chronicles of the kings of Judah for further information; (2) a statement regarding the death of the king, including the place of burial; (3) successor: “And his son reigned in his stead” (<span>rsv<\/span>). The full formula for a Judean king can be seen, for example, in the reign of Rehoboam (1 Kgs 14:21-22, 29-31).<\/p>\n<p>The formulas differ slightly for the kings of Israel; the introduction is as follows: (1) year of succession synchronized with the regnal year of the southern king; (2) length of his reign; (3) location of the royal residence; (4) condemnation for idolatry; (5) name of the king’s father. The account of an Israelite king’s reign ends as follows: (1) a reference to the chronicles of the kings of Israel for further information; (2) a statement regarding his death; (3) a statement of the succession of his son, unless a usurper follows. The full formula for an Israelite king can be seen, for example, in the reign of Baasha (1 Kgs 15:33-34; 16:5-6).<\/p>\n<p>There is some variation in the use of these patterns, but on the whole, they are consistently followed and provide the basic framework for the history of the divided kingdom. The synchronisms of the reigns provide data for constructing the chronology of the period. The variations in the formulas may reflect the characteristics of the sources the compiler was using or may reflect his own interests. The name of the mother of a Judean king is recorded, but not of an Israelite king, perhaps reflecting concern with a more exact and fuller record of the Davidic succession. The royal residence is presumed to be Jerusalem for the southern kings (though it may be mentioned) but is recorded for the northern kings since it moved several times, from Shechem to Penuel to Tirzah to Samaria. The mention of the king’s father for a northern ruler also reflects the frequent change in dynasties there, as opposed to the dynastic stability of Judah, which is reinforced by mentioning the burial of almost all its kings in the city of David.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheologyandPurpose\">Theology and Purpose<\/p>\n<p>The books of Kings record the history of the covenant people from the end of the reign of David (961 <span>BC<\/span>) through the fall of the southern kingdom (586 <span>BC<\/span>). Yet it is not history written in accord with modern expectations for history textbooks. Rather than concentrating on economic, political, and military themes as they shaped the history of the period, the compiler of Kings is motivated by theological concerns.<\/p>\n<p>Evaluation of the theology and purpose of the books of Kings is made easier by the fact that there is a parallel history for much of Kings found in the books of Chronicles. By comparing the two accounts, especially where the later Chronicler adds or deletes material found in Kings, the interests of both histories are thrown into clearer relief.<\/p>\n<p>The books of Kings were composed during the exile, likely between 560 and 539 <span>BC<\/span>. Jerusalem had been turned into rubble, and there was no longer a throne of David. Those two pillars of the popular theology—the inviolability of the temple and the throne of David (Jer 7:4; 13:13-14; 22:1-9; see 1 Kgs 8:16, 29)—had tumbled. If Israel’s faith was to survive, the burning questions that had to be answered were “How did it all happen? Can’t God keep his promises to David and to Zion? Have the promises failed?” The writer of Kings aims to deal with the bewilderment of the chosen people in response to the disasters of 722 <span>BC<\/span> (fall of Samaria) and 586 <span>BC<\/span> (fall of Jerusalem). Kings, like the book of Job, is a theodicy, a justification of the ways of God to men.<\/p>\n<p>In order to answer the question “How did it happen?” the compiler adopts the procedure of recounting the history of the covenant people in light of standards propounded in the Law. For this reason Kings could be called Pentateuchal history, or even more pointedly, Deuteronomic history, for standards propounded only in the book of Deuteronomy in the Pentateuch are used by the compiler to measure the kingdoms. Among the prominent themes selected from Deuteronomy and applied to the kingdoms are the centralization of worship, the institution of the monarchy, the efficacy of the prophetic word, and the outworking of the covenant curses on disobedience.<\/p>\n<h5>Centralization of Worship<\/h5>\n<p>The primary concern of the writer is the purity of the worship of the Lord. His major criterion for measuring this purity is the attitude of the kings toward centralization of worship in the Jerusalem temple as opposed to the worship of the Lord elsewhere and the continuation of Canaanite cults mingled with Yahwism at the high places. Centralization of worship at the central shrine is called for in Deuteronomy 12. Perhaps “centralization of worship” is a misnomer, for worship was always centered around the tabernacle in the periods prior to the temple; the change that is envisaged in Deuteronomy is not the centralizing of worship but rather the fact that the shrine would no longer be mobile but stationary. For the kings of the northern kingdom, this criterion becomes virtually a stereotyped formula that “he did that which was evil in the sight of the Lord and walked in the way of Jeroboam son of Nebat, who sinned and made all Israel sin along with him” (see 1 Kgs 14:16; 15:30; 16:31; 2 Kgs 3:3; 10:31; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:22). The compiler of Kings sees the rival altars with the golden calves at Dan and Bethel as the great sin of which the northern kings never repented (1 Kgs 12:25–13:34). Rejecting the primacy of Jerusalem, these altars became the rod with which to measure the northern kings. All the kings of Israel are condemned by this standard (except for Shallum, who reigned but a month, and Hoshea, the last of the northern kings)—even Zimri, the murderer of Elah, who ruled only one week before committing suicide in the flames of his own palace (16:9-20). For the kings of Judah, a different standard is used: what their attitude was to the high places where heterodox worship was allowed to flourish in the environs of Jerusalem. Only Hezekiah and Josiah receive the compiler’s unqualified endorsement for following the ways of David (2 Kgs 18:3; 22:2). Six others are commended for their zeal in suppressing idolatry, though they did not remove the high places (Asa, 1 Kgs 15:9-15; Jehoshaphat, 22:43; Jehoash, 2 Kgs 12:2-3; Amaziah, 14:3-4; Azariah, 15:3-4; Jotham, 15:34-35). The remainder of the Judean kings are condemned for their participation in the high places and their desecration of the temple itself. This one theme is the preeminent motif in the book.<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Monarchy<\/h5>\n<p>A second prominent interest for the compiler was to trace the history of the monarchy. Deuteronomy 17:14-20 provides for the day when Israel would ask for a king and charges that king with the basic religious responsibility for the people. This provision for a king, again a feature found only in Deuteronomy, becomes the basis for the compiler’s intense interest in the history of the monarchy, and particularly the religious fidelity of the kings. David becomes the model of the ideal king, the one by whom the others are measured, the one whose sons “continue long in his kingdom in the midst of Israel” (17:20; see also 1 Kgs 15:11; 2 Kgs 18:3; 22:2 for following in the ways of David, and 1 Kgs 14:8; 15:3-5; 2 Kgs 14:3; 16:2 for the reverse). The compiler wanted to show that God had been faithful to David even though David’s sons were not faithful. While both kingdoms had about the same number of kings, the northern kingdom is marked by repeated dynastic changes and regicide through its 200 years, while the dynasty of David is maintained as a lamp in the south through 350 years (1 Kgs 11:13, 32, 36; 15:4-5; 2 Kgs 8:19; 19:34; 20:6). It is the disaster that had befallen the house of David, and the consequent doubts about the promises of God, that prompted the compiler to write.<\/p>\n<h5>Efficacy of the Prophetic Word<\/h5>\n<p>Another reason why Kings can be called Deuteronomic history is its concern with the efficacy of the prophetic word. There are three passages in the Pentateuch that deal with the institution of the prophetic order: Numbers 12:1-8; Deuteronomy 13:1-5; and Deuteronomy 18:14-22. It is only in Deuteronomy 18 that the test of a true prophet is given: that what he has spoken comes about, that his words are fulfilled. Notice the number of instances where the writer calls attention to the fulfillment of the words of the prophets: 2 Samuel 7:13 in 1 Kings 8:20; 1 Kings 11:29-36 in 12:15; 1 Kings 13:1-3 in 2 Kings 23:16-18; 1 Kings 14:6-12 in 14:17-18 and 15:29; 1 Kings 16:1-4 in 16:7, 11-12; Joshua 6:26 in 1 Kings 16:34; 1 Kings 22:17 in 22:35-38; 1 Kings 21:21-29 in 2 Kings 9:7-10, 30-37 and 10:10-11, 30; 2 Kings 1:6 in 1:17; 2 Kings 21:10-15 in 24:2; 2 Kings 22:15-20 in 23:30. The writer is concerned to show that the words of the prophets were efficacious, powerful words. His concern with the prophetic order is also seen in the material devoted to Elijah and Elisha and to other prophetic figures.<\/p>\n<h5>Fulfillment of the Curses<\/h5>\n<p>Another aspect of the compiler’s interest in Deuteronomy is seen in his concern to trace the fulfillment of the covenant curses on disobedience. God’s covenant with Israel would issue in curses or blessings depending on the obedience of the people; the compiler of Kings sees the curses inflicted on the two kingdoms because of their failure to meet the demands of the covenant. He takes care to show that most of the curses of Deuteronomy 28:15-68 had some historical realization in the life of the people. Moses had warned that disobedience would “bring a nation against you from afar, from the end of the earth, as the eagle swoops down” (Dt 28:49, <span>nasb<\/span>), and the Assyrians came to Samaria and the Babylonians to Jerusalem (28:52). The siege of Samaria lasted from 724 to 722 <span>BC<\/span>, and the siege of Jerusalem from 588 to 586 <span>BC<\/span>. The dire conditions of the siege would drive the people to devouring their own children; women would feed on their afterbirths. It happened to Israel in the siege of Ben-hadad (2 Kgs 6:24-30). Just as the Lord had delighted to prosper and multiply his people, so he would not refrain from destroying them and scattering them among the peoples of the earth (Dt 28:63-67).<\/p>\n<p>In these and other ways the writer of Kings set out to write the history of Israel and Judah to solve a theological dilemma. How was one to reconcile the exile with God’s promises to the nation and David? His answer is twofold: (1) the problem was not with God but with the people’s disobedience—God remains just; (2) the end of the state does not equal the end of the people or the house of David. Here the ending of the book is instructive: Evil-merodach releases Jehoiachin from prison, elevates him above the other kings, and provides his rations (2 Kgs 25:27-30). Even during the exile, though cut down to almost nothing, the house of David still enjoys the favor and blessing of God. God has not abandoned his promises; the people should keep hope.<\/p>\n<p>Other themes in Kings also show the theological motivations underlying the compiler’s selection and arrangement of the data, particularly his use of Deuteronomy as a framework for examining the history of the people. Compare the laws governing the observance of Passover in Exodus 12:1-20 and Deuteronomy 16:1-8: whereas the Passover is centered in the family in Exodus, it is celebrated at the sanctuary in Deuteronomy. The writer of Kings is careful to show that the Passover during the reign of Josiah was celebrated in accordance with the requirements of Deuteronomy (2 Kgs 23:21-23). A passage in Deuteronomy is explicitly cited with reference to Amaziah’s keeping the law (Dt 24:16 in 2 Kgs 14:6).<\/p>\n<h5>Contrast with Chronicles<\/h5>\n<p>The interests of Kings are further highlighted when compared with the parallel accounts in Chronicles. While the writer of Kings worked in the aftermath of the destruction of Jerusalem and had to answer the “how?” and “why?” questions, the Chronicler is part of the restoration community. Here the burning theological questions were not “how?” and “why?” but rather “What continuity do we have with David? Is God still interested in us?” The need is not to account for the exile but rather to relate the postexilic and the preexilic. The building of the second temple and the ordering of worship there show up in increased detail in Chronicles in any matter pertaining to the former temple. Chronicles is a history of Judah and of the Davidic line, reflecting the fact that it alone survives after the exile. Interesting, too, are the things omitted from the account by the Chronicler. Since he is not building a case for an indictment, as was done in Samuel and Kings, he is free to omit references to David’s sin with Bathsheba (2 Sm 11) or to Solomon’s difficulties in gaining the throne (1 Kgs 1–2). Since in his day the northern kingdom had not survived, the Chronicler did not go into detail about the sins of Jeroboam (chs 13–14). Chronicles is interested more in the affairs of the temple and does not show the marked interest in prophetic matters found in Kings, so that the lives of Elijah and Elisha are omitted (1 Kgs 16—2 Kgs 10). Nor does the Chronicler recite the sins that led to the demise of the northern kingdom (2 Kgs 17:1–18:12). In all these examples one can see the interplay of the historical moment and theological concerns of the people and the compilers. Each compiler has selected and arranged the data in accordance with the concerns and needs of the community in which he was a member; comparing the two accounts throws the interests of each into sharp relief.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n\n<p>The books of Kings fall into three parts: (1) the reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 1–11); (2) the history of the divided kingdom (1 Kgs 12–2 Kgs 17); (3) the history of the surviving kingdom in Judah (2 Kgs 18–25).<\/p>\n<h5>The Reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 1–11)<\/h5>\n<p>The record begins with an account of the court intrigue surrounding Solomon’s accession to the throne, set against the backdrop of the abortive coup by Adonijah (ch 1). The dying David charges Solomon to obey the commandments of God (2:1-4) and also to take vengeance on his enemies (vv 5-9). After David’s death Solomon orders the deaths of Adonijah, Joab, and Shimei, and the banishment of Abiathar, the priest who had supported Adonijah in his bid for the throne (vv 13-46). Enemies eliminated, the kingdom was firmly established by Solomon (v 46).<\/p>\n<p>The remainder of Solomon’s reign is divided into two parts: Solomon the good, who follows in the ways of his father, David (chs 3–10); and Solomon the bad, whose heart is led astray (ch 11). While sacrificing at Gibeon, Solomon asks God to give him the gift of wisdom to rule—wisdom promptly demonstrated in the quarrel of two prostitutes about a child (ch 3). An account is given of the administrative organization of the kingdom and the incomparable wisdom of Solomon (ch 4). The compiler of Kings gives extensive coverage to the preparations (ch 5), building (chs 6–7), and dedication (ch 8) of the temple. God appeared to Solomon a second time, reminding him to keep his commandments as David had done (9:1-9). Details are given of the king’s building and commercial activities (vv 10-27). The account of the visit by the queen of Sheba is followed with elaboration of Solomon’s splendor (ch 10). But Solomon did not keep God’s commands; seduced to pagan worship by his foreign wives, he was not fully devoted to the Lord as David had been (11:4), and God determined to take away the northern tribes from the rule of his son (vv 11-13). As punishment from the hand of God, Solomon faced rebellion among conquered peoples (vv 14-25) and within Israel in the person of Jeroboam (vv 26-40).<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Divided Kingdom (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17)<\/h5>\n\n<p>The united monarchy dissolved after the death of Solomon. The northern kingdom (Israel) would exist for about two centuries, would be ruled by 20 kings from nine different dynasties, and would show a history of internal weakness riddled with regicide and usurpation. In contrast, the southern kingdom would last for three and a half centuries and would be ruled by 19 kings of Davidic descent (apart from a short period under the dynastic interloper Athaliah).<\/p>\n<p>There had been a long history of independent action and even warfare between the northern and southern tribes prior to David and Solomon, so it is no surprise that the division would take place along the lines that it did. The immediate cause, however, was the unwise severity with which Rehoboam replied to the representatives of the northern tribes while negotiating for the kingship. Jeroboam, the popular hero of the earlier insurrection against Solomon, became king in the north. He immediately erected the rival sanctuaries at Dan and Bethel (1 Kgs 12); these rival altars became the measure by which the kings of Israel were condemned for following in the sins of Jeroboam.<\/p>\n<p>For two generations there would be warfare between Israel and Judah over the border areas in Benjamin claimed by both sides. Fifty years of sporadic fighting on their mutual frontier, interlaced with invasions from the Arameans in the north or the Egyptians in the south, would consume the reigns of Jeroboam, Nadab, Baasha, Elah, and Zimri in Israel and of Rehoboam, Abijam, and Asa in Judah (1 Kgs 13:1–16:20).<\/p>\n<p>The accession of Omri in Israel introduced a ruling house that would last for a total of four generations and end the dynastic instability of the northern kingdom. Though Kings gives Omri a scant eight verses (1 Kgs 16:21-28), he was among the greatest of the northern kings, forging alliances with the Phoenicians and Judah; for over a century, the Assyrians would call Israel “the house of Omri.”<\/p>\n<p>The reigns of Omri’s successors, Ahab, Ahaziah, and Jehoram, are treated at disproportionate length, taking almost a third of the total book, 16 of 47 chapters (1 Kgs 17—2 Kgs 10). This is due to the fact that the compiler of Kings incorporated extensive coverage of the lives of Elijah and Elisha, weaving a contrast between good and evil by paralleling the dynasty of Omri with these prophets. Ahab and Jezebel were used as foils for the account of Elijah, so that Ahab became a paradigm of the evil king (e.g., 2 Kgs 21:3).<\/p>\n<p>Because of this preoccupation with the dynasty of Omri and the lives of Elijah and Elisha, the equivalent period in Judah is not given as extensive coverage. During this period, the northern kingdom appears to have exercised some hegemony over Judah, as attested by the marriage of an Omride (Athaliah, 2 Kgs 8:18, 26) to Jehoram of Judah and the subservient role of Jehoshaphat to Ahab at the battle of Ramoth-gilead (1 Kgs 22). Judah’s fortunes declined in this period when Edom revolted against Jehoram (2 Kgs 8:20-22), costing Judah control over the port at Ezion-geber and consequent economic losses.<\/p>\n<p>In 842 <span>BC<\/span> Jehu, after being anointed king by a prophet (2 Kgs 9:1-13), led a coup ending the house of Omri and also killing Ahaziah of Judah (vv 14-29). Jehu’s purge also brought the death of Jezebel, Ahab’s family, members of the family of Ahaziah, and the ministers of Baal (9:30–10:36). The consequences were severe politically: the murder of the Phoenician princess Jezebel and the king of Judah cost Israel its allies to the north and south.<\/p>\n<p>Jehu’s dynasty had the longest succession of any in Israel, including Jehoahaz, Jehoash, Jeroboam II, and Zechariah, a period spanning 90 years. Jehu’s murder of Ahaziah of Judah set the stage for the one threat to the continuity of the Davidic dynasty. Queen Athaliah, herself an Omride, seized the throne and attempted a purge of Davidic pretenders. She ruled for six years, until the faithful priest Jehoiada staged a countercoup to place the child Joash on the throne of David (ch 11).<\/p>\n<p>Israel endured a half century of weakness as a result of Jehu’s coup, during which the Arameans had a free hand, reducing the forces of Jehu’s son Jehoahaz to a small army and bodyguard (2 Kgs 13:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>The reemergence of Assyria early in the ninth century <span>BC<\/span> gave relief to Israel and Judah. Assyrian armies conquered the Arameans; with that threat removed, Israel and Judah enjoyed a dramatic resurgence. Jehoash of Israel, grandson of Jehu, reconquered cities lost to the Arameans (2 Kgs 13:25); Elisha died during his reign (v 20). In the south Amaziah reconquered the Edomites (14:7). Amaziah and Jehoash renewed the warfare between the kingdoms, with the north again victorious (vv 8-14).<\/p>\n<p>Under Jeroboam II, Israel enjoyed a period of prosperity when the borders of the kingdom reached the same extent as they had under Solomon (2 Kgs 14:23-28). Uzziah (Azariah), his contemporary in Judah, also fortified Jerusalem and undertook a program of offensive operations extending Judah’s sway to the south (14:21-22; 15:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>Yet this resurgence was but a brilliant sunset in the history of the two kingdoms. After the death of Jeroboam II, the history is one of successive disasters, culminating in the fall of Israel and the subjugation of Judah to the might of Assyria. The next 30 years in Israel would see four dynasties, three represented by only one king, and repeated regicides as the northern kingdom hastened to its demise. A period of civil war and anarchy would see five kings in just over ten years (2 Kgs 15). Heavy tribute was paid to Tiglath-pileser III in both the north and south (15:19-20; 16:7-10). Israel and the Arameans forged a coalition to throw back the Assyrians and sought to press Ahaz of Judah into the fight; Ahaz appealed to Tiglath-pileser III for help. The coalition was destroyed, and Israel and Judah became vassals. Hoshea defected as soon as he felt safe, looking to Egypt for help, but it was suicide for the northern kingdom. Shalmaneser V retaliated, and the political history of the state of Israel came to an end (17:1-23). The area was resettled with other displaced populations (vv 24-41).<\/p>\n<p>Israel had faced the Arameans and survived, only to fall to Assyria. And now, similarly, Judah would outlast Assyria, only to fall to Babylon.<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Surviving Kingdom of Judah (2 Kgs 18–25)<\/h5>\n<p>Ahaz’s appeal for Assyrian aid cost him his liberty, and Judah became a vassal of the Assyrian Empire. Illegitimate worship flourished under his rule (2 Kgs 16:1-19). Ahaz was succeeded by the first of the outstanding reform kings of Judah: Hezekiah. Much of the account of his reign is given to his rebellion against Sennacherib of Assyria: the rebellion, the Assyrian envoys and threats, Isaiah’s assurances of deliverance, and the destruction of the Assyrian armies (18:9–19:37). Hezekiah’s illness was averted after a sign and oracle from Isaiah (20:1-11). As part of what appears to be negotiations toward an anti-Assyrian alliance, Hezekiah also entertained envoys from Babylon, a decision that the prophet announced would be costly (vv 12-21).<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah was followed by Manasseh, who ruled longer than any other king of Judah (a total of 55 years). His reign was marked by great apostasy—apostasy so severe that the compiler of Kings regarded his reign as sufficient reason for the exile that was unavoidable (2 Kgs 21:1-18; cf. 23:26; 24:3-4; Jer 15:1-4). Manasseh was followed by his son Amon, a carbon copy of his father, who ruled only two years before he was deposed by the people (2 Kings 21:19-26).<\/p>\n<p>The second great reform king of Judah, Josiah, followed. In his reign the Book of the Law was found while the temple was being refurbished; he led the people in a renewal of the covenant and suppressed illegitimate worship (2 Kgs 22:1–23:14). The Assyrian Empire was in rapid decline, so Josiah extended his borders to the north, destroying the altar at Bethel and the high places throughout Samaria (23:15-20). A great Passover celebration was convened in Jerusalem, and further measures were taken to rectify worship (vv 21-25). Josiah tried to block Pharaoh Neco’s foray to assist Assyria, and he lost his life at Megiddo (vv 26-30).<\/p>\n<p>Josiah was the only king of Judah to have three of his sons succeed him. At his death the people put Jehoahaz on the throne, but Neco removed him three months later and took him to Egypt in chains (2 Kgs 23:31-33), replacing him with another son of Josiah, Eliakim, whose name was changed to Jehoiakim (vv 34-37). During his reign, Nebuchadnezzar conquered Judah, and Jehoiakim became his vassal. Late in his life Jehoiakim rebelled against Nebuchadnezzar. Jehoiakim died, leaving his son Jehoiachin to face retaliation from Babylon (24:1-10). Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem; when the city fell, Jehoiachin, the queen mother, the army, and the leaders of the land were carried away captive. Nebuchadnezzar put Mattaniah (uncle of Jehoiachin and third son of Josiah) on the throne, changing his name to Zedekiah (vv 11-17). Nine years later Zedekiah, too, would rebel against Babylon. Nebuchadnezzar besieged the city for two years and, when it fell, utterly destroyed it. Zedekiah’s sons were killed before his eyes, and then his own eyes were put out, and he was taken to Babylon (24:18–25:21). Nebuchadnezzar appointed Gedaliah to rule as governor from nearby Mizpah; he was assassinated, and the conspirators fled to Egypt (25:22-26).<\/p>\n<p>The book concludes by showing that God had not forgotten his promise to David, mentioning that in captivity Jehoiachin enjoyed favor from the hand of Evil-merodach, successor of Nebuchadnezzar (2 Kgs 25:27-30).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Chronicles, Books of First and Second.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>KINGS, Books of First and Second<\/h3>\n<p>Books continuing the history of the covenant people as recorded in Joshua, Judges, and the books of Samuel. The record in Kings begins with the events at the end of David’s reign (1 Kgs 1–2). It continues through the reign of Solomon (chs 3–11); the histories of the divided kingdoms (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17); and the history of the surviving kingdom in the south, through its fall in 586 <span>BC<\/span> and the subsequent kindness shown Jehoiachin by Evil-merodach, king of Babylon, around 561 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 18–25).<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Authorship and Date<\/p>\n<p>• Sources<\/p>\n<p>• Theology and Purpose<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"AuthorshipandDate\">Authorship and Date<\/p>\n<p>Kings was originally regarded as one book in the Hebrew canon; the division into two books of approximately equal length appeared first in the Septuagint and finally entered the Hebrew Bible in the 15th century <span>AD<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>The book itself is anonymous, and information about its author can only be deduced by examining the concerns and perspectives of the work. The Babylonian Talmud (<em>Baba Bathra<\/em> 15a) attributes Kings to Jeremiah. Although this identification could have arisen from the tendency of later Jewish tradition to assign biblical books to prophetic authors, the theory of origin in prophetic circles fits the evidence quite well. Substantial portions are given to the lives of the prophets; 16 of 47 chapters are devoted to the lives of Elijah and Elisha (1 Kgs 17—2 Kgs 10), and there is considerable interest in other prophetic figures such as Ahijah (1 Kgs 11:29-39; 14:1-16), an unnamed man of God (13:1-10), and Micaiah (22:13-28). Possible dependence on Isaiah (2 Kgs 18–20; cf. Is 36–39) and Jeremiah (2 Kgs 24–25; cf. Jer 52) also suggest prophetic origin. The author-compiler also shows intense concern with the efficacy of the prophetic word, frequently calling attention to the fulfillment of words spoken earlier by the prophets.<\/p>\n<p>One might initially think that such a history would be unlikely for a prophet, but the evidence is to the contrary. The prophets were the guardians of the covenant relationship and are known to have produced accounts used as sources by other biblical historians. The following are among such sources: the acts of Samuel the seer, the acts of Nathan the prophet, the acts of Gad the seer (1 Chr 29:29); the acts of Nathan the prophet, the prophecy of Ahijah the Shilonite, the visions of Iddo the seer (2 Chr 9:29); the chronicles of Shemaiah the prophet and of Iddo the seer (12:15); the annotations of the prophet Iddo (13:22); and the acts of Uzziah by Isaiah the prophet (26:22). Add to this the fact that Kings is positioned in the Hebrew canon in the Former Prophets (Joshua to 2 Kings), and a consistent picture of prophetic origin emerges.<\/p>\n<p>The date of the final part of the book must be after the last events recorded. Evil-merodach’s kindness toward Jehoiachin (c. 561 <span>BC<\/span>) is the terminus of the book and therefore fixes the earliest date. Since the work shows no knowledge of the restoration period, a date before 539 <span>BC<\/span> is probable. The author’s selection of his data to answer the burning theological questions of the exilic community also suggests a date between 561 and 539 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Sources\">Sources<\/p>\n<p>The compiler of Kings specifically names three of the sources that he used in his work, and biblical scholars have suggested the presence of a number of other sources that may have been cited. Of course, the sources not mentioned specifically by the compiler are only the speculations of those who have studied his work and can have only varying degrees of probability. The sources both specified and alleged are as follows.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the Acts of Solomon<\/h5>\n<p>As 1 Kings 11:41 says, “The rest of the events in Solomon’s reign, including his wisdom, are recorded in <em>The Book of the Acts of Solomon”<\/em> (<span>nlt<\/span>). Presumably additional materials of a biographical nature were included, specifically accounts similar to the judgment between the two mothers (3:16-28) or the visit of the queen of Sheba (10:1-10). There has been debate as to whether these materials were official court records or nonofficial documents. Some scholars have attempted to isolate further materials within this section by identifying descriptions of the buildings as from temple archives (chs 6–7) and lists of administrators as from administrative documents (chs 4–5), but this must remain speculative.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the History of the Kings of Israel<\/h5>\n<p>This source is mentioned 17 times in Kings, usually in the closing formulas at the end of the account of the reign of a northern king. Some idea of the nature of these chronicles can be derived from looking at the type of information to which the compiler refers his readers (see 1 Kgs 14:19; 16:27; 22:39; 2 Kgs 13:12; 14:28). These passages suggest that this source was the official annals covering the reigns of the kings.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the History of the Kings of Judah<\/h5>\n<p>This source is mentioned in 15 passages, and as with the kings of Israel, is found in the concluding formulas to the accounts of the reigns. This source was to be consulted for additional details on individuals’ reigns (for example, see 1 Kgs 15:23; 22:45; 2 Kgs 20:20; 21:17). These sources for the histories of the two kingdoms were probably similar to the annals known from the surrounding cultures, particularly from the reigns of Assyrian kings. They were likely official court histories kept in Samaria and Jerusalem.<\/p>\n<p>In addition to these explicitly mentioned sources, scholars have suggested the compiler drew on other sources that he does not name.<\/p>\n<h5>Davidic Court History<\/h5>\n<p>Second Samuel 9–20 is often identified as a unit of material in the composition of the books of Samuel; it is variously called “the court history” or “the succession narrative.” Because of similar vocabulary and outlook, 1 Kings 1–2 are often associated with this material from Samuel. The statement of 1 Kings 2:46, “so the kingdom was now firmly in Solomon’s grip,” is taken to be the end of this record.<\/p>\n<h5>Sources for the House of Ahab<\/h5>\n<p>The reigns of individual kings are ordinarily given only brief notices; for example, the father of Ahab, Omri, is given eight verses, even though when judged by political and economic significance, he was among the greatest of the northern kings (1 Kgs 16:21-28). However, beginning with the reign of Ahab, the record becomes quite expansive, and extensive coverage is given the dynasty of Ahab through the coup by Jehu (1 Kgs 16—2 Kgs 12). The use of the stereotyped formulas for the reigns is suspended in this material, and the existence of other literature used by the compiler is probable. This material is commonly subdivided into further sources for the lives of Elijah and Elisha and the reign of Ahab.<\/p>\n<p>The Elijah section covers material in the following chapters: 1 Kings 17–19, including the feeding by the ravens, the incidents with the widow of Zarephath, the drought, the fire on Carmel, and the revelation of God at Sinai; 1 Kings 21, the affair of Naboth’s vineyard; and 2 Kings 1, the death of Ahaziah’s messengers. The reign of Ahab, which gets so much attention in Kings, is primarily a backdrop for the accounts concerning Elijah.<\/p>\n<p>The Elisha material found in 2 Kings 2–13 may have had an independent literary development from that of the Elijah accounts. It includes the following: chapter 2 (Elisha’s succession to the prophetic office, the purification of a spring, the death of mocking children); chapter 3 (on the campaign against Moab); chapter 4 (the widow’s oil, the Shunammite woman); chapter 5 (Naaman’s leprosy); chapter 6 (the Aramean attempt to capture Elisha); chapter 7 (the famine in Samaria); chapter 8 (the Shunammite’s property, the coup of Hazael); chapter 9 (the anointing of Jehu); and chapter 13 (the death of Elisha). No other portion of the OT takes the sheer delight in the miraculous that is seen in the Elisha narratives.<\/p>\n<p>In 1 Kings 16 to 2 Kings 13 there are additional incidents not directly related to the biographies of Elijah and Elisha; accounts such as the military campaigns of 1 Kings 20:1-34 and further details of Jehu’s coup (2 Kgs 9:11–10:36) are often attributed to a third source containing accounts of the dynasty of Ahab and his successors. In all three of these possible sources the orientation is toward affairs in the northern kingdom.<\/p>\n<h5>Isaiah Source<\/h5>\n<p>The account of the reign of Hezekiah contains a section (2 Kgs 18:13–20:19) that is nearly a verbatim citation of material also found in Isaiah (Is 36:1–39:8). The section records the invasion of Sennacherib, the mission of the Rabshakeh, Hezekiah’s prayer, Isaiah’s prophecy, Hezekiah’s illness, the regression of the sun, and the envoys from Merodach-baladan. The material must be regarded as based on the book of Isaiah or some other source used in both Isaiah and Kings.<\/p>\n<h5>A Prophetic Source<\/h5>\n<p>Because Kings shows great interest in the prophets and their ministries, various scholars have suggested that yet another source was used by the compiler; this would be an independent literary unit containing accounts of the prophets. This source would have contained the records for the material on Ahijah (1 Kgs 11:29-39; 14:1-16), unnamed prophets (ch 12; 20:35-43), Micaiah (22:13-28), and other references.<\/p>\n<p>Apart from the sources explicitly mentioned and inferences about their character, the remainder of the sources suggested have only varying degrees of probability. Considerable scholarly effort has gone into identifying and characterizing such sources, but it remains speculative. When considering the sources the compiler may have used, one important caution must be kept in mind. Even if such sources did exist, one cannot have confidence in a reconstruction of the compositional history. Which sources had already been integrated into a larger composition before they were used by the compiler of Kings? We cannot be certain that the life situation out of which these other sources grew has been correctly identified, nor can we know that even the compiler himself was aware of the past history of his sources. Biblical scholarship has expended considerable energy in trying to delineate the past history of the book of Kings, but it has often been at the neglect of the unity of perspective that is the product of the final compiler(s) in whose hands the book received its canonical form.<\/p>\n<p>What is important to understanding the book is not the perspective of its various sources (of which the compiler himself may have been unaware), but the perspective of the book as a whole on the history of the kingdoms. It is the outline that the compiler has imposed on the sources that establishes the teaching of the book; his sources are used in accord with his own purposes, a fact that makes the purposes for which the sources had been prepared largely irrelevant to the teaching of the book in its present form. Exploring possible sources, worthwhile in itself, must not eclipse the message of the book as a whole. This is not to imply that the books of Kings are simply a compilation of unaltered sources. The writer(s) undoubtedly exercised a measure of selectivity and literary skill in composing the historical narrative.<\/p>\n<p>One compositional technique of the compiler is quite prominent in the histories of the divided kingdoms: this is the use of formulaic introductions and conclusions to the various reigns. The formulas for both kingdoms are quite similar, differing only in minor details. For the kings of Judah, the full introductory formula is as follows: (1) year of accession synchronized with the regnal year of the northern king; (2) age of the king at his accession; (3) length of his reign; (4) name of his mother; (5) judgment on the character of the reign. The account of a Judean king’s reign is concluded as follows: (1) a reference to the chronicles of the kings of Judah for further information; (2) a statement regarding the death of the king, including the place of burial; (3) successor: “And his son reigned in his stead” (<span>rsv<\/span>). The full formula for a Judean king can be seen, for example, in the reign of Rehoboam (1 Kgs 14:21-22, 29-31).<\/p>\n<p>The formulas differ slightly for the kings of Israel; the introduction is as follows: (1) year of succession synchronized with the regnal year of the southern king; (2) length of his reign; (3) location of the royal residence; (4) condemnation for idolatry; (5) name of the king’s father. The account of an Israelite king’s reign ends as follows: (1) a reference to the chronicles of the kings of Israel for further information; (2) a statement regarding his death; (3) a statement of the succession of his son, unless a usurper follows. The full formula for an Israelite king can be seen, for example, in the reign of Baasha (1 Kgs 15:33-34; 16:5-6).<\/p>\n<p>There is some variation in the use of these patterns, but on the whole, they are consistently followed and provide the basic framework for the history of the divided kingdom. The synchronisms of the reigns provide data for constructing the chronology of the period. The variations in the formulas may reflect the characteristics of the sources the compiler was using or may reflect his own interests. The name of the mother of a Judean king is recorded, but not of an Israelite king, perhaps reflecting concern with a more exact and fuller record of the Davidic succession. The royal residence is presumed to be Jerusalem for the southern kings (though it may be mentioned) but is recorded for the northern kings since it moved several times, from Shechem to Penuel to Tirzah to Samaria. The mention of the king’s father for a northern ruler also reflects the frequent change in dynasties there, as opposed to the dynastic stability of Judah, which is reinforced by mentioning the burial of almost all its kings in the city of David.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheologyandPurpose\">Theology and Purpose<\/p>\n<p>The books of Kings record the history of the covenant people from the end of the reign of David (961 <span>BC<\/span>) through the fall of the southern kingdom (586 <span>BC<\/span>). Yet it is not history written in accord with modern expectations for history textbooks. Rather than concentrating on economic, political, and military themes as they shaped the history of the period, the compiler of Kings is motivated by theological concerns.<\/p>\n<p>Evaluation of the theology and purpose of the books of Kings is made easier by the fact that there is a parallel history for much of Kings found in the books of Chronicles. By comparing the two accounts, especially where the later Chronicler adds or deletes material found in Kings, the interests of both histories are thrown into clearer relief.<\/p>\n<p>The books of Kings were composed during the exile, likely between 560 and 539 <span>BC<\/span>. Jerusalem had been turned into rubble, and there was no longer a throne of David. Those two pillars of the popular theology—the inviolability of the temple and the throne of David (Jer 7:4; 13:13-14; 22:1-9; see 1 Kgs 8:16, 29)—had tumbled. If Israel’s faith was to survive, the burning questions that had to be answered were “How did it all happen? Can’t God keep his promises to David and to Zion? Have the promises failed?” The writer of Kings aims to deal with the bewilderment of the chosen people in response to the disasters of 722 <span>BC<\/span> (fall of Samaria) and 586 <span>BC<\/span> (fall of Jerusalem). Kings, like the book of Job, is a theodicy, a justification of the ways of God to men.<\/p>\n<p>In order to answer the question “How did it happen?” the compiler adopts the procedure of recounting the history of the covenant people in light of standards propounded in the Law. For this reason Kings could be called Pentateuchal history, or even more pointedly, Deuteronomic history, for standards propounded only in the book of Deuteronomy in the Pentateuch are used by the compiler to measure the kingdoms. Among the prominent themes selected from Deuteronomy and applied to the kingdoms are the centralization of worship, the institution of the monarchy, the efficacy of the prophetic word, and the outworking of the covenant curses on disobedience.<\/p>\n<h5>Centralization of Worship<\/h5>\n<p>The primary concern of the writer is the purity of the worship of the Lord. His major criterion for measuring this purity is the attitude of the kings toward centralization of worship in the Jerusalem temple as opposed to the worship of the Lord elsewhere and the continuation of Canaanite cults mingled with Yahwism at the high places. Centralization of worship at the central shrine is called for in Deuteronomy 12. Perhaps “centralization of worship” is a misnomer, for worship was always centered around the tabernacle in the periods prior to the temple; the change that is envisaged in Deuteronomy is not the centralizing of worship but rather the fact that the shrine would no longer be mobile but stationary. For the kings of the northern kingdom, this criterion becomes virtually a stereotyped formula that “he did that which was evil in the sight of the Lord and walked in the way of Jeroboam son of Nebat, who sinned and made all Israel sin along with him” (see 1 Kgs 14:16; 15:30; 16:31; 2 Kgs 3:3; 10:31; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:22). The compiler of Kings sees the rival altars with the golden calves at Dan and Bethel as the great sin of which the northern kings never repented (1 Kgs 12:25–13:34). Rejecting the primacy of Jerusalem, these altars became the rod with which to measure the northern kings. All the kings of Israel are condemned by this standard (except for Shallum, who reigned but a month, and Hoshea, the last of the northern kings)—even Zimri, the murderer of Elah, who ruled only one week before committing suicide in the flames of his own palace (16:9-20). For the kings of Judah, a different standard is used: what their attitude was to the high places where heterodox worship was allowed to flourish in the environs of Jerusalem. Only Hezekiah and Josiah receive the compiler’s unqualified endorsement for following the ways of David (2 Kgs 18:3; 22:2). Six others are commended for their zeal in suppressing idolatry, though they did not remove the high places (Asa, 1 Kgs 15:9-15; Jehoshaphat, 22:43; Jehoash, 2 Kgs 12:2-3; Amaziah, 14:3-4; Azariah, 15:3-4; Jotham, 15:34-35). The remainder of the Judean kings are condemned for their participation in the high places and their desecration of the temple itself. This one theme is the preeminent motif in the book.<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Monarchy<\/h5>\n<p>A second prominent interest for the compiler was to trace the history of the monarchy. Deuteronomy 17:14-20 provides for the day when Israel would ask for a king and charges that king with the basic religious responsibility for the people. This provision for a king, again a feature found only in Deuteronomy, becomes the basis for the compiler’s intense interest in the history of the monarchy, and particularly the religious fidelity of the kings. David becomes the model of the ideal king, the one by whom the others are measured, the one whose sons “continue long in his kingdom in the midst of Israel” (17:20; see also 1 Kgs 15:11; 2 Kgs 18:3; 22:2 for following in the ways of David, and 1 Kgs 14:8; 15:3-5; 2 Kgs 14:3; 16:2 for the reverse). The compiler wanted to show that God had been faithful to David even though David’s sons were not faithful. While both kingdoms had about the same number of kings, the northern kingdom is marked by repeated dynastic changes and regicide through its 200 years, while the dynasty of David is maintained as a lamp in the south through 350 years (1 Kgs 11:13, 32, 36; 15:4-5; 2 Kgs 8:19; 19:34; 20:6). It is the disaster that had befallen the house of David, and the consequent doubts about the promises of God, that prompted the compiler to write.<\/p>\n<h5>Efficacy of the Prophetic Word<\/h5>\n<p>Another reason why Kings can be called Deuteronomic history is its concern with the efficacy of the prophetic word. There are three passages in the Pentateuch that deal with the institution of the prophetic order: Numbers 12:1-8; Deuteronomy 13:1-5; and Deuteronomy 18:14-22. It is only in Deuteronomy 18 that the test of a true prophet is given: that what he has spoken comes about, that his words are fulfilled. Notice the number of instances where the writer calls attention to the fulfillment of the words of the prophets: 2 Samuel 7:13 in 1 Kings 8:20; 1 Kings 11:29-36 in 12:15; 1 Kings 13:1-3 in 2 Kings 23:16-18; 1 Kings 14:6-12 in 14:17-18 and 15:29; 1 Kings 16:1-4 in 16:7, 11-12; Joshua 6:26 in 1 Kings 16:34; 1 Kings 22:17 in 22:35-38; 1 Kings 21:21-29 in 2 Kings 9:7-10, 30-37 and 10:10-11, 30; 2 Kings 1:6 in 1:17; 2 Kings 21:10-15 in 24:2; 2 Kings 22:15-20 in 23:30. The writer is concerned to show that the words of the prophets were efficacious, powerful words. His concern with the prophetic order is also seen in the material devoted to Elijah and Elisha and to other prophetic figures.<\/p>\n<h5>Fulfillment of the Curses<\/h5>\n<p>Another aspect of the compiler’s interest in Deuteronomy is seen in his concern to trace the fulfillment of the covenant curses on disobedience. God’s covenant with Israel would issue in curses or blessings depending on the obedience of the people; the compiler of Kings sees the curses inflicted on the two kingdoms because of their failure to meet the demands of the covenant. He takes care to show that most of the curses of Deuteronomy 28:15-68 had some historical realization in the life of the people. Moses had warned that disobedience would “bring a nation against you from afar, from the end of the earth, as the eagle swoops down” (Dt 28:49, <span>nasb<\/span>), and the Assyrians came to Samaria and the Babylonians to Jerusalem (28:52). The siege of Samaria lasted from 724 to 722 <span>BC<\/span>, and the siege of Jerusalem from 588 to 586 <span>BC<\/span>. The dire conditions of the siege would drive the people to devouring their own children; women would feed on their afterbirths. It happened to Israel in the siege of Ben-hadad (2 Kgs 6:24-30). Just as the Lord had delighted to prosper and multiply his people, so he would not refrain from destroying them and scattering them among the peoples of the earth (Dt 28:63-67).<\/p>\n<p>In these and other ways the writer of Kings set out to write the history of Israel and Judah to solve a theological dilemma. How was one to reconcile the exile with God’s promises to the nation and David? His answer is twofold: (1) the problem was not with God but with the people’s disobedience—God remains just; (2) the end of the state does not equal the end of the people or the house of David. Here the ending of the book is instructive: Evil-merodach releases Jehoiachin from prison, elevates him above the other kings, and provides his rations (2 Kgs 25:27-30). Even during the exile, though cut down to almost nothing, the house of David still enjoys the favor and blessing of God. God has not abandoned his promises; the people should keep hope.<\/p>\n<p>Other themes in Kings also show the theological motivations underlying the compiler’s selection and arrangement of the data, particularly his use of Deuteronomy as a framework for examining the history of the people. Compare the laws governing the observance of Passover in Exodus 12:1-20 and Deuteronomy 16:1-8: whereas the Passover is centered in the family in Exodus, it is celebrated at the sanctuary in Deuteronomy. The writer of Kings is careful to show that the Passover during the reign of Josiah was celebrated in accordance with the requirements of Deuteronomy (2 Kgs 23:21-23). A passage in Deuteronomy is explicitly cited with reference to Amaziah’s keeping the law (Dt 24:16 in 2 Kgs 14:6).<\/p>\n<h5>Contrast with Chronicles<\/h5>\n<p>The interests of Kings are further highlighted when compared with the parallel accounts in Chronicles. While the writer of Kings worked in the aftermath of the destruction of Jerusalem and had to answer the “how?” and “why?” questions, the Chronicler is part of the restoration community. Here the burning theological questions were not “how?” and “why?” but rather “What continuity do we have with David? Is God still interested in us?” The need is not to account for the exile but rather to relate the postexilic and the preexilic. The building of the second temple and the ordering of worship there show up in increased detail in Chronicles in any matter pertaining to the former temple. Chronicles is a history of Judah and of the Davidic line, reflecting the fact that it alone survives after the exile. Interesting, too, are the things omitted from the account by the Chronicler. Since he is not building a case for an indictment, as was done in Samuel and Kings, he is free to omit references to David’s sin with Bathsheba (2 Sm 11) or to Solomon’s difficulties in gaining the throne (1 Kgs 1–2). Since in his day the northern kingdom had not survived, the Chronicler did not go into detail about the sins of Jeroboam (chs 13–14). Chronicles is interested more in the affairs of the temple and does not show the marked interest in prophetic matters found in Kings, so that the lives of Elijah and Elisha are omitted (1 Kgs 16—2 Kgs 10). Nor does the Chronicler recite the sins that led to the demise of the northern kingdom (2 Kgs 17:1–18:12). In all these examples one can see the interplay of the historical moment and theological concerns of the people and the compilers. Each compiler has selected and arranged the data in accordance with the concerns and needs of the community in which he was a member; comparing the two accounts throws the interests of each into sharp relief.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n\n<p>The books of Kings fall into three parts: (1) the reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 1–11); (2) the history of the divided kingdom (1 Kgs 12–2 Kgs 17); (3) the history of the surviving kingdom in Judah (2 Kgs 18–25).<\/p>\n<h5>The Reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 1–11)<\/h5>\n<p>The record begins with an account of the court intrigue surrounding Solomon’s accession to the throne, set against the backdrop of the abortive coup by Adonijah (ch 1). The dying David charges Solomon to obey the commandments of God (2:1-4) and also to take vengeance on his enemies (vv 5-9). After David’s death Solomon orders the deaths of Adonijah, Joab, and Shimei, and the banishment of Abiathar, the priest who had supported Adonijah in his bid for the throne (vv 13-46). Enemies eliminated, the kingdom was firmly established by Solomon (v 46).<\/p>\n<p>The remainder of Solomon’s reign is divided into two parts: Solomon the good, who follows in the ways of his father, David (chs 3–10); and Solomon the bad, whose heart is led astray (ch 11). While sacrificing at Gibeon, Solomon asks God to give him the gift of wisdom to rule—wisdom promptly demonstrated in the quarrel of two prostitutes about a child (ch 3). An account is given of the administrative organization of the kingdom and the incomparable wisdom of Solomon (ch 4). The compiler of Kings gives extensive coverage to the preparations (ch 5), building (chs 6–7), and dedication (ch 8) of the temple. God appeared to Solomon a second time, reminding him to keep his commandments as David had done (9:1-9). Details are given of the king’s building and commercial activities (vv 10-27). The account of the visit by the queen of Sheba is followed with elaboration of Solomon’s splendor (ch 10). But Solomon did not keep God’s commands; seduced to pagan worship by his foreign wives, he was not fully devoted to the Lord as David had been (11:4), and God determined to take away the northern tribes from the rule of his son (vv 11-13). As punishment from the hand of God, Solomon faced rebellion among conquered peoples (vv 14-25) and within Israel in the person of Jeroboam (vv 26-40).<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Divided Kingdom (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17)<\/h5>\n\n<p>The united monarchy dissolved after the death of Solomon. The northern kingdom (Israel) would exist for about two centuries, would be ruled by 20 kings from nine different dynasties, and would show a history of internal weakness riddled with regicide and usurpation. In contrast, the southern kingdom would last for three and a half centuries and would be ruled by 19 kings of Davidic descent (apart from a short period under the dynastic interloper Athaliah).<\/p>\n<p>There had been a long history of independent action and even warfare between the northern and southern tribes prior to David and Solomon, so it is no surprise that the division would take place along the lines that it did. The immediate cause, however, was the unwise severity with which Rehoboam replied to the representatives of the northern tribes while negotiating for the kingship. Jeroboam, the popular hero of the earlier insurrection against Solomon, became king in the north. He immediately erected the rival sanctuaries at Dan and Bethel (1 Kgs 12); these rival altars became the measure by which the kings of Israel were condemned for following in the sins of Jeroboam.<\/p>\n<p>For two generations there would be warfare between Israel and Judah over the border areas in Benjamin claimed by both sides. Fifty years of sporadic fighting on their mutual frontier, interlaced with invasions from the Arameans in the north or the Egyptians in the south, would consume the reigns of Jeroboam, Nadab, Baasha, Elah, and Zimri in Israel and of Rehoboam, Abijam, and Asa in Judah (1 Kgs 13:1–16:20).<\/p>\n<p>The accession of Omri in Israel introduced a ruling house that would last for a total of four generations and end the dynastic instability of the northern kingdom. Though Kings gives Omri a scant eight verses (1 Kgs 16:21-28), he was among the greatest of the northern kings, forging alliances with the Phoenicians and Judah; for over a century, the Assyrians would call Israel “the house of Omri.”<\/p>\n<p>The reigns of Omri’s successors, Ahab, Ahaziah, and Jehoram, are treated at disproportionate length, taking almost a third of the total book, 16 of 47 chapters (1 Kgs 17—2 Kgs 10). This is due to the fact that the compiler of Kings incorporated extensive coverage of the lives of Elijah and Elisha, weaving a contrast between good and evil by paralleling the dynasty of Omri with these prophets. Ahab and Jezebel were used as foils for the account of Elijah, so that Ahab became a paradigm of the evil king (e.g., 2 Kgs 21:3).<\/p>\n<p>Because of this preoccupation with the dynasty of Omri and the lives of Elijah and Elisha, the equivalent period in Judah is not given as extensive coverage. During this period, the northern kingdom appears to have exercised some hegemony over Judah, as attested by the marriage of an Omride (Athaliah, 2 Kgs 8:18, 26) to Jehoram of Judah and the subservient role of Jehoshaphat to Ahab at the battle of Ramoth-gilead (1 Kgs 22). Judah’s fortunes declined in this period when Edom revolted against Jehoram (2 Kgs 8:20-22), costing Judah control over the port at Ezion-geber and consequent economic losses.<\/p>\n<p>In 842 <span>BC<\/span> Jehu, after being anointed king by a prophet (2 Kgs 9:1-13), led a coup ending the house of Omri and also killing Ahaziah of Judah (vv 14-29). Jehu’s purge also brought the death of Jezebel, Ahab’s family, members of the family of Ahaziah, and the ministers of Baal (9:30–10:36). The consequences were severe politically: the murder of the Phoenician princess Jezebel and the king of Judah cost Israel its allies to the north and south.<\/p>\n<p>Jehu’s dynasty had the longest succession of any in Israel, including Jehoahaz, Jehoash, Jeroboam II, and Zechariah, a period spanning 90 years. Jehu’s murder of Ahaziah of Judah set the stage for the one threat to the continuity of the Davidic dynasty. Queen Athaliah, herself an Omride, seized the throne and attempted a purge of Davidic pretenders. She ruled for six years, until the faithful priest Jehoiada staged a countercoup to place the child Joash on the throne of David (ch 11).<\/p>\n<p>Israel endured a half century of weakness as a result of Jehu’s coup, during which the Arameans had a free hand, reducing the forces of Jehu’s son Jehoahaz to a small army and bodyguard (2 Kgs 13:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>The reemergence of Assyria early in the ninth century <span>BC<\/span> gave relief to Israel and Judah. Assyrian armies conquered the Arameans; with that threat removed, Israel and Judah enjoyed a dramatic resurgence. Jehoash of Israel, grandson of Jehu, reconquered cities lost to the Arameans (2 Kgs 13:25); Elisha died during his reign (v 20). In the south Amaziah reconquered the Edomites (14:7). Amaziah and Jehoash renewed the warfare between the kingdoms, with the north again victorious (vv 8-14).<\/p>\n<p>Under Jeroboam II, Israel enjoyed a period of prosperity when the borders of the kingdom reached the same extent as they had under Solomon (2 Kgs 14:23-28). Uzziah (Azariah), his contemporary in Judah, also fortified Jerusalem and undertook a program of offensive operations extending Judah’s sway to the south (14:21-22; 15:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>Yet this resurgence was but a brilliant sunset in the history of the two kingdoms. After the death of Jeroboam II, the history is one of successive disasters, culminating in the fall of Israel and the subjugation of Judah to the might of Assyria. The next 30 years in Israel would see four dynasties, three represented by only one king, and repeated regicides as the northern kingdom hastened to its demise. A period of civil war and anarchy would see five kings in just over ten years (2 Kgs 15). Heavy tribute was paid to Tiglath-pileser III in both the north and south (15:19-20; 16:7-10). Israel and the Arameans forged a coalition to throw back the Assyrians and sought to press Ahaz of Judah into the fight; Ahaz appealed to Tiglath-pileser III for help. The coalition was destroyed, and Israel and Judah became vassals. Hoshea defected as soon as he felt safe, looking to Egypt for help, but it was suicide for the northern kingdom. Shalmaneser V retaliated, and the political history of the state of Israel came to an end (17:1-23). The area was resettled with other displaced populations (vv 24-41).<\/p>\n<p>Israel had faced the Arameans and survived, only to fall to Assyria. And now, similarly, Judah would outlast Assyria, only to fall to Babylon.<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Surviving Kingdom of Judah (2 Kgs 18–25)<\/h5>\n<p>Ahaz’s appeal for Assyrian aid cost him his liberty, and Judah became a vassal of the Assyrian Empire. Illegitimate worship flourished under his rule (2 Kgs 16:1-19). Ahaz was succeeded by the first of the outstanding reform kings of Judah: Hezekiah. Much of the account of his reign is given to his rebellion against Sennacherib of Assyria: the rebellion, the Assyrian envoys and threats, Isaiah’s assurances of deliverance, and the destruction of the Assyrian armies (18:9–19:37). Hezekiah’s illness was averted after a sign and oracle from Isaiah (20:1-11). As part of what appears to be negotiations toward an anti-Assyrian alliance, Hezekiah also entertained envoys from Babylon, a decision that the prophet announced would be costly (vv 12-21).<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah was followed by Manasseh, who ruled longer than any other king of Judah (a total of 55 years). His reign was marked by great apostasy—apostasy so severe that the compiler of Kings regarded his reign as sufficient reason for the exile that was unavoidable (2 Kgs 21:1-18; cf. 23:26; 24:3-4; Jer 15:1-4). Manasseh was followed by his son Amon, a carbon copy of his father, who ruled only two years before he was deposed by the people (2 Kings 21:19-26).<\/p>\n<p>The second great reform king of Judah, Josiah, followed. In his reign the Book of the Law was found while the temple was being refurbished; he led the people in a renewal of the covenant and suppressed illegitimate worship (2 Kgs 22:1–23:14). The Assyrian Empire was in rapid decline, so Josiah extended his borders to the north, destroying the altar at Bethel and the high places throughout Samaria (23:15-20). A great Passover celebration was convened in Jerusalem, and further measures were taken to rectify worship (vv 21-25). Josiah tried to block Pharaoh Neco’s foray to assist Assyria, and he lost his life at Megiddo (vv 26-30).<\/p>\n<p>Josiah was the only king of Judah to have three of his sons succeed him. At his death the people put Jehoahaz on the throne, but Neco removed him three months later and took him to Egypt in chains (2 Kgs 23:31-33), replacing him with another son of Josiah, Eliakim, whose name was changed to Jehoiakim (vv 34-37). During his reign, Nebuchadnezzar conquered Judah, and Jehoiakim became his vassal. Late in his life Jehoiakim rebelled against Nebuchadnezzar. Jehoiakim died, leaving his son Jehoiachin to face retaliation from Babylon (24:1-10). Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem; when the city fell, Jehoiachin, the queen mother, the army, and the leaders of the land were carried away captive. Nebuchadnezzar put Mattaniah (uncle of Jehoiachin and third son of Josiah) on the throne, changing his name to Zedekiah (vv 11-17). Nine years later Zedekiah, too, would rebel against Babylon. Nebuchadnezzar besieged the city for two years and, when it fell, utterly destroyed it. Zedekiah’s sons were killed before his eyes, and then his own eyes were put out, and he was taken to Babylon (24:18–25:21). Nebuchadnezzar appointed Gedaliah to rule as governor from nearby Mizpah; he was assassinated, and the conspirators fled to Egypt (25:22-26).<\/p>\n<p>The book concludes by showing that God had not forgotten his promise to David, mentioning that in captivity Jehoiachin enjoyed favor from the hand of Evil-merodach, successor of Nebuchadnezzar (2 Kgs 25:27-30).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Chronicles, Books of First and Second.<\/p>","summary_ro":"KINGS, Books of First and Second Books continuing the history of the covenant people as recorded in Joshua, Judges, and the books of Samuel. The record in Kings begins with the events at the end of David’s reign (1 Kgs 1–2). It continues through the reign of Solomon (chs 3–11); the histories of the divided kingdoms (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17); and the history of the surviving kingdom in the south, through its fall in 586 BC and the subsequent kindness shown Jehoiachin by Evil-merodach, king of Babylo...","summary_en":"KINGS, Books of First and Second Books continuing the history of the covenant people as recorded in Joshua, Judges, and the books of Samuel. The record in Kings begins with the events at the end of David’s reign (1 Kgs 1–2). It continues through the reign of Solomon (chs 3–11); the histories of the divided kingdoms (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17); and the history of the surviving kingdom in the south, through its fall in 586 BC and the subsequent kindness shown Jehoiachin by Evil-merodach, king of Babylo...","source":"Articles\/K.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":26272,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Moon","title_en":"Moon","content_ro":"<h3>MOON<\/h3>\n<p>Lesser luminary of the heavens (Gn 1:16). Many Semitic languages use the same word for moon as the Hebrew. In three passages in the Hebrew OT (Sg 6:10; Is 24:23; 30:26), the moon is called “the white one,” and paired with “the hot one,” the sun. Another term, “crescent,” is used in other languages such as Aramaic and Arabic, and “crescent ornaments” (Jgs 8:21, 26; Is 3:18) are mentioned.<\/p>\n<p>In the creation account, it is said concerning the functions of the two luminaries: “They will be signs to mark off the seasons, the days, and the years” (Gn 1:14, <span>nlt<\/span>)—that is, “times” are determined by their movements. For this reason, when telling about the mighty deeds of the Lord in Creation, the poet says, “You made the moon to mark the seasons” (Ps 104:19, <span>nlt<\/span>). The ancient Hebrew calendar was lunar (Ecclus 43:6-7), the months beginning with the new moon, marked by special rituals (Nm 10:10; 28:11-14; 2 Chr 2:4). Two great festivals, Passover and Tabernacles, began in midmonth when the moon was full (Lv 23:5-6; Ps 81:3-5; and Lv 23:34, respectively). The seven-day week is a division of the 28-day lunar cycle into logical and convenient units, so the moon may be said to provide the basis for the significance of the number seven. As a corollary, the beginning of the seventh month, the Festival of Trumpets (Lv 23:24), marked the climax month of the sacred feasts; it also signified the New Year for regnal years and for agriculture (Josephus’s <em>Antiquities<\/em> 1.1.3; Mishnah, <em>Rosh Hashanah<\/em> 1:1).<\/p>\n<p>One verse in the creation story speaks of the sun’s dominion over the day and the moon’s over the night (Gn 1:16; cf. Ps 136:9). The moon is also mentioned (alongside the sun) in the general order of creation when the spheres of the universe were established (Jer 31:35). From this the luminaries symbolize the continuity of the world order (Pss 72:5; 89:37-38). The darkening of the moon (and the sun) is a sign of the change of the order in creation in the latter days (Is 13:10; Ez 32:7; Jl 2:10; Hb 3:11; Mt 24:29; Mk 13:24; Rv 6:12; the converse is stated in Is 30:26). Since the moon resembles the sun, it also has the power to smite (Ps 121:6) and to influence the growth of crops in the field (Dt 33:14). In the book of Deuteronomy, the Israelites were warned against worshiping the moon and the rest of the host of heaven (Dt 4:19; 17:3), but this foreign worship made its inroads into the Judean kingdom (2 Kgs 21:3; 23:4-5; Jer 7:18; 8:2).<\/p>\n<p>To keep an accurate control over the calendar and the feasts, the new moon was carefully observed seven times during the year in Jerusalem. This assured that the major feasts fell on the proper days. The Sanhedrin would gather early in the morning on the last day of the preceding month, and watchmen were posted to observe the moon’s first appearance. When the evidence became clear, the sacred word was pronounced and the day became the first of the new month. Fire signals beginning from the Mt of Olives announced the new moon; later they were replaced by messengers because the Samaritans had set up false signals along the way.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Astronomy; Calendars, Ancient and Modern; Feasts and Festivals of Israel.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>MOON<\/h3>\n<p>Lesser luminary of the heavens (Gn 1:16). Many Semitic languages use the same word for moon as the Hebrew. In three passages in the Hebrew OT (Sg 6:10; Is 24:23; 30:26), the moon is called “the white one,” and paired with “the hot one,” the sun. Another term, “crescent,” is used in other languages such as Aramaic and Arabic, and “crescent ornaments” (Jgs 8:21, 26; Is 3:18) are mentioned.<\/p>\n<p>In the creation account, it is said concerning the functions of the two luminaries: “They will be signs to mark off the seasons, the days, and the years” (Gn 1:14, <span>nlt<\/span>)—that is, “times” are determined by their movements. For this reason, when telling about the mighty deeds of the Lord in Creation, the poet says, “You made the moon to mark the seasons” (Ps 104:19, <span>nlt<\/span>). The ancient Hebrew calendar was lunar (Ecclus 43:6-7), the months beginning with the new moon, marked by special rituals (Nm 10:10; 28:11-14; 2 Chr 2:4). Two great festivals, Passover and Tabernacles, began in midmonth when the moon was full (Lv 23:5-6; Ps 81:3-5; and Lv 23:34, respectively). The seven-day week is a division of the 28-day lunar cycle into logical and convenient units, so the moon may be said to provide the basis for the significance of the number seven. As a corollary, the beginning of the seventh month, the Festival of Trumpets (Lv 23:24), marked the climax month of the sacred feasts; it also signified the New Year for regnal years and for agriculture (Josephus’s <em>Antiquities<\/em> 1.1.3; Mishnah, <em>Rosh Hashanah<\/em> 1:1).<\/p>\n<p>One verse in the creation story speaks of the sun’s dominion over the day and the moon’s over the night (Gn 1:16; cf. Ps 136:9). The moon is also mentioned (alongside the sun) in the general order of creation when the spheres of the universe were established (Jer 31:35). From this the luminaries symbolize the continuity of the world order (Pss 72:5; 89:37-38). The darkening of the moon (and the sun) is a sign of the change of the order in creation in the latter days (Is 13:10; Ez 32:7; Jl 2:10; Hb 3:11; Mt 24:29; Mk 13:24; Rv 6:12; the converse is stated in Is 30:26). Since the moon resembles the sun, it also has the power to smite (Ps 121:6) and to influence the growth of crops in the field (Dt 33:14). In the book of Deuteronomy, the Israelites were warned against worshiping the moon and the rest of the host of heaven (Dt 4:19; 17:3), but this foreign worship made its inroads into the Judean kingdom (2 Kgs 21:3; 23:4-5; Jer 7:18; 8:2).<\/p>\n<p>To keep an accurate control over the calendar and the feasts, the new moon was carefully observed seven times during the year in Jerusalem. This assured that the major feasts fell on the proper days. The Sanhedrin would gather early in the morning on the last day of the preceding month, and watchmen were posted to observe the moon’s first appearance. When the evidence became clear, the sacred word was pronounced and the day became the first of the new month. Fire signals beginning from the Mt of Olives announced the new moon; later they were replaced by messengers because the Samaritans had set up false signals along the way.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Astronomy; Calendars, Ancient and Modern; Feasts and Festivals of Israel.<\/p>","summary_ro":"MOON Lesser luminary of the heavens (Gn 1:16). Many Semitic languages use the same word for moon as the Hebrew. In three passages in the Hebrew OT (Sg 6:10; Is 24:23; 30:26), the moon is called “the white one,” and paired with “the hot one,” the sun. Another term, “crescent,” is used in other languages such as Aramaic and Arabic, and “crescent ornaments” (Jgs 8:21, 26; Is 3:18) are mentioned. In the creation account, it is said concerning the functions of the two luminaries: “They will be sig...","summary_en":"MOON Lesser luminary of the heavens (Gn 1:16). Many Semitic languages use the same word for moon as the Hebrew. In three passages in the Hebrew OT (Sg 6:10; Is 24:23; 30:26), the moon is called “the white one,” and paired with “the hot one,” the sun. Another term, “crescent,” is used in other languages such as Aramaic and Arabic, and “crescent ornaments” (Jgs 8:21, 26; Is 3:18) are mentioned. In the creation account, it is said concerning the functions of the two luminaries: “They will be sig...","source":"Articles\/M.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":37001,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Temple","title_en":"Temple","content_ro":"<h3>TEMPLE<\/h3>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Background<\/p>\n<p>• Solomon’s Temple<\/p>\n<p>• Zerubbabel’s Temple<\/p>\n<p>• Herod’s Temple<\/p>\n<p>• Significance of the Temple in the Old Testament<\/p>\n<p>• Significance of the Temple in the New Testament<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Background\">Background<\/p>\n<p>David’s capture of Jerusalem (2 Sm 5:6-9) and his designation of it as the nation’s capital is one of the great masterstrokes of history. Occupied by the Jebusites, it was a pocket of neutral territory between the northern and southern sections of David’s united kingdom and was politically acceptable to both. Jerusalem was then established as the national religious center by the return of the ark, which had been largely neglected since its capture by the Philistines (2 Sm 6:1-17). Henceforth, God’s choices of both David and Jerusalem (“Mount Zion”) were indissolubly linked (Ps 78:67-72).<\/p>\n<p>David’s great impulse was to build an adequate dwelling place for Israel’s God. The idea was initially approved by Nathan the prophet (2 Sm 7:1-3), but God revealed otherwise to him, and he conveyed the divine purpose to David (vv 4-17). In a significant wordplay, David was informed that, while he was not to build a house (temple) for God, God would build a house (dynasty) for him. David was not the one to build a temple because of the numerous wars during his reign; the temple would instead be built by his son (1 Kgs 5:3; 1 Chr 22:7-8; 28:3). Nevertheless, David enthusiastically amassed most of the necessary finances and materials and drew up the blueprints for the temple (1 Chr 22:3-5, 14; 28:2, 11-19). He also purchased the temple site (21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"SolomonsTemple\">Solomon’s Temple<\/p>\n\n<h5>Date<\/h5>\n<p>Construction commenced in Solomon’s fourth year, about 966 <span>BC<\/span>, and took seven years to complete (1 Kgs 6:1, 38). Everything necessary for the temple, including the workers, had been prepared by David (1 Chr 28:21). The temple evidently had first priority among Solomon’s building schemes, as he built his own palace later (1 Kgs 7:1).<\/p>\n<h5>Superintendents and Workforce<\/h5>\n<p>The principal architect for the bronze furnishings was Huram (Hebrew “Hiram”), whose father was a metal craftsman from Tyre and whose mother was an Israelite (1 Kgs 7:13-14). Cedar for the temple came from Lebanon and was felled and transported by the skilled woodsmen of another Hiram—the king of Tyre, Solomon’s ally (5:5-9). Thirty thousand Israelites, divided into three groups, were drafted to assist at Lebanon. Each group was on duty for one month in three. For the stonework, Solomon conscripted 153,600 foreigners resident in Israel to provide a self-contained group of carriers, stone cutters, and supervisors (vv 15-17; 2 Chr 2:17-18). Possibly the “men of Gebal,” with their specialized skills, formed yet another group (1 Kgs 5:18). Building the temple was obviously a national project of immense size and effort. In order to preserve the sanctity of the site and to eliminate noise, the masonry and carpentry were not done at the temple site (6:7).<\/p>\n<h5>Description<\/h5>\n<p>The details given in the Bible are sufficiently clear for us to make a reasonably accurate description of the temple. The accounts in Kings and Chronicles are supplemented by Ezekiel’s depiction of the temple (see below), which was broadly based on his knowledge of the Jerusalem temple (Ez 40–48).<\/p>\n<p>The side rooms probably rested on a foundation or platform that was separate from the temple itself (1 Kgs 6:5, 10; cf. Ez 41:8-9) and were arranged in three stories, each seven and a half feet (2.3 meters) high, extending around the whole building except for the porch side. Each successive story was one and a half feet (.5 meter) wider than the one below, these dimensions coinciding with the thickness of the side wall of the Holy Place. The ground floor rooms were seven and a half feet (2.3 meters) wide; the first story was nine feet (2.7 meters), and the second was ten and a half feet (3.2 meters). Access to the upper stories was possibly by winding staircases (1 Kgs 6:8). There is some uncertainty concerning the location of the entrances; there may have been one on either side, but only one is mentioned (v 8). As in Ezekiel’s temple (Ez 40:17, 28), there were two adjacent courts, an inner and an outer (1 Kgs 6:36; 7:12), but no dimensions are given for these. The inner court, or “court of the priests,” being next to the temple itself, was also called “the upper court” (2 Chr 4:9; Jer 36:10). The wall of the inner court was made of three layers of hewn stone held together by a layer of cedar beams (1 Kgs 6:36), and the doors of both courts were sheathed in bronze (2 Chr 4:9). The palace buildings were within the outer court area, probably with a private passageway between the palace and the temple that was later closed during the reign of Ahaz (2 Chr 4:9, 12; 2 Kgs 16:18).<\/p>\n<p>The temple itself was 90 feet (27.4 meters) long, 30 feet (9.1 meters) wide, and 45 feet (13.7 meters) high (1 Kgs 6:2), with a porch or vestibule 15 feet (4.6 meters) deep stretching across the width. Probably the vestibule was on the east end of the temple, thus corresponding with the orientation of Ezekiel’s temple (Ez 43:1; 44:1). The larger part of the main sanctuary, next to the porch, formed the Holy Place, which was 60 feet (18.3 meters) long (1 Kgs 6:17). Beyond this was the innermost sanctuary, the Holy of Holies (or the “Most Holy Place“), which was a perfect cube of 30 feet (9.1 meters). All the interior walls were paneled with cedar decorated with flower patterns, cherubim, and palm trees, so that no masonry was visible. The walls of both inner and outer sanctuaries were “overlaid” (v 22) with pure gold. Actually the gold decoration may have been inlaid, on the basis that a solid sheath of gold would spoil the natural beauty of the wood carving. The floor was made of cypress planks (v 15). Narrow windows set high in the walls above the level of the three-storied outer chambers provided light in the Holy Place (v 4). The ceiling was paneled with beams and planks of cedar. No detail is given about the exterior roofing, but probably the contemporary technique was employed, using a wooden, latticelike framework into which a waterproof, limestone plaster was packed and rolled.<\/p>\n<p>The outer porch was apparently an open space, since no doors are mentioned. Access into the Holy Place was by double doors, both hinged to fold back on themselves, made of cypress and decorated in exactly the same way as the interior walls (vv 34-35). The doorposts were made of olive wood. Within the Holy Place was the altar of incense made of cedar overlaid with gold; it was placed centrally before the Holy of Holies. Also in the Holy Place were a table for the bread of the Presence of God, ten lampstands arranged in two groups of five on either side, and various utensils required for maintaining the priestly duties (1 Kgs 7:48-50). All these were made or overlaid with gold. The ten tables, arranged five on each side, were presumably for the utensils and accessories (2 Chr 4:8).<\/p>\n<p>Between the Holy Place and the Holy of Holies was a double door made of olive wood, carved with cherubim, palm trees, and flower patterns and overlaid with gold. Inside these doors, veiling still further the Holy of Holies, was a blue, purple, and crimson curtain, made of the finest fabrics and ornamented with cherubim (2 Chr 3:14).<\/p>\n<p>In the Holy of Holies were two cherubim, each 15 feet (4.6 meters) high and made of olive wood covered with gold (1 Kgs 6:23-28). Each wing measured seven and a half feet (2.3 meters). A wing of each touched the side walls; the other wings met at the center of the room. The divine throne had been considerably less impressive in the tabernacle, where a wing of each cherubim fused into the mercy seat above the ark (Ex 25:17-22). In Solomon’s temple, the ark of the covenant was placed below the forward-facing cherubim, the symbolic protectors. The ark, the only major item surviving from the Mosaic tabernacle, still contained the tablets of the law, but the pot of manna and Aaron’s rod were missing (1 Kgs 8:9).<\/p>\n<p>Immediately outside the temple and on either side of the vestibule were two hollow bronze pillars (1 Kgs 7:15-20; 2 Chr 3:15-17). According to the book of Kings, these pillars were 27 feet (8.2 meters) high, with a circumference of 18 feet (5.5 meters). The metal itself was about four inches (10.2 centimeters) thick. The pillars were surmounted by bronze, lily-shaped capitals seven and a half feet (2.3 meters) high and six feet (1.8 meters) wide, intricately adorned with a chain latticework that supported two rows of pomegranates. The total weight must have been enormous, and their size is attested to by Jeremiah, who notes that the Babylonians had to break them in pieces before transporting them to Babylon (Jer 52:17, 21-23).<\/p>\n<p>The bronze altar of sacrifice in front of the vestibule is not listed in the specifications of 1 Kings 7. However, it is mentioned in the temple dedication and subsequently (1 Kgs 8:22, 54, 64; 9:25) and clearly stood in the inner court. Its dimensions were 30 feet (9.1 meters) square and 15 feet (4.6 meters) high (2 Chr 4:1). In view of its weight, it was probably cast in sections at Solomon’s foundry in the Jordan Rift valley (vv 17-18) and then transported to the temple site for assembly.<\/p>\n<p>Probably the most striking article in the inner court was the “molten (bronze) sea,” a huge, round tank made of bronze 3 inches (8 centimeters) thick, 7½ feet (2.3 meters) high, and 15 feet (4.6 meters) in diameter (1 Kgs 7:23-26). Its rim flared out like a lily (2 Chr 4:2-5). The tank was supported on 12 bronze oxen, four on each side, and had two rows of decoration, possibly gourds or pomegranates, under the brim. Its capacity was between 10,000 and 12,000 gallons (37,850–45,420 liters). The bronze sea was used for priestly ablutions (v 6). Presumably this involved a platform of sorts, for the brim of this vast basin would have been about 15 feet (4.6 meters) above ground level.<\/p>\n<p>Hiram also constructed ten large lavers, mounted on moveable stands and placed in two groups of five, on the north and south sides of the inner court (1 Kgs 7:27-39). Basically the stands were bronze boxes, six feet (1.8 meters) square and four and a half feet (1.4 meters) high with a nine-inch (22.9-centimeter) rim around the top edge. Each corner was attached to braced posts to which the axles were fixed. The four-spoked wheels were 27 inches (68.6 centimeters) high. Into each stand there fitted a laver containing approximately 220 gallons (832.7 liters) of water, used for washing sacrificial animals (2 Chr 4:6). Probably each was adjacent to one of the ten tables that would be used to flay and otherwise prepare the sacrifices (v 8). Supplementary items, such as pots, shovels, and basins, all made of bronze, were also manufactured (1 Kgs 7:40, 45).<\/p>\n<h5>The Dedication<\/h5>\n<p>Eleven months elapsed between the completion of the temple and its dedication (1 Kgs 6:38; 8:2), during which time the major items of furniture were set in place. The dedication itself took place in the seventh month, presumably in connection with the Feast of Tabernacles and the Day of Atonement (Lv 23:23-36). The ark of the covenant was brought into its final resting place (1 Kgs 8:3-4), but the inner court proved inadequate for the vast numbers of beasts sacrificed (1 Kgs 8:62-64; 2 Chr 7:7).<\/p>\n<p>The temple employed the most sophisticated building techniques of the age, and no expense had been spared in construction, ornamentation, or equipment. Yet Solomon readily confessed its utter inadequacy to house the eternal God (1 Kgs 8:27). His prayer also underlined Israel’s propensity to forsake the Lord, contrasting the nation with God, who, though a just judge, was also merciful and faithful. The climax of the proceedings came when fire from heaven consumed the sacrifices and the shekinah glory filled the temple (2 Chr 7:1-3).<\/p>\n<h5>Later History<\/h5>\n<p>Like most ancient shrines, the temple became a treasury for national wealth and as such was often the target for attack. Shishak of Egypt plundered it within five years of Solomon’s death (1 Kgs 14:25-38). Shortly afterward, King Asa (910–869 <span>BC<\/span>) depleted its gold and silver treasures to buy Syrian help against his oppressor, Baasha (908–886 <span>BC<\/span>), king of Israel (15:16-19). Joash, the king of Judah (835–796 <span>BC<\/span>) who was concealed in the temple from the vicious Athaliah during his youth (2 Kgs 11), made provision for its repair after protesting the priests’ embezzlement of gifts (12:4-16). But after the death of Jehoiada, the high priest, Joash himself was adversely influenced by his nobles (2 Chr 24:15-19). As punishment for his apostasy, the Lord allowed the Syrians to attack, and Joash used the temple treasures to buy them off (2 Kgs 12:17-18). Hardly had provision for replacements been made, when Jehoash of Israel (798–782 <span>BC<\/span>), having shattered the arrogant pride of Amaziah of Judah (796–767 <span>BC<\/span>), again stripped the temple (14:8-14). Later, King Ahaz (735-715 <span>BC<\/span>) used the remaining resources of the temple to enlist support from the Assyrians (16:7-9), though he eventually became completely subservient to them.<\/p>\n<p> Then Hezekiah (715–686 <span>BC<\/span>), one of the great reforming kings, thoroughly renovated the temple and restored worship after it had fallen into disuse during theclosing years of Ahaz (2 Chr 29:1-19; 31:9-21). Manasseh (696–642 <span>BC<\/span>), however, completely reversed his father’s policy, bringing the practices of Canaanite and Mesopotamian worship into the temple (2 Kgs 21:3-7). His conversion experience, which probably occurred late in his reign and resulted in certain reform measures in the temple (2 Chr 33:12-19), was not far-reaching enough to escape the final judgment that his reign was the dark spot of Judah’s history (2 Kgs 21:10-16).<\/p>\n<p>Manasseh’s grandson Josiah (640–609 <span>BC<\/span>), was the second great reforming king. He organized the repair of the temple in 622 <span>BC<\/span>, during which the lost Book of the Law (almost certainly the book of Deuteronomy) was discovered (2 Kgs 22:3-13). As a result, Josiah’s reformation gained a new dimension and sense of urgency (22:14–23:3). The reformation included a thorough purge of all idolatrous elements from the temple (23:4-12) and the restoration of the traditional festivals. Sadly, however, Josiah’s reformation died with him, and Judah’s downward slide continued under the apostate Jehoiakim (609–598 <span>BC<\/span>). It was probably during this time that Jeremiah preached his famous temple sermon foretelling its destruction (Jer 7:1–8:3; 26:1-19), which alienated him from the religious leaders. In Nebuchadnezzar’s reprisal raid following Jehoiakim’s rebellion in 601 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 24:1-4), Jerusalem was captured (596 <span>BC<\/span>) and many of the temple treasures were transported to Babylon (2 Chr 36:7). The temple itself appears to have escaped damage, but when Judah again rebelled under Zedekiah (597–586 <span>BC<\/span>), the temple was demolished (2 Kgs 25:8-10). The remaining temple treasures were taken away.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"ZerubbabelsTemple\">Zerubbabel’s Temple<\/p>\n<h5>Construction<\/h5>\n<p>Although the temple was devastated, the site still remained as a place of pilgrimage during the exile (Jer 41:4-5). In 538 <span>BC<\/span> the Persian king, Cyrus, in pursuance of a liberal policy diametrically opposed to that of the earlier empires, permitted the Jews to return from exile. And he authorized the rebuilding of the temple, financing it from the Persian treasury.<\/p>\n<p>In the book of Ezra, the decree of authorization has been preserved in two forms: the general proclamation (Ezr 1:2-4) and a more prosaic memorandum in the national archives indicating the main temple specifications and the amount of promised Persian help (6:1-5). Probably only a minority of the Jews opted to leave the relative comforts of Mesopotamia for the dangers of a long journey to their desolated homeland. According to the book of Ezra, 42,360 dedicated individuals and their servants (2:64-65) responded under the leadership of Sheshbazzar (1:8-11; 5:14-16) and Zerubbabel (2:2; 3:2, 8; 4:2). With great enthusiasm, the altar was rebuilt on the temple site and the traditional pattern of worship reestablished (3:1-6). Utilizing the grant from Persia as well as their own freewill gifts (2:68-69; 3:7), the Jews began to plan the second temple and lay its foundations (3:7-13). The initial impetus quickly died as a result of local opposition (4:1-4, 24), selfish preoccupation, and crop failures (Hg 1:2-11). In 520 <span>BC<\/span> (Ezr 4:24; Hg 1:1; Zec 1:1), inspired by the prophets Haggai and Zechariah, the Jews under Zerubbabel and Joshua the high priest commenced rebuilding. Work continued in spite of official suspicion, if not direct opposition, and the temple was completed and dedicated in 515 <span>BC<\/span> (Ezr 5:1–6:22).<\/p>\n<p>Little is known of the physical features of Zerubbabel’s temple. The inference that it was vastly inferior to Solomon’s temple (Hg 2:3) probably relates to an early stage in the building operation. In fact, the second temple stood for over 500 years. The dimensions noted in Ezra 6:3 are incomplete; the new temple was no doubt about the same size as its predecessor and was probably built on the same foundation. The construction technique appears to have followed the method of the original, with layers of timber providing a framework for sections of masonry (v 4). Clearly, there was auxiliary accommodation, probably like the side rooms of Solomon’s temple (Ezr 8:29; Neh 12:44; 13:4-5). If Persian aid was forthcoming as promised (Ezr 6:8-12), the second temple was a more splendid, substantial structure than is generally supposed.<\/p>\n<h5>Later History<\/h5>\n<p>Several references in the Apocrypha, pseudepigrapha, rabbinic writings, and the historian Josephus help to illumine the history of the temple and give more detail on its structure and furnishings. Josephus, quoting from Hecateus of Abdera (fourth century <span>BC<\/span>), states that the temple was a large building in an enclosure about 500 feet by 150 feet (152.4 meters by 45.7 meters), surrounded by a stone wall, with an altar of unhewn stones the same size as Solomon’s bronze altar (cf. 2 Chr 4:1). Within the sanctuary was a golden altar of incense and a lampstand, the flame of which burned continually. Josephus also notes that Antiochus III (223–187 <span>BC<\/span>) financially supported the temple when the Seleucids displaced the Ptolemies as masters of Jerusalem.<\/p>\n<p>Ben Sirach, early in the second century <span>BC<\/span>, commended Simon, the son of Onias the high priest, for his work in fortifying and repairing the temple area. First Maccabees provides valuable evidence of the fate of the temple during the oppression under Antiochus IV Epiphanes (175–164 <span>BC<\/span>). The books of the Maccabees recount the defilement of the altar of burnt offering (1 Macc 1:54) and the plundering of the golden lampstand, altar of incense, table of offering, veil, and other treasures (2 Macc 5:15-16; 6:2-4). When the temple was recaptured and restored, the victorious Maccabees replaced the items taken by the Seleucids, except for the altar of sacrifice, which was considered so polluted that it was dismantled and replaced by a new one constructed of unhewn stone (1 Macc 4:36-61; 2 Macc 10:1-9). Clearly the temple area was used as a fortress, both in opposition to the Seleucid garrison that was maintained in Jerusalem in the Maccabean period and in the conflicts of the later Hasmonean period. When Pompey captured Jerusalem about 63 <span>BC<\/span>, he entered the temple to assert his authority but took no plunder, thus showing respect for it.<\/p>\n<p>The history of Zerubbabel’s temple closed when Herod, having carefully preserved it from any major damage when he gained control of Jerusalem with Roman aid in 37 <span>BC<\/span>, began to dismantle it about 21 <span>BC<\/span> in preparation for the construction of his own grand temple.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"HerodsTemple\">Herod’s Temple<\/p>\n<p>Apart from over 100 references in the NT, our main sources of information about Herod’s temple come from the Jewish historian Josephus and from the Middoth (a section of the Jewish rabbinic writings). There are considerable differences in detail between the two, which rules out any dogmatic interpretation in attempted reconstructions. Since Josephus was contemporary with the temple (he was born about <span>AD<\/span> 37 and died early in the second century), he is probably more reliable than the Middoth, which, dating from about <span>AD<\/span> 150, appears to exaggerate occasionally. Archaeological research has been helpful in determining the positions of the outer walls and gates.<\/p>\n<p>Herod’s motive in building his temple was political rather than religious. As an Idumean, he wished to placate his Jewish subjects by constructing a sanctuary as magnificent as Solomon’s. Possible fears that the site might be profaned, or that the existing temple might be demolished and never rebuilt, were allayed by the training of 1,000 priests as masons and the amassing of materials before the work commenced. Herod’s temple followed the tripartite plan of its predecessors, although its porch was much larger. It was built in the contemporary Greco-Roman architectural style and must therefore be regarded as distinct from Zerubbabel’s temple. Work began in 20 <span>BC<\/span>, and while the main sanctuary was quickly erected (it was in full operation within ten years), the total project was not completed until <span>AD<\/span> 64, only six years before it was destroyed by the Romans.<\/p>\n<p>Herod first prepared the site by clearing and leveling an area approximately 500 yards (457.2 meters) from north to south and about 325 yards (297.2 meters) from east to west. This involved cutting away sections of rock in some areas and building up with rubble in others. Considerable sections of the enclosing wall, constructed on stone blocks averaging about 15 feet (4.6 meters) long by 4 feet (1.2 meters) high, still survive. Some of the stones in the corners of the south wall weigh up to 70 tons (63.5 metric tons).<\/p>\n<p>The sanctuary itself seems to have been based on the same dimensions as Solomon’s temple. It was divided into the Holy Place, which was 60 feet (18.3 meters) long, 30 feet (9.1 meters) wide, and 60 feet high, and the Holy of Holies, which was 30 feet square. There was no furniture within the Holy of Holies, which was separated by a veil from the Holy Place. The Holy Place contained the seven-branch lampstand, the table for the bread of the Presence, and the incense altar. The main divergence from Solomon’s temple was the imposing porch, 150 feet (45.7 meters) in width and height. Outside was a doorway approximately 30 feet (9.1 meters) wide by 40 feet (12.2 meters) high, with an inner doorway about half that size leading into the sanctuary. By allowing empty rooms over the Holy of Holies and the Holy Place, there was a uniform roof height of 150 feet (45.7 meters). Golden spikes on the roof discouraged birds from alighting and defiling the structure. Like its predecessors, the temple was oriented toward the east and was surrounded on the other sides by three stories of rooms rising to a height of 60 feet (18.3 meters). The stone used was the local white stone, cut in huge blocks and highly polished.<\/p>\n<p>Access to the porch was by a flight of 12 steps from the Court of the Priests. Centrally placed before the porch and 33 feet (10.1 meters) away was the altar of sacrifice. Made of unhewn stone, it was a multilevel construction 15 feet (4.6 meters) high and about 48 feet (14.6 meters) square at its base. Male Israelites were allowed into this area once a year, during the Feast of the Tabernacles, to walk around the altar of sacrifice. Otherwise, they were restricted to the Court of Israel. To the east of the Court of Israel, and separated from it by a flight of 15 steps and by the ornate Great Gate, made of Corinthian bronze, was the Court of the Women. Here the offertory chests for temple expenses were located (Mk 12:41-44). The next court was the large, lower, outer Court of the Gentiles, which surrounded the inner courts and was separated from them by a balustrade and a series of warning notices. Two of these have been excavated, written in Latin and Greek and forbidding trespass by Gentiles into the inner areas, on pain of death. This outer court was widely used. Immediately inside its walls was a portico, supported by four rows of columns almost 40 feet (12.2 meters) high on the south side (the Royal Porch), and two rows on the other sides, the eastern portico known as “Solomon’s Porch” or “Solomon’s Colonnade.” Here is the area where the stalls of the money changers and merchants were set up, where the Sanhedrin met, and where Christ and the scribes taught and debated (Mk 11:27; Lk 2:46; 19:47; Jn 10:23). Here, too, the infant church met before it was rejected by a hostile Judaism (Acts 3:11; 5:12). Just to the northwest of the temple enclosure was the Fortress of Antonia, where the Roman governor resided while in Jerusalem, and where a Roman garrison was on hand to deal with disturbances (Acts 21:31-40). Overlooking the temple area, it was separated from it by a wide moat. The high priest’s vestments were stored in the fortress as a symbol of Roman authority. Access to the Court of the Gentiles was by four gates in the west wall; two in the south wall, where the ground fell away steeply into the valley, a site often identified as the pinnacle of the temple (Mt 4:5; Lk 4:9); and one gate in each of the east and north walls.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"SignificanceoftheTempleintheOldTestament\">Significance of the Temple in the Old Testament<\/p>\n<p>The temple in Jerusalem functioned as the focal point of the tribal confederation. In spite of the attempt of Jeroboam I, the first king of the northern kingdom, to divert attention from Jerusalem by establishing shrines at Bethel and Dan (1 Kgs 12:26-30), Jerusalem never lost its preeminence. Naturally, both Hezekiah and Josiah sought to extend their reformation into the area of the northern tribes (2 Chr 30:1-12; 34:6-7), and Jerusalem was a pilgrimage center for those areas even after its destruction (Jer 41:5). The prophets foretold its destiny as the focal point of universal worship (Is 2:1-4).<\/p>\n<p>The temple was God’s dwelling place among his people. God’s presence, symbolized in the shekinah glory and the pillar of cloud, was associated with the tent of meeting (Ex 33:9-11), with the tabernacle (40:34-38), and finally with the temple (1 Kgs 8:10-11). The paradox is that while God is completely unrestricted, the temple was considered a place for God to live forever (vv 13, 27). God had chosen Zion, as he had chosen David (Pss 68:15-18; 76:2; 78:67-72), so the temple was regarded as God’s house (27:4; 42:4; 84:1-4).<\/p>\n<h5>Ezekiel’s Temple<\/h5>\n<p>Ezekiel’s detailed description of the ideal temple (Ez 40–48) was not used as the blueprint for Zerubbabel’s temple. In fact, since Ezekiel must have been familiar with Solomon’s temple before his deportation in 597 <span>BC<\/span>, his description is of greater help in determining uncertain details of the first temple. Ezekiel’s concern was to show the nature of pure worship, safeguarded from all contamination. This worship would allow the glory of God, which had departed from corrupted Solomon’s temple (9:3; 10:4, 18-19: 11:22-23), to return so that Jerusalem could again be named “the Lord is there” (43:1-5; 48:35). This thought, linked with Ezekiel’s vital concept of God’s Spirit indwelling his faithful worshipers (36:24-28), anticipated the NT teaching of the believers becoming God’s temple.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"SignificanceoftheTempleintheNewTestament\">Significance of the Temple in the New Testament<\/p>\n<h5>Christ and the Temple<\/h5>\n<p>Christ showed considerable respect for the temple. When he was 12 years old, he entered into the rabbinic discussions in its porticoes and described it as his Father’s house (Lk 2:41-50). To him “the house of God” was indwelt by God (Mt 12:4; 23:21). Although he twice cleansed it in righteous anger (Mt 21:12-13; Jn 2:13-16), he wept over the impending destruction of the city and temple (Lk 19:41-44). He often taught there, but he was “greater than the temple” (Mt 12:6). When his presentation to Jerusalem as the predicted Messiah was rejected, in spite of attendant miracles, he foretold its inevitable destruction (Mt 21:9-15; 24:1-2). For a brief period after Pentecost, the early church used the temple as its meeting place, until mounting opposition drove believers from Jerusalem (Acts 5:12, 21, 42; 8:1).<\/p>\n<h5>The Church as the Temple<\/h5>\n<p>The NT writers used two different Greek words to describe the temple: <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span> and <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">hieron<\/span><em>.<\/em> <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">Naos<\/span> refers to the actual sanctuary of the temple, the place of God’s dwelling. <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">Hieron<\/span> refers to the temple precincts as well as to the sanctuary. Generally speaking, <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span> was used to designate the inner section of the temple known as the Holy Place and the Holy of Holies, whereas <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">hieron<\/span> included the outer court and the temple proper.<\/p>\n<p>In Paul’s epistles the word <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span> appears six times (1 Cor 3:16-17; 6:19; 2 Cor 6:16; Eph 2:21; 2 Thes 2:4) and <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">hieron<\/span> once (1 Cor 9:13). In these verses Paul maintains the distinction of definition noted above. When speaking of the actual physical temple, he used the word <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">hieron<\/span> to indicate the place where the priests offered up animal sacrifices on the altar (1 Cor 9:13), which was situated in the outer court (see Ex 27–29, 40). And when Paul referred to the abominable act of the lawless one in usurping God’s place in the temple, he used the word <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span>—the word that designates the place of deity’s presence (2 Thes 2:4).<\/p>\n<p>In all the other Pauline passages, <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span> is used metaphorically—to depict a human habitation for the divine Spirit. In one instance the sanctuary image is used to describe the individual believer’s body (1 Cor 6:19); in every other instance the sanctuary depicts Christ’s body, the church (1 Cor 3:16-17; 2 Cor 6:16; Eph 2:21). Mistakenly, many readers think 1 Corinthians 3:16-17 speaks of the individual, but according to the Greek text, it is unquestionably clear that Paul was speaking about the collective church (specifically, the church in Corinth).<\/p>\n<p>When Paul told the church in Corinth that it was God’s sanctuary, they would have understood the image from their knowledge of pagan temples. But Paul probably had in mind the one temple in Jerusalem. The Gentiles had many gods with many temples in one city; the Jews had one God with only one temple in all of Israel. This helped to preserve unity among the Israelites. The Corinthians needed spiritual unity; they were fragmented due to their individual preferences (see 1 Cor 1:10-13).<\/p>\n<p>In Ephesians, Paul’s masterpiece on the church, he speaks of the local churches as living, organic entities that are all (compositely speaking) growing into a holy sanctuary in the Lord (Eph 2:21). Paul pictured each local church as providing God with a spiritual habitation in that locality (v 22) and as growing together with all the other churches into one holy, universal sanctuary for the Lord’s indwelling.<\/p>\n<h5>The Temple in John’s Revelation<\/h5>\n<p>In John’s revelation there is no material temple, even though he continues to use the imagery of Jerusalem and Mt Zion (Rv 3:12; 14:1; 21:2, 10, 22). Three interrelated ideas dominate. First is the concept of the church made up of martyrs, whose faithful members are God’s temple (3:12; 14:1). This temple grows gradually as the number of martyrs increases (6:11). Another aspect is the temple as the place of judgment (11:19; 14:15; 15:5–16:1). Finally, any temple in the new age is unnecessary, “for its temple is the Lord God Almighty and the Lamb” (21:22). The ultimate state will be God’s dwelling with his people—the eternal, spritual temple.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Altar; Ark of the Covenant; Bread of the Presence; David; Feasts and Festivals of Israel; First Jewish Revolt; Judaism; Mercy Seat; Offerings and Sacrifices; Priests and Levites; Sanctuary; Singers in the Temple; Solomon (Person).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>TEMPLE<\/h3>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Background<\/p>\n<p>• Solomon’s Temple<\/p>\n<p>• Zerubbabel’s Temple<\/p>\n<p>• Herod’s Temple<\/p>\n<p>• Significance of the Temple in the Old Testament<\/p>\n<p>• Significance of the Temple in the New Testament<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Background\">Background<\/p>\n<p>David’s capture of Jerusalem (2 Sm 5:6-9) and his designation of it as the nation’s capital is one of the great masterstrokes of history. Occupied by the Jebusites, it was a pocket of neutral territory between the northern and southern sections of David’s united kingdom and was politically acceptable to both. Jerusalem was then established as the national religious center by the return of the ark, which had been largely neglected since its capture by the Philistines (2 Sm 6:1-17). Henceforth, God’s choices of both David and Jerusalem (“Mount Zion”) were indissolubly linked (Ps 78:67-72).<\/p>\n<p>David’s great impulse was to build an adequate dwelling place for Israel’s God. The idea was initially approved by Nathan the prophet (2 Sm 7:1-3), but God revealed otherwise to him, and he conveyed the divine purpose to David (vv 4-17). In a significant wordplay, David was informed that, while he was not to build a house (temple) for God, God would build a house (dynasty) for him. David was not the one to build a temple because of the numerous wars during his reign; the temple would instead be built by his son (1 Kgs 5:3; 1 Chr 22:7-8; 28:3). Nevertheless, David enthusiastically amassed most of the necessary finances and materials and drew up the blueprints for the temple (1 Chr 22:3-5, 14; 28:2, 11-19). He also purchased the temple site (21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"SolomonsTemple\">Solomon’s Temple<\/p>\n\n<h5>Date<\/h5>\n<p>Construction commenced in Solomon’s fourth year, about 966 <span>BC<\/span>, and took seven years to complete (1 Kgs 6:1, 38). Everything necessary for the temple, including the workers, had been prepared by David (1 Chr 28:21). The temple evidently had first priority among Solomon’s building schemes, as he built his own palace later (1 Kgs 7:1).<\/p>\n<h5>Superintendents and Workforce<\/h5>\n<p>The principal architect for the bronze furnishings was Huram (Hebrew “Hiram”), whose father was a metal craftsman from Tyre and whose mother was an Israelite (1 Kgs 7:13-14). Cedar for the temple came from Lebanon and was felled and transported by the skilled woodsmen of another Hiram—the king of Tyre, Solomon’s ally (5:5-9). Thirty thousand Israelites, divided into three groups, were drafted to assist at Lebanon. Each group was on duty for one month in three. For the stonework, Solomon conscripted 153,600 foreigners resident in Israel to provide a self-contained group of carriers, stone cutters, and supervisors (vv 15-17; 2 Chr 2:17-18). Possibly the “men of Gebal,” with their specialized skills, formed yet another group (1 Kgs 5:18). Building the temple was obviously a national project of immense size and effort. In order to preserve the sanctity of the site and to eliminate noise, the masonry and carpentry were not done at the temple site (6:7).<\/p>\n<h5>Description<\/h5>\n<p>The details given in the Bible are sufficiently clear for us to make a reasonably accurate description of the temple. The accounts in Kings and Chronicles are supplemented by Ezekiel’s depiction of the temple (see below), which was broadly based on his knowledge of the Jerusalem temple (Ez 40–48).<\/p>\n<p>The side rooms probably rested on a foundation or platform that was separate from the temple itself (1 Kgs 6:5, 10; cf. Ez 41:8-9) and were arranged in three stories, each seven and a half feet (2.3 meters) high, extending around the whole building except for the porch side. Each successive story was one and a half feet (.5 meter) wider than the one below, these dimensions coinciding with the thickness of the side wall of the Holy Place. The ground floor rooms were seven and a half feet (2.3 meters) wide; the first story was nine feet (2.7 meters), and the second was ten and a half feet (3.2 meters). Access to the upper stories was possibly by winding staircases (1 Kgs 6:8). There is some uncertainty concerning the location of the entrances; there may have been one on either side, but only one is mentioned (v 8). As in Ezekiel’s temple (Ez 40:17, 28), there were two adjacent courts, an inner and an outer (1 Kgs 6:36; 7:12), but no dimensions are given for these. The inner court, or “court of the priests,” being next to the temple itself, was also called “the upper court” (2 Chr 4:9; Jer 36:10). The wall of the inner court was made of three layers of hewn stone held together by a layer of cedar beams (1 Kgs 6:36), and the doors of both courts were sheathed in bronze (2 Chr 4:9). The palace buildings were within the outer court area, probably with a private passageway between the palace and the temple that was later closed during the reign of Ahaz (2 Chr 4:9, 12; 2 Kgs 16:18).<\/p>\n<p>The temple itself was 90 feet (27.4 meters) long, 30 feet (9.1 meters) wide, and 45 feet (13.7 meters) high (1 Kgs 6:2), with a porch or vestibule 15 feet (4.6 meters) deep stretching across the width. Probably the vestibule was on the east end of the temple, thus corresponding with the orientation of Ezekiel’s temple (Ez 43:1; 44:1). The larger part of the main sanctuary, next to the porch, formed the Holy Place, which was 60 feet (18.3 meters) long (1 Kgs 6:17). Beyond this was the innermost sanctuary, the Holy of Holies (or the “Most Holy Place“), which was a perfect cube of 30 feet (9.1 meters). All the interior walls were paneled with cedar decorated with flower patterns, cherubim, and palm trees, so that no masonry was visible. The walls of both inner and outer sanctuaries were “overlaid” (v 22) with pure gold. Actually the gold decoration may have been inlaid, on the basis that a solid sheath of gold would spoil the natural beauty of the wood carving. The floor was made of cypress planks (v 15). Narrow windows set high in the walls above the level of the three-storied outer chambers provided light in the Holy Place (v 4). The ceiling was paneled with beams and planks of cedar. No detail is given about the exterior roofing, but probably the contemporary technique was employed, using a wooden, latticelike framework into which a waterproof, limestone plaster was packed and rolled.<\/p>\n<p>The outer porch was apparently an open space, since no doors are mentioned. Access into the Holy Place was by double doors, both hinged to fold back on themselves, made of cypress and decorated in exactly the same way as the interior walls (vv 34-35). The doorposts were made of olive wood. Within the Holy Place was the altar of incense made of cedar overlaid with gold; it was placed centrally before the Holy of Holies. Also in the Holy Place were a table for the bread of the Presence of God, ten lampstands arranged in two groups of five on either side, and various utensils required for maintaining the priestly duties (1 Kgs 7:48-50). All these were made or overlaid with gold. The ten tables, arranged five on each side, were presumably for the utensils and accessories (2 Chr 4:8).<\/p>\n<p>Between the Holy Place and the Holy of Holies was a double door made of olive wood, carved with cherubim, palm trees, and flower patterns and overlaid with gold. Inside these doors, veiling still further the Holy of Holies, was a blue, purple, and crimson curtain, made of the finest fabrics and ornamented with cherubim (2 Chr 3:14).<\/p>\n<p>In the Holy of Holies were two cherubim, each 15 feet (4.6 meters) high and made of olive wood covered with gold (1 Kgs 6:23-28). Each wing measured seven and a half feet (2.3 meters). A wing of each touched the side walls; the other wings met at the center of the room. The divine throne had been considerably less impressive in the tabernacle, where a wing of each cherubim fused into the mercy seat above the ark (Ex 25:17-22). In Solomon’s temple, the ark of the covenant was placed below the forward-facing cherubim, the symbolic protectors. The ark, the only major item surviving from the Mosaic tabernacle, still contained the tablets of the law, but the pot of manna and Aaron’s rod were missing (1 Kgs 8:9).<\/p>\n<p>Immediately outside the temple and on either side of the vestibule were two hollow bronze pillars (1 Kgs 7:15-20; 2 Chr 3:15-17). According to the book of Kings, these pillars were 27 feet (8.2 meters) high, with a circumference of 18 feet (5.5 meters). The metal itself was about four inches (10.2 centimeters) thick. The pillars were surmounted by bronze, lily-shaped capitals seven and a half feet (2.3 meters) high and six feet (1.8 meters) wide, intricately adorned with a chain latticework that supported two rows of pomegranates. The total weight must have been enormous, and their size is attested to by Jeremiah, who notes that the Babylonians had to break them in pieces before transporting them to Babylon (Jer 52:17, 21-23).<\/p>\n<p>The bronze altar of sacrifice in front of the vestibule is not listed in the specifications of 1 Kings 7. However, it is mentioned in the temple dedication and subsequently (1 Kgs 8:22, 54, 64; 9:25) and clearly stood in the inner court. Its dimensions were 30 feet (9.1 meters) square and 15 feet (4.6 meters) high (2 Chr 4:1). In view of its weight, it was probably cast in sections at Solomon’s foundry in the Jordan Rift valley (vv 17-18) and then transported to the temple site for assembly.<\/p>\n<p>Probably the most striking article in the inner court was the “molten (bronze) sea,” a huge, round tank made of bronze 3 inches (8 centimeters) thick, 7½ feet (2.3 meters) high, and 15 feet (4.6 meters) in diameter (1 Kgs 7:23-26). Its rim flared out like a lily (2 Chr 4:2-5). The tank was supported on 12 bronze oxen, four on each side, and had two rows of decoration, possibly gourds or pomegranates, under the brim. Its capacity was between 10,000 and 12,000 gallons (37,850–45,420 liters). The bronze sea was used for priestly ablutions (v 6). Presumably this involved a platform of sorts, for the brim of this vast basin would have been about 15 feet (4.6 meters) above ground level.<\/p>\n<p>Hiram also constructed ten large lavers, mounted on moveable stands and placed in two groups of five, on the north and south sides of the inner court (1 Kgs 7:27-39). Basically the stands were bronze boxes, six feet (1.8 meters) square and four and a half feet (1.4 meters) high with a nine-inch (22.9-centimeter) rim around the top edge. Each corner was attached to braced posts to which the axles were fixed. The four-spoked wheels were 27 inches (68.6 centimeters) high. Into each stand there fitted a laver containing approximately 220 gallons (832.7 liters) of water, used for washing sacrificial animals (2 Chr 4:6). Probably each was adjacent to one of the ten tables that would be used to flay and otherwise prepare the sacrifices (v 8). Supplementary items, such as pots, shovels, and basins, all made of bronze, were also manufactured (1 Kgs 7:40, 45).<\/p>\n<h5>The Dedication<\/h5>\n<p>Eleven months elapsed between the completion of the temple and its dedication (1 Kgs 6:38; 8:2), during which time the major items of furniture were set in place. The dedication itself took place in the seventh month, presumably in connection with the Feast of Tabernacles and the Day of Atonement (Lv 23:23-36). The ark of the covenant was brought into its final resting place (1 Kgs 8:3-4), but the inner court proved inadequate for the vast numbers of beasts sacrificed (1 Kgs 8:62-64; 2 Chr 7:7).<\/p>\n<p>The temple employed the most sophisticated building techniques of the age, and no expense had been spared in construction, ornamentation, or equipment. Yet Solomon readily confessed its utter inadequacy to house the eternal God (1 Kgs 8:27). His prayer also underlined Israel’s propensity to forsake the Lord, contrasting the nation with God, who, though a just judge, was also merciful and faithful. The climax of the proceedings came when fire from heaven consumed the sacrifices and the shekinah glory filled the temple (2 Chr 7:1-3).<\/p>\n<h5>Later History<\/h5>\n<p>Like most ancient shrines, the temple became a treasury for national wealth and as such was often the target for attack. Shishak of Egypt plundered it within five years of Solomon’s death (1 Kgs 14:25-38). Shortly afterward, King Asa (910–869 <span>BC<\/span>) depleted its gold and silver treasures to buy Syrian help against his oppressor, Baasha (908–886 <span>BC<\/span>), king of Israel (15:16-19). Joash, the king of Judah (835–796 <span>BC<\/span>) who was concealed in the temple from the vicious Athaliah during his youth (2 Kgs 11), made provision for its repair after protesting the priests’ embezzlement of gifts (12:4-16). But after the death of Jehoiada, the high priest, Joash himself was adversely influenced by his nobles (2 Chr 24:15-19). As punishment for his apostasy, the Lord allowed the Syrians to attack, and Joash used the temple treasures to buy them off (2 Kgs 12:17-18). Hardly had provision for replacements been made, when Jehoash of Israel (798–782 <span>BC<\/span>), having shattered the arrogant pride of Amaziah of Judah (796–767 <span>BC<\/span>), again stripped the temple (14:8-14). Later, King Ahaz (735-715 <span>BC<\/span>) used the remaining resources of the temple to enlist support from the Assyrians (16:7-9), though he eventually became completely subservient to them.<\/p>\n<p> Then Hezekiah (715–686 <span>BC<\/span>), one of the great reforming kings, thoroughly renovated the temple and restored worship after it had fallen into disuse during theclosing years of Ahaz (2 Chr 29:1-19; 31:9-21). Manasseh (696–642 <span>BC<\/span>), however, completely reversed his father’s policy, bringing the practices of Canaanite and Mesopotamian worship into the temple (2 Kgs 21:3-7). His conversion experience, which probably occurred late in his reign and resulted in certain reform measures in the temple (2 Chr 33:12-19), was not far-reaching enough to escape the final judgment that his reign was the dark spot of Judah’s history (2 Kgs 21:10-16).<\/p>\n<p>Manasseh’s grandson Josiah (640–609 <span>BC<\/span>), was the second great reforming king. He organized the repair of the temple in 622 <span>BC<\/span>, during which the lost Book of the Law (almost certainly the book of Deuteronomy) was discovered (2 Kgs 22:3-13). As a result, Josiah’s reformation gained a new dimension and sense of urgency (22:14–23:3). The reformation included a thorough purge of all idolatrous elements from the temple (23:4-12) and the restoration of the traditional festivals. Sadly, however, Josiah’s reformation died with him, and Judah’s downward slide continued under the apostate Jehoiakim (609–598 <span>BC<\/span>). It was probably during this time that Jeremiah preached his famous temple sermon foretelling its destruction (Jer 7:1–8:3; 26:1-19), which alienated him from the religious leaders. In Nebuchadnezzar’s reprisal raid following Jehoiakim’s rebellion in 601 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 24:1-4), Jerusalem was captured (596 <span>BC<\/span>) and many of the temple treasures were transported to Babylon (2 Chr 36:7). The temple itself appears to have escaped damage, but when Judah again rebelled under Zedekiah (597–586 <span>BC<\/span>), the temple was demolished (2 Kgs 25:8-10). The remaining temple treasures were taken away.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"ZerubbabelsTemple\">Zerubbabel’s Temple<\/p>\n<h5>Construction<\/h5>\n<p>Although the temple was devastated, the site still remained as a place of pilgrimage during the exile (Jer 41:4-5). In 538 <span>BC<\/span> the Persian king, Cyrus, in pursuance of a liberal policy diametrically opposed to that of the earlier empires, permitted the Jews to return from exile. And he authorized the rebuilding of the temple, financing it from the Persian treasury.<\/p>\n<p>In the book of Ezra, the decree of authorization has been preserved in two forms: the general proclamation (Ezr 1:2-4) and a more prosaic memorandum in the national archives indicating the main temple specifications and the amount of promised Persian help (6:1-5). Probably only a minority of the Jews opted to leave the relative comforts of Mesopotamia for the dangers of a long journey to their desolated homeland. According to the book of Ezra, 42,360 dedicated individuals and their servants (2:64-65) responded under the leadership of Sheshbazzar (1:8-11; 5:14-16) and Zerubbabel (2:2; 3:2, 8; 4:2). With great enthusiasm, the altar was rebuilt on the temple site and the traditional pattern of worship reestablished (3:1-6). Utilizing the grant from Persia as well as their own freewill gifts (2:68-69; 3:7), the Jews began to plan the second temple and lay its foundations (3:7-13). The initial impetus quickly died as a result of local opposition (4:1-4, 24), selfish preoccupation, and crop failures (Hg 1:2-11). In 520 <span>BC<\/span> (Ezr 4:24; Hg 1:1; Zec 1:1), inspired by the prophets Haggai and Zechariah, the Jews under Zerubbabel and Joshua the high priest commenced rebuilding. Work continued in spite of official suspicion, if not direct opposition, and the temple was completed and dedicated in 515 <span>BC<\/span> (Ezr 5:1–6:22).<\/p>\n<p>Little is known of the physical features of Zerubbabel’s temple. The inference that it was vastly inferior to Solomon’s temple (Hg 2:3) probably relates to an early stage in the building operation. In fact, the second temple stood for over 500 years. The dimensions noted in Ezra 6:3 are incomplete; the new temple was no doubt about the same size as its predecessor and was probably built on the same foundation. The construction technique appears to have followed the method of the original, with layers of timber providing a framework for sections of masonry (v 4). Clearly, there was auxiliary accommodation, probably like the side rooms of Solomon’s temple (Ezr 8:29; Neh 12:44; 13:4-5). If Persian aid was forthcoming as promised (Ezr 6:8-12), the second temple was a more splendid, substantial structure than is generally supposed.<\/p>\n<h5>Later History<\/h5>\n<p>Several references in the Apocrypha, pseudepigrapha, rabbinic writings, and the historian Josephus help to illumine the history of the temple and give more detail on its structure and furnishings. Josephus, quoting from Hecateus of Abdera (fourth century <span>BC<\/span>), states that the temple was a large building in an enclosure about 500 feet by 150 feet (152.4 meters by 45.7 meters), surrounded by a stone wall, with an altar of unhewn stones the same size as Solomon’s bronze altar (cf. 2 Chr 4:1). Within the sanctuary was a golden altar of incense and a lampstand, the flame of which burned continually. Josephus also notes that Antiochus III (223–187 <span>BC<\/span>) financially supported the temple when the Seleucids displaced the Ptolemies as masters of Jerusalem.<\/p>\n<p>Ben Sirach, early in the second century <span>BC<\/span>, commended Simon, the son of Onias the high priest, for his work in fortifying and repairing the temple area. First Maccabees provides valuable evidence of the fate of the temple during the oppression under Antiochus IV Epiphanes (175–164 <span>BC<\/span>). The books of the Maccabees recount the defilement of the altar of burnt offering (1 Macc 1:54) and the plundering of the golden lampstand, altar of incense, table of offering, veil, and other treasures (2 Macc 5:15-16; 6:2-4). When the temple was recaptured and restored, the victorious Maccabees replaced the items taken by the Seleucids, except for the altar of sacrifice, which was considered so polluted that it was dismantled and replaced by a new one constructed of unhewn stone (1 Macc 4:36-61; 2 Macc 10:1-9). Clearly the temple area was used as a fortress, both in opposition to the Seleucid garrison that was maintained in Jerusalem in the Maccabean period and in the conflicts of the later Hasmonean period. When Pompey captured Jerusalem about 63 <span>BC<\/span>, he entered the temple to assert his authority but took no plunder, thus showing respect for it.<\/p>\n<p>The history of Zerubbabel’s temple closed when Herod, having carefully preserved it from any major damage when he gained control of Jerusalem with Roman aid in 37 <span>BC<\/span>, began to dismantle it about 21 <span>BC<\/span> in preparation for the construction of his own grand temple.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"HerodsTemple\">Herod’s Temple<\/p>\n<p>Apart from over 100 references in the NT, our main sources of information about Herod’s temple come from the Jewish historian Josephus and from the Middoth (a section of the Jewish rabbinic writings). There are considerable differences in detail between the two, which rules out any dogmatic interpretation in attempted reconstructions. Since Josephus was contemporary with the temple (he was born about <span>AD<\/span> 37 and died early in the second century), he is probably more reliable than the Middoth, which, dating from about <span>AD<\/span> 150, appears to exaggerate occasionally. Archaeological research has been helpful in determining the positions of the outer walls and gates.<\/p>\n<p>Herod’s motive in building his temple was political rather than religious. As an Idumean, he wished to placate his Jewish subjects by constructing a sanctuary as magnificent as Solomon’s. Possible fears that the site might be profaned, or that the existing temple might be demolished and never rebuilt, were allayed by the training of 1,000 priests as masons and the amassing of materials before the work commenced. Herod’s temple followed the tripartite plan of its predecessors, although its porch was much larger. It was built in the contemporary Greco-Roman architectural style and must therefore be regarded as distinct from Zerubbabel’s temple. Work began in 20 <span>BC<\/span>, and while the main sanctuary was quickly erected (it was in full operation within ten years), the total project was not completed until <span>AD<\/span> 64, only six years before it was destroyed by the Romans.<\/p>\n<p>Herod first prepared the site by clearing and leveling an area approximately 500 yards (457.2 meters) from north to south and about 325 yards (297.2 meters) from east to west. This involved cutting away sections of rock in some areas and building up with rubble in others. Considerable sections of the enclosing wall, constructed on stone blocks averaging about 15 feet (4.6 meters) long by 4 feet (1.2 meters) high, still survive. Some of the stones in the corners of the south wall weigh up to 70 tons (63.5 metric tons).<\/p>\n<p>The sanctuary itself seems to have been based on the same dimensions as Solomon’s temple. It was divided into the Holy Place, which was 60 feet (18.3 meters) long, 30 feet (9.1 meters) wide, and 60 feet high, and the Holy of Holies, which was 30 feet square. There was no furniture within the Holy of Holies, which was separated by a veil from the Holy Place. The Holy Place contained the seven-branch lampstand, the table for the bread of the Presence, and the incense altar. The main divergence from Solomon’s temple was the imposing porch, 150 feet (45.7 meters) in width and height. Outside was a doorway approximately 30 feet (9.1 meters) wide by 40 feet (12.2 meters) high, with an inner doorway about half that size leading into the sanctuary. By allowing empty rooms over the Holy of Holies and the Holy Place, there was a uniform roof height of 150 feet (45.7 meters). Golden spikes on the roof discouraged birds from alighting and defiling the structure. Like its predecessors, the temple was oriented toward the east and was surrounded on the other sides by three stories of rooms rising to a height of 60 feet (18.3 meters). The stone used was the local white stone, cut in huge blocks and highly polished.<\/p>\n<p>Access to the porch was by a flight of 12 steps from the Court of the Priests. Centrally placed before the porch and 33 feet (10.1 meters) away was the altar of sacrifice. Made of unhewn stone, it was a multilevel construction 15 feet (4.6 meters) high and about 48 feet (14.6 meters) square at its base. Male Israelites were allowed into this area once a year, during the Feast of the Tabernacles, to walk around the altar of sacrifice. Otherwise, they were restricted to the Court of Israel. To the east of the Court of Israel, and separated from it by a flight of 15 steps and by the ornate Great Gate, made of Corinthian bronze, was the Court of the Women. Here the offertory chests for temple expenses were located (Mk 12:41-44). The next court was the large, lower, outer Court of the Gentiles, which surrounded the inner courts and was separated from them by a balustrade and a series of warning notices. Two of these have been excavated, written in Latin and Greek and forbidding trespass by Gentiles into the inner areas, on pain of death. This outer court was widely used. Immediately inside its walls was a portico, supported by four rows of columns almost 40 feet (12.2 meters) high on the south side (the Royal Porch), and two rows on the other sides, the eastern portico known as “Solomon’s Porch” or “Solomon’s Colonnade.” Here is the area where the stalls of the money changers and merchants were set up, where the Sanhedrin met, and where Christ and the scribes taught and debated (Mk 11:27; Lk 2:46; 19:47; Jn 10:23). Here, too, the infant church met before it was rejected by a hostile Judaism (Acts 3:11; 5:12). Just to the northwest of the temple enclosure was the Fortress of Antonia, where the Roman governor resided while in Jerusalem, and where a Roman garrison was on hand to deal with disturbances (Acts 21:31-40). Overlooking the temple area, it was separated from it by a wide moat. The high priest’s vestments were stored in the fortress as a symbol of Roman authority. Access to the Court of the Gentiles was by four gates in the west wall; two in the south wall, where the ground fell away steeply into the valley, a site often identified as the pinnacle of the temple (Mt 4:5; Lk 4:9); and one gate in each of the east and north walls.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"SignificanceoftheTempleintheOldTestament\">Significance of the Temple in the Old Testament<\/p>\n<p>The temple in Jerusalem functioned as the focal point of the tribal confederation. In spite of the attempt of Jeroboam I, the first king of the northern kingdom, to divert attention from Jerusalem by establishing shrines at Bethel and Dan (1 Kgs 12:26-30), Jerusalem never lost its preeminence. Naturally, both Hezekiah and Josiah sought to extend their reformation into the area of the northern tribes (2 Chr 30:1-12; 34:6-7), and Jerusalem was a pilgrimage center for those areas even after its destruction (Jer 41:5). The prophets foretold its destiny as the focal point of universal worship (Is 2:1-4).<\/p>\n<p>The temple was God’s dwelling place among his people. God’s presence, symbolized in the shekinah glory and the pillar of cloud, was associated with the tent of meeting (Ex 33:9-11), with the tabernacle (40:34-38), and finally with the temple (1 Kgs 8:10-11). The paradox is that while God is completely unrestricted, the temple was considered a place for God to live forever (vv 13, 27). God had chosen Zion, as he had chosen David (Pss 68:15-18; 76:2; 78:67-72), so the temple was regarded as God’s house (27:4; 42:4; 84:1-4).<\/p>\n<h5>Ezekiel’s Temple<\/h5>\n<p>Ezekiel’s detailed description of the ideal temple (Ez 40–48) was not used as the blueprint for Zerubbabel’s temple. In fact, since Ezekiel must have been familiar with Solomon’s temple before his deportation in 597 <span>BC<\/span>, his description is of greater help in determining uncertain details of the first temple. Ezekiel’s concern was to show the nature of pure worship, safeguarded from all contamination. This worship would allow the glory of God, which had departed from corrupted Solomon’s temple (9:3; 10:4, 18-19: 11:22-23), to return so that Jerusalem could again be named “the Lord is there” (43:1-5; 48:35). This thought, linked with Ezekiel’s vital concept of God’s Spirit indwelling his faithful worshipers (36:24-28), anticipated the NT teaching of the believers becoming God’s temple.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"SignificanceoftheTempleintheNewTestament\">Significance of the Temple in the New Testament<\/p>\n<h5>Christ and the Temple<\/h5>\n<p>Christ showed considerable respect for the temple. When he was 12 years old, he entered into the rabbinic discussions in its porticoes and described it as his Father’s house (Lk 2:41-50). To him “the house of God” was indwelt by God (Mt 12:4; 23:21). Although he twice cleansed it in righteous anger (Mt 21:12-13; Jn 2:13-16), he wept over the impending destruction of the city and temple (Lk 19:41-44). He often taught there, but he was “greater than the temple” (Mt 12:6). When his presentation to Jerusalem as the predicted Messiah was rejected, in spite of attendant miracles, he foretold its inevitable destruction (Mt 21:9-15; 24:1-2). For a brief period after Pentecost, the early church used the temple as its meeting place, until mounting opposition drove believers from Jerusalem (Acts 5:12, 21, 42; 8:1).<\/p>\n<h5>The Church as the Temple<\/h5>\n<p>The NT writers used two different Greek words to describe the temple: <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span> and <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">hieron<\/span><em>.<\/em> <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">Naos<\/span> refers to the actual sanctuary of the temple, the place of God’s dwelling. <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">Hieron<\/span> refers to the temple precincts as well as to the sanctuary. Generally speaking, <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span> was used to designate the inner section of the temple known as the Holy Place and the Holy of Holies, whereas <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">hieron<\/span> included the outer court and the temple proper.<\/p>\n<p>In Paul’s epistles the word <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span> appears six times (1 Cor 3:16-17; 6:19; 2 Cor 6:16; Eph 2:21; 2 Thes 2:4) and <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">hieron<\/span> once (1 Cor 9:13). In these verses Paul maintains the distinction of definition noted above. When speaking of the actual physical temple, he used the word <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">hieron<\/span> to indicate the place where the priests offered up animal sacrifices on the altar (1 Cor 9:13), which was situated in the outer court (see Ex 27–29, 40). And when Paul referred to the abominable act of the lawless one in usurping God’s place in the temple, he used the word <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span>—the word that designates the place of deity’s presence (2 Thes 2:4).<\/p>\n<p>In all the other Pauline passages, <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span> is used metaphorically—to depict a human habitation for the divine Spirit. In one instance the sanctuary image is used to describe the individual believer’s body (1 Cor 6:19); in every other instance the sanctuary depicts Christ’s body, the church (1 Cor 3:16-17; 2 Cor 6:16; Eph 2:21). Mistakenly, many readers think 1 Corinthians 3:16-17 speaks of the individual, but according to the Greek text, it is unquestionably clear that Paul was speaking about the collective church (specifically, the church in Corinth).<\/p>\n<p>When Paul told the church in Corinth that it was God’s sanctuary, they would have understood the image from their knowledge of pagan temples. But Paul probably had in mind the one temple in Jerusalem. The Gentiles had many gods with many temples in one city; the Jews had one God with only one temple in all of Israel. This helped to preserve unity among the Israelites. The Corinthians needed spiritual unity; they were fragmented due to their individual preferences (see 1 Cor 1:10-13).<\/p>\n<p>In Ephesians, Paul’s masterpiece on the church, he speaks of the local churches as living, organic entities that are all (compositely speaking) growing into a holy sanctuary in the Lord (Eph 2:21). Paul pictured each local church as providing God with a spiritual habitation in that locality (v 22) and as growing together with all the other churches into one holy, universal sanctuary for the Lord’s indwelling.<\/p>\n<h5>The Temple in John’s Revelation<\/h5>\n<p>In John’s revelation there is no material temple, even though he continues to use the imagery of Jerusalem and Mt Zion (Rv 3:12; 14:1; 21:2, 10, 22). Three interrelated ideas dominate. First is the concept of the church made up of martyrs, whose faithful members are God’s temple (3:12; 14:1). This temple grows gradually as the number of martyrs increases (6:11). Another aspect is the temple as the place of judgment (11:19; 14:15; 15:5–16:1). Finally, any temple in the new age is unnecessary, “for its temple is the Lord God Almighty and the Lamb” (21:22). The ultimate state will be God’s dwelling with his people—the eternal, spritual temple.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Altar; Ark of the Covenant; Bread of the Presence; David; Feasts and Festivals of Israel; First Jewish Revolt; Judaism; Mercy Seat; Offerings and Sacrifices; Priests and Levites; Sanctuary; Singers in the Temple; Solomon (Person).<\/p>","summary_ro":"TEMPLE Preview • Background • Solomon’s Temple • Zerubbabel’s Temple • Herod’s Temple • Significance of the Temple in the Old Testament • Significance of the Temple in the New Testament Background David’s capture of Jerusalem (2 Sm 5:6-9) and his designation of it as the nation’s capital is one of the great masterstrokes of history. Occupied by the Jebusites, it was a pocket of neutral territory between the northern and southern sections of David’s united kingdom and was politically acceptabl...","summary_en":"TEMPLE Preview • Background • Solomon’s Temple • Zerubbabel’s Temple • Herod’s Temple • Significance of the Temple in the Old Testament • Significance of the Temple in the New Testament Background David’s capture of Jerusalem (2 Sm 5:6-9) and his designation of it as the nation’s capital is one of the great masterstrokes of history. Occupied by the Jebusites, it was a pocket of neutral territory between the northern and southern sections of David’s united kingdom and was politically acceptabl...","source":"Articles\/T.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":39186,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Book of Zephaniah","title_en":"Book of Zephaniah","content_ro":"<h3>ZEPHANIAH, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>One of the books of the Minor Prophets in the OT.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date, Origin, and Destination<\/p>\n<p>• Background<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>According to the editorial heading (Zep 1:1), Zephaniah prophesied during the reign of Josiah (640–609 <span>BC<\/span>). His family tree is given in an unusually full form. Some scholars have suggested that his great-great-grandfather was King Hezekiah (715–686 <span>BC<\/span>). But remarkably there is no Jewish or Christian tradition to support the suggestion, which there probably would have been if it had been true. His own name, meaning “he whom the Lord protects or hides,” was not uncommon and was a testimony to the keeping power of God.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"DateOriginandDestination\">Date, Origin, and Destination<\/p>\n<p>Zephaniah probably prophesied around 630 <span>BC<\/span>. The fall of Nineveh (612 <span>BC<\/span>) had not yet occurred (2:13-15). Josiah’s reign falls into two periods, dividing at 622 <span>BC<\/span>. In that year, while the temple was being cleared of pagan articles, the Book of the Law was found, which gave momentum to Josiah’s religious reforms (2 Kgs 22). The unreformed state of affairs described by Zephaniah (Zep 1:4-12; 3:1-4) points to a date before 622, at least for his denunciations. The prophet addressed Judah, the southern kingdom, and in particular the civil and religious authorities in Jerusalem. He most probably prophesied during the reign of Josiah, who came to the throne at the age of eight.<\/p>\n<p>The negative parts of the book concerning the sin and punishment of Judah—now fulfilled—would serve as a serious warning against disobedience to God. Moreover, the fulfillment of Zephaniah’s prophetic threats would serve to enhance the positive side of the book, confirming the hope of completion in the experience of a fresh generation of God’s people.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Background\">Background<\/p>\n<p>Politically, the Assyrian Empire had spread westward and held Palestine in its grip. The long reign of Manasseh (696–642 <span>BC<\/span>) had been a period of total subservience to Assyria. Political subservience as an Assyrian vassal meant religious subservience to the gods of Assyria, especially worship of the heavenly bodies (2 Kgs 21:5). Zephaniah complained of this sin (Zep 1:5). When the door opened to one foreign religion, others naturally came in. Once the exclusiveness of the worship of the God of Israel was abandoned, Palestinian cults were openly accepted. The Canaanite Baal was blatantly worshiped (2 Kgs 21:3), as Zephaniah attested (Zep 1:4). Zephaniah condemned the worshipers of Molech (v 5), who sacrificed children to the Ammonite god (1 Kgs 11:7; 2 Kgs 23:10). International imperialism meant a weakening of national culture, so that foreign customs were practiced, probably with religious overtones (Zep 1:8-9).<\/p>\n<p>The reign of Josiah brought changes, marking a political and religious turning point. Assyria, preoccupied with troubles on the eastern and northern frontiers and unable to consolidate its acquisitions, became unable to reinforce its authority in the west. This weakness induced Josiah to launch a national liberation movement. He threw off the yoke of Assyria and expanded his sphere of influence northward into the territory of the old northern kingdom. From a religious standpoint, he completely dissociated himself and his country from the religions that prevailed in Judah and recalled the nation to a pure and exclusive faith in the God of Israel. The book of Zephaniah shows that there was at least one person who shared his ideals. His prophetic ministry undoubtedly paved the way for Josiah’s subsequent reformation. He was a contemporary of Jeremiah, at least for the early part of that prophet’s career (Jeremiah began prophesying in 627 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>Scholars have suggested that Zephaniah’s prophesying was prompted in part by attacks of the Scythians. The Greek historian Herodotus tells how the barbaric Scythians overran western Asia and reached as far south as the Egyptian frontier at about the time that Zephaniah prophesied. There is now much less inclination to believe Herodotus’s tale and relate Zephaniah’s prophetic ministry to it. There is no objective evidence for Scythian attacks on so large a scale as Herodotus claimed. Probably Zephaniah spoke simply out of a theological necessity, as he himself claimed (e.g., 1:17). From his inspired standpoint, he foresaw that a clash involving divine intervention and human downfall was unavoidable.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTeaching\">Purpose and Teaching<\/p>\n<p>As Zephaniah prophesied in God’s name, he denounced the religious sins of Judah and the corruption rampant among both civil and religious authorities. He foretold the downfall of the nation that actually occurred in 586 <span>BC<\/span>. The moral and religious landslide could only culminate in a political avalanche of destruction that would engulf the nation. This avalanche is called by Zephaniah “the Day of the Lord.” It was not a new term, and the prophet knew that it would arouse terror in the hearts of his hearers. Amos used it, and even in his time it was well established (Am 5:18-20). Isaiah was the first to use the expression in the southern kingdom (Is 2:6-22, see v 12). In this, as in a number of respects, Zephaniah was a latter-day Isaiah called by God to reapply truths earlier prophesied by Isaiah to a later generation.<\/p>\n<p>The theme of the Day of the Lord refers to a time when the Lord would decisively intervene in the world to establish his sovereignty. Hostile elements would be swept aside. The enemies of God, sinners against his moral will, would be exposed and punished. It was associated with judgment upon those who did not acknowledge God’s sovereignty—especially Gentiles, but also sinful Israel. The emphasis on the suffering of God’s people was intended to correct the popular assumption that other nations would be the sole target of divine judgment.<\/p>\n<p>The “day” also would vindicate those who were loyal to God. It guaranteed the rehabilitation of his oppressed supporters. Zephaniah developed this two-sided phenomenon in order to communicate the truth of God to his own generation. It is “a day of the wrath of God” (Zep 1:15, 18; 2:2), when his reaction to human sin would be demonstrated. Its target was not only other nations but Judah as well, both Jerusalem, the capital (1:10-13), and the other cities of Judah.<\/p>\n<p>Zephaniah also had a positive message for the people of Judah. For the prophets, the message of salvation did not cancel the message of doom. Judgment would come first, then salvation would follow. But the period of tribulation could not be avoided. The prophet’s grim descriptions of “the day of wrath” are interpreted as dire warnings and implicit pleas to the people of Judah to abandon their complacent, sinful ways.<\/p>\n<p>Clearly, Zephaniah’s role under God was to reapply earlier truths sadly forgotten by his own generation. Zephaniah was able to foresee God’s judgment of Judah and the world. But he also proclaimed permanent truths concerning the nature of God and his providential relationship to the world and concerning the responsibilities of the people of God.<\/p>\n<p>The importance of the book of Zephaniah for the NT lies in the phraseology about the Day of the Lord. There are a number of allusions to this aspect of his message (Mt 13:41 [Zep 1:3]; Rv 6:17 [1:14]; 14:5 [3:13]; 16:1 [3:8]). These echoes stress Zephaniah’s importance beyond his own time. He contributed to the total biblical picture of a God who intervenes in human history and will establish his kingdom. Zephaniah’s descriptions are a pattern for events that will mark the end of history.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<p>The heading (Zep 1:1) introduces Zephaniah, gives the historical setting, and above all stresses his meditation on the divine word.<\/p>\n<p>The first major part of the book is 1:2–2:3. It subdivides into four units: verses 2-7, 8-13, 14-18; 2:1-3. Verses 2-7 include Judah in a forecast of universal destruction. Zephaniah used traditional material to stress that God’s people were by no means exempt, as they often chose to believe (cf. Am 5:18-20). The prophet supported his startling revelation with reasoned statements regarding the religious deviations practiced in Jerusalem. The image of sacrifice was used ironically, portraying Judah as the victim.<\/p>\n<p>The national administration and members of the royal family were guilty (Zep 1:8-13). Superstitions were punctiliously observed, yet basic divine commands against stealing and fraudulent gain went unheeded. Zephaniah saw the enemy attack on the north side of Jerusalem as an illustration of God’s punishment of dishonest traders (cf. Am 8:5-6; Mi 6:10-11).<\/p>\n<p>There follows a shocking and terrifying description of the grimness of the coming “Day” (Zep 1:14-18). The prophet stirred up a complacent people who did not want to hear God’s message. He frightened them into reality with a monotonous drumbeat of doom and destruction. Judah would be the demoralized target of God’s wrath. Their wealth had secured luxurious imports but could not prevent divine judgment.<\/p>\n<p>The prophet completed his sermon with an appeal for repentance (2:1-3). Having emotionally stirred his audience from their apathy, he was able to bring the good news that all was not yet lost. A penitential assembly at the temple and the intercession of the spiritually minded and obedient among God’s people might prevent destruction. God’s punishment of foreign nations is described in the second main part of the book (2:4-15). Representative states are named to the west, east, south, and north of Judah. In the context of the previous material, it amplifies the universal nature of the Day of the Lord. Like the first part, it subdivides into four passages: verses 2:4-7, 8-11, 12, and 13-15.<\/p>\n<p>The subject of the first passage is the Philistines. In the case of the cities of Gaza and Ekron, there is a play on words typical of Hebrew prophecy. Both names contain doom within their very sound. The Philistines are labeled as trespassers because they were illegal immigrants from Crete into the Promised Land, which was intended for God’s own people.<\/p>\n<p>Zephaniah predicted that Moab and Ammon would suffer attack for their overbearing attitude and their annexation of Judean territory (2:8-11). God would come to the aid of his covenant people.<\/p>\n<p>The first two main sections have spelled out at length a message of judgment for both Judah and the surrounding nations. This twofold message is now repeated in a much shorter form in the third main section (3:1-8). Zephaniah criticized Jerusalem in its combined role of political capital and religious center. The responsibility of being God’s representatives rested too lightly on the shoulders of government and temple officials. Civil leaders abused their powers by demanding bribes and even killing their political opponents. Instead of being the shepherds of the people (cf. Ez 34), they were beasts of prey (cf. Ez 22:25-27). The prophets misused their gifts for their own selfish interests, while the priests broke the strict regulations of the temple. The lessons of history went unheeded; they had not learned caution and reverence. The conclusion is clear: Judah could not escape punishment in the coming Day of the Lord but would suffer with other nations.<\/p>\n<p>The outworking of God’s will for both Judah and the nations is in view in the final main section (Zep 3:9-20), but this time from a quite different aspect. Punishment was not God’s last word for his own people or even for the nations at large. Ultimately God’s will is not destruction but salvation (2 Pt 3:9). The section has three parts: Zephaniah 3:9-10, 11-13, and 14-20. Verses 9-10 deal with the conversion of the nations. This remarkable passage looks forward with divinely guaranteed certainty to the willing submission of Gentiles to the God of Israel. Their turning to God would not be based on human initiative but would originate in the providential activity of God. Lips defiled by worship of pagan gods would be purified and devoted solely to the adoration of the God of Israel. People from remote parts of the earth, here illustrated as the remote south beyond the Ethiopian Nile, would come as suppliants, as if they were scattered Jews returning home.<\/p>\n<p>God’s own people would be marked by a change of heart (3:11-13). By now they would have been purged of the proud people who put themselves before God in the sphere of politics and religion. They would be a purified people who humbly trusted in God. To them were promised the blessings of paradise.<\/p>\n<p>The last passage speaks of coming joys (3:14-20). The prophet projects himself into the future, to the time when God’s judgment would be over and the time of salvation had dawned. God’s people would rejoice in the presence of their Lord. Fear and demoralization would be canceled by God’s powerful presence and radiant joy. His joy would infectiously communicate itself to them so that they too would rejoice. Moreover, his joy would be a reaction to the transformation he was working in the lives of his people (v 17; “he will renew you in his love,” <span>rsv<\/span>). A necessary part of this transformation would feature the vindication of God’s suffering people. They would be brought to a position of honor, as the visible representatives of the God of glory. Ultimately, God’s power would be revealed through a people of power.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Israel, History of; Josiah #1.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>ZEPHANIAH, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>One of the books of the Minor Prophets in the OT.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date, Origin, and Destination<\/p>\n<p>• Background<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>According to the editorial heading (Zep 1:1), Zephaniah prophesied during the reign of Josiah (640–609 <span>BC<\/span>). His family tree is given in an unusually full form. Some scholars have suggested that his great-great-grandfather was King Hezekiah (715–686 <span>BC<\/span>). But remarkably there is no Jewish or Christian tradition to support the suggestion, which there probably would have been if it had been true. His own name, meaning “he whom the Lord protects or hides,” was not uncommon and was a testimony to the keeping power of God.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"DateOriginandDestination\">Date, Origin, and Destination<\/p>\n<p>Zephaniah probably prophesied around 630 <span>BC<\/span>. The fall of Nineveh (612 <span>BC<\/span>) had not yet occurred (2:13-15). Josiah’s reign falls into two periods, dividing at 622 <span>BC<\/span>. In that year, while the temple was being cleared of pagan articles, the Book of the Law was found, which gave momentum to Josiah’s religious reforms (2 Kgs 22). The unreformed state of affairs described by Zephaniah (Zep 1:4-12; 3:1-4) points to a date before 622, at least for his denunciations. The prophet addressed Judah, the southern kingdom, and in particular the civil and religious authorities in Jerusalem. He most probably prophesied during the reign of Josiah, who came to the throne at the age of eight.<\/p>\n<p>The negative parts of the book concerning the sin and punishment of Judah—now fulfilled—would serve as a serious warning against disobedience to God. Moreover, the fulfillment of Zephaniah’s prophetic threats would serve to enhance the positive side of the book, confirming the hope of completion in the experience of a fresh generation of God’s people.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Background\">Background<\/p>\n<p>Politically, the Assyrian Empire had spread westward and held Palestine in its grip. The long reign of Manasseh (696–642 <span>BC<\/span>) had been a period of total subservience to Assyria. Political subservience as an Assyrian vassal meant religious subservience to the gods of Assyria, especially worship of the heavenly bodies (2 Kgs 21:5). Zephaniah complained of this sin (Zep 1:5). When the door opened to one foreign religion, others naturally came in. Once the exclusiveness of the worship of the God of Israel was abandoned, Palestinian cults were openly accepted. The Canaanite Baal was blatantly worshiped (2 Kgs 21:3), as Zephaniah attested (Zep 1:4). Zephaniah condemned the worshipers of Molech (v 5), who sacrificed children to the Ammonite god (1 Kgs 11:7; 2 Kgs 23:10). International imperialism meant a weakening of national culture, so that foreign customs were practiced, probably with religious overtones (Zep 1:8-9).<\/p>\n<p>The reign of Josiah brought changes, marking a political and religious turning point. Assyria, preoccupied with troubles on the eastern and northern frontiers and unable to consolidate its acquisitions, became unable to reinforce its authority in the west. This weakness induced Josiah to launch a national liberation movement. He threw off the yoke of Assyria and expanded his sphere of influence northward into the territory of the old northern kingdom. From a religious standpoint, he completely dissociated himself and his country from the religions that prevailed in Judah and recalled the nation to a pure and exclusive faith in the God of Israel. The book of Zephaniah shows that there was at least one person who shared his ideals. His prophetic ministry undoubtedly paved the way for Josiah’s subsequent reformation. He was a contemporary of Jeremiah, at least for the early part of that prophet’s career (Jeremiah began prophesying in 627 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>Scholars have suggested that Zephaniah’s prophesying was prompted in part by attacks of the Scythians. The Greek historian Herodotus tells how the barbaric Scythians overran western Asia and reached as far south as the Egyptian frontier at about the time that Zephaniah prophesied. There is now much less inclination to believe Herodotus’s tale and relate Zephaniah’s prophetic ministry to it. There is no objective evidence for Scythian attacks on so large a scale as Herodotus claimed. Probably Zephaniah spoke simply out of a theological necessity, as he himself claimed (e.g., 1:17). From his inspired standpoint, he foresaw that a clash involving divine intervention and human downfall was unavoidable.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTeaching\">Purpose and Teaching<\/p>\n<p>As Zephaniah prophesied in God’s name, he denounced the religious sins of Judah and the corruption rampant among both civil and religious authorities. He foretold the downfall of the nation that actually occurred in 586 <span>BC<\/span>. The moral and religious landslide could only culminate in a political avalanche of destruction that would engulf the nation. This avalanche is called by Zephaniah “the Day of the Lord.” It was not a new term, and the prophet knew that it would arouse terror in the hearts of his hearers. Amos used it, and even in his time it was well established (Am 5:18-20). Isaiah was the first to use the expression in the southern kingdom (Is 2:6-22, see v 12). In this, as in a number of respects, Zephaniah was a latter-day Isaiah called by God to reapply truths earlier prophesied by Isaiah to a later generation.<\/p>\n<p>The theme of the Day of the Lord refers to a time when the Lord would decisively intervene in the world to establish his sovereignty. Hostile elements would be swept aside. The enemies of God, sinners against his moral will, would be exposed and punished. It was associated with judgment upon those who did not acknowledge God’s sovereignty—especially Gentiles, but also sinful Israel. The emphasis on the suffering of God’s people was intended to correct the popular assumption that other nations would be the sole target of divine judgment.<\/p>\n<p>The “day” also would vindicate those who were loyal to God. It guaranteed the rehabilitation of his oppressed supporters. Zephaniah developed this two-sided phenomenon in order to communicate the truth of God to his own generation. It is “a day of the wrath of God” (Zep 1:15, 18; 2:2), when his reaction to human sin would be demonstrated. Its target was not only other nations but Judah as well, both Jerusalem, the capital (1:10-13), and the other cities of Judah.<\/p>\n<p>Zephaniah also had a positive message for the people of Judah. For the prophets, the message of salvation did not cancel the message of doom. Judgment would come first, then salvation would follow. But the period of tribulation could not be avoided. The prophet’s grim descriptions of “the day of wrath” are interpreted as dire warnings and implicit pleas to the people of Judah to abandon their complacent, sinful ways.<\/p>\n<p>Clearly, Zephaniah’s role under God was to reapply earlier truths sadly forgotten by his own generation. Zephaniah was able to foresee God’s judgment of Judah and the world. But he also proclaimed permanent truths concerning the nature of God and his providential relationship to the world and concerning the responsibilities of the people of God.<\/p>\n<p>The importance of the book of Zephaniah for the NT lies in the phraseology about the Day of the Lord. There are a number of allusions to this aspect of his message (Mt 13:41 [Zep 1:3]; Rv 6:17 [1:14]; 14:5 [3:13]; 16:1 [3:8]). These echoes stress Zephaniah’s importance beyond his own time. He contributed to the total biblical picture of a God who intervenes in human history and will establish his kingdom. Zephaniah’s descriptions are a pattern for events that will mark the end of history.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<p>The heading (Zep 1:1) introduces Zephaniah, gives the historical setting, and above all stresses his meditation on the divine word.<\/p>\n<p>The first major part of the book is 1:2–2:3. It subdivides into four units: verses 2-7, 8-13, 14-18; 2:1-3. Verses 2-7 include Judah in a forecast of universal destruction. Zephaniah used traditional material to stress that God’s people were by no means exempt, as they often chose to believe (cf. Am 5:18-20). The prophet supported his startling revelation with reasoned statements regarding the religious deviations practiced in Jerusalem. The image of sacrifice was used ironically, portraying Judah as the victim.<\/p>\n<p>The national administration and members of the royal family were guilty (Zep 1:8-13). Superstitions were punctiliously observed, yet basic divine commands against stealing and fraudulent gain went unheeded. Zephaniah saw the enemy attack on the north side of Jerusalem as an illustration of God’s punishment of dishonest traders (cf. Am 8:5-6; Mi 6:10-11).<\/p>\n<p>There follows a shocking and terrifying description of the grimness of the coming “Day” (Zep 1:14-18). The prophet stirred up a complacent people who did not want to hear God’s message. He frightened them into reality with a monotonous drumbeat of doom and destruction. Judah would be the demoralized target of God’s wrath. Their wealth had secured luxurious imports but could not prevent divine judgment.<\/p>\n<p>The prophet completed his sermon with an appeal for repentance (2:1-3). Having emotionally stirred his audience from their apathy, he was able to bring the good news that all was not yet lost. A penitential assembly at the temple and the intercession of the spiritually minded and obedient among God’s people might prevent destruction. God’s punishment of foreign nations is described in the second main part of the book (2:4-15). Representative states are named to the west, east, south, and north of Judah. In the context of the previous material, it amplifies the universal nature of the Day of the Lord. Like the first part, it subdivides into four passages: verses 2:4-7, 8-11, 12, and 13-15.<\/p>\n<p>The subject of the first passage is the Philistines. In the case of the cities of Gaza and Ekron, there is a play on words typical of Hebrew prophecy. Both names contain doom within their very sound. The Philistines are labeled as trespassers because they were illegal immigrants from Crete into the Promised Land, which was intended for God’s own people.<\/p>\n<p>Zephaniah predicted that Moab and Ammon would suffer attack for their overbearing attitude and their annexation of Judean territory (2:8-11). God would come to the aid of his covenant people.<\/p>\n<p>The first two main sections have spelled out at length a message of judgment for both Judah and the surrounding nations. This twofold message is now repeated in a much shorter form in the third main section (3:1-8). Zephaniah criticized Jerusalem in its combined role of political capital and religious center. The responsibility of being God’s representatives rested too lightly on the shoulders of government and temple officials. Civil leaders abused their powers by demanding bribes and even killing their political opponents. Instead of being the shepherds of the people (cf. Ez 34), they were beasts of prey (cf. Ez 22:25-27). The prophets misused their gifts for their own selfish interests, while the priests broke the strict regulations of the temple. The lessons of history went unheeded; they had not learned caution and reverence. The conclusion is clear: Judah could not escape punishment in the coming Day of the Lord but would suffer with other nations.<\/p>\n<p>The outworking of God’s will for both Judah and the nations is in view in the final main section (Zep 3:9-20), but this time from a quite different aspect. Punishment was not God’s last word for his own people or even for the nations at large. Ultimately God’s will is not destruction but salvation (2 Pt 3:9). The section has three parts: Zephaniah 3:9-10, 11-13, and 14-20. Verses 9-10 deal with the conversion of the nations. This remarkable passage looks forward with divinely guaranteed certainty to the willing submission of Gentiles to the God of Israel. Their turning to God would not be based on human initiative but would originate in the providential activity of God. Lips defiled by worship of pagan gods would be purified and devoted solely to the adoration of the God of Israel. People from remote parts of the earth, here illustrated as the remote south beyond the Ethiopian Nile, would come as suppliants, as if they were scattered Jews returning home.<\/p>\n<p>God’s own people would be marked by a change of heart (3:11-13). By now they would have been purged of the proud people who put themselves before God in the sphere of politics and religion. They would be a purified people who humbly trusted in God. To them were promised the blessings of paradise.<\/p>\n<p>The last passage speaks of coming joys (3:14-20). The prophet projects himself into the future, to the time when God’s judgment would be over and the time of salvation had dawned. God’s people would rejoice in the presence of their Lord. Fear and demoralization would be canceled by God’s powerful presence and radiant joy. His joy would infectiously communicate itself to them so that they too would rejoice. Moreover, his joy would be a reaction to the transformation he was working in the lives of his people (v 17; “he will renew you in his love,” <span>rsv<\/span>). A necessary part of this transformation would feature the vindication of God’s suffering people. They would be brought to a position of honor, as the visible representatives of the God of glory. Ultimately, God’s power would be revealed through a people of power.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Israel, History of; Josiah #1.<\/p>","summary_ro":"ZEPHANIAH, Book of One of the books of the Minor Prophets in the OT. Preview • Author • Date, Origin, and Destination • Background • Purpose and Teaching • Content Author According to the editorial heading (Zep 1:1), Zephaniah prophesied during the reign of Josiah (640–609 BC). His family tree is given in an unusually full form. Some scholars have suggested that his great-great-grandfather was King Hezekiah (715–686 BC). But remarkably there is no Jewish or Christian tradition to support the ...","summary_en":"ZEPHANIAH, Book of One of the books of the Minor Prophets in the OT. Preview • Author • Date, Origin, and Destination • Background • Purpose and Teaching • Content Author According to the editorial heading (Zep 1:1), Zephaniah prophesied during the reign of Josiah (640–609 BC). His family tree is given in an unusually full form. Some scholars have suggested that his great-great-grandfather was King Hezekiah (715–686 BC). But remarkably there is no Jewish or Christian tradition to support the ...","source":"Articles\/Z.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":47464,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 21:3","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 21:3","content_ro":"<p><strong>21:3-5<\/strong> Manasseh’s spiritual infidelity included rebuilding local <em>pagan shrines<\/em> that his father had destroyed (18:3). He also promoted wicked religious practices associated with the worship of <em>Baal and set up an Asherah pole<\/em> (see 18:3; 1 Kgs 16:32) and reintroduced astral worship. God had judged the northern kingdom for these sins (2 Kgs 17:16).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>21:3-5<\/strong> Manasseh’s spiritual infidelity included rebuilding local <em>pagan shrines<\/em> that his father had destroyed (18:3). He also promoted wicked religious practices associated with the worship of <em>Baal and set up an Asherah pole<\/em> (see 18:3; 1 Kgs 16:32) and reintroduced astral worship. God had judged the northern kingdom for these sins (2 Kgs 17:16).<\/p>","summary_ro":"21:3-5 Manasseh’s spiritual infidelity included rebuilding local pagan shrines that his father had destroyed (18:3). He also promoted wicked religious practices associated with the worship of Baal and set up an Asherah pole (see 18:3; 1 Kgs 16:32) and reintroduced astral worship. God had judged the northern kingdom for these sins (2 Kgs 17:16).","summary_en":"21:3-5 Manasseh’s spiritual infidelity included rebuilding local pagan shrines that his father had destroyed (18:3). He also promoted wicked religious practices associated with the worship of Baal and set up an Asherah pole (see 18:3; 1 Kgs 16:32) and reintroduced astral worship. God had judged the northern kingdom for these sins (2 Kgs 17:16).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":75090,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 21:3","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 21:3","content_ro":"<p><strong>21:3-5<\/strong> Manasseh’s spiritual infidelity included rebuilding local <em>pagan shrines<\/em> that his father had destroyed (18:3). He also promoted wicked religious practices associated with the worship of <em>Baal and set up an Asherah pole<\/em> (see 18:3; 1 Kgs 16:32) and reintroduced astral worship. God had judged the northern kingdom for these sins (2 Kgs 17:16).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>21:3-5<\/strong> Manasseh’s spiritual infidelity included rebuilding local <em>pagan shrines<\/em> that his father had destroyed (18:3). He also promoted wicked religious practices associated with the worship of <em>Baal and set up an Asherah pole<\/em> (see 18:3; 1 Kgs 16:32) and reintroduced astral worship. God had judged the northern kingdom for these sins (2 Kgs 17:16).<\/p>","summary_ro":"21:3-5 Manasseh’s spiritual infidelity included rebuilding local pagan shrines that his father had destroyed (18:3). He also promoted wicked religious practices associated with the worship of Baal and set up an Asherah pole (see 18:3; 1 Kgs 16:32) and reintroduced astral worship. God had judged the northern kingdom for these sins (2 Kgs 17:16).","summary_en":"21:3-5 Manasseh’s spiritual infidelity included rebuilding local pagan shrines that his father had destroyed (18:3). He also promoted wicked religious practices associated with the worship of Baal and set up an Asherah pole (see 18:3; 1 Kgs 16:32) and reintroduced astral worship. God had judged the northern kingdom for these sins (2 Kgs 17:16).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":102716,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 21:3","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 21:3","content_ro":"<p><strong>21:3-5<\/strong> Manasseh’s spiritual infidelity included rebuilding local <em>pagan shrines<\/em> that his father had destroyed (18:3). He also promoted wicked religious practices associated with the worship of <em>Baal and set up an Asherah pole<\/em> (see 18:3; 1 Kgs 16:32) and reintroduced astral worship. God had judged the northern kingdom for these sins (2 Kgs 17:16).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>21:3-5<\/strong> Manasseh’s spiritual infidelity included rebuilding local <em>pagan shrines<\/em> that his father had destroyed (18:3). He also promoted wicked religious practices associated with the worship of <em>Baal and set up an Asherah pole<\/em> (see 18:3; 1 Kgs 16:32) and reintroduced astral worship. God had judged the northern kingdom for these sins (2 Kgs 17:16).<\/p>","summary_ro":"21:3-5 Manasseh’s spiritual infidelity included rebuilding local pagan shrines that his father had destroyed (18:3). He also promoted wicked religious practices associated with the worship of Baal and set up an Asherah pole (see 18:3; 1 Kgs 16:32) and reintroduced astral worship. God had judged the northern kingdom for these sins (2 Kgs 17:16).","summary_en":"21:3-5 Manasseh’s spiritual infidelity included rebuilding local pagan shrines that his father had destroyed (18:3). He also promoted wicked religious practices associated with the worship of Baal and set up an Asherah pole (see 18:3; 1 Kgs 16:32) and reintroduced astral worship. God had judged the northern kingdom for these sins (2 Kgs 17:16).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":130342,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 21:3","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 21:3","content_ro":"<p><strong>21:3-5<\/strong> Manasseh’s spiritual infidelity included rebuilding local <em>pagan shrines<\/em> that his father had destroyed (18:3). He also promoted wicked religious practices associated with the worship of <em>Baal and set up an Asherah pole<\/em> (see 18:3; 1 Kgs 16:32) and reintroduced astral worship. God had judged the northern kingdom for these sins (2 Kgs 17:16).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>21:3-5<\/strong> Manasseh’s spiritual infidelity included rebuilding local <em>pagan shrines<\/em> that his father had destroyed (18:3). He also promoted wicked religious practices associated with the worship of <em>Baal and set up an Asherah pole<\/em> (see 18:3; 1 Kgs 16:32) and reintroduced astral worship. God had judged the northern kingdom for these sins (2 Kgs 17:16).<\/p>","summary_ro":"21:3-5 Manasseh’s spiritual infidelity included rebuilding local pagan shrines that his father had destroyed (18:3). He also promoted wicked religious practices associated with the worship of Baal and set up an Asherah pole (see 18:3; 1 Kgs 16:32) and reintroduced astral worship. God had judged the northern kingdom for these sins (2 Kgs 17:16).","summary_en":"21:3-5 Manasseh’s spiritual infidelity included rebuilding local pagan shrines that his father had destroyed (18:3). He also promoted wicked religious practices associated with the worship of Baal and set up an Asherah pole (see 18:3; 1 Kgs 16:32) and reintroduced astral worship. God had judged the northern kingdom for these sins (2 Kgs 17:16).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"5":[{"id":39184,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Book of Zephaniah","title_en":"Book of Zephaniah","content_ro":"<h3>ZEPHANIAH, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>One of the books of the Minor Prophets in the OT.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date, Origin, and Destination<\/p>\n<p>• Background<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>According to the editorial heading (Zep 1:1), Zephaniah prophesied during the reign of Josiah (640–609 <span>BC<\/span>). His family tree is given in an unusually full form. Some scholars have suggested that his great-great-grandfather was King Hezekiah (715–686 <span>BC<\/span>). But remarkably there is no Jewish or Christian tradition to support the suggestion, which there probably would have been if it had been true. His own name, meaning “he whom the Lord protects or hides,” was not uncommon and was a testimony to the keeping power of God.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"DateOriginandDestination\">Date, Origin, and Destination<\/p>\n<p>Zephaniah probably prophesied around 630 <span>BC<\/span>. The fall of Nineveh (612 <span>BC<\/span>) had not yet occurred (2:13-15). Josiah’s reign falls into two periods, dividing at 622 <span>BC<\/span>. In that year, while the temple was being cleared of pagan articles, the Book of the Law was found, which gave momentum to Josiah’s religious reforms (2 Kgs 22). The unreformed state of affairs described by Zephaniah (Zep 1:4-12; 3:1-4) points to a date before 622, at least for his denunciations. The prophet addressed Judah, the southern kingdom, and in particular the civil and religious authorities in Jerusalem. He most probably prophesied during the reign of Josiah, who came to the throne at the age of eight.<\/p>\n<p>The negative parts of the book concerning the sin and punishment of Judah—now fulfilled—would serve as a serious warning against disobedience to God. Moreover, the fulfillment of Zephaniah’s prophetic threats would serve to enhance the positive side of the book, confirming the hope of completion in the experience of a fresh generation of God’s people.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Background\">Background<\/p>\n<p>Politically, the Assyrian Empire had spread westward and held Palestine in its grip. The long reign of Manasseh (696–642 <span>BC<\/span>) had been a period of total subservience to Assyria. Political subservience as an Assyrian vassal meant religious subservience to the gods of Assyria, especially worship of the heavenly bodies (2 Kgs 21:5). Zephaniah complained of this sin (Zep 1:5). When the door opened to one foreign religion, others naturally came in. Once the exclusiveness of the worship of the God of Israel was abandoned, Palestinian cults were openly accepted. The Canaanite Baal was blatantly worshiped (2 Kgs 21:3), as Zephaniah attested (Zep 1:4). Zephaniah condemned the worshipers of Molech (v 5), who sacrificed children to the Ammonite god (1 Kgs 11:7; 2 Kgs 23:10). International imperialism meant a weakening of national culture, so that foreign customs were practiced, probably with religious overtones (Zep 1:8-9).<\/p>\n<p>The reign of Josiah brought changes, marking a political and religious turning point. Assyria, preoccupied with troubles on the eastern and northern frontiers and unable to consolidate its acquisitions, became unable to reinforce its authority in the west. This weakness induced Josiah to launch a national liberation movement. He threw off the yoke of Assyria and expanded his sphere of influence northward into the territory of the old northern kingdom. From a religious standpoint, he completely dissociated himself and his country from the religions that prevailed in Judah and recalled the nation to a pure and exclusive faith in the God of Israel. The book of Zephaniah shows that there was at least one person who shared his ideals. His prophetic ministry undoubtedly paved the way for Josiah’s subsequent reformation. He was a contemporary of Jeremiah, at least for the early part of that prophet’s career (Jeremiah began prophesying in 627 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>Scholars have suggested that Zephaniah’s prophesying was prompted in part by attacks of the Scythians. The Greek historian Herodotus tells how the barbaric Scythians overran western Asia and reached as far south as the Egyptian frontier at about the time that Zephaniah prophesied. There is now much less inclination to believe Herodotus’s tale and relate Zephaniah’s prophetic ministry to it. There is no objective evidence for Scythian attacks on so large a scale as Herodotus claimed. Probably Zephaniah spoke simply out of a theological necessity, as he himself claimed (e.g., 1:17). From his inspired standpoint, he foresaw that a clash involving divine intervention and human downfall was unavoidable.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTeaching\">Purpose and Teaching<\/p>\n<p>As Zephaniah prophesied in God’s name, he denounced the religious sins of Judah and the corruption rampant among both civil and religious authorities. He foretold the downfall of the nation that actually occurred in 586 <span>BC<\/span>. The moral and religious landslide could only culminate in a political avalanche of destruction that would engulf the nation. This avalanche is called by Zephaniah “the Day of the Lord.” It was not a new term, and the prophet knew that it would arouse terror in the hearts of his hearers. Amos used it, and even in his time it was well established (Am 5:18-20). Isaiah was the first to use the expression in the southern kingdom (Is 2:6-22, see v 12). In this, as in a number of respects, Zephaniah was a latter-day Isaiah called by God to reapply truths earlier prophesied by Isaiah to a later generation.<\/p>\n<p>The theme of the Day of the Lord refers to a time when the Lord would decisively intervene in the world to establish his sovereignty. Hostile elements would be swept aside. The enemies of God, sinners against his moral will, would be exposed and punished. It was associated with judgment upon those who did not acknowledge God’s sovereignty—especially Gentiles, but also sinful Israel. The emphasis on the suffering of God’s people was intended to correct the popular assumption that other nations would be the sole target of divine judgment.<\/p>\n<p>The “day” also would vindicate those who were loyal to God. It guaranteed the rehabilitation of his oppressed supporters. Zephaniah developed this two-sided phenomenon in order to communicate the truth of God to his own generation. It is “a day of the wrath of God” (Zep 1:15, 18; 2:2), when his reaction to human sin would be demonstrated. Its target was not only other nations but Judah as well, both Jerusalem, the capital (1:10-13), and the other cities of Judah.<\/p>\n<p>Zephaniah also had a positive message for the people of Judah. For the prophets, the message of salvation did not cancel the message of doom. Judgment would come first, then salvation would follow. But the period of tribulation could not be avoided. The prophet’s grim descriptions of “the day of wrath” are interpreted as dire warnings and implicit pleas to the people of Judah to abandon their complacent, sinful ways.<\/p>\n<p>Clearly, Zephaniah’s role under God was to reapply earlier truths sadly forgotten by his own generation. Zephaniah was able to foresee God’s judgment of Judah and the world. But he also proclaimed permanent truths concerning the nature of God and his providential relationship to the world and concerning the responsibilities of the people of God.<\/p>\n<p>The importance of the book of Zephaniah for the NT lies in the phraseology about the Day of the Lord. There are a number of allusions to this aspect of his message (Mt 13:41 [Zep 1:3]; Rv 6:17 [1:14]; 14:5 [3:13]; 16:1 [3:8]). These echoes stress Zephaniah’s importance beyond his own time. He contributed to the total biblical picture of a God who intervenes in human history and will establish his kingdom. Zephaniah’s descriptions are a pattern for events that will mark the end of history.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<p>The heading (Zep 1:1) introduces Zephaniah, gives the historical setting, and above all stresses his meditation on the divine word.<\/p>\n<p>The first major part of the book is 1:2–2:3. It subdivides into four units: verses 2-7, 8-13, 14-18; 2:1-3. Verses 2-7 include Judah in a forecast of universal destruction. Zephaniah used traditional material to stress that God’s people were by no means exempt, as they often chose to believe (cf. Am 5:18-20). The prophet supported his startling revelation with reasoned statements regarding the religious deviations practiced in Jerusalem. The image of sacrifice was used ironically, portraying Judah as the victim.<\/p>\n<p>The national administration and members of the royal family were guilty (Zep 1:8-13). Superstitions were punctiliously observed, yet basic divine commands against stealing and fraudulent gain went unheeded. Zephaniah saw the enemy attack on the north side of Jerusalem as an illustration of God’s punishment of dishonest traders (cf. Am 8:5-6; Mi 6:10-11).<\/p>\n<p>There follows a shocking and terrifying description of the grimness of the coming “Day” (Zep 1:14-18). The prophet stirred up a complacent people who did not want to hear God’s message. He frightened them into reality with a monotonous drumbeat of doom and destruction. Judah would be the demoralized target of God’s wrath. Their wealth had secured luxurious imports but could not prevent divine judgment.<\/p>\n<p>The prophet completed his sermon with an appeal for repentance (2:1-3). Having emotionally stirred his audience from their apathy, he was able to bring the good news that all was not yet lost. A penitential assembly at the temple and the intercession of the spiritually minded and obedient among God’s people might prevent destruction. God’s punishment of foreign nations is described in the second main part of the book (2:4-15). Representative states are named to the west, east, south, and north of Judah. In the context of the previous material, it amplifies the universal nature of the Day of the Lord. Like the first part, it subdivides into four passages: verses 2:4-7, 8-11, 12, and 13-15.<\/p>\n<p>The subject of the first passage is the Philistines. In the case of the cities of Gaza and Ekron, there is a play on words typical of Hebrew prophecy. Both names contain doom within their very sound. The Philistines are labeled as trespassers because they were illegal immigrants from Crete into the Promised Land, which was intended for God’s own people.<\/p>\n<p>Zephaniah predicted that Moab and Ammon would suffer attack for their overbearing attitude and their annexation of Judean territory (2:8-11). God would come to the aid of his covenant people.<\/p>\n<p>The first two main sections have spelled out at length a message of judgment for both Judah and the surrounding nations. This twofold message is now repeated in a much shorter form in the third main section (3:1-8). Zephaniah criticized Jerusalem in its combined role of political capital and religious center. The responsibility of being God’s representatives rested too lightly on the shoulders of government and temple officials. Civil leaders abused their powers by demanding bribes and even killing their political opponents. Instead of being the shepherds of the people (cf. Ez 34), they were beasts of prey (cf. Ez 22:25-27). The prophets misused their gifts for their own selfish interests, while the priests broke the strict regulations of the temple. The lessons of history went unheeded; they had not learned caution and reverence. The conclusion is clear: Judah could not escape punishment in the coming Day of the Lord but would suffer with other nations.<\/p>\n<p>The outworking of God’s will for both Judah and the nations is in view in the final main section (Zep 3:9-20), but this time from a quite different aspect. Punishment was not God’s last word for his own people or even for the nations at large. Ultimately God’s will is not destruction but salvation (2 Pt 3:9). The section has three parts: Zephaniah 3:9-10, 11-13, and 14-20. Verses 9-10 deal with the conversion of the nations. This remarkable passage looks forward with divinely guaranteed certainty to the willing submission of Gentiles to the God of Israel. Their turning to God would not be based on human initiative but would originate in the providential activity of God. Lips defiled by worship of pagan gods would be purified and devoted solely to the adoration of the God of Israel. People from remote parts of the earth, here illustrated as the remote south beyond the Ethiopian Nile, would come as suppliants, as if they were scattered Jews returning home.<\/p>\n<p>God’s own people would be marked by a change of heart (3:11-13). By now they would have been purged of the proud people who put themselves before God in the sphere of politics and religion. They would be a purified people who humbly trusted in God. To them were promised the blessings of paradise.<\/p>\n<p>The last passage speaks of coming joys (3:14-20). The prophet projects himself into the future, to the time when God’s judgment would be over and the time of salvation had dawned. God’s people would rejoice in the presence of their Lord. Fear and demoralization would be canceled by God’s powerful presence and radiant joy. His joy would infectiously communicate itself to them so that they too would rejoice. Moreover, his joy would be a reaction to the transformation he was working in the lives of his people (v 17; “he will renew you in his love,” <span>rsv<\/span>). A necessary part of this transformation would feature the vindication of God’s suffering people. They would be brought to a position of honor, as the visible representatives of the God of glory. Ultimately, God’s power would be revealed through a people of power.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Israel, History of; Josiah #1.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>ZEPHANIAH, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>One of the books of the Minor Prophets in the OT.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date, Origin, and Destination<\/p>\n<p>• Background<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>According to the editorial heading (Zep 1:1), Zephaniah prophesied during the reign of Josiah (640–609 <span>BC<\/span>). His family tree is given in an unusually full form. Some scholars have suggested that his great-great-grandfather was King Hezekiah (715–686 <span>BC<\/span>). But remarkably there is no Jewish or Christian tradition to support the suggestion, which there probably would have been if it had been true. His own name, meaning “he whom the Lord protects or hides,” was not uncommon and was a testimony to the keeping power of God.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"DateOriginandDestination\">Date, Origin, and Destination<\/p>\n<p>Zephaniah probably prophesied around 630 <span>BC<\/span>. The fall of Nineveh (612 <span>BC<\/span>) had not yet occurred (2:13-15). Josiah’s reign falls into two periods, dividing at 622 <span>BC<\/span>. In that year, while the temple was being cleared of pagan articles, the Book of the Law was found, which gave momentum to Josiah’s religious reforms (2 Kgs 22). The unreformed state of affairs described by Zephaniah (Zep 1:4-12; 3:1-4) points to a date before 622, at least for his denunciations. The prophet addressed Judah, the southern kingdom, and in particular the civil and religious authorities in Jerusalem. He most probably prophesied during the reign of Josiah, who came to the throne at the age of eight.<\/p>\n<p>The negative parts of the book concerning the sin and punishment of Judah—now fulfilled—would serve as a serious warning against disobedience to God. Moreover, the fulfillment of Zephaniah’s prophetic threats would serve to enhance the positive side of the book, confirming the hope of completion in the experience of a fresh generation of God’s people.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Background\">Background<\/p>\n<p>Politically, the Assyrian Empire had spread westward and held Palestine in its grip. The long reign of Manasseh (696–642 <span>BC<\/span>) had been a period of total subservience to Assyria. Political subservience as an Assyrian vassal meant religious subservience to the gods of Assyria, especially worship of the heavenly bodies (2 Kgs 21:5). Zephaniah complained of this sin (Zep 1:5). When the door opened to one foreign religion, others naturally came in. Once the exclusiveness of the worship of the God of Israel was abandoned, Palestinian cults were openly accepted. The Canaanite Baal was blatantly worshiped (2 Kgs 21:3), as Zephaniah attested (Zep 1:4). Zephaniah condemned the worshipers of Molech (v 5), who sacrificed children to the Ammonite god (1 Kgs 11:7; 2 Kgs 23:10). International imperialism meant a weakening of national culture, so that foreign customs were practiced, probably with religious overtones (Zep 1:8-9).<\/p>\n<p>The reign of Josiah brought changes, marking a political and religious turning point. Assyria, preoccupied with troubles on the eastern and northern frontiers and unable to consolidate its acquisitions, became unable to reinforce its authority in the west. This weakness induced Josiah to launch a national liberation movement. He threw off the yoke of Assyria and expanded his sphere of influence northward into the territory of the old northern kingdom. From a religious standpoint, he completely dissociated himself and his country from the religions that prevailed in Judah and recalled the nation to a pure and exclusive faith in the God of Israel. The book of Zephaniah shows that there was at least one person who shared his ideals. His prophetic ministry undoubtedly paved the way for Josiah’s subsequent reformation. He was a contemporary of Jeremiah, at least for the early part of that prophet’s career (Jeremiah began prophesying in 627 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>Scholars have suggested that Zephaniah’s prophesying was prompted in part by attacks of the Scythians. The Greek historian Herodotus tells how the barbaric Scythians overran western Asia and reached as far south as the Egyptian frontier at about the time that Zephaniah prophesied. There is now much less inclination to believe Herodotus’s tale and relate Zephaniah’s prophetic ministry to it. There is no objective evidence for Scythian attacks on so large a scale as Herodotus claimed. Probably Zephaniah spoke simply out of a theological necessity, as he himself claimed (e.g., 1:17). From his inspired standpoint, he foresaw that a clash involving divine intervention and human downfall was unavoidable.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTeaching\">Purpose and Teaching<\/p>\n<p>As Zephaniah prophesied in God’s name, he denounced the religious sins of Judah and the corruption rampant among both civil and religious authorities. He foretold the downfall of the nation that actually occurred in 586 <span>BC<\/span>. The moral and religious landslide could only culminate in a political avalanche of destruction that would engulf the nation. This avalanche is called by Zephaniah “the Day of the Lord.” It was not a new term, and the prophet knew that it would arouse terror in the hearts of his hearers. Amos used it, and even in his time it was well established (Am 5:18-20). Isaiah was the first to use the expression in the southern kingdom (Is 2:6-22, see v 12). In this, as in a number of respects, Zephaniah was a latter-day Isaiah called by God to reapply truths earlier prophesied by Isaiah to a later generation.<\/p>\n<p>The theme of the Day of the Lord refers to a time when the Lord would decisively intervene in the world to establish his sovereignty. Hostile elements would be swept aside. The enemies of God, sinners against his moral will, would be exposed and punished. It was associated with judgment upon those who did not acknowledge God’s sovereignty—especially Gentiles, but also sinful Israel. The emphasis on the suffering of God’s people was intended to correct the popular assumption that other nations would be the sole target of divine judgment.<\/p>\n<p>The “day” also would vindicate those who were loyal to God. It guaranteed the rehabilitation of his oppressed supporters. Zephaniah developed this two-sided phenomenon in order to communicate the truth of God to his own generation. It is “a day of the wrath of God” (Zep 1:15, 18; 2:2), when his reaction to human sin would be demonstrated. Its target was not only other nations but Judah as well, both Jerusalem, the capital (1:10-13), and the other cities of Judah.<\/p>\n<p>Zephaniah also had a positive message for the people of Judah. For the prophets, the message of salvation did not cancel the message of doom. Judgment would come first, then salvation would follow. But the period of tribulation could not be avoided. The prophet’s grim descriptions of “the day of wrath” are interpreted as dire warnings and implicit pleas to the people of Judah to abandon their complacent, sinful ways.<\/p>\n<p>Clearly, Zephaniah’s role under God was to reapply earlier truths sadly forgotten by his own generation. Zephaniah was able to foresee God’s judgment of Judah and the world. But he also proclaimed permanent truths concerning the nature of God and his providential relationship to the world and concerning the responsibilities of the people of God.<\/p>\n<p>The importance of the book of Zephaniah for the NT lies in the phraseology about the Day of the Lord. There are a number of allusions to this aspect of his message (Mt 13:41 [Zep 1:3]; Rv 6:17 [1:14]; 14:5 [3:13]; 16:1 [3:8]). These echoes stress Zephaniah’s importance beyond his own time. He contributed to the total biblical picture of a God who intervenes in human history and will establish his kingdom. Zephaniah’s descriptions are a pattern for events that will mark the end of history.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<p>The heading (Zep 1:1) introduces Zephaniah, gives the historical setting, and above all stresses his meditation on the divine word.<\/p>\n<p>The first major part of the book is 1:2–2:3. It subdivides into four units: verses 2-7, 8-13, 14-18; 2:1-3. Verses 2-7 include Judah in a forecast of universal destruction. Zephaniah used traditional material to stress that God’s people were by no means exempt, as they often chose to believe (cf. Am 5:18-20). The prophet supported his startling revelation with reasoned statements regarding the religious deviations practiced in Jerusalem. The image of sacrifice was used ironically, portraying Judah as the victim.<\/p>\n<p>The national administration and members of the royal family were guilty (Zep 1:8-13). Superstitions were punctiliously observed, yet basic divine commands against stealing and fraudulent gain went unheeded. Zephaniah saw the enemy attack on the north side of Jerusalem as an illustration of God’s punishment of dishonest traders (cf. Am 8:5-6; Mi 6:10-11).<\/p>\n<p>There follows a shocking and terrifying description of the grimness of the coming “Day” (Zep 1:14-18). The prophet stirred up a complacent people who did not want to hear God’s message. He frightened them into reality with a monotonous drumbeat of doom and destruction. Judah would be the demoralized target of God’s wrath. Their wealth had secured luxurious imports but could not prevent divine judgment.<\/p>\n<p>The prophet completed his sermon with an appeal for repentance (2:1-3). Having emotionally stirred his audience from their apathy, he was able to bring the good news that all was not yet lost. A penitential assembly at the temple and the intercession of the spiritually minded and obedient among God’s people might prevent destruction. God’s punishment of foreign nations is described in the second main part of the book (2:4-15). Representative states are named to the west, east, south, and north of Judah. In the context of the previous material, it amplifies the universal nature of the Day of the Lord. Like the first part, it subdivides into four passages: verses 2:4-7, 8-11, 12, and 13-15.<\/p>\n<p>The subject of the first passage is the Philistines. In the case of the cities of Gaza and Ekron, there is a play on words typical of Hebrew prophecy. Both names contain doom within their very sound. The Philistines are labeled as trespassers because they were illegal immigrants from Crete into the Promised Land, which was intended for God’s own people.<\/p>\n<p>Zephaniah predicted that Moab and Ammon would suffer attack for their overbearing attitude and their annexation of Judean territory (2:8-11). God would come to the aid of his covenant people.<\/p>\n<p>The first two main sections have spelled out at length a message of judgment for both Judah and the surrounding nations. This twofold message is now repeated in a much shorter form in the third main section (3:1-8). Zephaniah criticized Jerusalem in its combined role of political capital and religious center. The responsibility of being God’s representatives rested too lightly on the shoulders of government and temple officials. Civil leaders abused their powers by demanding bribes and even killing their political opponents. Instead of being the shepherds of the people (cf. Ez 34), they were beasts of prey (cf. Ez 22:25-27). The prophets misused their gifts for their own selfish interests, while the priests broke the strict regulations of the temple. The lessons of history went unheeded; they had not learned caution and reverence. The conclusion is clear: Judah could not escape punishment in the coming Day of the Lord but would suffer with other nations.<\/p>\n<p>The outworking of God’s will for both Judah and the nations is in view in the final main section (Zep 3:9-20), but this time from a quite different aspect. Punishment was not God’s last word for his own people or even for the nations at large. Ultimately God’s will is not destruction but salvation (2 Pt 3:9). The section has three parts: Zephaniah 3:9-10, 11-13, and 14-20. Verses 9-10 deal with the conversion of the nations. This remarkable passage looks forward with divinely guaranteed certainty to the willing submission of Gentiles to the God of Israel. Their turning to God would not be based on human initiative but would originate in the providential activity of God. Lips defiled by worship of pagan gods would be purified and devoted solely to the adoration of the God of Israel. People from remote parts of the earth, here illustrated as the remote south beyond the Ethiopian Nile, would come as suppliants, as if they were scattered Jews returning home.<\/p>\n<p>God’s own people would be marked by a change of heart (3:11-13). By now they would have been purged of the proud people who put themselves before God in the sphere of politics and religion. They would be a purified people who humbly trusted in God. To them were promised the blessings of paradise.<\/p>\n<p>The last passage speaks of coming joys (3:14-20). The prophet projects himself into the future, to the time when God’s judgment would be over and the time of salvation had dawned. God’s people would rejoice in the presence of their Lord. Fear and demoralization would be canceled by God’s powerful presence and radiant joy. His joy would infectiously communicate itself to them so that they too would rejoice. Moreover, his joy would be a reaction to the transformation he was working in the lives of his people (v 17; “he will renew you in his love,” <span>rsv<\/span>). A necessary part of this transformation would feature the vindication of God’s suffering people. They would be brought to a position of honor, as the visible representatives of the God of glory. Ultimately, God’s power would be revealed through a people of power.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Israel, History of; Josiah #1.<\/p>","summary_ro":"ZEPHANIAH, Book of One of the books of the Minor Prophets in the OT. Preview • Author • Date, Origin, and Destination • Background • Purpose and Teaching • Content Author According to the editorial heading (Zep 1:1), Zephaniah prophesied during the reign of Josiah (640–609 BC). His family tree is given in an unusually full form. Some scholars have suggested that his great-great-grandfather was King Hezekiah (715–686 BC). But remarkably there is no Jewish or Christian tradition to support the ...","summary_en":"ZEPHANIAH, Book of One of the books of the Minor Prophets in the OT. Preview • Author • Date, Origin, and Destination • Background • Purpose and Teaching • Content Author According to the editorial heading (Zep 1:1), Zephaniah prophesied during the reign of Josiah (640–609 BC). His family tree is given in an unusually full form. Some scholars have suggested that his great-great-grandfather was King Hezekiah (715–686 BC). But remarkably there is no Jewish or Christian tradition to support the ...","source":"Articles\/Z.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"6":[{"id":8954,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Place of the Dead","title_en":"Place of the Dead","content_ro":"<h3>DEAD, Place of the<\/h3>\n<p>Term covering a number of descriptive biblical images of the whereabouts of those who have died. Those images include Sheol and “the pit” in the OT, plus hades, Gehenna, paradise, and “Abraham’s bosom” in the NT. As their understanding advanced, the Hebrews’ idea of what happens at death changed from rather hazy beginnings to a developed concept found in the NT.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"IntheOldTestament\">In the Old Testament<\/p>\n<p>The OT contains meager information about the dead. At death, according to some OT passages, one descends to Sheol (often translated as “grave,” “hell,” “pit,” or simply “the dead”), which at times means merely that one is laid in a grave (Nm 16:30, 33), but more often indicates an underworld. The abode of the dead is pictured as a place beneath the earth to which one “goes down” (Gn 42:38; Prv 15:24; Ez 26:20) and as a place of gloomy darkness (Jb 10:21-22), silence (Pss 94:17; 115:17), and forgetfulness (Ps 88:12). God is not remembered there and his praises are never sung (Pss 6:5; 30:9; 115:17). Even God himself, it was believed, does not remember those who are there (Ps 88:5, 11; Is 38:18). The dead were seen as permanently cut off from contact with the Lord and from participating in his activity in history. Even though the border between life and death was considered fluid (as shown by a resurrection in 2 Kgs 4:32-37 and by Samuel’s ghost in 1 Sm 28:7-25), communication with the dead was forbidden to the Jews (Dt 18:11). (Worshiping the dead was a common practice in the nations surrounding Israel.)<\/p>\n<p>Although one’s fate in the underworld could not properly be called life, it was a kind of existence, perhaps even in the company of one’s countrymen and ancestors (Gn 25:8; Ez 32:17-30). The realm of the dead was not beyond the reach of God’s power (Ps 139:8; Am 9:2; Jon 2:2). Although Sheol was pictured as a hungry monster wolfing down the living (Prv 27:20; 30:16), God’s power could save one from its grasp (Pss 49:15; 86:13). By the end of the OT period, there was even hope that one would finally be delivered from Sheol (Jb 14:13-22; 19:25-27; Pss 49:15; 73:23-28), although only Daniel expressed that hope clearly (Dn 12:1-2). So although the ancient Hebrews never looked forward to death in the same way that the apostle Paul could in the NT (2 Cor 5:1-8; Phil 1:21-23), nevertheless they did come to understand that death was not a hopeless state.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"IntheIntertestamentalWritings\">In the Intertestamental Writings<\/p>\n<p>Between the exile and the beginning of the NT period (586 <span>BC<\/span>–<span>AD<\/span> 30, overlapping with the end of the OT), contact with the religions of Persia and Greece stimulated the Jews to clarify their ideas about life after death. When the OT was translated into Greek, the Greek name for the underworld, “hades,” was used to translate the Hebrew “Sheol.” In the NT, hades was carried over to become the common name for the abode of the dead.<\/p>\n<p>Along with new names came new ideas. Many different notions circulated about the place of the dead. A common one appears in the pseudepigraphal 1 Enoch 22, where the dead are said to be kept in hollow places in a great mountain waiting for the final judgment. One relatively pleasant section was reserved for the righteous and one full of torments for the wicked. Other writers continued the OT concept of hades or Sheol as a place of separation from God and from happiness (Ecclus 14:12, 16; 17:27-28).<\/p>\n<p>During that period, the Jews also began to use a new term, “Gehenna” (Hebrew “Hinnom”), the name of a valley south of Jerusalem. The valley was noted in the OT period for the abomination of child sacrifices (2 Kgs 16:3; 21:6; 23:10) and in the NT period for its smoldering garbage. Gehenna became a designation for the final place of the wicked dead, a place of fiery torment (1 Enoch 90:20-27; 2 Esd 7:70). Over against that place of punishment stood “paradise” (a Persian name for a pleasure garden), a place where the righteous would enjoy blessedness.<\/p>\n<p>All those concepts—hades, Gehenna, paradise—were molded by NT writers into forms most appropriate to the revelation of Christ.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"IntheNewTestament\">In the New Testament<\/p>\n<p>Although the NT uses a variety of terms for the abode of the dead, it contains surprisingly few references to it—about 35 verses in all. Those passages are concentrated in the Gospels and the book of Revelation. The apostle Paul said a lot about heaven, but only Jesus and John said much about hell.<\/p>\n<p>The word “hades” is attributed to Jesus only once, in the parable of the rich man and Lazarus (Lk 16:23). In that parable hades is a place of torment where the wicked go at death. The torment is described as a “flame” that afflicts a person physically despite bodily death. All comfort is refused to those in agony.<\/p>\n<p>Although the wicked go to hades as soon as they die, their ultimate destination is Gehenna, a place of fire and worms, both indicating corruption (Mt 5:22, 29-30; 18:9; Mk 9:48, quoting from Is 66:24). Jesus also referred to Gehenna as “the outer darkness” where there will be “weeping and gnashing of teeth” (Mt 8:12; 22:13; 25:30). Evidently, after the final judgment, the wicked are sent there at the command of Christ (Jn 5:22, 27; Acts 10:42; 17:31; 2 Tm 4:1). That place of torment picks up the negative side of the OT concept of Sheol as a place of separation from God.<\/p>\n<p>As a preacher of repentance, Jesus stressed the danger of Gehenna. He had much less to say about the place of the righteous when they die. Ultimately, though, the righteous would enter into “the kingdom,” instead of Gehenna, after the last judgment (Mt 25:34). Jesus twice indicated that the righteous enter a blessed state immediately at death. Luke 16:22 refers to the dead Lazarus as being in “Abraham’s bosom,” a place of comfort and peace. Luke 23:43 calls the same place paradise in a promise that the dying thief would join Jesus there at death. Paul’s wording about paradise seems to align it with heaven (2 Cor 12:2-3), and John associates paradise with the new heaven and new earth (Rv 2:7; 21:1-2; 22:1-2).<\/p>\n<p>Paul and other writers of the NT epistles had little to say about the abode of the wicked dead. Paul spoke only in passing of “the abyss”—his term for the pit of Sheol (Rom 10:7). His reference to Christ’s descent to the “lower parts of the earth” (Eph 4:9) is probably only his way of saying that Christ, having died, went to the place of the dead. (“The lowest earth” was a term used by Jewish rabbis for Sheol\/hades\/Gehenna.) Peter spoke of Christ’s going in “spirit” after his death to some “prison” where he “preached to the spirits” (1 Pt 3:18-20). Interpretations of that passage differ. Some think that Christ entered hades and preached to the fallen angels of Noah’s day (“sons of God,” Gn 6:1-4), not that he preached to imprisoned human spirits. In 2 Peter 2:4 the prison for spirits (usually translated “hell”) comes from “Tartarus,” another Greek name for the underworld.<\/p>\n<p>Paul had much to say about the abode of the righteous dead. In his earliest letters he never mentioned their location, only that they would be resurrected (1 Cor 15; 1 Thes 4:13-17). After facing almost certain death himself (2 Cor 1:8-11), he began to discuss where the dead “went.” To die means to be with Christ, Paul said, and thus is better than life (Phil 1:23). To be “away from the body” is to be “at home with the Lord” (2 Cor 5:8). Paul probably meant that the righteous dead went directly to paradise to be with Jesus (cf. 2 Cor 12:2-4, where Paul called paradise “the third heaven”). Death has absolutely no power to separate Christians from Christ (Rom 8:38-39). Instead, it brings them into the presence of God.<\/p>\n<p>The book of Revelation contains much about the abode of the dead, especially the wicked dead. It uses two names for that place: “the abyss,” the home or prison of all evil spirits; and “hades,” the name for the place of the human dead. From the abyss (or bottomless pit) come the demonic forms that torment humanity (Rv 9:1-11) and the satanic “beast,” who kills the two witnesses and carries the “great prostitute” on its back (11:7; 17). There Satan himself will be imprisoned (20:2-3). Jesus described it as a place prepared for the devil and his angels (cf. Mt 25:41). The good news for Christians is that the abyss, or hades, is not an autonomous realm. The book of Revelation begins with Jesus’ announcement that he has the keys to hades (Rv 1:18), and in the end he will force it to give up its dead (20:13). Until then, the key to the abyss is not in the hand of Satan, but hangs on a heavenly key ring to be distributed only to the messengers of God (9:1; 20:1). In the end, hades, death, and the wicked will be cast into the lake of fire (Gehenna), where they will suffer eternal torment (19:20; 20:10, 14-15; 21:8).<\/p>\n<p>John, the writer of the Revelation, agreed with Paul that the righteous will not share the fate of the wicked at death. Instead of going to hades, they go to heaven. The martyrs appear under the altar, calling to God to avenge them (Rv 6:9-11). In another image innumerable Christians appear before the throne of God, praising him (7:9-17). Those believers, shepherded by Christ himself, suffer no hunger, thirst, discomfort, or sorrow.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Conclusion\">Conclusion<\/p>\n<p>In summary, the place of the dead began in the OT as an undifferentiated, hazy idea of a place of separation from life and God. Later writers came to see that instead of one place for all (Sheol), there must be two. According to Christian teaching, the wicked enter the underworld, hades, a place of torment, where they suffer until the time of judgment; ultimately they will be cast into Gehenna, the lake of fire. Christ—not the devil—is in control of hades, as he is of the rest of creation. The righteous do not go to hades, but go directly to paradise (“Abraham’s bosom” or heaven). There they are with Christ; faith has become sight, suffering has become blessedness, and prayer has become praise. Christians believe that death, although fearful as the “last enemy,” has no torment for them. It has no power to separate them from their Lord. Rather, it brings them face-to-face with the One they love.<\/p>\n<p>This meeting may occur as soon as one dies or as soon as one is resurrected—the intervening time is of no consequence, because it is nothing more than just a time of sleep. In other words, the very next experience after death for the believer will be that of meeting Christ.<\/p>\n<p>Both Old and New Testaments speak of death as sleep. Commonly in the OT, when a person dies, he is said to go to sleep with his fathers (e.g., Dt 31:16; 2 Sm 7:12). Jesus himself spoke of death as sleep (Mt 9:24; Jn 11:11). So did the apostle Paul (1 Cor 11:30; 15:20, 51; 1 Thes 4:14). At least in some of these references it would seem that it is the temporary nature of death that is the reason why it is spoken of as sleep. Even in the OT passage Daniel 12:2, it is said that death is a sleep, until the dead rise up—some to everlasting life and some to shame and everlasting contempt.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Gehenna; Hades; Heaven; Hell; Intermediate State; Paradise; Sheol.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>DEAD, Place of the<\/h3>\n<p>Term covering a number of descriptive biblical images of the whereabouts of those who have died. Those images include Sheol and “the pit” in the OT, plus hades, Gehenna, paradise, and “Abraham’s bosom” in the NT. As their understanding advanced, the Hebrews’ idea of what happens at death changed from rather hazy beginnings to a developed concept found in the NT.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"IntheOldTestament\">In the Old Testament<\/p>\n<p>The OT contains meager information about the dead. At death, according to some OT passages, one descends to Sheol (often translated as “grave,” “hell,” “pit,” or simply “the dead”), which at times means merely that one is laid in a grave (Nm 16:30, 33), but more often indicates an underworld. The abode of the dead is pictured as a place beneath the earth to which one “goes down” (Gn 42:38; Prv 15:24; Ez 26:20) and as a place of gloomy darkness (Jb 10:21-22), silence (Pss 94:17; 115:17), and forgetfulness (Ps 88:12). God is not remembered there and his praises are never sung (Pss 6:5; 30:9; 115:17). Even God himself, it was believed, does not remember those who are there (Ps 88:5, 11; Is 38:18). The dead were seen as permanently cut off from contact with the Lord and from participating in his activity in history. Even though the border between life and death was considered fluid (as shown by a resurrection in 2 Kgs 4:32-37 and by Samuel’s ghost in 1 Sm 28:7-25), communication with the dead was forbidden to the Jews (Dt 18:11). (Worshiping the dead was a common practice in the nations surrounding Israel.)<\/p>\n<p>Although one’s fate in the underworld could not properly be called life, it was a kind of existence, perhaps even in the company of one’s countrymen and ancestors (Gn 25:8; Ez 32:17-30). The realm of the dead was not beyond the reach of God’s power (Ps 139:8; Am 9:2; Jon 2:2). Although Sheol was pictured as a hungry monster wolfing down the living (Prv 27:20; 30:16), God’s power could save one from its grasp (Pss 49:15; 86:13). By the end of the OT period, there was even hope that one would finally be delivered from Sheol (Jb 14:13-22; 19:25-27; Pss 49:15; 73:23-28), although only Daniel expressed that hope clearly (Dn 12:1-2). So although the ancient Hebrews never looked forward to death in the same way that the apostle Paul could in the NT (2 Cor 5:1-8; Phil 1:21-23), nevertheless they did come to understand that death was not a hopeless state.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"IntheIntertestamentalWritings\">In the Intertestamental Writings<\/p>\n<p>Between the exile and the beginning of the NT period (586 <span>BC<\/span>–<span>AD<\/span> 30, overlapping with the end of the OT), contact with the religions of Persia and Greece stimulated the Jews to clarify their ideas about life after death. When the OT was translated into Greek, the Greek name for the underworld, “hades,” was used to translate the Hebrew “Sheol.” In the NT, hades was carried over to become the common name for the abode of the dead.<\/p>\n<p>Along with new names came new ideas. Many different notions circulated about the place of the dead. A common one appears in the pseudepigraphal 1 Enoch 22, where the dead are said to be kept in hollow places in a great mountain waiting for the final judgment. One relatively pleasant section was reserved for the righteous and one full of torments for the wicked. Other writers continued the OT concept of hades or Sheol as a place of separation from God and from happiness (Ecclus 14:12, 16; 17:27-28).<\/p>\n<p>During that period, the Jews also began to use a new term, “Gehenna” (Hebrew “Hinnom”), the name of a valley south of Jerusalem. The valley was noted in the OT period for the abomination of child sacrifices (2 Kgs 16:3; 21:6; 23:10) and in the NT period for its smoldering garbage. Gehenna became a designation for the final place of the wicked dead, a place of fiery torment (1 Enoch 90:20-27; 2 Esd 7:70). Over against that place of punishment stood “paradise” (a Persian name for a pleasure garden), a place where the righteous would enjoy blessedness.<\/p>\n<p>All those concepts—hades, Gehenna, paradise—were molded by NT writers into forms most appropriate to the revelation of Christ.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"IntheNewTestament\">In the New Testament<\/p>\n<p>Although the NT uses a variety of terms for the abode of the dead, it contains surprisingly few references to it—about 35 verses in all. Those passages are concentrated in the Gospels and the book of Revelation. The apostle Paul said a lot about heaven, but only Jesus and John said much about hell.<\/p>\n<p>The word “hades” is attributed to Jesus only once, in the parable of the rich man and Lazarus (Lk 16:23). In that parable hades is a place of torment where the wicked go at death. The torment is described as a “flame” that afflicts a person physically despite bodily death. All comfort is refused to those in agony.<\/p>\n<p>Although the wicked go to hades as soon as they die, their ultimate destination is Gehenna, a place of fire and worms, both indicating corruption (Mt 5:22, 29-30; 18:9; Mk 9:48, quoting from Is 66:24). Jesus also referred to Gehenna as “the outer darkness” where there will be “weeping and gnashing of teeth” (Mt 8:12; 22:13; 25:30). Evidently, after the final judgment, the wicked are sent there at the command of Christ (Jn 5:22, 27; Acts 10:42; 17:31; 2 Tm 4:1). That place of torment picks up the negative side of the OT concept of Sheol as a place of separation from God.<\/p>\n<p>As a preacher of repentance, Jesus stressed the danger of Gehenna. He had much less to say about the place of the righteous when they die. Ultimately, though, the righteous would enter into “the kingdom,” instead of Gehenna, after the last judgment (Mt 25:34). Jesus twice indicated that the righteous enter a blessed state immediately at death. Luke 16:22 refers to the dead Lazarus as being in “Abraham’s bosom,” a place of comfort and peace. Luke 23:43 calls the same place paradise in a promise that the dying thief would join Jesus there at death. Paul’s wording about paradise seems to align it with heaven (2 Cor 12:2-3), and John associates paradise with the new heaven and new earth (Rv 2:7; 21:1-2; 22:1-2).<\/p>\n<p>Paul and other writers of the NT epistles had little to say about the abode of the wicked dead. Paul spoke only in passing of “the abyss”—his term for the pit of Sheol (Rom 10:7). His reference to Christ’s descent to the “lower parts of the earth” (Eph 4:9) is probably only his way of saying that Christ, having died, went to the place of the dead. (“The lowest earth” was a term used by Jewish rabbis for Sheol\/hades\/Gehenna.) Peter spoke of Christ’s going in “spirit” after his death to some “prison” where he “preached to the spirits” (1 Pt 3:18-20). Interpretations of that passage differ. Some think that Christ entered hades and preached to the fallen angels of Noah’s day (“sons of God,” Gn 6:1-4), not that he preached to imprisoned human spirits. In 2 Peter 2:4 the prison for spirits (usually translated “hell”) comes from “Tartarus,” another Greek name for the underworld.<\/p>\n<p>Paul had much to say about the abode of the righteous dead. In his earliest letters he never mentioned their location, only that they would be resurrected (1 Cor 15; 1 Thes 4:13-17). After facing almost certain death himself (2 Cor 1:8-11), he began to discuss where the dead “went.” To die means to be with Christ, Paul said, and thus is better than life (Phil 1:23). To be “away from the body” is to be “at home with the Lord” (2 Cor 5:8). Paul probably meant that the righteous dead went directly to paradise to be with Jesus (cf. 2 Cor 12:2-4, where Paul called paradise “the third heaven”). Death has absolutely no power to separate Christians from Christ (Rom 8:38-39). Instead, it brings them into the presence of God.<\/p>\n<p>The book of Revelation contains much about the abode of the dead, especially the wicked dead. It uses two names for that place: “the abyss,” the home or prison of all evil spirits; and “hades,” the name for the place of the human dead. From the abyss (or bottomless pit) come the demonic forms that torment humanity (Rv 9:1-11) and the satanic “beast,” who kills the two witnesses and carries the “great prostitute” on its back (11:7; 17). There Satan himself will be imprisoned (20:2-3). Jesus described it as a place prepared for the devil and his angels (cf. Mt 25:41). The good news for Christians is that the abyss, or hades, is not an autonomous realm. The book of Revelation begins with Jesus’ announcement that he has the keys to hades (Rv 1:18), and in the end he will force it to give up its dead (20:13). Until then, the key to the abyss is not in the hand of Satan, but hangs on a heavenly key ring to be distributed only to the messengers of God (9:1; 20:1). In the end, hades, death, and the wicked will be cast into the lake of fire (Gehenna), where they will suffer eternal torment (19:20; 20:10, 14-15; 21:8).<\/p>\n<p>John, the writer of the Revelation, agreed with Paul that the righteous will not share the fate of the wicked at death. Instead of going to hades, they go to heaven. The martyrs appear under the altar, calling to God to avenge them (Rv 6:9-11). In another image innumerable Christians appear before the throne of God, praising him (7:9-17). Those believers, shepherded by Christ himself, suffer no hunger, thirst, discomfort, or sorrow.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Conclusion\">Conclusion<\/p>\n<p>In summary, the place of the dead began in the OT as an undifferentiated, hazy idea of a place of separation from life and God. Later writers came to see that instead of one place for all (Sheol), there must be two. According to Christian teaching, the wicked enter the underworld, hades, a place of torment, where they suffer until the time of judgment; ultimately they will be cast into Gehenna, the lake of fire. Christ—not the devil—is in control of hades, as he is of the rest of creation. The righteous do not go to hades, but go directly to paradise (“Abraham’s bosom” or heaven). There they are with Christ; faith has become sight, suffering has become blessedness, and prayer has become praise. Christians believe that death, although fearful as the “last enemy,” has no torment for them. It has no power to separate them from their Lord. Rather, it brings them face-to-face with the One they love.<\/p>\n<p>This meeting may occur as soon as one dies or as soon as one is resurrected—the intervening time is of no consequence, because it is nothing more than just a time of sleep. In other words, the very next experience after death for the believer will be that of meeting Christ.<\/p>\n<p>Both Old and New Testaments speak of death as sleep. Commonly in the OT, when a person dies, he is said to go to sleep with his fathers (e.g., Dt 31:16; 2 Sm 7:12). Jesus himself spoke of death as sleep (Mt 9:24; Jn 11:11). So did the apostle Paul (1 Cor 11:30; 15:20, 51; 1 Thes 4:14). At least in some of these references it would seem that it is the temporary nature of death that is the reason why it is spoken of as sleep. Even in the OT passage Daniel 12:2, it is said that death is a sleep, until the dead rise up—some to everlasting life and some to shame and everlasting contempt.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Gehenna; Hades; Heaven; Hell; Intermediate State; Paradise; Sheol.<\/p>","summary_ro":"DEAD, Place of the Term covering a number of descriptive biblical images of the whereabouts of those who have died. Those images include Sheol and “the pit” in the OT, plus hades, Gehenna, paradise, and “Abraham’s bosom” in the NT. As their understanding advanced, the Hebrews’ idea of what happens at death changed from rather hazy beginnings to a developed concept found in the NT. In the Old Testament The OT contains meager information about the dead. At death, according to some OT passages, ...","summary_en":"DEAD, Place of the Term covering a number of descriptive biblical images of the whereabouts of those who have died. Those images include Sheol and “the pit” in the OT, plus hades, Gehenna, paradise, and “Abraham’s bosom” in the NT. As their understanding advanced, the Hebrews’ idea of what happens at death changed from rather hazy beginnings to a developed concept found in the NT. In the Old Testament The OT contains meager information about the dead. At death, according to some OT passages, ...","source":"Articles\/D.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":13354,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Gehenna*","title_en":"Gehenna*","content_ro":"<h3>GEHENNA*<\/h3>\n<p>English transliteration of the Greek form of an Aramaic word, which is derived from the Hebrew phrase “the Valley of [the son(s) of] Hinnom.” The name properly designates a deep valley delimiting the territories of the tribes of Benjamin and Judah (Jos 15:8; 18:16). It is commonly identified with Wadi el-Rababi that runs from beneath the western wall of the Old City, forming a deep ravine south of Jerusalem.<\/p>\n<p>The place became notorious because of the idolatrous practices that were carried out there in the days of Judah’s kings Ahaz and Manasseh, especially involving the heinous crime of infant sacrifices associated with the Molech ceremonies (2 Kgs 16:3; 21:6; 2 Chr 28:3; 33:6; Jer 19:6; 32:35). The spiritual reformation of King Josiah brought an end to these sinister proceedings (2 Kgs 23:10). The prophet Jeremiah referred to the valley in picturing God’s judgment upon his people (Jer 2:23; 7:30-32; 19:5-6).<\/p>\n<p>Subsequently, the valley appears to have been used for the burning of the city’s refuse and the dead bodies of criminals. Interestingly, a well-established tradition locates the scene of Judas’s suicide and the consequent purchase of the Potter’s Field on the south side of this valley.<\/p>\n<p>The ravine’s reputation for extreme wickedness gave rise, especially during the intertestamental period, to use of its name as a term for the place of final punishment for the wicked (1 Enoch 18:11-16; 27:1-3; 54:1ff.; 56:3-4; 90:26; 2 Esd 7:36; cf. Is 30:33; 66:24; Dn 7:10). Jesus himself utilizes the term to designate the final abode of the unrepentant wicked (Mt 5:22; 10:28; 18:9). Since Gehenna is a fiery abyss (Mk 9:43), it is also the lake of fire (Mt 13:42, 50; Rv 20:14-15) to which all the godless will ultimately be consigned (Mt 23:15, 33), together with Satan and his devils (Mt 25:41; Rv 19:20; 20:10).<\/p>\n<p>Gehenna must be carefully differentiated from other terms relative to the afterlife or final state. Whereas the OT “Sheol” and NT “hades” uniformly designate the temporary abode of the dead (before the last Day of Judgment), “Gehenna” specifies the final place where the wicked will suffer everlasting punishment (cf. Ps 49:14-15 with Mt 10:28). The Greek form “Tartarus” occurs only in 2 Peter 2:4 and identifies the particular abode of the angels who fell in the primeval satanic revolt.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Dead, Place of the; Death; Hades; Hell; Sheol.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>GEHENNA*<\/h3>\n<p>English transliteration of the Greek form of an Aramaic word, which is derived from the Hebrew phrase “the Valley of [the son(s) of] Hinnom.” The name properly designates a deep valley delimiting the territories of the tribes of Benjamin and Judah (Jos 15:8; 18:16). It is commonly identified with Wadi el-Rababi that runs from beneath the western wall of the Old City, forming a deep ravine south of Jerusalem.<\/p>\n<p>The place became notorious because of the idolatrous practices that were carried out there in the days of Judah’s kings Ahaz and Manasseh, especially involving the heinous crime of infant sacrifices associated with the Molech ceremonies (2 Kgs 16:3; 21:6; 2 Chr 28:3; 33:6; Jer 19:6; 32:35). The spiritual reformation of King Josiah brought an end to these sinister proceedings (2 Kgs 23:10). The prophet Jeremiah referred to the valley in picturing God’s judgment upon his people (Jer 2:23; 7:30-32; 19:5-6).<\/p>\n<p>Subsequently, the valley appears to have been used for the burning of the city’s refuse and the dead bodies of criminals. Interestingly, a well-established tradition locates the scene of Judas’s suicide and the consequent purchase of the Potter’s Field on the south side of this valley.<\/p>\n<p>The ravine’s reputation for extreme wickedness gave rise, especially during the intertestamental period, to use of its name as a term for the place of final punishment for the wicked (1 Enoch 18:11-16; 27:1-3; 54:1ff.; 56:3-4; 90:26; 2 Esd 7:36; cf. Is 30:33; 66:24; Dn 7:10). Jesus himself utilizes the term to designate the final abode of the unrepentant wicked (Mt 5:22; 10:28; 18:9). Since Gehenna is a fiery abyss (Mk 9:43), it is also the lake of fire (Mt 13:42, 50; Rv 20:14-15) to which all the godless will ultimately be consigned (Mt 23:15, 33), together with Satan and his devils (Mt 25:41; Rv 19:20; 20:10).<\/p>\n<p>Gehenna must be carefully differentiated from other terms relative to the afterlife or final state. Whereas the OT “Sheol” and NT “hades” uniformly designate the temporary abode of the dead (before the last Day of Judgment), “Gehenna” specifies the final place where the wicked will suffer everlasting punishment (cf. Ps 49:14-15 with Mt 10:28). The Greek form “Tartarus” occurs only in 2 Peter 2:4 and identifies the particular abode of the angels who fell in the primeval satanic revolt.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Dead, Place of the; Death; Hades; Hell; Sheol.<\/p>","summary_ro":"GEHENNA* English transliteration of the Greek form of an Aramaic word, which is derived from the Hebrew phrase “the Valley of [the son(s) of] Hinnom.” The name properly designates a deep valley delimiting the territories of the tribes of Benjamin and Judah (Jos 15:8; 18:16). It is commonly identified with Wadi el-Rababi that runs from beneath the western wall of the Old City, forming a deep ravine south of Jerusalem. The place became notorious because of the idolatrous practices that were car...","summary_en":"GEHENNA* English transliteration of the Greek form of an Aramaic word, which is derived from the Hebrew phrase “the Valley of [the son(s) of] Hinnom.” The name properly designates a deep valley delimiting the territories of the tribes of Benjamin and Judah (Jos 15:8; 18:16). It is commonly identified with Wadi el-Rababi that runs from beneath the western wall of the Old City, forming a deep ravine south of Jerusalem. The place became notorious because of the idolatrous practices that were car...","source":"Articles\/G.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":24218,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Manasseh (Person)","title_en":"Manasseh (Person)","content_ro":"<h3>MANASSEH (P<span>erson<\/span>)<\/h3>\n<li>1. Firstborn son of Joseph and his Egyptian wife, Asenath (Gn 41:50-51). Manasseh, along with Ephraim his brother, visited their grandfather Jacob on his deathbed. Jacob announced that Manasseh and Ephraim were to be considered his own, not Joseph’s sons (Gn 48:5-6), and that Manasseh, the firstborn, would have descendants not quite as great as those of Ephraim (vv 13-20). This explains why Ephraim and Manasseh (in that order) provided their names for two of the 12 tribes of Israel but Joseph did not, at least in most listings (cf. Rv 7:6). Manasseh also founded the Manassite family (Dt 4:43; 2 Kgs 10:33).<\/li>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Manasseh, Tribe of.<\/p>\n<li>2. KJV translation for Moses in Judges 18:30. In Hebrew the two names differ by only one letter. Apparently an early scribe was offended that this verse connected Moses’ grandson with idolatry, so he changed the name to Manasseh to preserve Moses’ reputation. <em>See<\/em> Moses.<\/li>\n<li>3. Thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>) and Jesus’ ancestor (Mt 1:10); notorious for his long and wicked reign, described in 2 Kings 21:1-26 and 2 Chronicles 33:1-20. His father was the godly king Hezekiah, and his mother was Hephzibah (2 Kgs 21:1).<\/li>\n<p>At the age of 12 he became co-ruler with his father. In 686 <span>BC<\/span> his father died and he became sole monarch at only 23. His 55-year reign (2 Kgs 21:1) is dated from the beginning of his co-regency, so he ruled 11 years as co-regent and 44 years as sole king—longer than any other king in Judah or in Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the Judean kings, even resorting to a series of murders, presumably to stay in power (21:16; 24:4). In addition to murder, among his sins listed in 2 Kings 21:2-9 are rebuilding the high places for pagan worship; encouraging Baal, sun, moon, and star worship; and burning his son as a child sacrifice (21:6; cf. 23:10; Jer 7:31).<\/p>\n<p>Second Chronicles 33:11-16 indicates that he was taken as a prisoner of war to Babylon, that he genuinely repented there, that God restored him as king, and that he tried to abolish his former pagan practices and to restore proper worship of God alone. Skepticism about this account is not warranted, even though unparalleled in 2 Kings. Surviving Assyrian records twice mention Manasseh, saying that he faithfully provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esar-haddon (681–669 <span>BC<\/span>) and that he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (669–627 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Though Pharaoh Neco’s similar captivity and release is mentioned, Manasseh’s is not.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span>, at the age of 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded kings like Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:16; 32:33). His son Amon reverted to his father’s wicked practices, but reigned only two years (642–640 <span>BC<\/span>) before being assassinated. It was his godly grandson Josiah (640–609 <span>BC<\/span>) who led the people back to the true worship of Yahweh (2 Kgs 23:4-14). But even his reforms could not avert the judgment promised on account of Manasseh’s sins (vv 26-27).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Prayer of Manasseh.<\/p>\n<li>4. Pahath-moab’s son, who obeyed Ezra’s exhortation to divorce his pagan wife after the exile (Ezr 10:30).<\/li>\n<li>5. Hashum’s son, who obeyed Ezra’s exhortation to divorce his pagan wife after the exile (Ezr 10:33).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>MANASSEH (P<span>erson<\/span>)<\/h3>\n<li>1. Firstborn son of Joseph and his Egyptian wife, Asenath (Gn 41:50-51). Manasseh, along with Ephraim his brother, visited their grandfather Jacob on his deathbed. Jacob announced that Manasseh and Ephraim were to be considered his own, not Joseph’s sons (Gn 48:5-6), and that Manasseh, the firstborn, would have descendants not quite as great as those of Ephraim (vv 13-20). This explains why Ephraim and Manasseh (in that order) provided their names for two of the 12 tribes of Israel but Joseph did not, at least in most listings (cf. Rv 7:6). Manasseh also founded the Manassite family (Dt 4:43; 2 Kgs 10:33).<\/li>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Manasseh, Tribe of.<\/p>\n<li>2. KJV translation for Moses in Judges 18:30. In Hebrew the two names differ by only one letter. Apparently an early scribe was offended that this verse connected Moses’ grandson with idolatry, so he changed the name to Manasseh to preserve Moses’ reputation. <em>See<\/em> Moses.<\/li>\n<li>3. Thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>) and Jesus’ ancestor (Mt 1:10); notorious for his long and wicked reign, described in 2 Kings 21:1-26 and 2 Chronicles 33:1-20. His father was the godly king Hezekiah, and his mother was Hephzibah (2 Kgs 21:1).<\/li>\n<p>At the age of 12 he became co-ruler with his father. In 686 <span>BC<\/span> his father died and he became sole monarch at only 23. His 55-year reign (2 Kgs 21:1) is dated from the beginning of his co-regency, so he ruled 11 years as co-regent and 44 years as sole king—longer than any other king in Judah or in Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the Judean kings, even resorting to a series of murders, presumably to stay in power (21:16; 24:4). In addition to murder, among his sins listed in 2 Kings 21:2-9 are rebuilding the high places for pagan worship; encouraging Baal, sun, moon, and star worship; and burning his son as a child sacrifice (21:6; cf. 23:10; Jer 7:31).<\/p>\n<p>Second Chronicles 33:11-16 indicates that he was taken as a prisoner of war to Babylon, that he genuinely repented there, that God restored him as king, and that he tried to abolish his former pagan practices and to restore proper worship of God alone. Skepticism about this account is not warranted, even though unparalleled in 2 Kings. Surviving Assyrian records twice mention Manasseh, saying that he faithfully provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esar-haddon (681–669 <span>BC<\/span>) and that he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (669–627 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Though Pharaoh Neco’s similar captivity and release is mentioned, Manasseh’s is not.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span>, at the age of 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded kings like Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:16; 32:33). His son Amon reverted to his father’s wicked practices, but reigned only two years (642–640 <span>BC<\/span>) before being assassinated. It was his godly grandson Josiah (640–609 <span>BC<\/span>) who led the people back to the true worship of Yahweh (2 Kgs 23:4-14). But even his reforms could not avert the judgment promised on account of Manasseh’s sins (vv 26-27).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Prayer of Manasseh.<\/p>\n<li>4. Pahath-moab’s son, who obeyed Ezra’s exhortation to divorce his pagan wife after the exile (Ezr 10:30).<\/li>\n<li>5. Hashum’s son, who obeyed Ezra’s exhortation to divorce his pagan wife after the exile (Ezr 10:33).<\/li>","summary_ro":"MANASSEH (Person) 1. Firstborn son of Joseph and his Egyptian wife, Asenath (Gn 41:50-51). Manasseh, along with Ephraim his brother, visited their grandfather Jacob on his deathbed. Jacob announced that Manasseh and Ephraim were to be considered his own, not Joseph’s sons (Gn 48:5-6), and that Manasseh, the firstborn, would have descendants not quite as great as those of Ephraim (vv 13-20). This explains why Ephraim and Manasseh (in that order) provided their names for two of the 12 tribes of...","summary_en":"MANASSEH (Person) 1. Firstborn son of Joseph and his Egyptian wife, Asenath (Gn 41:50-51). Manasseh, along with Ephraim his brother, visited their grandfather Jacob on his deathbed. Jacob announced that Manasseh and Ephraim were to be considered his own, not Joseph’s sons (Gn 48:5-6), and that Manasseh, the firstborn, would have descendants not quite as great as those of Ephraim (vv 13-20). This explains why Ephraim and Manasseh (in that order) provided their names for two of the 12 tribes of...","source":"Articles\/M.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":35917,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Soothsayer*","title_en":"Soothsayer*","content_ro":"<h3>SOOTHSAYER*<\/h3>\n<p>One who foretells events; a pagan practice, soothsaying was forbidden in Israel (Dt 18:10, 14). In Scripture, soothsaying was practiced by Balaam, Beor’s son (Jos 13:22) and King Manasseh of Judah (2 Kgs 21:6; 2 Chr 33:6); Jacob’s descendants were likened to the soothsayers of Philistia (Is 2:6); they were listed among the false prophets of Judah (Jer 27:9). During NT times, soothsaying was the source of a lucrative trade in Philippi (Acts 16:16).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Magic; Sorcery.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>SOOTHSAYER*<\/h3>\n<p>One who foretells events; a pagan practice, soothsaying was forbidden in Israel (Dt 18:10, 14). In Scripture, soothsaying was practiced by Balaam, Beor’s son (Jos 13:22) and King Manasseh of Judah (2 Kgs 21:6; 2 Chr 33:6); Jacob’s descendants were likened to the soothsayers of Philistia (Is 2:6); they were listed among the false prophets of Judah (Jer 27:9). During NT times, soothsaying was the source of a lucrative trade in Philippi (Acts 16:16).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Magic; Sorcery.<\/p>","summary_ro":"SOOTHSAYER* One who foretells events; a pagan practice, soothsaying was forbidden in Israel (Dt 18:10, 14). In Scripture, soothsaying was practiced by Balaam, Beor’s son (Jos 13:22) and King Manasseh of Judah (2 Kgs 21:6; 2 Chr 33:6); Jacob’s descendants were likened to the soothsayers of Philistia (Is 2:6); they were listed among the false prophets of Judah (Jer 27:9). During NT times, soothsaying was the source of a lucrative trade in Philippi (Acts 16:16). See also Magic; Sorcery.","summary_en":"SOOTHSAYER* One who foretells events; a pagan practice, soothsaying was forbidden in Israel (Dt 18:10, 14). In Scripture, soothsaying was practiced by Balaam, Beor’s son (Jos 13:22) and King Manasseh of Judah (2 Kgs 21:6; 2 Chr 33:6); Jacob’s descendants were likened to the soothsayers of Philistia (Is 2:6); they were listed among the false prophets of Judah (Jer 27:9). During NT times, soothsaying was the source of a lucrative trade in Philippi (Acts 16:16). See also Magic; Sorcery.","source":"Articles\/S.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":40019,"type":"textbox","type_label":"Notă explicativă","type_icon":"💡","type_color":"#8b5cf6","title_ro":"Did Jephthah Offer His Daughter as a Human Sacrifice?","title_en":"Jephthah Offer His Daughter as a Human Sacrifice?, Did","content_ro":"<h3>Did Jephthah Offer His Daughter as a Human Sacrifice?<\/h3>\n<blockquote><p>We know that human sacrifice was practiced at that time, though it was abhorred by the Hebrews and prohibited in the Mosaic law (Lv 18:21; cf. Ex 13:13). Did Jephthah, however, have his daughter killed? The text points to this sad reality. Indeed, the father’s cry seems conclusive proof that her life was to be forfeited as a sacrifice, and the language and tone of the Hebrew text bears this out. The theory that she was spared to become the founder of a sisterhood of perpetual virgins is of very late, medieval origin. The daughter exhibited extraordinary self-denial in her understanding of and respect for her father’s commitment. Such a sacrifice was by no means infrequent in Israel, and common in other cultures, however repugnant it seems to us today. For other evidences of its practice, see 2 Kings 16:3, 17:17, 21:6, Jeremiah 7:31, and Micah 6:7. That this took place illustrates how deeply ingrained Canaanite religious practice was in Israel during this dark age.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>We should not think that God was pleased with this sacrifice. In fact, God had provided a way out for anyone who had made a rash vow. Those who made rash vows were commanded to confess their sins and then make an offering for sin, whether it be a sheep, a bird, or even fine flour (see Lv 5:4-13).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Did Jephthah Offer His Daughter as a Human Sacrifice?<\/h3>\n<blockquote><p>We know that human sacrifice was practiced at that time, though it was abhorred by the Hebrews and prohibited in the Mosaic law (Lv 18:21; cf. Ex 13:13). Did Jephthah, however, have his daughter killed? The text points to this sad reality. Indeed, the father’s cry seems conclusive proof that her life was to be forfeited as a sacrifice, and the language and tone of the Hebrew text bears this out. The theory that she was spared to become the founder of a sisterhood of perpetual virgins is of very late, medieval origin. The daughter exhibited extraordinary self-denial in her understanding of and respect for her father’s commitment. Such a sacrifice was by no means infrequent in Israel, and common in other cultures, however repugnant it seems to us today. For other evidences of its practice, see 2 Kings 16:3, 17:17, 21:6, Jeremiah 7:31, and Micah 6:7. That this took place illustrates how deeply ingrained Canaanite religious practice was in Israel during this dark age.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>We should not think that God was pleased with this sacrifice. In fact, God had provided a way out for anyone who had made a rash vow. Those who made rash vows were commanded to confess their sins and then make an offering for sin, whether it be a sheep, a bird, or even fine flour (see Lv 5:4-13).<\/p>","summary_ro":"Did Jephthah Offer His Daughter as a Human Sacrifice? We know that human sacrifice was practiced at that time, though it was abhorred by the Hebrews and prohibited in the Mosaic law (Lv 18:21; cf. Ex 13:13). Did Jephthah, however, have his daughter killed? The text points to this sad reality. Indeed, the father’s cry seems conclusive proof that her life was to be forfeited as a sacrifice, and the language and tone of the Hebrew text bears this out. The theory that she was spared to become the...","summary_en":"Did Jephthah Offer His Daughter as a Human Sacrifice? We know that human sacrifice was practiced at that time, though it was abhorred by the Hebrews and prohibited in the Mosaic law (Lv 18:21; cf. Ex 13:13). Did Jephthah, however, have his daughter killed? The text points to this sad reality. Indeed, the father’s cry seems conclusive proof that her life was to be forfeited as a sacrifice, and the language and tone of the Hebrew text bears this out. The theory that she was spared to become the...","source":"Textboxes\/Textboxes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":47465,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 21:6","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 21:6","content_ro":"<p><strong>21:6<\/strong> Manasseh’s wickedness included participation in the abominable Molech rites and all manner of forbidden cult and occult practices (16:3; see Lev 18:21). • <em>the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span><em>’s . . . anger:<\/em> God responded to Manasseh’s detestable religious practices with his righteous judgment, just as he had with the northern kingdom (2 Kgs 17:18-20).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>21:6<\/strong> Manasseh’s wickedness included participation in the abominable Molech rites and all manner of forbidden cult and occult practices (16:3; see Lev 18:21). • <em>the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span><em>’s . . . anger:<\/em> God responded to Manasseh’s detestable religious practices with his righteous judgment, just as he had with the northern kingdom (2 Kgs 17:18-20).<\/p>","summary_ro":"21:6 Manasseh’s wickedness included participation in the abominable Molech rites and all manner of forbidden cult and occult practices (16:3; see Lev 18:21). • the Lord’s . . . anger: God responded to Manasseh’s detestable religious practices with his righteous judgment, just as he had with the northern kingdom (2 Kgs 17:18-20).","summary_en":"21:6 Manasseh’s wickedness included participation in the abominable Molech rites and all manner of forbidden cult and occult practices (16:3; see Lev 18:21). • the Lord’s . . . anger: God responded to Manasseh’s detestable religious practices with his righteous judgment, just as he had with the northern kingdom (2 Kgs 17:18-20).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":75091,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 21:6","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 21:6","content_ro":"<p><strong>21:6<\/strong> Manasseh’s wickedness included participation in the abominable Molech rites and all manner of forbidden cult and occult practices (16:3; see Lev 18:21). • <em>the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span><em>’s . . . anger:<\/em> God responded to Manasseh’s detestable religious practices with his righteous judgment, just as he had with the northern kingdom (2 Kgs 17:18-20).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>21:6<\/strong> Manasseh’s wickedness included participation in the abominable Molech rites and all manner of forbidden cult and occult practices (16:3; see Lev 18:21). • <em>the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span><em>’s . . . anger:<\/em> God responded to Manasseh’s detestable religious practices with his righteous judgment, just as he had with the northern kingdom (2 Kgs 17:18-20).<\/p>","summary_ro":"21:6 Manasseh’s wickedness included participation in the abominable Molech rites and all manner of forbidden cult and occult practices (16:3; see Lev 18:21). • the Lord’s . . . anger: God responded to Manasseh’s detestable religious practices with his righteous judgment, just as he had with the northern kingdom (2 Kgs 17:18-20).","summary_en":"21:6 Manasseh’s wickedness included participation in the abominable Molech rites and all manner of forbidden cult and occult practices (16:3; see Lev 18:21). • the Lord’s . . . anger: God responded to Manasseh’s detestable religious practices with his righteous judgment, just as he had with the northern kingdom (2 Kgs 17:18-20).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":102717,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 21:6","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 21:6","content_ro":"<p><strong>21:6<\/strong> Manasseh’s wickedness included participation in the abominable Molech rites and all manner of forbidden cult and occult practices (16:3; see Lev 18:21). • <em>the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span><em>’s . . . anger:<\/em> God responded to Manasseh’s detestable religious practices with his righteous judgment, just as he had with the northern kingdom (2 Kgs 17:18-20).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>21:6<\/strong> Manasseh’s wickedness included participation in the abominable Molech rites and all manner of forbidden cult and occult practices (16:3; see Lev 18:21). • <em>the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span><em>’s . . . anger:<\/em> God responded to Manasseh’s detestable religious practices with his righteous judgment, just as he had with the northern kingdom (2 Kgs 17:18-20).<\/p>","summary_ro":"21:6 Manasseh’s wickedness included participation in the abominable Molech rites and all manner of forbidden cult and occult practices (16:3; see Lev 18:21). • the Lord’s . . . anger: God responded to Manasseh’s detestable religious practices with his righteous judgment, just as he had with the northern kingdom (2 Kgs 17:18-20).","summary_en":"21:6 Manasseh’s wickedness included participation in the abominable Molech rites and all manner of forbidden cult and occult practices (16:3; see Lev 18:21). • the Lord’s . . . anger: God responded to Manasseh’s detestable religious practices with his righteous judgment, just as he had with the northern kingdom (2 Kgs 17:18-20).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":130343,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 21:6","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 21:6","content_ro":"<p><strong>21:6<\/strong> Manasseh’s wickedness included participation in the abominable Molech rites and all manner of forbidden cult and occult practices (16:3; see Lev 18:21). • <em>the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span><em>’s . . . anger:<\/em> God responded to Manasseh’s detestable religious practices with his righteous judgment, just as he had with the northern kingdom (2 Kgs 17:18-20).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>21:6<\/strong> Manasseh’s wickedness included participation in the abominable Molech rites and all manner of forbidden cult and occult practices (16:3; see Lev 18:21). • <em>the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span><em>’s . . . anger:<\/em> God responded to Manasseh’s detestable religious practices with his righteous judgment, just as he had with the northern kingdom (2 Kgs 17:18-20).<\/p>","summary_ro":"21:6 Manasseh’s wickedness included participation in the abominable Molech rites and all manner of forbidden cult and occult practices (16:3; see Lev 18:21). • the Lord’s . . . anger: God responded to Manasseh’s detestable religious practices with his righteous judgment, just as he had with the northern kingdom (2 Kgs 17:18-20).","summary_en":"21:6 Manasseh’s wickedness included participation in the abominable Molech rites and all manner of forbidden cult and occult practices (16:3; see Lev 18:21). • the Lord’s . . . anger: God responded to Manasseh’s detestable religious practices with his righteous judgment, just as he had with the northern kingdom (2 Kgs 17:18-20).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":61253,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"Calling up the Dead","title_en":"Calling up the Dead","content_ro":"<h3>Calling up the Dead<\/h3>\n<p>The Old Testament forbids occult practices, such as spiritism, divination, and necromancy, in which someone attempts to contact the dead, usually to seek guidance about the future (see Deut 18:9-12). Practicing necromancy and consulting a necromancer were capital offenses (Lev 20:6, 27; cp. 1 Sam 28:9). God’s people were instead to rely on God for divine guidance.<\/p>\n<p>God buried Moses in an unmarked grave (Deut 34:6), possibly because he did not want the Israelites to make Moses’ grave a shrine, present offerings to his spirit, worship him, or attempt to consult his spirit. They may have been prone to these sorts of practices because of their time in Egypt and because of Moses’ stature and his role in mediating Israel’s covenant with God.<\/p>\n<p>The Old Testament makes it plain that the dead cannot be contacted (cp. 2 Sam 12:23; Job 14:10-12; Pss 88:10; 115:17). Samuel is the only known exception; God apparently commanded him to return and speak (see 1 Sam 28:12-19). Saul’s sin in consulting a medium was so severe that the Chronicler singles out this failure in commenting on Saul’s downfall (see 1 Chr 10:13-14). There is never any justification for seeking advice from the dead when we have the living word of God to guide us (2 Tim 3:15-17; Heb 4:12-13).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 19:31; 20:6-8, 27; Deut 18:9-12; 1 Sam 28:1-25; 2 Kgs 21:6; 23:24; 1 Chr 10:13-14; Job 14:10-12; Isa 3:1-3; 8:19-22<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Calling up the Dead<\/h3>\n<p>The Old Testament forbids occult practices, such as spiritism, divination, and necromancy, in which someone attempts to contact the dead, usually to seek guidance about the future (see Deut 18:9-12). Practicing necromancy and consulting a necromancer were capital offenses (Lev 20:6, 27; cp. 1 Sam 28:9). God’s people were instead to rely on God for divine guidance.<\/p>\n<p>God buried Moses in an unmarked grave (Deut 34:6), possibly because he did not want the Israelites to make Moses’ grave a shrine, present offerings to his spirit, worship him, or attempt to consult his spirit. They may have been prone to these sorts of practices because of their time in Egypt and because of Moses’ stature and his role in mediating Israel’s covenant with God.<\/p>\n<p>The Old Testament makes it plain that the dead cannot be contacted (cp. 2 Sam 12:23; Job 14:10-12; Pss 88:10; 115:17). Samuel is the only known exception; God apparently commanded him to return and speak (see 1 Sam 28:12-19). Saul’s sin in consulting a medium was so severe that the Chronicler singles out this failure in commenting on Saul’s downfall (see 1 Chr 10:13-14). There is never any justification for seeking advice from the dead when we have the living word of God to guide us (2 Tim 3:15-17; Heb 4:12-13).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 19:31; 20:6-8, 27; Deut 18:9-12; 1 Sam 28:1-25; 2 Kgs 21:6; 23:24; 1 Chr 10:13-14; Job 14:10-12; Isa 3:1-3; 8:19-22<\/p>","summary_ro":"Calling up the Dead The Old Testament forbids occult practices, such as spiritism, divination, and necromancy, in which someone attempts to contact the dead, usually to seek guidance about the future (see Deut 18:9-12). Practicing necromancy and consulting a necromancer were capital offenses (Lev 20:6, 27; cp. 1 Sam 28:9). God’s people were instead to rely on God for divine guidance. God buried Moses in an unmarked grave (Deut 34:6), possibly because he did not want the Israelites to make Mos...","summary_en":"Calling up the Dead The Old Testament forbids occult practices, such as spiritism, divination, and necromancy, in which someone attempts to contact the dead, usually to seek guidance about the future (see Deut 18:9-12). Practicing necromancy and consulting a necromancer were capital offenses (Lev 20:6, 27; cp. 1 Sam 28:9). God’s people were instead to rely on God for divine guidance. God buried Moses in an unmarked grave (Deut 34:6), possibly because he did not want the Israelites to make Mos...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":88879,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"Calling up the Dead","title_en":"Calling up the Dead","content_ro":"<h3>Calling up the Dead<\/h3>\n<p>The Old Testament forbids occult practices, such as spiritism, divination, and necromancy, in which someone attempts to contact the dead, usually to seek guidance about the future (see Deut 18:9-12). Practicing necromancy and consulting a necromancer were capital offenses (Lev 20:6, 27; cp. 1 Sam 28:9). God’s people were instead to rely on God for divine guidance.<\/p>\n<p>God buried Moses in an unmarked grave (Deut 34:6), possibly because he did not want the Israelites to make Moses’ grave a shrine, present offerings to his spirit, worship him, or attempt to consult his spirit. They may have been prone to these sorts of practices because of their time in Egypt and because of Moses’ stature and his role in mediating Israel’s covenant with God.<\/p>\n<p>The Old Testament makes it plain that the dead cannot be contacted (cp. 2 Sam 12:23; Job 14:10-12; Pss 88:10; 115:17). Samuel is the only known exception; God apparently commanded him to return and speak (see 1 Sam 28:12-19). Saul’s sin in consulting a medium was so severe that the Chronicler singles out this failure in commenting on Saul’s downfall (see 1 Chr 10:13-14). There is never any justification for seeking advice from the dead when we have the living word of God to guide us (2 Tim 3:15-17; Heb 4:12-13).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 19:31; 20:6-8, 27; Deut 18:9-12; 1 Sam 28:1-25; 2 Kgs 21:6; 23:24; 1 Chr 10:13-14; Job 14:10-12; Isa 3:1-3; 8:19-22<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Calling up the Dead<\/h3>\n<p>The Old Testament forbids occult practices, such as spiritism, divination, and necromancy, in which someone attempts to contact the dead, usually to seek guidance about the future (see Deut 18:9-12). Practicing necromancy and consulting a necromancer were capital offenses (Lev 20:6, 27; cp. 1 Sam 28:9). God’s people were instead to rely on God for divine guidance.<\/p>\n<p>God buried Moses in an unmarked grave (Deut 34:6), possibly because he did not want the Israelites to make Moses’ grave a shrine, present offerings to his spirit, worship him, or attempt to consult his spirit. They may have been prone to these sorts of practices because of their time in Egypt and because of Moses’ stature and his role in mediating Israel’s covenant with God.<\/p>\n<p>The Old Testament makes it plain that the dead cannot be contacted (cp. 2 Sam 12:23; Job 14:10-12; Pss 88:10; 115:17). Samuel is the only known exception; God apparently commanded him to return and speak (see 1 Sam 28:12-19). Saul’s sin in consulting a medium was so severe that the Chronicler singles out this failure in commenting on Saul’s downfall (see 1 Chr 10:13-14). There is never any justification for seeking advice from the dead when we have the living word of God to guide us (2 Tim 3:15-17; Heb 4:12-13).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 19:31; 20:6-8, 27; Deut 18:9-12; 1 Sam 28:1-25; 2 Kgs 21:6; 23:24; 1 Chr 10:13-14; Job 14:10-12; Isa 3:1-3; 8:19-22<\/p>","summary_ro":"Calling up the Dead The Old Testament forbids occult practices, such as spiritism, divination, and necromancy, in which someone attempts to contact the dead, usually to seek guidance about the future (see Deut 18:9-12). Practicing necromancy and consulting a necromancer were capital offenses (Lev 20:6, 27; cp. 1 Sam 28:9). God’s people were instead to rely on God for divine guidance. God buried Moses in an unmarked grave (Deut 34:6), possibly because he did not want the Israelites to make Mos...","summary_en":"Calling up the Dead The Old Testament forbids occult practices, such as spiritism, divination, and necromancy, in which someone attempts to contact the dead, usually to seek guidance about the future (see Deut 18:9-12). Practicing necromancy and consulting a necromancer were capital offenses (Lev 20:6, 27; cp. 1 Sam 28:9). God’s people were instead to rely on God for divine guidance. God buried Moses in an unmarked grave (Deut 34:6), possibly because he did not want the Israelites to make Mos...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":116505,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"Calling up the Dead","title_en":"Calling up the Dead","content_ro":"<h3>Calling up the Dead<\/h3>\n<p>The Old Testament forbids occult practices, such as spiritism, divination, and necromancy, in which someone attempts to contact the dead, usually to seek guidance about the future (see Deut 18:9-12). Practicing necromancy and consulting a necromancer were capital offenses (Lev 20:6, 27; cp. 1 Sam 28:9). God’s people were instead to rely on God for divine guidance.<\/p>\n<p>God buried Moses in an unmarked grave (Deut 34:6), possibly because he did not want the Israelites to make Moses’ grave a shrine, present offerings to his spirit, worship him, or attempt to consult his spirit. They may have been prone to these sorts of practices because of their time in Egypt and because of Moses’ stature and his role in mediating Israel’s covenant with God.<\/p>\n<p>The Old Testament makes it plain that the dead cannot be contacted (cp. 2 Sam 12:23; Job 14:10-12; Pss 88:10; 115:17). Samuel is the only known exception; God apparently commanded him to return and speak (see 1 Sam 28:12-19). Saul’s sin in consulting a medium was so severe that the Chronicler singles out this failure in commenting on Saul’s downfall (see 1 Chr 10:13-14). There is never any justification for seeking advice from the dead when we have the living word of God to guide us (2 Tim 3:15-17; Heb 4:12-13).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 19:31; 20:6-8, 27; Deut 18:9-12; 1 Sam 28:1-25; 2 Kgs 21:6; 23:24; 1 Chr 10:13-14; Job 14:10-12; Isa 3:1-3; 8:19-22<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Calling up the Dead<\/h3>\n<p>The Old Testament forbids occult practices, such as spiritism, divination, and necromancy, in which someone attempts to contact the dead, usually to seek guidance about the future (see Deut 18:9-12). Practicing necromancy and consulting a necromancer were capital offenses (Lev 20:6, 27; cp. 1 Sam 28:9). God’s people were instead to rely on God for divine guidance.<\/p>\n<p>God buried Moses in an unmarked grave (Deut 34:6), possibly because he did not want the Israelites to make Moses’ grave a shrine, present offerings to his spirit, worship him, or attempt to consult his spirit. They may have been prone to these sorts of practices because of their time in Egypt and because of Moses’ stature and his role in mediating Israel’s covenant with God.<\/p>\n<p>The Old Testament makes it plain that the dead cannot be contacted (cp. 2 Sam 12:23; Job 14:10-12; Pss 88:10; 115:17). Samuel is the only known exception; God apparently commanded him to return and speak (see 1 Sam 28:12-19). Saul’s sin in consulting a medium was so severe that the Chronicler singles out this failure in commenting on Saul’s downfall (see 1 Chr 10:13-14). There is never any justification for seeking advice from the dead when we have the living word of God to guide us (2 Tim 3:15-17; Heb 4:12-13).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 19:31; 20:6-8, 27; Deut 18:9-12; 1 Sam 28:1-25; 2 Kgs 21:6; 23:24; 1 Chr 10:13-14; Job 14:10-12; Isa 3:1-3; 8:19-22<\/p>","summary_ro":"Calling up the Dead The Old Testament forbids occult practices, such as spiritism, divination, and necromancy, in which someone attempts to contact the dead, usually to seek guidance about the future (see Deut 18:9-12). Practicing necromancy and consulting a necromancer were capital offenses (Lev 20:6, 27; cp. 1 Sam 28:9). God’s people were instead to rely on God for divine guidance. God buried Moses in an unmarked grave (Deut 34:6), possibly because he did not want the Israelites to make Mos...","summary_en":"Calling up the Dead The Old Testament forbids occult practices, such as spiritism, divination, and necromancy, in which someone attempts to contact the dead, usually to seek guidance about the future (see Deut 18:9-12). Practicing necromancy and consulting a necromancer were capital offenses (Lev 20:6, 27; cp. 1 Sam 28:9). God’s people were instead to rely on God for divine guidance. God buried Moses in an unmarked grave (Deut 34:6), possibly because he did not want the Israelites to make Mos...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":144131,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"Calling up the Dead","title_en":"Calling up the Dead","content_ro":"<h3>Calling up the Dead<\/h3>\n<p>The Old Testament forbids occult practices, such as spiritism, divination, and necromancy, in which someone attempts to contact the dead, usually to seek guidance about the future (see Deut 18:9-12). Practicing necromancy and consulting a necromancer were capital offenses (Lev 20:6, 27; cp. 1 Sam 28:9). God’s people were instead to rely on God for divine guidance.<\/p>\n<p>God buried Moses in an unmarked grave (Deut 34:6), possibly because he did not want the Israelites to make Moses’ grave a shrine, present offerings to his spirit, worship him, or attempt to consult his spirit. They may have been prone to these sorts of practices because of their time in Egypt and because of Moses’ stature and his role in mediating Israel’s covenant with God.<\/p>\n<p>The Old Testament makes it plain that the dead cannot be contacted (cp. 2 Sam 12:23; Job 14:10-12; Pss 88:10; 115:17). Samuel is the only known exception; God apparently commanded him to return and speak (see 1 Sam 28:12-19). Saul’s sin in consulting a medium was so severe that the Chronicler singles out this failure in commenting on Saul’s downfall (see 1 Chr 10:13-14). There is never any justification for seeking advice from the dead when we have the living word of God to guide us (2 Tim 3:15-17; Heb 4:12-13).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 19:31; 20:6-8, 27; Deut 18:9-12; 1 Sam 28:1-25; 2 Kgs 21:6; 23:24; 1 Chr 10:13-14; Job 14:10-12; Isa 3:1-3; 8:19-22<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Calling up the Dead<\/h3>\n<p>The Old Testament forbids occult practices, such as spiritism, divination, and necromancy, in which someone attempts to contact the dead, usually to seek guidance about the future (see Deut 18:9-12). Practicing necromancy and consulting a necromancer were capital offenses (Lev 20:6, 27; cp. 1 Sam 28:9). God’s people were instead to rely on God for divine guidance.<\/p>\n<p>God buried Moses in an unmarked grave (Deut 34:6), possibly because he did not want the Israelites to make Moses’ grave a shrine, present offerings to his spirit, worship him, or attempt to consult his spirit. They may have been prone to these sorts of practices because of their time in Egypt and because of Moses’ stature and his role in mediating Israel’s covenant with God.<\/p>\n<p>The Old Testament makes it plain that the dead cannot be contacted (cp. 2 Sam 12:23; Job 14:10-12; Pss 88:10; 115:17). Samuel is the only known exception; God apparently commanded him to return and speak (see 1 Sam 28:12-19). Saul’s sin in consulting a medium was so severe that the Chronicler singles out this failure in commenting on Saul’s downfall (see 1 Chr 10:13-14). There is never any justification for seeking advice from the dead when we have the living word of God to guide us (2 Tim 3:15-17; Heb 4:12-13).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 19:31; 20:6-8, 27; Deut 18:9-12; 1 Sam 28:1-25; 2 Kgs 21:6; 23:24; 1 Chr 10:13-14; Job 14:10-12; Isa 3:1-3; 8:19-22<\/p>","summary_ro":"Calling up the Dead The Old Testament forbids occult practices, such as spiritism, divination, and necromancy, in which someone attempts to contact the dead, usually to seek guidance about the future (see Deut 18:9-12). Practicing necromancy and consulting a necromancer were capital offenses (Lev 20:6, 27; cp. 1 Sam 28:9). God’s people were instead to rely on God for divine guidance. God buried Moses in an unmarked grave (Deut 34:6), possibly because he did not want the Israelites to make Mos...","summary_en":"Calling up the Dead The Old Testament forbids occult practices, such as spiritism, divination, and necromancy, in which someone attempts to contact the dead, usually to seek guidance about the future (see Deut 18:9-12). Practicing necromancy and consulting a necromancer were capital offenses (Lev 20:6, 27; cp. 1 Sam 28:9). God’s people were instead to rely on God for divine guidance. God buried Moses in an unmarked grave (Deut 34:6), possibly because he did not want the Israelites to make Mos...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"8":[{"id":34433,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Servant","title_en":"Servant","content_ro":"<h3>SERVANT<\/h3>\n<p>A person under obligation to serve a master, who in turn would provide a measure of protection. Some servants were slaves under legal bondage; others were servants voluntarily. It is not always possible to distinguish among “servant,” “slave,” “bondman,” and “bondwoman.” Several words in both Hebrew and Greek have been translated “servant,” although newer translations sometimes prefer other words.<\/p>\n<p>The Hebrew word for “lad,” “youth,” or “boy” often means servant (Ex 33:11; Nm 22:22; 2 Kgs 4:12). A word meaning “free-born servant” referred to the servants of the Lord, like the Levites (Ezr 8:17; Is 61:6; Ez 44:11) or priests (Ex 28:35; Jl 1:9; 2:17). Sometimes ministers of the king are called servants (1 Chr 27:1; Prv 29:12), as are angels who minister before the Lord (Pss 103:21; 104:4). The hired servant or hireling was also considered a free person (Ex 12:45; Jb 7:1; Mal 3:5).<\/p>\n<p>The most common Hebrew term, occurring nearly 800 times in the OT, denotes a slave held in bondage (Gn 9:25; 12:16; Ex 20:17; Dt 5:15; 15:17). Yet the same word is used for people of noble rank, such as ministers and advisers to the king (2 Kgs 22:12; 2 Chr 34:20; Neh 2:10) or a servant of God (Gn 24:14; Nm 12:7; Jos 1:7; 2 Kgs 21:8), in such expressions as “Moses [or also David, Isaiah, Israel, Job, etc.] my servant.” One of the noblest expressions is “the servant of Yahweh [the <span>Lord<\/span>]” (Dt 34:5; Jos 1:13; 8:31-33; Is 49:1-6; 50:4-9; 52:13–53:12). The proper name Obadiah means “servant of Yahweh.”<\/p>\n<p>The NT variously defines servant as a hired servant or hireling (Mk 1:20; Lk 15:17-19; Jn 10:12-14), more widely as a slave (Mt 8:9; 10:24-25; 13:27-28; Mk 10:44; 12:2-4; Lk 7:2-3, 8-10; Jn 4:51; 8:34; 13:16; Eph 6:5; Col 1:7), and also as a domestic servant (Lk 16:13).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Slave, Slavery.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>SERVANT<\/h3>\n<p>A person under obligation to serve a master, who in turn would provide a measure of protection. Some servants were slaves under legal bondage; others were servants voluntarily. It is not always possible to distinguish among “servant,” “slave,” “bondman,” and “bondwoman.” Several words in both Hebrew and Greek have been translated “servant,” although newer translations sometimes prefer other words.<\/p>\n<p>The Hebrew word for “lad,” “youth,” or “boy” often means servant (Ex 33:11; Nm 22:22; 2 Kgs 4:12). A word meaning “free-born servant” referred to the servants of the Lord, like the Levites (Ezr 8:17; Is 61:6; Ez 44:11) or priests (Ex 28:35; Jl 1:9; 2:17). Sometimes ministers of the king are called servants (1 Chr 27:1; Prv 29:12), as are angels who minister before the Lord (Pss 103:21; 104:4). The hired servant or hireling was also considered a free person (Ex 12:45; Jb 7:1; Mal 3:5).<\/p>\n<p>The most common Hebrew term, occurring nearly 800 times in the OT, denotes a slave held in bondage (Gn 9:25; 12:16; Ex 20:17; Dt 5:15; 15:17). Yet the same word is used for people of noble rank, such as ministers and advisers to the king (2 Kgs 22:12; 2 Chr 34:20; Neh 2:10) or a servant of God (Gn 24:14; Nm 12:7; Jos 1:7; 2 Kgs 21:8), in such expressions as “Moses [or also David, Isaiah, Israel, Job, etc.] my servant.” One of the noblest expressions is “the servant of Yahweh [the <span>Lord<\/span>]” (Dt 34:5; Jos 1:13; 8:31-33; Is 49:1-6; 50:4-9; 52:13–53:12). The proper name Obadiah means “servant of Yahweh.”<\/p>\n<p>The NT variously defines servant as a hired servant or hireling (Mk 1:20; Lk 15:17-19; Jn 10:12-14), more widely as a slave (Mt 8:9; 10:24-25; 13:27-28; Mk 10:44; 12:2-4; Lk 7:2-3, 8-10; Jn 4:51; 8:34; 13:16; Eph 6:5; Col 1:7), and also as a domestic servant (Lk 16:13).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Slave, Slavery.<\/p>","summary_ro":"SERVANT A person under obligation to serve a master, who in turn would provide a measure of protection. Some servants were slaves under legal bondage; others were servants voluntarily. It is not always possible to distinguish among “servant,” “slave,” “bondman,” and “bondwoman.” Several words in both Hebrew and Greek have been translated “servant,” although newer translations sometimes prefer other words. The Hebrew word for “lad,” “youth,” or “boy” often means servant (Ex 33:11; Nm 22:22; 2 ...","summary_en":"SERVANT A person under obligation to serve a master, who in turn would provide a measure of protection. Some servants were slaves under legal bondage; others were servants voluntarily. It is not always possible to distinguish among “servant,” “slave,” “bondman,” and “bondwoman.” Several words in both Hebrew and Greek have been translated “servant,” although newer translations sometimes prefer other words. The Hebrew word for “lad,” “youth,” or “boy” often means servant (Ex 33:11; Nm 22:22; 2 ...","source":"Articles\/S.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":61585,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Land","title_en":"The Land","content_ro":"<h3>The Land<\/h3>\n<p>Land is extremely important to a largely agrarian society such as ancient Israel. Israel was given the privilege and responsibility of living in the land of Canaan, as a key provision of God’s covenant with them (1 Kgs 8:33-40; see also Deut 28). The land was part of Israel’s relationship with God: God had promised this land to Abraham and his descendants (Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17). The nation of Israel lived in the land as its custodians and earthly possessors. The land was Israel’s “special possession” (Deut 4:21), given by God, who required their fidelity (Deut 4:40). God expected the people to be proper stewards of the land and to serve him faithfully.<\/p>\n<p>Unfortunately, God’s people turned to their own ways, serving pagan gods and themselves (2 Kgs 17:7-17). So God allowed foreign nations to gradually take away Israel’s ownership of the land (e.g., 2 Kgs 8:20-22; 13:1-3; 17:3). Eventually, Assyria launched a full-scale invasion of the northern kingdom, sending the Israelites into exile (17:5-6, 22-23). Through these events God warned the people of Judah, the southern kingdom, that if they, too, failed to respond, they would forfeit their land (2 Kgs 21:8). Sadly, they refused to listen (2 Kgs 21:9), and their unfaithfulness eventually resulted in expulsion from the land at the hands of the Babylonians (25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Israel’s rebellion and failure to properly manage the land that God entrusted to them serves as a warning to us. God has redeemed us in Christ Jesus so that we may live faithful and productive lives (John 15:16; Eph 2:4-10). Our infidelity and lack of productivity may cause us to lose our place of service for Christ (John 15:1-2, 6). It is by abiding in him that we “produce much fruit” and grow in our faith (John 15:5).<\/p>\n<p>God’s people always have a propensity to sin (see Rom 3:23; 1 Jn 1:8, 10). Nevertheless, God always stands ready to forgive and restore those who turn back to him (see 1 Jn 1:9) and to reinstate the blessings of his covenant. The one who mediates the new covenant between God and his people (Matt 26:27-28) is also their advocate in heaven (1 Jn 2:1). In the end, those who remain faithful to God will inherit the blessings of the new heaven and the new earth (1 Pet 1:3-5; Rev 21:1-7).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17; Lev 26:1-46; Deut 28:1-68; 1 Kgs 8:29-51; 9:3-9; 2 Kgs 17:18-23; Pss 24:1; 89:11; 1 Pet 1:4; Rev 21:1-7<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Land<\/h3>\n<p>Land is extremely important to a largely agrarian society such as ancient Israel. Israel was given the privilege and responsibility of living in the land of Canaan, as a key provision of God’s covenant with them (1 Kgs 8:33-40; see also Deut 28). The land was part of Israel’s relationship with God: God had promised this land to Abraham and his descendants (Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17). The nation of Israel lived in the land as its custodians and earthly possessors. The land was Israel’s “special possession” (Deut 4:21), given by God, who required their fidelity (Deut 4:40). God expected the people to be proper stewards of the land and to serve him faithfully.<\/p>\n<p>Unfortunately, God’s people turned to their own ways, serving pagan gods and themselves (2 Kgs 17:7-17). So God allowed foreign nations to gradually take away Israel’s ownership of the land (e.g., 2 Kgs 8:20-22; 13:1-3; 17:3). Eventually, Assyria launched a full-scale invasion of the northern kingdom, sending the Israelites into exile (17:5-6, 22-23). Through these events God warned the people of Judah, the southern kingdom, that if they, too, failed to respond, they would forfeit their land (2 Kgs 21:8). Sadly, they refused to listen (2 Kgs 21:9), and their unfaithfulness eventually resulted in expulsion from the land at the hands of the Babylonians (25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Israel’s rebellion and failure to properly manage the land that God entrusted to them serves as a warning to us. God has redeemed us in Christ Jesus so that we may live faithful and productive lives (John 15:16; Eph 2:4-10). Our infidelity and lack of productivity may cause us to lose our place of service for Christ (John 15:1-2, 6). It is by abiding in him that we “produce much fruit” and grow in our faith (John 15:5).<\/p>\n<p>God’s people always have a propensity to sin (see Rom 3:23; 1 Jn 1:8, 10). Nevertheless, God always stands ready to forgive and restore those who turn back to him (see 1 Jn 1:9) and to reinstate the blessings of his covenant. The one who mediates the new covenant between God and his people (Matt 26:27-28) is also their advocate in heaven (1 Jn 2:1). In the end, those who remain faithful to God will inherit the blessings of the new heaven and the new earth (1 Pet 1:3-5; Rev 21:1-7).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17; Lev 26:1-46; Deut 28:1-68; 1 Kgs 8:29-51; 9:3-9; 2 Kgs 17:18-23; Pss 24:1; 89:11; 1 Pet 1:4; Rev 21:1-7<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Land Land is extremely important to a largely agrarian society such as ancient Israel. Israel was given the privilege and responsibility of living in the land of Canaan, as a key provision of God’s covenant with them (1 Kgs 8:33-40; see also Deut 28). The land was part of Israel’s relationship with God: God had promised this land to Abraham and his descendants (Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17). The nation of Israel lived in the land as its custodians and earthly possessors. The land was Israel’s “sp...","summary_en":"The Land Land is extremely important to a largely agrarian society such as ancient Israel. Israel was given the privilege and responsibility of living in the land of Canaan, as a key provision of God’s covenant with them (1 Kgs 8:33-40; see also Deut 28). The land was part of Israel’s relationship with God: God had promised this land to Abraham and his descendants (Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17). The nation of Israel lived in the land as its custodians and earthly possessors. The land was Israel’s “sp...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":61758,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Dangers of Sin","title_en":"The Dangers of Sin","content_ro":"<h3>The Dangers of Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15).<\/p>\n<p>The sinful acts of God’s people are prominent throughout the late monarchical period. Words such as <em>sin<\/em>, <em>evil<\/em>, and <em>wicked<\/em> appear frequently to assert that the kings of both Israel (2 Kgs 3:2; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:2) and Judah (8:18, 27; 21:2, 16, 20; 23:32, 37; 24:9, 19) did “what was evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight.”<\/p>\n<p>The northern kingdom was particularly culpable. Its kings and people were uniformly condemned for their godless ways (17:16-17, 22); the basic sin of apostate worship, introduced by Jeroboam I, continued in Israel until the end (10:29; 17:21-23; 23:15). God repeatedly warned the people through his prophets (17:13) and brought the chastisement of foreign invaders (13:3, 7). Nothing moved the Israelites’ hearts, for they were set in their ways (13:6; 17:14-17). Eventually God allowed foreign invaders to defeat them and occupy their land, sending many into exile (17:18, 20-23).<\/p>\n<p>The people of Judah were not innocent either. Many of their kings were guilty of gross wickedness, and Judean society grew increasingly apostate and followed “the evil practices that Israel had introduced” (17:19). Despite God’s repeated acts of kindness (e.g., 19:32-36) and warnings delivered through his prophets (21:8-15), the people persisted in their sin, and God’s judgment once again fell (21:10-15; 23:26-27; 24:1-4; 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Where there is genuine repentance, God will graciously forgive his people and remit the penalty. But how much better to be faithful to God’s Word (2 Kgs 18:5-6; 23:25; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; 2 Tim 4:7; Rev 2:10), so that God’s blessings (Ps 112:1; 119:1-2; 144:15) might bring success (2 Kgs 18:7; see also 2 Chr 26:4-5; Prov 3:1-10; 2 Cor 3:5). God’s people need to give God first place in their lives (1 Kgs 18:21, 36-39; see Deut 6:13; 10:12-13; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33), pray for God’s persevering grace (Ps 19:13), and let the word of God be their guide (Ps 119:9; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 18:20-21; Exod 34:7; Lev 26:14-46; Num 15:30-31; Deut 31:16-18; 1 Kgs 8:46-51; 2 Kgs 8:18, 27; 2 Kgs 13:1-7; 14:23-24; 17:13-23; 18:9-12; 21:8-16; 23:25-27; 24:1-3, 19–25:21; 2 Chr 7:14; 33:12-13; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; Jer 44:2-6; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16; 4:7; Rev 2:10<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Dangers of Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15).<\/p>\n<p>The sinful acts of God’s people are prominent throughout the late monarchical period. Words such as <em>sin<\/em>, <em>evil<\/em>, and <em>wicked<\/em> appear frequently to assert that the kings of both Israel (2 Kgs 3:2; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:2) and Judah (8:18, 27; 21:2, 16, 20; 23:32, 37; 24:9, 19) did “what was evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight.”<\/p>\n<p>The northern kingdom was particularly culpable. Its kings and people were uniformly condemned for their godless ways (17:16-17, 22); the basic sin of apostate worship, introduced by Jeroboam I, continued in Israel until the end (10:29; 17:21-23; 23:15). God repeatedly warned the people through his prophets (17:13) and brought the chastisement of foreign invaders (13:3, 7). Nothing moved the Israelites’ hearts, for they were set in their ways (13:6; 17:14-17). Eventually God allowed foreign invaders to defeat them and occupy their land, sending many into exile (17:18, 20-23).<\/p>\n<p>The people of Judah were not innocent either. Many of their kings were guilty of gross wickedness, and Judean society grew increasingly apostate and followed “the evil practices that Israel had introduced” (17:19). Despite God’s repeated acts of kindness (e.g., 19:32-36) and warnings delivered through his prophets (21:8-15), the people persisted in their sin, and God’s judgment once again fell (21:10-15; 23:26-27; 24:1-4; 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Where there is genuine repentance, God will graciously forgive his people and remit the penalty. But how much better to be faithful to God’s Word (2 Kgs 18:5-6; 23:25; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; 2 Tim 4:7; Rev 2:10), so that God’s blessings (Ps 112:1; 119:1-2; 144:15) might bring success (2 Kgs 18:7; see also 2 Chr 26:4-5; Prov 3:1-10; 2 Cor 3:5). God’s people need to give God first place in their lives (1 Kgs 18:21, 36-39; see Deut 6:13; 10:12-13; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33), pray for God’s persevering grace (Ps 19:13), and let the word of God be their guide (Ps 119:9; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 18:20-21; Exod 34:7; Lev 26:14-46; Num 15:30-31; Deut 31:16-18; 1 Kgs 8:46-51; 2 Kgs 8:18, 27; 2 Kgs 13:1-7; 14:23-24; 17:13-23; 18:9-12; 21:8-16; 23:25-27; 24:1-3, 19–25:21; 2 Chr 7:14; 33:12-13; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; Jer 44:2-6; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16; 4:7; Rev 2:10<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Dangers of Sin Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15). The sinful acts of God’s ...","summary_en":"The Dangers of Sin Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15). The sinful acts of God’s ...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":89211,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Land","title_en":"The Land","content_ro":"<h3>The Land<\/h3>\n<p>Land is extremely important to a largely agrarian society such as ancient Israel. Israel was given the privilege and responsibility of living in the land of Canaan, as a key provision of God’s covenant with them (1 Kgs 8:33-40; see also Deut 28). The land was part of Israel’s relationship with God: God had promised this land to Abraham and his descendants (Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17). The nation of Israel lived in the land as its custodians and earthly possessors. The land was Israel’s “special possession” (Deut 4:21), given by God, who required their fidelity (Deut 4:40). God expected the people to be proper stewards of the land and to serve him faithfully.<\/p>\n<p>Unfortunately, God’s people turned to their own ways, serving pagan gods and themselves (2 Kgs 17:7-17). So God allowed foreign nations to gradually take away Israel’s ownership of the land (e.g., 2 Kgs 8:20-22; 13:1-3; 17:3). Eventually, Assyria launched a full-scale invasion of the northern kingdom, sending the Israelites into exile (17:5-6, 22-23). Through these events God warned the people of Judah, the southern kingdom, that if they, too, failed to respond, they would forfeit their land (2 Kgs 21:8). Sadly, they refused to listen (2 Kgs 21:9), and their unfaithfulness eventually resulted in expulsion from the land at the hands of the Babylonians (25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Israel’s rebellion and failure to properly manage the land that God entrusted to them serves as a warning to us. God has redeemed us in Christ Jesus so that we may live faithful and productive lives (John 15:16; Eph 2:4-10). Our infidelity and lack of productivity may cause us to lose our place of service for Christ (John 15:1-2, 6). It is by abiding in him that we “produce much fruit” and grow in our faith (John 15:5).<\/p>\n<p>God’s people always have a propensity to sin (see Rom 3:23; 1 Jn 1:8, 10). Nevertheless, God always stands ready to forgive and restore those who turn back to him (see 1 Jn 1:9) and to reinstate the blessings of his covenant. The one who mediates the new covenant between God and his people (Matt 26:27-28) is also their advocate in heaven (1 Jn 2:1). In the end, those who remain faithful to God will inherit the blessings of the new heaven and the new earth (1 Pet 1:3-5; Rev 21:1-7).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17; Lev 26:1-46; Deut 28:1-68; 1 Kgs 8:29-51; 9:3-9; 2 Kgs 17:18-23; Pss 24:1; 89:11; 1 Pet 1:4; Rev 21:1-7<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Land<\/h3>\n<p>Land is extremely important to a largely agrarian society such as ancient Israel. Israel was given the privilege and responsibility of living in the land of Canaan, as a key provision of God’s covenant with them (1 Kgs 8:33-40; see also Deut 28). The land was part of Israel’s relationship with God: God had promised this land to Abraham and his descendants (Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17). The nation of Israel lived in the land as its custodians and earthly possessors. The land was Israel’s “special possession” (Deut 4:21), given by God, who required their fidelity (Deut 4:40). God expected the people to be proper stewards of the land and to serve him faithfully.<\/p>\n<p>Unfortunately, God’s people turned to their own ways, serving pagan gods and themselves (2 Kgs 17:7-17). So God allowed foreign nations to gradually take away Israel’s ownership of the land (e.g., 2 Kgs 8:20-22; 13:1-3; 17:3). Eventually, Assyria launched a full-scale invasion of the northern kingdom, sending the Israelites into exile (17:5-6, 22-23). Through these events God warned the people of Judah, the southern kingdom, that if they, too, failed to respond, they would forfeit their land (2 Kgs 21:8). Sadly, they refused to listen (2 Kgs 21:9), and their unfaithfulness eventually resulted in expulsion from the land at the hands of the Babylonians (25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Israel’s rebellion and failure to properly manage the land that God entrusted to them serves as a warning to us. God has redeemed us in Christ Jesus so that we may live faithful and productive lives (John 15:16; Eph 2:4-10). Our infidelity and lack of productivity may cause us to lose our place of service for Christ (John 15:1-2, 6). It is by abiding in him that we “produce much fruit” and grow in our faith (John 15:5).<\/p>\n<p>God’s people always have a propensity to sin (see Rom 3:23; 1 Jn 1:8, 10). Nevertheless, God always stands ready to forgive and restore those who turn back to him (see 1 Jn 1:9) and to reinstate the blessings of his covenant. The one who mediates the new covenant between God and his people (Matt 26:27-28) is also their advocate in heaven (1 Jn 2:1). In the end, those who remain faithful to God will inherit the blessings of the new heaven and the new earth (1 Pet 1:3-5; Rev 21:1-7).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17; Lev 26:1-46; Deut 28:1-68; 1 Kgs 8:29-51; 9:3-9; 2 Kgs 17:18-23; Pss 24:1; 89:11; 1 Pet 1:4; Rev 21:1-7<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Land Land is extremely important to a largely agrarian society such as ancient Israel. Israel was given the privilege and responsibility of living in the land of Canaan, as a key provision of God’s covenant with them (1 Kgs 8:33-40; see also Deut 28). The land was part of Israel’s relationship with God: God had promised this land to Abraham and his descendants (Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17). The nation of Israel lived in the land as its custodians and earthly possessors. The land was Israel’s “sp...","summary_en":"The Land Land is extremely important to a largely agrarian society such as ancient Israel. Israel was given the privilege and responsibility of living in the land of Canaan, as a key provision of God’s covenant with them (1 Kgs 8:33-40; see also Deut 28). The land was part of Israel’s relationship with God: God had promised this land to Abraham and his descendants (Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17). The nation of Israel lived in the land as its custodians and earthly possessors. The land was Israel’s “sp...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":89384,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Dangers of Sin","title_en":"The Dangers of Sin","content_ro":"<h3>The Dangers of Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15).<\/p>\n<p>The sinful acts of God’s people are prominent throughout the late monarchical period. Words such as <em>sin<\/em>, <em>evil<\/em>, and <em>wicked<\/em> appear frequently to assert that the kings of both Israel (2 Kgs 3:2; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:2) and Judah (8:18, 27; 21:2, 16, 20; 23:32, 37; 24:9, 19) did “what was evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight.”<\/p>\n<p>The northern kingdom was particularly culpable. Its kings and people were uniformly condemned for their godless ways (17:16-17, 22); the basic sin of apostate worship, introduced by Jeroboam I, continued in Israel until the end (10:29; 17:21-23; 23:15). God repeatedly warned the people through his prophets (17:13) and brought the chastisement of foreign invaders (13:3, 7). Nothing moved the Israelites’ hearts, for they were set in their ways (13:6; 17:14-17). Eventually God allowed foreign invaders to defeat them and occupy their land, sending many into exile (17:18, 20-23).<\/p>\n<p>The people of Judah were not innocent either. Many of their kings were guilty of gross wickedness, and Judean society grew increasingly apostate and followed “the evil practices that Israel had introduced” (17:19). Despite God’s repeated acts of kindness (e.g., 19:32-36) and warnings delivered through his prophets (21:8-15), the people persisted in their sin, and God’s judgment once again fell (21:10-15; 23:26-27; 24:1-4; 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Where there is genuine repentance, God will graciously forgive his people and remit the penalty. But how much better to be faithful to God’s Word (2 Kgs 18:5-6; 23:25; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; 2 Tim 4:7; Rev 2:10), so that God’s blessings (Ps 112:1; 119:1-2; 144:15) might bring success (2 Kgs 18:7; see also 2 Chr 26:4-5; Prov 3:1-10; 2 Cor 3:5). God’s people need to give God first place in their lives (1 Kgs 18:21, 36-39; see Deut 6:13; 10:12-13; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33), pray for God’s persevering grace (Ps 19:13), and let the word of God be their guide (Ps 119:9; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 18:20-21; Exod 34:7; Lev 26:14-46; Num 15:30-31; Deut 31:16-18; 1 Kgs 8:46-51; 2 Kgs 8:18, 27; 2 Kgs 13:1-7; 14:23-24; 17:13-23; 18:9-12; 21:8-16; 23:25-27; 24:1-3, 19–25:21; 2 Chr 7:14; 33:12-13; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; Jer 44:2-6; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16; 4:7; Rev 2:10<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Dangers of Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15).<\/p>\n<p>The sinful acts of God’s people are prominent throughout the late monarchical period. Words such as <em>sin<\/em>, <em>evil<\/em>, and <em>wicked<\/em> appear frequently to assert that the kings of both Israel (2 Kgs 3:2; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:2) and Judah (8:18, 27; 21:2, 16, 20; 23:32, 37; 24:9, 19) did “what was evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight.”<\/p>\n<p>The northern kingdom was particularly culpable. Its kings and people were uniformly condemned for their godless ways (17:16-17, 22); the basic sin of apostate worship, introduced by Jeroboam I, continued in Israel until the end (10:29; 17:21-23; 23:15). God repeatedly warned the people through his prophets (17:13) and brought the chastisement of foreign invaders (13:3, 7). Nothing moved the Israelites’ hearts, for they were set in their ways (13:6; 17:14-17). Eventually God allowed foreign invaders to defeat them and occupy their land, sending many into exile (17:18, 20-23).<\/p>\n<p>The people of Judah were not innocent either. Many of their kings were guilty of gross wickedness, and Judean society grew increasingly apostate and followed “the evil practices that Israel had introduced” (17:19). Despite God’s repeated acts of kindness (e.g., 19:32-36) and warnings delivered through his prophets (21:8-15), the people persisted in their sin, and God’s judgment once again fell (21:10-15; 23:26-27; 24:1-4; 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Where there is genuine repentance, God will graciously forgive his people and remit the penalty. But how much better to be faithful to God’s Word (2 Kgs 18:5-6; 23:25; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; 2 Tim 4:7; Rev 2:10), so that God’s blessings (Ps 112:1; 119:1-2; 144:15) might bring success (2 Kgs 18:7; see also 2 Chr 26:4-5; Prov 3:1-10; 2 Cor 3:5). God’s people need to give God first place in their lives (1 Kgs 18:21, 36-39; see Deut 6:13; 10:12-13; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33), pray for God’s persevering grace (Ps 19:13), and let the word of God be their guide (Ps 119:9; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 18:20-21; Exod 34:7; Lev 26:14-46; Num 15:30-31; Deut 31:16-18; 1 Kgs 8:46-51; 2 Kgs 8:18, 27; 2 Kgs 13:1-7; 14:23-24; 17:13-23; 18:9-12; 21:8-16; 23:25-27; 24:1-3, 19–25:21; 2 Chr 7:14; 33:12-13; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; Jer 44:2-6; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16; 4:7; Rev 2:10<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Dangers of Sin Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15). The sinful acts of God’s ...","summary_en":"The Dangers of Sin Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15). The sinful acts of God’s ...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":116837,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Land","title_en":"The Land","content_ro":"<h3>The Land<\/h3>\n<p>Land is extremely important to a largely agrarian society such as ancient Israel. Israel was given the privilege and responsibility of living in the land of Canaan, as a key provision of God’s covenant with them (1 Kgs 8:33-40; see also Deut 28). The land was part of Israel’s relationship with God: God had promised this land to Abraham and his descendants (Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17). The nation of Israel lived in the land as its custodians and earthly possessors. The land was Israel’s “special possession” (Deut 4:21), given by God, who required their fidelity (Deut 4:40). God expected the people to be proper stewards of the land and to serve him faithfully.<\/p>\n<p>Unfortunately, God’s people turned to their own ways, serving pagan gods and themselves (2 Kgs 17:7-17). So God allowed foreign nations to gradually take away Israel’s ownership of the land (e.g., 2 Kgs 8:20-22; 13:1-3; 17:3). Eventually, Assyria launched a full-scale invasion of the northern kingdom, sending the Israelites into exile (17:5-6, 22-23). Through these events God warned the people of Judah, the southern kingdom, that if they, too, failed to respond, they would forfeit their land (2 Kgs 21:8). Sadly, they refused to listen (2 Kgs 21:9), and their unfaithfulness eventually resulted in expulsion from the land at the hands of the Babylonians (25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Israel’s rebellion and failure to properly manage the land that God entrusted to them serves as a warning to us. God has redeemed us in Christ Jesus so that we may live faithful and productive lives (John 15:16; Eph 2:4-10). Our infidelity and lack of productivity may cause us to lose our place of service for Christ (John 15:1-2, 6). It is by abiding in him that we “produce much fruit” and grow in our faith (John 15:5).<\/p>\n<p>God’s people always have a propensity to sin (see Rom 3:23; 1 Jn 1:8, 10). Nevertheless, God always stands ready to forgive and restore those who turn back to him (see 1 Jn 1:9) and to reinstate the blessings of his covenant. The one who mediates the new covenant between God and his people (Matt 26:27-28) is also their advocate in heaven (1 Jn 2:1). In the end, those who remain faithful to God will inherit the blessings of the new heaven and the new earth (1 Pet 1:3-5; Rev 21:1-7).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17; Lev 26:1-46; Deut 28:1-68; 1 Kgs 8:29-51; 9:3-9; 2 Kgs 17:18-23; Pss 24:1; 89:11; 1 Pet 1:4; Rev 21:1-7<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Land<\/h3>\n<p>Land is extremely important to a largely agrarian society such as ancient Israel. Israel was given the privilege and responsibility of living in the land of Canaan, as a key provision of God’s covenant with them (1 Kgs 8:33-40; see also Deut 28). The land was part of Israel’s relationship with God: God had promised this land to Abraham and his descendants (Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17). The nation of Israel lived in the land as its custodians and earthly possessors. The land was Israel’s “special possession” (Deut 4:21), given by God, who required their fidelity (Deut 4:40). God expected the people to be proper stewards of the land and to serve him faithfully.<\/p>\n<p>Unfortunately, God’s people turned to their own ways, serving pagan gods and themselves (2 Kgs 17:7-17). So God allowed foreign nations to gradually take away Israel’s ownership of the land (e.g., 2 Kgs 8:20-22; 13:1-3; 17:3). Eventually, Assyria launched a full-scale invasion of the northern kingdom, sending the Israelites into exile (17:5-6, 22-23). Through these events God warned the people of Judah, the southern kingdom, that if they, too, failed to respond, they would forfeit their land (2 Kgs 21:8). Sadly, they refused to listen (2 Kgs 21:9), and their unfaithfulness eventually resulted in expulsion from the land at the hands of the Babylonians (25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Israel’s rebellion and failure to properly manage the land that God entrusted to them serves as a warning to us. God has redeemed us in Christ Jesus so that we may live faithful and productive lives (John 15:16; Eph 2:4-10). Our infidelity and lack of productivity may cause us to lose our place of service for Christ (John 15:1-2, 6). It is by abiding in him that we “produce much fruit” and grow in our faith (John 15:5).<\/p>\n<p>God’s people always have a propensity to sin (see Rom 3:23; 1 Jn 1:8, 10). Nevertheless, God always stands ready to forgive and restore those who turn back to him (see 1 Jn 1:9) and to reinstate the blessings of his covenant. The one who mediates the new covenant between God and his people (Matt 26:27-28) is also their advocate in heaven (1 Jn 2:1). In the end, those who remain faithful to God will inherit the blessings of the new heaven and the new earth (1 Pet 1:3-5; Rev 21:1-7).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17; Lev 26:1-46; Deut 28:1-68; 1 Kgs 8:29-51; 9:3-9; 2 Kgs 17:18-23; Pss 24:1; 89:11; 1 Pet 1:4; Rev 21:1-7<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Land Land is extremely important to a largely agrarian society such as ancient Israel. Israel was given the privilege and responsibility of living in the land of Canaan, as a key provision of God’s covenant with them (1 Kgs 8:33-40; see also Deut 28). The land was part of Israel’s relationship with God: God had promised this land to Abraham and his descendants (Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17). The nation of Israel lived in the land as its custodians and earthly possessors. The land was Israel’s “sp...","summary_en":"The Land Land is extremely important to a largely agrarian society such as ancient Israel. Israel was given the privilege and responsibility of living in the land of Canaan, as a key provision of God’s covenant with them (1 Kgs 8:33-40; see also Deut 28). The land was part of Israel’s relationship with God: God had promised this land to Abraham and his descendants (Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17). The nation of Israel lived in the land as its custodians and earthly possessors. The land was Israel’s “sp...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":117010,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Dangers of Sin","title_en":"The Dangers of Sin","content_ro":"<h3>The Dangers of Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15).<\/p>\n<p>The sinful acts of God’s people are prominent throughout the late monarchical period. Words such as <em>sin<\/em>, <em>evil<\/em>, and <em>wicked<\/em> appear frequently to assert that the kings of both Israel (2 Kgs 3:2; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:2) and Judah (8:18, 27; 21:2, 16, 20; 23:32, 37; 24:9, 19) did “what was evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight.”<\/p>\n<p>The northern kingdom was particularly culpable. Its kings and people were uniformly condemned for their godless ways (17:16-17, 22); the basic sin of apostate worship, introduced by Jeroboam I, continued in Israel until the end (10:29; 17:21-23; 23:15). God repeatedly warned the people through his prophets (17:13) and brought the chastisement of foreign invaders (13:3, 7). Nothing moved the Israelites’ hearts, for they were set in their ways (13:6; 17:14-17). Eventually God allowed foreign invaders to defeat them and occupy their land, sending many into exile (17:18, 20-23).<\/p>\n<p>The people of Judah were not innocent either. Many of their kings were guilty of gross wickedness, and Judean society grew increasingly apostate and followed “the evil practices that Israel had introduced” (17:19). Despite God’s repeated acts of kindness (e.g., 19:32-36) and warnings delivered through his prophets (21:8-15), the people persisted in their sin, and God’s judgment once again fell (21:10-15; 23:26-27; 24:1-4; 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Where there is genuine repentance, God will graciously forgive his people and remit the penalty. But how much better to be faithful to God’s Word (2 Kgs 18:5-6; 23:25; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; 2 Tim 4:7; Rev 2:10), so that God’s blessings (Ps 112:1; 119:1-2; 144:15) might bring success (2 Kgs 18:7; see also 2 Chr 26:4-5; Prov 3:1-10; 2 Cor 3:5). God’s people need to give God first place in their lives (1 Kgs 18:21, 36-39; see Deut 6:13; 10:12-13; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33), pray for God’s persevering grace (Ps 19:13), and let the word of God be their guide (Ps 119:9; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 18:20-21; Exod 34:7; Lev 26:14-46; Num 15:30-31; Deut 31:16-18; 1 Kgs 8:46-51; 2 Kgs 8:18, 27; 2 Kgs 13:1-7; 14:23-24; 17:13-23; 18:9-12; 21:8-16; 23:25-27; 24:1-3, 19–25:21; 2 Chr 7:14; 33:12-13; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; Jer 44:2-6; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16; 4:7; Rev 2:10<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Dangers of Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15).<\/p>\n<p>The sinful acts of God’s people are prominent throughout the late monarchical period. Words such as <em>sin<\/em>, <em>evil<\/em>, and <em>wicked<\/em> appear frequently to assert that the kings of both Israel (2 Kgs 3:2; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:2) and Judah (8:18, 27; 21:2, 16, 20; 23:32, 37; 24:9, 19) did “what was evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight.”<\/p>\n<p>The northern kingdom was particularly culpable. Its kings and people were uniformly condemned for their godless ways (17:16-17, 22); the basic sin of apostate worship, introduced by Jeroboam I, continued in Israel until the end (10:29; 17:21-23; 23:15). God repeatedly warned the people through his prophets (17:13) and brought the chastisement of foreign invaders (13:3, 7). Nothing moved the Israelites’ hearts, for they were set in their ways (13:6; 17:14-17). Eventually God allowed foreign invaders to defeat them and occupy their land, sending many into exile (17:18, 20-23).<\/p>\n<p>The people of Judah were not innocent either. Many of their kings were guilty of gross wickedness, and Judean society grew increasingly apostate and followed “the evil practices that Israel had introduced” (17:19). Despite God’s repeated acts of kindness (e.g., 19:32-36) and warnings delivered through his prophets (21:8-15), the people persisted in their sin, and God’s judgment once again fell (21:10-15; 23:26-27; 24:1-4; 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Where there is genuine repentance, God will graciously forgive his people and remit the penalty. But how much better to be faithful to God’s Word (2 Kgs 18:5-6; 23:25; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; 2 Tim 4:7; Rev 2:10), so that God’s blessings (Ps 112:1; 119:1-2; 144:15) might bring success (2 Kgs 18:7; see also 2 Chr 26:4-5; Prov 3:1-10; 2 Cor 3:5). God’s people need to give God first place in their lives (1 Kgs 18:21, 36-39; see Deut 6:13; 10:12-13; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33), pray for God’s persevering grace (Ps 19:13), and let the word of God be their guide (Ps 119:9; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 18:20-21; Exod 34:7; Lev 26:14-46; Num 15:30-31; Deut 31:16-18; 1 Kgs 8:46-51; 2 Kgs 8:18, 27; 2 Kgs 13:1-7; 14:23-24; 17:13-23; 18:9-12; 21:8-16; 23:25-27; 24:1-3, 19–25:21; 2 Chr 7:14; 33:12-13; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; Jer 44:2-6; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16; 4:7; Rev 2:10<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Dangers of Sin Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15). The sinful acts of God’s ...","summary_en":"The Dangers of Sin Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15). The sinful acts of God’s ...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":144463,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Land","title_en":"The Land","content_ro":"<h3>The Land<\/h3>\n<p>Land is extremely important to a largely agrarian society such as ancient Israel. Israel was given the privilege and responsibility of living in the land of Canaan, as a key provision of God’s covenant with them (1 Kgs 8:33-40; see also Deut 28). The land was part of Israel’s relationship with God: God had promised this land to Abraham and his descendants (Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17). The nation of Israel lived in the land as its custodians and earthly possessors. The land was Israel’s “special possession” (Deut 4:21), given by God, who required their fidelity (Deut 4:40). God expected the people to be proper stewards of the land and to serve him faithfully.<\/p>\n<p>Unfortunately, God’s people turned to their own ways, serving pagan gods and themselves (2 Kgs 17:7-17). So God allowed foreign nations to gradually take away Israel’s ownership of the land (e.g., 2 Kgs 8:20-22; 13:1-3; 17:3). Eventually, Assyria launched a full-scale invasion of the northern kingdom, sending the Israelites into exile (17:5-6, 22-23). Through these events God warned the people of Judah, the southern kingdom, that if they, too, failed to respond, they would forfeit their land (2 Kgs 21:8). Sadly, they refused to listen (2 Kgs 21:9), and their unfaithfulness eventually resulted in expulsion from the land at the hands of the Babylonians (25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Israel’s rebellion and failure to properly manage the land that God entrusted to them serves as a warning to us. God has redeemed us in Christ Jesus so that we may live faithful and productive lives (John 15:16; Eph 2:4-10). Our infidelity and lack of productivity may cause us to lose our place of service for Christ (John 15:1-2, 6). It is by abiding in him that we “produce much fruit” and grow in our faith (John 15:5).<\/p>\n<p>God’s people always have a propensity to sin (see Rom 3:23; 1 Jn 1:8, 10). Nevertheless, God always stands ready to forgive and restore those who turn back to him (see 1 Jn 1:9) and to reinstate the blessings of his covenant. The one who mediates the new covenant between God and his people (Matt 26:27-28) is also their advocate in heaven (1 Jn 2:1). In the end, those who remain faithful to God will inherit the blessings of the new heaven and the new earth (1 Pet 1:3-5; Rev 21:1-7).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17; Lev 26:1-46; Deut 28:1-68; 1 Kgs 8:29-51; 9:3-9; 2 Kgs 17:18-23; Pss 24:1; 89:11; 1 Pet 1:4; Rev 21:1-7<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Land<\/h3>\n<p>Land is extremely important to a largely agrarian society such as ancient Israel. Israel was given the privilege and responsibility of living in the land of Canaan, as a key provision of God’s covenant with them (1 Kgs 8:33-40; see also Deut 28). The land was part of Israel’s relationship with God: God had promised this land to Abraham and his descendants (Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17). The nation of Israel lived in the land as its custodians and earthly possessors. The land was Israel’s “special possession” (Deut 4:21), given by God, who required their fidelity (Deut 4:40). God expected the people to be proper stewards of the land and to serve him faithfully.<\/p>\n<p>Unfortunately, God’s people turned to their own ways, serving pagan gods and themselves (2 Kgs 17:7-17). So God allowed foreign nations to gradually take away Israel’s ownership of the land (e.g., 2 Kgs 8:20-22; 13:1-3; 17:3). Eventually, Assyria launched a full-scale invasion of the northern kingdom, sending the Israelites into exile (17:5-6, 22-23). Through these events God warned the people of Judah, the southern kingdom, that if they, too, failed to respond, they would forfeit their land (2 Kgs 21:8). Sadly, they refused to listen (2 Kgs 21:9), and their unfaithfulness eventually resulted in expulsion from the land at the hands of the Babylonians (25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Israel’s rebellion and failure to properly manage the land that God entrusted to them serves as a warning to us. God has redeemed us in Christ Jesus so that we may live faithful and productive lives (John 15:16; Eph 2:4-10). Our infidelity and lack of productivity may cause us to lose our place of service for Christ (John 15:1-2, 6). It is by abiding in him that we “produce much fruit” and grow in our faith (John 15:5).<\/p>\n<p>God’s people always have a propensity to sin (see Rom 3:23; 1 Jn 1:8, 10). Nevertheless, God always stands ready to forgive and restore those who turn back to him (see 1 Jn 1:9) and to reinstate the blessings of his covenant. The one who mediates the new covenant between God and his people (Matt 26:27-28) is also their advocate in heaven (1 Jn 2:1). In the end, those who remain faithful to God will inherit the blessings of the new heaven and the new earth (1 Pet 1:3-5; Rev 21:1-7).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17; Lev 26:1-46; Deut 28:1-68; 1 Kgs 8:29-51; 9:3-9; 2 Kgs 17:18-23; Pss 24:1; 89:11; 1 Pet 1:4; Rev 21:1-7<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Land Land is extremely important to a largely agrarian society such as ancient Israel. Israel was given the privilege and responsibility of living in the land of Canaan, as a key provision of God’s covenant with them (1 Kgs 8:33-40; see also Deut 28). The land was part of Israel’s relationship with God: God had promised this land to Abraham and his descendants (Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17). The nation of Israel lived in the land as its custodians and earthly possessors. The land was Israel’s “sp...","summary_en":"The Land Land is extremely important to a largely agrarian society such as ancient Israel. Israel was given the privilege and responsibility of living in the land of Canaan, as a key provision of God’s covenant with them (1 Kgs 8:33-40; see also Deut 28). The land was part of Israel’s relationship with God: God had promised this land to Abraham and his descendants (Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17). The nation of Israel lived in the land as its custodians and earthly possessors. The land was Israel’s “sp...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":144636,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Dangers of Sin","title_en":"The Dangers of Sin","content_ro":"<h3>The Dangers of Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15).<\/p>\n<p>The sinful acts of God’s people are prominent throughout the late monarchical period. Words such as <em>sin<\/em>, <em>evil<\/em>, and <em>wicked<\/em> appear frequently to assert that the kings of both Israel (2 Kgs 3:2; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:2) and Judah (8:18, 27; 21:2, 16, 20; 23:32, 37; 24:9, 19) did “what was evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight.”<\/p>\n<p>The northern kingdom was particularly culpable. Its kings and people were uniformly condemned for their godless ways (17:16-17, 22); the basic sin of apostate worship, introduced by Jeroboam I, continued in Israel until the end (10:29; 17:21-23; 23:15). God repeatedly warned the people through his prophets (17:13) and brought the chastisement of foreign invaders (13:3, 7). Nothing moved the Israelites’ hearts, for they were set in their ways (13:6; 17:14-17). Eventually God allowed foreign invaders to defeat them and occupy their land, sending many into exile (17:18, 20-23).<\/p>\n<p>The people of Judah were not innocent either. Many of their kings were guilty of gross wickedness, and Judean society grew increasingly apostate and followed “the evil practices that Israel had introduced” (17:19). Despite God’s repeated acts of kindness (e.g., 19:32-36) and warnings delivered through his prophets (21:8-15), the people persisted in their sin, and God’s judgment once again fell (21:10-15; 23:26-27; 24:1-4; 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Where there is genuine repentance, God will graciously forgive his people and remit the penalty. But how much better to be faithful to God’s Word (2 Kgs 18:5-6; 23:25; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; 2 Tim 4:7; Rev 2:10), so that God’s blessings (Ps 112:1; 119:1-2; 144:15) might bring success (2 Kgs 18:7; see also 2 Chr 26:4-5; Prov 3:1-10; 2 Cor 3:5). God’s people need to give God first place in their lives (1 Kgs 18:21, 36-39; see Deut 6:13; 10:12-13; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33), pray for God’s persevering grace (Ps 19:13), and let the word of God be their guide (Ps 119:9; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 18:20-21; Exod 34:7; Lev 26:14-46; Num 15:30-31; Deut 31:16-18; 1 Kgs 8:46-51; 2 Kgs 8:18, 27; 2 Kgs 13:1-7; 14:23-24; 17:13-23; 18:9-12; 21:8-16; 23:25-27; 24:1-3, 19–25:21; 2 Chr 7:14; 33:12-13; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; Jer 44:2-6; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16; 4:7; Rev 2:10<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Dangers of Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15).<\/p>\n<p>The sinful acts of God’s people are prominent throughout the late monarchical period. Words such as <em>sin<\/em>, <em>evil<\/em>, and <em>wicked<\/em> appear frequently to assert that the kings of both Israel (2 Kgs 3:2; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:2) and Judah (8:18, 27; 21:2, 16, 20; 23:32, 37; 24:9, 19) did “what was evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight.”<\/p>\n<p>The northern kingdom was particularly culpable. Its kings and people were uniformly condemned for their godless ways (17:16-17, 22); the basic sin of apostate worship, introduced by Jeroboam I, continued in Israel until the end (10:29; 17:21-23; 23:15). God repeatedly warned the people through his prophets (17:13) and brought the chastisement of foreign invaders (13:3, 7). Nothing moved the Israelites’ hearts, for they were set in their ways (13:6; 17:14-17). Eventually God allowed foreign invaders to defeat them and occupy their land, sending many into exile (17:18, 20-23).<\/p>\n<p>The people of Judah were not innocent either. Many of their kings were guilty of gross wickedness, and Judean society grew increasingly apostate and followed “the evil practices that Israel had introduced” (17:19). Despite God’s repeated acts of kindness (e.g., 19:32-36) and warnings delivered through his prophets (21:8-15), the people persisted in their sin, and God’s judgment once again fell (21:10-15; 23:26-27; 24:1-4; 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Where there is genuine repentance, God will graciously forgive his people and remit the penalty. But how much better to be faithful to God’s Word (2 Kgs 18:5-6; 23:25; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; 2 Tim 4:7; Rev 2:10), so that God’s blessings (Ps 112:1; 119:1-2; 144:15) might bring success (2 Kgs 18:7; see also 2 Chr 26:4-5; Prov 3:1-10; 2 Cor 3:5). God’s people need to give God first place in their lives (1 Kgs 18:21, 36-39; see Deut 6:13; 10:12-13; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33), pray for God’s persevering grace (Ps 19:13), and let the word of God be their guide (Ps 119:9; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 18:20-21; Exod 34:7; Lev 26:14-46; Num 15:30-31; Deut 31:16-18; 1 Kgs 8:46-51; 2 Kgs 8:18, 27; 2 Kgs 13:1-7; 14:23-24; 17:13-23; 18:9-12; 21:8-16; 23:25-27; 24:1-3, 19–25:21; 2 Chr 7:14; 33:12-13; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; Jer 44:2-6; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16; 4:7; Rev 2:10<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Dangers of Sin Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15). The sinful acts of God’s ...","summary_en":"The Dangers of Sin Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15). The sinful acts of God’s ...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"9":[{"id":18028,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"History of Israel","title_en":"History of Israel","content_ro":"<h3>ISRAEL, History of<\/h3>\n<p>An account of God’s sovereign purpose in calling a people out of paganism and establishing them as witnesses for the true faith among the nations, of God’s sovereign power in protecting them from extinction, of his sovereign justice in dealing with their departure from his ways of holiness, of God’s sovereign grace in forgiving their sins and restoring them to fellowship with himself by providing through them a Savior for the entire world.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Patriarchal Age<\/p>\n<p>• Sojourn in Egypt<\/p>\n<p>• The Exodus<\/p>\n<p>• Wilderness Wanderings<\/p>\n<p>• The Conquest<\/p>\n<p>• The Judges<\/p>\n<p>• The United Monarchy<\/p>\n<p>• The Divided Kingdom<\/p>\n<p>• The Restoration<\/p>\n<p>• The Intertestamental Period<\/p>\n<p>• The Roman Period<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PatriarchalAge\">Patriarchal Age<\/p>\n<p>The story of Israel begins with Abraham, whom God called first at Ur, and perhaps later at Haran (Acts 7:2-4), to leave Mesopotamia and go into a land to which God would direct the way. In calling Abraham, God made with him a covenant (Gn 12:1-3) that promised him a land, special divine favor (“I will bless those who bless you, and the one who curses you I will curse,” <span>nasb<\/span>), and the privilege of being a channel of blessing to the entire world (“In you all the families of the earth shall be blessed,” <span>nasb<\/span>). In Genesis 12:4-8 God confirmed this unconditional covenant, promising Abraham this new land forever, along with innumerable descendants. Subsequently, in Genesis 15:1-21, God again confirmed the covenant but added the significant prediction that the guarantee of holding Canaan in perpetuity did not mean occupation of the land in every generation. God also spelled out the limits of the Promised Land (from the river of Egypt to the Euphrates, some 500 to 600 miles or 804 to 965 kilometers in extent). A final confirmation of the covenant to Abraham appears in Genesis 17:6-8. It guaranteed the land of Canaan to Abraham’s posterity and added that kings (an anticipation of the Davidic dynasty) would arise in his line. The covenant was confirmed to Abraham’s son Isaac (Gn 26:3-5) and his grandson Jacob (ch 28).<\/p>\n<p>This period is known as the patriarchal age in Hebrew history. The patriarchs were Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. They were called patriarchs because they were fathers, not only to their immediate families, but also to the extended family of Hebrews, over which they exercised a fatherly control. They served as political, legal, and spiritual heads of their migratory community, looking after their interests and leading them in worship. Periodically they built altars on which they offered sacrifices. That the patriarchal community was very large can be seen from Genesis 14:14, which says that Abraham had 318 armed men in his camp. If one assumes that most of the men were married and had one or more children each, the total extended family may have numbered in excess of 1,000.<\/p>\n<p>Additional developments in the life of Abraham and Jacob were particularly important for world history. Abraham, frustrated at not having an heir, accepted Sarah’s suggestion to obtain an heir by the slave girl Hagar. (This was also the custom of the land.) The son born was named Ishmael, progenitor of the Arabs. Thus Abraham is revered by Arabs and Muslims as well as by Jews and Christians. He is the father of the Jews through his son Isaac, child of promise. He holds a special place in Christianity as an example of Christ, through whom all Christians obtain their salvation.<\/p>\n<p>Jacob, a scheming scoundrel in his earlier years, wound up in exile in northern Mesopotamia for 20 years in the home of his uncle Laban. There he married Leah and Rachel and fathered the sons who became the progenitors of the 12 tribes of Israel. On his return to Palestine he met God along the banks of the Jabbok River (Gn 32), and God changed his name to Israel (“a prince of God,” <span>kjv<\/span> mg).<\/p>\n<p>The patriarchal period in Canaan lasted for 215 years. One estimate places Abraham’s entry into Canaan at about 2085 <span>BC<\/span>, when he was 75 years of age. Jacob and his sons migrated to Egypt to escape a severe famine in Canaan in about 1870 <span>BC<\/span>. During much of the patriarchal period, Palestine experienced a decline in population and was occupied largely by nomadic or seminomadic tribes. It was relatively easy for the Hebrews to enter such a situation. After 1900 Palestine began to enjoy more settled conditions. Shortly thereafter, the Hebrews made the trek into Egypt.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"SojourninEgypt\">Sojourn in Egypt<\/p>\n<p>If Jacob and his sons entered Egypt about 1870 <span>BC<\/span>, it was the period of the Middle Kingdom. And by that time other migrants from Asia were coming in increasing numbers. The Hebrews settled in Goshen, in the eastern delta region, under the protecting care of Joseph, who held a position at the Egyptian court roughly equivalent to that of prime minister. As more and more Asiatic Hyksos came into Egypt, they began to take over the country—northern Egypt at least. During this same time the Hebrews became increasingly numerous. Some who hold to a different chronology believe the Hebrews were welcomed into Egypt during the days of Hyksos domination (after 1750 <span>BC<\/span>). At any rate, by about 1580 <span>BC<\/span> native Egyptian princes regained control of the country and expelled many of the Asiatics.<\/p>\n<p>In process of time there arose a king over Egypt who “knew not Joseph” (Ex 1:8, <span>kjv<\/span>). Very possibly this meant that a native Egyptian dynasty had arisen in Egypt and they were apprehensive over the fact that the growing numbers and wealth of the Hebrews might jeopardize their own supremacy. But Egyptian measures to subjugate the Hebrews and reduce their birthrate had a reverse effect (Ex 1:12). Finally, the Egyptians ordered the killing of all male Hebrew infants at birth. Among those who disobeyed were the parents of Moses, who set him afloat in a waterproof basket made of reeds. Found by a daughter of Pharaoh, he was brought up in the Egyptian court, was given a first-class education, and became a high official of the realm.<\/p>\n<p>At the age of 40, Moses identified himself with his own people. He killed an Egyptian in defense of a fellow Hebrew, and immediately fled to the land of Midian in the northeastern part of the Sinai Peninsula. He married and lived there for 40 years, becoming thoroughly familiar with the geography and the ways of the wilderness through which he would later lead the Hebrews. The Egyptians continued to oppress the Hebrew people severely until they cried urgently to God for deliverance. In response, God confronted Moses in the famous burning bush experience and called on him to return to Egypt and lead the people back into the land of Canaan (Ex 3–4). He was to have the help of his brother, Aaron.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheExodus\">The Exodus<\/p>\n<p>Understandably the pharaoh of Egypt was reluctant to permit the Hebrews to leave permanently. The value of this great labor force was incalculable. But finally, after suffering a series of ten plagues, lasting perhaps a year, the Egyptians were persuaded to let the Hebrews go (Ex 7–12).<\/p>\n<p>The plagues had a theological as well as a practical purpose. They discredited the gods of Egypt and exalted the most high God of heaven (Ex 12:12). The plagues clearly discredited specific gods of Egypt (e.g., the Nile was worshiped as Hapi, plague one; the frog, worshiped as Heqt, plague two; the bull, worshiped as Ptah, plague five; the sun, worshiped as Amon-Re\/Aton, plague nine). Taken together, they struck a direct blow at the Egyptian pantheon.<\/p>\n<p>Just before the last plague, which was the night in which the death angel invaded the homes of the Egyptians, the Israelites made the Passover sacrifice according to divine instructions. This involved killing a lamb for each household (unless the household was too small; in that event, households could combine). Anyone who was careless about applying the blood to the doorpost or who rejected this divine provision came under the judgment of God. After the death of the firstborn throughout the land, the Egyptians begged the Hebrews to leave. Their company numbered 600,000 men over 20 years of age, plus women and children, for a total of over 2,500,000. In addition they took their flocks and herds and personal belongings.<\/p>\n<p>The date they left Egypt is a matter of continuing debate. Traditionally a date of about 1446 <span>BC<\/span> is given for the exodus (cf. 1 Kgs 6:1, which places the exodus 480 years before construction of the temple started in 966 <span>BC<\/span>) and 1406 <span>BC<\/span> for the Conquest under Joshua, and there do not seem to be any compelling arguments for rejecting that position. But a great many scholars prefer 1275 <span>BC<\/span> for a variety of reasons.<\/p>\n<p>The early date of the exodus would place the later years of the wilderness wanderings and the subsequent conquest of Palestine during the reigns of Amenhotep III and IV (1412–1366), a time when the pharaohs allowed Egyptian control of Palestine to disintegrate. When the Egyptians did reassert their power, about 1300, they restricted their movements largely to the coastal area, and thus did not come in contact with the Hebrews who were living in the hill country of Judea, Samaria, and Galilee.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"WildernessWanderings\">Wilderness Wanderings<\/p>\n<p>The wilderness wanderings were an important interlude in the history of Israel. During those years, significant and basic institutions came into existence at God’s command. At Sinai, Moses delivered to Israel the law, the pattern of the tabernacle (which later became the model for the temple) and orders for its operation, as well as detailed instructions for the priesthood and sacrificial system of worship.<\/p>\n<p>The period of the wanderings was truly a remarkable time. The presence of God was evidenced by a pillar of cloud that hovered over the people by day and a pillar of fire by night. God provided food in the form of manna, periodically provided water by miraculous means, and made sure that clothes did not wear out. In spite of all that, the people murmured and complained continually.<\/p>\n<p>At Sinai, God gave the law (Ex 19:2–24:18), and the people promptly made a commitment to keep it (24:3). Then God gave the pattern for the tabernacle and its furniture (chs 25–27, 30–31, 35–40) and established the priesthood (chs 28–29). While Moses was on the mountain receiving God’s revelation, the people grew restless and clamored for gods they could see. Even Aaron was carried away with the idolatrous wave and supervised the casting of a golden calf and building of an altar before it. The fact that they turned to Egyptian cattle worship so readily indicates that paganism must have made deep inroads among them while in captivity (chs 32–34). Moses’ intercessory response to God’s announcement that he would destroy Israel because of her idolatry led to a divine determination to execute judgment on only the worst offenders (32:9-14).<\/p>\n<p>Subsequently, God revealed the legal and priestly order (Lv 1:1–27:34). Among the divinely appointed institutions described or alluded to in Leviticus are several special days or feasts, including the Sabbath, Passover, Feast of Unleavened Bread, Firstfruits, Pentecost or Feast of Weeks, Feast of Trumpets, Day of Atonement, Feast of Tabernacles, the Year of Sabbath, and the Year of Jubilee.<\/p>\n<p>After camping at Sinai for about a year, the Israelites got their orders to go forward (Nm 10:11-12). Miriam (Moses’ sister) and Aaron criticized Moses’ leadership and suffered divine punishment as a consequence (ch 12). When the people arrived at Kadesh-barnea, the gate to southern Palestine, they were frightened by the report of most of the spies who had been reconnoitering in Canaan and decided that they should not advance into Canaan. They called for a new leader to bring them back to Egypt. God declared that the entire generation would wander in the wilderness until the adults had died. Only Joshua and Caleb (the two spies in favor of invading immediately) would enter the Promised Land (14:26-30). Near the end of the period of wandering, Moses also lost the privilege of entering the land by an act of disobedience.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheConquest\">The Conquest<\/p>\n<p>The latter part of the book of Numbers describes how Moses led the Israelites to victory over the peoples living east of the Jordan River. Reuben, Gad, and the half-tribe of Manasseh requested permission to settle there and reluctantly were allowed to do so on the condition that they would join the rest of the Israelites in conquering Canaan before settling down. Prior to victories in Transjordan, a new census of adult males was taken in order to determine the military capabilities of Israel and to provide a basis for equitable division of the land they were about to enter. The number of males above 20 years of age was 601,730 (Nm 26:51). The book of Deuteronomy consists primarily of a series of speeches delivered by Moses in a covenant renewal ceremony on the plains of Moab just before his death and the appointment of Joshua as leader.<\/p>\n<p>Joshua lost no time in moving forward. Spies sent across the Jordan to Jericho to reconnoiter reported a situation quite different from what the Hebrews had experienced at Kadesh-barnea a generation earlier. Now the people of Canaan were terrified because they had heard of the numerical strength and victories of the Hebrews. Apparently the day after the spies returned, Joshua moved the people to the edge of the Jordan and prepared to cross over. The waters parted for them here as the Red Sea had parted earlier.<\/p>\n<p>The narrative of conquest that appears in the book of Joshua is not a detailed battle account. It describes a thrust into the middle of Palestine around Jericho and Ai, a southerly drive to defeat the Amorite league, and a northern campaign against Hazor and other towns. The history of Joshua is extremely telescoped, for Joshua’s major military action must have required about six years. Joshua’s friend Caleb was 79 when the Conquest began and 85 after the last great battle with Jabin, king of Hazor (Jos 14:7-10).<\/p>\n<p>When the war was over, major strongholds (e.g., Jerusalem) still remained in enemy hands, but the land west of the Jordan was allocated to the nine and a half Hebrew tribes. The task of reducing enemy towns was left to the individual tribes in whose land they were located. The Joshua account was not so much a narrative of Israelite battle prowess as of God’s faithfulness and intervention on behalf of his people. For example, at Jericho they did not attack but merely followed divine orders and watched the defenses collapse; at Gibeon hailstones killed more Amorites than Israelite soldiers did (Jos 10:7-11).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheJudges\">The Judges<\/p>\n<p>Joshua died some 30 years after he had led the Hebrews into Canaan, and he was followed by a series of divinely appointed leaders who ruled sometimes over the whole of Israel as a loose confederacy and sometimes over one or more tribes. They were judges, civil functionaries, and military leaders all at the same time.<\/p>\n<p>The book of Judges pictures a series of recurring cycles: apostasy from God, punishment in the form of oppression by neighboring tribes, cries to God for relief, release from bondage under the leadership of a judge, and a period of rest from oppression.<\/p>\n<p>Establishment of the chronology of the judges is one of the thorniest problems of Scripture. Adding up all years of oppression and rest mentioned in the book gives a total of 410. The book of Acts gives a total of 450 years from the days of Joshua to Samuel (Acts 13:19). The difference in Acts may be accounted for by the addition of 40 years of Eli’s ministry (1 Sm 4:18). Allowing 410 years for the period of the judges, about 30 for the Conquest to the judges, and 40 for the wilderness wanderings, means 480 years from 1050 <span>BC<\/span>, the date for Saul’s kingship, and would give a date of about 1530 for the exodus. This is about 100 years more than even the early date for the exodus. The most probable explanation is that there is some overlap in oppressions and judgeships. For instance, the activities of Jephthah were centered on the eastern frontier, those of Samson in the Philistine plain to the southwest, and those of Deborah and Barak in the north.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheUnitedMonarchy\">The United Monarchy<\/p>\n<p>Because of the weakness of Israel resulting from political disunity and the ineptness and corruption of both Eli’s and Samuel’s sons, the people of Israel called for a king to rule over them. This demand was in reality a rejection of the divine plan of theocracy—the rule of God. God granted the Hebrews’ wish but warned them of the disadvantages of monarchy (1 Sm 8:9-21). The concept of kingship was not new to Israel. It had been hinted at in Genesis 49:10 and Numbers 24:17, and Moses had made some very clear statements about it in Deuteronomy 17:14-20.<\/p>\n<p>The first stage of Hebrew monarchy is commonly called the united monarchy because all Israel was ruled by a single king. This period lasted for 120 years—encompassing the 40-year reigns of Saul (Acts 13:21), David (2 Sm 5:5), and Solomon (1 Kgs 11:42).<\/p>\n<p>The people asked for a king, and God granted them one, but not one like those of the surrounding nations. The Hebrew king was to be a man who followed God’s dictates in his public and private life, who did not intrude into the affairs of the priesthood, and who did not fall into idolatry, but exerted all his influence to keep the people faithful to God. If he failed in any of these respects, he ran the risk of being deposed by God, of having his line brought to an end, or even of having the people fall into captivity to a foreign power. All this must be kept in mind when evaluating the reigns of Saul, David, Solomon, and the kings of the divided monarchy.<\/p>\n<p>Saul began well. He won a great victory over the Ammonites at Jabesh-gilead and showed considerable wisdom in administrative matters. But after about two years he intruded into the priest’s office to offer sacrifice, bringing the divine prediction that his kingdom would be taken from him (1 Sm 13:8-14). He would go on to enjoy great military victory and ability as a ruler until about the middle of his reign.<\/p>\n<p>After Saul’s disobedience to God’s command to totally destroy the Amalekites, the Lord repudiated Saul and instructed Samuel to anoint David privately as future king of Israel. David’s rise to prominence was spurred by his victory over Goliath and the accompanying defeat of the Philistines. Saul later made David commander of the army, and the young man soon earned a reputation greater than that of the king himself. Saul, who had become increasingly mentally disturbed after his relationship with God was broken, began to make attempts on David’s life, and for the last years of Saul’s reign David lived as a fugitive. Meanwhile, the Philistines got completely out of control and finally killed Saul and most of his sons in the great battle of Mt Gilboa, which gave the Philistines control over much of Palestine west of the Jordan (1 Sm 31:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>Soon David became king in Judah with his capital in Hebron. A son of Saul, Ishbosheth, established himself at Mahanaim, east of the Jordan. For seven years the two tiny kingdoms existed side by side (2 Sm 2:2-11). But after the Israelite king and his army commander were assassinated, David became ruler of a united Hebrew kingdom.<\/p>\n<p>Not long after the beginning of his reign (1010–970 <span>BC<\/span>) David completely defeated and subjugated the Philistines. Soon thereafter he captured Jerusalem, making it the capital of the united kingdom. During succeeding years, David built up an empire (2 Sm 8:10; 1 Chr 18–19), conquering Moab, Edom, Damascus, Zobah, and Ammon, so he controlled territory from the Gulf of Aqaba (a branch of the Red Sea) and the Sinai in the south almost to the Euphrates in the north. Moreover, he established good relations, if not an alliance, with Tyre. The establishment of David’s empire was possible because of a power vacuum in the Middle East. The Egyptians, Mycenaeans, Hittites, and Assyrians were either decadent or removed from the stage of history. The Phoenicians, a peaceful commercial people, were also free to expand their trade, and they were happy to sell cedar to David for his palace and the temple.<\/p>\n<p>Without doubt, David was Israel’s greatest king. Jerusalem came to be known as the city of David. When the king wanted to build the temple as God’s house, God replied that his son should do it instead. But God would in a very real sense build David’s house; he made a covenant with David, promising him that his house (dynasty, kingdom, throne) would be established forever (2 Sm 7). Christ, the infinite One who came from the line of David, alone was capable of fulfilling this divine promise (see Lk 1:31-33; Acts 2:29-36; 13:32-39; 15:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Like other Oriental monarchs, David fell into the practice of keeping a harem. Scripture names 8 wives and 21 children and refers to other wives and concubines. Such a situation opened the door to family rivalries and questions about succession to the throne. Two sons, Absalom and Adonijah, made a try for the throne, but both efforts were squelched. Solomon, son of David’s favorite wife, Bathsheba, became the next king.<\/p>\n<p>Solomon (970–930 <span>BC<\/span>) was a man of peace and a builder of palaces, cities, fortifications, and the temple. He fortified cities all over his realm and outfitted cities for his chariot corps and cavalry units. With the help of the Phoenicians, he built a seaport and kept a fleet at Ezion-geber, near modern Eilat on the Gulf of Aqaba. He greatly enlarged Jerusalem by enclosing the temple area to the north of David’s city and the southwestern hill now known as Zion. His best-known project was the temple, which took seven years to build. Twice the size of the tabernacle, it was built on the same basic plan; it measured 90 feet (27.4 meters) long and 30 feet (9.1 meters) wide and had magnificent appointments. But he also constructed a palace complex that took 13 years to complete. This included an armory, a throne room, the king’s private residence, and a house for the daughter of pharaoh.<\/p>\n<p>Apparently much influenced by the spiritual testimony of David and desiring God’s blessing on his rule, Solomon made a great sacrifice to God at Gibeon near the beginning of his reign. God met him there and offered to grant whatever he might request. Solomon asked for understanding and wisdom to govern God’s people (1 Kgs 3:9). His God-given wisdom is apparent in many administrative decisions and official policies and building plans.<\/p>\n<p>Unfortunately, Solomon did not show such wisdom in maintaining a harem of 700 wives and 300 concubines or in excessive expenditures that left the state in serious financial straits. He even erected places of worship for his foreign wives, thus subsidizing their idolatries and incurring the wrath of God. In fact, foreign wives and their idolatry proved to be his downfall; before Solomon died, God informed him that for this reason he would divide the kingdom at his death and give most of it to someone other than Solomon’s son. But for David’s sake, God would keep Judah and Jerusalem in the hands of the Davidic line (1 Kgs 11:9-13).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheDividedKingdom\">The Divided Kingdom<\/p>\n<p>After the death of Solomon, the Near East was destined to become a very different place. Israel was no longer in a power vacuum. The Assyrian Empire rose in Mesopotamia, to be followed by the Neo-Babylonian and the Medo-Persian Empires in turn. Egypt was temporarily powerful in the south, but it would later come under control of Assyria and Medo-Persia. These empires exerted great pressure on Israel and dominated one or both of the two Hebrew kingdoms.<\/p>\n\n<p>When Solomon died, his son Rehoboam took the throne and was forced to deal with a rising tide of resentment over the high taxes and economic stagnation of Solomon’s last years. When Rehoboam refused to give relief, all the northern tribes broke away and formed the northern kingdom, Israel, under the leadership of Jeroboam. The southern kingdom, Judah, was left with only the territory of Judah and Benjamin. A total of 20 kings ruled in each of the separate kingdoms. While the north had several dynasties and the reigns of kings were generally short, in the south the dynasty of David continued to rule and the reigns were longer.<\/p>\n<h5>The Northern Kingdom<\/h5>\n<p>The northern kingdom lasted from the division in 930 <span>BC<\/span> until its conquest by Assyria in 722. Jeroboam, fearing that he would lose the loyalty of the people if they continued to go to Jerusalem to worship, set up a new religion of his own. Instituting calf worship, he built shrines at Dan in the north and Bethel in the south. This idolatry drew the condemnation of God and fulfilled the prediction that Jeroboam’s line would be wiped out. All his successors are said to have followed in his idolatrous steps. Israel found itself at war during much of its history—with Judah, Syria, or Assyria. Jeroboam established his capital first at Shechem and later at Tirzah.<\/p>\n<p>Four other kings of the north require special comment: Omri, Ahab, Jehu, and Jeroboam II. Omri (885–874 <span>BC<\/span>) must have been an impressive ruler. Generations later, Assyrians still spoke of Israel as the land of Omri. After he had established himself on the throne, he located the permanent capital of the kingdom at Samaria and began the palace complex there. Early in his reign he was successful in conquering Moab, and later he reestablished the good relations with Tyre that existed in the days of David and Solomon. Apparently he established a full alliance and cemented it with the marriage of his son Ahab to Jezebel, a princess of Tyre.<\/p>\n<p>Ahab (874–853 <span>BC<\/span>) was one of the most significant of Israel’s kings. He and his wife, Jezebel, promoted the vile idolatry of Baal worship with its religious prostitution, arousing the powerful opposition of the prophet Elijah. Ahab was a formidable military man, defeating the Syrians in major campaigns and participating in a coalition that fought the Assyrians to a virtual standstill. He also built extensively at Samaria, Hazor, Megiddo, and other towns, as excavations show.<\/p>\n<p>Jehu (841–814 <span>BC<\/span>) was God’s agent for punishing the house of Omri and destroying Baal worship in Israel. He did eradicate Baal worship and liquidated literally scores of relatives and court officials of Ahab. But he was so ruthless that he killed off the people who knew how to run the government; subsequently, it did not work well. Jehu also was forced to become a vassal to Assyria.<\/p>\n<p>Jeroboam II ruled during most of the first half of the eighth century (793–753 <span>BC<\/span>) and brought the kingdom to its greatest extent and prosperity. He, with his contemporary Uzziah in the south, ruled most of the land David had once controlled. This was possible because the Assyrians were in a period of decline during most of the first half of the century.<\/p>\n<p>Prophets who were active during the history of the northern kingdom include the nonwriting prophets Elijah and Elisha and the writing prophets Jonah, Amos, and Hosea.<\/p>\n<h5>The Southern Kingdom<\/h5>\n<p>The history of the southern kingdom of Judah was quite different from that of the northern kingdom. The temple was there and so were large numbers of Levites, many of whom came south after the division of the kingdom to protest the idolatry of the north. In addition to this spiritual strength, there was greater political stability and unity, promoted by the fact that only two tribes—Judah and Benjamin—shared power, and all the kings were of the Davidic dynasty. Moreover, eight of the kings were good monarchs. There were also periodic religious revivals. God granted the southern kingdom about 100 more years of existence than the north. But Judah, too, fell into idolatry and went into captivity for her sins.<\/p>\n<p>Rehoboam, the first king in the south, is especially remembered because he refused to listen to wise counsel about fiscal matters and perpetrated the division of the kingdom. He is also remembered for his religious policies. After a good beginning, he allowed apostasy to get out of control and brought the judgment of God in the form of an invasion in his fifth year (926 <span>BC<\/span>) by Shishak I of Egypt, resulting in extensive plunder and payment of tribute. Thereafter, he launched an extensive program to fortify the realm. Shishak’s invasion did have the effect of producing a partial and temporary spiritual reform, but the general trend of Rehoboam’s reign was downward.<\/p>\n<p>Conditions during the reign of his son, Abijam, were worse, but Asa (910–869 <span>BC<\/span>) initiated a religious reform that was effective for most of his reign. When threatened by the northern kingdom during his latter years, however, Asa turned to Syria for help instead of to God, and he seems to have defied the prophets of God to his dying day.<\/p>\n<p>Asa’s son Jehoshaphat (872–848 <span>BC<\/span>) was apparently influenced by his father’s early religious devotion, and his reign was characterized by faithfulness, winning the favor of God. However, he seems to have made a full alliance with Ahab of Israel, which resulted in the marriage of his son Jehoram to Ahab’s daughter Athaliah. This alliance involved Jehoshaphat in almost ruinous joint ventures with Ahab, and later with two of his sons when they became kings of Israel. It also opened the door for the introduction of Baal worship into Judah when Jehoram came to the throne in the southern kingdom. For his sin Jehoram (853–841 <span>BC<\/span>) suffered internal revolt, invasion, and death from a horrible disease.<\/p>\n<p>After his death, his last remaining son, Ahaziah, ruled less than a year, following the wicked ways of his father. When Ahaziah died in battle, the queen mother, Athaliah, decided to seize the throne for herself and to secure her power by killing off all those in line to the throne. But she missed Ahaziah’s infant son Joash, who was kept hidden in the temple for six years.<\/p>\n<p>When Joash was seven, Jehoiada the high priest arranged his coronation and also the execution of the murderous and idolatrous Athaliah. During his early years when Joash was influenced by good counsel, he did well. But after the middle of his reign (835–796 <span>BC<\/span>), he began to listen to the princes who wanted to restore idolatry, and conditions deteriorated. Military reversals brought on economic decline and ultimately the king’s assassination.<\/p>\n<p>His son Amaziah (796–767 <span>BC<\/span>) started well with victory over Edom and faithfulness to God. But he, too, fell into idolatry and was totally defeated by the northern kingdom, being held prisoner there. At that point his son Uzziah took over (c. 792 <span>BC<\/span>) and began a long and generally successful reign. During the several decades that followed, Assyria was in decline, and Uzziah and his contemporary in the north, Jeroboam II, were able to expand Hebrew holdings so that between them they controlled most of the territory Solomon had ruled.<\/p>\n<p>Uzziah (792–740 <span>BC<\/span>) was able to restore the power of Judah rather quickly after his father’s defeat by Israel. Then he subjugated the Philistines in the southwest and the Ammonites across the Jordan; he strengthened his hold on the Edomites. All during his reign economic conditions improved. But at the height of his power Uzziah foolishly violated the high priest’s prerogatives and offered sacrifice in the temple. For this he was smitten with leprosy; his son Jotham was co-regent during the years 750–740 <span>BC<\/span>, going on to rule alone for about five more years. Meanwhile, Assyrian power became resurgent.<\/p>\n<p>By and large, Jotham merely carried on the policies of Uzziah. But the administration of his son Ahaz (735–715 <span>BC<\/span>) was very much affected by the Assyrian threat. Israel and Syria wanted him to join in war against Assyria, but he refused, being pro-Assyrian in sympathy. When Israel and Syria invaded Judah, King Ahaz sent tribute to Assyria and became her vassal in return for protection. This rash course of action was vainly opposed by Isaiah, who was prophet at court (c. 740–700 <span>BC<\/span>). Contemporaneously, the prophet Micah ministered to the common people of Judah. The pro-Assyrian policy of Ahaz was accompanied by a renewed sympathy for idolatry, and this brought the judgment of God in the form of invasion by Edomites and Philistines and trouble with Assyria. In fact, during this period, Assyria had annexed the northern kingdom (722 <span>BC<\/span>) and removed many of her people into captivity.<\/p>\n<p>The next king of Judah, Hezekiah (715–686 <span>BC<\/span>), was greatly sobered by the fall of Israel because of her sins, and he determined to launch a reform in his realm. He was anti-Assyrian too, but he did not dare to discontinue tribute payments and strike for independence until after Sennacherib came to the throne in Nineveh in 705 <span>BC<\/span>. At first Sennacherib was too preoccupied to attend to Judah, but finally in 701 he invaded. Despite tremendous initial success, he was stopped by a divinely sent plague (Is 36–39). Isaiah stood by the king to reassure and sustain him during this emergency.<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah’s son Manasseh (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>) ruled longer than any other king of Israel or Judah. Unfortunately, he turned his back on his father’s example and caused the people to fall into gross idolatry (2 Kgs 21:9). Carried away captive by the Assyrians late in his reign, he repented of his evil and God restored him to his throne; thereafter, he led some reforms. But the land was too steeped in iniquity to be rescued. His son Amon (642–640 <span>BC<\/span>) reverted to the idolatry he knew in his youth.<\/p>\n<p>The situation was different with Josiah (640–609 <span>BC<\/span>), however. Throughout his reign he dedicated himself to reform. He sought to root out idolatry and to restore the temple and its worship. In 622 <span>BC<\/span> the Book of the Law was found during repair of the temple, and its demands—which had been forgotten—made a great impression on king and people alike. It is certain that Jeremiah and Zephaniah ministered during Josiah’s reign, as did Nahum and Habakkuk (in all probability).<\/p>\n<p>International conditions were now changing rapidly. Assyria was declining, and Nineveh fell to Babylon and the Medes in 612 <span>BC<\/span>. Three years later Pharaoh Neco of Egypt marched north to aid his Assyrian ally. When Josiah tried to stop him, he was killed in battle.<\/p>\n<p>From this point everything was downhill for Judah. None of the rest of the kings was devout, and political power and economic health rapidly declined. The people put one of Josiah’s sons, Jehoahaz, on the throne. He lasted three months. Pharaoh Neco replaced him with Jehoiakim (609–598 <span>BC<\/span>), another son of Josiah. In 605 Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon defeated Neco, invaded Judah, and took tribute and hostages from Jehoiakim, including Daniel and his friends (Dn 1:1). Jehoiakim revolted in 600 <span>BC<\/span>, but Nebuchadnezzar did not come to deal with him personally until 597 <span>BC<\/span>. He died before the Babylonians arrived, and his son Jehoiachin came to the throne in 598 <span>BC<\/span> to rule for only three months before the Babylonians carried him away into exile. Ezekiel was among the many captives taken on that occasion.<\/p>\n<p>The Babylonians then put Zedekiah, youngest son of Josiah, on the throne in 597 <span>BC<\/span>. When he rebelled, Nebuchadnezzar laid siege to Jerusalem and took the city (587 <span>BC<\/span>), destroying it and the temple and carrying off large numbers of people. The judgment of God had finally fallen on the Jews for their idolatrous ways.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheRestoration\">The Restoration<\/p>\n<p>In judgment God remembered mercy. This is evident in individual lives, when faithful ones like Daniel, Esther, or Nehemiah rose to a position of importance in political life, or as numerous other persons became prosperous in the foreign environment. It is evident on the community level as God moved to protect Hebrew enclaves scattered abroad and to restore an organized society in Palestine.<\/p>\n<p>Among the exiles, Judaism as a way of life separated from its own political system or cultic center and began to emerge. Jews finally turned their backs on idolatry. And without a temple, priesthood, king, or land, they turned to the divine Scriptures as their rallying point and the foundation of their community. During this period they developed the synagogue as a place for fellowship, prayer, and study.<\/p>\n<p>God’s restoration of an organized community to Palestine involved particularly the fortunes of his “anointed” Cyrus (Is 44:28; 45:1). Cyrus was a Persian prince who in 559 <span>BC<\/span> revolted against the dominant dynasty controlling the Median Empire. After consolidating his hold on the throne, he proceeded to conquer Asia Minor and the Chaldean or Neo-Babylonian Empire. As a humane man and a wise administrator, he permitted the captive peoples to return to their homes and rebuild their communities. Cyrus’s decree to the Jews appears in Ezra 1 and dates probably to 538 <span>BC<\/span>. A total of almost 50,000 went back to Judah as a result of this edict (Ezr 2:64-65).<\/p>\n<p>Under the stresses and strains of reestablishment, the people built their houses but got no further than laying the foundation of a new temple. Finally, the prophets Haggai and Zechariah stirred the people to build the house of God (Ezr 5:1). They began in the second year of Darius I, the Great (520 <span>BC<\/span>; Hg 1:1; Zec 1:1), and completed the work in his sixth year (515 <span>BC<\/span>; Ezr 6:15).<\/p>\n<p>During the reign of Darius’s son Xerxes (486–465 <span>BC<\/span>), a plot was hatched to exterminate all the Jews in the Persian Empire, which at that time controlled the lands where Jews lived. Fortunately, Xerxes (Ahasuerus in the book of Esther), in his third year (483 <span>BC<\/span>; Est 1:3), went searching for a new queen and chose Esther, who managed to preserve her people.<\/p>\n<p>Xerxes’ son Artaxerxes I (465–424 <span>BC<\/span>) also figured significantly in Jewish history. In his seventh year (458 <span>BC<\/span>; Ezr 7:7), under the leadership of Ezra, a second contingent of Jews returned to Jerusalem. And in Artaxerxes’ 20th year (445 <span>BC<\/span>; Neh 2:1), Nehemiah went to Jerusalem to supervise the rebuilding of the walls of the city. Malachi probably wrote his prophecy to the Jews in Jerusalem during the latter part of Artaxerxes’ reign.<\/p>\n<p>After the fall of Samaria and the captivity of Judah, the Hebrews remaining in the land intermarried with various pagan groups in the area. Their offspring became the Samaritans, a religious and racial admixture. These people had moved into the vacuum left by the destruction of Judah, and naturally they looked with disfavor on an intrusion of Babylonian Jews into an area they had come to call their own. They did all they could to frustrate the efforts of Nehemiah to rebuild the walls. It took all the courage, tact, energy, and persuasiveness Ezra and Nehemiah could muster to prevent the returning Jews from intermarrying with racially mixed people of the land. Such intermarriage would have meant the ultimate absorption and destruction of the Jewish people.<\/p>\n<p>A Samaritan temple was later built on Mt Gerizim (probably during the fifth century <span>BC<\/span>), and it became the center of the Samaritan worship. The hostility between Samaritans and Jews continued on into the NT period (Jn 4) and exists to the present.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheIntertestamentalPeriod\">The Intertestamental Period<\/p>\n<p>Alexander the Great conquered the Persian Empire with lightning speed. When the people of Jerusalem threw open their gates in 332 <span>BC<\/span> and capitulated without a fight, Alexander treated them well. After his death in 323 <span>BC<\/span>, Palestine passed back and forth among his successors until Ptolemy I of Egypt managed to establish control in 301 <span>BC<\/span>. Thereafter the area remained in Egyptian hands until 198 <span>BC<\/span>. The Ptolemies were tolerant and granted the Jews considerable autonomy, allowing them to develop their unique culture undisturbed as long as they paid their taxes and remained submissive. Many Jews settled in Alexandria and gradually forgot their Hebrew in the Hellenistic environment. As a result, a translation of the OT into Greek (the Septuagint) was produced there. While the Ptolemies did not force Hellenism on the Jews of either Alexandria or Palestine, many were influenced by Hellenistic ideas.<\/p>\n<p>When Ptolemy V came to the throne as a minor in 203 <span>BC<\/span>, Antiochus III of Syria took advantage of the weakened Egypt and conquered Palestine (198 <span>BC<\/span>). Apparently the Jews hoped to gain something from the change and welcomed the Syrians. But their hope was ill-founded. Antiochus III suffered disastrous defeat at the hands of Rome at Magnesia in 190 <span>BC<\/span>. Syria not only lost much territory but also was forced to pay a huge indemnity. Thereafter, the Jews suffered under great financial burdens, along with other peoples of the empire. The next Syrian king, Antiochus IV Epiphanes (175–164 <span>BC<\/span>), decided to launch an effort to achieve greater internal strength and unity within the empire by forcing, among other things, a greater acceptance of Greek culture and the cult of the divine ruler. Naturally this idolatrous requirement weighed heavily on the monotheistic Jews and incited revolution.<\/p>\n<p>But this does not completely explain the Maccabean revolt against Syria. In 168 <span>BC<\/span> armed conflict broke out between Jewish factions in Jerusalem. Antiochus IV chose to interpret this as open rebellion and sent an army against the city. His forces demolished part of the city wall and many houses. After this Antiochus decided to suppress Judaism completely, and he dedicated the temple to Zeus and sacrificed swine on the altar. Circumcision, Sabbath observance, and other religious festivals were no longer permitted, and public worship of heathen gods became compulsory.<\/p>\n<p>Some Jews capitulated to Antiochus’s orders or only resisted passively, but a few decided to resist openly. Chief among them were Mattathias and his five sons. After the early death of Mattathias, his son Judas Maccabeus led his forces to victory over the Syrians, regaining the right to restore Jewish worship. The rededication of the temple on December 25, 164 <span>BC<\/span>, inaugurated the Festival of Hanukkah (1 Macc 4:36-59). Subsequently, Jonathan and Simon (other sons of Mattathias) continued the struggle until independence was gained in 142 <span>BC<\/span>; this was possible in large part because they saw how to take advantage of the increasing weakness of Syrian rulers and the competition for the royal office.<\/p>\n<p>Simon ruled the Jewish state until his assassination in 134 <span>BC<\/span>, when his son John Hyrcanus (134–104 <span>BC<\/span>) took over. John Hyrcanus fought successfully in the east, north, and south, gaining land in Transjordan, capturing Shechem and the Samaritan temple on Mt Gerizim, and subjugating the Idumeans in the south, forcing them to adopt Judaism. His son Aristobulus ruled for only about a year (104–103 <span>BC<\/span>), but he added a portion of Galilee to the kingdom. When he died, his widow married his brother Alexander Janneus (103–76 <span>BC<\/span>). Janneus carried on almost incessant military action during his reign, and by the time of his death had almost recovered the kingdom of Solomon.<\/p>\n<p>When Janneus died, Alexandra, widow of two kings, took the throne (76–67 <span>BC<\/span>) and her eldest son, Hyrcanus II, became high priest. Her reign was peaceful and prosperous, but when she died, her sons fell to squabbling. Their appeals to Pompey, who was campaigning in the eastern Mediterranean area, were responsible for Roman interference in the region and conquest of Palestine in 63 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheRomanPeriod\">The Roman Period<\/p>\n<p>After the Romans took over Palestine, Hyrcanus II was confirmed as high priest and was also appointed as ethnarch or political ruler (63–40 <span>BC<\/span>). But Antipater, father of Herod the Great, was the real power behind the throne, and during many of those years Hyrcanus was virtually unable to function because of the confusion of the Roman civil wars. Antipater was loyal to Rome and saw that Roman policies were carried out; he won Julius Caesar’s favor toward Jews of both Palestine and in the Dispersion.<\/p>\n<p>With the support of Mark Antony, Herod managed to get himself appointed king of Judea by the Roman senate in 40 <span>BC<\/span>. But a Parthian invasion of Syria and Jewish hatred for the Romans made it possible for Antigonus II, last king of the Maccabean family, to rule for three years (40–37 <span>BC<\/span>). Finally, Herod ascended his throne in 37 and ruled until 4 <span>BC<\/span>. As an allied king, Herod proved to be an excellent ruler from the Roman point of view and earned the title of “Great.” He brought some order to regions east of the Jordan and made possible organization of the Roman province of Arabia. He also furthered the cultural plans of Augustus for development of a Greco-Roman civilization throughout the whole empire.<\/p>\n<p>Herod admired Greek culture and contributed to building projects in Rhodes, Antioch, Damascus, Athens, and elsewhere outside Palestine. Within Palestine he rebuilt Samaria and named it Sebaste in honor of Augustus (<span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">Sebastos<\/span> is Greek for “Augustus”) and also constructed the great port of Caesarea. Probably about as large as Manhattan Island, it became the capital of Roman Palestine. Among his many other building projects, remodeling the temple in Jerusalem was the most famous. Begun in 20 <span>BC<\/span>, it was not completed until just a few years before its destruction in <span>AD<\/span> 70.<\/p>\n<p>The material splendor of Herod’s reign did not win the affection or support of the Jews, however. Nor did he achieve peace and harmony in his family, among whom there were periodic eruptions of treason, unfaithfulness, and murder. He worried about any threat to his rule and cracked down hard to destroy such threats, as is evident from his slaughter of the infants in Bethlehem after the birth of Christ.<\/p>\n<p>Ultimately, Herod controlled Idumea, Judea, Samaria, Galilee, Perea, and the area northeast of the Sea of Galilee. By his last will, his son Archelaus was to rule Idumea, Judea, and Samaria; Antipas, Galilee and Perea; and Philip, the region northeast of the Sea of Galilee. Archelaus was deposed in <span>AD<\/span> 6, and his territory became a Roman province (<span>AD<\/span> 6–41) to be ruled by direct appointees of Rome. The best-known of these was Pontius Pilate (<span>AD<\/span> 26–36), who ordered the crucifixion of Jesus. Antipas was more successful and built a new capital at Tiberias, but he ran afoul of the emperor’s good pleasure in <span>AD<\/span> 39 and was deposed. Philip was the most effective of the three and ruled until his death in <span>AD<\/span> 34. Philip’s lands were later given to Herod Agrippa I in <span>AD<\/span> 37; the holdings of Antipas were then added in <span>AD<\/span> 39; and in 41 Agrippa also received Samaria, Judea, and Idumea.<\/p>\n<p>Herod Agrippa I (<span>AD<\/span> 37–44) was the heir of the Maccabees (through his grandmother Mariamne, first wife of Herod the Great), and for this reason had the support of patriotic Jews and of the Pharisees for his observance of divine ordinances. But when he built a new north wall for Jerusalem and dabbled in foreign affairs, he aroused the suspicions of the Romans; when he died in <span>AD<\/span> 44, they turned the kingdom into a Roman province.<\/p>\n<p>As is clear from the Gospels, several sects had arisen in Palestine by Roman times and were active during the first century. The Zealots opposed Roman rule and advocated armed rebellion. Herodians supported the Herodian family and Roman power. The Pharisees were fanatically devoted to the law and were supernaturalists in theological orientation. They were somewhat content to support Rome if given religious freedom, and they dominated the synagogues of the land. The Sadducees were antisupernaturalists, tended to collaborate with the ruling regime, and were dominant in the temple. Generally speaking, the literature of the intertestamental period and the popular mentality of the time tended to view the Messiah as a political deliverer who would free his people from foreign domination and set up a new independent kingdom.<\/p>\n<p>Roman prefects ruled Palestine from <span>AD<\/span> 44–66. They had a knack for offending the religious scruples of the Jews and alienating them in other ways. With Felix (<span>AD<\/span> 52–60) there began a constant tension between Jews and Romans that led to the first Jewish revolt (<span>AD<\/span> 66–70). While Paul was imprisoned in Caesarea (Acts 23:23–24:27) about <span>AD<\/span> 58–60, riots broke out there between Jews and Gentiles. Festus (<span>AD<\/span> 60–62; Acts 25) was an able administrator, but the situation was almost out of hand. After he died in office, there was virtual anarchy until his successor, Albinus, arrived (<span>AD<\/span> 62–64). Totally incompetent and dishonest, Albinus was recalled in 64 and replaced by Florus (<span>AD<\/span> 64–66). Florus was even worse, resorting to open robbery and bribery until there was no safety or justice in the land. Finally, the Jews could take no more.<\/p>\n<p>The spark that ignited the fires of rebellion was an anti-Semitic act by the Hellenistic population of Caesarea in <span>AD<\/span> 66. Soon riots spread to numerous cities, and Roman garrisons were massacred in several places. But the Jews were not united, and in Jerusalem armed bands of Jews fought with each other for mastery. Vespasian was chosen to command the Roman army of some 60,000 to deal with the insurrection. He had subjugated most of Palestine by the time he was elevated to the imperial chair in <span>AD<\/span> 69 (after the death of Nero), and he left his son Titus in charge of completing the operations. In August of <span>AD<\/span> 70 the walls of Jerusalem were breached, many of the people butchered, and the city and the temple leveled. Masada held out until <span>AD<\/span> 73. Palestine had been flattened by Roman might. Loss of life and property had been incalculable and indescribable.<\/p>\n<p>On two more occasions the Jews were destined to fight disastrously against the Romans. Under Trajan’s rule a rebellion of Jews broke out in Cyrenaica in <span>AD<\/span> 115 and spread rapidly to Cyprus, Egypt, Palestine, and Mesopotamia. In the beginning it was an outgrowth of agitation between the Jews and their Hellenistic neighbors, but it developed into a challenge to Roman authority. This was particularly true after the successes of Parthia on Rome’s eastern frontier when there seemed to be some hope of success in throwing off the Roman yoke. Wherever Jews got the upper hand, they perpetrated massacres, and the non-Semitic population retaliated in kind. Trajan ruthlessly suppressed the rebels and restored order everywhere except Egypt; his successor, Hadrian, was left to accomplish that.<\/p>\n<p>But Hadrian faced a new rebellion of his own, brought on by his law forbidding circumcision (which he considered to be inhumane) and his decision in <span>AD<\/span> 130 to rebuild Jerusalem as Aelia Capitolina and erect a temple to Jupiter on the site of the temple of Yahweh. The latter would not only profane the temple site but also would preclude any rebuilding of the Jewish temple.<\/p>\n<p>Leader of this second Jewish revolt was Simeon, prince of Israel, called Bar-Kochba (“Son of the Star”). Both sides fought with such great ferocity for over three years (<span>AD<\/span> 132–135) that the population of Judea was almost exterminated. Jerusalem was rebuilt as a Roman colony, and Jews were forbidden to enter on pain of death. Even as late as the fourth century they were permitted to enter only once a year, on the anniversary of the destruction of the temple by Nebuchadnezzar. After the Bar-Kochba revolt, Judaism retreated increasingly within the citadel of the written and oral law, thus separating itself from the Gentiles.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Abraham; Chronology of the Bible (Old Testament); Conquest and Allotment of the Land; David; Diaspora of the Jews; Exodus, The; First Jewish Revolt; Jew; Judaism; Moses; Patriarchs, Period of the; Saul #2; Solomon; Postexilic Period; Wilderness Wanderings.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>ISRAEL, History of<\/h3>\n<p>An account of God’s sovereign purpose in calling a people out of paganism and establishing them as witnesses for the true faith among the nations, of God’s sovereign power in protecting them from extinction, of his sovereign justice in dealing with their departure from his ways of holiness, of God’s sovereign grace in forgiving their sins and restoring them to fellowship with himself by providing through them a Savior for the entire world.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Patriarchal Age<\/p>\n<p>• Sojourn in Egypt<\/p>\n<p>• The Exodus<\/p>\n<p>• Wilderness Wanderings<\/p>\n<p>• The Conquest<\/p>\n<p>• The Judges<\/p>\n<p>• The United Monarchy<\/p>\n<p>• The Divided Kingdom<\/p>\n<p>• The Restoration<\/p>\n<p>• The Intertestamental Period<\/p>\n<p>• The Roman Period<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PatriarchalAge\">Patriarchal Age<\/p>\n<p>The story of Israel begins with Abraham, whom God called first at Ur, and perhaps later at Haran (Acts 7:2-4), to leave Mesopotamia and go into a land to which God would direct the way. In calling Abraham, God made with him a covenant (Gn 12:1-3) that promised him a land, special divine favor (“I will bless those who bless you, and the one who curses you I will curse,” <span>nasb<\/span>), and the privilege of being a channel of blessing to the entire world (“In you all the families of the earth shall be blessed,” <span>nasb<\/span>). In Genesis 12:4-8 God confirmed this unconditional covenant, promising Abraham this new land forever, along with innumerable descendants. Subsequently, in Genesis 15:1-21, God again confirmed the covenant but added the significant prediction that the guarantee of holding Canaan in perpetuity did not mean occupation of the land in every generation. God also spelled out the limits of the Promised Land (from the river of Egypt to the Euphrates, some 500 to 600 miles or 804 to 965 kilometers in extent). A final confirmation of the covenant to Abraham appears in Genesis 17:6-8. It guaranteed the land of Canaan to Abraham’s posterity and added that kings (an anticipation of the Davidic dynasty) would arise in his line. The covenant was confirmed to Abraham’s son Isaac (Gn 26:3-5) and his grandson Jacob (ch 28).<\/p>\n<p>This period is known as the patriarchal age in Hebrew history. The patriarchs were Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. They were called patriarchs because they were fathers, not only to their immediate families, but also to the extended family of Hebrews, over which they exercised a fatherly control. They served as political, legal, and spiritual heads of their migratory community, looking after their interests and leading them in worship. Periodically they built altars on which they offered sacrifices. That the patriarchal community was very large can be seen from Genesis 14:14, which says that Abraham had 318 armed men in his camp. If one assumes that most of the men were married and had one or more children each, the total extended family may have numbered in excess of 1,000.<\/p>\n<p>Additional developments in the life of Abraham and Jacob were particularly important for world history. Abraham, frustrated at not having an heir, accepted Sarah’s suggestion to obtain an heir by the slave girl Hagar. (This was also the custom of the land.) The son born was named Ishmael, progenitor of the Arabs. Thus Abraham is revered by Arabs and Muslims as well as by Jews and Christians. He is the father of the Jews through his son Isaac, child of promise. He holds a special place in Christianity as an example of Christ, through whom all Christians obtain their salvation.<\/p>\n<p>Jacob, a scheming scoundrel in his earlier years, wound up in exile in northern Mesopotamia for 20 years in the home of his uncle Laban. There he married Leah and Rachel and fathered the sons who became the progenitors of the 12 tribes of Israel. On his return to Palestine he met God along the banks of the Jabbok River (Gn 32), and God changed his name to Israel (“a prince of God,” <span>kjv<\/span> mg).<\/p>\n<p>The patriarchal period in Canaan lasted for 215 years. One estimate places Abraham’s entry into Canaan at about 2085 <span>BC<\/span>, when he was 75 years of age. Jacob and his sons migrated to Egypt to escape a severe famine in Canaan in about 1870 <span>BC<\/span>. During much of the patriarchal period, Palestine experienced a decline in population and was occupied largely by nomadic or seminomadic tribes. It was relatively easy for the Hebrews to enter such a situation. After 1900 Palestine began to enjoy more settled conditions. Shortly thereafter, the Hebrews made the trek into Egypt.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"SojourninEgypt\">Sojourn in Egypt<\/p>\n<p>If Jacob and his sons entered Egypt about 1870 <span>BC<\/span>, it was the period of the Middle Kingdom. And by that time other migrants from Asia were coming in increasing numbers. The Hebrews settled in Goshen, in the eastern delta region, under the protecting care of Joseph, who held a position at the Egyptian court roughly equivalent to that of prime minister. As more and more Asiatic Hyksos came into Egypt, they began to take over the country—northern Egypt at least. During this same time the Hebrews became increasingly numerous. Some who hold to a different chronology believe the Hebrews were welcomed into Egypt during the days of Hyksos domination (after 1750 <span>BC<\/span>). At any rate, by about 1580 <span>BC<\/span> native Egyptian princes regained control of the country and expelled many of the Asiatics.<\/p>\n<p>In process of time there arose a king over Egypt who “knew not Joseph” (Ex 1:8, <span>kjv<\/span>). Very possibly this meant that a native Egyptian dynasty had arisen in Egypt and they were apprehensive over the fact that the growing numbers and wealth of the Hebrews might jeopardize their own supremacy. But Egyptian measures to subjugate the Hebrews and reduce their birthrate had a reverse effect (Ex 1:12). Finally, the Egyptians ordered the killing of all male Hebrew infants at birth. Among those who disobeyed were the parents of Moses, who set him afloat in a waterproof basket made of reeds. Found by a daughter of Pharaoh, he was brought up in the Egyptian court, was given a first-class education, and became a high official of the realm.<\/p>\n<p>At the age of 40, Moses identified himself with his own people. He killed an Egyptian in defense of a fellow Hebrew, and immediately fled to the land of Midian in the northeastern part of the Sinai Peninsula. He married and lived there for 40 years, becoming thoroughly familiar with the geography and the ways of the wilderness through which he would later lead the Hebrews. The Egyptians continued to oppress the Hebrew people severely until they cried urgently to God for deliverance. In response, God confronted Moses in the famous burning bush experience and called on him to return to Egypt and lead the people back into the land of Canaan (Ex 3–4). He was to have the help of his brother, Aaron.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheExodus\">The Exodus<\/p>\n<p>Understandably the pharaoh of Egypt was reluctant to permit the Hebrews to leave permanently. The value of this great labor force was incalculable. But finally, after suffering a series of ten plagues, lasting perhaps a year, the Egyptians were persuaded to let the Hebrews go (Ex 7–12).<\/p>\n<p>The plagues had a theological as well as a practical purpose. They discredited the gods of Egypt and exalted the most high God of heaven (Ex 12:12). The plagues clearly discredited specific gods of Egypt (e.g., the Nile was worshiped as Hapi, plague one; the frog, worshiped as Heqt, plague two; the bull, worshiped as Ptah, plague five; the sun, worshiped as Amon-Re\/Aton, plague nine). Taken together, they struck a direct blow at the Egyptian pantheon.<\/p>\n<p>Just before the last plague, which was the night in which the death angel invaded the homes of the Egyptians, the Israelites made the Passover sacrifice according to divine instructions. This involved killing a lamb for each household (unless the household was too small; in that event, households could combine). Anyone who was careless about applying the blood to the doorpost or who rejected this divine provision came under the judgment of God. After the death of the firstborn throughout the land, the Egyptians begged the Hebrews to leave. Their company numbered 600,000 men over 20 years of age, plus women and children, for a total of over 2,500,000. In addition they took their flocks and herds and personal belongings.<\/p>\n<p>The date they left Egypt is a matter of continuing debate. Traditionally a date of about 1446 <span>BC<\/span> is given for the exodus (cf. 1 Kgs 6:1, which places the exodus 480 years before construction of the temple started in 966 <span>BC<\/span>) and 1406 <span>BC<\/span> for the Conquest under Joshua, and there do not seem to be any compelling arguments for rejecting that position. But a great many scholars prefer 1275 <span>BC<\/span> for a variety of reasons.<\/p>\n<p>The early date of the exodus would place the later years of the wilderness wanderings and the subsequent conquest of Palestine during the reigns of Amenhotep III and IV (1412–1366), a time when the pharaohs allowed Egyptian control of Palestine to disintegrate. When the Egyptians did reassert their power, about 1300, they restricted their movements largely to the coastal area, and thus did not come in contact with the Hebrews who were living in the hill country of Judea, Samaria, and Galilee.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"WildernessWanderings\">Wilderness Wanderings<\/p>\n<p>The wilderness wanderings were an important interlude in the history of Israel. During those years, significant and basic institutions came into existence at God’s command. At Sinai, Moses delivered to Israel the law, the pattern of the tabernacle (which later became the model for the temple) and orders for its operation, as well as detailed instructions for the priesthood and sacrificial system of worship.<\/p>\n<p>The period of the wanderings was truly a remarkable time. The presence of God was evidenced by a pillar of cloud that hovered over the people by day and a pillar of fire by night. God provided food in the form of manna, periodically provided water by miraculous means, and made sure that clothes did not wear out. In spite of all that, the people murmured and complained continually.<\/p>\n<p>At Sinai, God gave the law (Ex 19:2–24:18), and the people promptly made a commitment to keep it (24:3). Then God gave the pattern for the tabernacle and its furniture (chs 25–27, 30–31, 35–40) and established the priesthood (chs 28–29). While Moses was on the mountain receiving God’s revelation, the people grew restless and clamored for gods they could see. Even Aaron was carried away with the idolatrous wave and supervised the casting of a golden calf and building of an altar before it. The fact that they turned to Egyptian cattle worship so readily indicates that paganism must have made deep inroads among them while in captivity (chs 32–34). Moses’ intercessory response to God’s announcement that he would destroy Israel because of her idolatry led to a divine determination to execute judgment on only the worst offenders (32:9-14).<\/p>\n<p>Subsequently, God revealed the legal and priestly order (Lv 1:1–27:34). Among the divinely appointed institutions described or alluded to in Leviticus are several special days or feasts, including the Sabbath, Passover, Feast of Unleavened Bread, Firstfruits, Pentecost or Feast of Weeks, Feast of Trumpets, Day of Atonement, Feast of Tabernacles, the Year of Sabbath, and the Year of Jubilee.<\/p>\n<p>After camping at Sinai for about a year, the Israelites got their orders to go forward (Nm 10:11-12). Miriam (Moses’ sister) and Aaron criticized Moses’ leadership and suffered divine punishment as a consequence (ch 12). When the people arrived at Kadesh-barnea, the gate to southern Palestine, they were frightened by the report of most of the spies who had been reconnoitering in Canaan and decided that they should not advance into Canaan. They called for a new leader to bring them back to Egypt. God declared that the entire generation would wander in the wilderness until the adults had died. Only Joshua and Caleb (the two spies in favor of invading immediately) would enter the Promised Land (14:26-30). Near the end of the period of wandering, Moses also lost the privilege of entering the land by an act of disobedience.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheConquest\">The Conquest<\/p>\n<p>The latter part of the book of Numbers describes how Moses led the Israelites to victory over the peoples living east of the Jordan River. Reuben, Gad, and the half-tribe of Manasseh requested permission to settle there and reluctantly were allowed to do so on the condition that they would join the rest of the Israelites in conquering Canaan before settling down. Prior to victories in Transjordan, a new census of adult males was taken in order to determine the military capabilities of Israel and to provide a basis for equitable division of the land they were about to enter. The number of males above 20 years of age was 601,730 (Nm 26:51). The book of Deuteronomy consists primarily of a series of speeches delivered by Moses in a covenant renewal ceremony on the plains of Moab just before his death and the appointment of Joshua as leader.<\/p>\n<p>Joshua lost no time in moving forward. Spies sent across the Jordan to Jericho to reconnoiter reported a situation quite different from what the Hebrews had experienced at Kadesh-barnea a generation earlier. Now the people of Canaan were terrified because they had heard of the numerical strength and victories of the Hebrews. Apparently the day after the spies returned, Joshua moved the people to the edge of the Jordan and prepared to cross over. The waters parted for them here as the Red Sea had parted earlier.<\/p>\n<p>The narrative of conquest that appears in the book of Joshua is not a detailed battle account. It describes a thrust into the middle of Palestine around Jericho and Ai, a southerly drive to defeat the Amorite league, and a northern campaign against Hazor and other towns. The history of Joshua is extremely telescoped, for Joshua’s major military action must have required about six years. Joshua’s friend Caleb was 79 when the Conquest began and 85 after the last great battle with Jabin, king of Hazor (Jos 14:7-10).<\/p>\n<p>When the war was over, major strongholds (e.g., Jerusalem) still remained in enemy hands, but the land west of the Jordan was allocated to the nine and a half Hebrew tribes. The task of reducing enemy towns was left to the individual tribes in whose land they were located. The Joshua account was not so much a narrative of Israelite battle prowess as of God’s faithfulness and intervention on behalf of his people. For example, at Jericho they did not attack but merely followed divine orders and watched the defenses collapse; at Gibeon hailstones killed more Amorites than Israelite soldiers did (Jos 10:7-11).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheJudges\">The Judges<\/p>\n<p>Joshua died some 30 years after he had led the Hebrews into Canaan, and he was followed by a series of divinely appointed leaders who ruled sometimes over the whole of Israel as a loose confederacy and sometimes over one or more tribes. They were judges, civil functionaries, and military leaders all at the same time.<\/p>\n<p>The book of Judges pictures a series of recurring cycles: apostasy from God, punishment in the form of oppression by neighboring tribes, cries to God for relief, release from bondage under the leadership of a judge, and a period of rest from oppression.<\/p>\n<p>Establishment of the chronology of the judges is one of the thorniest problems of Scripture. Adding up all years of oppression and rest mentioned in the book gives a total of 410. The book of Acts gives a total of 450 years from the days of Joshua to Samuel (Acts 13:19). The difference in Acts may be accounted for by the addition of 40 years of Eli’s ministry (1 Sm 4:18). Allowing 410 years for the period of the judges, about 30 for the Conquest to the judges, and 40 for the wilderness wanderings, means 480 years from 1050 <span>BC<\/span>, the date for Saul’s kingship, and would give a date of about 1530 for the exodus. This is about 100 years more than even the early date for the exodus. The most probable explanation is that there is some overlap in oppressions and judgeships. For instance, the activities of Jephthah were centered on the eastern frontier, those of Samson in the Philistine plain to the southwest, and those of Deborah and Barak in the north.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheUnitedMonarchy\">The United Monarchy<\/p>\n<p>Because of the weakness of Israel resulting from political disunity and the ineptness and corruption of both Eli’s and Samuel’s sons, the people of Israel called for a king to rule over them. This demand was in reality a rejection of the divine plan of theocracy—the rule of God. God granted the Hebrews’ wish but warned them of the disadvantages of monarchy (1 Sm 8:9-21). The concept of kingship was not new to Israel. It had been hinted at in Genesis 49:10 and Numbers 24:17, and Moses had made some very clear statements about it in Deuteronomy 17:14-20.<\/p>\n<p>The first stage of Hebrew monarchy is commonly called the united monarchy because all Israel was ruled by a single king. This period lasted for 120 years—encompassing the 40-year reigns of Saul (Acts 13:21), David (2 Sm 5:5), and Solomon (1 Kgs 11:42).<\/p>\n<p>The people asked for a king, and God granted them one, but not one like those of the surrounding nations. The Hebrew king was to be a man who followed God’s dictates in his public and private life, who did not intrude into the affairs of the priesthood, and who did not fall into idolatry, but exerted all his influence to keep the people faithful to God. If he failed in any of these respects, he ran the risk of being deposed by God, of having his line brought to an end, or even of having the people fall into captivity to a foreign power. All this must be kept in mind when evaluating the reigns of Saul, David, Solomon, and the kings of the divided monarchy.<\/p>\n<p>Saul began well. He won a great victory over the Ammonites at Jabesh-gilead and showed considerable wisdom in administrative matters. But after about two years he intruded into the priest’s office to offer sacrifice, bringing the divine prediction that his kingdom would be taken from him (1 Sm 13:8-14). He would go on to enjoy great military victory and ability as a ruler until about the middle of his reign.<\/p>\n<p>After Saul’s disobedience to God’s command to totally destroy the Amalekites, the Lord repudiated Saul and instructed Samuel to anoint David privately as future king of Israel. David’s rise to prominence was spurred by his victory over Goliath and the accompanying defeat of the Philistines. Saul later made David commander of the army, and the young man soon earned a reputation greater than that of the king himself. Saul, who had become increasingly mentally disturbed after his relationship with God was broken, began to make attempts on David’s life, and for the last years of Saul’s reign David lived as a fugitive. Meanwhile, the Philistines got completely out of control and finally killed Saul and most of his sons in the great battle of Mt Gilboa, which gave the Philistines control over much of Palestine west of the Jordan (1 Sm 31:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>Soon David became king in Judah with his capital in Hebron. A son of Saul, Ishbosheth, established himself at Mahanaim, east of the Jordan. For seven years the two tiny kingdoms existed side by side (2 Sm 2:2-11). But after the Israelite king and his army commander were assassinated, David became ruler of a united Hebrew kingdom.<\/p>\n<p>Not long after the beginning of his reign (1010–970 <span>BC<\/span>) David completely defeated and subjugated the Philistines. Soon thereafter he captured Jerusalem, making it the capital of the united kingdom. During succeeding years, David built up an empire (2 Sm 8:10; 1 Chr 18–19), conquering Moab, Edom, Damascus, Zobah, and Ammon, so he controlled territory from the Gulf of Aqaba (a branch of the Red Sea) and the Sinai in the south almost to the Euphrates in the north. Moreover, he established good relations, if not an alliance, with Tyre. The establishment of David’s empire was possible because of a power vacuum in the Middle East. The Egyptians, Mycenaeans, Hittites, and Assyrians were either decadent or removed from the stage of history. The Phoenicians, a peaceful commercial people, were also free to expand their trade, and they were happy to sell cedar to David for his palace and the temple.<\/p>\n<p>Without doubt, David was Israel’s greatest king. Jerusalem came to be known as the city of David. When the king wanted to build the temple as God’s house, God replied that his son should do it instead. But God would in a very real sense build David’s house; he made a covenant with David, promising him that his house (dynasty, kingdom, throne) would be established forever (2 Sm 7). Christ, the infinite One who came from the line of David, alone was capable of fulfilling this divine promise (see Lk 1:31-33; Acts 2:29-36; 13:32-39; 15:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Like other Oriental monarchs, David fell into the practice of keeping a harem. Scripture names 8 wives and 21 children and refers to other wives and concubines. Such a situation opened the door to family rivalries and questions about succession to the throne. Two sons, Absalom and Adonijah, made a try for the throne, but both efforts were squelched. Solomon, son of David’s favorite wife, Bathsheba, became the next king.<\/p>\n<p>Solomon (970–930 <span>BC<\/span>) was a man of peace and a builder of palaces, cities, fortifications, and the temple. He fortified cities all over his realm and outfitted cities for his chariot corps and cavalry units. With the help of the Phoenicians, he built a seaport and kept a fleet at Ezion-geber, near modern Eilat on the Gulf of Aqaba. He greatly enlarged Jerusalem by enclosing the temple area to the north of David’s city and the southwestern hill now known as Zion. His best-known project was the temple, which took seven years to build. Twice the size of the tabernacle, it was built on the same basic plan; it measured 90 feet (27.4 meters) long and 30 feet (9.1 meters) wide and had magnificent appointments. But he also constructed a palace complex that took 13 years to complete. This included an armory, a throne room, the king’s private residence, and a house for the daughter of pharaoh.<\/p>\n<p>Apparently much influenced by the spiritual testimony of David and desiring God’s blessing on his rule, Solomon made a great sacrifice to God at Gibeon near the beginning of his reign. God met him there and offered to grant whatever he might request. Solomon asked for understanding and wisdom to govern God’s people (1 Kgs 3:9). His God-given wisdom is apparent in many administrative decisions and official policies and building plans.<\/p>\n<p>Unfortunately, Solomon did not show such wisdom in maintaining a harem of 700 wives and 300 concubines or in excessive expenditures that left the state in serious financial straits. He even erected places of worship for his foreign wives, thus subsidizing their idolatries and incurring the wrath of God. In fact, foreign wives and their idolatry proved to be his downfall; before Solomon died, God informed him that for this reason he would divide the kingdom at his death and give most of it to someone other than Solomon’s son. But for David’s sake, God would keep Judah and Jerusalem in the hands of the Davidic line (1 Kgs 11:9-13).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheDividedKingdom\">The Divided Kingdom<\/p>\n<p>After the death of Solomon, the Near East was destined to become a very different place. Israel was no longer in a power vacuum. The Assyrian Empire rose in Mesopotamia, to be followed by the Neo-Babylonian and the Medo-Persian Empires in turn. Egypt was temporarily powerful in the south, but it would later come under control of Assyria and Medo-Persia. These empires exerted great pressure on Israel and dominated one or both of the two Hebrew kingdoms.<\/p>\n\n<p>When Solomon died, his son Rehoboam took the throne and was forced to deal with a rising tide of resentment over the high taxes and economic stagnation of Solomon’s last years. When Rehoboam refused to give relief, all the northern tribes broke away and formed the northern kingdom, Israel, under the leadership of Jeroboam. The southern kingdom, Judah, was left with only the territory of Judah and Benjamin. A total of 20 kings ruled in each of the separate kingdoms. While the north had several dynasties and the reigns of kings were generally short, in the south the dynasty of David continued to rule and the reigns were longer.<\/p>\n<h5>The Northern Kingdom<\/h5>\n<p>The northern kingdom lasted from the division in 930 <span>BC<\/span> until its conquest by Assyria in 722. Jeroboam, fearing that he would lose the loyalty of the people if they continued to go to Jerusalem to worship, set up a new religion of his own. Instituting calf worship, he built shrines at Dan in the north and Bethel in the south. This idolatry drew the condemnation of God and fulfilled the prediction that Jeroboam’s line would be wiped out. All his successors are said to have followed in his idolatrous steps. Israel found itself at war during much of its history—with Judah, Syria, or Assyria. Jeroboam established his capital first at Shechem and later at Tirzah.<\/p>\n<p>Four other kings of the north require special comment: Omri, Ahab, Jehu, and Jeroboam II. Omri (885–874 <span>BC<\/span>) must have been an impressive ruler. Generations later, Assyrians still spoke of Israel as the land of Omri. After he had established himself on the throne, he located the permanent capital of the kingdom at Samaria and began the palace complex there. Early in his reign he was successful in conquering Moab, and later he reestablished the good relations with Tyre that existed in the days of David and Solomon. Apparently he established a full alliance and cemented it with the marriage of his son Ahab to Jezebel, a princess of Tyre.<\/p>\n<p>Ahab (874–853 <span>BC<\/span>) was one of the most significant of Israel’s kings. He and his wife, Jezebel, promoted the vile idolatry of Baal worship with its religious prostitution, arousing the powerful opposition of the prophet Elijah. Ahab was a formidable military man, defeating the Syrians in major campaigns and participating in a coalition that fought the Assyrians to a virtual standstill. He also built extensively at Samaria, Hazor, Megiddo, and other towns, as excavations show.<\/p>\n<p>Jehu (841–814 <span>BC<\/span>) was God’s agent for punishing the house of Omri and destroying Baal worship in Israel. He did eradicate Baal worship and liquidated literally scores of relatives and court officials of Ahab. But he was so ruthless that he killed off the people who knew how to run the government; subsequently, it did not work well. Jehu also was forced to become a vassal to Assyria.<\/p>\n<p>Jeroboam II ruled during most of the first half of the eighth century (793–753 <span>BC<\/span>) and brought the kingdom to its greatest extent and prosperity. He, with his contemporary Uzziah in the south, ruled most of the land David had once controlled. This was possible because the Assyrians were in a period of decline during most of the first half of the century.<\/p>\n<p>Prophets who were active during the history of the northern kingdom include the nonwriting prophets Elijah and Elisha and the writing prophets Jonah, Amos, and Hosea.<\/p>\n<h5>The Southern Kingdom<\/h5>\n<p>The history of the southern kingdom of Judah was quite different from that of the northern kingdom. The temple was there and so were large numbers of Levites, many of whom came south after the division of the kingdom to protest the idolatry of the north. In addition to this spiritual strength, there was greater political stability and unity, promoted by the fact that only two tribes—Judah and Benjamin—shared power, and all the kings were of the Davidic dynasty. Moreover, eight of the kings were good monarchs. There were also periodic religious revivals. God granted the southern kingdom about 100 more years of existence than the north. But Judah, too, fell into idolatry and went into captivity for her sins.<\/p>\n<p>Rehoboam, the first king in the south, is especially remembered because he refused to listen to wise counsel about fiscal matters and perpetrated the division of the kingdom. He is also remembered for his religious policies. After a good beginning, he allowed apostasy to get out of control and brought the judgment of God in the form of an invasion in his fifth year (926 <span>BC<\/span>) by Shishak I of Egypt, resulting in extensive plunder and payment of tribute. Thereafter, he launched an extensive program to fortify the realm. Shishak’s invasion did have the effect of producing a partial and temporary spiritual reform, but the general trend of Rehoboam’s reign was downward.<\/p>\n<p>Conditions during the reign of his son, Abijam, were worse, but Asa (910–869 <span>BC<\/span>) initiated a religious reform that was effective for most of his reign. When threatened by the northern kingdom during his latter years, however, Asa turned to Syria for help instead of to God, and he seems to have defied the prophets of God to his dying day.<\/p>\n<p>Asa’s son Jehoshaphat (872–848 <span>BC<\/span>) was apparently influenced by his father’s early religious devotion, and his reign was characterized by faithfulness, winning the favor of God. However, he seems to have made a full alliance with Ahab of Israel, which resulted in the marriage of his son Jehoram to Ahab’s daughter Athaliah. This alliance involved Jehoshaphat in almost ruinous joint ventures with Ahab, and later with two of his sons when they became kings of Israel. It also opened the door for the introduction of Baal worship into Judah when Jehoram came to the throne in the southern kingdom. For his sin Jehoram (853–841 <span>BC<\/span>) suffered internal revolt, invasion, and death from a horrible disease.<\/p>\n<p>After his death, his last remaining son, Ahaziah, ruled less than a year, following the wicked ways of his father. When Ahaziah died in battle, the queen mother, Athaliah, decided to seize the throne for herself and to secure her power by killing off all those in line to the throne. But she missed Ahaziah’s infant son Joash, who was kept hidden in the temple for six years.<\/p>\n<p>When Joash was seven, Jehoiada the high priest arranged his coronation and also the execution of the murderous and idolatrous Athaliah. During his early years when Joash was influenced by good counsel, he did well. But after the middle of his reign (835–796 <span>BC<\/span>), he began to listen to the princes who wanted to restore idolatry, and conditions deteriorated. Military reversals brought on economic decline and ultimately the king’s assassination.<\/p>\n<p>His son Amaziah (796–767 <span>BC<\/span>) started well with victory over Edom and faithfulness to God. But he, too, fell into idolatry and was totally defeated by the northern kingdom, being held prisoner there. At that point his son Uzziah took over (c. 792 <span>BC<\/span>) and began a long and generally successful reign. During the several decades that followed, Assyria was in decline, and Uzziah and his contemporary in the north, Jeroboam II, were able to expand Hebrew holdings so that between them they controlled most of the territory Solomon had ruled.<\/p>\n<p>Uzziah (792–740 <span>BC<\/span>) was able to restore the power of Judah rather quickly after his father’s defeat by Israel. Then he subjugated the Philistines in the southwest and the Ammonites across the Jordan; he strengthened his hold on the Edomites. All during his reign economic conditions improved. But at the height of his power Uzziah foolishly violated the high priest’s prerogatives and offered sacrifice in the temple. For this he was smitten with leprosy; his son Jotham was co-regent during the years 750–740 <span>BC<\/span>, going on to rule alone for about five more years. Meanwhile, Assyrian power became resurgent.<\/p>\n<p>By and large, Jotham merely carried on the policies of Uzziah. But the administration of his son Ahaz (735–715 <span>BC<\/span>) was very much affected by the Assyrian threat. Israel and Syria wanted him to join in war against Assyria, but he refused, being pro-Assyrian in sympathy. When Israel and Syria invaded Judah, King Ahaz sent tribute to Assyria and became her vassal in return for protection. This rash course of action was vainly opposed by Isaiah, who was prophet at court (c. 740–700 <span>BC<\/span>). Contemporaneously, the prophet Micah ministered to the common people of Judah. The pro-Assyrian policy of Ahaz was accompanied by a renewed sympathy for idolatry, and this brought the judgment of God in the form of invasion by Edomites and Philistines and trouble with Assyria. In fact, during this period, Assyria had annexed the northern kingdom (722 <span>BC<\/span>) and removed many of her people into captivity.<\/p>\n<p>The next king of Judah, Hezekiah (715–686 <span>BC<\/span>), was greatly sobered by the fall of Israel because of her sins, and he determined to launch a reform in his realm. He was anti-Assyrian too, but he did not dare to discontinue tribute payments and strike for independence until after Sennacherib came to the throne in Nineveh in 705 <span>BC<\/span>. At first Sennacherib was too preoccupied to attend to Judah, but finally in 701 he invaded. Despite tremendous initial success, he was stopped by a divinely sent plague (Is 36–39). Isaiah stood by the king to reassure and sustain him during this emergency.<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah’s son Manasseh (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>) ruled longer than any other king of Israel or Judah. Unfortunately, he turned his back on his father’s example and caused the people to fall into gross idolatry (2 Kgs 21:9). Carried away captive by the Assyrians late in his reign, he repented of his evil and God restored him to his throne; thereafter, he led some reforms. But the land was too steeped in iniquity to be rescued. His son Amon (642–640 <span>BC<\/span>) reverted to the idolatry he knew in his youth.<\/p>\n<p>The situation was different with Josiah (640–609 <span>BC<\/span>), however. Throughout his reign he dedicated himself to reform. He sought to root out idolatry and to restore the temple and its worship. In 622 <span>BC<\/span> the Book of the Law was found during repair of the temple, and its demands—which had been forgotten—made a great impression on king and people alike. It is certain that Jeremiah and Zephaniah ministered during Josiah’s reign, as did Nahum and Habakkuk (in all probability).<\/p>\n<p>International conditions were now changing rapidly. Assyria was declining, and Nineveh fell to Babylon and the Medes in 612 <span>BC<\/span>. Three years later Pharaoh Neco of Egypt marched north to aid his Assyrian ally. When Josiah tried to stop him, he was killed in battle.<\/p>\n<p>From this point everything was downhill for Judah. None of the rest of the kings was devout, and political power and economic health rapidly declined. The people put one of Josiah’s sons, Jehoahaz, on the throne. He lasted three months. Pharaoh Neco replaced him with Jehoiakim (609–598 <span>BC<\/span>), another son of Josiah. In 605 Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon defeated Neco, invaded Judah, and took tribute and hostages from Jehoiakim, including Daniel and his friends (Dn 1:1). Jehoiakim revolted in 600 <span>BC<\/span>, but Nebuchadnezzar did not come to deal with him personally until 597 <span>BC<\/span>. He died before the Babylonians arrived, and his son Jehoiachin came to the throne in 598 <span>BC<\/span> to rule for only three months before the Babylonians carried him away into exile. Ezekiel was among the many captives taken on that occasion.<\/p>\n<p>The Babylonians then put Zedekiah, youngest son of Josiah, on the throne in 597 <span>BC<\/span>. When he rebelled, Nebuchadnezzar laid siege to Jerusalem and took the city (587 <span>BC<\/span>), destroying it and the temple and carrying off large numbers of people. The judgment of God had finally fallen on the Jews for their idolatrous ways.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheRestoration\">The Restoration<\/p>\n<p>In judgment God remembered mercy. This is evident in individual lives, when faithful ones like Daniel, Esther, or Nehemiah rose to a position of importance in political life, or as numerous other persons became prosperous in the foreign environment. It is evident on the community level as God moved to protect Hebrew enclaves scattered abroad and to restore an organized society in Palestine.<\/p>\n<p>Among the exiles, Judaism as a way of life separated from its own political system or cultic center and began to emerge. Jews finally turned their backs on idolatry. And without a temple, priesthood, king, or land, they turned to the divine Scriptures as their rallying point and the foundation of their community. During this period they developed the synagogue as a place for fellowship, prayer, and study.<\/p>\n<p>God’s restoration of an organized community to Palestine involved particularly the fortunes of his “anointed” Cyrus (Is 44:28; 45:1). Cyrus was a Persian prince who in 559 <span>BC<\/span> revolted against the dominant dynasty controlling the Median Empire. After consolidating his hold on the throne, he proceeded to conquer Asia Minor and the Chaldean or Neo-Babylonian Empire. As a humane man and a wise administrator, he permitted the captive peoples to return to their homes and rebuild their communities. Cyrus’s decree to the Jews appears in Ezra 1 and dates probably to 538 <span>BC<\/span>. A total of almost 50,000 went back to Judah as a result of this edict (Ezr 2:64-65).<\/p>\n<p>Under the stresses and strains of reestablishment, the people built their houses but got no further than laying the foundation of a new temple. Finally, the prophets Haggai and Zechariah stirred the people to build the house of God (Ezr 5:1). They began in the second year of Darius I, the Great (520 <span>BC<\/span>; Hg 1:1; Zec 1:1), and completed the work in his sixth year (515 <span>BC<\/span>; Ezr 6:15).<\/p>\n<p>During the reign of Darius’s son Xerxes (486–465 <span>BC<\/span>), a plot was hatched to exterminate all the Jews in the Persian Empire, which at that time controlled the lands where Jews lived. Fortunately, Xerxes (Ahasuerus in the book of Esther), in his third year (483 <span>BC<\/span>; Est 1:3), went searching for a new queen and chose Esther, who managed to preserve her people.<\/p>\n<p>Xerxes’ son Artaxerxes I (465–424 <span>BC<\/span>) also figured significantly in Jewish history. In his seventh year (458 <span>BC<\/span>; Ezr 7:7), under the leadership of Ezra, a second contingent of Jews returned to Jerusalem. And in Artaxerxes’ 20th year (445 <span>BC<\/span>; Neh 2:1), Nehemiah went to Jerusalem to supervise the rebuilding of the walls of the city. Malachi probably wrote his prophecy to the Jews in Jerusalem during the latter part of Artaxerxes’ reign.<\/p>\n<p>After the fall of Samaria and the captivity of Judah, the Hebrews remaining in the land intermarried with various pagan groups in the area. Their offspring became the Samaritans, a religious and racial admixture. These people had moved into the vacuum left by the destruction of Judah, and naturally they looked with disfavor on an intrusion of Babylonian Jews into an area they had come to call their own. They did all they could to frustrate the efforts of Nehemiah to rebuild the walls. It took all the courage, tact, energy, and persuasiveness Ezra and Nehemiah could muster to prevent the returning Jews from intermarrying with racially mixed people of the land. Such intermarriage would have meant the ultimate absorption and destruction of the Jewish people.<\/p>\n<p>A Samaritan temple was later built on Mt Gerizim (probably during the fifth century <span>BC<\/span>), and it became the center of the Samaritan worship. The hostility between Samaritans and Jews continued on into the NT period (Jn 4) and exists to the present.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheIntertestamentalPeriod\">The Intertestamental Period<\/p>\n<p>Alexander the Great conquered the Persian Empire with lightning speed. When the people of Jerusalem threw open their gates in 332 <span>BC<\/span> and capitulated without a fight, Alexander treated them well. After his death in 323 <span>BC<\/span>, Palestine passed back and forth among his successors until Ptolemy I of Egypt managed to establish control in 301 <span>BC<\/span>. Thereafter the area remained in Egyptian hands until 198 <span>BC<\/span>. The Ptolemies were tolerant and granted the Jews considerable autonomy, allowing them to develop their unique culture undisturbed as long as they paid their taxes and remained submissive. Many Jews settled in Alexandria and gradually forgot their Hebrew in the Hellenistic environment. As a result, a translation of the OT into Greek (the Septuagint) was produced there. While the Ptolemies did not force Hellenism on the Jews of either Alexandria or Palestine, many were influenced by Hellenistic ideas.<\/p>\n<p>When Ptolemy V came to the throne as a minor in 203 <span>BC<\/span>, Antiochus III of Syria took advantage of the weakened Egypt and conquered Palestine (198 <span>BC<\/span>). Apparently the Jews hoped to gain something from the change and welcomed the Syrians. But their hope was ill-founded. Antiochus III suffered disastrous defeat at the hands of Rome at Magnesia in 190 <span>BC<\/span>. Syria not only lost much territory but also was forced to pay a huge indemnity. Thereafter, the Jews suffered under great financial burdens, along with other peoples of the empire. The next Syrian king, Antiochus IV Epiphanes (175–164 <span>BC<\/span>), decided to launch an effort to achieve greater internal strength and unity within the empire by forcing, among other things, a greater acceptance of Greek culture and the cult of the divine ruler. Naturally this idolatrous requirement weighed heavily on the monotheistic Jews and incited revolution.<\/p>\n<p>But this does not completely explain the Maccabean revolt against Syria. In 168 <span>BC<\/span> armed conflict broke out between Jewish factions in Jerusalem. Antiochus IV chose to interpret this as open rebellion and sent an army against the city. His forces demolished part of the city wall and many houses. After this Antiochus decided to suppress Judaism completely, and he dedicated the temple to Zeus and sacrificed swine on the altar. Circumcision, Sabbath observance, and other religious festivals were no longer permitted, and public worship of heathen gods became compulsory.<\/p>\n<p>Some Jews capitulated to Antiochus’s orders or only resisted passively, but a few decided to resist openly. Chief among them were Mattathias and his five sons. After the early death of Mattathias, his son Judas Maccabeus led his forces to victory over the Syrians, regaining the right to restore Jewish worship. The rededication of the temple on December 25, 164 <span>BC<\/span>, inaugurated the Festival of Hanukkah (1 Macc 4:36-59). Subsequently, Jonathan and Simon (other sons of Mattathias) continued the struggle until independence was gained in 142 <span>BC<\/span>; this was possible in large part because they saw how to take advantage of the increasing weakness of Syrian rulers and the competition for the royal office.<\/p>\n<p>Simon ruled the Jewish state until his assassination in 134 <span>BC<\/span>, when his son John Hyrcanus (134–104 <span>BC<\/span>) took over. John Hyrcanus fought successfully in the east, north, and south, gaining land in Transjordan, capturing Shechem and the Samaritan temple on Mt Gerizim, and subjugating the Idumeans in the south, forcing them to adopt Judaism. His son Aristobulus ruled for only about a year (104–103 <span>BC<\/span>), but he added a portion of Galilee to the kingdom. When he died, his widow married his brother Alexander Janneus (103–76 <span>BC<\/span>). Janneus carried on almost incessant military action during his reign, and by the time of his death had almost recovered the kingdom of Solomon.<\/p>\n<p>When Janneus died, Alexandra, widow of two kings, took the throne (76–67 <span>BC<\/span>) and her eldest son, Hyrcanus II, became high priest. Her reign was peaceful and prosperous, but when she died, her sons fell to squabbling. Their appeals to Pompey, who was campaigning in the eastern Mediterranean area, were responsible for Roman interference in the region and conquest of Palestine in 63 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheRomanPeriod\">The Roman Period<\/p>\n<p>After the Romans took over Palestine, Hyrcanus II was confirmed as high priest and was also appointed as ethnarch or political ruler (63–40 <span>BC<\/span>). But Antipater, father of Herod the Great, was the real power behind the throne, and during many of those years Hyrcanus was virtually unable to function because of the confusion of the Roman civil wars. Antipater was loyal to Rome and saw that Roman policies were carried out; he won Julius Caesar’s favor toward Jews of both Palestine and in the Dispersion.<\/p>\n<p>With the support of Mark Antony, Herod managed to get himself appointed king of Judea by the Roman senate in 40 <span>BC<\/span>. But a Parthian invasion of Syria and Jewish hatred for the Romans made it possible for Antigonus II, last king of the Maccabean family, to rule for three years (40–37 <span>BC<\/span>). Finally, Herod ascended his throne in 37 and ruled until 4 <span>BC<\/span>. As an allied king, Herod proved to be an excellent ruler from the Roman point of view and earned the title of “Great.” He brought some order to regions east of the Jordan and made possible organization of the Roman province of Arabia. He also furthered the cultural plans of Augustus for development of a Greco-Roman civilization throughout the whole empire.<\/p>\n<p>Herod admired Greek culture and contributed to building projects in Rhodes, Antioch, Damascus, Athens, and elsewhere outside Palestine. Within Palestine he rebuilt Samaria and named it Sebaste in honor of Augustus (<span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">Sebastos<\/span> is Greek for “Augustus”) and also constructed the great port of Caesarea. Probably about as large as Manhattan Island, it became the capital of Roman Palestine. Among his many other building projects, remodeling the temple in Jerusalem was the most famous. Begun in 20 <span>BC<\/span>, it was not completed until just a few years before its destruction in <span>AD<\/span> 70.<\/p>\n<p>The material splendor of Herod’s reign did not win the affection or support of the Jews, however. Nor did he achieve peace and harmony in his family, among whom there were periodic eruptions of treason, unfaithfulness, and murder. He worried about any threat to his rule and cracked down hard to destroy such threats, as is evident from his slaughter of the infants in Bethlehem after the birth of Christ.<\/p>\n<p>Ultimately, Herod controlled Idumea, Judea, Samaria, Galilee, Perea, and the area northeast of the Sea of Galilee. By his last will, his son Archelaus was to rule Idumea, Judea, and Samaria; Antipas, Galilee and Perea; and Philip, the region northeast of the Sea of Galilee. Archelaus was deposed in <span>AD<\/span> 6, and his territory became a Roman province (<span>AD<\/span> 6–41) to be ruled by direct appointees of Rome. The best-known of these was Pontius Pilate (<span>AD<\/span> 26–36), who ordered the crucifixion of Jesus. Antipas was more successful and built a new capital at Tiberias, but he ran afoul of the emperor’s good pleasure in <span>AD<\/span> 39 and was deposed. Philip was the most effective of the three and ruled until his death in <span>AD<\/span> 34. Philip’s lands were later given to Herod Agrippa I in <span>AD<\/span> 37; the holdings of Antipas were then added in <span>AD<\/span> 39; and in 41 Agrippa also received Samaria, Judea, and Idumea.<\/p>\n<p>Herod Agrippa I (<span>AD<\/span> 37–44) was the heir of the Maccabees (through his grandmother Mariamne, first wife of Herod the Great), and for this reason had the support of patriotic Jews and of the Pharisees for his observance of divine ordinances. But when he built a new north wall for Jerusalem and dabbled in foreign affairs, he aroused the suspicions of the Romans; when he died in <span>AD<\/span> 44, they turned the kingdom into a Roman province.<\/p>\n<p>As is clear from the Gospels, several sects had arisen in Palestine by Roman times and were active during the first century. The Zealots opposed Roman rule and advocated armed rebellion. Herodians supported the Herodian family and Roman power. The Pharisees were fanatically devoted to the law and were supernaturalists in theological orientation. They were somewhat content to support Rome if given religious freedom, and they dominated the synagogues of the land. The Sadducees were antisupernaturalists, tended to collaborate with the ruling regime, and were dominant in the temple. Generally speaking, the literature of the intertestamental period and the popular mentality of the time tended to view the Messiah as a political deliverer who would free his people from foreign domination and set up a new independent kingdom.<\/p>\n<p>Roman prefects ruled Palestine from <span>AD<\/span> 44–66. They had a knack for offending the religious scruples of the Jews and alienating them in other ways. With Felix (<span>AD<\/span> 52–60) there began a constant tension between Jews and Romans that led to the first Jewish revolt (<span>AD<\/span> 66–70). While Paul was imprisoned in Caesarea (Acts 23:23–24:27) about <span>AD<\/span> 58–60, riots broke out there between Jews and Gentiles. Festus (<span>AD<\/span> 60–62; Acts 25) was an able administrator, but the situation was almost out of hand. After he died in office, there was virtual anarchy until his successor, Albinus, arrived (<span>AD<\/span> 62–64). Totally incompetent and dishonest, Albinus was recalled in 64 and replaced by Florus (<span>AD<\/span> 64–66). Florus was even worse, resorting to open robbery and bribery until there was no safety or justice in the land. Finally, the Jews could take no more.<\/p>\n<p>The spark that ignited the fires of rebellion was an anti-Semitic act by the Hellenistic population of Caesarea in <span>AD<\/span> 66. Soon riots spread to numerous cities, and Roman garrisons were massacred in several places. But the Jews were not united, and in Jerusalem armed bands of Jews fought with each other for mastery. Vespasian was chosen to command the Roman army of some 60,000 to deal with the insurrection. He had subjugated most of Palestine by the time he was elevated to the imperial chair in <span>AD<\/span> 69 (after the death of Nero), and he left his son Titus in charge of completing the operations. In August of <span>AD<\/span> 70 the walls of Jerusalem were breached, many of the people butchered, and the city and the temple leveled. Masada held out until <span>AD<\/span> 73. Palestine had been flattened by Roman might. Loss of life and property had been incalculable and indescribable.<\/p>\n<p>On two more occasions the Jews were destined to fight disastrously against the Romans. Under Trajan’s rule a rebellion of Jews broke out in Cyrenaica in <span>AD<\/span> 115 and spread rapidly to Cyprus, Egypt, Palestine, and Mesopotamia. In the beginning it was an outgrowth of agitation between the Jews and their Hellenistic neighbors, but it developed into a challenge to Roman authority. This was particularly true after the successes of Parthia on Rome’s eastern frontier when there seemed to be some hope of success in throwing off the Roman yoke. Wherever Jews got the upper hand, they perpetrated massacres, and the non-Semitic population retaliated in kind. Trajan ruthlessly suppressed the rebels and restored order everywhere except Egypt; his successor, Hadrian, was left to accomplish that.<\/p>\n<p>But Hadrian faced a new rebellion of his own, brought on by his law forbidding circumcision (which he considered to be inhumane) and his decision in <span>AD<\/span> 130 to rebuild Jerusalem as Aelia Capitolina and erect a temple to Jupiter on the site of the temple of Yahweh. The latter would not only profane the temple site but also would preclude any rebuilding of the Jewish temple.<\/p>\n<p>Leader of this second Jewish revolt was Simeon, prince of Israel, called Bar-Kochba (“Son of the Star”). Both sides fought with such great ferocity for over three years (<span>AD<\/span> 132–135) that the population of Judea was almost exterminated. Jerusalem was rebuilt as a Roman colony, and Jews were forbidden to enter on pain of death. Even as late as the fourth century they were permitted to enter only once a year, on the anniversary of the destruction of the temple by Nebuchadnezzar. After the Bar-Kochba revolt, Judaism retreated increasingly within the citadel of the written and oral law, thus separating itself from the Gentiles.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Abraham; Chronology of the Bible (Old Testament); Conquest and Allotment of the Land; David; Diaspora of the Jews; Exodus, The; First Jewish Revolt; Jew; Judaism; Moses; Patriarchs, Period of the; Saul #2; Solomon; Postexilic Period; Wilderness Wanderings.<\/p>","summary_ro":"ISRAEL, History of An account of God’s sovereign purpose in calling a people out of paganism and establishing them as witnesses for the true faith among the nations, of God’s sovereign power in protecting them from extinction, of his sovereign justice in dealing with their departure from his ways of holiness, of God’s sovereign grace in forgiving their sins and restoring them to fellowship with himself by providing through them a Savior for the entire world. Preview • Patriarchal Age • Sojour...","summary_en":"ISRAEL, History of An account of God’s sovereign purpose in calling a people out of paganism and establishing them as witnesses for the true faith among the nations, of God’s sovereign power in protecting them from extinction, of his sovereign justice in dealing with their departure from his ways of holiness, of God’s sovereign grace in forgiving their sins and restoring them to fellowship with himself by providing through them a Savior for the entire world. Preview • Patriarchal Age • Sojour...","source":"Articles\/I.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":61586,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Land","title_en":"The Land","content_ro":"<h3>The Land<\/h3>\n<p>Land is extremely important to a largely agrarian society such as ancient Israel. Israel was given the privilege and responsibility of living in the land of Canaan, as a key provision of God’s covenant with them (1 Kgs 8:33-40; see also Deut 28). The land was part of Israel’s relationship with God: God had promised this land to Abraham and his descendants (Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17). The nation of Israel lived in the land as its custodians and earthly possessors. The land was Israel’s “special possession” (Deut 4:21), given by God, who required their fidelity (Deut 4:40). God expected the people to be proper stewards of the land and to serve him faithfully.<\/p>\n<p>Unfortunately, God’s people turned to their own ways, serving pagan gods and themselves (2 Kgs 17:7-17). So God allowed foreign nations to gradually take away Israel’s ownership of the land (e.g., 2 Kgs 8:20-22; 13:1-3; 17:3). Eventually, Assyria launched a full-scale invasion of the northern kingdom, sending the Israelites into exile (17:5-6, 22-23). Through these events God warned the people of Judah, the southern kingdom, that if they, too, failed to respond, they would forfeit their land (2 Kgs 21:8). Sadly, they refused to listen (2 Kgs 21:9), and their unfaithfulness eventually resulted in expulsion from the land at the hands of the Babylonians (25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Israel’s rebellion and failure to properly manage the land that God entrusted to them serves as a warning to us. God has redeemed us in Christ Jesus so that we may live faithful and productive lives (John 15:16; Eph 2:4-10). Our infidelity and lack of productivity may cause us to lose our place of service for Christ (John 15:1-2, 6). It is by abiding in him that we “produce much fruit” and grow in our faith (John 15:5).<\/p>\n<p>God’s people always have a propensity to sin (see Rom 3:23; 1 Jn 1:8, 10). Nevertheless, God always stands ready to forgive and restore those who turn back to him (see 1 Jn 1:9) and to reinstate the blessings of his covenant. The one who mediates the new covenant between God and his people (Matt 26:27-28) is also their advocate in heaven (1 Jn 2:1). In the end, those who remain faithful to God will inherit the blessings of the new heaven and the new earth (1 Pet 1:3-5; Rev 21:1-7).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17; Lev 26:1-46; Deut 28:1-68; 1 Kgs 8:29-51; 9:3-9; 2 Kgs 17:18-23; Pss 24:1; 89:11; 1 Pet 1:4; Rev 21:1-7<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Land<\/h3>\n<p>Land is extremely important to a largely agrarian society such as ancient Israel. Israel was given the privilege and responsibility of living in the land of Canaan, as a key provision of God’s covenant with them (1 Kgs 8:33-40; see also Deut 28). The land was part of Israel’s relationship with God: God had promised this land to Abraham and his descendants (Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17). The nation of Israel lived in the land as its custodians and earthly possessors. The land was Israel’s “special possession” (Deut 4:21), given by God, who required their fidelity (Deut 4:40). God expected the people to be proper stewards of the land and to serve him faithfully.<\/p>\n<p>Unfortunately, God’s people turned to their own ways, serving pagan gods and themselves (2 Kgs 17:7-17). So God allowed foreign nations to gradually take away Israel’s ownership of the land (e.g., 2 Kgs 8:20-22; 13:1-3; 17:3). Eventually, Assyria launched a full-scale invasion of the northern kingdom, sending the Israelites into exile (17:5-6, 22-23). Through these events God warned the people of Judah, the southern kingdom, that if they, too, failed to respond, they would forfeit their land (2 Kgs 21:8). Sadly, they refused to listen (2 Kgs 21:9), and their unfaithfulness eventually resulted in expulsion from the land at the hands of the Babylonians (25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Israel’s rebellion and failure to properly manage the land that God entrusted to them serves as a warning to us. God has redeemed us in Christ Jesus so that we may live faithful and productive lives (John 15:16; Eph 2:4-10). Our infidelity and lack of productivity may cause us to lose our place of service for Christ (John 15:1-2, 6). It is by abiding in him that we “produce much fruit” and grow in our faith (John 15:5).<\/p>\n<p>God’s people always have a propensity to sin (see Rom 3:23; 1 Jn 1:8, 10). Nevertheless, God always stands ready to forgive and restore those who turn back to him (see 1 Jn 1:9) and to reinstate the blessings of his covenant. The one who mediates the new covenant between God and his people (Matt 26:27-28) is also their advocate in heaven (1 Jn 2:1). In the end, those who remain faithful to God will inherit the blessings of the new heaven and the new earth (1 Pet 1:3-5; Rev 21:1-7).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17; Lev 26:1-46; Deut 28:1-68; 1 Kgs 8:29-51; 9:3-9; 2 Kgs 17:18-23; Pss 24:1; 89:11; 1 Pet 1:4; Rev 21:1-7<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Land Land is extremely important to a largely agrarian society such as ancient Israel. Israel was given the privilege and responsibility of living in the land of Canaan, as a key provision of God’s covenant with them (1 Kgs 8:33-40; see also Deut 28). The land was part of Israel’s relationship with God: God had promised this land to Abraham and his descendants (Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17). The nation of Israel lived in the land as its custodians and earthly possessors. The land was Israel’s “sp...","summary_en":"The Land Land is extremely important to a largely agrarian society such as ancient Israel. Israel was given the privilege and responsibility of living in the land of Canaan, as a key provision of God’s covenant with them (1 Kgs 8:33-40; see also Deut 28). The land was part of Israel’s relationship with God: God had promised this land to Abraham and his descendants (Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17). The nation of Israel lived in the land as its custodians and earthly possessors. The land was Israel’s “sp...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":61799,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People","title_en":"God’s Judgment of His People","content_ro":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\n<p>Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\n<p>Sometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\n<p>Yet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\n<p>God never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\n<p>Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\n<p>Sometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\n<p>Yet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\n<p>God never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","summary_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","summary_en":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":89212,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Land","title_en":"The Land","content_ro":"<h3>The Land<\/h3>\n<p>Land is extremely important to a largely agrarian society such as ancient Israel. Israel was given the privilege and responsibility of living in the land of Canaan, as a key provision of God’s covenant with them (1 Kgs 8:33-40; see also Deut 28). The land was part of Israel’s relationship with God: God had promised this land to Abraham and his descendants (Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17). The nation of Israel lived in the land as its custodians and earthly possessors. The land was Israel’s “special possession” (Deut 4:21), given by God, who required their fidelity (Deut 4:40). God expected the people to be proper stewards of the land and to serve him faithfully.<\/p>\n<p>Unfortunately, God’s people turned to their own ways, serving pagan gods and themselves (2 Kgs 17:7-17). So God allowed foreign nations to gradually take away Israel’s ownership of the land (e.g., 2 Kgs 8:20-22; 13:1-3; 17:3). Eventually, Assyria launched a full-scale invasion of the northern kingdom, sending the Israelites into exile (17:5-6, 22-23). Through these events God warned the people of Judah, the southern kingdom, that if they, too, failed to respond, they would forfeit their land (2 Kgs 21:8). Sadly, they refused to listen (2 Kgs 21:9), and their unfaithfulness eventually resulted in expulsion from the land at the hands of the Babylonians (25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Israel’s rebellion and failure to properly manage the land that God entrusted to them serves as a warning to us. God has redeemed us in Christ Jesus so that we may live faithful and productive lives (John 15:16; Eph 2:4-10). Our infidelity and lack of productivity may cause us to lose our place of service for Christ (John 15:1-2, 6). It is by abiding in him that we “produce much fruit” and grow in our faith (John 15:5).<\/p>\n<p>God’s people always have a propensity to sin (see Rom 3:23; 1 Jn 1:8, 10). Nevertheless, God always stands ready to forgive and restore those who turn back to him (see 1 Jn 1:9) and to reinstate the blessings of his covenant. The one who mediates the new covenant between God and his people (Matt 26:27-28) is also their advocate in heaven (1 Jn 2:1). In the end, those who remain faithful to God will inherit the blessings of the new heaven and the new earth (1 Pet 1:3-5; Rev 21:1-7).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17; Lev 26:1-46; Deut 28:1-68; 1 Kgs 8:29-51; 9:3-9; 2 Kgs 17:18-23; Pss 24:1; 89:11; 1 Pet 1:4; Rev 21:1-7<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Land<\/h3>\n<p>Land is extremely important to a largely agrarian society such as ancient Israel. Israel was given the privilege and responsibility of living in the land of Canaan, as a key provision of God’s covenant with them (1 Kgs 8:33-40; see also Deut 28). The land was part of Israel’s relationship with God: God had promised this land to Abraham and his descendants (Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17). The nation of Israel lived in the land as its custodians and earthly possessors. The land was Israel’s “special possession” (Deut 4:21), given by God, who required their fidelity (Deut 4:40). God expected the people to be proper stewards of the land and to serve him faithfully.<\/p>\n<p>Unfortunately, God’s people turned to their own ways, serving pagan gods and themselves (2 Kgs 17:7-17). So God allowed foreign nations to gradually take away Israel’s ownership of the land (e.g., 2 Kgs 8:20-22; 13:1-3; 17:3). Eventually, Assyria launched a full-scale invasion of the northern kingdom, sending the Israelites into exile (17:5-6, 22-23). Through these events God warned the people of Judah, the southern kingdom, that if they, too, failed to respond, they would forfeit their land (2 Kgs 21:8). Sadly, they refused to listen (2 Kgs 21:9), and their unfaithfulness eventually resulted in expulsion from the land at the hands of the Babylonians (25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Israel’s rebellion and failure to properly manage the land that God entrusted to them serves as a warning to us. God has redeemed us in Christ Jesus so that we may live faithful and productive lives (John 15:16; Eph 2:4-10). Our infidelity and lack of productivity may cause us to lose our place of service for Christ (John 15:1-2, 6). It is by abiding in him that we “produce much fruit” and grow in our faith (John 15:5).<\/p>\n<p>God’s people always have a propensity to sin (see Rom 3:23; 1 Jn 1:8, 10). Nevertheless, God always stands ready to forgive and restore those who turn back to him (see 1 Jn 1:9) and to reinstate the blessings of his covenant. The one who mediates the new covenant between God and his people (Matt 26:27-28) is also their advocate in heaven (1 Jn 2:1). In the end, those who remain faithful to God will inherit the blessings of the new heaven and the new earth (1 Pet 1:3-5; Rev 21:1-7).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17; Lev 26:1-46; Deut 28:1-68; 1 Kgs 8:29-51; 9:3-9; 2 Kgs 17:18-23; Pss 24:1; 89:11; 1 Pet 1:4; Rev 21:1-7<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Land Land is extremely important to a largely agrarian society such as ancient Israel. Israel was given the privilege and responsibility of living in the land of Canaan, as a key provision of God’s covenant with them (1 Kgs 8:33-40; see also Deut 28). The land was part of Israel’s relationship with God: God had promised this land to Abraham and his descendants (Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17). The nation of Israel lived in the land as its custodians and earthly possessors. The land was Israel’s “sp...","summary_en":"The Land Land is extremely important to a largely agrarian society such as ancient Israel. Israel was given the privilege and responsibility of living in the land of Canaan, as a key provision of God’s covenant with them (1 Kgs 8:33-40; see also Deut 28). The land was part of Israel’s relationship with God: God had promised this land to Abraham and his descendants (Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17). The nation of Israel lived in the land as its custodians and earthly possessors. The land was Israel’s “sp...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":89425,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People","title_en":"God’s Judgment of His People","content_ro":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\n<p>Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\n<p>Sometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\n<p>Yet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\n<p>God never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\n<p>Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\n<p>Sometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\n<p>Yet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\n<p>God never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","summary_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","summary_en":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":116838,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Land","title_en":"The Land","content_ro":"<h3>The Land<\/h3>\n<p>Land is extremely important to a largely agrarian society such as ancient Israel. Israel was given the privilege and responsibility of living in the land of Canaan, as a key provision of God’s covenant with them (1 Kgs 8:33-40; see also Deut 28). The land was part of Israel’s relationship with God: God had promised this land to Abraham and his descendants (Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17). The nation of Israel lived in the land as its custodians and earthly possessors. The land was Israel’s “special possession” (Deut 4:21), given by God, who required their fidelity (Deut 4:40). God expected the people to be proper stewards of the land and to serve him faithfully.<\/p>\n<p>Unfortunately, God’s people turned to their own ways, serving pagan gods and themselves (2 Kgs 17:7-17). So God allowed foreign nations to gradually take away Israel’s ownership of the land (e.g., 2 Kgs 8:20-22; 13:1-3; 17:3). Eventually, Assyria launched a full-scale invasion of the northern kingdom, sending the Israelites into exile (17:5-6, 22-23). Through these events God warned the people of Judah, the southern kingdom, that if they, too, failed to respond, they would forfeit their land (2 Kgs 21:8). Sadly, they refused to listen (2 Kgs 21:9), and their unfaithfulness eventually resulted in expulsion from the land at the hands of the Babylonians (25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Israel’s rebellion and failure to properly manage the land that God entrusted to them serves as a warning to us. God has redeemed us in Christ Jesus so that we may live faithful and productive lives (John 15:16; Eph 2:4-10). Our infidelity and lack of productivity may cause us to lose our place of service for Christ (John 15:1-2, 6). It is by abiding in him that we “produce much fruit” and grow in our faith (John 15:5).<\/p>\n<p>God’s people always have a propensity to sin (see Rom 3:23; 1 Jn 1:8, 10). Nevertheless, God always stands ready to forgive and restore those who turn back to him (see 1 Jn 1:9) and to reinstate the blessings of his covenant. The one who mediates the new covenant between God and his people (Matt 26:27-28) is also their advocate in heaven (1 Jn 2:1). In the end, those who remain faithful to God will inherit the blessings of the new heaven and the new earth (1 Pet 1:3-5; Rev 21:1-7).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17; Lev 26:1-46; Deut 28:1-68; 1 Kgs 8:29-51; 9:3-9; 2 Kgs 17:18-23; Pss 24:1; 89:11; 1 Pet 1:4; Rev 21:1-7<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Land<\/h3>\n<p>Land is extremely important to a largely agrarian society such as ancient Israel. Israel was given the privilege and responsibility of living in the land of Canaan, as a key provision of God’s covenant with them (1 Kgs 8:33-40; see also Deut 28). The land was part of Israel’s relationship with God: God had promised this land to Abraham and his descendants (Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17). The nation of Israel lived in the land as its custodians and earthly possessors. The land was Israel’s “special possession” (Deut 4:21), given by God, who required their fidelity (Deut 4:40). God expected the people to be proper stewards of the land and to serve him faithfully.<\/p>\n<p>Unfortunately, God’s people turned to their own ways, serving pagan gods and themselves (2 Kgs 17:7-17). So God allowed foreign nations to gradually take away Israel’s ownership of the land (e.g., 2 Kgs 8:20-22; 13:1-3; 17:3). Eventually, Assyria launched a full-scale invasion of the northern kingdom, sending the Israelites into exile (17:5-6, 22-23). Through these events God warned the people of Judah, the southern kingdom, that if they, too, failed to respond, they would forfeit their land (2 Kgs 21:8). Sadly, they refused to listen (2 Kgs 21:9), and their unfaithfulness eventually resulted in expulsion from the land at the hands of the Babylonians (25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Israel’s rebellion and failure to properly manage the land that God entrusted to them serves as a warning to us. God has redeemed us in Christ Jesus so that we may live faithful and productive lives (John 15:16; Eph 2:4-10). Our infidelity and lack of productivity may cause us to lose our place of service for Christ (John 15:1-2, 6). It is by abiding in him that we “produce much fruit” and grow in our faith (John 15:5).<\/p>\n<p>God’s people always have a propensity to sin (see Rom 3:23; 1 Jn 1:8, 10). Nevertheless, God always stands ready to forgive and restore those who turn back to him (see 1 Jn 1:9) and to reinstate the blessings of his covenant. The one who mediates the new covenant between God and his people (Matt 26:27-28) is also their advocate in heaven (1 Jn 2:1). In the end, those who remain faithful to God will inherit the blessings of the new heaven and the new earth (1 Pet 1:3-5; Rev 21:1-7).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17; Lev 26:1-46; Deut 28:1-68; 1 Kgs 8:29-51; 9:3-9; 2 Kgs 17:18-23; Pss 24:1; 89:11; 1 Pet 1:4; Rev 21:1-7<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Land Land is extremely important to a largely agrarian society such as ancient Israel. Israel was given the privilege and responsibility of living in the land of Canaan, as a key provision of God’s covenant with them (1 Kgs 8:33-40; see also Deut 28). The land was part of Israel’s relationship with God: God had promised this land to Abraham and his descendants (Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17). The nation of Israel lived in the land as its custodians and earthly possessors. The land was Israel’s “sp...","summary_en":"The Land Land is extremely important to a largely agrarian society such as ancient Israel. Israel was given the privilege and responsibility of living in the land of Canaan, as a key provision of God’s covenant with them (1 Kgs 8:33-40; see also Deut 28). The land was part of Israel’s relationship with God: God had promised this land to Abraham and his descendants (Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17). The nation of Israel lived in the land as its custodians and earthly possessors. The land was Israel’s “sp...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":117051,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People","title_en":"God’s Judgment of His People","content_ro":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\n<p>Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\n<p>Sometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\n<p>Yet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\n<p>God never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\n<p>Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\n<p>Sometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\n<p>Yet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\n<p>God never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","summary_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","summary_en":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":144464,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Land","title_en":"The Land","content_ro":"<h3>The Land<\/h3>\n<p>Land is extremely important to a largely agrarian society such as ancient Israel. Israel was given the privilege and responsibility of living in the land of Canaan, as a key provision of God’s covenant with them (1 Kgs 8:33-40; see also Deut 28). The land was part of Israel’s relationship with God: God had promised this land to Abraham and his descendants (Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17). The nation of Israel lived in the land as its custodians and earthly possessors. The land was Israel’s “special possession” (Deut 4:21), given by God, who required their fidelity (Deut 4:40). God expected the people to be proper stewards of the land and to serve him faithfully.<\/p>\n<p>Unfortunately, God’s people turned to their own ways, serving pagan gods and themselves (2 Kgs 17:7-17). So God allowed foreign nations to gradually take away Israel’s ownership of the land (e.g., 2 Kgs 8:20-22; 13:1-3; 17:3). Eventually, Assyria launched a full-scale invasion of the northern kingdom, sending the Israelites into exile (17:5-6, 22-23). Through these events God warned the people of Judah, the southern kingdom, that if they, too, failed to respond, they would forfeit their land (2 Kgs 21:8). Sadly, they refused to listen (2 Kgs 21:9), and their unfaithfulness eventually resulted in expulsion from the land at the hands of the Babylonians (25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Israel’s rebellion and failure to properly manage the land that God entrusted to them serves as a warning to us. God has redeemed us in Christ Jesus so that we may live faithful and productive lives (John 15:16; Eph 2:4-10). Our infidelity and lack of productivity may cause us to lose our place of service for Christ (John 15:1-2, 6). It is by abiding in him that we “produce much fruit” and grow in our faith (John 15:5).<\/p>\n<p>God’s people always have a propensity to sin (see Rom 3:23; 1 Jn 1:8, 10). Nevertheless, God always stands ready to forgive and restore those who turn back to him (see 1 Jn 1:9) and to reinstate the blessings of his covenant. The one who mediates the new covenant between God and his people (Matt 26:27-28) is also their advocate in heaven (1 Jn 2:1). In the end, those who remain faithful to God will inherit the blessings of the new heaven and the new earth (1 Pet 1:3-5; Rev 21:1-7).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17; Lev 26:1-46; Deut 28:1-68; 1 Kgs 8:29-51; 9:3-9; 2 Kgs 17:18-23; Pss 24:1; 89:11; 1 Pet 1:4; Rev 21:1-7<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Land<\/h3>\n<p>Land is extremely important to a largely agrarian society such as ancient Israel. Israel was given the privilege and responsibility of living in the land of Canaan, as a key provision of God’s covenant with them (1 Kgs 8:33-40; see also Deut 28). The land was part of Israel’s relationship with God: God had promised this land to Abraham and his descendants (Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17). The nation of Israel lived in the land as its custodians and earthly possessors. The land was Israel’s “special possession” (Deut 4:21), given by God, who required their fidelity (Deut 4:40). God expected the people to be proper stewards of the land and to serve him faithfully.<\/p>\n<p>Unfortunately, God’s people turned to their own ways, serving pagan gods and themselves (2 Kgs 17:7-17). So God allowed foreign nations to gradually take away Israel’s ownership of the land (e.g., 2 Kgs 8:20-22; 13:1-3; 17:3). Eventually, Assyria launched a full-scale invasion of the northern kingdom, sending the Israelites into exile (17:5-6, 22-23). Through these events God warned the people of Judah, the southern kingdom, that if they, too, failed to respond, they would forfeit their land (2 Kgs 21:8). Sadly, they refused to listen (2 Kgs 21:9), and their unfaithfulness eventually resulted in expulsion from the land at the hands of the Babylonians (25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Israel’s rebellion and failure to properly manage the land that God entrusted to them serves as a warning to us. God has redeemed us in Christ Jesus so that we may live faithful and productive lives (John 15:16; Eph 2:4-10). Our infidelity and lack of productivity may cause us to lose our place of service for Christ (John 15:1-2, 6). It is by abiding in him that we “produce much fruit” and grow in our faith (John 15:5).<\/p>\n<p>God’s people always have a propensity to sin (see Rom 3:23; 1 Jn 1:8, 10). Nevertheless, God always stands ready to forgive and restore those who turn back to him (see 1 Jn 1:9) and to reinstate the blessings of his covenant. The one who mediates the new covenant between God and his people (Matt 26:27-28) is also their advocate in heaven (1 Jn 2:1). In the end, those who remain faithful to God will inherit the blessings of the new heaven and the new earth (1 Pet 1:3-5; Rev 21:1-7).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17; Lev 26:1-46; Deut 28:1-68; 1 Kgs 8:29-51; 9:3-9; 2 Kgs 17:18-23; Pss 24:1; 89:11; 1 Pet 1:4; Rev 21:1-7<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Land Land is extremely important to a largely agrarian society such as ancient Israel. Israel was given the privilege and responsibility of living in the land of Canaan, as a key provision of God’s covenant with them (1 Kgs 8:33-40; see also Deut 28). The land was part of Israel’s relationship with God: God had promised this land to Abraham and his descendants (Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17). The nation of Israel lived in the land as its custodians and earthly possessors. The land was Israel’s “sp...","summary_en":"The Land Land is extremely important to a largely agrarian society such as ancient Israel. Israel was given the privilege and responsibility of living in the land of Canaan, as a key provision of God’s covenant with them (1 Kgs 8:33-40; see also Deut 28). The land was part of Israel’s relationship with God: God had promised this land to Abraham and his descendants (Gen 12:1-3; 13:14-17). The nation of Israel lived in the land as its custodians and earthly possessors. The land was Israel’s “sp...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":144677,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People","title_en":"God’s Judgment of His People","content_ro":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\n<p>Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\n<p>Sometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\n<p>Yet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\n<p>God never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\n<p>Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\n<p>Sometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\n<p>Yet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\n<p>God never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","summary_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","summary_en":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"10":[{"id":11558,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Book of Ezekiel","title_en":"Book of Ezekiel","content_ro":"<h3>EZEKIEL, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Prophetic book of the OT, originating in the time of the Babylonian exile.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date and Background<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>Ezekiel was the son of Buzi (1:3), a member of a priestly family. It is unclear whether he actually served in the temple as a priest, but such was his training. His writings show that he knew the regulations for sacrifices, the rituals, and the people’s expectations of a priest. In exile Ezekiel the priest spoke God’s word about the future of the temple to his fellow exiles. Settled at Tel-abib, on the canal of Kebar, the thousands of deportees eked out a meager existence. They hoped for a speedy return to Judah and a change for the better in the international situation. Their hope was enflamed by the spirited preaching of false prophets, likened to jackals among the ruins (13:4). They piously said, “The Lord declares . . . ,” but they were actually self-commissioned (v 6). They deceived the people with a message of peace at a time when God’s judgment was about to be poured out on his people (v 10). They had led the people to distrust prophecy to such an extent that a proverb circulated among the people that “the days grow long, and every vision comes to nought” (12:22). Much time had passed since visions of God’s judgment had been given to the people, and nothing could be interpreted as a fulfillment of those visions. Ezekiel was called to serve his community by symbolic acts, visions, and verbal messages in order to convince the people that God’s judgment was imminent (v 23).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"DateandBackground\">Date and Background<\/p>\n<p>The ministry of the prophet Ezekiel can be understood best against the backdrop of his time. If, as the church father Origen believed, the vague reference “in the thirtieth year” (1:1) marks the prophet’s age at the time of his first vision, Ezekiel was born during the rule of King Josiah of Judah (c. 640–609 <span>BC<\/span>). Josiah was the grandson of King Manasseh, whose sacrilegious acts had brought God’s judgment on the kingdom of Judah (2 Kgs 21:10-15).<\/p>\n<p>Though Judah’s political situation was perilous, Josiah led the nation in a radical reformation that began with the finding of the “Book of the Law” (2 Kgs 22) in the year that Ezekiel was born (c. 621 <span>BC<\/span>). Idolatry was done away with and the people turned back to God, but God’s judgment on Judah was unchangeable (23:26-27). Josiah erred in trying to make Judah a kingdom with which other states had to reckon. He was threatened when the Egyptian pharaoh Neco passed through Judah on his way to aid the weakened Assyrian kingdom. Josiah marched to meet the Egyptian forces, but his troops were unable to stand against the Egyptians, and he died in battle (v 29). Egypt took control of Judah, and Pharaoh Neco placed Jehoiakim in power over Jerusalem. Egyptian control did not last long, however, for in 605 <span>BC<\/span> Egypt and Assyria were defeated by Babylonia’s king Nebuchadnezzar at Carchemish. The Babylonians then pushed south to Jerusalem, and the first deportation of Judean leaders (among them the prophet Daniel) took place.<\/p>\n<p>Jehoiakim was permitted to continue ruling over Judah as a vassal king of Nebuchadnezzar. But his dealings with Egypt brought the emperor’s wrath down upon him. Before the Babylonians could address the Judean situation, Jehoiakim died and his son Jehoiachin was crowned. When the Babylonian forces arrived at the gates of Jerusalem, Jehoiachin and thousands of the aristocracy were taken to Babylon (2 Kgs 24:10-17). Among those deportees was Ezekiel, then about 25 years old.<\/p>\n<p>Although the book says otherwise, many scholars think that Ezekiel lived and taught in Judah for the duration of the siege and the fall of Jerusalem (586 <span>BC<\/span>). They conclude this from Ezekiel’s familiarity with idolatry in the temple and his vivid descriptions of Jerusalem’s last days (Ez 8:11). Others believe that Ezekiel ministered both to the exiled community and to the Judeans living in Judah. Neither interpretation does full justice to the claims of the book itself. Ezekiel was exiled in 597 <span>BC<\/span>. He was called to bring God’s word to the deportees at Tel-abib; he was granted a vision of the horrible practices in the temple court; and he was familiar with Jerusalem and Judah from having lived there and from reports on affairs in Jerusalem coming to the exiles through messengers. Jeremiah, Ezekiel’s contemporary, was prophesying in Jerusalem, but there is no evidence that Jeremiah and Ezekiel knew of each other’s ministry. If Ezekiel had brought God’s word to Jerusalem during the siege, some reference to Jeremiah might appear in his writings. If Jeremiah was supported by Ezekiel’s ministry in Jerusalem, he probably would have included a positive word for his colleague in his book. The book of Ezekiel plainly says that Ezekiel lived and preached in exile (see 1:1-3; 11:24-25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<p>The prophecy of Ezekiel is easily outlined by subject matter and chronology. The chronology of the period permits a division before and after 586 <span>BC<\/span> (the fall of Jerusalem). Chapters 1–24 cover the pre-586 ministry of Ezekiel, whereas chapters 33–48 represent his post-586 ministry. Chapters 25–32 (oracles against the foreign nations) function as a transition between the book’s two major divisions.<\/p>\n<p>The book’s outline according to subject matter divides into four parts: Ezekiel’s call (1:1–3:21); prophecies of judgment against Israel (3:22–24:27); oracles against the nations (25:1–32:32); and proclamation of hope (33:1–48:35).<\/p>\n<h5>Ezekiel’s Call (1:1–3:21)<\/h5>\n<p>The prophet’s call in one sense was similar to that of Isaiah and Jeremiah. Isaiah received his mission in a vision of God’s glory in the temple (Is 6). Jeremiah was called unexpectedly in his youth, and received signs that solemnly set forth the nature of his mission (Jer 1:11-15). The call of Ezekiel combined those two elements. Revelation of God’s glory to the prophet at the same time revealed the nature of the prophet’s mission. Ezekiel’s call contained a full description of God’s glory. Isaiah briefly stated that he saw the Lord enthroned in the temple, and he concentrated on the seraphim representing and magnifying God’s glory. Ezekiel elaborated on the revelation of the Lord’s glory as well as on the ministering angels who went before the Lord as part of his royal entourage. The vision of God’s glory, though difficult to understand, is the key to the book of Ezekiel.<\/p>\n<p>Ezekiel, as a priest, was concerned about the future of the temple. That sacred place had been ordained by God as his home among his people. The glory, presence, and holiness of God were symbolized in the temple (see 1 Kgs 8:10-11). In exile Ezekiel could not serve his people as a priest, for they were far from Jerusalem, the city God had chosen. Against all expectations the Lord revealed himself to Ezekiel in the land of Babylon. In calling Ezekiel to a prophetic ministry, God assured his servant that he had not forsaken his people, even though they had been banished from the Promised Land.<\/p>\n<p>The prophet’s vision began with a storm. As a large cloud approached from the north, Ezekiel saw a brightness surrounding the cloud, four creatures, and four wheels. The combination of creatures and wheels suggests that the Lord appeared in a chariot. God’s chariot is a familiar OT representation of his coming in judgment (see Is 66:15-16). The wheels within wheels and the position of the four living creatures may signify God’s total control over the whole earth, so he could move his “chariot of judgment” in any direction. It is also possible that the living creatures with their four faces, and the wheels full of eyes, may be separate symbols showing that God sees all that happens and thereby knows the plight of the exiles. In the vision the prophet’s attention was drawn to a throne above the heads of the creatures. On the throne was “the appearance of the likeness of the glory of the <span>Lord<\/span>” (1:28). In his vision of God’s coming in judgment, Ezekiel received his call to the prophetic ministry: “Son of man, I send you to the people of Israel, to a nation of rebels who have rebelled against me” (2:3, <span>rsv<\/span>). During a dark hour of Israel’s history, Ezekiel had to prophesy, rebuke his fellow exiles (3:11), and be responsible as a watchman over the house of Israel (3:17; cf. 33:1-9). Symbolic of his mission was a scroll filled with lamentations and woe (2:9-10), which when eaten became sweet as honey (3:1-3). Difficult as the mission was, God’s presence and the certain fulfillment of the prophecies sweetened Ezekiel’s task. Such encouragement was intended to take away any fear of the rebellious Israelites (2:6-7). Instead of being elated with his mission, however, Ezekiel became despondent.<\/p>\n<p>A week later, the word of the Lord came to Ezekiel to remind him of his important role as a watchman (3:16-17). Ezekiel became responsible for Israel as a nation, not just for individuals. His witness to Israel had the express aim of national repentance (vv 18-19).<\/p>\n<p>Ezekiel was confined to his house by God (3:24-25). The house ministry was to be carried on only with those Israelites who sought God’s will, for the Lord had abandoned those who continued in their apostasy. The prophetic word would not help the apostates (v 26). The principle of Ezekiel’s ministry is found in 3:27: “Whenever I give you a message, I will loosen your tongue and let you speak. Then you will say to them, ‘This is what the Sovereign <span>Lord<\/span> says!’ Some of them will listen, but some will ignore you, for they are rebels” (<span>nlt<\/span>; cf. Mt 11:15; 13:43).<\/p>\n<h5>Prophecies of Judgment against Israel (3:22–24:27)<\/h5>\n<p>Symbolism figures prominently in Ezekiel’s writing. His priestly background and preparation probably suited him to receive and communicate God’s word in symbolic acts and speech. Chapters 4 and 5 contain four symbolic acts: (1) Jerusalem’s siege is portrayed on a brick (Ez 4:1-3); (2) Israel’s iniquity is represented by Ezekiel’s lying on his sides (vv 4-8); (3) Jerusalem’s grief and horror in the last days of the siege are represented by Ezekiel’s food and drink (vv 9-17); (4) Jerusalem’s fate is represented by the prophet’s hair being cut off (5:1-4).<\/p>\n<p>Ezekiel’s instructions were further illuminated by God’s explanation of Israel’s apostasy (5:6-7) and his judgment on Israel (vv 8-12). The judgment will last until the Israelites admit that in covenant faithfulness their Lord has inflicted righteous judgment on them (v 13).<\/p>\n<p>God would direct his judgment first against the people and the city of Jerusalem. Next in line were the mountains of Israel (ch 6) and the land (ch 7). God’s wrath included the cities and cultic sites in the hill country of Judah, leaving no protection for the people (6:3-6). Abominations that were practiced throughout the land caused God’s judgment to fall on the land as well as on the people (7:2-3, 10-11, 23). But because God is righteous, he judged the people according to their ways of life, desiring that they would once more acknowledge him as their God (7:27).<\/p>\n<p>The prophet then (chs 8–11) focused on the abominations practiced in Jerusalem, particularly idolatry in the temple courts, which caused the judgment announced in chapters 1–7. An idol had been erected in the inner court (8:3-5). By the wall of the court, elders of the city were paying homage to the idols that surrounded the court (vv 11-12). Closer to the temple, women were weeping for the god Tammuz (v 14), and men were worshiping the sun (v 16). In preparation for the ultimate judgment on the land, the prophet placed a mark on the foreheads of the few faithful Israelites so that they would survive (9:4-6). Then (ch 10), the glory of God, which had filled the temple from the time of Solomon, gradually left: “Then the glory of the <span>Lord<\/span> went up from the city and stopped above the mountain to the east” (11:23, <span>nlt<\/span>). The people, now without divine protection, were being handed over to the Babylonians (v 9).<\/p>\n<p>The message of doom for Jerusalem contains four elements of hope: restoration of the people (11:17), restoration of the land (v 17), purification of the people (v 18), and renewed fellowship between God and his people (vv 19-20). The prophet develops those four themes in chapters 33–48.<\/p>\n<p>The visions of chapters 10 and 11 made clear that when God removed his presence from Jerusalem, the exile was approaching. Those who were already in Babylon were unwilling to believe that such an extensive devastation of Jerusalem would happen or that the people would all be exiled and the land become desolate.<\/p>\n<p>Ezekiel acted out the certainty of God’s word of judgment by packing his bags and showing the baggage to his fellow exiles. First, he placed the bags in the courtyard outside his modest home. Next, he went out by making a hole through the wall. Finally, the prophet walked about the settlement with his bags in full view. Skeptical observers did not understand Ezekiel and probably thought he was crazy. The believers who saw him understood. His strange actions dramatized how the king’s aides would do all they could to help King Zedekiah escape just before the fall of Jerusalem. Second Kings 25 tells how the king and his soldiers left Jerusalem for the wilderness, to be overtaken by the Babylonians at Jericho and brought before Nebuchadnezzar at Riblah. As a captive, Zedekiah witnessed the murder of his sons; then his eyes were put out, and he was sent into exile with the other Judeans (cf. Ez 12:13). The prophet’s explanation concluded with a word of comfort. Because of his covenant with Abraham, God promised not to destroy the people completely. A remnant who overcame the sword, famine, and pestilence would live to tell the story of God’s judgment (vv 15-16).<\/p>\n<p>Ezekiel further illustrated the nation’s plight by eating as though full of fear, depicting the great trauma that all of Judah’s inhabitants would soon undergo.<\/p>\n<p>Both symbolic acts, packing his belongings and eating, emphasized the truthfulness of God’s word. The people needed to face the nature of their God: He is magnificent, and when he speaks, his words are powerful and come to pass. Thus, the devastation of the land and the people’s exile were a fulfillment of God’s word through the prophets. The judgment was meant to produce a recognition of the Lord, repentance, and a return to God. Some in Judah doubted the efficacy of God’s prophecies, saying, “Time passes, making a liar of every prophet” (12:22). Others thought God’s word would come true in the distant future (v 27). The prevailing attitude of distrust in God’s word had been stimulated by the popular preaching of false prophets (ch 13). Never commissioned by the Lord, they deceived God’s people by lying and misdirecting them with messages of peace (vv 8-10). Wickedness, lying, and deceit were encouraged among the people by such false prophets (v 22). The magnitude of their sin and their great responsibility for Judah’s fall would be matched by the Lord’s heavy judgment. Yet God would save his people from such evil and will prepare a righteous nation with whom to maintain his covenant (v 23).<\/p>\n<p>The certainty of the judgment has been connected with the truthfulness of God’s word. Ezekiel’s difficult task of affirming the doom of Jerusalem to stubborn hearers was intensified by the people’s idolatry. Their whole way of life denied the existence of God. They practiced idolatry in their worship, and they had set up idols in their hearts (14:3). Before the covenant with God could be restored, they had to be purified from their idolatry. Even so, repentance would not guarantee immunity from judgment. Sword, famine, wild beasts, and plagues would ravage the population (v 21). After the execution of his judgment, God would take back those survivors who had turned to him for mercy. God would surely accomplish all that he intended for his people’s good (v 23).<\/p>\n<p>In chapters 15–17 Ezekiel uses three parables to set forth the apostasy, present uselessness, and judgment of Israel. Jerusalem and Judah are compared to a piece of charred wood, an adulterous woman, and a vine.<\/p>\n<p>Chapter 15 reviews Jerusalem’s case. Jerusalem is compared to a piece of wood, both ends of which have been charred with fire, so that the wood is of no value. As the whole piece of wood is burned instead of being saved, so Jerusalem would undergo complete devastation (15:7-8).<\/p>\n<p>Chapter 16 presents God’s case against Jerusalem from a different perspective, stressing his care for Jerusalem in the past. The beginnings of her history are compared to the birth of a female child, left abandoned by her mother (16:3-5). God adopted the child and washed and clothed her (vv 6-7). He made a covenant with her (v 8), making her his own possession. He generously gave her all the fine things of life (vv 9-13). In the height of her development, Jerusalem’s fame spread to the nations (v 14). Her self-reliance made her a spiritual prostitute as she took up the religious practices and way of life of the nations (vv 15-34). The cities of Sodom (Gn 19) and Samaria (2 Kgs 17:6), known for their immorality, are called Jerusalem’s sisters (Ez 16:46). They had been judged by God, but the corruption of those cities was little compared to the lewdness of Jerusalem (vv 48-51). Thus, Jerusalem also would surely fall and become desolate. Yet Ezekiel anticipates the judgment’s final outcome; Jerusalem will be restored to covenantal blessing (vv 62-63) after her repentance.<\/p>\n<p>The third parable (ch 17) focuses on God’s sovereignty over political developments. Assyria was no longer a power to be reckoned with. Babylon and Egypt both exercised dominion, although the balance of power was veering in favor of Babylon. Their extension of power is likened to an eagle. Nebuchadnezzar, pictured as “a great eagle with broad wings full of many-colored feathers,” took control over the affairs of Judah by removing Jehoiachin, “the highest branch of a cedar tree,” from office and by exiling him with young leaders of the Judean state (17:3-4). Ezekiel was among them. Nebuchadnezzar let the Judeans control their own affairs under Zedekiah but expected them to be subject to Babylon and not to any other power. But Judah (likened to a vine) tried to ally itself with Pharaoh Hophra of Egypt, “another great eagle with broad wings and full plumage” (v 7), against Nebuchadnezzar. Zedekiah’s folly in turning to Egypt would cause Nebuchadnezzar to pull up the vine by its roots and make it wither (vv 9-10). In explaining the parable, God told the exiles that Judah’s fall was a result of its unfaithfulness to King Nebuchadnezzar, to whom Judah owed allegiance by covenant (vv 13-18). Judah’s unfaithfulness thus extended to all of its relationships: religious, cultural, and political. After the exile, God promised, he would restore his people to their land under a Messiah, “a tender shoot” (v 22). The messianic rule is signified by the young twig, which when planted in the land will become a magnificent cedar, giving shade and protection to the birds. Chapter 17 is an inspiring affirmation of the sovereignty of God in human affairs (“All the trees will know that it is I, the <span>Lord<\/span>, who cuts down the tall tree and helps the short tree to grow tall. It is I who makes the green tree wither and gives new life to the dead tree”—17:24, <span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>Chapters 18–22 contain Ezekiel’s oracles to Judah, its leaders, and the exiles. First, he enunciates God’s standard of righteousness: “The person who sins will be the one who dies” (18:4, <span>nlt<\/span>). The people are charging God with injustice, for they believe themselves to be under God’s judgment for the sins of their ancestors (vv 25-29). Although the Ten Commandments do say that God may punish “the sins of their parents to the third and the fourth generations” (Ex 20:5, <span>nlt<\/span>), the prophet vindicates God’s justice, telling the people that they are not being punished merely for their ancestors’ sin. Each person must be directly accountable to God; the sinner will die in wickedness, and the righteous will live by righteousness. A life of faithfulness to God’s moral and civil law will be rewarded (Ez 18:5-9). Even if one’s father was a sinner, the father’s sin is not transferable (vv 14-18). God is ready to forgive any sinner who repents (v 27). The prophet’s vindication of God’s justice becomes a call to repentance. The sinners in Judah and in exile were thus warned of the consequences of their evil, and were exhorted to return to their God and his standard of right and wrong (vv 31-32).<\/p>\n<p>Chapter 19 contains two parables in the form of a lamentation. The first portrays a lioness and her two cubs. The lioness is Hamutal, the wife of King Josiah (2 Kgs 23:31), who bore two sons: Jehoahaz and Zedekiah. Jehoahaz is referred to in Ezekiel 19:3-4 as a cub who grew up and was taken to Egypt (by Pharaoh Neco in 608 <span>BC<\/span>; see 2 Kgs 23:31-34). Zedekiah succeeded to the throne ten years later. In the lamentation the prophet imaginatively represents Zedekiah as a young cub who is ultimately taken to Babylon as a rebellious ruler (Ez 19:7-9). The second parable changes the imagery to a vine, representing Israel (v 10). In its early days God blessed Israel with strong rulers, but now the vine was wilting as Zedekiah irresponsibly led Judah to its last days. Ezekiel’s lamentation stresses the lack of a good candidate for the throne and the lack of life in the vine (vv 13-14).<\/p>\n<p>In chapter 20 the prophet concludes God’s argument against his people. He reviews the history of Israel’s past, starting with God’s self-revelation in Egypt (20:5-6). He took to himself a stubborn nation, tied to idolatry (v 8) and prone to apostasy (vv 13, 21). Israel wanted to be one of the great nations (v 32) instead of a sanctified people (v 12). As a result of its spiritual hardness, Israel is dispersed to live among the nations (v 35). Yet God had a solemn covenant with Israel, made by oath to the patriarchs Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. On the basis of that covenant, God will reach out with compassion to those who repent of their sinful ways (vv 37-44). In Israel’s judgment and restoration the nations will see the holiness of God, which does not tolerate unfaithfulness in Israel (v 41).<\/p>\n<p>Ezekiel’s prophecies alternate between God’s judgment on Israel’s sin and his restoration of Israel, spanning the bridge between Israel’s past and future. In view of the people’s doubts of the coming judgment on Jerusalem, he stresses the necessity of judgment and the need for repentance. Still, the future restoration of a remnant is touched upon here and there as the counterpart of his message of judgment. After announcing the fall of Jerusalem, the prophet shifts from a message of judgment to one of hope.<\/p>\n<p>The prophet returns to the proclamation of judgment in four oracles (20:45–21:32). He speaks against the Negev Desert area (20:45-49), Jerusalem and the land of Israel (21:2-17, 20-27), and against the Ammonites (vv 28-32). God permitted the sword of Nebuchadnezzar to be his instrument of judgment upon the Judeans (v 19). He would see to the judgment on the Ammonites. The Judeans would recover their previous glory, but the memory of the Ammonites would perish (vv 27, 32). The oracle against the Ammonites anticipates a larger treatise on Israel’s other neighbors: Moab, Edom, Philistia, Tyre, Sidon, and Egypt (chs 25–29).<\/p>\n<p>Chapters 22–24 contain a renewed series of indictments against Jerusalem. Jerusalem’s religious and civil leadership (the prophets, priests, and princes) are corrupt, and the people have followed their example (22:25-30). The parable of the two sisters, Oholah and Oholibah, is a variation of the parable of adulterous Jerusalem (ch 23; cf. ch 16). It differs in that the comparison drawn between Jerusalem, soon to be exiled, and Samaria, already in exile, is more explicit in the parable of Oholah and Oholibah. In chapter 16 Jerusalem was charged with greater sins than Sodom and Samaria, but was promised restoration. Only the adulterous nature of the two sisters and God’s judgment on them is emphasized in chapter 23, with no word of restoration. This parable is a fitting introduction to that of the boiling pot (ch 24), in which Jerusalem is compared to a rusty pot boiling with water. The Jerusalemites, likened to pieces of meat in the boiling pot, will die in the city. The parable was pronounced on the starting day of Nebuchadnezzar’s siege of Jerusalem. Thus, the exiles were divinely forewarned of God’s intent to destroy the temple (24:21) and were prepared for messengers bringing the bad news of Jerusalem’s fall.<\/p>\n<p>Those oracles and parables conclude the first division of the book. Ezekiel has stated God’s case against the rebellious house of Judah in many ways. His metaphors have likened Judah to a burnt piece of wood, to an uprooted vine, to a baby who grew up to be an adulteress, and to Oholibah, the adulterous woman. He has countered arguments against the fulfillment of God’s word and against the justice of God. He has reassured the exiles that God will not leave the righteous and that the future of Israel begins with a righteous remnant. The pendulum of Ezekiel’s writing has swung from judgment to restoration, while the clock was bringing Judah closer to the hour of its fall.<\/p>\n<h5>Oracles against the Nations (25:1–32:32)<\/h5>\n<p>Ammon, Moab, and Edom were Israel’s neighbors to the east. Because they were ethnically related to Israel, they were not attacked by the Israelites on their march to the Promised Land. Ammon and Moab were descendants of Lot, Abraham’s nephew, and the Edomites descended from Esau, the brother of Jacob. Although God forbade war with them, relations between Israel and its eastern neighbors were always tense. Israel had been overrun by the Ammonites for a time, and Israel was never successful in controlling the Edomites’ competitive trade relations. Those neighboring nations joined the Babylonian attack against Jerusalem and rejoiced when Jerusalem fell and the temple was devastated (Ez 25:3-12). They were ready to take over and loot Judah’s cities, and to instigate trouble in a time when Jerusalem was distressed. Therefore, says Ezekiel, God’s judgment will also extend to Ammon, Moab, and Edom (vv 4-14).<\/p>\n<p>The Philistines had been Israel’s enemy to the southwest. During the period of the judges and the united monarchy, the Philistines had controlled much of Israel’s territory. King David successfully limited the Philistine threat by confining them to their own territory. But in Ezekiel’s day they were still considered Israel’s “everlasting” enemy (25:15), possibly intensified by Philistine support of the Babylonian invasion of Judah.<\/p>\n<p>The city of Tyre had received reports of the overthrow of Jerusalem and was ready to exploit the opportunity for its own advantage (26:2). Tyre’s trade position was unrivaled; its ships crossed the seas to exchange goods with many distant lands (Ez 27). But Tyre would soon be broken by the Babylonians, its wealth dried up with the destruction of the fleet and the murder of its sailors (27:26).<\/p>\n<p>The prince of Tyre is singled out in chapter 28, but verse 12 refers to the “king” of Tyre. Interpreters disagree whether they are one person or two. Those who distinguish between the two understand the prince of Tyre to be the ruler of that city, but they consider the “king” of Tyre to represent Satan (28:13-15). The Garden of Eden with all its splendor is an appropriate setting for the original glory of an angelic Satan before his fall. But there is no reason within the context to distinguish between the prince and the king of Tyre. Each is said to have exalted himself, and both took authority over men as if they were gods and enjoyed all the splendor and royalty that belong to God. And both prince and king fall from their high position. The passage is a magnificent example of Ezekiel’s literary ability. He draws a glorious picture of the Garden of Eden, reworking the same theme as he depicts the glory and fall of the king of Tyre. Ezekiel presents him as a cherub, in accordance with the local belief that the king was divine. He wore the finest clothing, with nine kinds of precious stones (v 13). Though God had elevated him to the royal throne (vv 13-14), the king’s heart turned to materialism and to religious and judicial corruption (vv 16-18). In a sense the king (prince) represents the people of Tyre. They were all guilty of corruption, injustice, and violence. If God judged his covenant people for their perversion of justice and for their sins, his judgment would surely come also on the city of Tyre (vv 18-19). When the Babylonians marched on Tyre, they laboriously built a jetty from the mainland to the city. At the same time Tyrian ships loaded with goods and treasures sailed out across the Mediterranean, so that when Nebuchadnezzar’s troops finally breached the walls, little loot could be taken (29:18).<\/p>\n<p>The city of Sidon also cheered Jerusalem’s destruction. Sidon was a port city in Phoenicia, to the north of Tyre. By pestilence and war, the inhabitants of Sidon would learn the justice of Israel’s God.<\/p>\n<p>Six nations (Ammon, Moab, Edom, Philistia, Tyre, and Sidon) scorned Israel at the fall of Jerusalem. Because God had invested his holiness in the temple of Jerusalem and in his people, the temple’s destruction and the people’s exile signified to the nations that Israel’s God was impotent. They did not realize that the reason for Israel’s fate was God’s intolerance of his people’s sin. God’s holiness required the punishment of sin, and it also required vindication for his name (28:22-23). God was still concerned for his people, that Israel might know he had removed the scorn of their neighbors (v 24). In the restoration of Israel the Lord would further manifest his holiness before the nations. Israel would receive back the land, vineyards, and houses, and would enjoy the bounty of the Lord in peace (vv 25-26).<\/p>\n<p>Egypt had convinced the people of Israel and Judah that with its help the Assyrians and the Babylonians could not stand their ground in Palestine. In 722 <span>BC<\/span> the Assyrian troops took the northern capital of Samaria, and in 586 the Babylonians conquered Jerusalem, while Egypt remained passive. The Egyptians had desired control over Palestine for economic reasons, but not at the expense of their own welfare. Egypt, too, would lose its leadership under God’s judgment (29:9-16). Reduced to dependence on foreign powers, Egypt would no longer be a stumbling block for Israel. First, Babylonia was permitted to break Egypt’s power (23:1–32:21); later, the Persians, Greeks, and Romans would incorporate Egypt as a province. The fall of Egypt coincided with the fall of several great and small kingdoms: Assyria (32:22-23), Elam (vv 24-25), Meshech and Tubal (vv 26-28), Edom (v 29), and Sidon (v 30).<\/p>\n<h5>Proclamation of Hope (33:1–48:35)<\/h5>\n<p>After the visions of God’s judgment on the surrounding nations, Ezekiel returns to the future hope of Israel. In the first major section of his book he dealt with the reasons for Judah’s exile and the destruction of the temple, alluding often to the future of Israel. But the prophet’s organization of his material included, between prophecies of Israel’s judgment and restoration, the oracles of God’s judgment on Israel’s neighbors who had encouraged and rejoiced in its fall. Throughout its history Israel had allowed foreign nations to influence its religion, culture, and form of government. The reduction of their powers meant Israel, restored to the Promised Land, would be more free for faithfulness to God. Before taking up the theme of the restoration, Ezekiel reviews the emphases of chapters 1–24: (1) He was called to be a watchman over Israel (33:1-9; cf. 1:1–3:21). (2) Israel had sinned against the Lord and had to receive a righteous judgment (33:10). (3) Jerusalem was to be taken by the Babylonians (v 21). (4) Israel’s repentance is necessary for restoration (vv 11-16).<\/p>\n<p>Thus far, his ministry had not met with success. The exiles who had heard his messages were full of appreciation for Ezekiel’s rhetorical and literary abilities (33:32). They readily accepted Ezekiel as a watchman who warned the people of the impending catastrophe at Jerusalem, and they may have admitted that their sin was the reason for God’s judgment on Israel and Jerusalem. But they were slow in applying the prophetic word to their own lives. God was ready to forgive their sins if they repented, acknowledged him, and demonstrated their renewed spirit by practicing the law of God (v 32). Now that the news of Jerusalem had been reported to the exiles (v 21), the necessity for the people to act responsibly was even more urgent. The Lord had demonstrated that Ezekiel was a true prophet (v 33).<\/p>\n<p>The success of Ezekiel’s ministry was not measured in numbers. He faithfully declared the word of God in word, sign, and parable. The exiles had followed the false hopes proclaimed by false “shepherds” who had fattened themselves at the expense of the flock (34:2-3). They did not take care of those in need (v 4), and they allowed the flock to be scattered (vv 5-6). God promised his people that he would be the faithful shepherd, bring the sheep together, feed them, and care for them (34:11-15; cf. Ps 23). God would also distinguish between the sheep and the goats, to find out whose hearts were right with him, so that the true sheep could be restored to God’s flock (Ez 34:20-22). God’s promise included the restoration of the land and the restoration of the divinely appointed Davidic dynasty (v 24). The renewed fellowship between the Lord and Israel under the messianic ruler would be sealed with a new covenant, the “covenant of peace.” That covenant assured the people of God’s blessing on their labor, bringing them abundant harvests (vv 26-27). The people would not be forced to fight against nature in their pursuits (vv 25-28). They would not have to struggle against other peoples who might try to share in their blessings by force (vv 27-29). The prophetic vision telescoped the events of the restoration of Israel after the exile, the coming of Jesus the Messiah (cf. Jn 10), and the full restoration of the sin-cursed world.<\/p>\n<p>Chapter 34 is the key to the messages of restoration. The emphases include the outworking of the frequently repeated verse “They will truly be my people, and I will be their God” (11:20; cf. 34:30; 36:28). The most significant aspects of the restoration theme include: (1) God’s gracious restoration of his people to covenant blessing (36:20-36; 37:23-26; 39:25); (2) God’s restoration of the nation of Israel to the land (36:1-15, 24; 37:14-23; 39:27); (3) God’s new covenant, giving his Spirit to his people (36:25-27; 37:14; 39:29), and his blessing on his people (36:8-12, 29-38; 39:9-10, 26), assuring them of victory over their enemies (35:1-15; 36:36; 37:28; 38:1–39:24); (4) God’s appointment of a Davidic king, the Messiah, over his people (37:24-25); and (5) God’s temple restored among his people (37:26-27).<\/p>\n<h6>The People of God<\/h6>\n<p>The rejection of the exiles did not last forever. Based on the Abrahamic covenant, the Lord promised to bless the faithful remnant and to make of them a new people. The imagery of a valley of dry bones is particularly fitting. The dry bones represent God’s people without hope (37:11). Ezekiel proclaims to them the good news that God will renew and restore them (v 12). The Lord’s purpose for his people is that all the nations may honor his holy name through his people (39:7, 25-27).<\/p>\n<h6>The Land<\/h6>\n<p>The promise also extends to the land, originally given to Abraham and his descendants. The Abrahamic covenant included a messianic element, for through the family of Abraham living in the Promised Land all nations would receive God’s blessing (Gn 12:3). In a vision Ezekiel saw the boundaries and described the division of the land (Ez 47–48). The royal city of Jerusalem is the central symbol of God’s presence among his people; its name will be “The Lord is there” (48:8-35).<\/p>\n<h6>The New Covenant<\/h6>\n<p>The Abrahamic covenant is renewed, a gracious covenant that expresses the restored relationship. “Covenant of peace” fittingly describes its nature and benefits. The restless people of God are promised rest from their searching, their enemies, and their toil. The change in relationship is further emphasized by God’s sending of his Spirit, who will add a new dimension to the lifestyle of his people. Obedience to God will no longer be constrained, for God’s Spirit helps his people to do his will. A new heart, controlled by the Spirit of God, is given to the Lord’s people (36:26-27). The presence of the Spirit also signifies a new life for the people (37:14; see Jn 3:8, 16; Acts 2:38; Rom 8:2-4, 15).<\/p>\n<h6>The Messiah<\/h6>\n<p>The OT hope of a messianic king is crystallized in Ezekiel’s message. His rule will be everlasting (Ez 37:25), over all God’s people who have new hearts (vv 15-25).<\/p>\n<h6>The Temple<\/h6>\n<p>As a priest, Ezekiel remained keenly interested in the temple, priesthood, sacrificial regulations, and festivals. A large section of the prophecy’s last division describes the temple’s revived worship (40:1–46:24). His vision of the glory of God, so important in the messages of God’s judgment on Jerusalem (chs 1, 10–11), now assures the remnant that God did not forsake his people (43:2-5). He will dwell among them, for the temple is a symbol of God’s presence (37:27). Some interpreters believe that the temple, with its ritual as described in Ezekiel 40–46, will be restored in the messianic era before the last judgment. Others believe the promises about the temple provide a positive symbolic answer to Ezekiel’s greatest concern: whether God will return to be with his people (48:35; see Jn 2:21; Rv 21:22).<\/p>\n\n<p>There are various interpretations of chapters 34–48. As a watchman to Israel, Ezekiel had a message for the exiled Jewish community. Thus the prophecy’s fulfillment must have begun with the decree of Cyrus I (538 <span>BC<\/span>) permitting the Jews to return to their land (Ezr 1:1-3). Two rival schools of interpretation exist on how the prophecy is fulfilled beyond Israel’s restoration to the land. Those who interpret Israel as simply the nation view the modern return of Jewish people to the land of Israel as a continuation of God’s prophetic promise. They believe that God’s plan for Israel is being fulfilled along with, and in addition to, his plan for the Christian church. The fulfillment of those prophecies will be inaugurated by the coming of the messianic king, who will give earthly peace to the Jewish people. The temple worship (Ez 40–48) will be restored in some way during the period of the messianic kingdom. The church will enjoy a small share in all the events centered on the Jews. The promises of Ezekiel’s vision are thus limited to the nation of Israel and must be fulfilled before the coming of a new heaven and earth.<\/p>\n<p>Other interpreters believe that Ezekiel wrote for the benefit of spiritual descendants of Abraham who believe, as Abraham did, in God’s promises (Gn 15:6; cf. Rom 4:11-13; Gal 3:6-9, 29). All who have faith like Abraham, whether Jews or Gentiles, are regarded as Abraham’s offspring (Gal 3:28-29). Ezekiel’s message thus would include all of God’s gracious work among Christian Gentiles, who have become the recipients of God’s promises and benefits. It is possible, on the basis of 1 Peter 1:10-11, to interpret Ezekiel’s language as a prophetic expression of how God’s grace would come to all those who become reconciled to God through faith in the gospel.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Diaspora of the Jews; Ezekiel (Person); Prophecy.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>EZEKIEL, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Prophetic book of the OT, originating in the time of the Babylonian exile.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date and Background<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>Ezekiel was the son of Buzi (1:3), a member of a priestly family. It is unclear whether he actually served in the temple as a priest, but such was his training. His writings show that he knew the regulations for sacrifices, the rituals, and the people’s expectations of a priest. In exile Ezekiel the priest spoke God’s word about the future of the temple to his fellow exiles. Settled at Tel-abib, on the canal of Kebar, the thousands of deportees eked out a meager existence. They hoped for a speedy return to Judah and a change for the better in the international situation. Their hope was enflamed by the spirited preaching of false prophets, likened to jackals among the ruins (13:4). They piously said, “The Lord declares . . . ,” but they were actually self-commissioned (v 6). They deceived the people with a message of peace at a time when God’s judgment was about to be poured out on his people (v 10). They had led the people to distrust prophecy to such an extent that a proverb circulated among the people that “the days grow long, and every vision comes to nought” (12:22). Much time had passed since visions of God’s judgment had been given to the people, and nothing could be interpreted as a fulfillment of those visions. Ezekiel was called to serve his community by symbolic acts, visions, and verbal messages in order to convince the people that God’s judgment was imminent (v 23).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"DateandBackground\">Date and Background<\/p>\n<p>The ministry of the prophet Ezekiel can be understood best against the backdrop of his time. If, as the church father Origen believed, the vague reference “in the thirtieth year” (1:1) marks the prophet’s age at the time of his first vision, Ezekiel was born during the rule of King Josiah of Judah (c. 640–609 <span>BC<\/span>). Josiah was the grandson of King Manasseh, whose sacrilegious acts had brought God’s judgment on the kingdom of Judah (2 Kgs 21:10-15).<\/p>\n<p>Though Judah’s political situation was perilous, Josiah led the nation in a radical reformation that began with the finding of the “Book of the Law” (2 Kgs 22) in the year that Ezekiel was born (c. 621 <span>BC<\/span>). Idolatry was done away with and the people turned back to God, but God’s judgment on Judah was unchangeable (23:26-27). Josiah erred in trying to make Judah a kingdom with which other states had to reckon. He was threatened when the Egyptian pharaoh Neco passed through Judah on his way to aid the weakened Assyrian kingdom. Josiah marched to meet the Egyptian forces, but his troops were unable to stand against the Egyptians, and he died in battle (v 29). Egypt took control of Judah, and Pharaoh Neco placed Jehoiakim in power over Jerusalem. Egyptian control did not last long, however, for in 605 <span>BC<\/span> Egypt and Assyria were defeated by Babylonia’s king Nebuchadnezzar at Carchemish. The Babylonians then pushed south to Jerusalem, and the first deportation of Judean leaders (among them the prophet Daniel) took place.<\/p>\n<p>Jehoiakim was permitted to continue ruling over Judah as a vassal king of Nebuchadnezzar. But his dealings with Egypt brought the emperor’s wrath down upon him. Before the Babylonians could address the Judean situation, Jehoiakim died and his son Jehoiachin was crowned. When the Babylonian forces arrived at the gates of Jerusalem, Jehoiachin and thousands of the aristocracy were taken to Babylon (2 Kgs 24:10-17). Among those deportees was Ezekiel, then about 25 years old.<\/p>\n<p>Although the book says otherwise, many scholars think that Ezekiel lived and taught in Judah for the duration of the siege and the fall of Jerusalem (586 <span>BC<\/span>). They conclude this from Ezekiel’s familiarity with idolatry in the temple and his vivid descriptions of Jerusalem’s last days (Ez 8:11). Others believe that Ezekiel ministered both to the exiled community and to the Judeans living in Judah. Neither interpretation does full justice to the claims of the book itself. Ezekiel was exiled in 597 <span>BC<\/span>. He was called to bring God’s word to the deportees at Tel-abib; he was granted a vision of the horrible practices in the temple court; and he was familiar with Jerusalem and Judah from having lived there and from reports on affairs in Jerusalem coming to the exiles through messengers. Jeremiah, Ezekiel’s contemporary, was prophesying in Jerusalem, but there is no evidence that Jeremiah and Ezekiel knew of each other’s ministry. If Ezekiel had brought God’s word to Jerusalem during the siege, some reference to Jeremiah might appear in his writings. If Jeremiah was supported by Ezekiel’s ministry in Jerusalem, he probably would have included a positive word for his colleague in his book. The book of Ezekiel plainly says that Ezekiel lived and preached in exile (see 1:1-3; 11:24-25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<p>The prophecy of Ezekiel is easily outlined by subject matter and chronology. The chronology of the period permits a division before and after 586 <span>BC<\/span> (the fall of Jerusalem). Chapters 1–24 cover the pre-586 ministry of Ezekiel, whereas chapters 33–48 represent his post-586 ministry. Chapters 25–32 (oracles against the foreign nations) function as a transition between the book’s two major divisions.<\/p>\n<p>The book’s outline according to subject matter divides into four parts: Ezekiel’s call (1:1–3:21); prophecies of judgment against Israel (3:22–24:27); oracles against the nations (25:1–32:32); and proclamation of hope (33:1–48:35).<\/p>\n<h5>Ezekiel’s Call (1:1–3:21)<\/h5>\n<p>The prophet’s call in one sense was similar to that of Isaiah and Jeremiah. Isaiah received his mission in a vision of God’s glory in the temple (Is 6). Jeremiah was called unexpectedly in his youth, and received signs that solemnly set forth the nature of his mission (Jer 1:11-15). The call of Ezekiel combined those two elements. Revelation of God’s glory to the prophet at the same time revealed the nature of the prophet’s mission. Ezekiel’s call contained a full description of God’s glory. Isaiah briefly stated that he saw the Lord enthroned in the temple, and he concentrated on the seraphim representing and magnifying God’s glory. Ezekiel elaborated on the revelation of the Lord’s glory as well as on the ministering angels who went before the Lord as part of his royal entourage. The vision of God’s glory, though difficult to understand, is the key to the book of Ezekiel.<\/p>\n<p>Ezekiel, as a priest, was concerned about the future of the temple. That sacred place had been ordained by God as his home among his people. The glory, presence, and holiness of God were symbolized in the temple (see 1 Kgs 8:10-11). In exile Ezekiel could not serve his people as a priest, for they were far from Jerusalem, the city God had chosen. Against all expectations the Lord revealed himself to Ezekiel in the land of Babylon. In calling Ezekiel to a prophetic ministry, God assured his servant that he had not forsaken his people, even though they had been banished from the Promised Land.<\/p>\n<p>The prophet’s vision began with a storm. As a large cloud approached from the north, Ezekiel saw a brightness surrounding the cloud, four creatures, and four wheels. The combination of creatures and wheels suggests that the Lord appeared in a chariot. God’s chariot is a familiar OT representation of his coming in judgment (see Is 66:15-16). The wheels within wheels and the position of the four living creatures may signify God’s total control over the whole earth, so he could move his “chariot of judgment” in any direction. It is also possible that the living creatures with their four faces, and the wheels full of eyes, may be separate symbols showing that God sees all that happens and thereby knows the plight of the exiles. In the vision the prophet’s attention was drawn to a throne above the heads of the creatures. On the throne was “the appearance of the likeness of the glory of the <span>Lord<\/span>” (1:28). In his vision of God’s coming in judgment, Ezekiel received his call to the prophetic ministry: “Son of man, I send you to the people of Israel, to a nation of rebels who have rebelled against me” (2:3, <span>rsv<\/span>). During a dark hour of Israel’s history, Ezekiel had to prophesy, rebuke his fellow exiles (3:11), and be responsible as a watchman over the house of Israel (3:17; cf. 33:1-9). Symbolic of his mission was a scroll filled with lamentations and woe (2:9-10), which when eaten became sweet as honey (3:1-3). Difficult as the mission was, God’s presence and the certain fulfillment of the prophecies sweetened Ezekiel’s task. Such encouragement was intended to take away any fear of the rebellious Israelites (2:6-7). Instead of being elated with his mission, however, Ezekiel became despondent.<\/p>\n<p>A week later, the word of the Lord came to Ezekiel to remind him of his important role as a watchman (3:16-17). Ezekiel became responsible for Israel as a nation, not just for individuals. His witness to Israel had the express aim of national repentance (vv 18-19).<\/p>\n<p>Ezekiel was confined to his house by God (3:24-25). The house ministry was to be carried on only with those Israelites who sought God’s will, for the Lord had abandoned those who continued in their apostasy. The prophetic word would not help the apostates (v 26). The principle of Ezekiel’s ministry is found in 3:27: “Whenever I give you a message, I will loosen your tongue and let you speak. Then you will say to them, ‘This is what the Sovereign <span>Lord<\/span> says!’ Some of them will listen, but some will ignore you, for they are rebels” (<span>nlt<\/span>; cf. Mt 11:15; 13:43).<\/p>\n<h5>Prophecies of Judgment against Israel (3:22–24:27)<\/h5>\n<p>Symbolism figures prominently in Ezekiel’s writing. His priestly background and preparation probably suited him to receive and communicate God’s word in symbolic acts and speech. Chapters 4 and 5 contain four symbolic acts: (1) Jerusalem’s siege is portrayed on a brick (Ez 4:1-3); (2) Israel’s iniquity is represented by Ezekiel’s lying on his sides (vv 4-8); (3) Jerusalem’s grief and horror in the last days of the siege are represented by Ezekiel’s food and drink (vv 9-17); (4) Jerusalem’s fate is represented by the prophet’s hair being cut off (5:1-4).<\/p>\n<p>Ezekiel’s instructions were further illuminated by God’s explanation of Israel’s apostasy (5:6-7) and his judgment on Israel (vv 8-12). The judgment will last until the Israelites admit that in covenant faithfulness their Lord has inflicted righteous judgment on them (v 13).<\/p>\n<p>God would direct his judgment first against the people and the city of Jerusalem. Next in line were the mountains of Israel (ch 6) and the land (ch 7). God’s wrath included the cities and cultic sites in the hill country of Judah, leaving no protection for the people (6:3-6). Abominations that were practiced throughout the land caused God’s judgment to fall on the land as well as on the people (7:2-3, 10-11, 23). But because God is righteous, he judged the people according to their ways of life, desiring that they would once more acknowledge him as their God (7:27).<\/p>\n<p>The prophet then (chs 8–11) focused on the abominations practiced in Jerusalem, particularly idolatry in the temple courts, which caused the judgment announced in chapters 1–7. An idol had been erected in the inner court (8:3-5). By the wall of the court, elders of the city were paying homage to the idols that surrounded the court (vv 11-12). Closer to the temple, women were weeping for the god Tammuz (v 14), and men were worshiping the sun (v 16). In preparation for the ultimate judgment on the land, the prophet placed a mark on the foreheads of the few faithful Israelites so that they would survive (9:4-6). Then (ch 10), the glory of God, which had filled the temple from the time of Solomon, gradually left: “Then the glory of the <span>Lord<\/span> went up from the city and stopped above the mountain to the east” (11:23, <span>nlt<\/span>). The people, now without divine protection, were being handed over to the Babylonians (v 9).<\/p>\n<p>The message of doom for Jerusalem contains four elements of hope: restoration of the people (11:17), restoration of the land (v 17), purification of the people (v 18), and renewed fellowship between God and his people (vv 19-20). The prophet develops those four themes in chapters 33–48.<\/p>\n<p>The visions of chapters 10 and 11 made clear that when God removed his presence from Jerusalem, the exile was approaching. Those who were already in Babylon were unwilling to believe that such an extensive devastation of Jerusalem would happen or that the people would all be exiled and the land become desolate.<\/p>\n<p>Ezekiel acted out the certainty of God’s word of judgment by packing his bags and showing the baggage to his fellow exiles. First, he placed the bags in the courtyard outside his modest home. Next, he went out by making a hole through the wall. Finally, the prophet walked about the settlement with his bags in full view. Skeptical observers did not understand Ezekiel and probably thought he was crazy. The believers who saw him understood. His strange actions dramatized how the king’s aides would do all they could to help King Zedekiah escape just before the fall of Jerusalem. Second Kings 25 tells how the king and his soldiers left Jerusalem for the wilderness, to be overtaken by the Babylonians at Jericho and brought before Nebuchadnezzar at Riblah. As a captive, Zedekiah witnessed the murder of his sons; then his eyes were put out, and he was sent into exile with the other Judeans (cf. Ez 12:13). The prophet’s explanation concluded with a word of comfort. Because of his covenant with Abraham, God promised not to destroy the people completely. A remnant who overcame the sword, famine, and pestilence would live to tell the story of God’s judgment (vv 15-16).<\/p>\n<p>Ezekiel further illustrated the nation’s plight by eating as though full of fear, depicting the great trauma that all of Judah’s inhabitants would soon undergo.<\/p>\n<p>Both symbolic acts, packing his belongings and eating, emphasized the truthfulness of God’s word. The people needed to face the nature of their God: He is magnificent, and when he speaks, his words are powerful and come to pass. Thus, the devastation of the land and the people’s exile were a fulfillment of God’s word through the prophets. The judgment was meant to produce a recognition of the Lord, repentance, and a return to God. Some in Judah doubted the efficacy of God’s prophecies, saying, “Time passes, making a liar of every prophet” (12:22). Others thought God’s word would come true in the distant future (v 27). The prevailing attitude of distrust in God’s word had been stimulated by the popular preaching of false prophets (ch 13). Never commissioned by the Lord, they deceived God’s people by lying and misdirecting them with messages of peace (vv 8-10). Wickedness, lying, and deceit were encouraged among the people by such false prophets (v 22). The magnitude of their sin and their great responsibility for Judah’s fall would be matched by the Lord’s heavy judgment. Yet God would save his people from such evil and will prepare a righteous nation with whom to maintain his covenant (v 23).<\/p>\n<p>The certainty of the judgment has been connected with the truthfulness of God’s word. Ezekiel’s difficult task of affirming the doom of Jerusalem to stubborn hearers was intensified by the people’s idolatry. Their whole way of life denied the existence of God. They practiced idolatry in their worship, and they had set up idols in their hearts (14:3). Before the covenant with God could be restored, they had to be purified from their idolatry. Even so, repentance would not guarantee immunity from judgment. Sword, famine, wild beasts, and plagues would ravage the population (v 21). After the execution of his judgment, God would take back those survivors who had turned to him for mercy. God would surely accomplish all that he intended for his people’s good (v 23).<\/p>\n<p>In chapters 15–17 Ezekiel uses three parables to set forth the apostasy, present uselessness, and judgment of Israel. Jerusalem and Judah are compared to a piece of charred wood, an adulterous woman, and a vine.<\/p>\n<p>Chapter 15 reviews Jerusalem’s case. Jerusalem is compared to a piece of wood, both ends of which have been charred with fire, so that the wood is of no value. As the whole piece of wood is burned instead of being saved, so Jerusalem would undergo complete devastation (15:7-8).<\/p>\n<p>Chapter 16 presents God’s case against Jerusalem from a different perspective, stressing his care for Jerusalem in the past. The beginnings of her history are compared to the birth of a female child, left abandoned by her mother (16:3-5). God adopted the child and washed and clothed her (vv 6-7). He made a covenant with her (v 8), making her his own possession. He generously gave her all the fine things of life (vv 9-13). In the height of her development, Jerusalem’s fame spread to the nations (v 14). Her self-reliance made her a spiritual prostitute as she took up the religious practices and way of life of the nations (vv 15-34). The cities of Sodom (Gn 19) and Samaria (2 Kgs 17:6), known for their immorality, are called Jerusalem’s sisters (Ez 16:46). They had been judged by God, but the corruption of those cities was little compared to the lewdness of Jerusalem (vv 48-51). Thus, Jerusalem also would surely fall and become desolate. Yet Ezekiel anticipates the judgment’s final outcome; Jerusalem will be restored to covenantal blessing (vv 62-63) after her repentance.<\/p>\n<p>The third parable (ch 17) focuses on God’s sovereignty over political developments. Assyria was no longer a power to be reckoned with. Babylon and Egypt both exercised dominion, although the balance of power was veering in favor of Babylon. Their extension of power is likened to an eagle. Nebuchadnezzar, pictured as “a great eagle with broad wings full of many-colored feathers,” took control over the affairs of Judah by removing Jehoiachin, “the highest branch of a cedar tree,” from office and by exiling him with young leaders of the Judean state (17:3-4). Ezekiel was among them. Nebuchadnezzar let the Judeans control their own affairs under Zedekiah but expected them to be subject to Babylon and not to any other power. But Judah (likened to a vine) tried to ally itself with Pharaoh Hophra of Egypt, “another great eagle with broad wings and full plumage” (v 7), against Nebuchadnezzar. Zedekiah’s folly in turning to Egypt would cause Nebuchadnezzar to pull up the vine by its roots and make it wither (vv 9-10). In explaining the parable, God told the exiles that Judah’s fall was a result of its unfaithfulness to King Nebuchadnezzar, to whom Judah owed allegiance by covenant (vv 13-18). Judah’s unfaithfulness thus extended to all of its relationships: religious, cultural, and political. After the exile, God promised, he would restore his people to their land under a Messiah, “a tender shoot” (v 22). The messianic rule is signified by the young twig, which when planted in the land will become a magnificent cedar, giving shade and protection to the birds. Chapter 17 is an inspiring affirmation of the sovereignty of God in human affairs (“All the trees will know that it is I, the <span>Lord<\/span>, who cuts down the tall tree and helps the short tree to grow tall. It is I who makes the green tree wither and gives new life to the dead tree”—17:24, <span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>Chapters 18–22 contain Ezekiel’s oracles to Judah, its leaders, and the exiles. First, he enunciates God’s standard of righteousness: “The person who sins will be the one who dies” (18:4, <span>nlt<\/span>). The people are charging God with injustice, for they believe themselves to be under God’s judgment for the sins of their ancestors (vv 25-29). Although the Ten Commandments do say that God may punish “the sins of their parents to the third and the fourth generations” (Ex 20:5, <span>nlt<\/span>), the prophet vindicates God’s justice, telling the people that they are not being punished merely for their ancestors’ sin. Each person must be directly accountable to God; the sinner will die in wickedness, and the righteous will live by righteousness. A life of faithfulness to God’s moral and civil law will be rewarded (Ez 18:5-9). Even if one’s father was a sinner, the father’s sin is not transferable (vv 14-18). God is ready to forgive any sinner who repents (v 27). The prophet’s vindication of God’s justice becomes a call to repentance. The sinners in Judah and in exile were thus warned of the consequences of their evil, and were exhorted to return to their God and his standard of right and wrong (vv 31-32).<\/p>\n<p>Chapter 19 contains two parables in the form of a lamentation. The first portrays a lioness and her two cubs. The lioness is Hamutal, the wife of King Josiah (2 Kgs 23:31), who bore two sons: Jehoahaz and Zedekiah. Jehoahaz is referred to in Ezekiel 19:3-4 as a cub who grew up and was taken to Egypt (by Pharaoh Neco in 608 <span>BC<\/span>; see 2 Kgs 23:31-34). Zedekiah succeeded to the throne ten years later. In the lamentation the prophet imaginatively represents Zedekiah as a young cub who is ultimately taken to Babylon as a rebellious ruler (Ez 19:7-9). The second parable changes the imagery to a vine, representing Israel (v 10). In its early days God blessed Israel with strong rulers, but now the vine was wilting as Zedekiah irresponsibly led Judah to its last days. Ezekiel’s lamentation stresses the lack of a good candidate for the throne and the lack of life in the vine (vv 13-14).<\/p>\n<p>In chapter 20 the prophet concludes God’s argument against his people. He reviews the history of Israel’s past, starting with God’s self-revelation in Egypt (20:5-6). He took to himself a stubborn nation, tied to idolatry (v 8) and prone to apostasy (vv 13, 21). Israel wanted to be one of the great nations (v 32) instead of a sanctified people (v 12). As a result of its spiritual hardness, Israel is dispersed to live among the nations (v 35). Yet God had a solemn covenant with Israel, made by oath to the patriarchs Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. On the basis of that covenant, God will reach out with compassion to those who repent of their sinful ways (vv 37-44). In Israel’s judgment and restoration the nations will see the holiness of God, which does not tolerate unfaithfulness in Israel (v 41).<\/p>\n<p>Ezekiel’s prophecies alternate between God’s judgment on Israel’s sin and his restoration of Israel, spanning the bridge between Israel’s past and future. In view of the people’s doubts of the coming judgment on Jerusalem, he stresses the necessity of judgment and the need for repentance. Still, the future restoration of a remnant is touched upon here and there as the counterpart of his message of judgment. After announcing the fall of Jerusalem, the prophet shifts from a message of judgment to one of hope.<\/p>\n<p>The prophet returns to the proclamation of judgment in four oracles (20:45–21:32). He speaks against the Negev Desert area (20:45-49), Jerusalem and the land of Israel (21:2-17, 20-27), and against the Ammonites (vv 28-32). God permitted the sword of Nebuchadnezzar to be his instrument of judgment upon the Judeans (v 19). He would see to the judgment on the Ammonites. The Judeans would recover their previous glory, but the memory of the Ammonites would perish (vv 27, 32). The oracle against the Ammonites anticipates a larger treatise on Israel’s other neighbors: Moab, Edom, Philistia, Tyre, Sidon, and Egypt (chs 25–29).<\/p>\n<p>Chapters 22–24 contain a renewed series of indictments against Jerusalem. Jerusalem’s religious and civil leadership (the prophets, priests, and princes) are corrupt, and the people have followed their example (22:25-30). The parable of the two sisters, Oholah and Oholibah, is a variation of the parable of adulterous Jerusalem (ch 23; cf. ch 16). It differs in that the comparison drawn between Jerusalem, soon to be exiled, and Samaria, already in exile, is more explicit in the parable of Oholah and Oholibah. In chapter 16 Jerusalem was charged with greater sins than Sodom and Samaria, but was promised restoration. Only the adulterous nature of the two sisters and God’s judgment on them is emphasized in chapter 23, with no word of restoration. This parable is a fitting introduction to that of the boiling pot (ch 24), in which Jerusalem is compared to a rusty pot boiling with water. The Jerusalemites, likened to pieces of meat in the boiling pot, will die in the city. The parable was pronounced on the starting day of Nebuchadnezzar’s siege of Jerusalem. Thus, the exiles were divinely forewarned of God’s intent to destroy the temple (24:21) and were prepared for messengers bringing the bad news of Jerusalem’s fall.<\/p>\n<p>Those oracles and parables conclude the first division of the book. Ezekiel has stated God’s case against the rebellious house of Judah in many ways. His metaphors have likened Judah to a burnt piece of wood, to an uprooted vine, to a baby who grew up to be an adulteress, and to Oholibah, the adulterous woman. He has countered arguments against the fulfillment of God’s word and against the justice of God. He has reassured the exiles that God will not leave the righteous and that the future of Israel begins with a righteous remnant. The pendulum of Ezekiel’s writing has swung from judgment to restoration, while the clock was bringing Judah closer to the hour of its fall.<\/p>\n<h5>Oracles against the Nations (25:1–32:32)<\/h5>\n<p>Ammon, Moab, and Edom were Israel’s neighbors to the east. Because they were ethnically related to Israel, they were not attacked by the Israelites on their march to the Promised Land. Ammon and Moab were descendants of Lot, Abraham’s nephew, and the Edomites descended from Esau, the brother of Jacob. Although God forbade war with them, relations between Israel and its eastern neighbors were always tense. Israel had been overrun by the Ammonites for a time, and Israel was never successful in controlling the Edomites’ competitive trade relations. Those neighboring nations joined the Babylonian attack against Jerusalem and rejoiced when Jerusalem fell and the temple was devastated (Ez 25:3-12). They were ready to take over and loot Judah’s cities, and to instigate trouble in a time when Jerusalem was distressed. Therefore, says Ezekiel, God’s judgment will also extend to Ammon, Moab, and Edom (vv 4-14).<\/p>\n<p>The Philistines had been Israel’s enemy to the southwest. During the period of the judges and the united monarchy, the Philistines had controlled much of Israel’s territory. King David successfully limited the Philistine threat by confining them to their own territory. But in Ezekiel’s day they were still considered Israel’s “everlasting” enemy (25:15), possibly intensified by Philistine support of the Babylonian invasion of Judah.<\/p>\n<p>The city of Tyre had received reports of the overthrow of Jerusalem and was ready to exploit the opportunity for its own advantage (26:2). Tyre’s trade position was unrivaled; its ships crossed the seas to exchange goods with many distant lands (Ez 27). But Tyre would soon be broken by the Babylonians, its wealth dried up with the destruction of the fleet and the murder of its sailors (27:26).<\/p>\n<p>The prince of Tyre is singled out in chapter 28, but verse 12 refers to the “king” of Tyre. Interpreters disagree whether they are one person or two. Those who distinguish between the two understand the prince of Tyre to be the ruler of that city, but they consider the “king” of Tyre to represent Satan (28:13-15). The Garden of Eden with all its splendor is an appropriate setting for the original glory of an angelic Satan before his fall. But there is no reason within the context to distinguish between the prince and the king of Tyre. Each is said to have exalted himself, and both took authority over men as if they were gods and enjoyed all the splendor and royalty that belong to God. And both prince and king fall from their high position. The passage is a magnificent example of Ezekiel’s literary ability. He draws a glorious picture of the Garden of Eden, reworking the same theme as he depicts the glory and fall of the king of Tyre. Ezekiel presents him as a cherub, in accordance with the local belief that the king was divine. He wore the finest clothing, with nine kinds of precious stones (v 13). Though God had elevated him to the royal throne (vv 13-14), the king’s heart turned to materialism and to religious and judicial corruption (vv 16-18). In a sense the king (prince) represents the people of Tyre. They were all guilty of corruption, injustice, and violence. If God judged his covenant people for their perversion of justice and for their sins, his judgment would surely come also on the city of Tyre (vv 18-19). When the Babylonians marched on Tyre, they laboriously built a jetty from the mainland to the city. At the same time Tyrian ships loaded with goods and treasures sailed out across the Mediterranean, so that when Nebuchadnezzar’s troops finally breached the walls, little loot could be taken (29:18).<\/p>\n<p>The city of Sidon also cheered Jerusalem’s destruction. Sidon was a port city in Phoenicia, to the north of Tyre. By pestilence and war, the inhabitants of Sidon would learn the justice of Israel’s God.<\/p>\n<p>Six nations (Ammon, Moab, Edom, Philistia, Tyre, and Sidon) scorned Israel at the fall of Jerusalem. Because God had invested his holiness in the temple of Jerusalem and in his people, the temple’s destruction and the people’s exile signified to the nations that Israel’s God was impotent. They did not realize that the reason for Israel’s fate was God’s intolerance of his people’s sin. God’s holiness required the punishment of sin, and it also required vindication for his name (28:22-23). God was still concerned for his people, that Israel might know he had removed the scorn of their neighbors (v 24). In the restoration of Israel the Lord would further manifest his holiness before the nations. Israel would receive back the land, vineyards, and houses, and would enjoy the bounty of the Lord in peace (vv 25-26).<\/p>\n<p>Egypt had convinced the people of Israel and Judah that with its help the Assyrians and the Babylonians could not stand their ground in Palestine. In 722 <span>BC<\/span> the Assyrian troops took the northern capital of Samaria, and in 586 the Babylonians conquered Jerusalem, while Egypt remained passive. The Egyptians had desired control over Palestine for economic reasons, but not at the expense of their own welfare. Egypt, too, would lose its leadership under God’s judgment (29:9-16). Reduced to dependence on foreign powers, Egypt would no longer be a stumbling block for Israel. First, Babylonia was permitted to break Egypt’s power (23:1–32:21); later, the Persians, Greeks, and Romans would incorporate Egypt as a province. The fall of Egypt coincided with the fall of several great and small kingdoms: Assyria (32:22-23), Elam (vv 24-25), Meshech and Tubal (vv 26-28), Edom (v 29), and Sidon (v 30).<\/p>\n<h5>Proclamation of Hope (33:1–48:35)<\/h5>\n<p>After the visions of God’s judgment on the surrounding nations, Ezekiel returns to the future hope of Israel. In the first major section of his book he dealt with the reasons for Judah’s exile and the destruction of the temple, alluding often to the future of Israel. But the prophet’s organization of his material included, between prophecies of Israel’s judgment and restoration, the oracles of God’s judgment on Israel’s neighbors who had encouraged and rejoiced in its fall. Throughout its history Israel had allowed foreign nations to influence its religion, culture, and form of government. The reduction of their powers meant Israel, restored to the Promised Land, would be more free for faithfulness to God. Before taking up the theme of the restoration, Ezekiel reviews the emphases of chapters 1–24: (1) He was called to be a watchman over Israel (33:1-9; cf. 1:1–3:21). (2) Israel had sinned against the Lord and had to receive a righteous judgment (33:10). (3) Jerusalem was to be taken by the Babylonians (v 21). (4) Israel’s repentance is necessary for restoration (vv 11-16).<\/p>\n<p>Thus far, his ministry had not met with success. The exiles who had heard his messages were full of appreciation for Ezekiel’s rhetorical and literary abilities (33:32). They readily accepted Ezekiel as a watchman who warned the people of the impending catastrophe at Jerusalem, and they may have admitted that their sin was the reason for God’s judgment on Israel and Jerusalem. But they were slow in applying the prophetic word to their own lives. God was ready to forgive their sins if they repented, acknowledged him, and demonstrated their renewed spirit by practicing the law of God (v 32). Now that the news of Jerusalem had been reported to the exiles (v 21), the necessity for the people to act responsibly was even more urgent. The Lord had demonstrated that Ezekiel was a true prophet (v 33).<\/p>\n<p>The success of Ezekiel’s ministry was not measured in numbers. He faithfully declared the word of God in word, sign, and parable. The exiles had followed the false hopes proclaimed by false “shepherds” who had fattened themselves at the expense of the flock (34:2-3). They did not take care of those in need (v 4), and they allowed the flock to be scattered (vv 5-6). God promised his people that he would be the faithful shepherd, bring the sheep together, feed them, and care for them (34:11-15; cf. Ps 23). God would also distinguish between the sheep and the goats, to find out whose hearts were right with him, so that the true sheep could be restored to God’s flock (Ez 34:20-22). God’s promise included the restoration of the land and the restoration of the divinely appointed Davidic dynasty (v 24). The renewed fellowship between the Lord and Israel under the messianic ruler would be sealed with a new covenant, the “covenant of peace.” That covenant assured the people of God’s blessing on their labor, bringing them abundant harvests (vv 26-27). The people would not be forced to fight against nature in their pursuits (vv 25-28). They would not have to struggle against other peoples who might try to share in their blessings by force (vv 27-29). The prophetic vision telescoped the events of the restoration of Israel after the exile, the coming of Jesus the Messiah (cf. Jn 10), and the full restoration of the sin-cursed world.<\/p>\n<p>Chapter 34 is the key to the messages of restoration. The emphases include the outworking of the frequently repeated verse “They will truly be my people, and I will be their God” (11:20; cf. 34:30; 36:28). The most significant aspects of the restoration theme include: (1) God’s gracious restoration of his people to covenant blessing (36:20-36; 37:23-26; 39:25); (2) God’s restoration of the nation of Israel to the land (36:1-15, 24; 37:14-23; 39:27); (3) God’s new covenant, giving his Spirit to his people (36:25-27; 37:14; 39:29), and his blessing on his people (36:8-12, 29-38; 39:9-10, 26), assuring them of victory over their enemies (35:1-15; 36:36; 37:28; 38:1–39:24); (4) God’s appointment of a Davidic king, the Messiah, over his people (37:24-25); and (5) God’s temple restored among his people (37:26-27).<\/p>\n<h6>The People of God<\/h6>\n<p>The rejection of the exiles did not last forever. Based on the Abrahamic covenant, the Lord promised to bless the faithful remnant and to make of them a new people. The imagery of a valley of dry bones is particularly fitting. The dry bones represent God’s people without hope (37:11). Ezekiel proclaims to them the good news that God will renew and restore them (v 12). The Lord’s purpose for his people is that all the nations may honor his holy name through his people (39:7, 25-27).<\/p>\n<h6>The Land<\/h6>\n<p>The promise also extends to the land, originally given to Abraham and his descendants. The Abrahamic covenant included a messianic element, for through the family of Abraham living in the Promised Land all nations would receive God’s blessing (Gn 12:3). In a vision Ezekiel saw the boundaries and described the division of the land (Ez 47–48). The royal city of Jerusalem is the central symbol of God’s presence among his people; its name will be “The Lord is there” (48:8-35).<\/p>\n<h6>The New Covenant<\/h6>\n<p>The Abrahamic covenant is renewed, a gracious covenant that expresses the restored relationship. “Covenant of peace” fittingly describes its nature and benefits. The restless people of God are promised rest from their searching, their enemies, and their toil. The change in relationship is further emphasized by God’s sending of his Spirit, who will add a new dimension to the lifestyle of his people. Obedience to God will no longer be constrained, for God’s Spirit helps his people to do his will. A new heart, controlled by the Spirit of God, is given to the Lord’s people (36:26-27). The presence of the Spirit also signifies a new life for the people (37:14; see Jn 3:8, 16; Acts 2:38; Rom 8:2-4, 15).<\/p>\n<h6>The Messiah<\/h6>\n<p>The OT hope of a messianic king is crystallized in Ezekiel’s message. His rule will be everlasting (Ez 37:25), over all God’s people who have new hearts (vv 15-25).<\/p>\n<h6>The Temple<\/h6>\n<p>As a priest, Ezekiel remained keenly interested in the temple, priesthood, sacrificial regulations, and festivals. A large section of the prophecy’s last division describes the temple’s revived worship (40:1–46:24). His vision of the glory of God, so important in the messages of God’s judgment on Jerusalem (chs 1, 10–11), now assures the remnant that God did not forsake his people (43:2-5). He will dwell among them, for the temple is a symbol of God’s presence (37:27). Some interpreters believe that the temple, with its ritual as described in Ezekiel 40–46, will be restored in the messianic era before the last judgment. Others believe the promises about the temple provide a positive symbolic answer to Ezekiel’s greatest concern: whether God will return to be with his people (48:35; see Jn 2:21; Rv 21:22).<\/p>\n\n<p>There are various interpretations of chapters 34–48. As a watchman to Israel, Ezekiel had a message for the exiled Jewish community. Thus the prophecy’s fulfillment must have begun with the decree of Cyrus I (538 <span>BC<\/span>) permitting the Jews to return to their land (Ezr 1:1-3). Two rival schools of interpretation exist on how the prophecy is fulfilled beyond Israel’s restoration to the land. Those who interpret Israel as simply the nation view the modern return of Jewish people to the land of Israel as a continuation of God’s prophetic promise. They believe that God’s plan for Israel is being fulfilled along with, and in addition to, his plan for the Christian church. The fulfillment of those prophecies will be inaugurated by the coming of the messianic king, who will give earthly peace to the Jewish people. The temple worship (Ez 40–48) will be restored in some way during the period of the messianic kingdom. The church will enjoy a small share in all the events centered on the Jews. The promises of Ezekiel’s vision are thus limited to the nation of Israel and must be fulfilled before the coming of a new heaven and earth.<\/p>\n<p>Other interpreters believe that Ezekiel wrote for the benefit of spiritual descendants of Abraham who believe, as Abraham did, in God’s promises (Gn 15:6; cf. Rom 4:11-13; Gal 3:6-9, 29). All who have faith like Abraham, whether Jews or Gentiles, are regarded as Abraham’s offspring (Gal 3:28-29). Ezekiel’s message thus would include all of God’s gracious work among Christian Gentiles, who have become the recipients of God’s promises and benefits. It is possible, on the basis of 1 Peter 1:10-11, to interpret Ezekiel’s language as a prophetic expression of how God’s grace would come to all those who become reconciled to God through faith in the gospel.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Diaspora of the Jews; Ezekiel (Person); Prophecy.<\/p>","summary_ro":"EZEKIEL, Book of Prophetic book of the OT, originating in the time of the Babylonian exile. Preview • Author • Date and Background • Content Author Ezekiel was the son of Buzi (1:3), a member of a priestly family. It is unclear whether he actually served in the temple as a priest, but such was his training. His writings show that he knew the regulations for sacrifices, the rituals, and the people’s expectations of a priest. In exile Ezekiel the priest spoke God’s word about the future of the ...","summary_en":"EZEKIEL, Book of Prophetic book of the OT, originating in the time of the Babylonian exile. Preview • Author • Date and Background • Content Author Ezekiel was the son of Buzi (1:3), a member of a priestly family. It is unclear whether he actually served in the temple as a priest, but such was his training. His writings show that he knew the regulations for sacrifices, the rituals, and the people’s expectations of a priest. In exile Ezekiel the priest spoke God’s word about the future of the ...","source":"Articles\/E.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":22043,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Books of First and Second Kings","title_en":"Books of First and Second Kings","content_ro":"<h3>KINGS, Books of First and Second<\/h3>\n<p>Books continuing the history of the covenant people as recorded in Joshua, Judges, and the books of Samuel. The record in Kings begins with the events at the end of David’s reign (1 Kgs 1–2). It continues through the reign of Solomon (chs 3–11); the histories of the divided kingdoms (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17); and the history of the surviving kingdom in the south, through its fall in 586 <span>BC<\/span> and the subsequent kindness shown Jehoiachin by Evil-merodach, king of Babylon, around 561 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 18–25).<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Authorship and Date<\/p>\n<p>• Sources<\/p>\n<p>• Theology and Purpose<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"AuthorshipandDate\">Authorship and Date<\/p>\n<p>Kings was originally regarded as one book in the Hebrew canon; the division into two books of approximately equal length appeared first in the Septuagint and finally entered the Hebrew Bible in the 15th century <span>AD<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>The book itself is anonymous, and information about its author can only be deduced by examining the concerns and perspectives of the work. The Babylonian Talmud (<em>Baba Bathra<\/em> 15a) attributes Kings to Jeremiah. Although this identification could have arisen from the tendency of later Jewish tradition to assign biblical books to prophetic authors, the theory of origin in prophetic circles fits the evidence quite well. Substantial portions are given to the lives of the prophets; 16 of 47 chapters are devoted to the lives of Elijah and Elisha (1 Kgs 17—2 Kgs 10), and there is considerable interest in other prophetic figures such as Ahijah (1 Kgs 11:29-39; 14:1-16), an unnamed man of God (13:1-10), and Micaiah (22:13-28). Possible dependence on Isaiah (2 Kgs 18–20; cf. Is 36–39) and Jeremiah (2 Kgs 24–25; cf. Jer 52) also suggest prophetic origin. The author-compiler also shows intense concern with the efficacy of the prophetic word, frequently calling attention to the fulfillment of words spoken earlier by the prophets.<\/p>\n<p>One might initially think that such a history would be unlikely for a prophet, but the evidence is to the contrary. The prophets were the guardians of the covenant relationship and are known to have produced accounts used as sources by other biblical historians. The following are among such sources: the acts of Samuel the seer, the acts of Nathan the prophet, the acts of Gad the seer (1 Chr 29:29); the acts of Nathan the prophet, the prophecy of Ahijah the Shilonite, the visions of Iddo the seer (2 Chr 9:29); the chronicles of Shemaiah the prophet and of Iddo the seer (12:15); the annotations of the prophet Iddo (13:22); and the acts of Uzziah by Isaiah the prophet (26:22). Add to this the fact that Kings is positioned in the Hebrew canon in the Former Prophets (Joshua to 2 Kings), and a consistent picture of prophetic origin emerges.<\/p>\n<p>The date of the final part of the book must be after the last events recorded. Evil-merodach’s kindness toward Jehoiachin (c. 561 <span>BC<\/span>) is the terminus of the book and therefore fixes the earliest date. Since the work shows no knowledge of the restoration period, a date before 539 <span>BC<\/span> is probable. The author’s selection of his data to answer the burning theological questions of the exilic community also suggests a date between 561 and 539 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Sources\">Sources<\/p>\n<p>The compiler of Kings specifically names three of the sources that he used in his work, and biblical scholars have suggested the presence of a number of other sources that may have been cited. Of course, the sources not mentioned specifically by the compiler are only the speculations of those who have studied his work and can have only varying degrees of probability. The sources both specified and alleged are as follows.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the Acts of Solomon<\/h5>\n<p>As 1 Kings 11:41 says, “The rest of the events in Solomon’s reign, including his wisdom, are recorded in <em>The Book of the Acts of Solomon”<\/em> (<span>nlt<\/span>). Presumably additional materials of a biographical nature were included, specifically accounts similar to the judgment between the two mothers (3:16-28) or the visit of the queen of Sheba (10:1-10). There has been debate as to whether these materials were official court records or nonofficial documents. Some scholars have attempted to isolate further materials within this section by identifying descriptions of the buildings as from temple archives (chs 6–7) and lists of administrators as from administrative documents (chs 4–5), but this must remain speculative.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the History of the Kings of Israel<\/h5>\n<p>This source is mentioned 17 times in Kings, usually in the closing formulas at the end of the account of the reign of a northern king. Some idea of the nature of these chronicles can be derived from looking at the type of information to which the compiler refers his readers (see 1 Kgs 14:19; 16:27; 22:39; 2 Kgs 13:12; 14:28). These passages suggest that this source was the official annals covering the reigns of the kings.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the History of the Kings of Judah<\/h5>\n<p>This source is mentioned in 15 passages, and as with the kings of Israel, is found in the concluding formulas to the accounts of the reigns. This source was to be consulted for additional details on individuals’ reigns (for example, see 1 Kgs 15:23; 22:45; 2 Kgs 20:20; 21:17). These sources for the histories of the two kingdoms were probably similar to the annals known from the surrounding cultures, particularly from the reigns of Assyrian kings. They were likely official court histories kept in Samaria and Jerusalem.<\/p>\n<p>In addition to these explicitly mentioned sources, scholars have suggested the compiler drew on other sources that he does not name.<\/p>\n<h5>Davidic Court History<\/h5>\n<p>Second Samuel 9–20 is often identified as a unit of material in the composition of the books of Samuel; it is variously called “the court history” or “the succession narrative.” Because of similar vocabulary and outlook, 1 Kings 1–2 are often associated with this material from Samuel. The statement of 1 Kings 2:46, “so the kingdom was now firmly in Solomon’s grip,” is taken to be the end of this record.<\/p>\n<h5>Sources for the House of Ahab<\/h5>\n<p>The reigns of individual kings are ordinarily given only brief notices; for example, the father of Ahab, Omri, is given eight verses, even though when judged by political and economic significance, he was among the greatest of the northern kings (1 Kgs 16:21-28). However, beginning with the reign of Ahab, the record becomes quite expansive, and extensive coverage is given the dynasty of Ahab through the coup by Jehu (1 Kgs 16—2 Kgs 12). The use of the stereotyped formulas for the reigns is suspended in this material, and the existence of other literature used by the compiler is probable. This material is commonly subdivided into further sources for the lives of Elijah and Elisha and the reign of Ahab.<\/p>\n<p>The Elijah section covers material in the following chapters: 1 Kings 17–19, including the feeding by the ravens, the incidents with the widow of Zarephath, the drought, the fire on Carmel, and the revelation of God at Sinai; 1 Kings 21, the affair of Naboth’s vineyard; and 2 Kings 1, the death of Ahaziah’s messengers. The reign of Ahab, which gets so much attention in Kings, is primarily a backdrop for the accounts concerning Elijah.<\/p>\n<p>The Elisha material found in 2 Kings 2–13 may have had an independent literary development from that of the Elijah accounts. It includes the following: chapter 2 (Elisha’s succession to the prophetic office, the purification of a spring, the death of mocking children); chapter 3 (on the campaign against Moab); chapter 4 (the widow’s oil, the Shunammite woman); chapter 5 (Naaman’s leprosy); chapter 6 (the Aramean attempt to capture Elisha); chapter 7 (the famine in Samaria); chapter 8 (the Shunammite’s property, the coup of Hazael); chapter 9 (the anointing of Jehu); and chapter 13 (the death of Elisha). No other portion of the OT takes the sheer delight in the miraculous that is seen in the Elisha narratives.<\/p>\n<p>In 1 Kings 16 to 2 Kings 13 there are additional incidents not directly related to the biographies of Elijah and Elisha; accounts such as the military campaigns of 1 Kings 20:1-34 and further details of Jehu’s coup (2 Kgs 9:11–10:36) are often attributed to a third source containing accounts of the dynasty of Ahab and his successors. In all three of these possible sources the orientation is toward affairs in the northern kingdom.<\/p>\n<h5>Isaiah Source<\/h5>\n<p>The account of the reign of Hezekiah contains a section (2 Kgs 18:13–20:19) that is nearly a verbatim citation of material also found in Isaiah (Is 36:1–39:8). The section records the invasion of Sennacherib, the mission of the Rabshakeh, Hezekiah’s prayer, Isaiah’s prophecy, Hezekiah’s illness, the regression of the sun, and the envoys from Merodach-baladan. The material must be regarded as based on the book of Isaiah or some other source used in both Isaiah and Kings.<\/p>\n<h5>A Prophetic Source<\/h5>\n<p>Because Kings shows great interest in the prophets and their ministries, various scholars have suggested that yet another source was used by the compiler; this would be an independent literary unit containing accounts of the prophets. This source would have contained the records for the material on Ahijah (1 Kgs 11:29-39; 14:1-16), unnamed prophets (ch 12; 20:35-43), Micaiah (22:13-28), and other references.<\/p>\n<p>Apart from the sources explicitly mentioned and inferences about their character, the remainder of the sources suggested have only varying degrees of probability. Considerable scholarly effort has gone into identifying and characterizing such sources, but it remains speculative. When considering the sources the compiler may have used, one important caution must be kept in mind. Even if such sources did exist, one cannot have confidence in a reconstruction of the compositional history. Which sources had already been integrated into a larger composition before they were used by the compiler of Kings? We cannot be certain that the life situation out of which these other sources grew has been correctly identified, nor can we know that even the compiler himself was aware of the past history of his sources. Biblical scholarship has expended considerable energy in trying to delineate the past history of the book of Kings, but it has often been at the neglect of the unity of perspective that is the product of the final compiler(s) in whose hands the book received its canonical form.<\/p>\n<p>What is important to understanding the book is not the perspective of its various sources (of which the compiler himself may have been unaware), but the perspective of the book as a whole on the history of the kingdoms. It is the outline that the compiler has imposed on the sources that establishes the teaching of the book; his sources are used in accord with his own purposes, a fact that makes the purposes for which the sources had been prepared largely irrelevant to the teaching of the book in its present form. Exploring possible sources, worthwhile in itself, must not eclipse the message of the book as a whole. This is not to imply that the books of Kings are simply a compilation of unaltered sources. The writer(s) undoubtedly exercised a measure of selectivity and literary skill in composing the historical narrative.<\/p>\n<p>One compositional technique of the compiler is quite prominent in the histories of the divided kingdoms: this is the use of formulaic introductions and conclusions to the various reigns. The formulas for both kingdoms are quite similar, differing only in minor details. For the kings of Judah, the full introductory formula is as follows: (1) year of accession synchronized with the regnal year of the northern king; (2) age of the king at his accession; (3) length of his reign; (4) name of his mother; (5) judgment on the character of the reign. The account of a Judean king’s reign is concluded as follows: (1) a reference to the chronicles of the kings of Judah for further information; (2) a statement regarding the death of the king, including the place of burial; (3) successor: “And his son reigned in his stead” (<span>rsv<\/span>). The full formula for a Judean king can be seen, for example, in the reign of Rehoboam (1 Kgs 14:21-22, 29-31).<\/p>\n<p>The formulas differ slightly for the kings of Israel; the introduction is as follows: (1) year of succession synchronized with the regnal year of the southern king; (2) length of his reign; (3) location of the royal residence; (4) condemnation for idolatry; (5) name of the king’s father. The account of an Israelite king’s reign ends as follows: (1) a reference to the chronicles of the kings of Israel for further information; (2) a statement regarding his death; (3) a statement of the succession of his son, unless a usurper follows. The full formula for an Israelite king can be seen, for example, in the reign of Baasha (1 Kgs 15:33-34; 16:5-6).<\/p>\n<p>There is some variation in the use of these patterns, but on the whole, they are consistently followed and provide the basic framework for the history of the divided kingdom. The synchronisms of the reigns provide data for constructing the chronology of the period. The variations in the formulas may reflect the characteristics of the sources the compiler was using or may reflect his own interests. The name of the mother of a Judean king is recorded, but not of an Israelite king, perhaps reflecting concern with a more exact and fuller record of the Davidic succession. The royal residence is presumed to be Jerusalem for the southern kings (though it may be mentioned) but is recorded for the northern kings since it moved several times, from Shechem to Penuel to Tirzah to Samaria. The mention of the king’s father for a northern ruler also reflects the frequent change in dynasties there, as opposed to the dynastic stability of Judah, which is reinforced by mentioning the burial of almost all its kings in the city of David.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheologyandPurpose\">Theology and Purpose<\/p>\n<p>The books of Kings record the history of the covenant people from the end of the reign of David (961 <span>BC<\/span>) through the fall of the southern kingdom (586 <span>BC<\/span>). Yet it is not history written in accord with modern expectations for history textbooks. Rather than concentrating on economic, political, and military themes as they shaped the history of the period, the compiler of Kings is motivated by theological concerns.<\/p>\n<p>Evaluation of the theology and purpose of the books of Kings is made easier by the fact that there is a parallel history for much of Kings found in the books of Chronicles. By comparing the two accounts, especially where the later Chronicler adds or deletes material found in Kings, the interests of both histories are thrown into clearer relief.<\/p>\n<p>The books of Kings were composed during the exile, likely between 560 and 539 <span>BC<\/span>. Jerusalem had been turned into rubble, and there was no longer a throne of David. Those two pillars of the popular theology—the inviolability of the temple and the throne of David (Jer 7:4; 13:13-14; 22:1-9; see 1 Kgs 8:16, 29)—had tumbled. If Israel’s faith was to survive, the burning questions that had to be answered were “How did it all happen? Can’t God keep his promises to David and to Zion? Have the promises failed?” The writer of Kings aims to deal with the bewilderment of the chosen people in response to the disasters of 722 <span>BC<\/span> (fall of Samaria) and 586 <span>BC<\/span> (fall of Jerusalem). Kings, like the book of Job, is a theodicy, a justification of the ways of God to men.<\/p>\n<p>In order to answer the question “How did it happen?” the compiler adopts the procedure of recounting the history of the covenant people in light of standards propounded in the Law. For this reason Kings could be called Pentateuchal history, or even more pointedly, Deuteronomic history, for standards propounded only in the book of Deuteronomy in the Pentateuch are used by the compiler to measure the kingdoms. Among the prominent themes selected from Deuteronomy and applied to the kingdoms are the centralization of worship, the institution of the monarchy, the efficacy of the prophetic word, and the outworking of the covenant curses on disobedience.<\/p>\n<h5>Centralization of Worship<\/h5>\n<p>The primary concern of the writer is the purity of the worship of the Lord. His major criterion for measuring this purity is the attitude of the kings toward centralization of worship in the Jerusalem temple as opposed to the worship of the Lord elsewhere and the continuation of Canaanite cults mingled with Yahwism at the high places. Centralization of worship at the central shrine is called for in Deuteronomy 12. Perhaps “centralization of worship” is a misnomer, for worship was always centered around the tabernacle in the periods prior to the temple; the change that is envisaged in Deuteronomy is not the centralizing of worship but rather the fact that the shrine would no longer be mobile but stationary. For the kings of the northern kingdom, this criterion becomes virtually a stereotyped formula that “he did that which was evil in the sight of the Lord and walked in the way of Jeroboam son of Nebat, who sinned and made all Israel sin along with him” (see 1 Kgs 14:16; 15:30; 16:31; 2 Kgs 3:3; 10:31; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:22). The compiler of Kings sees the rival altars with the golden calves at Dan and Bethel as the great sin of which the northern kings never repented (1 Kgs 12:25–13:34). Rejecting the primacy of Jerusalem, these altars became the rod with which to measure the northern kings. All the kings of Israel are condemned by this standard (except for Shallum, who reigned but a month, and Hoshea, the last of the northern kings)—even Zimri, the murderer of Elah, who ruled only one week before committing suicide in the flames of his own palace (16:9-20). For the kings of Judah, a different standard is used: what their attitude was to the high places where heterodox worship was allowed to flourish in the environs of Jerusalem. Only Hezekiah and Josiah receive the compiler’s unqualified endorsement for following the ways of David (2 Kgs 18:3; 22:2). Six others are commended for their zeal in suppressing idolatry, though they did not remove the high places (Asa, 1 Kgs 15:9-15; Jehoshaphat, 22:43; Jehoash, 2 Kgs 12:2-3; Amaziah, 14:3-4; Azariah, 15:3-4; Jotham, 15:34-35). The remainder of the Judean kings are condemned for their participation in the high places and their desecration of the temple itself. This one theme is the preeminent motif in the book.<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Monarchy<\/h5>\n<p>A second prominent interest for the compiler was to trace the history of the monarchy. Deuteronomy 17:14-20 provides for the day when Israel would ask for a king and charges that king with the basic religious responsibility for the people. This provision for a king, again a feature found only in Deuteronomy, becomes the basis for the compiler’s intense interest in the history of the monarchy, and particularly the religious fidelity of the kings. David becomes the model of the ideal king, the one by whom the others are measured, the one whose sons “continue long in his kingdom in the midst of Israel” (17:20; see also 1 Kgs 15:11; 2 Kgs 18:3; 22:2 for following in the ways of David, and 1 Kgs 14:8; 15:3-5; 2 Kgs 14:3; 16:2 for the reverse). The compiler wanted to show that God had been faithful to David even though David’s sons were not faithful. While both kingdoms had about the same number of kings, the northern kingdom is marked by repeated dynastic changes and regicide through its 200 years, while the dynasty of David is maintained as a lamp in the south through 350 years (1 Kgs 11:13, 32, 36; 15:4-5; 2 Kgs 8:19; 19:34; 20:6). It is the disaster that had befallen the house of David, and the consequent doubts about the promises of God, that prompted the compiler to write.<\/p>\n<h5>Efficacy of the Prophetic Word<\/h5>\n<p>Another reason why Kings can be called Deuteronomic history is its concern with the efficacy of the prophetic word. There are three passages in the Pentateuch that deal with the institution of the prophetic order: Numbers 12:1-8; Deuteronomy 13:1-5; and Deuteronomy 18:14-22. It is only in Deuteronomy 18 that the test of a true prophet is given: that what he has spoken comes about, that his words are fulfilled. Notice the number of instances where the writer calls attention to the fulfillment of the words of the prophets: 2 Samuel 7:13 in 1 Kings 8:20; 1 Kings 11:29-36 in 12:15; 1 Kings 13:1-3 in 2 Kings 23:16-18; 1 Kings 14:6-12 in 14:17-18 and 15:29; 1 Kings 16:1-4 in 16:7, 11-12; Joshua 6:26 in 1 Kings 16:34; 1 Kings 22:17 in 22:35-38; 1 Kings 21:21-29 in 2 Kings 9:7-10, 30-37 and 10:10-11, 30; 2 Kings 1:6 in 1:17; 2 Kings 21:10-15 in 24:2; 2 Kings 22:15-20 in 23:30. The writer is concerned to show that the words of the prophets were efficacious, powerful words. His concern with the prophetic order is also seen in the material devoted to Elijah and Elisha and to other prophetic figures.<\/p>\n<h5>Fulfillment of the Curses<\/h5>\n<p>Another aspect of the compiler’s interest in Deuteronomy is seen in his concern to trace the fulfillment of the covenant curses on disobedience. God’s covenant with Israel would issue in curses or blessings depending on the obedience of the people; the compiler of Kings sees the curses inflicted on the two kingdoms because of their failure to meet the demands of the covenant. He takes care to show that most of the curses of Deuteronomy 28:15-68 had some historical realization in the life of the people. Moses had warned that disobedience would “bring a nation against you from afar, from the end of the earth, as the eagle swoops down” (Dt 28:49, <span>nasb<\/span>), and the Assyrians came to Samaria and the Babylonians to Jerusalem (28:52). The siege of Samaria lasted from 724 to 722 <span>BC<\/span>, and the siege of Jerusalem from 588 to 586 <span>BC<\/span>. The dire conditions of the siege would drive the people to devouring their own children; women would feed on their afterbirths. It happened to Israel in the siege of Ben-hadad (2 Kgs 6:24-30). Just as the Lord had delighted to prosper and multiply his people, so he would not refrain from destroying them and scattering them among the peoples of the earth (Dt 28:63-67).<\/p>\n<p>In these and other ways the writer of Kings set out to write the history of Israel and Judah to solve a theological dilemma. How was one to reconcile the exile with God’s promises to the nation and David? His answer is twofold: (1) the problem was not with God but with the people’s disobedience—God remains just; (2) the end of the state does not equal the end of the people or the house of David. Here the ending of the book is instructive: Evil-merodach releases Jehoiachin from prison, elevates him above the other kings, and provides his rations (2 Kgs 25:27-30). Even during the exile, though cut down to almost nothing, the house of David still enjoys the favor and blessing of God. God has not abandoned his promises; the people should keep hope.<\/p>\n<p>Other themes in Kings also show the theological motivations underlying the compiler’s selection and arrangement of the data, particularly his use of Deuteronomy as a framework for examining the history of the people. Compare the laws governing the observance of Passover in Exodus 12:1-20 and Deuteronomy 16:1-8: whereas the Passover is centered in the family in Exodus, it is celebrated at the sanctuary in Deuteronomy. The writer of Kings is careful to show that the Passover during the reign of Josiah was celebrated in accordance with the requirements of Deuteronomy (2 Kgs 23:21-23). A passage in Deuteronomy is explicitly cited with reference to Amaziah’s keeping the law (Dt 24:16 in 2 Kgs 14:6).<\/p>\n<h5>Contrast with Chronicles<\/h5>\n<p>The interests of Kings are further highlighted when compared with the parallel accounts in Chronicles. While the writer of Kings worked in the aftermath of the destruction of Jerusalem and had to answer the “how?” and “why?” questions, the Chronicler is part of the restoration community. Here the burning theological questions were not “how?” and “why?” but rather “What continuity do we have with David? Is God still interested in us?” The need is not to account for the exile but rather to relate the postexilic and the preexilic. The building of the second temple and the ordering of worship there show up in increased detail in Chronicles in any matter pertaining to the former temple. Chronicles is a history of Judah and of the Davidic line, reflecting the fact that it alone survives after the exile. Interesting, too, are the things omitted from the account by the Chronicler. Since he is not building a case for an indictment, as was done in Samuel and Kings, he is free to omit references to David’s sin with Bathsheba (2 Sm 11) or to Solomon’s difficulties in gaining the throne (1 Kgs 1–2). Since in his day the northern kingdom had not survived, the Chronicler did not go into detail about the sins of Jeroboam (chs 13–14). Chronicles is interested more in the affairs of the temple and does not show the marked interest in prophetic matters found in Kings, so that the lives of Elijah and Elisha are omitted (1 Kgs 16—2 Kgs 10). Nor does the Chronicler recite the sins that led to the demise of the northern kingdom (2 Kgs 17:1–18:12). In all these examples one can see the interplay of the historical moment and theological concerns of the people and the compilers. Each compiler has selected and arranged the data in accordance with the concerns and needs of the community in which he was a member; comparing the two accounts throws the interests of each into sharp relief.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n\n<p>The books of Kings fall into three parts: (1) the reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 1–11); (2) the history of the divided kingdom (1 Kgs 12–2 Kgs 17); (3) the history of the surviving kingdom in Judah (2 Kgs 18–25).<\/p>\n<h5>The Reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 1–11)<\/h5>\n<p>The record begins with an account of the court intrigue surrounding Solomon’s accession to the throne, set against the backdrop of the abortive coup by Adonijah (ch 1). The dying David charges Solomon to obey the commandments of God (2:1-4) and also to take vengeance on his enemies (vv 5-9). After David’s death Solomon orders the deaths of Adonijah, Joab, and Shimei, and the banishment of Abiathar, the priest who had supported Adonijah in his bid for the throne (vv 13-46). Enemies eliminated, the kingdom was firmly established by Solomon (v 46).<\/p>\n<p>The remainder of Solomon’s reign is divided into two parts: Solomon the good, who follows in the ways of his father, David (chs 3–10); and Solomon the bad, whose heart is led astray (ch 11). While sacrificing at Gibeon, Solomon asks God to give him the gift of wisdom to rule—wisdom promptly demonstrated in the quarrel of two prostitutes about a child (ch 3). An account is given of the administrative organization of the kingdom and the incomparable wisdom of Solomon (ch 4). The compiler of Kings gives extensive coverage to the preparations (ch 5), building (chs 6–7), and dedication (ch 8) of the temple. God appeared to Solomon a second time, reminding him to keep his commandments as David had done (9:1-9). Details are given of the king’s building and commercial activities (vv 10-27). The account of the visit by the queen of Sheba is followed with elaboration of Solomon’s splendor (ch 10). But Solomon did not keep God’s commands; seduced to pagan worship by his foreign wives, he was not fully devoted to the Lord as David had been (11:4), and God determined to take away the northern tribes from the rule of his son (vv 11-13). As punishment from the hand of God, Solomon faced rebellion among conquered peoples (vv 14-25) and within Israel in the person of Jeroboam (vv 26-40).<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Divided Kingdom (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17)<\/h5>\n\n<p>The united monarchy dissolved after the death of Solomon. The northern kingdom (Israel) would exist for about two centuries, would be ruled by 20 kings from nine different dynasties, and would show a history of internal weakness riddled with regicide and usurpation. In contrast, the southern kingdom would last for three and a half centuries and would be ruled by 19 kings of Davidic descent (apart from a short period under the dynastic interloper Athaliah).<\/p>\n<p>There had been a long history of independent action and even warfare between the northern and southern tribes prior to David and Solomon, so it is no surprise that the division would take place along the lines that it did. The immediate cause, however, was the unwise severity with which Rehoboam replied to the representatives of the northern tribes while negotiating for the kingship. Jeroboam, the popular hero of the earlier insurrection against Solomon, became king in the north. He immediately erected the rival sanctuaries at Dan and Bethel (1 Kgs 12); these rival altars became the measure by which the kings of Israel were condemned for following in the sins of Jeroboam.<\/p>\n<p>For two generations there would be warfare between Israel and Judah over the border areas in Benjamin claimed by both sides. Fifty years of sporadic fighting on their mutual frontier, interlaced with invasions from the Arameans in the north or the Egyptians in the south, would consume the reigns of Jeroboam, Nadab, Baasha, Elah, and Zimri in Israel and of Rehoboam, Abijam, and Asa in Judah (1 Kgs 13:1–16:20).<\/p>\n<p>The accession of Omri in Israel introduced a ruling house that would last for a total of four generations and end the dynastic instability of the northern kingdom. Though Kings gives Omri a scant eight verses (1 Kgs 16:21-28), he was among the greatest of the northern kings, forging alliances with the Phoenicians and Judah; for over a century, the Assyrians would call Israel “the house of Omri.”<\/p>\n<p>The reigns of Omri’s successors, Ahab, Ahaziah, and Jehoram, are treated at disproportionate length, taking almost a third of the total book, 16 of 47 chapters (1 Kgs 17—2 Kgs 10). This is due to the fact that the compiler of Kings incorporated extensive coverage of the lives of Elijah and Elisha, weaving a contrast between good and evil by paralleling the dynasty of Omri with these prophets. Ahab and Jezebel were used as foils for the account of Elijah, so that Ahab became a paradigm of the evil king (e.g., 2 Kgs 21:3).<\/p>\n<p>Because of this preoccupation with the dynasty of Omri and the lives of Elijah and Elisha, the equivalent period in Judah is not given as extensive coverage. During this period, the northern kingdom appears to have exercised some hegemony over Judah, as attested by the marriage of an Omride (Athaliah, 2 Kgs 8:18, 26) to Jehoram of Judah and the subservient role of Jehoshaphat to Ahab at the battle of Ramoth-gilead (1 Kgs 22). Judah’s fortunes declined in this period when Edom revolted against Jehoram (2 Kgs 8:20-22), costing Judah control over the port at Ezion-geber and consequent economic losses.<\/p>\n<p>In 842 <span>BC<\/span> Jehu, after being anointed king by a prophet (2 Kgs 9:1-13), led a coup ending the house of Omri and also killing Ahaziah of Judah (vv 14-29). Jehu’s purge also brought the death of Jezebel, Ahab’s family, members of the family of Ahaziah, and the ministers of Baal (9:30–10:36). The consequences were severe politically: the murder of the Phoenician princess Jezebel and the king of Judah cost Israel its allies to the north and south.<\/p>\n<p>Jehu’s dynasty had the longest succession of any in Israel, including Jehoahaz, Jehoash, Jeroboam II, and Zechariah, a period spanning 90 years. Jehu’s murder of Ahaziah of Judah set the stage for the one threat to the continuity of the Davidic dynasty. Queen Athaliah, herself an Omride, seized the throne and attempted a purge of Davidic pretenders. She ruled for six years, until the faithful priest Jehoiada staged a countercoup to place the child Joash on the throne of David (ch 11).<\/p>\n<p>Israel endured a half century of weakness as a result of Jehu’s coup, during which the Arameans had a free hand, reducing the forces of Jehu’s son Jehoahaz to a small army and bodyguard (2 Kgs 13:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>The reemergence of Assyria early in the ninth century <span>BC<\/span> gave relief to Israel and Judah. Assyrian armies conquered the Arameans; with that threat removed, Israel and Judah enjoyed a dramatic resurgence. Jehoash of Israel, grandson of Jehu, reconquered cities lost to the Arameans (2 Kgs 13:25); Elisha died during his reign (v 20). In the south Amaziah reconquered the Edomites (14:7). Amaziah and Jehoash renewed the warfare between the kingdoms, with the north again victorious (vv 8-14).<\/p>\n<p>Under Jeroboam II, Israel enjoyed a period of prosperity when the borders of the kingdom reached the same extent as they had under Solomon (2 Kgs 14:23-28). Uzziah (Azariah), his contemporary in Judah, also fortified Jerusalem and undertook a program of offensive operations extending Judah’s sway to the south (14:21-22; 15:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>Yet this resurgence was but a brilliant sunset in the history of the two kingdoms. After the death of Jeroboam II, the history is one of successive disasters, culminating in the fall of Israel and the subjugation of Judah to the might of Assyria. The next 30 years in Israel would see four dynasties, three represented by only one king, and repeated regicides as the northern kingdom hastened to its demise. A period of civil war and anarchy would see five kings in just over ten years (2 Kgs 15). Heavy tribute was paid to Tiglath-pileser III in both the north and south (15:19-20; 16:7-10). Israel and the Arameans forged a coalition to throw back the Assyrians and sought to press Ahaz of Judah into the fight; Ahaz appealed to Tiglath-pileser III for help. The coalition was destroyed, and Israel and Judah became vassals. Hoshea defected as soon as he felt safe, looking to Egypt for help, but it was suicide for the northern kingdom. Shalmaneser V retaliated, and the political history of the state of Israel came to an end (17:1-23). The area was resettled with other displaced populations (vv 24-41).<\/p>\n<p>Israel had faced the Arameans and survived, only to fall to Assyria. And now, similarly, Judah would outlast Assyria, only to fall to Babylon.<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Surviving Kingdom of Judah (2 Kgs 18–25)<\/h5>\n<p>Ahaz’s appeal for Assyrian aid cost him his liberty, and Judah became a vassal of the Assyrian Empire. Illegitimate worship flourished under his rule (2 Kgs 16:1-19). Ahaz was succeeded by the first of the outstanding reform kings of Judah: Hezekiah. Much of the account of his reign is given to his rebellion against Sennacherib of Assyria: the rebellion, the Assyrian envoys and threats, Isaiah’s assurances of deliverance, and the destruction of the Assyrian armies (18:9–19:37). Hezekiah’s illness was averted after a sign and oracle from Isaiah (20:1-11). As part of what appears to be negotiations toward an anti-Assyrian alliance, Hezekiah also entertained envoys from Babylon, a decision that the prophet announced would be costly (vv 12-21).<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah was followed by Manasseh, who ruled longer than any other king of Judah (a total of 55 years). His reign was marked by great apostasy—apostasy so severe that the compiler of Kings regarded his reign as sufficient reason for the exile that was unavoidable (2 Kgs 21:1-18; cf. 23:26; 24:3-4; Jer 15:1-4). Manasseh was followed by his son Amon, a carbon copy of his father, who ruled only two years before he was deposed by the people (2 Kings 21:19-26).<\/p>\n<p>The second great reform king of Judah, Josiah, followed. In his reign the Book of the Law was found while the temple was being refurbished; he led the people in a renewal of the covenant and suppressed illegitimate worship (2 Kgs 22:1–23:14). The Assyrian Empire was in rapid decline, so Josiah extended his borders to the north, destroying the altar at Bethel and the high places throughout Samaria (23:15-20). A great Passover celebration was convened in Jerusalem, and further measures were taken to rectify worship (vv 21-25). Josiah tried to block Pharaoh Neco’s foray to assist Assyria, and he lost his life at Megiddo (vv 26-30).<\/p>\n<p>Josiah was the only king of Judah to have three of his sons succeed him. At his death the people put Jehoahaz on the throne, but Neco removed him three months later and took him to Egypt in chains (2 Kgs 23:31-33), replacing him with another son of Josiah, Eliakim, whose name was changed to Jehoiakim (vv 34-37). During his reign, Nebuchadnezzar conquered Judah, and Jehoiakim became his vassal. Late in his life Jehoiakim rebelled against Nebuchadnezzar. Jehoiakim died, leaving his son Jehoiachin to face retaliation from Babylon (24:1-10). Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem; when the city fell, Jehoiachin, the queen mother, the army, and the leaders of the land were carried away captive. Nebuchadnezzar put Mattaniah (uncle of Jehoiachin and third son of Josiah) on the throne, changing his name to Zedekiah (vv 11-17). Nine years later Zedekiah, too, would rebel against Babylon. Nebuchadnezzar besieged the city for two years and, when it fell, utterly destroyed it. Zedekiah’s sons were killed before his eyes, and then his own eyes were put out, and he was taken to Babylon (24:18–25:21). Nebuchadnezzar appointed Gedaliah to rule as governor from nearby Mizpah; he was assassinated, and the conspirators fled to Egypt (25:22-26).<\/p>\n<p>The book concludes by showing that God had not forgotten his promise to David, mentioning that in captivity Jehoiachin enjoyed favor from the hand of Evil-merodach, successor of Nebuchadnezzar (2 Kgs 25:27-30).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Chronicles, Books of First and Second.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>KINGS, Books of First and Second<\/h3>\n<p>Books continuing the history of the covenant people as recorded in Joshua, Judges, and the books of Samuel. The record in Kings begins with the events at the end of David’s reign (1 Kgs 1–2). It continues through the reign of Solomon (chs 3–11); the histories of the divided kingdoms (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17); and the history of the surviving kingdom in the south, through its fall in 586 <span>BC<\/span> and the subsequent kindness shown Jehoiachin by Evil-merodach, king of Babylon, around 561 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 18–25).<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Authorship and Date<\/p>\n<p>• Sources<\/p>\n<p>• Theology and Purpose<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"AuthorshipandDate\">Authorship and Date<\/p>\n<p>Kings was originally regarded as one book in the Hebrew canon; the division into two books of approximately equal length appeared first in the Septuagint and finally entered the Hebrew Bible in the 15th century <span>AD<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>The book itself is anonymous, and information about its author can only be deduced by examining the concerns and perspectives of the work. The Babylonian Talmud (<em>Baba Bathra<\/em> 15a) attributes Kings to Jeremiah. Although this identification could have arisen from the tendency of later Jewish tradition to assign biblical books to prophetic authors, the theory of origin in prophetic circles fits the evidence quite well. Substantial portions are given to the lives of the prophets; 16 of 47 chapters are devoted to the lives of Elijah and Elisha (1 Kgs 17—2 Kgs 10), and there is considerable interest in other prophetic figures such as Ahijah (1 Kgs 11:29-39; 14:1-16), an unnamed man of God (13:1-10), and Micaiah (22:13-28). Possible dependence on Isaiah (2 Kgs 18–20; cf. Is 36–39) and Jeremiah (2 Kgs 24–25; cf. Jer 52) also suggest prophetic origin. The author-compiler also shows intense concern with the efficacy of the prophetic word, frequently calling attention to the fulfillment of words spoken earlier by the prophets.<\/p>\n<p>One might initially think that such a history would be unlikely for a prophet, but the evidence is to the contrary. The prophets were the guardians of the covenant relationship and are known to have produced accounts used as sources by other biblical historians. The following are among such sources: the acts of Samuel the seer, the acts of Nathan the prophet, the acts of Gad the seer (1 Chr 29:29); the acts of Nathan the prophet, the prophecy of Ahijah the Shilonite, the visions of Iddo the seer (2 Chr 9:29); the chronicles of Shemaiah the prophet and of Iddo the seer (12:15); the annotations of the prophet Iddo (13:22); and the acts of Uzziah by Isaiah the prophet (26:22). Add to this the fact that Kings is positioned in the Hebrew canon in the Former Prophets (Joshua to 2 Kings), and a consistent picture of prophetic origin emerges.<\/p>\n<p>The date of the final part of the book must be after the last events recorded. Evil-merodach’s kindness toward Jehoiachin (c. 561 <span>BC<\/span>) is the terminus of the book and therefore fixes the earliest date. Since the work shows no knowledge of the restoration period, a date before 539 <span>BC<\/span> is probable. The author’s selection of his data to answer the burning theological questions of the exilic community also suggests a date between 561 and 539 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Sources\">Sources<\/p>\n<p>The compiler of Kings specifically names three of the sources that he used in his work, and biblical scholars have suggested the presence of a number of other sources that may have been cited. Of course, the sources not mentioned specifically by the compiler are only the speculations of those who have studied his work and can have only varying degrees of probability. The sources both specified and alleged are as follows.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the Acts of Solomon<\/h5>\n<p>As 1 Kings 11:41 says, “The rest of the events in Solomon’s reign, including his wisdom, are recorded in <em>The Book of the Acts of Solomon”<\/em> (<span>nlt<\/span>). Presumably additional materials of a biographical nature were included, specifically accounts similar to the judgment between the two mothers (3:16-28) or the visit of the queen of Sheba (10:1-10). There has been debate as to whether these materials were official court records or nonofficial documents. Some scholars have attempted to isolate further materials within this section by identifying descriptions of the buildings as from temple archives (chs 6–7) and lists of administrators as from administrative documents (chs 4–5), but this must remain speculative.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the History of the Kings of Israel<\/h5>\n<p>This source is mentioned 17 times in Kings, usually in the closing formulas at the end of the account of the reign of a northern king. Some idea of the nature of these chronicles can be derived from looking at the type of information to which the compiler refers his readers (see 1 Kgs 14:19; 16:27; 22:39; 2 Kgs 13:12; 14:28). These passages suggest that this source was the official annals covering the reigns of the kings.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the History of the Kings of Judah<\/h5>\n<p>This source is mentioned in 15 passages, and as with the kings of Israel, is found in the concluding formulas to the accounts of the reigns. This source was to be consulted for additional details on individuals’ reigns (for example, see 1 Kgs 15:23; 22:45; 2 Kgs 20:20; 21:17). These sources for the histories of the two kingdoms were probably similar to the annals known from the surrounding cultures, particularly from the reigns of Assyrian kings. They were likely official court histories kept in Samaria and Jerusalem.<\/p>\n<p>In addition to these explicitly mentioned sources, scholars have suggested the compiler drew on other sources that he does not name.<\/p>\n<h5>Davidic Court History<\/h5>\n<p>Second Samuel 9–20 is often identified as a unit of material in the composition of the books of Samuel; it is variously called “the court history” or “the succession narrative.” Because of similar vocabulary and outlook, 1 Kings 1–2 are often associated with this material from Samuel. The statement of 1 Kings 2:46, “so the kingdom was now firmly in Solomon’s grip,” is taken to be the end of this record.<\/p>\n<h5>Sources for the House of Ahab<\/h5>\n<p>The reigns of individual kings are ordinarily given only brief notices; for example, the father of Ahab, Omri, is given eight verses, even though when judged by political and economic significance, he was among the greatest of the northern kings (1 Kgs 16:21-28). However, beginning with the reign of Ahab, the record becomes quite expansive, and extensive coverage is given the dynasty of Ahab through the coup by Jehu (1 Kgs 16—2 Kgs 12). The use of the stereotyped formulas for the reigns is suspended in this material, and the existence of other literature used by the compiler is probable. This material is commonly subdivided into further sources for the lives of Elijah and Elisha and the reign of Ahab.<\/p>\n<p>The Elijah section covers material in the following chapters: 1 Kings 17–19, including the feeding by the ravens, the incidents with the widow of Zarephath, the drought, the fire on Carmel, and the revelation of God at Sinai; 1 Kings 21, the affair of Naboth’s vineyard; and 2 Kings 1, the death of Ahaziah’s messengers. The reign of Ahab, which gets so much attention in Kings, is primarily a backdrop for the accounts concerning Elijah.<\/p>\n<p>The Elisha material found in 2 Kings 2–13 may have had an independent literary development from that of the Elijah accounts. It includes the following: chapter 2 (Elisha’s succession to the prophetic office, the purification of a spring, the death of mocking children); chapter 3 (on the campaign against Moab); chapter 4 (the widow’s oil, the Shunammite woman); chapter 5 (Naaman’s leprosy); chapter 6 (the Aramean attempt to capture Elisha); chapter 7 (the famine in Samaria); chapter 8 (the Shunammite’s property, the coup of Hazael); chapter 9 (the anointing of Jehu); and chapter 13 (the death of Elisha). No other portion of the OT takes the sheer delight in the miraculous that is seen in the Elisha narratives.<\/p>\n<p>In 1 Kings 16 to 2 Kings 13 there are additional incidents not directly related to the biographies of Elijah and Elisha; accounts such as the military campaigns of 1 Kings 20:1-34 and further details of Jehu’s coup (2 Kgs 9:11–10:36) are often attributed to a third source containing accounts of the dynasty of Ahab and his successors. In all three of these possible sources the orientation is toward affairs in the northern kingdom.<\/p>\n<h5>Isaiah Source<\/h5>\n<p>The account of the reign of Hezekiah contains a section (2 Kgs 18:13–20:19) that is nearly a verbatim citation of material also found in Isaiah (Is 36:1–39:8). The section records the invasion of Sennacherib, the mission of the Rabshakeh, Hezekiah’s prayer, Isaiah’s prophecy, Hezekiah’s illness, the regression of the sun, and the envoys from Merodach-baladan. The material must be regarded as based on the book of Isaiah or some other source used in both Isaiah and Kings.<\/p>\n<h5>A Prophetic Source<\/h5>\n<p>Because Kings shows great interest in the prophets and their ministries, various scholars have suggested that yet another source was used by the compiler; this would be an independent literary unit containing accounts of the prophets. This source would have contained the records for the material on Ahijah (1 Kgs 11:29-39; 14:1-16), unnamed prophets (ch 12; 20:35-43), Micaiah (22:13-28), and other references.<\/p>\n<p>Apart from the sources explicitly mentioned and inferences about their character, the remainder of the sources suggested have only varying degrees of probability. Considerable scholarly effort has gone into identifying and characterizing such sources, but it remains speculative. When considering the sources the compiler may have used, one important caution must be kept in mind. Even if such sources did exist, one cannot have confidence in a reconstruction of the compositional history. Which sources had already been integrated into a larger composition before they were used by the compiler of Kings? We cannot be certain that the life situation out of which these other sources grew has been correctly identified, nor can we know that even the compiler himself was aware of the past history of his sources. Biblical scholarship has expended considerable energy in trying to delineate the past history of the book of Kings, but it has often been at the neglect of the unity of perspective that is the product of the final compiler(s) in whose hands the book received its canonical form.<\/p>\n<p>What is important to understanding the book is not the perspective of its various sources (of which the compiler himself may have been unaware), but the perspective of the book as a whole on the history of the kingdoms. It is the outline that the compiler has imposed on the sources that establishes the teaching of the book; his sources are used in accord with his own purposes, a fact that makes the purposes for which the sources had been prepared largely irrelevant to the teaching of the book in its present form. Exploring possible sources, worthwhile in itself, must not eclipse the message of the book as a whole. This is not to imply that the books of Kings are simply a compilation of unaltered sources. The writer(s) undoubtedly exercised a measure of selectivity and literary skill in composing the historical narrative.<\/p>\n<p>One compositional technique of the compiler is quite prominent in the histories of the divided kingdoms: this is the use of formulaic introductions and conclusions to the various reigns. The formulas for both kingdoms are quite similar, differing only in minor details. For the kings of Judah, the full introductory formula is as follows: (1) year of accession synchronized with the regnal year of the northern king; (2) age of the king at his accession; (3) length of his reign; (4) name of his mother; (5) judgment on the character of the reign. The account of a Judean king’s reign is concluded as follows: (1) a reference to the chronicles of the kings of Judah for further information; (2) a statement regarding the death of the king, including the place of burial; (3) successor: “And his son reigned in his stead” (<span>rsv<\/span>). The full formula for a Judean king can be seen, for example, in the reign of Rehoboam (1 Kgs 14:21-22, 29-31).<\/p>\n<p>The formulas differ slightly for the kings of Israel; the introduction is as follows: (1) year of succession synchronized with the regnal year of the southern king; (2) length of his reign; (3) location of the royal residence; (4) condemnation for idolatry; (5) name of the king’s father. The account of an Israelite king’s reign ends as follows: (1) a reference to the chronicles of the kings of Israel for further information; (2) a statement regarding his death; (3) a statement of the succession of his son, unless a usurper follows. The full formula for an Israelite king can be seen, for example, in the reign of Baasha (1 Kgs 15:33-34; 16:5-6).<\/p>\n<p>There is some variation in the use of these patterns, but on the whole, they are consistently followed and provide the basic framework for the history of the divided kingdom. The synchronisms of the reigns provide data for constructing the chronology of the period. The variations in the formulas may reflect the characteristics of the sources the compiler was using or may reflect his own interests. The name of the mother of a Judean king is recorded, but not of an Israelite king, perhaps reflecting concern with a more exact and fuller record of the Davidic succession. The royal residence is presumed to be Jerusalem for the southern kings (though it may be mentioned) but is recorded for the northern kings since it moved several times, from Shechem to Penuel to Tirzah to Samaria. The mention of the king’s father for a northern ruler also reflects the frequent change in dynasties there, as opposed to the dynastic stability of Judah, which is reinforced by mentioning the burial of almost all its kings in the city of David.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheologyandPurpose\">Theology and Purpose<\/p>\n<p>The books of Kings record the history of the covenant people from the end of the reign of David (961 <span>BC<\/span>) through the fall of the southern kingdom (586 <span>BC<\/span>). Yet it is not history written in accord with modern expectations for history textbooks. Rather than concentrating on economic, political, and military themes as they shaped the history of the period, the compiler of Kings is motivated by theological concerns.<\/p>\n<p>Evaluation of the theology and purpose of the books of Kings is made easier by the fact that there is a parallel history for much of Kings found in the books of Chronicles. By comparing the two accounts, especially where the later Chronicler adds or deletes material found in Kings, the interests of both histories are thrown into clearer relief.<\/p>\n<p>The books of Kings were composed during the exile, likely between 560 and 539 <span>BC<\/span>. Jerusalem had been turned into rubble, and there was no longer a throne of David. Those two pillars of the popular theology—the inviolability of the temple and the throne of David (Jer 7:4; 13:13-14; 22:1-9; see 1 Kgs 8:16, 29)—had tumbled. If Israel’s faith was to survive, the burning questions that had to be answered were “How did it all happen? Can’t God keep his promises to David and to Zion? Have the promises failed?” The writer of Kings aims to deal with the bewilderment of the chosen people in response to the disasters of 722 <span>BC<\/span> (fall of Samaria) and 586 <span>BC<\/span> (fall of Jerusalem). Kings, like the book of Job, is a theodicy, a justification of the ways of God to men.<\/p>\n<p>In order to answer the question “How did it happen?” the compiler adopts the procedure of recounting the history of the covenant people in light of standards propounded in the Law. For this reason Kings could be called Pentateuchal history, or even more pointedly, Deuteronomic history, for standards propounded only in the book of Deuteronomy in the Pentateuch are used by the compiler to measure the kingdoms. Among the prominent themes selected from Deuteronomy and applied to the kingdoms are the centralization of worship, the institution of the monarchy, the efficacy of the prophetic word, and the outworking of the covenant curses on disobedience.<\/p>\n<h5>Centralization of Worship<\/h5>\n<p>The primary concern of the writer is the purity of the worship of the Lord. His major criterion for measuring this purity is the attitude of the kings toward centralization of worship in the Jerusalem temple as opposed to the worship of the Lord elsewhere and the continuation of Canaanite cults mingled with Yahwism at the high places. Centralization of worship at the central shrine is called for in Deuteronomy 12. Perhaps “centralization of worship” is a misnomer, for worship was always centered around the tabernacle in the periods prior to the temple; the change that is envisaged in Deuteronomy is not the centralizing of worship but rather the fact that the shrine would no longer be mobile but stationary. For the kings of the northern kingdom, this criterion becomes virtually a stereotyped formula that “he did that which was evil in the sight of the Lord and walked in the way of Jeroboam son of Nebat, who sinned and made all Israel sin along with him” (see 1 Kgs 14:16; 15:30; 16:31; 2 Kgs 3:3; 10:31; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:22). The compiler of Kings sees the rival altars with the golden calves at Dan and Bethel as the great sin of which the northern kings never repented (1 Kgs 12:25–13:34). Rejecting the primacy of Jerusalem, these altars became the rod with which to measure the northern kings. All the kings of Israel are condemned by this standard (except for Shallum, who reigned but a month, and Hoshea, the last of the northern kings)—even Zimri, the murderer of Elah, who ruled only one week before committing suicide in the flames of his own palace (16:9-20). For the kings of Judah, a different standard is used: what their attitude was to the high places where heterodox worship was allowed to flourish in the environs of Jerusalem. Only Hezekiah and Josiah receive the compiler’s unqualified endorsement for following the ways of David (2 Kgs 18:3; 22:2). Six others are commended for their zeal in suppressing idolatry, though they did not remove the high places (Asa, 1 Kgs 15:9-15; Jehoshaphat, 22:43; Jehoash, 2 Kgs 12:2-3; Amaziah, 14:3-4; Azariah, 15:3-4; Jotham, 15:34-35). The remainder of the Judean kings are condemned for their participation in the high places and their desecration of the temple itself. This one theme is the preeminent motif in the book.<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Monarchy<\/h5>\n<p>A second prominent interest for the compiler was to trace the history of the monarchy. Deuteronomy 17:14-20 provides for the day when Israel would ask for a king and charges that king with the basic religious responsibility for the people. This provision for a king, again a feature found only in Deuteronomy, becomes the basis for the compiler’s intense interest in the history of the monarchy, and particularly the religious fidelity of the kings. David becomes the model of the ideal king, the one by whom the others are measured, the one whose sons “continue long in his kingdom in the midst of Israel” (17:20; see also 1 Kgs 15:11; 2 Kgs 18:3; 22:2 for following in the ways of David, and 1 Kgs 14:8; 15:3-5; 2 Kgs 14:3; 16:2 for the reverse). The compiler wanted to show that God had been faithful to David even though David’s sons were not faithful. While both kingdoms had about the same number of kings, the northern kingdom is marked by repeated dynastic changes and regicide through its 200 years, while the dynasty of David is maintained as a lamp in the south through 350 years (1 Kgs 11:13, 32, 36; 15:4-5; 2 Kgs 8:19; 19:34; 20:6). It is the disaster that had befallen the house of David, and the consequent doubts about the promises of God, that prompted the compiler to write.<\/p>\n<h5>Efficacy of the Prophetic Word<\/h5>\n<p>Another reason why Kings can be called Deuteronomic history is its concern with the efficacy of the prophetic word. There are three passages in the Pentateuch that deal with the institution of the prophetic order: Numbers 12:1-8; Deuteronomy 13:1-5; and Deuteronomy 18:14-22. It is only in Deuteronomy 18 that the test of a true prophet is given: that what he has spoken comes about, that his words are fulfilled. Notice the number of instances where the writer calls attention to the fulfillment of the words of the prophets: 2 Samuel 7:13 in 1 Kings 8:20; 1 Kings 11:29-36 in 12:15; 1 Kings 13:1-3 in 2 Kings 23:16-18; 1 Kings 14:6-12 in 14:17-18 and 15:29; 1 Kings 16:1-4 in 16:7, 11-12; Joshua 6:26 in 1 Kings 16:34; 1 Kings 22:17 in 22:35-38; 1 Kings 21:21-29 in 2 Kings 9:7-10, 30-37 and 10:10-11, 30; 2 Kings 1:6 in 1:17; 2 Kings 21:10-15 in 24:2; 2 Kings 22:15-20 in 23:30. The writer is concerned to show that the words of the prophets were efficacious, powerful words. His concern with the prophetic order is also seen in the material devoted to Elijah and Elisha and to other prophetic figures.<\/p>\n<h5>Fulfillment of the Curses<\/h5>\n<p>Another aspect of the compiler’s interest in Deuteronomy is seen in his concern to trace the fulfillment of the covenant curses on disobedience. God’s covenant with Israel would issue in curses or blessings depending on the obedience of the people; the compiler of Kings sees the curses inflicted on the two kingdoms because of their failure to meet the demands of the covenant. He takes care to show that most of the curses of Deuteronomy 28:15-68 had some historical realization in the life of the people. Moses had warned that disobedience would “bring a nation against you from afar, from the end of the earth, as the eagle swoops down” (Dt 28:49, <span>nasb<\/span>), and the Assyrians came to Samaria and the Babylonians to Jerusalem (28:52). The siege of Samaria lasted from 724 to 722 <span>BC<\/span>, and the siege of Jerusalem from 588 to 586 <span>BC<\/span>. The dire conditions of the siege would drive the people to devouring their own children; women would feed on their afterbirths. It happened to Israel in the siege of Ben-hadad (2 Kgs 6:24-30). Just as the Lord had delighted to prosper and multiply his people, so he would not refrain from destroying them and scattering them among the peoples of the earth (Dt 28:63-67).<\/p>\n<p>In these and other ways the writer of Kings set out to write the history of Israel and Judah to solve a theological dilemma. How was one to reconcile the exile with God’s promises to the nation and David? His answer is twofold: (1) the problem was not with God but with the people’s disobedience—God remains just; (2) the end of the state does not equal the end of the people or the house of David. Here the ending of the book is instructive: Evil-merodach releases Jehoiachin from prison, elevates him above the other kings, and provides his rations (2 Kgs 25:27-30). Even during the exile, though cut down to almost nothing, the house of David still enjoys the favor and blessing of God. God has not abandoned his promises; the people should keep hope.<\/p>\n<p>Other themes in Kings also show the theological motivations underlying the compiler’s selection and arrangement of the data, particularly his use of Deuteronomy as a framework for examining the history of the people. Compare the laws governing the observance of Passover in Exodus 12:1-20 and Deuteronomy 16:1-8: whereas the Passover is centered in the family in Exodus, it is celebrated at the sanctuary in Deuteronomy. The writer of Kings is careful to show that the Passover during the reign of Josiah was celebrated in accordance with the requirements of Deuteronomy (2 Kgs 23:21-23). A passage in Deuteronomy is explicitly cited with reference to Amaziah’s keeping the law (Dt 24:16 in 2 Kgs 14:6).<\/p>\n<h5>Contrast with Chronicles<\/h5>\n<p>The interests of Kings are further highlighted when compared with the parallel accounts in Chronicles. While the writer of Kings worked in the aftermath of the destruction of Jerusalem and had to answer the “how?” and “why?” questions, the Chronicler is part of the restoration community. Here the burning theological questions were not “how?” and “why?” but rather “What continuity do we have with David? Is God still interested in us?” The need is not to account for the exile but rather to relate the postexilic and the preexilic. The building of the second temple and the ordering of worship there show up in increased detail in Chronicles in any matter pertaining to the former temple. Chronicles is a history of Judah and of the Davidic line, reflecting the fact that it alone survives after the exile. Interesting, too, are the things omitted from the account by the Chronicler. Since he is not building a case for an indictment, as was done in Samuel and Kings, he is free to omit references to David’s sin with Bathsheba (2 Sm 11) or to Solomon’s difficulties in gaining the throne (1 Kgs 1–2). Since in his day the northern kingdom had not survived, the Chronicler did not go into detail about the sins of Jeroboam (chs 13–14). Chronicles is interested more in the affairs of the temple and does not show the marked interest in prophetic matters found in Kings, so that the lives of Elijah and Elisha are omitted (1 Kgs 16—2 Kgs 10). Nor does the Chronicler recite the sins that led to the demise of the northern kingdom (2 Kgs 17:1–18:12). In all these examples one can see the interplay of the historical moment and theological concerns of the people and the compilers. Each compiler has selected and arranged the data in accordance with the concerns and needs of the community in which he was a member; comparing the two accounts throws the interests of each into sharp relief.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n\n<p>The books of Kings fall into three parts: (1) the reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 1–11); (2) the history of the divided kingdom (1 Kgs 12–2 Kgs 17); (3) the history of the surviving kingdom in Judah (2 Kgs 18–25).<\/p>\n<h5>The Reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 1–11)<\/h5>\n<p>The record begins with an account of the court intrigue surrounding Solomon’s accession to the throne, set against the backdrop of the abortive coup by Adonijah (ch 1). The dying David charges Solomon to obey the commandments of God (2:1-4) and also to take vengeance on his enemies (vv 5-9). After David’s death Solomon orders the deaths of Adonijah, Joab, and Shimei, and the banishment of Abiathar, the priest who had supported Adonijah in his bid for the throne (vv 13-46). Enemies eliminated, the kingdom was firmly established by Solomon (v 46).<\/p>\n<p>The remainder of Solomon’s reign is divided into two parts: Solomon the good, who follows in the ways of his father, David (chs 3–10); and Solomon the bad, whose heart is led astray (ch 11). While sacrificing at Gibeon, Solomon asks God to give him the gift of wisdom to rule—wisdom promptly demonstrated in the quarrel of two prostitutes about a child (ch 3). An account is given of the administrative organization of the kingdom and the incomparable wisdom of Solomon (ch 4). The compiler of Kings gives extensive coverage to the preparations (ch 5), building (chs 6–7), and dedication (ch 8) of the temple. God appeared to Solomon a second time, reminding him to keep his commandments as David had done (9:1-9). Details are given of the king’s building and commercial activities (vv 10-27). The account of the visit by the queen of Sheba is followed with elaboration of Solomon’s splendor (ch 10). But Solomon did not keep God’s commands; seduced to pagan worship by his foreign wives, he was not fully devoted to the Lord as David had been (11:4), and God determined to take away the northern tribes from the rule of his son (vv 11-13). As punishment from the hand of God, Solomon faced rebellion among conquered peoples (vv 14-25) and within Israel in the person of Jeroboam (vv 26-40).<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Divided Kingdom (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17)<\/h5>\n\n<p>The united monarchy dissolved after the death of Solomon. The northern kingdom (Israel) would exist for about two centuries, would be ruled by 20 kings from nine different dynasties, and would show a history of internal weakness riddled with regicide and usurpation. In contrast, the southern kingdom would last for three and a half centuries and would be ruled by 19 kings of Davidic descent (apart from a short period under the dynastic interloper Athaliah).<\/p>\n<p>There had been a long history of independent action and even warfare between the northern and southern tribes prior to David and Solomon, so it is no surprise that the division would take place along the lines that it did. The immediate cause, however, was the unwise severity with which Rehoboam replied to the representatives of the northern tribes while negotiating for the kingship. Jeroboam, the popular hero of the earlier insurrection against Solomon, became king in the north. He immediately erected the rival sanctuaries at Dan and Bethel (1 Kgs 12); these rival altars became the measure by which the kings of Israel were condemned for following in the sins of Jeroboam.<\/p>\n<p>For two generations there would be warfare between Israel and Judah over the border areas in Benjamin claimed by both sides. Fifty years of sporadic fighting on their mutual frontier, interlaced with invasions from the Arameans in the north or the Egyptians in the south, would consume the reigns of Jeroboam, Nadab, Baasha, Elah, and Zimri in Israel and of Rehoboam, Abijam, and Asa in Judah (1 Kgs 13:1–16:20).<\/p>\n<p>The accession of Omri in Israel introduced a ruling house that would last for a total of four generations and end the dynastic instability of the northern kingdom. Though Kings gives Omri a scant eight verses (1 Kgs 16:21-28), he was among the greatest of the northern kings, forging alliances with the Phoenicians and Judah; for over a century, the Assyrians would call Israel “the house of Omri.”<\/p>\n<p>The reigns of Omri’s successors, Ahab, Ahaziah, and Jehoram, are treated at disproportionate length, taking almost a third of the total book, 16 of 47 chapters (1 Kgs 17—2 Kgs 10). This is due to the fact that the compiler of Kings incorporated extensive coverage of the lives of Elijah and Elisha, weaving a contrast between good and evil by paralleling the dynasty of Omri with these prophets. Ahab and Jezebel were used as foils for the account of Elijah, so that Ahab became a paradigm of the evil king (e.g., 2 Kgs 21:3).<\/p>\n<p>Because of this preoccupation with the dynasty of Omri and the lives of Elijah and Elisha, the equivalent period in Judah is not given as extensive coverage. During this period, the northern kingdom appears to have exercised some hegemony over Judah, as attested by the marriage of an Omride (Athaliah, 2 Kgs 8:18, 26) to Jehoram of Judah and the subservient role of Jehoshaphat to Ahab at the battle of Ramoth-gilead (1 Kgs 22). Judah’s fortunes declined in this period when Edom revolted against Jehoram (2 Kgs 8:20-22), costing Judah control over the port at Ezion-geber and consequent economic losses.<\/p>\n<p>In 842 <span>BC<\/span> Jehu, after being anointed king by a prophet (2 Kgs 9:1-13), led a coup ending the house of Omri and also killing Ahaziah of Judah (vv 14-29). Jehu’s purge also brought the death of Jezebel, Ahab’s family, members of the family of Ahaziah, and the ministers of Baal (9:30–10:36). The consequences were severe politically: the murder of the Phoenician princess Jezebel and the king of Judah cost Israel its allies to the north and south.<\/p>\n<p>Jehu’s dynasty had the longest succession of any in Israel, including Jehoahaz, Jehoash, Jeroboam II, and Zechariah, a period spanning 90 years. Jehu’s murder of Ahaziah of Judah set the stage for the one threat to the continuity of the Davidic dynasty. Queen Athaliah, herself an Omride, seized the throne and attempted a purge of Davidic pretenders. She ruled for six years, until the faithful priest Jehoiada staged a countercoup to place the child Joash on the throne of David (ch 11).<\/p>\n<p>Israel endured a half century of weakness as a result of Jehu’s coup, during which the Arameans had a free hand, reducing the forces of Jehu’s son Jehoahaz to a small army and bodyguard (2 Kgs 13:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>The reemergence of Assyria early in the ninth century <span>BC<\/span> gave relief to Israel and Judah. Assyrian armies conquered the Arameans; with that threat removed, Israel and Judah enjoyed a dramatic resurgence. Jehoash of Israel, grandson of Jehu, reconquered cities lost to the Arameans (2 Kgs 13:25); Elisha died during his reign (v 20). In the south Amaziah reconquered the Edomites (14:7). Amaziah and Jehoash renewed the warfare between the kingdoms, with the north again victorious (vv 8-14).<\/p>\n<p>Under Jeroboam II, Israel enjoyed a period of prosperity when the borders of the kingdom reached the same extent as they had under Solomon (2 Kgs 14:23-28). Uzziah (Azariah), his contemporary in Judah, also fortified Jerusalem and undertook a program of offensive operations extending Judah’s sway to the south (14:21-22; 15:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>Yet this resurgence was but a brilliant sunset in the history of the two kingdoms. After the death of Jeroboam II, the history is one of successive disasters, culminating in the fall of Israel and the subjugation of Judah to the might of Assyria. The next 30 years in Israel would see four dynasties, three represented by only one king, and repeated regicides as the northern kingdom hastened to its demise. A period of civil war and anarchy would see five kings in just over ten years (2 Kgs 15). Heavy tribute was paid to Tiglath-pileser III in both the north and south (15:19-20; 16:7-10). Israel and the Arameans forged a coalition to throw back the Assyrians and sought to press Ahaz of Judah into the fight; Ahaz appealed to Tiglath-pileser III for help. The coalition was destroyed, and Israel and Judah became vassals. Hoshea defected as soon as he felt safe, looking to Egypt for help, but it was suicide for the northern kingdom. Shalmaneser V retaliated, and the political history of the state of Israel came to an end (17:1-23). The area was resettled with other displaced populations (vv 24-41).<\/p>\n<p>Israel had faced the Arameans and survived, only to fall to Assyria. And now, similarly, Judah would outlast Assyria, only to fall to Babylon.<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Surviving Kingdom of Judah (2 Kgs 18–25)<\/h5>\n<p>Ahaz’s appeal for Assyrian aid cost him his liberty, and Judah became a vassal of the Assyrian Empire. Illegitimate worship flourished under his rule (2 Kgs 16:1-19). Ahaz was succeeded by the first of the outstanding reform kings of Judah: Hezekiah. Much of the account of his reign is given to his rebellion against Sennacherib of Assyria: the rebellion, the Assyrian envoys and threats, Isaiah’s assurances of deliverance, and the destruction of the Assyrian armies (18:9–19:37). Hezekiah’s illness was averted after a sign and oracle from Isaiah (20:1-11). As part of what appears to be negotiations toward an anti-Assyrian alliance, Hezekiah also entertained envoys from Babylon, a decision that the prophet announced would be costly (vv 12-21).<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah was followed by Manasseh, who ruled longer than any other king of Judah (a total of 55 years). His reign was marked by great apostasy—apostasy so severe that the compiler of Kings regarded his reign as sufficient reason for the exile that was unavoidable (2 Kgs 21:1-18; cf. 23:26; 24:3-4; Jer 15:1-4). Manasseh was followed by his son Amon, a carbon copy of his father, who ruled only two years before he was deposed by the people (2 Kings 21:19-26).<\/p>\n<p>The second great reform king of Judah, Josiah, followed. In his reign the Book of the Law was found while the temple was being refurbished; he led the people in a renewal of the covenant and suppressed illegitimate worship (2 Kgs 22:1–23:14). The Assyrian Empire was in rapid decline, so Josiah extended his borders to the north, destroying the altar at Bethel and the high places throughout Samaria (23:15-20). A great Passover celebration was convened in Jerusalem, and further measures were taken to rectify worship (vv 21-25). Josiah tried to block Pharaoh Neco’s foray to assist Assyria, and he lost his life at Megiddo (vv 26-30).<\/p>\n<p>Josiah was the only king of Judah to have three of his sons succeed him. At his death the people put Jehoahaz on the throne, but Neco removed him three months later and took him to Egypt in chains (2 Kgs 23:31-33), replacing him with another son of Josiah, Eliakim, whose name was changed to Jehoiakim (vv 34-37). During his reign, Nebuchadnezzar conquered Judah, and Jehoiakim became his vassal. Late in his life Jehoiakim rebelled against Nebuchadnezzar. Jehoiakim died, leaving his son Jehoiachin to face retaliation from Babylon (24:1-10). Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem; when the city fell, Jehoiachin, the queen mother, the army, and the leaders of the land were carried away captive. Nebuchadnezzar put Mattaniah (uncle of Jehoiachin and third son of Josiah) on the throne, changing his name to Zedekiah (vv 11-17). Nine years later Zedekiah, too, would rebel against Babylon. Nebuchadnezzar besieged the city for two years and, when it fell, utterly destroyed it. Zedekiah’s sons were killed before his eyes, and then his own eyes were put out, and he was taken to Babylon (24:18–25:21). Nebuchadnezzar appointed Gedaliah to rule as governor from nearby Mizpah; he was assassinated, and the conspirators fled to Egypt (25:22-26).<\/p>\n<p>The book concludes by showing that God had not forgotten his promise to David, mentioning that in captivity Jehoiachin enjoyed favor from the hand of Evil-merodach, successor of Nebuchadnezzar (2 Kgs 25:27-30).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Chronicles, Books of First and Second.<\/p>","summary_ro":"KINGS, Books of First and Second Books continuing the history of the covenant people as recorded in Joshua, Judges, and the books of Samuel. The record in Kings begins with the events at the end of David’s reign (1 Kgs 1–2). It continues through the reign of Solomon (chs 3–11); the histories of the divided kingdoms (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17); and the history of the surviving kingdom in the south, through its fall in 586 BC and the subsequent kindness shown Jehoiachin by Evil-merodach, king of Babylo...","summary_en":"KINGS, Books of First and Second Books continuing the history of the covenant people as recorded in Joshua, Judges, and the books of Samuel. The record in Kings begins with the events at the end of David’s reign (1 Kgs 1–2). It continues through the reign of Solomon (chs 3–11); the histories of the divided kingdoms (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17); and the history of the surviving kingdom in the south, through its fall in 586 BC and the subsequent kindness shown Jehoiachin by Evil-merodach, king of Babylo...","source":"Articles\/K.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":37003,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Temple","title_en":"Temple","content_ro":"<h3>TEMPLE<\/h3>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Background<\/p>\n<p>• Solomon’s Temple<\/p>\n<p>• Zerubbabel’s Temple<\/p>\n<p>• Herod’s Temple<\/p>\n<p>• Significance of the Temple in the Old Testament<\/p>\n<p>• Significance of the Temple in the New Testament<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Background\">Background<\/p>\n<p>David’s capture of Jerusalem (2 Sm 5:6-9) and his designation of it as the nation’s capital is one of the great masterstrokes of history. Occupied by the Jebusites, it was a pocket of neutral territory between the northern and southern sections of David’s united kingdom and was politically acceptable to both. Jerusalem was then established as the national religious center by the return of the ark, which had been largely neglected since its capture by the Philistines (2 Sm 6:1-17). Henceforth, God’s choices of both David and Jerusalem (“Mount Zion”) were indissolubly linked (Ps 78:67-72).<\/p>\n<p>David’s great impulse was to build an adequate dwelling place for Israel’s God. The idea was initially approved by Nathan the prophet (2 Sm 7:1-3), but God revealed otherwise to him, and he conveyed the divine purpose to David (vv 4-17). In a significant wordplay, David was informed that, while he was not to build a house (temple) for God, God would build a house (dynasty) for him. David was not the one to build a temple because of the numerous wars during his reign; the temple would instead be built by his son (1 Kgs 5:3; 1 Chr 22:7-8; 28:3). Nevertheless, David enthusiastically amassed most of the necessary finances and materials and drew up the blueprints for the temple (1 Chr 22:3-5, 14; 28:2, 11-19). He also purchased the temple site (21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"SolomonsTemple\">Solomon’s Temple<\/p>\n\n<h5>Date<\/h5>\n<p>Construction commenced in Solomon’s fourth year, about 966 <span>BC<\/span>, and took seven years to complete (1 Kgs 6:1, 38). Everything necessary for the temple, including the workers, had been prepared by David (1 Chr 28:21). The temple evidently had first priority among Solomon’s building schemes, as he built his own palace later (1 Kgs 7:1).<\/p>\n<h5>Superintendents and Workforce<\/h5>\n<p>The principal architect for the bronze furnishings was Huram (Hebrew “Hiram”), whose father was a metal craftsman from Tyre and whose mother was an Israelite (1 Kgs 7:13-14). Cedar for the temple came from Lebanon and was felled and transported by the skilled woodsmen of another Hiram—the king of Tyre, Solomon’s ally (5:5-9). Thirty thousand Israelites, divided into three groups, were drafted to assist at Lebanon. Each group was on duty for one month in three. For the stonework, Solomon conscripted 153,600 foreigners resident in Israel to provide a self-contained group of carriers, stone cutters, and supervisors (vv 15-17; 2 Chr 2:17-18). Possibly the “men of Gebal,” with their specialized skills, formed yet another group (1 Kgs 5:18). Building the temple was obviously a national project of immense size and effort. In order to preserve the sanctity of the site and to eliminate noise, the masonry and carpentry were not done at the temple site (6:7).<\/p>\n<h5>Description<\/h5>\n<p>The details given in the Bible are sufficiently clear for us to make a reasonably accurate description of the temple. The accounts in Kings and Chronicles are supplemented by Ezekiel’s depiction of the temple (see below), which was broadly based on his knowledge of the Jerusalem temple (Ez 40–48).<\/p>\n<p>The side rooms probably rested on a foundation or platform that was separate from the temple itself (1 Kgs 6:5, 10; cf. Ez 41:8-9) and were arranged in three stories, each seven and a half feet (2.3 meters) high, extending around the whole building except for the porch side. Each successive story was one and a half feet (.5 meter) wider than the one below, these dimensions coinciding with the thickness of the side wall of the Holy Place. The ground floor rooms were seven and a half feet (2.3 meters) wide; the first story was nine feet (2.7 meters), and the second was ten and a half feet (3.2 meters). Access to the upper stories was possibly by winding staircases (1 Kgs 6:8). There is some uncertainty concerning the location of the entrances; there may have been one on either side, but only one is mentioned (v 8). As in Ezekiel’s temple (Ez 40:17, 28), there were two adjacent courts, an inner and an outer (1 Kgs 6:36; 7:12), but no dimensions are given for these. The inner court, or “court of the priests,” being next to the temple itself, was also called “the upper court” (2 Chr 4:9; Jer 36:10). The wall of the inner court was made of three layers of hewn stone held together by a layer of cedar beams (1 Kgs 6:36), and the doors of both courts were sheathed in bronze (2 Chr 4:9). The palace buildings were within the outer court area, probably with a private passageway between the palace and the temple that was later closed during the reign of Ahaz (2 Chr 4:9, 12; 2 Kgs 16:18).<\/p>\n<p>The temple itself was 90 feet (27.4 meters) long, 30 feet (9.1 meters) wide, and 45 feet (13.7 meters) high (1 Kgs 6:2), with a porch or vestibule 15 feet (4.6 meters) deep stretching across the width. Probably the vestibule was on the east end of the temple, thus corresponding with the orientation of Ezekiel’s temple (Ez 43:1; 44:1). The larger part of the main sanctuary, next to the porch, formed the Holy Place, which was 60 feet (18.3 meters) long (1 Kgs 6:17). Beyond this was the innermost sanctuary, the Holy of Holies (or the “Most Holy Place“), which was a perfect cube of 30 feet (9.1 meters). All the interior walls were paneled with cedar decorated with flower patterns, cherubim, and palm trees, so that no masonry was visible. The walls of both inner and outer sanctuaries were “overlaid” (v 22) with pure gold. Actually the gold decoration may have been inlaid, on the basis that a solid sheath of gold would spoil the natural beauty of the wood carving. The floor was made of cypress planks (v 15). Narrow windows set high in the walls above the level of the three-storied outer chambers provided light in the Holy Place (v 4). The ceiling was paneled with beams and planks of cedar. No detail is given about the exterior roofing, but probably the contemporary technique was employed, using a wooden, latticelike framework into which a waterproof, limestone plaster was packed and rolled.<\/p>\n<p>The outer porch was apparently an open space, since no doors are mentioned. Access into the Holy Place was by double doors, both hinged to fold back on themselves, made of cypress and decorated in exactly the same way as the interior walls (vv 34-35). The doorposts were made of olive wood. Within the Holy Place was the altar of incense made of cedar overlaid with gold; it was placed centrally before the Holy of Holies. Also in the Holy Place were a table for the bread of the Presence of God, ten lampstands arranged in two groups of five on either side, and various utensils required for maintaining the priestly duties (1 Kgs 7:48-50). All these were made or overlaid with gold. The ten tables, arranged five on each side, were presumably for the utensils and accessories (2 Chr 4:8).<\/p>\n<p>Between the Holy Place and the Holy of Holies was a double door made of olive wood, carved with cherubim, palm trees, and flower patterns and overlaid with gold. Inside these doors, veiling still further the Holy of Holies, was a blue, purple, and crimson curtain, made of the finest fabrics and ornamented with cherubim (2 Chr 3:14).<\/p>\n<p>In the Holy of Holies were two cherubim, each 15 feet (4.6 meters) high and made of olive wood covered with gold (1 Kgs 6:23-28). Each wing measured seven and a half feet (2.3 meters). A wing of each touched the side walls; the other wings met at the center of the room. The divine throne had been considerably less impressive in the tabernacle, where a wing of each cherubim fused into the mercy seat above the ark (Ex 25:17-22). In Solomon’s temple, the ark of the covenant was placed below the forward-facing cherubim, the symbolic protectors. The ark, the only major item surviving from the Mosaic tabernacle, still contained the tablets of the law, but the pot of manna and Aaron’s rod were missing (1 Kgs 8:9).<\/p>\n<p>Immediately outside the temple and on either side of the vestibule were two hollow bronze pillars (1 Kgs 7:15-20; 2 Chr 3:15-17). According to the book of Kings, these pillars were 27 feet (8.2 meters) high, with a circumference of 18 feet (5.5 meters). The metal itself was about four inches (10.2 centimeters) thick. The pillars were surmounted by bronze, lily-shaped capitals seven and a half feet (2.3 meters) high and six feet (1.8 meters) wide, intricately adorned with a chain latticework that supported two rows of pomegranates. The total weight must have been enormous, and their size is attested to by Jeremiah, who notes that the Babylonians had to break them in pieces before transporting them to Babylon (Jer 52:17, 21-23).<\/p>\n<p>The bronze altar of sacrifice in front of the vestibule is not listed in the specifications of 1 Kings 7. However, it is mentioned in the temple dedication and subsequently (1 Kgs 8:22, 54, 64; 9:25) and clearly stood in the inner court. Its dimensions were 30 feet (9.1 meters) square and 15 feet (4.6 meters) high (2 Chr 4:1). In view of its weight, it was probably cast in sections at Solomon’s foundry in the Jordan Rift valley (vv 17-18) and then transported to the temple site for assembly.<\/p>\n<p>Probably the most striking article in the inner court was the “molten (bronze) sea,” a huge, round tank made of bronze 3 inches (8 centimeters) thick, 7½ feet (2.3 meters) high, and 15 feet (4.6 meters) in diameter (1 Kgs 7:23-26). Its rim flared out like a lily (2 Chr 4:2-5). The tank was supported on 12 bronze oxen, four on each side, and had two rows of decoration, possibly gourds or pomegranates, under the brim. Its capacity was between 10,000 and 12,000 gallons (37,850–45,420 liters). The bronze sea was used for priestly ablutions (v 6). Presumably this involved a platform of sorts, for the brim of this vast basin would have been about 15 feet (4.6 meters) above ground level.<\/p>\n<p>Hiram also constructed ten large lavers, mounted on moveable stands and placed in two groups of five, on the north and south sides of the inner court (1 Kgs 7:27-39). Basically the stands were bronze boxes, six feet (1.8 meters) square and four and a half feet (1.4 meters) high with a nine-inch (22.9-centimeter) rim around the top edge. Each corner was attached to braced posts to which the axles were fixed. The four-spoked wheels were 27 inches (68.6 centimeters) high. Into each stand there fitted a laver containing approximately 220 gallons (832.7 liters) of water, used for washing sacrificial animals (2 Chr 4:6). Probably each was adjacent to one of the ten tables that would be used to flay and otherwise prepare the sacrifices (v 8). Supplementary items, such as pots, shovels, and basins, all made of bronze, were also manufactured (1 Kgs 7:40, 45).<\/p>\n<h5>The Dedication<\/h5>\n<p>Eleven months elapsed between the completion of the temple and its dedication (1 Kgs 6:38; 8:2), during which time the major items of furniture were set in place. The dedication itself took place in the seventh month, presumably in connection with the Feast of Tabernacles and the Day of Atonement (Lv 23:23-36). The ark of the covenant was brought into its final resting place (1 Kgs 8:3-4), but the inner court proved inadequate for the vast numbers of beasts sacrificed (1 Kgs 8:62-64; 2 Chr 7:7).<\/p>\n<p>The temple employed the most sophisticated building techniques of the age, and no expense had been spared in construction, ornamentation, or equipment. Yet Solomon readily confessed its utter inadequacy to house the eternal God (1 Kgs 8:27). His prayer also underlined Israel’s propensity to forsake the Lord, contrasting the nation with God, who, though a just judge, was also merciful and faithful. The climax of the proceedings came when fire from heaven consumed the sacrifices and the shekinah glory filled the temple (2 Chr 7:1-3).<\/p>\n<h5>Later History<\/h5>\n<p>Like most ancient shrines, the temple became a treasury for national wealth and as such was often the target for attack. Shishak of Egypt plundered it within five years of Solomon’s death (1 Kgs 14:25-38). Shortly afterward, King Asa (910–869 <span>BC<\/span>) depleted its gold and silver treasures to buy Syrian help against his oppressor, Baasha (908–886 <span>BC<\/span>), king of Israel (15:16-19). Joash, the king of Judah (835–796 <span>BC<\/span>) who was concealed in the temple from the vicious Athaliah during his youth (2 Kgs 11), made provision for its repair after protesting the priests’ embezzlement of gifts (12:4-16). But after the death of Jehoiada, the high priest, Joash himself was adversely influenced by his nobles (2 Chr 24:15-19). As punishment for his apostasy, the Lord allowed the Syrians to attack, and Joash used the temple treasures to buy them off (2 Kgs 12:17-18). Hardly had provision for replacements been made, when Jehoash of Israel (798–782 <span>BC<\/span>), having shattered the arrogant pride of Amaziah of Judah (796–767 <span>BC<\/span>), again stripped the temple (14:8-14). Later, King Ahaz (735-715 <span>BC<\/span>) used the remaining resources of the temple to enlist support from the Assyrians (16:7-9), though he eventually became completely subservient to them.<\/p>\n<p> Then Hezekiah (715–686 <span>BC<\/span>), one of the great reforming kings, thoroughly renovated the temple and restored worship after it had fallen into disuse during theclosing years of Ahaz (2 Chr 29:1-19; 31:9-21). Manasseh (696–642 <span>BC<\/span>), however, completely reversed his father’s policy, bringing the practices of Canaanite and Mesopotamian worship into the temple (2 Kgs 21:3-7). His conversion experience, which probably occurred late in his reign and resulted in certain reform measures in the temple (2 Chr 33:12-19), was not far-reaching enough to escape the final judgment that his reign was the dark spot of Judah’s history (2 Kgs 21:10-16).<\/p>\n<p>Manasseh’s grandson Josiah (640–609 <span>BC<\/span>), was the second great reforming king. He organized the repair of the temple in 622 <span>BC<\/span>, during which the lost Book of the Law (almost certainly the book of Deuteronomy) was discovered (2 Kgs 22:3-13). As a result, Josiah’s reformation gained a new dimension and sense of urgency (22:14–23:3). The reformation included a thorough purge of all idolatrous elements from the temple (23:4-12) and the restoration of the traditional festivals. Sadly, however, Josiah’s reformation died with him, and Judah’s downward slide continued under the apostate Jehoiakim (609–598 <span>BC<\/span>). It was probably during this time that Jeremiah preached his famous temple sermon foretelling its destruction (Jer 7:1–8:3; 26:1-19), which alienated him from the religious leaders. In Nebuchadnezzar’s reprisal raid following Jehoiakim’s rebellion in 601 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 24:1-4), Jerusalem was captured (596 <span>BC<\/span>) and many of the temple treasures were transported to Babylon (2 Chr 36:7). The temple itself appears to have escaped damage, but when Judah again rebelled under Zedekiah (597–586 <span>BC<\/span>), the temple was demolished (2 Kgs 25:8-10). The remaining temple treasures were taken away.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"ZerubbabelsTemple\">Zerubbabel’s Temple<\/p>\n<h5>Construction<\/h5>\n<p>Although the temple was devastated, the site still remained as a place of pilgrimage during the exile (Jer 41:4-5). In 538 <span>BC<\/span> the Persian king, Cyrus, in pursuance of a liberal policy diametrically opposed to that of the earlier empires, permitted the Jews to return from exile. And he authorized the rebuilding of the temple, financing it from the Persian treasury.<\/p>\n<p>In the book of Ezra, the decree of authorization has been preserved in two forms: the general proclamation (Ezr 1:2-4) and a more prosaic memorandum in the national archives indicating the main temple specifications and the amount of promised Persian help (6:1-5). Probably only a minority of the Jews opted to leave the relative comforts of Mesopotamia for the dangers of a long journey to their desolated homeland. According to the book of Ezra, 42,360 dedicated individuals and their servants (2:64-65) responded under the leadership of Sheshbazzar (1:8-11; 5:14-16) and Zerubbabel (2:2; 3:2, 8; 4:2). With great enthusiasm, the altar was rebuilt on the temple site and the traditional pattern of worship reestablished (3:1-6). Utilizing the grant from Persia as well as their own freewill gifts (2:68-69; 3:7), the Jews began to plan the second temple and lay its foundations (3:7-13). The initial impetus quickly died as a result of local opposition (4:1-4, 24), selfish preoccupation, and crop failures (Hg 1:2-11). In 520 <span>BC<\/span> (Ezr 4:24; Hg 1:1; Zec 1:1), inspired by the prophets Haggai and Zechariah, the Jews under Zerubbabel and Joshua the high priest commenced rebuilding. Work continued in spite of official suspicion, if not direct opposition, and the temple was completed and dedicated in 515 <span>BC<\/span> (Ezr 5:1–6:22).<\/p>\n<p>Little is known of the physical features of Zerubbabel’s temple. The inference that it was vastly inferior to Solomon’s temple (Hg 2:3) probably relates to an early stage in the building operation. In fact, the second temple stood for over 500 years. The dimensions noted in Ezra 6:3 are incomplete; the new temple was no doubt about the same size as its predecessor and was probably built on the same foundation. The construction technique appears to have followed the method of the original, with layers of timber providing a framework for sections of masonry (v 4). Clearly, there was auxiliary accommodation, probably like the side rooms of Solomon’s temple (Ezr 8:29; Neh 12:44; 13:4-5). If Persian aid was forthcoming as promised (Ezr 6:8-12), the second temple was a more splendid, substantial structure than is generally supposed.<\/p>\n<h5>Later History<\/h5>\n<p>Several references in the Apocrypha, pseudepigrapha, rabbinic writings, and the historian Josephus help to illumine the history of the temple and give more detail on its structure and furnishings. Josephus, quoting from Hecateus of Abdera (fourth century <span>BC<\/span>), states that the temple was a large building in an enclosure about 500 feet by 150 feet (152.4 meters by 45.7 meters), surrounded by a stone wall, with an altar of unhewn stones the same size as Solomon’s bronze altar (cf. 2 Chr 4:1). Within the sanctuary was a golden altar of incense and a lampstand, the flame of which burned continually. Josephus also notes that Antiochus III (223–187 <span>BC<\/span>) financially supported the temple when the Seleucids displaced the Ptolemies as masters of Jerusalem.<\/p>\n<p>Ben Sirach, early in the second century <span>BC<\/span>, commended Simon, the son of Onias the high priest, for his work in fortifying and repairing the temple area. First Maccabees provides valuable evidence of the fate of the temple during the oppression under Antiochus IV Epiphanes (175–164 <span>BC<\/span>). The books of the Maccabees recount the defilement of the altar of burnt offering (1 Macc 1:54) and the plundering of the golden lampstand, altar of incense, table of offering, veil, and other treasures (2 Macc 5:15-16; 6:2-4). When the temple was recaptured and restored, the victorious Maccabees replaced the items taken by the Seleucids, except for the altar of sacrifice, which was considered so polluted that it was dismantled and replaced by a new one constructed of unhewn stone (1 Macc 4:36-61; 2 Macc 10:1-9). Clearly the temple area was used as a fortress, both in opposition to the Seleucid garrison that was maintained in Jerusalem in the Maccabean period and in the conflicts of the later Hasmonean period. When Pompey captured Jerusalem about 63 <span>BC<\/span>, he entered the temple to assert his authority but took no plunder, thus showing respect for it.<\/p>\n<p>The history of Zerubbabel’s temple closed when Herod, having carefully preserved it from any major damage when he gained control of Jerusalem with Roman aid in 37 <span>BC<\/span>, began to dismantle it about 21 <span>BC<\/span> in preparation for the construction of his own grand temple.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"HerodsTemple\">Herod’s Temple<\/p>\n<p>Apart from over 100 references in the NT, our main sources of information about Herod’s temple come from the Jewish historian Josephus and from the Middoth (a section of the Jewish rabbinic writings). There are considerable differences in detail between the two, which rules out any dogmatic interpretation in attempted reconstructions. Since Josephus was contemporary with the temple (he was born about <span>AD<\/span> 37 and died early in the second century), he is probably more reliable than the Middoth, which, dating from about <span>AD<\/span> 150, appears to exaggerate occasionally. Archaeological research has been helpful in determining the positions of the outer walls and gates.<\/p>\n<p>Herod’s motive in building his temple was political rather than religious. As an Idumean, he wished to placate his Jewish subjects by constructing a sanctuary as magnificent as Solomon’s. Possible fears that the site might be profaned, or that the existing temple might be demolished and never rebuilt, were allayed by the training of 1,000 priests as masons and the amassing of materials before the work commenced. Herod’s temple followed the tripartite plan of its predecessors, although its porch was much larger. It was built in the contemporary Greco-Roman architectural style and must therefore be regarded as distinct from Zerubbabel’s temple. Work began in 20 <span>BC<\/span>, and while the main sanctuary was quickly erected (it was in full operation within ten years), the total project was not completed until <span>AD<\/span> 64, only six years before it was destroyed by the Romans.<\/p>\n<p>Herod first prepared the site by clearing and leveling an area approximately 500 yards (457.2 meters) from north to south and about 325 yards (297.2 meters) from east to west. This involved cutting away sections of rock in some areas and building up with rubble in others. Considerable sections of the enclosing wall, constructed on stone blocks averaging about 15 feet (4.6 meters) long by 4 feet (1.2 meters) high, still survive. Some of the stones in the corners of the south wall weigh up to 70 tons (63.5 metric tons).<\/p>\n<p>The sanctuary itself seems to have been based on the same dimensions as Solomon’s temple. It was divided into the Holy Place, which was 60 feet (18.3 meters) long, 30 feet (9.1 meters) wide, and 60 feet high, and the Holy of Holies, which was 30 feet square. There was no furniture within the Holy of Holies, which was separated by a veil from the Holy Place. The Holy Place contained the seven-branch lampstand, the table for the bread of the Presence, and the incense altar. The main divergence from Solomon’s temple was the imposing porch, 150 feet (45.7 meters) in width and height. Outside was a doorway approximately 30 feet (9.1 meters) wide by 40 feet (12.2 meters) high, with an inner doorway about half that size leading into the sanctuary. By allowing empty rooms over the Holy of Holies and the Holy Place, there was a uniform roof height of 150 feet (45.7 meters). Golden spikes on the roof discouraged birds from alighting and defiling the structure. Like its predecessors, the temple was oriented toward the east and was surrounded on the other sides by three stories of rooms rising to a height of 60 feet (18.3 meters). The stone used was the local white stone, cut in huge blocks and highly polished.<\/p>\n<p>Access to the porch was by a flight of 12 steps from the Court of the Priests. Centrally placed before the porch and 33 feet (10.1 meters) away was the altar of sacrifice. Made of unhewn stone, it was a multilevel construction 15 feet (4.6 meters) high and about 48 feet (14.6 meters) square at its base. Male Israelites were allowed into this area once a year, during the Feast of the Tabernacles, to walk around the altar of sacrifice. Otherwise, they were restricted to the Court of Israel. To the east of the Court of Israel, and separated from it by a flight of 15 steps and by the ornate Great Gate, made of Corinthian bronze, was the Court of the Women. Here the offertory chests for temple expenses were located (Mk 12:41-44). The next court was the large, lower, outer Court of the Gentiles, which surrounded the inner courts and was separated from them by a balustrade and a series of warning notices. Two of these have been excavated, written in Latin and Greek and forbidding trespass by Gentiles into the inner areas, on pain of death. This outer court was widely used. Immediately inside its walls was a portico, supported by four rows of columns almost 40 feet (12.2 meters) high on the south side (the Royal Porch), and two rows on the other sides, the eastern portico known as “Solomon’s Porch” or “Solomon’s Colonnade.” Here is the area where the stalls of the money changers and merchants were set up, where the Sanhedrin met, and where Christ and the scribes taught and debated (Mk 11:27; Lk 2:46; 19:47; Jn 10:23). Here, too, the infant church met before it was rejected by a hostile Judaism (Acts 3:11; 5:12). Just to the northwest of the temple enclosure was the Fortress of Antonia, where the Roman governor resided while in Jerusalem, and where a Roman garrison was on hand to deal with disturbances (Acts 21:31-40). Overlooking the temple area, it was separated from it by a wide moat. The high priest’s vestments were stored in the fortress as a symbol of Roman authority. Access to the Court of the Gentiles was by four gates in the west wall; two in the south wall, where the ground fell away steeply into the valley, a site often identified as the pinnacle of the temple (Mt 4:5; Lk 4:9); and one gate in each of the east and north walls.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"SignificanceoftheTempleintheOldTestament\">Significance of the Temple in the Old Testament<\/p>\n<p>The temple in Jerusalem functioned as the focal point of the tribal confederation. In spite of the attempt of Jeroboam I, the first king of the northern kingdom, to divert attention from Jerusalem by establishing shrines at Bethel and Dan (1 Kgs 12:26-30), Jerusalem never lost its preeminence. Naturally, both Hezekiah and Josiah sought to extend their reformation into the area of the northern tribes (2 Chr 30:1-12; 34:6-7), and Jerusalem was a pilgrimage center for those areas even after its destruction (Jer 41:5). The prophets foretold its destiny as the focal point of universal worship (Is 2:1-4).<\/p>\n<p>The temple was God’s dwelling place among his people. God’s presence, symbolized in the shekinah glory and the pillar of cloud, was associated with the tent of meeting (Ex 33:9-11), with the tabernacle (40:34-38), and finally with the temple (1 Kgs 8:10-11). The paradox is that while God is completely unrestricted, the temple was considered a place for God to live forever (vv 13, 27). God had chosen Zion, as he had chosen David (Pss 68:15-18; 76:2; 78:67-72), so the temple was regarded as God’s house (27:4; 42:4; 84:1-4).<\/p>\n<h5>Ezekiel’s Temple<\/h5>\n<p>Ezekiel’s detailed description of the ideal temple (Ez 40–48) was not used as the blueprint for Zerubbabel’s temple. In fact, since Ezekiel must have been familiar with Solomon’s temple before his deportation in 597 <span>BC<\/span>, his description is of greater help in determining uncertain details of the first temple. Ezekiel’s concern was to show the nature of pure worship, safeguarded from all contamination. This worship would allow the glory of God, which had departed from corrupted Solomon’s temple (9:3; 10:4, 18-19: 11:22-23), to return so that Jerusalem could again be named “the Lord is there” (43:1-5; 48:35). This thought, linked with Ezekiel’s vital concept of God’s Spirit indwelling his faithful worshipers (36:24-28), anticipated the NT teaching of the believers becoming God’s temple.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"SignificanceoftheTempleintheNewTestament\">Significance of the Temple in the New Testament<\/p>\n<h5>Christ and the Temple<\/h5>\n<p>Christ showed considerable respect for the temple. When he was 12 years old, he entered into the rabbinic discussions in its porticoes and described it as his Father’s house (Lk 2:41-50). To him “the house of God” was indwelt by God (Mt 12:4; 23:21). Although he twice cleansed it in righteous anger (Mt 21:12-13; Jn 2:13-16), he wept over the impending destruction of the city and temple (Lk 19:41-44). He often taught there, but he was “greater than the temple” (Mt 12:6). When his presentation to Jerusalem as the predicted Messiah was rejected, in spite of attendant miracles, he foretold its inevitable destruction (Mt 21:9-15; 24:1-2). For a brief period after Pentecost, the early church used the temple as its meeting place, until mounting opposition drove believers from Jerusalem (Acts 5:12, 21, 42; 8:1).<\/p>\n<h5>The Church as the Temple<\/h5>\n<p>The NT writers used two different Greek words to describe the temple: <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span> and <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">hieron<\/span><em>.<\/em> <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">Naos<\/span> refers to the actual sanctuary of the temple, the place of God’s dwelling. <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">Hieron<\/span> refers to the temple precincts as well as to the sanctuary. Generally speaking, <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span> was used to designate the inner section of the temple known as the Holy Place and the Holy of Holies, whereas <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">hieron<\/span> included the outer court and the temple proper.<\/p>\n<p>In Paul’s epistles the word <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span> appears six times (1 Cor 3:16-17; 6:19; 2 Cor 6:16; Eph 2:21; 2 Thes 2:4) and <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">hieron<\/span> once (1 Cor 9:13). In these verses Paul maintains the distinction of definition noted above. When speaking of the actual physical temple, he used the word <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">hieron<\/span> to indicate the place where the priests offered up animal sacrifices on the altar (1 Cor 9:13), which was situated in the outer court (see Ex 27–29, 40). And when Paul referred to the abominable act of the lawless one in usurping God’s place in the temple, he used the word <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span>—the word that designates the place of deity’s presence (2 Thes 2:4).<\/p>\n<p>In all the other Pauline passages, <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span> is used metaphorically—to depict a human habitation for the divine Spirit. In one instance the sanctuary image is used to describe the individual believer’s body (1 Cor 6:19); in every other instance the sanctuary depicts Christ’s body, the church (1 Cor 3:16-17; 2 Cor 6:16; Eph 2:21). Mistakenly, many readers think 1 Corinthians 3:16-17 speaks of the individual, but according to the Greek text, it is unquestionably clear that Paul was speaking about the collective church (specifically, the church in Corinth).<\/p>\n<p>When Paul told the church in Corinth that it was God’s sanctuary, they would have understood the image from their knowledge of pagan temples. But Paul probably had in mind the one temple in Jerusalem. The Gentiles had many gods with many temples in one city; the Jews had one God with only one temple in all of Israel. This helped to preserve unity among the Israelites. The Corinthians needed spiritual unity; they were fragmented due to their individual preferences (see 1 Cor 1:10-13).<\/p>\n<p>In Ephesians, Paul’s masterpiece on the church, he speaks of the local churches as living, organic entities that are all (compositely speaking) growing into a holy sanctuary in the Lord (Eph 2:21). Paul pictured each local church as providing God with a spiritual habitation in that locality (v 22) and as growing together with all the other churches into one holy, universal sanctuary for the Lord’s indwelling.<\/p>\n<h5>The Temple in John’s Revelation<\/h5>\n<p>In John’s revelation there is no material temple, even though he continues to use the imagery of Jerusalem and Mt Zion (Rv 3:12; 14:1; 21:2, 10, 22). Three interrelated ideas dominate. First is the concept of the church made up of martyrs, whose faithful members are God’s temple (3:12; 14:1). This temple grows gradually as the number of martyrs increases (6:11). Another aspect is the temple as the place of judgment (11:19; 14:15; 15:5–16:1). Finally, any temple in the new age is unnecessary, “for its temple is the Lord God Almighty and the Lamb” (21:22). The ultimate state will be God’s dwelling with his people—the eternal, spritual temple.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Altar; Ark of the Covenant; Bread of the Presence; David; Feasts and Festivals of Israel; First Jewish Revolt; Judaism; Mercy Seat; Offerings and Sacrifices; Priests and Levites; Sanctuary; Singers in the Temple; Solomon (Person).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>TEMPLE<\/h3>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Background<\/p>\n<p>• Solomon’s Temple<\/p>\n<p>• Zerubbabel’s Temple<\/p>\n<p>• Herod’s Temple<\/p>\n<p>• Significance of the Temple in the Old Testament<\/p>\n<p>• Significance of the Temple in the New Testament<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Background\">Background<\/p>\n<p>David’s capture of Jerusalem (2 Sm 5:6-9) and his designation of it as the nation’s capital is one of the great masterstrokes of history. Occupied by the Jebusites, it was a pocket of neutral territory between the northern and southern sections of David’s united kingdom and was politically acceptable to both. Jerusalem was then established as the national religious center by the return of the ark, which had been largely neglected since its capture by the Philistines (2 Sm 6:1-17). Henceforth, God’s choices of both David and Jerusalem (“Mount Zion”) were indissolubly linked (Ps 78:67-72).<\/p>\n<p>David’s great impulse was to build an adequate dwelling place for Israel’s God. The idea was initially approved by Nathan the prophet (2 Sm 7:1-3), but God revealed otherwise to him, and he conveyed the divine purpose to David (vv 4-17). In a significant wordplay, David was informed that, while he was not to build a house (temple) for God, God would build a house (dynasty) for him. David was not the one to build a temple because of the numerous wars during his reign; the temple would instead be built by his son (1 Kgs 5:3; 1 Chr 22:7-8; 28:3). Nevertheless, David enthusiastically amassed most of the necessary finances and materials and drew up the blueprints for the temple (1 Chr 22:3-5, 14; 28:2, 11-19). He also purchased the temple site (21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"SolomonsTemple\">Solomon’s Temple<\/p>\n\n<h5>Date<\/h5>\n<p>Construction commenced in Solomon’s fourth year, about 966 <span>BC<\/span>, and took seven years to complete (1 Kgs 6:1, 38). Everything necessary for the temple, including the workers, had been prepared by David (1 Chr 28:21). The temple evidently had first priority among Solomon’s building schemes, as he built his own palace later (1 Kgs 7:1).<\/p>\n<h5>Superintendents and Workforce<\/h5>\n<p>The principal architect for the bronze furnishings was Huram (Hebrew “Hiram”), whose father was a metal craftsman from Tyre and whose mother was an Israelite (1 Kgs 7:13-14). Cedar for the temple came from Lebanon and was felled and transported by the skilled woodsmen of another Hiram—the king of Tyre, Solomon’s ally (5:5-9). Thirty thousand Israelites, divided into three groups, were drafted to assist at Lebanon. Each group was on duty for one month in three. For the stonework, Solomon conscripted 153,600 foreigners resident in Israel to provide a self-contained group of carriers, stone cutters, and supervisors (vv 15-17; 2 Chr 2:17-18). Possibly the “men of Gebal,” with their specialized skills, formed yet another group (1 Kgs 5:18). Building the temple was obviously a national project of immense size and effort. In order to preserve the sanctity of the site and to eliminate noise, the masonry and carpentry were not done at the temple site (6:7).<\/p>\n<h5>Description<\/h5>\n<p>The details given in the Bible are sufficiently clear for us to make a reasonably accurate description of the temple. The accounts in Kings and Chronicles are supplemented by Ezekiel’s depiction of the temple (see below), which was broadly based on his knowledge of the Jerusalem temple (Ez 40–48).<\/p>\n<p>The side rooms probably rested on a foundation or platform that was separate from the temple itself (1 Kgs 6:5, 10; cf. Ez 41:8-9) and were arranged in three stories, each seven and a half feet (2.3 meters) high, extending around the whole building except for the porch side. Each successive story was one and a half feet (.5 meter) wider than the one below, these dimensions coinciding with the thickness of the side wall of the Holy Place. The ground floor rooms were seven and a half feet (2.3 meters) wide; the first story was nine feet (2.7 meters), and the second was ten and a half feet (3.2 meters). Access to the upper stories was possibly by winding staircases (1 Kgs 6:8). There is some uncertainty concerning the location of the entrances; there may have been one on either side, but only one is mentioned (v 8). As in Ezekiel’s temple (Ez 40:17, 28), there were two adjacent courts, an inner and an outer (1 Kgs 6:36; 7:12), but no dimensions are given for these. The inner court, or “court of the priests,” being next to the temple itself, was also called “the upper court” (2 Chr 4:9; Jer 36:10). The wall of the inner court was made of three layers of hewn stone held together by a layer of cedar beams (1 Kgs 6:36), and the doors of both courts were sheathed in bronze (2 Chr 4:9). The palace buildings were within the outer court area, probably with a private passageway between the palace and the temple that was later closed during the reign of Ahaz (2 Chr 4:9, 12; 2 Kgs 16:18).<\/p>\n<p>The temple itself was 90 feet (27.4 meters) long, 30 feet (9.1 meters) wide, and 45 feet (13.7 meters) high (1 Kgs 6:2), with a porch or vestibule 15 feet (4.6 meters) deep stretching across the width. Probably the vestibule was on the east end of the temple, thus corresponding with the orientation of Ezekiel’s temple (Ez 43:1; 44:1). The larger part of the main sanctuary, next to the porch, formed the Holy Place, which was 60 feet (18.3 meters) long (1 Kgs 6:17). Beyond this was the innermost sanctuary, the Holy of Holies (or the “Most Holy Place“), which was a perfect cube of 30 feet (9.1 meters). All the interior walls were paneled with cedar decorated with flower patterns, cherubim, and palm trees, so that no masonry was visible. The walls of both inner and outer sanctuaries were “overlaid” (v 22) with pure gold. Actually the gold decoration may have been inlaid, on the basis that a solid sheath of gold would spoil the natural beauty of the wood carving. The floor was made of cypress planks (v 15). Narrow windows set high in the walls above the level of the three-storied outer chambers provided light in the Holy Place (v 4). The ceiling was paneled with beams and planks of cedar. No detail is given about the exterior roofing, but probably the contemporary technique was employed, using a wooden, latticelike framework into which a waterproof, limestone plaster was packed and rolled.<\/p>\n<p>The outer porch was apparently an open space, since no doors are mentioned. Access into the Holy Place was by double doors, both hinged to fold back on themselves, made of cypress and decorated in exactly the same way as the interior walls (vv 34-35). The doorposts were made of olive wood. Within the Holy Place was the altar of incense made of cedar overlaid with gold; it was placed centrally before the Holy of Holies. Also in the Holy Place were a table for the bread of the Presence of God, ten lampstands arranged in two groups of five on either side, and various utensils required for maintaining the priestly duties (1 Kgs 7:48-50). All these were made or overlaid with gold. The ten tables, arranged five on each side, were presumably for the utensils and accessories (2 Chr 4:8).<\/p>\n<p>Between the Holy Place and the Holy of Holies was a double door made of olive wood, carved with cherubim, palm trees, and flower patterns and overlaid with gold. Inside these doors, veiling still further the Holy of Holies, was a blue, purple, and crimson curtain, made of the finest fabrics and ornamented with cherubim (2 Chr 3:14).<\/p>\n<p>In the Holy of Holies were two cherubim, each 15 feet (4.6 meters) high and made of olive wood covered with gold (1 Kgs 6:23-28). Each wing measured seven and a half feet (2.3 meters). A wing of each touched the side walls; the other wings met at the center of the room. The divine throne had been considerably less impressive in the tabernacle, where a wing of each cherubim fused into the mercy seat above the ark (Ex 25:17-22). In Solomon’s temple, the ark of the covenant was placed below the forward-facing cherubim, the symbolic protectors. The ark, the only major item surviving from the Mosaic tabernacle, still contained the tablets of the law, but the pot of manna and Aaron’s rod were missing (1 Kgs 8:9).<\/p>\n<p>Immediately outside the temple and on either side of the vestibule were two hollow bronze pillars (1 Kgs 7:15-20; 2 Chr 3:15-17). According to the book of Kings, these pillars were 27 feet (8.2 meters) high, with a circumference of 18 feet (5.5 meters). The metal itself was about four inches (10.2 centimeters) thick. The pillars were surmounted by bronze, lily-shaped capitals seven and a half feet (2.3 meters) high and six feet (1.8 meters) wide, intricately adorned with a chain latticework that supported two rows of pomegranates. The total weight must have been enormous, and their size is attested to by Jeremiah, who notes that the Babylonians had to break them in pieces before transporting them to Babylon (Jer 52:17, 21-23).<\/p>\n<p>The bronze altar of sacrifice in front of the vestibule is not listed in the specifications of 1 Kings 7. However, it is mentioned in the temple dedication and subsequently (1 Kgs 8:22, 54, 64; 9:25) and clearly stood in the inner court. Its dimensions were 30 feet (9.1 meters) square and 15 feet (4.6 meters) high (2 Chr 4:1). In view of its weight, it was probably cast in sections at Solomon’s foundry in the Jordan Rift valley (vv 17-18) and then transported to the temple site for assembly.<\/p>\n<p>Probably the most striking article in the inner court was the “molten (bronze) sea,” a huge, round tank made of bronze 3 inches (8 centimeters) thick, 7½ feet (2.3 meters) high, and 15 feet (4.6 meters) in diameter (1 Kgs 7:23-26). Its rim flared out like a lily (2 Chr 4:2-5). The tank was supported on 12 bronze oxen, four on each side, and had two rows of decoration, possibly gourds or pomegranates, under the brim. Its capacity was between 10,000 and 12,000 gallons (37,850–45,420 liters). The bronze sea was used for priestly ablutions (v 6). Presumably this involved a platform of sorts, for the brim of this vast basin would have been about 15 feet (4.6 meters) above ground level.<\/p>\n<p>Hiram also constructed ten large lavers, mounted on moveable stands and placed in two groups of five, on the north and south sides of the inner court (1 Kgs 7:27-39). Basically the stands were bronze boxes, six feet (1.8 meters) square and four and a half feet (1.4 meters) high with a nine-inch (22.9-centimeter) rim around the top edge. Each corner was attached to braced posts to which the axles were fixed. The four-spoked wheels were 27 inches (68.6 centimeters) high. Into each stand there fitted a laver containing approximately 220 gallons (832.7 liters) of water, used for washing sacrificial animals (2 Chr 4:6). Probably each was adjacent to one of the ten tables that would be used to flay and otherwise prepare the sacrifices (v 8). Supplementary items, such as pots, shovels, and basins, all made of bronze, were also manufactured (1 Kgs 7:40, 45).<\/p>\n<h5>The Dedication<\/h5>\n<p>Eleven months elapsed between the completion of the temple and its dedication (1 Kgs 6:38; 8:2), during which time the major items of furniture were set in place. The dedication itself took place in the seventh month, presumably in connection with the Feast of Tabernacles and the Day of Atonement (Lv 23:23-36). The ark of the covenant was brought into its final resting place (1 Kgs 8:3-4), but the inner court proved inadequate for the vast numbers of beasts sacrificed (1 Kgs 8:62-64; 2 Chr 7:7).<\/p>\n<p>The temple employed the most sophisticated building techniques of the age, and no expense had been spared in construction, ornamentation, or equipment. Yet Solomon readily confessed its utter inadequacy to house the eternal God (1 Kgs 8:27). His prayer also underlined Israel’s propensity to forsake the Lord, contrasting the nation with God, who, though a just judge, was also merciful and faithful. The climax of the proceedings came when fire from heaven consumed the sacrifices and the shekinah glory filled the temple (2 Chr 7:1-3).<\/p>\n<h5>Later History<\/h5>\n<p>Like most ancient shrines, the temple became a treasury for national wealth and as such was often the target for attack. Shishak of Egypt plundered it within five years of Solomon’s death (1 Kgs 14:25-38). Shortly afterward, King Asa (910–869 <span>BC<\/span>) depleted its gold and silver treasures to buy Syrian help against his oppressor, Baasha (908–886 <span>BC<\/span>), king of Israel (15:16-19). Joash, the king of Judah (835–796 <span>BC<\/span>) who was concealed in the temple from the vicious Athaliah during his youth (2 Kgs 11), made provision for its repair after protesting the priests’ embezzlement of gifts (12:4-16). But after the death of Jehoiada, the high priest, Joash himself was adversely influenced by his nobles (2 Chr 24:15-19). As punishment for his apostasy, the Lord allowed the Syrians to attack, and Joash used the temple treasures to buy them off (2 Kgs 12:17-18). Hardly had provision for replacements been made, when Jehoash of Israel (798–782 <span>BC<\/span>), having shattered the arrogant pride of Amaziah of Judah (796–767 <span>BC<\/span>), again stripped the temple (14:8-14). Later, King Ahaz (735-715 <span>BC<\/span>) used the remaining resources of the temple to enlist support from the Assyrians (16:7-9), though he eventually became completely subservient to them.<\/p>\n<p> Then Hezekiah (715–686 <span>BC<\/span>), one of the great reforming kings, thoroughly renovated the temple and restored worship after it had fallen into disuse during theclosing years of Ahaz (2 Chr 29:1-19; 31:9-21). Manasseh (696–642 <span>BC<\/span>), however, completely reversed his father’s policy, bringing the practices of Canaanite and Mesopotamian worship into the temple (2 Kgs 21:3-7). His conversion experience, which probably occurred late in his reign and resulted in certain reform measures in the temple (2 Chr 33:12-19), was not far-reaching enough to escape the final judgment that his reign was the dark spot of Judah’s history (2 Kgs 21:10-16).<\/p>\n<p>Manasseh’s grandson Josiah (640–609 <span>BC<\/span>), was the second great reforming king. He organized the repair of the temple in 622 <span>BC<\/span>, during which the lost Book of the Law (almost certainly the book of Deuteronomy) was discovered (2 Kgs 22:3-13). As a result, Josiah’s reformation gained a new dimension and sense of urgency (22:14–23:3). The reformation included a thorough purge of all idolatrous elements from the temple (23:4-12) and the restoration of the traditional festivals. Sadly, however, Josiah’s reformation died with him, and Judah’s downward slide continued under the apostate Jehoiakim (609–598 <span>BC<\/span>). It was probably during this time that Jeremiah preached his famous temple sermon foretelling its destruction (Jer 7:1–8:3; 26:1-19), which alienated him from the religious leaders. In Nebuchadnezzar’s reprisal raid following Jehoiakim’s rebellion in 601 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 24:1-4), Jerusalem was captured (596 <span>BC<\/span>) and many of the temple treasures were transported to Babylon (2 Chr 36:7). The temple itself appears to have escaped damage, but when Judah again rebelled under Zedekiah (597–586 <span>BC<\/span>), the temple was demolished (2 Kgs 25:8-10). The remaining temple treasures were taken away.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"ZerubbabelsTemple\">Zerubbabel’s Temple<\/p>\n<h5>Construction<\/h5>\n<p>Although the temple was devastated, the site still remained as a place of pilgrimage during the exile (Jer 41:4-5). In 538 <span>BC<\/span> the Persian king, Cyrus, in pursuance of a liberal policy diametrically opposed to that of the earlier empires, permitted the Jews to return from exile. And he authorized the rebuilding of the temple, financing it from the Persian treasury.<\/p>\n<p>In the book of Ezra, the decree of authorization has been preserved in two forms: the general proclamation (Ezr 1:2-4) and a more prosaic memorandum in the national archives indicating the main temple specifications and the amount of promised Persian help (6:1-5). Probably only a minority of the Jews opted to leave the relative comforts of Mesopotamia for the dangers of a long journey to their desolated homeland. According to the book of Ezra, 42,360 dedicated individuals and their servants (2:64-65) responded under the leadership of Sheshbazzar (1:8-11; 5:14-16) and Zerubbabel (2:2; 3:2, 8; 4:2). With great enthusiasm, the altar was rebuilt on the temple site and the traditional pattern of worship reestablished (3:1-6). Utilizing the grant from Persia as well as their own freewill gifts (2:68-69; 3:7), the Jews began to plan the second temple and lay its foundations (3:7-13). The initial impetus quickly died as a result of local opposition (4:1-4, 24), selfish preoccupation, and crop failures (Hg 1:2-11). In 520 <span>BC<\/span> (Ezr 4:24; Hg 1:1; Zec 1:1), inspired by the prophets Haggai and Zechariah, the Jews under Zerubbabel and Joshua the high priest commenced rebuilding. Work continued in spite of official suspicion, if not direct opposition, and the temple was completed and dedicated in 515 <span>BC<\/span> (Ezr 5:1–6:22).<\/p>\n<p>Little is known of the physical features of Zerubbabel’s temple. The inference that it was vastly inferior to Solomon’s temple (Hg 2:3) probably relates to an early stage in the building operation. In fact, the second temple stood for over 500 years. The dimensions noted in Ezra 6:3 are incomplete; the new temple was no doubt about the same size as its predecessor and was probably built on the same foundation. The construction technique appears to have followed the method of the original, with layers of timber providing a framework for sections of masonry (v 4). Clearly, there was auxiliary accommodation, probably like the side rooms of Solomon’s temple (Ezr 8:29; Neh 12:44; 13:4-5). If Persian aid was forthcoming as promised (Ezr 6:8-12), the second temple was a more splendid, substantial structure than is generally supposed.<\/p>\n<h5>Later History<\/h5>\n<p>Several references in the Apocrypha, pseudepigrapha, rabbinic writings, and the historian Josephus help to illumine the history of the temple and give more detail on its structure and furnishings. Josephus, quoting from Hecateus of Abdera (fourth century <span>BC<\/span>), states that the temple was a large building in an enclosure about 500 feet by 150 feet (152.4 meters by 45.7 meters), surrounded by a stone wall, with an altar of unhewn stones the same size as Solomon’s bronze altar (cf. 2 Chr 4:1). Within the sanctuary was a golden altar of incense and a lampstand, the flame of which burned continually. Josephus also notes that Antiochus III (223–187 <span>BC<\/span>) financially supported the temple when the Seleucids displaced the Ptolemies as masters of Jerusalem.<\/p>\n<p>Ben Sirach, early in the second century <span>BC<\/span>, commended Simon, the son of Onias the high priest, for his work in fortifying and repairing the temple area. First Maccabees provides valuable evidence of the fate of the temple during the oppression under Antiochus IV Epiphanes (175–164 <span>BC<\/span>). The books of the Maccabees recount the defilement of the altar of burnt offering (1 Macc 1:54) and the plundering of the golden lampstand, altar of incense, table of offering, veil, and other treasures (2 Macc 5:15-16; 6:2-4). When the temple was recaptured and restored, the victorious Maccabees replaced the items taken by the Seleucids, except for the altar of sacrifice, which was considered so polluted that it was dismantled and replaced by a new one constructed of unhewn stone (1 Macc 4:36-61; 2 Macc 10:1-9). Clearly the temple area was used as a fortress, both in opposition to the Seleucid garrison that was maintained in Jerusalem in the Maccabean period and in the conflicts of the later Hasmonean period. When Pompey captured Jerusalem about 63 <span>BC<\/span>, he entered the temple to assert his authority but took no plunder, thus showing respect for it.<\/p>\n<p>The history of Zerubbabel’s temple closed when Herod, having carefully preserved it from any major damage when he gained control of Jerusalem with Roman aid in 37 <span>BC<\/span>, began to dismantle it about 21 <span>BC<\/span> in preparation for the construction of his own grand temple.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"HerodsTemple\">Herod’s Temple<\/p>\n<p>Apart from over 100 references in the NT, our main sources of information about Herod’s temple come from the Jewish historian Josephus and from the Middoth (a section of the Jewish rabbinic writings). There are considerable differences in detail between the two, which rules out any dogmatic interpretation in attempted reconstructions. Since Josephus was contemporary with the temple (he was born about <span>AD<\/span> 37 and died early in the second century), he is probably more reliable than the Middoth, which, dating from about <span>AD<\/span> 150, appears to exaggerate occasionally. Archaeological research has been helpful in determining the positions of the outer walls and gates.<\/p>\n<p>Herod’s motive in building his temple was political rather than religious. As an Idumean, he wished to placate his Jewish subjects by constructing a sanctuary as magnificent as Solomon’s. Possible fears that the site might be profaned, or that the existing temple might be demolished and never rebuilt, were allayed by the training of 1,000 priests as masons and the amassing of materials before the work commenced. Herod’s temple followed the tripartite plan of its predecessors, although its porch was much larger. It was built in the contemporary Greco-Roman architectural style and must therefore be regarded as distinct from Zerubbabel’s temple. Work began in 20 <span>BC<\/span>, and while the main sanctuary was quickly erected (it was in full operation within ten years), the total project was not completed until <span>AD<\/span> 64, only six years before it was destroyed by the Romans.<\/p>\n<p>Herod first prepared the site by clearing and leveling an area approximately 500 yards (457.2 meters) from north to south and about 325 yards (297.2 meters) from east to west. This involved cutting away sections of rock in some areas and building up with rubble in others. Considerable sections of the enclosing wall, constructed on stone blocks averaging about 15 feet (4.6 meters) long by 4 feet (1.2 meters) high, still survive. Some of the stones in the corners of the south wall weigh up to 70 tons (63.5 metric tons).<\/p>\n<p>The sanctuary itself seems to have been based on the same dimensions as Solomon’s temple. It was divided into the Holy Place, which was 60 feet (18.3 meters) long, 30 feet (9.1 meters) wide, and 60 feet high, and the Holy of Holies, which was 30 feet square. There was no furniture within the Holy of Holies, which was separated by a veil from the Holy Place. The Holy Place contained the seven-branch lampstand, the table for the bread of the Presence, and the incense altar. The main divergence from Solomon’s temple was the imposing porch, 150 feet (45.7 meters) in width and height. Outside was a doorway approximately 30 feet (9.1 meters) wide by 40 feet (12.2 meters) high, with an inner doorway about half that size leading into the sanctuary. By allowing empty rooms over the Holy of Holies and the Holy Place, there was a uniform roof height of 150 feet (45.7 meters). Golden spikes on the roof discouraged birds from alighting and defiling the structure. Like its predecessors, the temple was oriented toward the east and was surrounded on the other sides by three stories of rooms rising to a height of 60 feet (18.3 meters). The stone used was the local white stone, cut in huge blocks and highly polished.<\/p>\n<p>Access to the porch was by a flight of 12 steps from the Court of the Priests. Centrally placed before the porch and 33 feet (10.1 meters) away was the altar of sacrifice. Made of unhewn stone, it was a multilevel construction 15 feet (4.6 meters) high and about 48 feet (14.6 meters) square at its base. Male Israelites were allowed into this area once a year, during the Feast of the Tabernacles, to walk around the altar of sacrifice. Otherwise, they were restricted to the Court of Israel. To the east of the Court of Israel, and separated from it by a flight of 15 steps and by the ornate Great Gate, made of Corinthian bronze, was the Court of the Women. Here the offertory chests for temple expenses were located (Mk 12:41-44). The next court was the large, lower, outer Court of the Gentiles, which surrounded the inner courts and was separated from them by a balustrade and a series of warning notices. Two of these have been excavated, written in Latin and Greek and forbidding trespass by Gentiles into the inner areas, on pain of death. This outer court was widely used. Immediately inside its walls was a portico, supported by four rows of columns almost 40 feet (12.2 meters) high on the south side (the Royal Porch), and two rows on the other sides, the eastern portico known as “Solomon’s Porch” or “Solomon’s Colonnade.” Here is the area where the stalls of the money changers and merchants were set up, where the Sanhedrin met, and where Christ and the scribes taught and debated (Mk 11:27; Lk 2:46; 19:47; Jn 10:23). Here, too, the infant church met before it was rejected by a hostile Judaism (Acts 3:11; 5:12). Just to the northwest of the temple enclosure was the Fortress of Antonia, where the Roman governor resided while in Jerusalem, and where a Roman garrison was on hand to deal with disturbances (Acts 21:31-40). Overlooking the temple area, it was separated from it by a wide moat. The high priest’s vestments were stored in the fortress as a symbol of Roman authority. Access to the Court of the Gentiles was by four gates in the west wall; two in the south wall, where the ground fell away steeply into the valley, a site often identified as the pinnacle of the temple (Mt 4:5; Lk 4:9); and one gate in each of the east and north walls.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"SignificanceoftheTempleintheOldTestament\">Significance of the Temple in the Old Testament<\/p>\n<p>The temple in Jerusalem functioned as the focal point of the tribal confederation. In spite of the attempt of Jeroboam I, the first king of the northern kingdom, to divert attention from Jerusalem by establishing shrines at Bethel and Dan (1 Kgs 12:26-30), Jerusalem never lost its preeminence. Naturally, both Hezekiah and Josiah sought to extend their reformation into the area of the northern tribes (2 Chr 30:1-12; 34:6-7), and Jerusalem was a pilgrimage center for those areas even after its destruction (Jer 41:5). The prophets foretold its destiny as the focal point of universal worship (Is 2:1-4).<\/p>\n<p>The temple was God’s dwelling place among his people. God’s presence, symbolized in the shekinah glory and the pillar of cloud, was associated with the tent of meeting (Ex 33:9-11), with the tabernacle (40:34-38), and finally with the temple (1 Kgs 8:10-11). The paradox is that while God is completely unrestricted, the temple was considered a place for God to live forever (vv 13, 27). God had chosen Zion, as he had chosen David (Pss 68:15-18; 76:2; 78:67-72), so the temple was regarded as God’s house (27:4; 42:4; 84:1-4).<\/p>\n<h5>Ezekiel’s Temple<\/h5>\n<p>Ezekiel’s detailed description of the ideal temple (Ez 40–48) was not used as the blueprint for Zerubbabel’s temple. In fact, since Ezekiel must have been familiar with Solomon’s temple before his deportation in 597 <span>BC<\/span>, his description is of greater help in determining uncertain details of the first temple. Ezekiel’s concern was to show the nature of pure worship, safeguarded from all contamination. This worship would allow the glory of God, which had departed from corrupted Solomon’s temple (9:3; 10:4, 18-19: 11:22-23), to return so that Jerusalem could again be named “the Lord is there” (43:1-5; 48:35). This thought, linked with Ezekiel’s vital concept of God’s Spirit indwelling his faithful worshipers (36:24-28), anticipated the NT teaching of the believers becoming God’s temple.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"SignificanceoftheTempleintheNewTestament\">Significance of the Temple in the New Testament<\/p>\n<h5>Christ and the Temple<\/h5>\n<p>Christ showed considerable respect for the temple. When he was 12 years old, he entered into the rabbinic discussions in its porticoes and described it as his Father’s house (Lk 2:41-50). To him “the house of God” was indwelt by God (Mt 12:4; 23:21). Although he twice cleansed it in righteous anger (Mt 21:12-13; Jn 2:13-16), he wept over the impending destruction of the city and temple (Lk 19:41-44). He often taught there, but he was “greater than the temple” (Mt 12:6). When his presentation to Jerusalem as the predicted Messiah was rejected, in spite of attendant miracles, he foretold its inevitable destruction (Mt 21:9-15; 24:1-2). For a brief period after Pentecost, the early church used the temple as its meeting place, until mounting opposition drove believers from Jerusalem (Acts 5:12, 21, 42; 8:1).<\/p>\n<h5>The Church as the Temple<\/h5>\n<p>The NT writers used two different Greek words to describe the temple: <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span> and <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">hieron<\/span><em>.<\/em> <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">Naos<\/span> refers to the actual sanctuary of the temple, the place of God’s dwelling. <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">Hieron<\/span> refers to the temple precincts as well as to the sanctuary. Generally speaking, <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span> was used to designate the inner section of the temple known as the Holy Place and the Holy of Holies, whereas <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">hieron<\/span> included the outer court and the temple proper.<\/p>\n<p>In Paul’s epistles the word <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span> appears six times (1 Cor 3:16-17; 6:19; 2 Cor 6:16; Eph 2:21; 2 Thes 2:4) and <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">hieron<\/span> once (1 Cor 9:13). In these verses Paul maintains the distinction of definition noted above. When speaking of the actual physical temple, he used the word <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">hieron<\/span> to indicate the place where the priests offered up animal sacrifices on the altar (1 Cor 9:13), which was situated in the outer court (see Ex 27–29, 40). And when Paul referred to the abominable act of the lawless one in usurping God’s place in the temple, he used the word <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span>—the word that designates the place of deity’s presence (2 Thes 2:4).<\/p>\n<p>In all the other Pauline passages, <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span> is used metaphorically—to depict a human habitation for the divine Spirit. In one instance the sanctuary image is used to describe the individual believer’s body (1 Cor 6:19); in every other instance the sanctuary depicts Christ’s body, the church (1 Cor 3:16-17; 2 Cor 6:16; Eph 2:21). Mistakenly, many readers think 1 Corinthians 3:16-17 speaks of the individual, but according to the Greek text, it is unquestionably clear that Paul was speaking about the collective church (specifically, the church in Corinth).<\/p>\n<p>When Paul told the church in Corinth that it was God’s sanctuary, they would have understood the image from their knowledge of pagan temples. But Paul probably had in mind the one temple in Jerusalem. The Gentiles had many gods with many temples in one city; the Jews had one God with only one temple in all of Israel. This helped to preserve unity among the Israelites. The Corinthians needed spiritual unity; they were fragmented due to their individual preferences (see 1 Cor 1:10-13).<\/p>\n<p>In Ephesians, Paul’s masterpiece on the church, he speaks of the local churches as living, organic entities that are all (compositely speaking) growing into a holy sanctuary in the Lord (Eph 2:21). Paul pictured each local church as providing God with a spiritual habitation in that locality (v 22) and as growing together with all the other churches into one holy, universal sanctuary for the Lord’s indwelling.<\/p>\n<h5>The Temple in John’s Revelation<\/h5>\n<p>In John’s revelation there is no material temple, even though he continues to use the imagery of Jerusalem and Mt Zion (Rv 3:12; 14:1; 21:2, 10, 22). Three interrelated ideas dominate. First is the concept of the church made up of martyrs, whose faithful members are God’s temple (3:12; 14:1). This temple grows gradually as the number of martyrs increases (6:11). Another aspect is the temple as the place of judgment (11:19; 14:15; 15:5–16:1). Finally, any temple in the new age is unnecessary, “for its temple is the Lord God Almighty and the Lamb” (21:22). The ultimate state will be God’s dwelling with his people—the eternal, spritual temple.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Altar; Ark of the Covenant; Bread of the Presence; David; Feasts and Festivals of Israel; First Jewish Revolt; Judaism; Mercy Seat; Offerings and Sacrifices; Priests and Levites; Sanctuary; Singers in the Temple; Solomon (Person).<\/p>","summary_ro":"TEMPLE Preview • Background • Solomon’s Temple • Zerubbabel’s Temple • Herod’s Temple • Significance of the Temple in the Old Testament • Significance of the Temple in the New Testament Background David’s capture of Jerusalem (2 Sm 5:6-9) and his designation of it as the nation’s capital is one of the great masterstrokes of history. Occupied by the Jebusites, it was a pocket of neutral territory between the northern and southern sections of David’s united kingdom and was politically acceptabl...","summary_en":"TEMPLE Preview • Background • Solomon’s Temple • Zerubbabel’s Temple • Herod’s Temple • Significance of the Temple in the Old Testament • Significance of the Temple in the New Testament Background David’s capture of Jerusalem (2 Sm 5:6-9) and his designation of it as the nation’s capital is one of the great masterstrokes of history. Occupied by the Jebusites, it was a pocket of neutral territory between the northern and southern sections of David’s united kingdom and was politically acceptabl...","source":"Articles\/T.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":60944,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"Community Responsibility: Achan’s Sin","title_en":"Community Responsibility: Achan’s Sin","content_ro":"<h3>Community Responsibility: Achan’s Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Should an entire community be held responsible for the sins of a smaller few?<\/p>\n<p>Why did so many of Israel’s soldiers die at Ai because of Achan’s sin (Josh 7)? Why did the Israelites stone Achan’s family along with him? A significant part of the answer to these questions comes by understanding the concept of community responsibility.<\/p>\n<p>If Achan’s family knew of his theft, they were accomplices and shared Achan’s guilt. A community becomes responsible for sin when people either actively participate in an act of sin or silently condone sinful actions or attitudes.<\/p>\n<p>But what about Achan’s children who were too young to understand or those who had no knowledge of his theft? What about Israel’s soldiers who died at Ai because Achan stole what belonged to God?<\/p>\n<p>To understand, we have to go back to the beginning. The sin of our first parents, Adam and Eve (Gen 3), was at least twofold. First, they chose not to trust God, even though they had an intimate relationship with him, choosing instead to listen to the voice of a stranger. Second, though they were unsuccessful, they declared their independence from God by trying to become like gods themselves.<\/p>\n<p>Because we all make that same choice for ourselves, no one is truly innocent (see Ps 14:2-3; Rom 3:9-23). As a result, we are all subject to the consequences of sin in the world. We may die as the result of another’s sin, carelessness, or ignorance, or as a result of our own. Because one person drives under the influence of alcohol, someone else might die on the highway. Because one person wants to maximize profits, others can suffer in wretched conditions. And because Achan sinned, others in Israel died at Ai.<\/p>\n<p>None of this is “fair.” However, God promises to bring perfect justice in his own time. God’s justice will be mediated through his grace and mercy, brought to us through Jesus’ death in our place (see Rom 5:12-21).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 9:24-27; Exod 20:5; Josh 7:1-26; 2 Kgs 14:6; 21:10-15; Ezra 9:6-15; Neh 9:16-37; Jer 31:29-30; Ezek 18:20; Dan 9:4-19; Matt 23:29-36; John 9:1-3; Rom 5:12-21; 1 Cor 15:21<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Community Responsibility: Achan’s Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Should an entire community be held responsible for the sins of a smaller few?<\/p>\n<p>Why did so many of Israel’s soldiers die at Ai because of Achan’s sin (Josh 7)? Why did the Israelites stone Achan’s family along with him? A significant part of the answer to these questions comes by understanding the concept of community responsibility.<\/p>\n<p>If Achan’s family knew of his theft, they were accomplices and shared Achan’s guilt. A community becomes responsible for sin when people either actively participate in an act of sin or silently condone sinful actions or attitudes.<\/p>\n<p>But what about Achan’s children who were too young to understand or those who had no knowledge of his theft? What about Israel’s soldiers who died at Ai because Achan stole what belonged to God?<\/p>\n<p>To understand, we have to go back to the beginning. The sin of our first parents, Adam and Eve (Gen 3), was at least twofold. First, they chose not to trust God, even though they had an intimate relationship with him, choosing instead to listen to the voice of a stranger. Second, though they were unsuccessful, they declared their independence from God by trying to become like gods themselves.<\/p>\n<p>Because we all make that same choice for ourselves, no one is truly innocent (see Ps 14:2-3; Rom 3:9-23). As a result, we are all subject to the consequences of sin in the world. We may die as the result of another’s sin, carelessness, or ignorance, or as a result of our own. Because one person drives under the influence of alcohol, someone else might die on the highway. Because one person wants to maximize profits, others can suffer in wretched conditions. And because Achan sinned, others in Israel died at Ai.<\/p>\n<p>None of this is “fair.” However, God promises to bring perfect justice in his own time. God’s justice will be mediated through his grace and mercy, brought to us through Jesus’ death in our place (see Rom 5:12-21).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 9:24-27; Exod 20:5; Josh 7:1-26; 2 Kgs 14:6; 21:10-15; Ezra 9:6-15; Neh 9:16-37; Jer 31:29-30; Ezek 18:20; Dan 9:4-19; Matt 23:29-36; John 9:1-3; Rom 5:12-21; 1 Cor 15:21<\/p>","summary_ro":"Community Responsibility: Achan’s Sin Should an entire community be held responsible for the sins of a smaller few? Why did so many of Israel’s soldiers die at Ai because of Achan’s sin (Josh 7)? Why did the Israelites stone Achan’s family along with him? A significant part of the answer to these questions comes by understanding the concept of community responsibility. If Achan’s family knew of his theft, they were accomplices and shared Achan’s guilt. A community becomes responsible for sin ...","summary_en":"Community Responsibility: Achan’s Sin Should an entire community be held responsible for the sins of a smaller few? Why did so many of Israel’s soldiers die at Ai because of Achan’s sin (Josh 7)? Why did the Israelites stone Achan’s family along with him? A significant part of the answer to these questions comes by understanding the concept of community responsibility. If Achan’s family knew of his theft, they were accomplices and shared Achan’s guilt. A community becomes responsible for sin ...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":61759,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Dangers of Sin","title_en":"The Dangers of Sin","content_ro":"<h3>The Dangers of Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15).<\/p>\n<p>The sinful acts of God’s people are prominent throughout the late monarchical period. Words such as <em>sin<\/em>, <em>evil<\/em>, and <em>wicked<\/em> appear frequently to assert that the kings of both Israel (2 Kgs 3:2; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:2) and Judah (8:18, 27; 21:2, 16, 20; 23:32, 37; 24:9, 19) did “what was evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight.”<\/p>\n<p>The northern kingdom was particularly culpable. Its kings and people were uniformly condemned for their godless ways (17:16-17, 22); the basic sin of apostate worship, introduced by Jeroboam I, continued in Israel until the end (10:29; 17:21-23; 23:15). God repeatedly warned the people through his prophets (17:13) and brought the chastisement of foreign invaders (13:3, 7). Nothing moved the Israelites’ hearts, for they were set in their ways (13:6; 17:14-17). Eventually God allowed foreign invaders to defeat them and occupy their land, sending many into exile (17:18, 20-23).<\/p>\n<p>The people of Judah were not innocent either. Many of their kings were guilty of gross wickedness, and Judean society grew increasingly apostate and followed “the evil practices that Israel had introduced” (17:19). Despite God’s repeated acts of kindness (e.g., 19:32-36) and warnings delivered through his prophets (21:8-15), the people persisted in their sin, and God’s judgment once again fell (21:10-15; 23:26-27; 24:1-4; 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Where there is genuine repentance, God will graciously forgive his people and remit the penalty. But how much better to be faithful to God’s Word (2 Kgs 18:5-6; 23:25; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; 2 Tim 4:7; Rev 2:10), so that God’s blessings (Ps 112:1; 119:1-2; 144:15) might bring success (2 Kgs 18:7; see also 2 Chr 26:4-5; Prov 3:1-10; 2 Cor 3:5). God’s people need to give God first place in their lives (1 Kgs 18:21, 36-39; see Deut 6:13; 10:12-13; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33), pray for God’s persevering grace (Ps 19:13), and let the word of God be their guide (Ps 119:9; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 18:20-21; Exod 34:7; Lev 26:14-46; Num 15:30-31; Deut 31:16-18; 1 Kgs 8:46-51; 2 Kgs 8:18, 27; 2 Kgs 13:1-7; 14:23-24; 17:13-23; 18:9-12; 21:8-16; 23:25-27; 24:1-3, 19–25:21; 2 Chr 7:14; 33:12-13; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; Jer 44:2-6; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16; 4:7; Rev 2:10<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Dangers of Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15).<\/p>\n<p>The sinful acts of God’s people are prominent throughout the late monarchical period. Words such as <em>sin<\/em>, <em>evil<\/em>, and <em>wicked<\/em> appear frequently to assert that the kings of both Israel (2 Kgs 3:2; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:2) and Judah (8:18, 27; 21:2, 16, 20; 23:32, 37; 24:9, 19) did “what was evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight.”<\/p>\n<p>The northern kingdom was particularly culpable. Its kings and people were uniformly condemned for their godless ways (17:16-17, 22); the basic sin of apostate worship, introduced by Jeroboam I, continued in Israel until the end (10:29; 17:21-23; 23:15). God repeatedly warned the people through his prophets (17:13) and brought the chastisement of foreign invaders (13:3, 7). Nothing moved the Israelites’ hearts, for they were set in their ways (13:6; 17:14-17). Eventually God allowed foreign invaders to defeat them and occupy their land, sending many into exile (17:18, 20-23).<\/p>\n<p>The people of Judah were not innocent either. Many of their kings were guilty of gross wickedness, and Judean society grew increasingly apostate and followed “the evil practices that Israel had introduced” (17:19). Despite God’s repeated acts of kindness (e.g., 19:32-36) and warnings delivered through his prophets (21:8-15), the people persisted in their sin, and God’s judgment once again fell (21:10-15; 23:26-27; 24:1-4; 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Where there is genuine repentance, God will graciously forgive his people and remit the penalty. But how much better to be faithful to God’s Word (2 Kgs 18:5-6; 23:25; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; 2 Tim 4:7; Rev 2:10), so that God’s blessings (Ps 112:1; 119:1-2; 144:15) might bring success (2 Kgs 18:7; see also 2 Chr 26:4-5; Prov 3:1-10; 2 Cor 3:5). God’s people need to give God first place in their lives (1 Kgs 18:21, 36-39; see Deut 6:13; 10:12-13; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33), pray for God’s persevering grace (Ps 19:13), and let the word of God be their guide (Ps 119:9; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 18:20-21; Exod 34:7; Lev 26:14-46; Num 15:30-31; Deut 31:16-18; 1 Kgs 8:46-51; 2 Kgs 8:18, 27; 2 Kgs 13:1-7; 14:23-24; 17:13-23; 18:9-12; 21:8-16; 23:25-27; 24:1-3, 19–25:21; 2 Chr 7:14; 33:12-13; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; Jer 44:2-6; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16; 4:7; Rev 2:10<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Dangers of Sin Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15). The sinful acts of God’s ...","summary_en":"The Dangers of Sin Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15). The sinful acts of God’s ...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":61821,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People","title_en":"God’s Judgment of His People","content_ro":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\n<p>Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\n<p>Sometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\n<p>Yet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\n<p>God never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\n<p>Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\n<p>Sometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\n<p>Yet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\n<p>God never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","summary_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","summary_en":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":88570,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"Community Responsibility: Achan’s Sin","title_en":"Community Responsibility: Achan’s Sin","content_ro":"<h3>Community Responsibility: Achan’s Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Should an entire community be held responsible for the sins of a smaller few?<\/p>\n<p>Why did so many of Israel’s soldiers die at Ai because of Achan’s sin (Josh 7)? Why did the Israelites stone Achan’s family along with him? A significant part of the answer to these questions comes by understanding the concept of community responsibility.<\/p>\n<p>If Achan’s family knew of his theft, they were accomplices and shared Achan’s guilt. A community becomes responsible for sin when people either actively participate in an act of sin or silently condone sinful actions or attitudes.<\/p>\n<p>But what about Achan’s children who were too young to understand or those who had no knowledge of his theft? What about Israel’s soldiers who died at Ai because Achan stole what belonged to God?<\/p>\n<p>To understand, we have to go back to the beginning. The sin of our first parents, Adam and Eve (Gen 3), was at least twofold. First, they chose not to trust God, even though they had an intimate relationship with him, choosing instead to listen to the voice of a stranger. Second, though they were unsuccessful, they declared their independence from God by trying to become like gods themselves.<\/p>\n<p>Because we all make that same choice for ourselves, no one is truly innocent (see Ps 14:2-3; Rom 3:9-23). As a result, we are all subject to the consequences of sin in the world. We may die as the result of another’s sin, carelessness, or ignorance, or as a result of our own. Because one person drives under the influence of alcohol, someone else might die on the highway. Because one person wants to maximize profits, others can suffer in wretched conditions. And because Achan sinned, others in Israel died at Ai.<\/p>\n<p>None of this is “fair.” However, God promises to bring perfect justice in his own time. God’s justice will be mediated through his grace and mercy, brought to us through Jesus’ death in our place (see Rom 5:12-21).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 9:24-27; Exod 20:5; Josh 7:1-26; 2 Kgs 14:6; 21:10-15; Ezra 9:6-15; Neh 9:16-37; Jer 31:29-30; Ezek 18:20; Dan 9:4-19; Matt 23:29-36; John 9:1-3; Rom 5:12-21; 1 Cor 15:21<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Community Responsibility: Achan’s Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Should an entire community be held responsible for the sins of a smaller few?<\/p>\n<p>Why did so many of Israel’s soldiers die at Ai because of Achan’s sin (Josh 7)? Why did the Israelites stone Achan’s family along with him? A significant part of the answer to these questions comes by understanding the concept of community responsibility.<\/p>\n<p>If Achan’s family knew of his theft, they were accomplices and shared Achan’s guilt. A community becomes responsible for sin when people either actively participate in an act of sin or silently condone sinful actions or attitudes.<\/p>\n<p>But what about Achan’s children who were too young to understand or those who had no knowledge of his theft? What about Israel’s soldiers who died at Ai because Achan stole what belonged to God?<\/p>\n<p>To understand, we have to go back to the beginning. The sin of our first parents, Adam and Eve (Gen 3), was at least twofold. First, they chose not to trust God, even though they had an intimate relationship with him, choosing instead to listen to the voice of a stranger. Second, though they were unsuccessful, they declared their independence from God by trying to become like gods themselves.<\/p>\n<p>Because we all make that same choice for ourselves, no one is truly innocent (see Ps 14:2-3; Rom 3:9-23). As a result, we are all subject to the consequences of sin in the world. We may die as the result of another’s sin, carelessness, or ignorance, or as a result of our own. Because one person drives under the influence of alcohol, someone else might die on the highway. Because one person wants to maximize profits, others can suffer in wretched conditions. And because Achan sinned, others in Israel died at Ai.<\/p>\n<p>None of this is “fair.” However, God promises to bring perfect justice in his own time. God’s justice will be mediated through his grace and mercy, brought to us through Jesus’ death in our place (see Rom 5:12-21).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 9:24-27; Exod 20:5; Josh 7:1-26; 2 Kgs 14:6; 21:10-15; Ezra 9:6-15; Neh 9:16-37; Jer 31:29-30; Ezek 18:20; Dan 9:4-19; Matt 23:29-36; John 9:1-3; Rom 5:12-21; 1 Cor 15:21<\/p>","summary_ro":"Community Responsibility: Achan’s Sin Should an entire community be held responsible for the sins of a smaller few? Why did so many of Israel’s soldiers die at Ai because of Achan’s sin (Josh 7)? Why did the Israelites stone Achan’s family along with him? A significant part of the answer to these questions comes by understanding the concept of community responsibility. If Achan’s family knew of his theft, they were accomplices and shared Achan’s guilt. A community becomes responsible for sin ...","summary_en":"Community Responsibility: Achan’s Sin Should an entire community be held responsible for the sins of a smaller few? Why did so many of Israel’s soldiers die at Ai because of Achan’s sin (Josh 7)? Why did the Israelites stone Achan’s family along with him? A significant part of the answer to these questions comes by understanding the concept of community responsibility. If Achan’s family knew of his theft, they were accomplices and shared Achan’s guilt. A community becomes responsible for sin ...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":89385,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Dangers of Sin","title_en":"The Dangers of Sin","content_ro":"<h3>The Dangers of Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15).<\/p>\n<p>The sinful acts of God’s people are prominent throughout the late monarchical period. Words such as <em>sin<\/em>, <em>evil<\/em>, and <em>wicked<\/em> appear frequently to assert that the kings of both Israel (2 Kgs 3:2; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:2) and Judah (8:18, 27; 21:2, 16, 20; 23:32, 37; 24:9, 19) did “what was evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight.”<\/p>\n<p>The northern kingdom was particularly culpable. Its kings and people were uniformly condemned for their godless ways (17:16-17, 22); the basic sin of apostate worship, introduced by Jeroboam I, continued in Israel until the end (10:29; 17:21-23; 23:15). God repeatedly warned the people through his prophets (17:13) and brought the chastisement of foreign invaders (13:3, 7). Nothing moved the Israelites’ hearts, for they were set in their ways (13:6; 17:14-17). Eventually God allowed foreign invaders to defeat them and occupy their land, sending many into exile (17:18, 20-23).<\/p>\n<p>The people of Judah were not innocent either. Many of their kings were guilty of gross wickedness, and Judean society grew increasingly apostate and followed “the evil practices that Israel had introduced” (17:19). Despite God’s repeated acts of kindness (e.g., 19:32-36) and warnings delivered through his prophets (21:8-15), the people persisted in their sin, and God’s judgment once again fell (21:10-15; 23:26-27; 24:1-4; 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Where there is genuine repentance, God will graciously forgive his people and remit the penalty. But how much better to be faithful to God’s Word (2 Kgs 18:5-6; 23:25; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; 2 Tim 4:7; Rev 2:10), so that God’s blessings (Ps 112:1; 119:1-2; 144:15) might bring success (2 Kgs 18:7; see also 2 Chr 26:4-5; Prov 3:1-10; 2 Cor 3:5). God’s people need to give God first place in their lives (1 Kgs 18:21, 36-39; see Deut 6:13; 10:12-13; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33), pray for God’s persevering grace (Ps 19:13), and let the word of God be their guide (Ps 119:9; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 18:20-21; Exod 34:7; Lev 26:14-46; Num 15:30-31; Deut 31:16-18; 1 Kgs 8:46-51; 2 Kgs 8:18, 27; 2 Kgs 13:1-7; 14:23-24; 17:13-23; 18:9-12; 21:8-16; 23:25-27; 24:1-3, 19–25:21; 2 Chr 7:14; 33:12-13; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; Jer 44:2-6; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16; 4:7; Rev 2:10<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Dangers of Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15).<\/p>\n<p>The sinful acts of God’s people are prominent throughout the late monarchical period. Words such as <em>sin<\/em>, <em>evil<\/em>, and <em>wicked<\/em> appear frequently to assert that the kings of both Israel (2 Kgs 3:2; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:2) and Judah (8:18, 27; 21:2, 16, 20; 23:32, 37; 24:9, 19) did “what was evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight.”<\/p>\n<p>The northern kingdom was particularly culpable. Its kings and people were uniformly condemned for their godless ways (17:16-17, 22); the basic sin of apostate worship, introduced by Jeroboam I, continued in Israel until the end (10:29; 17:21-23; 23:15). God repeatedly warned the people through his prophets (17:13) and brought the chastisement of foreign invaders (13:3, 7). Nothing moved the Israelites’ hearts, for they were set in their ways (13:6; 17:14-17). Eventually God allowed foreign invaders to defeat them and occupy their land, sending many into exile (17:18, 20-23).<\/p>\n<p>The people of Judah were not innocent either. Many of their kings were guilty of gross wickedness, and Judean society grew increasingly apostate and followed “the evil practices that Israel had introduced” (17:19). Despite God’s repeated acts of kindness (e.g., 19:32-36) and warnings delivered through his prophets (21:8-15), the people persisted in their sin, and God’s judgment once again fell (21:10-15; 23:26-27; 24:1-4; 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Where there is genuine repentance, God will graciously forgive his people and remit the penalty. But how much better to be faithful to God’s Word (2 Kgs 18:5-6; 23:25; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; 2 Tim 4:7; Rev 2:10), so that God’s blessings (Ps 112:1; 119:1-2; 144:15) might bring success (2 Kgs 18:7; see also 2 Chr 26:4-5; Prov 3:1-10; 2 Cor 3:5). God’s people need to give God first place in their lives (1 Kgs 18:21, 36-39; see Deut 6:13; 10:12-13; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33), pray for God’s persevering grace (Ps 19:13), and let the word of God be their guide (Ps 119:9; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 18:20-21; Exod 34:7; Lev 26:14-46; Num 15:30-31; Deut 31:16-18; 1 Kgs 8:46-51; 2 Kgs 8:18, 27; 2 Kgs 13:1-7; 14:23-24; 17:13-23; 18:9-12; 21:8-16; 23:25-27; 24:1-3, 19–25:21; 2 Chr 7:14; 33:12-13; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; Jer 44:2-6; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16; 4:7; Rev 2:10<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Dangers of Sin Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15). The sinful acts of God’s ...","summary_en":"The Dangers of Sin Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15). The sinful acts of God’s ...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":89447,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People","title_en":"God’s Judgment of His People","content_ro":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\n<p>Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\n<p>Sometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\n<p>Yet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\n<p>God never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\n<p>Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\n<p>Sometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\n<p>Yet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\n<p>God never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","summary_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","summary_en":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":116196,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"Community Responsibility: Achan’s Sin","title_en":"Community Responsibility: Achan’s Sin","content_ro":"<h3>Community Responsibility: Achan’s Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Should an entire community be held responsible for the sins of a smaller few?<\/p>\n<p>Why did so many of Israel’s soldiers die at Ai because of Achan’s sin (Josh 7)? Why did the Israelites stone Achan’s family along with him? A significant part of the answer to these questions comes by understanding the concept of community responsibility.<\/p>\n<p>If Achan’s family knew of his theft, they were accomplices and shared Achan’s guilt. A community becomes responsible for sin when people either actively participate in an act of sin or silently condone sinful actions or attitudes.<\/p>\n<p>But what about Achan’s children who were too young to understand or those who had no knowledge of his theft? What about Israel’s soldiers who died at Ai because Achan stole what belonged to God?<\/p>\n<p>To understand, we have to go back to the beginning. The sin of our first parents, Adam and Eve (Gen 3), was at least twofold. First, they chose not to trust God, even though they had an intimate relationship with him, choosing instead to listen to the voice of a stranger. Second, though they were unsuccessful, they declared their independence from God by trying to become like gods themselves.<\/p>\n<p>Because we all make that same choice for ourselves, no one is truly innocent (see Ps 14:2-3; Rom 3:9-23). As a result, we are all subject to the consequences of sin in the world. We may die as the result of another’s sin, carelessness, or ignorance, or as a result of our own. Because one person drives under the influence of alcohol, someone else might die on the highway. Because one person wants to maximize profits, others can suffer in wretched conditions. And because Achan sinned, others in Israel died at Ai.<\/p>\n<p>None of this is “fair.” However, God promises to bring perfect justice in his own time. God’s justice will be mediated through his grace and mercy, brought to us through Jesus’ death in our place (see Rom 5:12-21).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 9:24-27; Exod 20:5; Josh 7:1-26; 2 Kgs 14:6; 21:10-15; Ezra 9:6-15; Neh 9:16-37; Jer 31:29-30; Ezek 18:20; Dan 9:4-19; Matt 23:29-36; John 9:1-3; Rom 5:12-21; 1 Cor 15:21<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Community Responsibility: Achan’s Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Should an entire community be held responsible for the sins of a smaller few?<\/p>\n<p>Why did so many of Israel’s soldiers die at Ai because of Achan’s sin (Josh 7)? Why did the Israelites stone Achan’s family along with him? A significant part of the answer to these questions comes by understanding the concept of community responsibility.<\/p>\n<p>If Achan’s family knew of his theft, they were accomplices and shared Achan’s guilt. A community becomes responsible for sin when people either actively participate in an act of sin or silently condone sinful actions or attitudes.<\/p>\n<p>But what about Achan’s children who were too young to understand or those who had no knowledge of his theft? What about Israel’s soldiers who died at Ai because Achan stole what belonged to God?<\/p>\n<p>To understand, we have to go back to the beginning. The sin of our first parents, Adam and Eve (Gen 3), was at least twofold. First, they chose not to trust God, even though they had an intimate relationship with him, choosing instead to listen to the voice of a stranger. Second, though they were unsuccessful, they declared their independence from God by trying to become like gods themselves.<\/p>\n<p>Because we all make that same choice for ourselves, no one is truly innocent (see Ps 14:2-3; Rom 3:9-23). As a result, we are all subject to the consequences of sin in the world. We may die as the result of another’s sin, carelessness, or ignorance, or as a result of our own. Because one person drives under the influence of alcohol, someone else might die on the highway. Because one person wants to maximize profits, others can suffer in wretched conditions. And because Achan sinned, others in Israel died at Ai.<\/p>\n<p>None of this is “fair.” However, God promises to bring perfect justice in his own time. God’s justice will be mediated through his grace and mercy, brought to us through Jesus’ death in our place (see Rom 5:12-21).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 9:24-27; Exod 20:5; Josh 7:1-26; 2 Kgs 14:6; 21:10-15; Ezra 9:6-15; Neh 9:16-37; Jer 31:29-30; Ezek 18:20; Dan 9:4-19; Matt 23:29-36; John 9:1-3; Rom 5:12-21; 1 Cor 15:21<\/p>","summary_ro":"Community Responsibility: Achan’s Sin Should an entire community be held responsible for the sins of a smaller few? Why did so many of Israel’s soldiers die at Ai because of Achan’s sin (Josh 7)? Why did the Israelites stone Achan’s family along with him? A significant part of the answer to these questions comes by understanding the concept of community responsibility. If Achan’s family knew of his theft, they were accomplices and shared Achan’s guilt. A community becomes responsible for sin ...","summary_en":"Community Responsibility: Achan’s Sin Should an entire community be held responsible for the sins of a smaller few? Why did so many of Israel’s soldiers die at Ai because of Achan’s sin (Josh 7)? Why did the Israelites stone Achan’s family along with him? A significant part of the answer to these questions comes by understanding the concept of community responsibility. If Achan’s family knew of his theft, they were accomplices and shared Achan’s guilt. A community becomes responsible for sin ...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":117011,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Dangers of Sin","title_en":"The Dangers of Sin","content_ro":"<h3>The Dangers of Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15).<\/p>\n<p>The sinful acts of God’s people are prominent throughout the late monarchical period. Words such as <em>sin<\/em>, <em>evil<\/em>, and <em>wicked<\/em> appear frequently to assert that the kings of both Israel (2 Kgs 3:2; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:2) and Judah (8:18, 27; 21:2, 16, 20; 23:32, 37; 24:9, 19) did “what was evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight.”<\/p>\n<p>The northern kingdom was particularly culpable. Its kings and people were uniformly condemned for their godless ways (17:16-17, 22); the basic sin of apostate worship, introduced by Jeroboam I, continued in Israel until the end (10:29; 17:21-23; 23:15). God repeatedly warned the people through his prophets (17:13) and brought the chastisement of foreign invaders (13:3, 7). Nothing moved the Israelites’ hearts, for they were set in their ways (13:6; 17:14-17). Eventually God allowed foreign invaders to defeat them and occupy their land, sending many into exile (17:18, 20-23).<\/p>\n<p>The people of Judah were not innocent either. Many of their kings were guilty of gross wickedness, and Judean society grew increasingly apostate and followed “the evil practices that Israel had introduced” (17:19). Despite God’s repeated acts of kindness (e.g., 19:32-36) and warnings delivered through his prophets (21:8-15), the people persisted in their sin, and God’s judgment once again fell (21:10-15; 23:26-27; 24:1-4; 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Where there is genuine repentance, God will graciously forgive his people and remit the penalty. But how much better to be faithful to God’s Word (2 Kgs 18:5-6; 23:25; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; 2 Tim 4:7; Rev 2:10), so that God’s blessings (Ps 112:1; 119:1-2; 144:15) might bring success (2 Kgs 18:7; see also 2 Chr 26:4-5; Prov 3:1-10; 2 Cor 3:5). God’s people need to give God first place in their lives (1 Kgs 18:21, 36-39; see Deut 6:13; 10:12-13; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33), pray for God’s persevering grace (Ps 19:13), and let the word of God be their guide (Ps 119:9; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 18:20-21; Exod 34:7; Lev 26:14-46; Num 15:30-31; Deut 31:16-18; 1 Kgs 8:46-51; 2 Kgs 8:18, 27; 2 Kgs 13:1-7; 14:23-24; 17:13-23; 18:9-12; 21:8-16; 23:25-27; 24:1-3, 19–25:21; 2 Chr 7:14; 33:12-13; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; Jer 44:2-6; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16; 4:7; Rev 2:10<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Dangers of Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15).<\/p>\n<p>The sinful acts of God’s people are prominent throughout the late monarchical period. Words such as <em>sin<\/em>, <em>evil<\/em>, and <em>wicked<\/em> appear frequently to assert that the kings of both Israel (2 Kgs 3:2; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:2) and Judah (8:18, 27; 21:2, 16, 20; 23:32, 37; 24:9, 19) did “what was evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight.”<\/p>\n<p>The northern kingdom was particularly culpable. Its kings and people were uniformly condemned for their godless ways (17:16-17, 22); the basic sin of apostate worship, introduced by Jeroboam I, continued in Israel until the end (10:29; 17:21-23; 23:15). God repeatedly warned the people through his prophets (17:13) and brought the chastisement of foreign invaders (13:3, 7). Nothing moved the Israelites’ hearts, for they were set in their ways (13:6; 17:14-17). Eventually God allowed foreign invaders to defeat them and occupy their land, sending many into exile (17:18, 20-23).<\/p>\n<p>The people of Judah were not innocent either. Many of their kings were guilty of gross wickedness, and Judean society grew increasingly apostate and followed “the evil practices that Israel had introduced” (17:19). Despite God’s repeated acts of kindness (e.g., 19:32-36) and warnings delivered through his prophets (21:8-15), the people persisted in their sin, and God’s judgment once again fell (21:10-15; 23:26-27; 24:1-4; 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Where there is genuine repentance, God will graciously forgive his people and remit the penalty. But how much better to be faithful to God’s Word (2 Kgs 18:5-6; 23:25; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; 2 Tim 4:7; Rev 2:10), so that God’s blessings (Ps 112:1; 119:1-2; 144:15) might bring success (2 Kgs 18:7; see also 2 Chr 26:4-5; Prov 3:1-10; 2 Cor 3:5). God’s people need to give God first place in their lives (1 Kgs 18:21, 36-39; see Deut 6:13; 10:12-13; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33), pray for God’s persevering grace (Ps 19:13), and let the word of God be their guide (Ps 119:9; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 18:20-21; Exod 34:7; Lev 26:14-46; Num 15:30-31; Deut 31:16-18; 1 Kgs 8:46-51; 2 Kgs 8:18, 27; 2 Kgs 13:1-7; 14:23-24; 17:13-23; 18:9-12; 21:8-16; 23:25-27; 24:1-3, 19–25:21; 2 Chr 7:14; 33:12-13; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; Jer 44:2-6; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16; 4:7; Rev 2:10<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Dangers of Sin Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15). The sinful acts of God’s ...","summary_en":"The Dangers of Sin Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15). The sinful acts of God’s ...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":117073,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People","title_en":"God’s Judgment of His People","content_ro":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\n<p>Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\n<p>Sometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\n<p>Yet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\n<p>God never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\n<p>Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\n<p>Sometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\n<p>Yet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\n<p>God never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","summary_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","summary_en":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":143822,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"Community Responsibility: Achan’s Sin","title_en":"Community Responsibility: Achan’s Sin","content_ro":"<h3>Community Responsibility: Achan’s Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Should an entire community be held responsible for the sins of a smaller few?<\/p>\n<p>Why did so many of Israel’s soldiers die at Ai because of Achan’s sin (Josh 7)? Why did the Israelites stone Achan’s family along with him? A significant part of the answer to these questions comes by understanding the concept of community responsibility.<\/p>\n<p>If Achan’s family knew of his theft, they were accomplices and shared Achan’s guilt. A community becomes responsible for sin when people either actively participate in an act of sin or silently condone sinful actions or attitudes.<\/p>\n<p>But what about Achan’s children who were too young to understand or those who had no knowledge of his theft? What about Israel’s soldiers who died at Ai because Achan stole what belonged to God?<\/p>\n<p>To understand, we have to go back to the beginning. The sin of our first parents, Adam and Eve (Gen 3), was at least twofold. First, they chose not to trust God, even though they had an intimate relationship with him, choosing instead to listen to the voice of a stranger. Second, though they were unsuccessful, they declared their independence from God by trying to become like gods themselves.<\/p>\n<p>Because we all make that same choice for ourselves, no one is truly innocent (see Ps 14:2-3; Rom 3:9-23). As a result, we are all subject to the consequences of sin in the world. We may die as the result of another’s sin, carelessness, or ignorance, or as a result of our own. Because one person drives under the influence of alcohol, someone else might die on the highway. Because one person wants to maximize profits, others can suffer in wretched conditions. And because Achan sinned, others in Israel died at Ai.<\/p>\n<p>None of this is “fair.” However, God promises to bring perfect justice in his own time. God’s justice will be mediated through his grace and mercy, brought to us through Jesus’ death in our place (see Rom 5:12-21).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 9:24-27; Exod 20:5; Josh 7:1-26; 2 Kgs 14:6; 21:10-15; Ezra 9:6-15; Neh 9:16-37; Jer 31:29-30; Ezek 18:20; Dan 9:4-19; Matt 23:29-36; John 9:1-3; Rom 5:12-21; 1 Cor 15:21<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Community Responsibility: Achan’s Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Should an entire community be held responsible for the sins of a smaller few?<\/p>\n<p>Why did so many of Israel’s soldiers die at Ai because of Achan’s sin (Josh 7)? Why did the Israelites stone Achan’s family along with him? A significant part of the answer to these questions comes by understanding the concept of community responsibility.<\/p>\n<p>If Achan’s family knew of his theft, they were accomplices and shared Achan’s guilt. A community becomes responsible for sin when people either actively participate in an act of sin or silently condone sinful actions or attitudes.<\/p>\n<p>But what about Achan’s children who were too young to understand or those who had no knowledge of his theft? What about Israel’s soldiers who died at Ai because Achan stole what belonged to God?<\/p>\n<p>To understand, we have to go back to the beginning. The sin of our first parents, Adam and Eve (Gen 3), was at least twofold. First, they chose not to trust God, even though they had an intimate relationship with him, choosing instead to listen to the voice of a stranger. Second, though they were unsuccessful, they declared their independence from God by trying to become like gods themselves.<\/p>\n<p>Because we all make that same choice for ourselves, no one is truly innocent (see Ps 14:2-3; Rom 3:9-23). As a result, we are all subject to the consequences of sin in the world. We may die as the result of another’s sin, carelessness, or ignorance, or as a result of our own. Because one person drives under the influence of alcohol, someone else might die on the highway. Because one person wants to maximize profits, others can suffer in wretched conditions. And because Achan sinned, others in Israel died at Ai.<\/p>\n<p>None of this is “fair.” However, God promises to bring perfect justice in his own time. God’s justice will be mediated through his grace and mercy, brought to us through Jesus’ death in our place (see Rom 5:12-21).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 9:24-27; Exod 20:5; Josh 7:1-26; 2 Kgs 14:6; 21:10-15; Ezra 9:6-15; Neh 9:16-37; Jer 31:29-30; Ezek 18:20; Dan 9:4-19; Matt 23:29-36; John 9:1-3; Rom 5:12-21; 1 Cor 15:21<\/p>","summary_ro":"Community Responsibility: Achan’s Sin Should an entire community be held responsible for the sins of a smaller few? Why did so many of Israel’s soldiers die at Ai because of Achan’s sin (Josh 7)? Why did the Israelites stone Achan’s family along with him? A significant part of the answer to these questions comes by understanding the concept of community responsibility. If Achan’s family knew of his theft, they were accomplices and shared Achan’s guilt. A community becomes responsible for sin ...","summary_en":"Community Responsibility: Achan’s Sin Should an entire community be held responsible for the sins of a smaller few? Why did so many of Israel’s soldiers die at Ai because of Achan’s sin (Josh 7)? Why did the Israelites stone Achan’s family along with him? A significant part of the answer to these questions comes by understanding the concept of community responsibility. If Achan’s family knew of his theft, they were accomplices and shared Achan’s guilt. A community becomes responsible for sin ...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":144637,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Dangers of Sin","title_en":"The Dangers of Sin","content_ro":"<h3>The Dangers of Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15).<\/p>\n<p>The sinful acts of God’s people are prominent throughout the late monarchical period. Words such as <em>sin<\/em>, <em>evil<\/em>, and <em>wicked<\/em> appear frequently to assert that the kings of both Israel (2 Kgs 3:2; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:2) and Judah (8:18, 27; 21:2, 16, 20; 23:32, 37; 24:9, 19) did “what was evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight.”<\/p>\n<p>The northern kingdom was particularly culpable. Its kings and people were uniformly condemned for their godless ways (17:16-17, 22); the basic sin of apostate worship, introduced by Jeroboam I, continued in Israel until the end (10:29; 17:21-23; 23:15). God repeatedly warned the people through his prophets (17:13) and brought the chastisement of foreign invaders (13:3, 7). Nothing moved the Israelites’ hearts, for they were set in their ways (13:6; 17:14-17). Eventually God allowed foreign invaders to defeat them and occupy their land, sending many into exile (17:18, 20-23).<\/p>\n<p>The people of Judah were not innocent either. Many of their kings were guilty of gross wickedness, and Judean society grew increasingly apostate and followed “the evil practices that Israel had introduced” (17:19). Despite God’s repeated acts of kindness (e.g., 19:32-36) and warnings delivered through his prophets (21:8-15), the people persisted in their sin, and God’s judgment once again fell (21:10-15; 23:26-27; 24:1-4; 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Where there is genuine repentance, God will graciously forgive his people and remit the penalty. But how much better to be faithful to God’s Word (2 Kgs 18:5-6; 23:25; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; 2 Tim 4:7; Rev 2:10), so that God’s blessings (Ps 112:1; 119:1-2; 144:15) might bring success (2 Kgs 18:7; see also 2 Chr 26:4-5; Prov 3:1-10; 2 Cor 3:5). God’s people need to give God first place in their lives (1 Kgs 18:21, 36-39; see Deut 6:13; 10:12-13; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33), pray for God’s persevering grace (Ps 19:13), and let the word of God be their guide (Ps 119:9; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 18:20-21; Exod 34:7; Lev 26:14-46; Num 15:30-31; Deut 31:16-18; 1 Kgs 8:46-51; 2 Kgs 8:18, 27; 2 Kgs 13:1-7; 14:23-24; 17:13-23; 18:9-12; 21:8-16; 23:25-27; 24:1-3, 19–25:21; 2 Chr 7:14; 33:12-13; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; Jer 44:2-6; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16; 4:7; Rev 2:10<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Dangers of Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15).<\/p>\n<p>The sinful acts of God’s people are prominent throughout the late monarchical period. Words such as <em>sin<\/em>, <em>evil<\/em>, and <em>wicked<\/em> appear frequently to assert that the kings of both Israel (2 Kgs 3:2; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:2) and Judah (8:18, 27; 21:2, 16, 20; 23:32, 37; 24:9, 19) did “what was evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight.”<\/p>\n<p>The northern kingdom was particularly culpable. Its kings and people were uniformly condemned for their godless ways (17:16-17, 22); the basic sin of apostate worship, introduced by Jeroboam I, continued in Israel until the end (10:29; 17:21-23; 23:15). God repeatedly warned the people through his prophets (17:13) and brought the chastisement of foreign invaders (13:3, 7). Nothing moved the Israelites’ hearts, for they were set in their ways (13:6; 17:14-17). Eventually God allowed foreign invaders to defeat them and occupy their land, sending many into exile (17:18, 20-23).<\/p>\n<p>The people of Judah were not innocent either. Many of their kings were guilty of gross wickedness, and Judean society grew increasingly apostate and followed “the evil practices that Israel had introduced” (17:19). Despite God’s repeated acts of kindness (e.g., 19:32-36) and warnings delivered through his prophets (21:8-15), the people persisted in their sin, and God’s judgment once again fell (21:10-15; 23:26-27; 24:1-4; 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Where there is genuine repentance, God will graciously forgive his people and remit the penalty. But how much better to be faithful to God’s Word (2 Kgs 18:5-6; 23:25; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; 2 Tim 4:7; Rev 2:10), so that God’s blessings (Ps 112:1; 119:1-2; 144:15) might bring success (2 Kgs 18:7; see also 2 Chr 26:4-5; Prov 3:1-10; 2 Cor 3:5). God’s people need to give God first place in their lives (1 Kgs 18:21, 36-39; see Deut 6:13; 10:12-13; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33), pray for God’s persevering grace (Ps 19:13), and let the word of God be their guide (Ps 119:9; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 18:20-21; Exod 34:7; Lev 26:14-46; Num 15:30-31; Deut 31:16-18; 1 Kgs 8:46-51; 2 Kgs 8:18, 27; 2 Kgs 13:1-7; 14:23-24; 17:13-23; 18:9-12; 21:8-16; 23:25-27; 24:1-3, 19–25:21; 2 Chr 7:14; 33:12-13; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; Jer 44:2-6; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16; 4:7; Rev 2:10<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Dangers of Sin Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15). The sinful acts of God’s ...","summary_en":"The Dangers of Sin Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15). The sinful acts of God’s ...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":144699,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People","title_en":"God’s Judgment of His People","content_ro":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\n<p>Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\n<p>Sometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\n<p>Yet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\n<p>God never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\n<p>Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\n<p>Sometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\n<p>Yet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\n<p>God never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","summary_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","summary_en":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"11":[{"id":47466,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 21:11","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 21:11","content_ro":"<p><strong>21:11<\/strong> The <em>Amorites<\/em> were the pre-Israelite inhabitants of the <em>land<\/em><em>,<\/em> known for their wickedness. • Manasseh practiced the idolatry of the <em>Amorites<\/em> as Ahab had done (1 Kgs 21:26).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>21:11<\/strong> The <em>Amorites<\/em> were the pre-Israelite inhabitants of the <em>land<\/em><em>,<\/em> known for their wickedness. • Manasseh practiced the idolatry of the <em>Amorites<\/em> as Ahab had done (1 Kgs 21:26).<\/p>","summary_ro":"21:11 The Amorites were the pre-Israelite inhabitants of the land, known for their wickedness. • Manasseh practiced the idolatry of the Amorites as Ahab had done (1 Kgs 21:26).","summary_en":"21:11 The Amorites were the pre-Israelite inhabitants of the land, known for their wickedness. • Manasseh practiced the idolatry of the Amorites as Ahab had done (1 Kgs 21:26).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":75092,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 21:11","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 21:11","content_ro":"<p><strong>21:11<\/strong> The <em>Amorites<\/em> were the pre-Israelite inhabitants of the <em>land<\/em><em>,<\/em> known for their wickedness. • Manasseh practiced the idolatry of the <em>Amorites<\/em> as Ahab had done (1 Kgs 21:26).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>21:11<\/strong> The <em>Amorites<\/em> were the pre-Israelite inhabitants of the <em>land<\/em><em>,<\/em> known for their wickedness. • Manasseh practiced the idolatry of the <em>Amorites<\/em> as Ahab had done (1 Kgs 21:26).<\/p>","summary_ro":"21:11 The Amorites were the pre-Israelite inhabitants of the land, known for their wickedness. • Manasseh practiced the idolatry of the Amorites as Ahab had done (1 Kgs 21:26).","summary_en":"21:11 The Amorites were the pre-Israelite inhabitants of the land, known for their wickedness. • Manasseh practiced the idolatry of the Amorites as Ahab had done (1 Kgs 21:26).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":102718,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 21:11","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 21:11","content_ro":"<p><strong>21:11<\/strong> The <em>Amorites<\/em> were the pre-Israelite inhabitants of the <em>land<\/em><em>,<\/em> known for their wickedness. • Manasseh practiced the idolatry of the <em>Amorites<\/em> as Ahab had done (1 Kgs 21:26).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>21:11<\/strong> The <em>Amorites<\/em> were the pre-Israelite inhabitants of the <em>land<\/em><em>,<\/em> known for their wickedness. • Manasseh practiced the idolatry of the <em>Amorites<\/em> as Ahab had done (1 Kgs 21:26).<\/p>","summary_ro":"21:11 The Amorites were the pre-Israelite inhabitants of the land, known for their wickedness. • Manasseh practiced the idolatry of the Amorites as Ahab had done (1 Kgs 21:26).","summary_en":"21:11 The Amorites were the pre-Israelite inhabitants of the land, known for their wickedness. • Manasseh practiced the idolatry of the Amorites as Ahab had done (1 Kgs 21:26).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":130344,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 21:11","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 21:11","content_ro":"<p><strong>21:11<\/strong> The <em>Amorites<\/em> were the pre-Israelite inhabitants of the <em>land<\/em><em>,<\/em> known for their wickedness. • Manasseh practiced the idolatry of the <em>Amorites<\/em> as Ahab had done (1 Kgs 21:26).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>21:11<\/strong> The <em>Amorites<\/em> were the pre-Israelite inhabitants of the <em>land<\/em><em>,<\/em> known for their wickedness. • Manasseh practiced the idolatry of the <em>Amorites<\/em> as Ahab had done (1 Kgs 21:26).<\/p>","summary_ro":"21:11 The Amorites were the pre-Israelite inhabitants of the land, known for their wickedness. • Manasseh practiced the idolatry of the Amorites as Ahab had done (1 Kgs 21:26).","summary_en":"21:11 The Amorites were the pre-Israelite inhabitants of the land, known for their wickedness. • Manasseh practiced the idolatry of the Amorites as Ahab had done (1 Kgs 21:26).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":61468,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"God’s Covenant with Israel’s Kings","title_en":"God’s Covenant with Israel’s Kings","content_ro":"<h3>God’s Covenant with Israel’s Kings<\/h3>\n<p>Solomon understood his role as David’s successor (1 Kgs 3:7). The aged King David had admonished his son Solomon to keep all of God’s requirements in the law of Moses in order to “be successful in all you do and wherever you go” (2:3). Solomon’s faithfulness would allow the fulfillment of God’s promises to David (1 Kgs 2:4; see 2 Sam 7:5-16). Early in his reign, he consciously emulated his father’s love for and faithfulness to God (1 Kgs 3:3), and he recognized that God had kept his promises to David (8:23-26).<\/p>\n<p>Several times during Solomon’s reign, God himself communicated the inviolability of his covenant with David (3:14; 9:4-5; 11:38). God ultimately judged Solomon and subsequent kings by their faithfulness to that covenant in comparison to David (11:12-13; 14:8; 15:3-5, 11). God’s commendation and blessing or disapproval and judgment were consistently based on whether people kept or violated his law (see Deut 28). During the days of the kings, the people of Israel were condemned for willfully turning away from the clear precepts of the Lord contained in the law and spoken through God’s prophets (2 Kgs 17:13-17). Their rejection of God resulted in judgment (2 Kgs 17:18-23; 21:11-15).<\/p>\n<p>God’s dealings with the kings of Israel provide an example for those who are now in covenant with God through Christ. God’s people today are to love the Lord, keep his commandments (John 14:21), and be faithful to him in all things (Matt 25:21; Luke 16:10-12; 2 Tim 3:14; 4:7). Those who follow David’s example of faithfulness will similarly receive God’s praise (see Acts 13:22). Those who confess the name of Jesus, David’s heir (Acts 13:32-37), and who have a heart of devotion to God and his word will seek to live lives that are pure and pleasing to God (see Heb 13:20-21). They look forward to an abundant, eternal inheritance (2 Tim 4:8; Rev 2:10; cp. Gal 5:19-21).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Sam 7:5-17; 1 Kgs 2:2-4; 3:3-15; 8:22-26; 9:1-9; 11:1-13, 29-39; 14:7-16; 15:1-5, 11; 2 Kgs 17:13-23; 21:11-15; Acts 13:21-23<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>God’s Covenant with Israel’s Kings<\/h3>\n<p>Solomon understood his role as David’s successor (1 Kgs 3:7). The aged King David had admonished his son Solomon to keep all of God’s requirements in the law of Moses in order to “be successful in all you do and wherever you go” (2:3). Solomon’s faithfulness would allow the fulfillment of God’s promises to David (1 Kgs 2:4; see 2 Sam 7:5-16). Early in his reign, he consciously emulated his father’s love for and faithfulness to God (1 Kgs 3:3), and he recognized that God had kept his promises to David (8:23-26).<\/p>\n<p>Several times during Solomon’s reign, God himself communicated the inviolability of his covenant with David (3:14; 9:4-5; 11:38). God ultimately judged Solomon and subsequent kings by their faithfulness to that covenant in comparison to David (11:12-13; 14:8; 15:3-5, 11). God’s commendation and blessing or disapproval and judgment were consistently based on whether people kept or violated his law (see Deut 28). During the days of the kings, the people of Israel were condemned for willfully turning away from the clear precepts of the Lord contained in the law and spoken through God’s prophets (2 Kgs 17:13-17). Their rejection of God resulted in judgment (2 Kgs 17:18-23; 21:11-15).<\/p>\n<p>God’s dealings with the kings of Israel provide an example for those who are now in covenant with God through Christ. God’s people today are to love the Lord, keep his commandments (John 14:21), and be faithful to him in all things (Matt 25:21; Luke 16:10-12; 2 Tim 3:14; 4:7). Those who follow David’s example of faithfulness will similarly receive God’s praise (see Acts 13:22). Those who confess the name of Jesus, David’s heir (Acts 13:32-37), and who have a heart of devotion to God and his word will seek to live lives that are pure and pleasing to God (see Heb 13:20-21). They look forward to an abundant, eternal inheritance (2 Tim 4:8; Rev 2:10; cp. Gal 5:19-21).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Sam 7:5-17; 1 Kgs 2:2-4; 3:3-15; 8:22-26; 9:1-9; 11:1-13, 29-39; 14:7-16; 15:1-5, 11; 2 Kgs 17:13-23; 21:11-15; Acts 13:21-23<\/p>","summary_ro":"God’s Covenant with Israel’s Kings Solomon understood his role as David’s successor (1 Kgs 3:7). The aged King David had admonished his son Solomon to keep all of God’s requirements in the law of Moses in order to “be successful in all you do and wherever you go” (2:3). Solomon’s faithfulness would allow the fulfillment of God’s promises to David (1 Kgs 2:4; see 2 Sam 7:5-16). Early in his reign, he consciously emulated his father’s love for and faithfulness to God (1 Kgs 3:3), and he recogni...","summary_en":"God’s Covenant with Israel’s Kings Solomon understood his role as David’s successor (1 Kgs 3:7). The aged King David had admonished his son Solomon to keep all of God’s requirements in the law of Moses in order to “be successful in all you do and wherever you go” (2:3). Solomon’s faithfulness would allow the fulfillment of God’s promises to David (1 Kgs 2:4; see 2 Sam 7:5-16). Early in his reign, he consciously emulated his father’s love for and faithfulness to God (1 Kgs 3:3), and he recogni...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":61800,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People","title_en":"God’s Judgment of His People","content_ro":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\n<p>Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\n<p>Sometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\n<p>Yet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\n<p>God never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\n<p>Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\n<p>Sometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\n<p>Yet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\n<p>God never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","summary_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","summary_en":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":89094,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"God’s Covenant with Israel’s Kings","title_en":"God’s Covenant with Israel’s Kings","content_ro":"<h3>God’s Covenant with Israel’s Kings<\/h3>\n<p>Solomon understood his role as David’s successor (1 Kgs 3:7). The aged King David had admonished his son Solomon to keep all of God’s requirements in the law of Moses in order to “be successful in all you do and wherever you go” (2:3). Solomon’s faithfulness would allow the fulfillment of God’s promises to David (1 Kgs 2:4; see 2 Sam 7:5-16). Early in his reign, he consciously emulated his father’s love for and faithfulness to God (1 Kgs 3:3), and he recognized that God had kept his promises to David (8:23-26).<\/p>\n<p>Several times during Solomon’s reign, God himself communicated the inviolability of his covenant with David (3:14; 9:4-5; 11:38). God ultimately judged Solomon and subsequent kings by their faithfulness to that covenant in comparison to David (11:12-13; 14:8; 15:3-5, 11). God’s commendation and blessing or disapproval and judgment were consistently based on whether people kept or violated his law (see Deut 28). During the days of the kings, the people of Israel were condemned for willfully turning away from the clear precepts of the Lord contained in the law and spoken through God’s prophets (2 Kgs 17:13-17). Their rejection of God resulted in judgment (2 Kgs 17:18-23; 21:11-15).<\/p>\n<p>God’s dealings with the kings of Israel provide an example for those who are now in covenant with God through Christ. God’s people today are to love the Lord, keep his commandments (John 14:21), and be faithful to him in all things (Matt 25:21; Luke 16:10-12; 2 Tim 3:14; 4:7). Those who follow David’s example of faithfulness will similarly receive God’s praise (see Acts 13:22). Those who confess the name of Jesus, David’s heir (Acts 13:32-37), and who have a heart of devotion to God and his word will seek to live lives that are pure and pleasing to God (see Heb 13:20-21). They look forward to an abundant, eternal inheritance (2 Tim 4:8; Rev 2:10; cp. Gal 5:19-21).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Sam 7:5-17; 1 Kgs 2:2-4; 3:3-15; 8:22-26; 9:1-9; 11:1-13, 29-39; 14:7-16; 15:1-5, 11; 2 Kgs 17:13-23; 21:11-15; Acts 13:21-23<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>God’s Covenant with Israel’s Kings<\/h3>\n<p>Solomon understood his role as David’s successor (1 Kgs 3:7). The aged King David had admonished his son Solomon to keep all of God’s requirements in the law of Moses in order to “be successful in all you do and wherever you go” (2:3). Solomon’s faithfulness would allow the fulfillment of God’s promises to David (1 Kgs 2:4; see 2 Sam 7:5-16). Early in his reign, he consciously emulated his father’s love for and faithfulness to God (1 Kgs 3:3), and he recognized that God had kept his promises to David (8:23-26).<\/p>\n<p>Several times during Solomon’s reign, God himself communicated the inviolability of his covenant with David (3:14; 9:4-5; 11:38). God ultimately judged Solomon and subsequent kings by their faithfulness to that covenant in comparison to David (11:12-13; 14:8; 15:3-5, 11). God’s commendation and blessing or disapproval and judgment were consistently based on whether people kept or violated his law (see Deut 28). During the days of the kings, the people of Israel were condemned for willfully turning away from the clear precepts of the Lord contained in the law and spoken through God’s prophets (2 Kgs 17:13-17). Their rejection of God resulted in judgment (2 Kgs 17:18-23; 21:11-15).<\/p>\n<p>God’s dealings with the kings of Israel provide an example for those who are now in covenant with God through Christ. God’s people today are to love the Lord, keep his commandments (John 14:21), and be faithful to him in all things (Matt 25:21; Luke 16:10-12; 2 Tim 3:14; 4:7). Those who follow David’s example of faithfulness will similarly receive God’s praise (see Acts 13:22). Those who confess the name of Jesus, David’s heir (Acts 13:32-37), and who have a heart of devotion to God and his word will seek to live lives that are pure and pleasing to God (see Heb 13:20-21). They look forward to an abundant, eternal inheritance (2 Tim 4:8; Rev 2:10; cp. Gal 5:19-21).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Sam 7:5-17; 1 Kgs 2:2-4; 3:3-15; 8:22-26; 9:1-9; 11:1-13, 29-39; 14:7-16; 15:1-5, 11; 2 Kgs 17:13-23; 21:11-15; Acts 13:21-23<\/p>","summary_ro":"God’s Covenant with Israel’s Kings Solomon understood his role as David’s successor (1 Kgs 3:7). The aged King David had admonished his son Solomon to keep all of God’s requirements in the law of Moses in order to “be successful in all you do and wherever you go” (2:3). Solomon’s faithfulness would allow the fulfillment of God’s promises to David (1 Kgs 2:4; see 2 Sam 7:5-16). Early in his reign, he consciously emulated his father’s love for and faithfulness to God (1 Kgs 3:3), and he recogni...","summary_en":"God’s Covenant with Israel’s Kings Solomon understood his role as David’s successor (1 Kgs 3:7). The aged King David had admonished his son Solomon to keep all of God’s requirements in the law of Moses in order to “be successful in all you do and wherever you go” (2:3). Solomon’s faithfulness would allow the fulfillment of God’s promises to David (1 Kgs 2:4; see 2 Sam 7:5-16). Early in his reign, he consciously emulated his father’s love for and faithfulness to God (1 Kgs 3:3), and he recogni...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":89426,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People","title_en":"God’s Judgment of His People","content_ro":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\n<p>Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\n<p>Sometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\n<p>Yet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\n<p>God never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\n<p>Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\n<p>Sometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\n<p>Yet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\n<p>God never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","summary_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","summary_en":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":116720,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"God’s Covenant with Israel’s Kings","title_en":"God’s Covenant with Israel’s Kings","content_ro":"<h3>God’s Covenant with Israel’s Kings<\/h3>\n<p>Solomon understood his role as David’s successor (1 Kgs 3:7). The aged King David had admonished his son Solomon to keep all of God’s requirements in the law of Moses in order to “be successful in all you do and wherever you go” (2:3). Solomon’s faithfulness would allow the fulfillment of God’s promises to David (1 Kgs 2:4; see 2 Sam 7:5-16). Early in his reign, he consciously emulated his father’s love for and faithfulness to God (1 Kgs 3:3), and he recognized that God had kept his promises to David (8:23-26).<\/p>\n<p>Several times during Solomon’s reign, God himself communicated the inviolability of his covenant with David (3:14; 9:4-5; 11:38). God ultimately judged Solomon and subsequent kings by their faithfulness to that covenant in comparison to David (11:12-13; 14:8; 15:3-5, 11). God’s commendation and blessing or disapproval and judgment were consistently based on whether people kept or violated his law (see Deut 28). During the days of the kings, the people of Israel were condemned for willfully turning away from the clear precepts of the Lord contained in the law and spoken through God’s prophets (2 Kgs 17:13-17). Their rejection of God resulted in judgment (2 Kgs 17:18-23; 21:11-15).<\/p>\n<p>God’s dealings with the kings of Israel provide an example for those who are now in covenant with God through Christ. God’s people today are to love the Lord, keep his commandments (John 14:21), and be faithful to him in all things (Matt 25:21; Luke 16:10-12; 2 Tim 3:14; 4:7). Those who follow David’s example of faithfulness will similarly receive God’s praise (see Acts 13:22). Those who confess the name of Jesus, David’s heir (Acts 13:32-37), and who have a heart of devotion to God and his word will seek to live lives that are pure and pleasing to God (see Heb 13:20-21). They look forward to an abundant, eternal inheritance (2 Tim 4:8; Rev 2:10; cp. Gal 5:19-21).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Sam 7:5-17; 1 Kgs 2:2-4; 3:3-15; 8:22-26; 9:1-9; 11:1-13, 29-39; 14:7-16; 15:1-5, 11; 2 Kgs 17:13-23; 21:11-15; Acts 13:21-23<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>God’s Covenant with Israel’s Kings<\/h3>\n<p>Solomon understood his role as David’s successor (1 Kgs 3:7). The aged King David had admonished his son Solomon to keep all of God’s requirements in the law of Moses in order to “be successful in all you do and wherever you go” (2:3). Solomon’s faithfulness would allow the fulfillment of God’s promises to David (1 Kgs 2:4; see 2 Sam 7:5-16). Early in his reign, he consciously emulated his father’s love for and faithfulness to God (1 Kgs 3:3), and he recognized that God had kept his promises to David (8:23-26).<\/p>\n<p>Several times during Solomon’s reign, God himself communicated the inviolability of his covenant with David (3:14; 9:4-5; 11:38). God ultimately judged Solomon and subsequent kings by their faithfulness to that covenant in comparison to David (11:12-13; 14:8; 15:3-5, 11). God’s commendation and blessing or disapproval and judgment were consistently based on whether people kept or violated his law (see Deut 28). During the days of the kings, the people of Israel were condemned for willfully turning away from the clear precepts of the Lord contained in the law and spoken through God’s prophets (2 Kgs 17:13-17). Their rejection of God resulted in judgment (2 Kgs 17:18-23; 21:11-15).<\/p>\n<p>God’s dealings with the kings of Israel provide an example for those who are now in covenant with God through Christ. God’s people today are to love the Lord, keep his commandments (John 14:21), and be faithful to him in all things (Matt 25:21; Luke 16:10-12; 2 Tim 3:14; 4:7). Those who follow David’s example of faithfulness will similarly receive God’s praise (see Acts 13:22). Those who confess the name of Jesus, David’s heir (Acts 13:32-37), and who have a heart of devotion to God and his word will seek to live lives that are pure and pleasing to God (see Heb 13:20-21). They look forward to an abundant, eternal inheritance (2 Tim 4:8; Rev 2:10; cp. Gal 5:19-21).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Sam 7:5-17; 1 Kgs 2:2-4; 3:3-15; 8:22-26; 9:1-9; 11:1-13, 29-39; 14:7-16; 15:1-5, 11; 2 Kgs 17:13-23; 21:11-15; Acts 13:21-23<\/p>","summary_ro":"God’s Covenant with Israel’s Kings Solomon understood his role as David’s successor (1 Kgs 3:7). The aged King David had admonished his son Solomon to keep all of God’s requirements in the law of Moses in order to “be successful in all you do and wherever you go” (2:3). Solomon’s faithfulness would allow the fulfillment of God’s promises to David (1 Kgs 2:4; see 2 Sam 7:5-16). Early in his reign, he consciously emulated his father’s love for and faithfulness to God (1 Kgs 3:3), and he recogni...","summary_en":"God’s Covenant with Israel’s Kings Solomon understood his role as David’s successor (1 Kgs 3:7). The aged King David had admonished his son Solomon to keep all of God’s requirements in the law of Moses in order to “be successful in all you do and wherever you go” (2:3). Solomon’s faithfulness would allow the fulfillment of God’s promises to David (1 Kgs 2:4; see 2 Sam 7:5-16). Early in his reign, he consciously emulated his father’s love for and faithfulness to God (1 Kgs 3:3), and he recogni...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":117052,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People","title_en":"God’s Judgment of His People","content_ro":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\n<p>Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\n<p>Sometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\n<p>Yet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\n<p>God never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\n<p>Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\n<p>Sometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\n<p>Yet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\n<p>God never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","summary_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","summary_en":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":144346,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"God’s Covenant with Israel’s Kings","title_en":"God’s Covenant with Israel’s Kings","content_ro":"<h3>God’s Covenant with Israel’s Kings<\/h3>\n<p>Solomon understood his role as David’s successor (1 Kgs 3:7). The aged King David had admonished his son Solomon to keep all of God’s requirements in the law of Moses in order to “be successful in all you do and wherever you go” (2:3). Solomon’s faithfulness would allow the fulfillment of God’s promises to David (1 Kgs 2:4; see 2 Sam 7:5-16). Early in his reign, he consciously emulated his father’s love for and faithfulness to God (1 Kgs 3:3), and he recognized that God had kept his promises to David (8:23-26).<\/p>\n<p>Several times during Solomon’s reign, God himself communicated the inviolability of his covenant with David (3:14; 9:4-5; 11:38). God ultimately judged Solomon and subsequent kings by their faithfulness to that covenant in comparison to David (11:12-13; 14:8; 15:3-5, 11). God’s commendation and blessing or disapproval and judgment were consistently based on whether people kept or violated his law (see Deut 28). During the days of the kings, the people of Israel were condemned for willfully turning away from the clear precepts of the Lord contained in the law and spoken through God’s prophets (2 Kgs 17:13-17). Their rejection of God resulted in judgment (2 Kgs 17:18-23; 21:11-15).<\/p>\n<p>God’s dealings with the kings of Israel provide an example for those who are now in covenant with God through Christ. God’s people today are to love the Lord, keep his commandments (John 14:21), and be faithful to him in all things (Matt 25:21; Luke 16:10-12; 2 Tim 3:14; 4:7). Those who follow David’s example of faithfulness will similarly receive God’s praise (see Acts 13:22). Those who confess the name of Jesus, David’s heir (Acts 13:32-37), and who have a heart of devotion to God and his word will seek to live lives that are pure and pleasing to God (see Heb 13:20-21). They look forward to an abundant, eternal inheritance (2 Tim 4:8; Rev 2:10; cp. Gal 5:19-21).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Sam 7:5-17; 1 Kgs 2:2-4; 3:3-15; 8:22-26; 9:1-9; 11:1-13, 29-39; 14:7-16; 15:1-5, 11; 2 Kgs 17:13-23; 21:11-15; Acts 13:21-23<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>God’s Covenant with Israel’s Kings<\/h3>\n<p>Solomon understood his role as David’s successor (1 Kgs 3:7). The aged King David had admonished his son Solomon to keep all of God’s requirements in the law of Moses in order to “be successful in all you do and wherever you go” (2:3). Solomon’s faithfulness would allow the fulfillment of God’s promises to David (1 Kgs 2:4; see 2 Sam 7:5-16). Early in his reign, he consciously emulated his father’s love for and faithfulness to God (1 Kgs 3:3), and he recognized that God had kept his promises to David (8:23-26).<\/p>\n<p>Several times during Solomon’s reign, God himself communicated the inviolability of his covenant with David (3:14; 9:4-5; 11:38). God ultimately judged Solomon and subsequent kings by their faithfulness to that covenant in comparison to David (11:12-13; 14:8; 15:3-5, 11). God’s commendation and blessing or disapproval and judgment were consistently based on whether people kept or violated his law (see Deut 28). During the days of the kings, the people of Israel were condemned for willfully turning away from the clear precepts of the Lord contained in the law and spoken through God’s prophets (2 Kgs 17:13-17). Their rejection of God resulted in judgment (2 Kgs 17:18-23; 21:11-15).<\/p>\n<p>God’s dealings with the kings of Israel provide an example for those who are now in covenant with God through Christ. God’s people today are to love the Lord, keep his commandments (John 14:21), and be faithful to him in all things (Matt 25:21; Luke 16:10-12; 2 Tim 3:14; 4:7). Those who follow David’s example of faithfulness will similarly receive God’s praise (see Acts 13:22). Those who confess the name of Jesus, David’s heir (Acts 13:32-37), and who have a heart of devotion to God and his word will seek to live lives that are pure and pleasing to God (see Heb 13:20-21). They look forward to an abundant, eternal inheritance (2 Tim 4:8; Rev 2:10; cp. Gal 5:19-21).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Sam 7:5-17; 1 Kgs 2:2-4; 3:3-15; 8:22-26; 9:1-9; 11:1-13, 29-39; 14:7-16; 15:1-5, 11; 2 Kgs 17:13-23; 21:11-15; Acts 13:21-23<\/p>","summary_ro":"God’s Covenant with Israel’s Kings Solomon understood his role as David’s successor (1 Kgs 3:7). The aged King David had admonished his son Solomon to keep all of God’s requirements in the law of Moses in order to “be successful in all you do and wherever you go” (2:3). Solomon’s faithfulness would allow the fulfillment of God’s promises to David (1 Kgs 2:4; see 2 Sam 7:5-16). Early in his reign, he consciously emulated his father’s love for and faithfulness to God (1 Kgs 3:3), and he recogni...","summary_en":"God’s Covenant with Israel’s Kings Solomon understood his role as David’s successor (1 Kgs 3:7). The aged King David had admonished his son Solomon to keep all of God’s requirements in the law of Moses in order to “be successful in all you do and wherever you go” (2:3). Solomon’s faithfulness would allow the fulfillment of God’s promises to David (1 Kgs 2:4; see 2 Sam 7:5-16). Early in his reign, he consciously emulated his father’s love for and faithfulness to God (1 Kgs 3:3), and he recogni...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":144678,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People","title_en":"God’s Judgment of His People","content_ro":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\n<p>Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\n<p>Sometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\n<p>Yet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\n<p>God never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\n<p>Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\n<p>Sometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\n<p>Yet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\n<p>God never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","summary_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","summary_en":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"12":[{"id":47467,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 21:12","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 21:12","content_ro":"<p><strong>21:12<\/strong> Based on what had happened to the northern kingdom (17:7-23) and to Ahab’s family (9:24-26, 30-37; 10:1-8; 1 Kgs 22:37-38), Manasseh should fully expect God to execute justice against him and the people of <em>Judah.<\/em><\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>21:12<\/strong> Based on what had happened to the northern kingdom (17:7-23) and to Ahab’s family (9:24-26, 30-37; 10:1-8; 1 Kgs 22:37-38), Manasseh should fully expect God to execute justice against him and the people of <em>Judah.<\/em><\/p>","summary_ro":"21:12 Based on what had happened to the northern kingdom (17:7-23) and to Ahab’s family (9:24-26, 30-37; 10:1-8; 1 Kgs 22:37-38), Manasseh should fully expect God to execute justice against him and the people of Judah.","summary_en":"21:12 Based on what had happened to the northern kingdom (17:7-23) and to Ahab’s family (9:24-26, 30-37; 10:1-8; 1 Kgs 22:37-38), Manasseh should fully expect God to execute justice against him and the people of Judah.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":75093,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 21:12","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 21:12","content_ro":"<p><strong>21:12<\/strong> Based on what had happened to the northern kingdom (17:7-23) and to Ahab’s family (9:24-26, 30-37; 10:1-8; 1 Kgs 22:37-38), Manasseh should fully expect God to execute justice against him and the people of <em>Judah.<\/em><\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>21:12<\/strong> Based on what had happened to the northern kingdom (17:7-23) and to Ahab’s family (9:24-26, 30-37; 10:1-8; 1 Kgs 22:37-38), Manasseh should fully expect God to execute justice against him and the people of <em>Judah.<\/em><\/p>","summary_ro":"21:12 Based on what had happened to the northern kingdom (17:7-23) and to Ahab’s family (9:24-26, 30-37; 10:1-8; 1 Kgs 22:37-38), Manasseh should fully expect God to execute justice against him and the people of Judah.","summary_en":"21:12 Based on what had happened to the northern kingdom (17:7-23) and to Ahab’s family (9:24-26, 30-37; 10:1-8; 1 Kgs 22:37-38), Manasseh should fully expect God to execute justice against him and the people of Judah.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":102719,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 21:12","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 21:12","content_ro":"<p><strong>21:12<\/strong> Based on what had happened to the northern kingdom (17:7-23) and to Ahab’s family (9:24-26, 30-37; 10:1-8; 1 Kgs 22:37-38), Manasseh should fully expect God to execute justice against him and the people of <em>Judah.<\/em><\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>21:12<\/strong> Based on what had happened to the northern kingdom (17:7-23) and to Ahab’s family (9:24-26, 30-37; 10:1-8; 1 Kgs 22:37-38), Manasseh should fully expect God to execute justice against him and the people of <em>Judah.<\/em><\/p>","summary_ro":"21:12 Based on what had happened to the northern kingdom (17:7-23) and to Ahab’s family (9:24-26, 30-37; 10:1-8; 1 Kgs 22:37-38), Manasseh should fully expect God to execute justice against him and the people of Judah.","summary_en":"21:12 Based on what had happened to the northern kingdom (17:7-23) and to Ahab’s family (9:24-26, 30-37; 10:1-8; 1 Kgs 22:37-38), Manasseh should fully expect God to execute justice against him and the people of Judah.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":130345,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 21:12","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 21:12","content_ro":"<p><strong>21:12<\/strong> Based on what had happened to the northern kingdom (17:7-23) and to Ahab’s family (9:24-26, 30-37; 10:1-8; 1 Kgs 22:37-38), Manasseh should fully expect God to execute justice against him and the people of <em>Judah.<\/em><\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>21:12<\/strong> Based on what had happened to the northern kingdom (17:7-23) and to Ahab’s family (9:24-26, 30-37; 10:1-8; 1 Kgs 22:37-38), Manasseh should fully expect God to execute justice against him and the people of <em>Judah.<\/em><\/p>","summary_ro":"21:12 Based on what had happened to the northern kingdom (17:7-23) and to Ahab’s family (9:24-26, 30-37; 10:1-8; 1 Kgs 22:37-38), Manasseh should fully expect God to execute justice against him and the people of Judah.","summary_en":"21:12 Based on what had happened to the northern kingdom (17:7-23) and to Ahab’s family (9:24-26, 30-37; 10:1-8; 1 Kgs 22:37-38), Manasseh should fully expect God to execute justice against him and the people of Judah.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"13":[{"id":41748,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Manasseh","title_en":"Manasseh","content_ro":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","summary_ro":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","summary_en":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":69374,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Manasseh","title_en":"Manasseh","content_ro":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","summary_ro":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","summary_en":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":97000,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Manasseh","title_en":"Manasseh","content_ro":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","summary_ro":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","summary_en":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":124626,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Manasseh","title_en":"Manasseh","content_ro":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","summary_ro":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","summary_en":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":9755,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Dish","title_en":"Dish","content_ro":"<h3>DISH<\/h3>\n<p>A vessel, usually made of baked clay or metal, used in everyday life and in religious ceremony. Dishes were used to serve or preserve food (Jgs 5:25; Mt 26:23; Mk 14:20). They had to be wiped and left to dry (2 Kgs 21:13), but later the Pharisees added a ritual cleansing as well (Mt 23:25-26; Lk 11:39). Dishes were used in connection with the meal offering (Nm 7:13) and with the table of showbread for worship in the OT tabernacle and temple (Ex 25:29; 37:16; Nm 4:7).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>DISH<\/h3>\n<p>A vessel, usually made of baked clay or metal, used in everyday life and in religious ceremony. Dishes were used to serve or preserve food (Jgs 5:25; Mt 26:23; Mk 14:20). They had to be wiped and left to dry (2 Kgs 21:13), but later the Pharisees added a ritual cleansing as well (Mt 23:25-26; Lk 11:39). Dishes were used in connection with the meal offering (Nm 7:13) and with the table of showbread for worship in the OT tabernacle and temple (Ex 25:29; 37:16; Nm 4:7).<\/p>","summary_ro":"DISH A vessel, usually made of baked clay or metal, used in everyday life and in religious ceremony. Dishes were used to serve or preserve food (Jgs 5:25; Mt 26:23; Mk 14:20). They had to be wiped and left to dry (2 Kgs 21:13), but later the Pharisees added a ritual cleansing as well (Mt 23:25-26; Lk 11:39). Dishes were used in connection with the meal offering (Nm 7:13) and with the table of showbread for worship in the OT tabernacle and temple (Ex 25:29; 37:16; Nm 4:7).","summary_en":"DISH A vessel, usually made of baked clay or metal, used in everyday life and in religious ceremony. Dishes were used to serve or preserve food (Jgs 5:25; Mt 26:23; Mk 14:20). They had to be wiped and left to dry (2 Kgs 21:13), but later the Pharisees added a ritual cleansing as well (Mt 23:25-26; Lk 11:39). Dishes were used in connection with the meal offering (Nm 7:13) and with the table of showbread for worship in the OT tabernacle and temple (Ex 25:29; 37:16; Nm 4:7).","source":"Articles\/D.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"14":[{"id":47468,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 21:14","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 21:14","content_ro":"<p><strong>21:14-15<\/strong> <em>the remnant:<\/em> Those not killed in God’s impending judgment would be at the mercy of their captors. This prophecy was fulfilled when thousands of Judeans were taken into captivity in the Babylonian invasion during the fall of Jerusalem in 586 <span>BC<\/span> (25:8-21; 2 Chr 36:20; Jer 39:9; 52:15).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>21:14-15<\/strong> <em>the remnant:<\/em> Those not killed in God’s impending judgment would be at the mercy of their captors. This prophecy was fulfilled when thousands of Judeans were taken into captivity in the Babylonian invasion during the fall of Jerusalem in 586 <span>BC<\/span> (25:8-21; 2 Chr 36:20; Jer 39:9; 52:15).<\/p>","summary_ro":"21:14-15 the remnant: Those not killed in God’s impending judgment would be at the mercy of their captors. This prophecy was fulfilled when thousands of Judeans were taken into captivity in the Babylonian invasion during the fall of Jerusalem in 586 BC (25:8-21; 2 Chr 36:20; Jer 39:9; 52:15).","summary_en":"21:14-15 the remnant: Those not killed in God’s impending judgment would be at the mercy of their captors. This prophecy was fulfilled when thousands of Judeans were taken into captivity in the Babylonian invasion during the fall of Jerusalem in 586 BC (25:8-21; 2 Chr 36:20; Jer 39:9; 52:15).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":75094,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 21:14","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 21:14","content_ro":"<p><strong>21:14-15<\/strong> <em>the remnant:<\/em> Those not killed in God’s impending judgment would be at the mercy of their captors. This prophecy was fulfilled when thousands of Judeans were taken into captivity in the Babylonian invasion during the fall of Jerusalem in 586 <span>BC<\/span> (25:8-21; 2 Chr 36:20; Jer 39:9; 52:15).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>21:14-15<\/strong> <em>the remnant:<\/em> Those not killed in God’s impending judgment would be at the mercy of their captors. This prophecy was fulfilled when thousands of Judeans were taken into captivity in the Babylonian invasion during the fall of Jerusalem in 586 <span>BC<\/span> (25:8-21; 2 Chr 36:20; Jer 39:9; 52:15).<\/p>","summary_ro":"21:14-15 the remnant: Those not killed in God’s impending judgment would be at the mercy of their captors. This prophecy was fulfilled when thousands of Judeans were taken into captivity in the Babylonian invasion during the fall of Jerusalem in 586 BC (25:8-21; 2 Chr 36:20; Jer 39:9; 52:15).","summary_en":"21:14-15 the remnant: Those not killed in God’s impending judgment would be at the mercy of their captors. This prophecy was fulfilled when thousands of Judeans were taken into captivity in the Babylonian invasion during the fall of Jerusalem in 586 BC (25:8-21; 2 Chr 36:20; Jer 39:9; 52:15).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":102720,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 21:14","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 21:14","content_ro":"<p><strong>21:14-15<\/strong> <em>the remnant:<\/em> Those not killed in God’s impending judgment would be at the mercy of their captors. This prophecy was fulfilled when thousands of Judeans were taken into captivity in the Babylonian invasion during the fall of Jerusalem in 586 <span>BC<\/span> (25:8-21; 2 Chr 36:20; Jer 39:9; 52:15).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>21:14-15<\/strong> <em>the remnant:<\/em> Those not killed in God’s impending judgment would be at the mercy of their captors. This prophecy was fulfilled when thousands of Judeans were taken into captivity in the Babylonian invasion during the fall of Jerusalem in 586 <span>BC<\/span> (25:8-21; 2 Chr 36:20; Jer 39:9; 52:15).<\/p>","summary_ro":"21:14-15 the remnant: Those not killed in God’s impending judgment would be at the mercy of their captors. This prophecy was fulfilled when thousands of Judeans were taken into captivity in the Babylonian invasion during the fall of Jerusalem in 586 BC (25:8-21; 2 Chr 36:20; Jer 39:9; 52:15).","summary_en":"21:14-15 the remnant: Those not killed in God’s impending judgment would be at the mercy of their captors. This prophecy was fulfilled when thousands of Judeans were taken into captivity in the Babylonian invasion during the fall of Jerusalem in 586 BC (25:8-21; 2 Chr 36:20; Jer 39:9; 52:15).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":130346,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 21:14","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 21:14","content_ro":"<p><strong>21:14-15<\/strong> <em>the remnant:<\/em> Those not killed in God’s impending judgment would be at the mercy of their captors. This prophecy was fulfilled when thousands of Judeans were taken into captivity in the Babylonian invasion during the fall of Jerusalem in 586 <span>BC<\/span> (25:8-21; 2 Chr 36:20; Jer 39:9; 52:15).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>21:14-15<\/strong> <em>the remnant:<\/em> Those not killed in God’s impending judgment would be at the mercy of their captors. This prophecy was fulfilled when thousands of Judeans were taken into captivity in the Babylonian invasion during the fall of Jerusalem in 586 <span>BC<\/span> (25:8-21; 2 Chr 36:20; Jer 39:9; 52:15).<\/p>","summary_ro":"21:14-15 the remnant: Those not killed in God’s impending judgment would be at the mercy of their captors. This prophecy was fulfilled when thousands of Judeans were taken into captivity in the Babylonian invasion during the fall of Jerusalem in 586 BC (25:8-21; 2 Chr 36:20; Jer 39:9; 52:15).","summary_en":"21:14-15 the remnant: Those not killed in God’s impending judgment would be at the mercy of their captors. This prophecy was fulfilled when thousands of Judeans were taken into captivity in the Babylonian invasion during the fall of Jerusalem in 586 BC (25:8-21; 2 Chr 36:20; Jer 39:9; 52:15).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"16":[{"id":41746,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Manasseh","title_en":"Manasseh","content_ro":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","summary_ro":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","summary_en":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":69372,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Manasseh","title_en":"Manasseh","content_ro":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","summary_ro":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","summary_en":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":96998,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Manasseh","title_en":"Manasseh","content_ro":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","summary_ro":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","summary_en":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":124624,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Manasseh","title_en":"Manasseh","content_ro":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","summary_ro":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","summary_en":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":24215,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Manasseh (Person)","title_en":"Manasseh (Person)","content_ro":"<h3>MANASSEH (P<span>erson<\/span>)<\/h3>\n<li>1. Firstborn son of Joseph and his Egyptian wife, Asenath (Gn 41:50-51). Manasseh, along with Ephraim his brother, visited their grandfather Jacob on his deathbed. Jacob announced that Manasseh and Ephraim were to be considered his own, not Joseph’s sons (Gn 48:5-6), and that Manasseh, the firstborn, would have descendants not quite as great as those of Ephraim (vv 13-20). This explains why Ephraim and Manasseh (in that order) provided their names for two of the 12 tribes of Israel but Joseph did not, at least in most listings (cf. Rv 7:6). Manasseh also founded the Manassite family (Dt 4:43; 2 Kgs 10:33).<\/li>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Manasseh, Tribe of.<\/p>\n<li>2. KJV translation for Moses in Judges 18:30. In Hebrew the two names differ by only one letter. Apparently an early scribe was offended that this verse connected Moses’ grandson with idolatry, so he changed the name to Manasseh to preserve Moses’ reputation. <em>See<\/em> Moses.<\/li>\n<li>3. Thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>) and Jesus’ ancestor (Mt 1:10); notorious for his long and wicked reign, described in 2 Kings 21:1-26 and 2 Chronicles 33:1-20. His father was the godly king Hezekiah, and his mother was Hephzibah (2 Kgs 21:1).<\/li>\n<p>At the age of 12 he became co-ruler with his father. In 686 <span>BC<\/span> his father died and he became sole monarch at only 23. His 55-year reign (2 Kgs 21:1) is dated from the beginning of his co-regency, so he ruled 11 years as co-regent and 44 years as sole king—longer than any other king in Judah or in Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the Judean kings, even resorting to a series of murders, presumably to stay in power (21:16; 24:4). In addition to murder, among his sins listed in 2 Kings 21:2-9 are rebuilding the high places for pagan worship; encouraging Baal, sun, moon, and star worship; and burning his son as a child sacrifice (21:6; cf. 23:10; Jer 7:31).<\/p>\n<p>Second Chronicles 33:11-16 indicates that he was taken as a prisoner of war to Babylon, that he genuinely repented there, that God restored him as king, and that he tried to abolish his former pagan practices and to restore proper worship of God alone. Skepticism about this account is not warranted, even though unparalleled in 2 Kings. Surviving Assyrian records twice mention Manasseh, saying that he faithfully provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esar-haddon (681–669 <span>BC<\/span>) and that he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (669–627 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Though Pharaoh Neco’s similar captivity and release is mentioned, Manasseh’s is not.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span>, at the age of 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded kings like Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:16; 32:33). His son Amon reverted to his father’s wicked practices, but reigned only two years (642–640 <span>BC<\/span>) before being assassinated. It was his godly grandson Josiah (640–609 <span>BC<\/span>) who led the people back to the true worship of Yahweh (2 Kgs 23:4-14). But even his reforms could not avert the judgment promised on account of Manasseh’s sins (vv 26-27).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Prayer of Manasseh.<\/p>\n<li>4. Pahath-moab’s son, who obeyed Ezra’s exhortation to divorce his pagan wife after the exile (Ezr 10:30).<\/li>\n<li>5. Hashum’s son, who obeyed Ezra’s exhortation to divorce his pagan wife after the exile (Ezr 10:33).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>MANASSEH (P<span>erson<\/span>)<\/h3>\n<li>1. Firstborn son of Joseph and his Egyptian wife, Asenath (Gn 41:50-51). Manasseh, along with Ephraim his brother, visited their grandfather Jacob on his deathbed. Jacob announced that Manasseh and Ephraim were to be considered his own, not Joseph’s sons (Gn 48:5-6), and that Manasseh, the firstborn, would have descendants not quite as great as those of Ephraim (vv 13-20). This explains why Ephraim and Manasseh (in that order) provided their names for two of the 12 tribes of Israel but Joseph did not, at least in most listings (cf. Rv 7:6). Manasseh also founded the Manassite family (Dt 4:43; 2 Kgs 10:33).<\/li>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Manasseh, Tribe of.<\/p>\n<li>2. KJV translation for Moses in Judges 18:30. In Hebrew the two names differ by only one letter. Apparently an early scribe was offended that this verse connected Moses’ grandson with idolatry, so he changed the name to Manasseh to preserve Moses’ reputation. <em>See<\/em> Moses.<\/li>\n<li>3. Thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>) and Jesus’ ancestor (Mt 1:10); notorious for his long and wicked reign, described in 2 Kings 21:1-26 and 2 Chronicles 33:1-20. His father was the godly king Hezekiah, and his mother was Hephzibah (2 Kgs 21:1).<\/li>\n<p>At the age of 12 he became co-ruler with his father. In 686 <span>BC<\/span> his father died and he became sole monarch at only 23. His 55-year reign (2 Kgs 21:1) is dated from the beginning of his co-regency, so he ruled 11 years as co-regent and 44 years as sole king—longer than any other king in Judah or in Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the Judean kings, even resorting to a series of murders, presumably to stay in power (21:16; 24:4). In addition to murder, among his sins listed in 2 Kings 21:2-9 are rebuilding the high places for pagan worship; encouraging Baal, sun, moon, and star worship; and burning his son as a child sacrifice (21:6; cf. 23:10; Jer 7:31).<\/p>\n<p>Second Chronicles 33:11-16 indicates that he was taken as a prisoner of war to Babylon, that he genuinely repented there, that God restored him as king, and that he tried to abolish his former pagan practices and to restore proper worship of God alone. Skepticism about this account is not warranted, even though unparalleled in 2 Kings. Surviving Assyrian records twice mention Manasseh, saying that he faithfully provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esar-haddon (681–669 <span>BC<\/span>) and that he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (669–627 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Though Pharaoh Neco’s similar captivity and release is mentioned, Manasseh’s is not.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span>, at the age of 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded kings like Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:16; 32:33). His son Amon reverted to his father’s wicked practices, but reigned only two years (642–640 <span>BC<\/span>) before being assassinated. It was his godly grandson Josiah (640–609 <span>BC<\/span>) who led the people back to the true worship of Yahweh (2 Kgs 23:4-14). But even his reforms could not avert the judgment promised on account of Manasseh’s sins (vv 26-27).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Prayer of Manasseh.<\/p>\n<li>4. Pahath-moab’s son, who obeyed Ezra’s exhortation to divorce his pagan wife after the exile (Ezr 10:30).<\/li>\n<li>5. Hashum’s son, who obeyed Ezra’s exhortation to divorce his pagan wife after the exile (Ezr 10:33).<\/li>","summary_ro":"MANASSEH (Person) 1. Firstborn son of Joseph and his Egyptian wife, Asenath (Gn 41:50-51). Manasseh, along with Ephraim his brother, visited their grandfather Jacob on his deathbed. Jacob announced that Manasseh and Ephraim were to be considered his own, not Joseph’s sons (Gn 48:5-6), and that Manasseh, the firstborn, would have descendants not quite as great as those of Ephraim (vv 13-20). This explains why Ephraim and Manasseh (in that order) provided their names for two of the 12 tribes of...","summary_en":"MANASSEH (Person) 1. Firstborn son of Joseph and his Egyptian wife, Asenath (Gn 41:50-51). Manasseh, along with Ephraim his brother, visited their grandfather Jacob on his deathbed. Jacob announced that Manasseh and Ephraim were to be considered his own, not Joseph’s sons (Gn 48:5-6), and that Manasseh, the firstborn, would have descendants not quite as great as those of Ephraim (vv 13-20). This explains why Ephraim and Manasseh (in that order) provided their names for two of the 12 tribes of...","source":"Articles\/M.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":47469,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 21:16","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 21:16","content_ro":"<p><strong>21:16<\/strong> <em>innocent blood:<\/em> Beyond his loathsome spiritual <em>sin<\/em><em>,<\/em> Manasseh was guilty of murder. Jewish tradition holds that Isaiah was one of many prophets that Manasseh put to death.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>21:16<\/strong> <em>innocent blood:<\/em> Beyond his loathsome spiritual <em>sin<\/em><em>,<\/em> Manasseh was guilty of murder. Jewish tradition holds that Isaiah was one of many prophets that Manasseh put to death.<\/p>","summary_ro":"21:16 innocent blood: Beyond his loathsome spiritual sin, Manasseh was guilty of murder. Jewish tradition holds that Isaiah was one of many prophets that Manasseh put to death.","summary_en":"21:16 innocent blood: Beyond his loathsome spiritual sin, Manasseh was guilty of murder. Jewish tradition holds that Isaiah was one of many prophets that Manasseh put to death.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":75095,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 21:16","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 21:16","content_ro":"<p><strong>21:16<\/strong> <em>innocent blood:<\/em> Beyond his loathsome spiritual <em>sin<\/em><em>,<\/em> Manasseh was guilty of murder. Jewish tradition holds that Isaiah was one of many prophets that Manasseh put to death.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>21:16<\/strong> <em>innocent blood:<\/em> Beyond his loathsome spiritual <em>sin<\/em><em>,<\/em> Manasseh was guilty of murder. Jewish tradition holds that Isaiah was one of many prophets that Manasseh put to death.<\/p>","summary_ro":"21:16 innocent blood: Beyond his loathsome spiritual sin, Manasseh was guilty of murder. Jewish tradition holds that Isaiah was one of many prophets that Manasseh put to death.","summary_en":"21:16 innocent blood: Beyond his loathsome spiritual sin, Manasseh was guilty of murder. Jewish tradition holds that Isaiah was one of many prophets that Manasseh put to death.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":102721,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 21:16","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 21:16","content_ro":"<p><strong>21:16<\/strong> <em>innocent blood:<\/em> Beyond his loathsome spiritual <em>sin<\/em><em>,<\/em> Manasseh was guilty of murder. Jewish tradition holds that Isaiah was one of many prophets that Manasseh put to death.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>21:16<\/strong> <em>innocent blood:<\/em> Beyond his loathsome spiritual <em>sin<\/em><em>,<\/em> Manasseh was guilty of murder. Jewish tradition holds that Isaiah was one of many prophets that Manasseh put to death.<\/p>","summary_ro":"21:16 innocent blood: Beyond his loathsome spiritual sin, Manasseh was guilty of murder. Jewish tradition holds that Isaiah was one of many prophets that Manasseh put to death.","summary_en":"21:16 innocent blood: Beyond his loathsome spiritual sin, Manasseh was guilty of murder. Jewish tradition holds that Isaiah was one of many prophets that Manasseh put to death.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":130347,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 21:16","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 21:16","content_ro":"<p><strong>21:16<\/strong> <em>innocent blood:<\/em> Beyond his loathsome spiritual <em>sin<\/em><em>,<\/em> Manasseh was guilty of murder. Jewish tradition holds that Isaiah was one of many prophets that Manasseh put to death.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>21:16<\/strong> <em>innocent blood:<\/em> Beyond his loathsome spiritual <em>sin<\/em><em>,<\/em> Manasseh was guilty of murder. Jewish tradition holds that Isaiah was one of many prophets that Manasseh put to death.<\/p>","summary_ro":"21:16 innocent blood: Beyond his loathsome spiritual sin, Manasseh was guilty of murder. Jewish tradition holds that Isaiah was one of many prophets that Manasseh put to death.","summary_en":"21:16 innocent blood: Beyond his loathsome spiritual sin, Manasseh was guilty of murder. Jewish tradition holds that Isaiah was one of many prophets that Manasseh put to death.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":61738,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Dangers of Sin","title_en":"The Dangers of Sin","content_ro":"<h3>The Dangers of Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15).<\/p>\n<p>The sinful acts of God’s people are prominent throughout the late monarchical period. Words such as <em>sin<\/em>, <em>evil<\/em>, and <em>wicked<\/em> appear frequently to assert that the kings of both Israel (2 Kgs 3:2; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:2) and Judah (8:18, 27; 21:2, 16, 20; 23:32, 37; 24:9, 19) did “what was evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight.”<\/p>\n<p>The northern kingdom was particularly culpable. Its kings and people were uniformly condemned for their godless ways (17:16-17, 22); the basic sin of apostate worship, introduced by Jeroboam I, continued in Israel until the end (10:29; 17:21-23; 23:15). God repeatedly warned the people through his prophets (17:13) and brought the chastisement of foreign invaders (13:3, 7). Nothing moved the Israelites’ hearts, for they were set in their ways (13:6; 17:14-17). Eventually God allowed foreign invaders to defeat them and occupy their land, sending many into exile (17:18, 20-23).<\/p>\n<p>The people of Judah were not innocent either. Many of their kings were guilty of gross wickedness, and Judean society grew increasingly apostate and followed “the evil practices that Israel had introduced” (17:19). Despite God’s repeated acts of kindness (e.g., 19:32-36) and warnings delivered through his prophets (21:8-15), the people persisted in their sin, and God’s judgment once again fell (21:10-15; 23:26-27; 24:1-4; 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Where there is genuine repentance, God will graciously forgive his people and remit the penalty. But how much better to be faithful to God’s Word (2 Kgs 18:5-6; 23:25; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; 2 Tim 4:7; Rev 2:10), so that God’s blessings (Ps 112:1; 119:1-2; 144:15) might bring success (2 Kgs 18:7; see also 2 Chr 26:4-5; Prov 3:1-10; 2 Cor 3:5). God’s people need to give God first place in their lives (1 Kgs 18:21, 36-39; see Deut 6:13; 10:12-13; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33), pray for God’s persevering grace (Ps 19:13), and let the word of God be their guide (Ps 119:9; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 18:20-21; Exod 34:7; Lev 26:14-46; Num 15:30-31; Deut 31:16-18; 1 Kgs 8:46-51; 2 Kgs 8:18, 27; 2 Kgs 13:1-7; 14:23-24; 17:13-23; 18:9-12; 21:8-16; 23:25-27; 24:1-3, 19–25:21; 2 Chr 7:14; 33:12-13; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; Jer 44:2-6; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16; 4:7; Rev 2:10<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Dangers of Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15).<\/p>\n<p>The sinful acts of God’s people are prominent throughout the late monarchical period. Words such as <em>sin<\/em>, <em>evil<\/em>, and <em>wicked<\/em> appear frequently to assert that the kings of both Israel (2 Kgs 3:2; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:2) and Judah (8:18, 27; 21:2, 16, 20; 23:32, 37; 24:9, 19) did “what was evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight.”<\/p>\n<p>The northern kingdom was particularly culpable. Its kings and people were uniformly condemned for their godless ways (17:16-17, 22); the basic sin of apostate worship, introduced by Jeroboam I, continued in Israel until the end (10:29; 17:21-23; 23:15). God repeatedly warned the people through his prophets (17:13) and brought the chastisement of foreign invaders (13:3, 7). Nothing moved the Israelites’ hearts, for they were set in their ways (13:6; 17:14-17). Eventually God allowed foreign invaders to defeat them and occupy their land, sending many into exile (17:18, 20-23).<\/p>\n<p>The people of Judah were not innocent either. Many of their kings were guilty of gross wickedness, and Judean society grew increasingly apostate and followed “the evil practices that Israel had introduced” (17:19). Despite God’s repeated acts of kindness (e.g., 19:32-36) and warnings delivered through his prophets (21:8-15), the people persisted in their sin, and God’s judgment once again fell (21:10-15; 23:26-27; 24:1-4; 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Where there is genuine repentance, God will graciously forgive his people and remit the penalty. But how much better to be faithful to God’s Word (2 Kgs 18:5-6; 23:25; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; 2 Tim 4:7; Rev 2:10), so that God’s blessings (Ps 112:1; 119:1-2; 144:15) might bring success (2 Kgs 18:7; see also 2 Chr 26:4-5; Prov 3:1-10; 2 Cor 3:5). God’s people need to give God first place in their lives (1 Kgs 18:21, 36-39; see Deut 6:13; 10:12-13; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33), pray for God’s persevering grace (Ps 19:13), and let the word of God be their guide (Ps 119:9; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 18:20-21; Exod 34:7; Lev 26:14-46; Num 15:30-31; Deut 31:16-18; 1 Kgs 8:46-51; 2 Kgs 8:18, 27; 2 Kgs 13:1-7; 14:23-24; 17:13-23; 18:9-12; 21:8-16; 23:25-27; 24:1-3, 19–25:21; 2 Chr 7:14; 33:12-13; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; Jer 44:2-6; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16; 4:7; Rev 2:10<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Dangers of Sin Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15). The sinful acts of God’s ...","summary_en":"The Dangers of Sin Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15). The sinful acts of God’s ...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":61801,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People","title_en":"God’s Judgment of His People","content_ro":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\n<p>Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\n<p>Sometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\n<p>Yet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\n<p>God never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\n<p>Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\n<p>Sometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\n<p>Yet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\n<p>God never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","summary_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","summary_en":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":89364,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Dangers of Sin","title_en":"The Dangers of Sin","content_ro":"<h3>The Dangers of Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15).<\/p>\n<p>The sinful acts of God’s people are prominent throughout the late monarchical period. Words such as <em>sin<\/em>, <em>evil<\/em>, and <em>wicked<\/em> appear frequently to assert that the kings of both Israel (2 Kgs 3:2; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:2) and Judah (8:18, 27; 21:2, 16, 20; 23:32, 37; 24:9, 19) did “what was evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight.”<\/p>\n<p>The northern kingdom was particularly culpable. Its kings and people were uniformly condemned for their godless ways (17:16-17, 22); the basic sin of apostate worship, introduced by Jeroboam I, continued in Israel until the end (10:29; 17:21-23; 23:15). God repeatedly warned the people through his prophets (17:13) and brought the chastisement of foreign invaders (13:3, 7). Nothing moved the Israelites’ hearts, for they were set in their ways (13:6; 17:14-17). Eventually God allowed foreign invaders to defeat them and occupy their land, sending many into exile (17:18, 20-23).<\/p>\n<p>The people of Judah were not innocent either. Many of their kings were guilty of gross wickedness, and Judean society grew increasingly apostate and followed “the evil practices that Israel had introduced” (17:19). Despite God’s repeated acts of kindness (e.g., 19:32-36) and warnings delivered through his prophets (21:8-15), the people persisted in their sin, and God’s judgment once again fell (21:10-15; 23:26-27; 24:1-4; 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Where there is genuine repentance, God will graciously forgive his people and remit the penalty. But how much better to be faithful to God’s Word (2 Kgs 18:5-6; 23:25; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; 2 Tim 4:7; Rev 2:10), so that God’s blessings (Ps 112:1; 119:1-2; 144:15) might bring success (2 Kgs 18:7; see also 2 Chr 26:4-5; Prov 3:1-10; 2 Cor 3:5). God’s people need to give God first place in their lives (1 Kgs 18:21, 36-39; see Deut 6:13; 10:12-13; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33), pray for God’s persevering grace (Ps 19:13), and let the word of God be their guide (Ps 119:9; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 18:20-21; Exod 34:7; Lev 26:14-46; Num 15:30-31; Deut 31:16-18; 1 Kgs 8:46-51; 2 Kgs 8:18, 27; 2 Kgs 13:1-7; 14:23-24; 17:13-23; 18:9-12; 21:8-16; 23:25-27; 24:1-3, 19–25:21; 2 Chr 7:14; 33:12-13; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; Jer 44:2-6; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16; 4:7; Rev 2:10<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Dangers of Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15).<\/p>\n<p>The sinful acts of God’s people are prominent throughout the late monarchical period. Words such as <em>sin<\/em>, <em>evil<\/em>, and <em>wicked<\/em> appear frequently to assert that the kings of both Israel (2 Kgs 3:2; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:2) and Judah (8:18, 27; 21:2, 16, 20; 23:32, 37; 24:9, 19) did “what was evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight.”<\/p>\n<p>The northern kingdom was particularly culpable. Its kings and people were uniformly condemned for their godless ways (17:16-17, 22); the basic sin of apostate worship, introduced by Jeroboam I, continued in Israel until the end (10:29; 17:21-23; 23:15). God repeatedly warned the people through his prophets (17:13) and brought the chastisement of foreign invaders (13:3, 7). Nothing moved the Israelites’ hearts, for they were set in their ways (13:6; 17:14-17). Eventually God allowed foreign invaders to defeat them and occupy their land, sending many into exile (17:18, 20-23).<\/p>\n<p>The people of Judah were not innocent either. Many of their kings were guilty of gross wickedness, and Judean society grew increasingly apostate and followed “the evil practices that Israel had introduced” (17:19). Despite God’s repeated acts of kindness (e.g., 19:32-36) and warnings delivered through his prophets (21:8-15), the people persisted in their sin, and God’s judgment once again fell (21:10-15; 23:26-27; 24:1-4; 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Where there is genuine repentance, God will graciously forgive his people and remit the penalty. But how much better to be faithful to God’s Word (2 Kgs 18:5-6; 23:25; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; 2 Tim 4:7; Rev 2:10), so that God’s blessings (Ps 112:1; 119:1-2; 144:15) might bring success (2 Kgs 18:7; see also 2 Chr 26:4-5; Prov 3:1-10; 2 Cor 3:5). God’s people need to give God first place in their lives (1 Kgs 18:21, 36-39; see Deut 6:13; 10:12-13; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33), pray for God’s persevering grace (Ps 19:13), and let the word of God be their guide (Ps 119:9; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 18:20-21; Exod 34:7; Lev 26:14-46; Num 15:30-31; Deut 31:16-18; 1 Kgs 8:46-51; 2 Kgs 8:18, 27; 2 Kgs 13:1-7; 14:23-24; 17:13-23; 18:9-12; 21:8-16; 23:25-27; 24:1-3, 19–25:21; 2 Chr 7:14; 33:12-13; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; Jer 44:2-6; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16; 4:7; Rev 2:10<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Dangers of Sin Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15). The sinful acts of God’s ...","summary_en":"The Dangers of Sin Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15). The sinful acts of God’s ...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":89427,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People","title_en":"God’s Judgment of His People","content_ro":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\n<p>Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\n<p>Sometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\n<p>Yet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\n<p>God never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\n<p>Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\n<p>Sometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\n<p>Yet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\n<p>God never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","summary_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","summary_en":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":116990,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Dangers of Sin","title_en":"The Dangers of Sin","content_ro":"<h3>The Dangers of Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15).<\/p>\n<p>The sinful acts of God’s people are prominent throughout the late monarchical period. Words such as <em>sin<\/em>, <em>evil<\/em>, and <em>wicked<\/em> appear frequently to assert that the kings of both Israel (2 Kgs 3:2; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:2) and Judah (8:18, 27; 21:2, 16, 20; 23:32, 37; 24:9, 19) did “what was evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight.”<\/p>\n<p>The northern kingdom was particularly culpable. Its kings and people were uniformly condemned for their godless ways (17:16-17, 22); the basic sin of apostate worship, introduced by Jeroboam I, continued in Israel until the end (10:29; 17:21-23; 23:15). God repeatedly warned the people through his prophets (17:13) and brought the chastisement of foreign invaders (13:3, 7). Nothing moved the Israelites’ hearts, for they were set in their ways (13:6; 17:14-17). Eventually God allowed foreign invaders to defeat them and occupy their land, sending many into exile (17:18, 20-23).<\/p>\n<p>The people of Judah were not innocent either. Many of their kings were guilty of gross wickedness, and Judean society grew increasingly apostate and followed “the evil practices that Israel had introduced” (17:19). Despite God’s repeated acts of kindness (e.g., 19:32-36) and warnings delivered through his prophets (21:8-15), the people persisted in their sin, and God’s judgment once again fell (21:10-15; 23:26-27; 24:1-4; 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Where there is genuine repentance, God will graciously forgive his people and remit the penalty. But how much better to be faithful to God’s Word (2 Kgs 18:5-6; 23:25; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; 2 Tim 4:7; Rev 2:10), so that God’s blessings (Ps 112:1; 119:1-2; 144:15) might bring success (2 Kgs 18:7; see also 2 Chr 26:4-5; Prov 3:1-10; 2 Cor 3:5). God’s people need to give God first place in their lives (1 Kgs 18:21, 36-39; see Deut 6:13; 10:12-13; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33), pray for God’s persevering grace (Ps 19:13), and let the word of God be their guide (Ps 119:9; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 18:20-21; Exod 34:7; Lev 26:14-46; Num 15:30-31; Deut 31:16-18; 1 Kgs 8:46-51; 2 Kgs 8:18, 27; 2 Kgs 13:1-7; 14:23-24; 17:13-23; 18:9-12; 21:8-16; 23:25-27; 24:1-3, 19–25:21; 2 Chr 7:14; 33:12-13; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; Jer 44:2-6; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16; 4:7; Rev 2:10<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Dangers of Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15).<\/p>\n<p>The sinful acts of God’s people are prominent throughout the late monarchical period. Words such as <em>sin<\/em>, <em>evil<\/em>, and <em>wicked<\/em> appear frequently to assert that the kings of both Israel (2 Kgs 3:2; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:2) and Judah (8:18, 27; 21:2, 16, 20; 23:32, 37; 24:9, 19) did “what was evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight.”<\/p>\n<p>The northern kingdom was particularly culpable. Its kings and people were uniformly condemned for their godless ways (17:16-17, 22); the basic sin of apostate worship, introduced by Jeroboam I, continued in Israel until the end (10:29; 17:21-23; 23:15). God repeatedly warned the people through his prophets (17:13) and brought the chastisement of foreign invaders (13:3, 7). Nothing moved the Israelites’ hearts, for they were set in their ways (13:6; 17:14-17). Eventually God allowed foreign invaders to defeat them and occupy their land, sending many into exile (17:18, 20-23).<\/p>\n<p>The people of Judah were not innocent either. Many of their kings were guilty of gross wickedness, and Judean society grew increasingly apostate and followed “the evil practices that Israel had introduced” (17:19). Despite God’s repeated acts of kindness (e.g., 19:32-36) and warnings delivered through his prophets (21:8-15), the people persisted in their sin, and God’s judgment once again fell (21:10-15; 23:26-27; 24:1-4; 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Where there is genuine repentance, God will graciously forgive his people and remit the penalty. But how much better to be faithful to God’s Word (2 Kgs 18:5-6; 23:25; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; 2 Tim 4:7; Rev 2:10), so that God’s blessings (Ps 112:1; 119:1-2; 144:15) might bring success (2 Kgs 18:7; see also 2 Chr 26:4-5; Prov 3:1-10; 2 Cor 3:5). God’s people need to give God first place in their lives (1 Kgs 18:21, 36-39; see Deut 6:13; 10:12-13; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33), pray for God’s persevering grace (Ps 19:13), and let the word of God be their guide (Ps 119:9; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 18:20-21; Exod 34:7; Lev 26:14-46; Num 15:30-31; Deut 31:16-18; 1 Kgs 8:46-51; 2 Kgs 8:18, 27; 2 Kgs 13:1-7; 14:23-24; 17:13-23; 18:9-12; 21:8-16; 23:25-27; 24:1-3, 19–25:21; 2 Chr 7:14; 33:12-13; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; Jer 44:2-6; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16; 4:7; Rev 2:10<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Dangers of Sin Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15). The sinful acts of God’s ...","summary_en":"The Dangers of Sin Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15). The sinful acts of God’s ...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":117053,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People","title_en":"God’s Judgment of His People","content_ro":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\n<p>Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\n<p>Sometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\n<p>Yet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\n<p>God never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\n<p>Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\n<p>Sometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\n<p>Yet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\n<p>God never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","summary_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","summary_en":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":144616,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Dangers of Sin","title_en":"The Dangers of Sin","content_ro":"<h3>The Dangers of Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15).<\/p>\n<p>The sinful acts of God’s people are prominent throughout the late monarchical period. Words such as <em>sin<\/em>, <em>evil<\/em>, and <em>wicked<\/em> appear frequently to assert that the kings of both Israel (2 Kgs 3:2; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:2) and Judah (8:18, 27; 21:2, 16, 20; 23:32, 37; 24:9, 19) did “what was evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight.”<\/p>\n<p>The northern kingdom was particularly culpable. Its kings and people were uniformly condemned for their godless ways (17:16-17, 22); the basic sin of apostate worship, introduced by Jeroboam I, continued in Israel until the end (10:29; 17:21-23; 23:15). God repeatedly warned the people through his prophets (17:13) and brought the chastisement of foreign invaders (13:3, 7). Nothing moved the Israelites’ hearts, for they were set in their ways (13:6; 17:14-17). Eventually God allowed foreign invaders to defeat them and occupy their land, sending many into exile (17:18, 20-23).<\/p>\n<p>The people of Judah were not innocent either. Many of their kings were guilty of gross wickedness, and Judean society grew increasingly apostate and followed “the evil practices that Israel had introduced” (17:19). Despite God’s repeated acts of kindness (e.g., 19:32-36) and warnings delivered through his prophets (21:8-15), the people persisted in their sin, and God’s judgment once again fell (21:10-15; 23:26-27; 24:1-4; 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Where there is genuine repentance, God will graciously forgive his people and remit the penalty. But how much better to be faithful to God’s Word (2 Kgs 18:5-6; 23:25; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; 2 Tim 4:7; Rev 2:10), so that God’s blessings (Ps 112:1; 119:1-2; 144:15) might bring success (2 Kgs 18:7; see also 2 Chr 26:4-5; Prov 3:1-10; 2 Cor 3:5). God’s people need to give God first place in their lives (1 Kgs 18:21, 36-39; see Deut 6:13; 10:12-13; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33), pray for God’s persevering grace (Ps 19:13), and let the word of God be their guide (Ps 119:9; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 18:20-21; Exod 34:7; Lev 26:14-46; Num 15:30-31; Deut 31:16-18; 1 Kgs 8:46-51; 2 Kgs 8:18, 27; 2 Kgs 13:1-7; 14:23-24; 17:13-23; 18:9-12; 21:8-16; 23:25-27; 24:1-3, 19–25:21; 2 Chr 7:14; 33:12-13; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; Jer 44:2-6; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16; 4:7; Rev 2:10<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Dangers of Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15).<\/p>\n<p>The sinful acts of God’s people are prominent throughout the late monarchical period. Words such as <em>sin<\/em>, <em>evil<\/em>, and <em>wicked<\/em> appear frequently to assert that the kings of both Israel (2 Kgs 3:2; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:2) and Judah (8:18, 27; 21:2, 16, 20; 23:32, 37; 24:9, 19) did “what was evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight.”<\/p>\n<p>The northern kingdom was particularly culpable. Its kings and people were uniformly condemned for their godless ways (17:16-17, 22); the basic sin of apostate worship, introduced by Jeroboam I, continued in Israel until the end (10:29; 17:21-23; 23:15). God repeatedly warned the people through his prophets (17:13) and brought the chastisement of foreign invaders (13:3, 7). Nothing moved the Israelites’ hearts, for they were set in their ways (13:6; 17:14-17). Eventually God allowed foreign invaders to defeat them and occupy their land, sending many into exile (17:18, 20-23).<\/p>\n<p>The people of Judah were not innocent either. Many of their kings were guilty of gross wickedness, and Judean society grew increasingly apostate and followed “the evil practices that Israel had introduced” (17:19). Despite God’s repeated acts of kindness (e.g., 19:32-36) and warnings delivered through his prophets (21:8-15), the people persisted in their sin, and God’s judgment once again fell (21:10-15; 23:26-27; 24:1-4; 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Where there is genuine repentance, God will graciously forgive his people and remit the penalty. But how much better to be faithful to God’s Word (2 Kgs 18:5-6; 23:25; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; 2 Tim 4:7; Rev 2:10), so that God’s blessings (Ps 112:1; 119:1-2; 144:15) might bring success (2 Kgs 18:7; see also 2 Chr 26:4-5; Prov 3:1-10; 2 Cor 3:5). God’s people need to give God first place in their lives (1 Kgs 18:21, 36-39; see Deut 6:13; 10:12-13; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33), pray for God’s persevering grace (Ps 19:13), and let the word of God be their guide (Ps 119:9; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 18:20-21; Exod 34:7; Lev 26:14-46; Num 15:30-31; Deut 31:16-18; 1 Kgs 8:46-51; 2 Kgs 8:18, 27; 2 Kgs 13:1-7; 14:23-24; 17:13-23; 18:9-12; 21:8-16; 23:25-27; 24:1-3, 19–25:21; 2 Chr 7:14; 33:12-13; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; Jer 44:2-6; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16; 4:7; Rev 2:10<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Dangers of Sin Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15). The sinful acts of God’s ...","summary_en":"The Dangers of Sin Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15). The sinful acts of God’s ...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":144679,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People","title_en":"God’s Judgment of His People","content_ro":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\n<p>Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\n<p>Sometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\n<p>Yet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\n<p>God never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>God’s Judgment of His People<\/h3>\n<p>Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4).<\/p>\n<p>Sometimes during this period, God’s people are portrayed positively. The people of Judah rejoiced over the removal of Athaliah and the installation of Joash as king (11:12, 18-20). At times, the people were instrumental in the succession of kings (14:21; 23:30) or were responsive to godly leadership (11:17; 18:36; 23:1-3, 21-23).<\/p>\n<p>Yet despite God’s repeated warnings through his prophets (17:13), the people of both kingdoms became set in their apostasy (17:14-19, 22). So God’s righteous wrath burned against them and their leaders, and he brought his threatened judgment upon them (17:22-23; 21:10-15; 22:17; 23:26-27; 24:20; 25:21). God acted in accordance with the stipulations in his covenant with them (Lev 26:27-39), even though he loved his people and longed to restore them (see Hos 11:1-11).<\/p>\n<p>God never gave up caring for his people. He rescued them from Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:17–19:37) and promised that a remnant would again thrive in the land (19:30-31). Even the good treatment Jehoiachin received in Babylon (25:27-30) no doubt renewed hope among the repentant of God’s people. God promised to one day restore his people from exile and give them fellowship with him in the land once again, ruling over them through his chosen king, the descendant of David (Jer 23:3-6; see also Isa 11; Rom 11:5-36).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 26:27-39; 2 Kgs 17:7-23; 21:9-16; 23:26-27; 24:20–25:21; Ps 62:12; Prov 11:31; Isa 3:10-11; Jer 1:16; 17:10; 23:3-6; Ezek 7:1-9; 33:18-20; 34:17-24; 39:23-24; Hos 11:1-11; Amos 3:2; Matt 25:24-30; Luke 12:47-48; 13:6-9; John 5:45-47; Rom 11:5-36; Col 3:23-25; Heb 12:25; Jas 2:12-13; 1 Pet 1:17; Rev 2:1–3:22<\/p>","summary_ro":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","summary_en":"God’s Judgment of His People Although the kings of Israel and Judah had a major role in the history of the divided kingdom, the people also played a part in what occurred. As they followed their wicked rulers (2 Kgs 3:3; 17:22; 21:9, 11, 16), their own hearts strayed from God (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 17:9-11; 18:4; 22:17). They participated in the religious practices initiated by Jeroboam I (10:28-31; 17:21-22) and worshiped at pagan shrines (12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35; 18:4). Sometimes during this p...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"17":[{"id":21971,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Books of First and Second Kings","title_en":"Books of First and Second Kings","content_ro":"<h3>KINGS, Books of First and Second<\/h3>\n<p>Books continuing the history of the covenant people as recorded in Joshua, Judges, and the books of Samuel. The record in Kings begins with the events at the end of David’s reign (1 Kgs 1–2). It continues through the reign of Solomon (chs 3–11); the histories of the divided kingdoms (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17); and the history of the surviving kingdom in the south, through its fall in 586 <span>BC<\/span> and the subsequent kindness shown Jehoiachin by Evil-merodach, king of Babylon, around 561 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 18–25).<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Authorship and Date<\/p>\n<p>• Sources<\/p>\n<p>• Theology and Purpose<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"AuthorshipandDate\">Authorship and Date<\/p>\n<p>Kings was originally regarded as one book in the Hebrew canon; the division into two books of approximately equal length appeared first in the Septuagint and finally entered the Hebrew Bible in the 15th century <span>AD<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>The book itself is anonymous, and information about its author can only be deduced by examining the concerns and perspectives of the work. The Babylonian Talmud (<em>Baba Bathra<\/em> 15a) attributes Kings to Jeremiah. Although this identification could have arisen from the tendency of later Jewish tradition to assign biblical books to prophetic authors, the theory of origin in prophetic circles fits the evidence quite well. Substantial portions are given to the lives of the prophets; 16 of 47 chapters are devoted to the lives of Elijah and Elisha (1 Kgs 17—2 Kgs 10), and there is considerable interest in other prophetic figures such as Ahijah (1 Kgs 11:29-39; 14:1-16), an unnamed man of God (13:1-10), and Micaiah (22:13-28). Possible dependence on Isaiah (2 Kgs 18–20; cf. Is 36–39) and Jeremiah (2 Kgs 24–25; cf. Jer 52) also suggest prophetic origin. The author-compiler also shows intense concern with the efficacy of the prophetic word, frequently calling attention to the fulfillment of words spoken earlier by the prophets.<\/p>\n<p>One might initially think that such a history would be unlikely for a prophet, but the evidence is to the contrary. The prophets were the guardians of the covenant relationship and are known to have produced accounts used as sources by other biblical historians. The following are among such sources: the acts of Samuel the seer, the acts of Nathan the prophet, the acts of Gad the seer (1 Chr 29:29); the acts of Nathan the prophet, the prophecy of Ahijah the Shilonite, the visions of Iddo the seer (2 Chr 9:29); the chronicles of Shemaiah the prophet and of Iddo the seer (12:15); the annotations of the prophet Iddo (13:22); and the acts of Uzziah by Isaiah the prophet (26:22). Add to this the fact that Kings is positioned in the Hebrew canon in the Former Prophets (Joshua to 2 Kings), and a consistent picture of prophetic origin emerges.<\/p>\n<p>The date of the final part of the book must be after the last events recorded. Evil-merodach’s kindness toward Jehoiachin (c. 561 <span>BC<\/span>) is the terminus of the book and therefore fixes the earliest date. Since the work shows no knowledge of the restoration period, a date before 539 <span>BC<\/span> is probable. The author’s selection of his data to answer the burning theological questions of the exilic community also suggests a date between 561 and 539 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Sources\">Sources<\/p>\n<p>The compiler of Kings specifically names three of the sources that he used in his work, and biblical scholars have suggested the presence of a number of other sources that may have been cited. Of course, the sources not mentioned specifically by the compiler are only the speculations of those who have studied his work and can have only varying degrees of probability. The sources both specified and alleged are as follows.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the Acts of Solomon<\/h5>\n<p>As 1 Kings 11:41 says, “The rest of the events in Solomon’s reign, including his wisdom, are recorded in <em>The Book of the Acts of Solomon”<\/em> (<span>nlt<\/span>). Presumably additional materials of a biographical nature were included, specifically accounts similar to the judgment between the two mothers (3:16-28) or the visit of the queen of Sheba (10:1-10). There has been debate as to whether these materials were official court records or nonofficial documents. Some scholars have attempted to isolate further materials within this section by identifying descriptions of the buildings as from temple archives (chs 6–7) and lists of administrators as from administrative documents (chs 4–5), but this must remain speculative.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the History of the Kings of Israel<\/h5>\n<p>This source is mentioned 17 times in Kings, usually in the closing formulas at the end of the account of the reign of a northern king. Some idea of the nature of these chronicles can be derived from looking at the type of information to which the compiler refers his readers (see 1 Kgs 14:19; 16:27; 22:39; 2 Kgs 13:12; 14:28). These passages suggest that this source was the official annals covering the reigns of the kings.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the History of the Kings of Judah<\/h5>\n<p>This source is mentioned in 15 passages, and as with the kings of Israel, is found in the concluding formulas to the accounts of the reigns. This source was to be consulted for additional details on individuals’ reigns (for example, see 1 Kgs 15:23; 22:45; 2 Kgs 20:20; 21:17). These sources for the histories of the two kingdoms were probably similar to the annals known from the surrounding cultures, particularly from the reigns of Assyrian kings. They were likely official court histories kept in Samaria and Jerusalem.<\/p>\n<p>In addition to these explicitly mentioned sources, scholars have suggested the compiler drew on other sources that he does not name.<\/p>\n<h5>Davidic Court History<\/h5>\n<p>Second Samuel 9–20 is often identified as a unit of material in the composition of the books of Samuel; it is variously called “the court history” or “the succession narrative.” Because of similar vocabulary and outlook, 1 Kings 1–2 are often associated with this material from Samuel. The statement of 1 Kings 2:46, “so the kingdom was now firmly in Solomon’s grip,” is taken to be the end of this record.<\/p>\n<h5>Sources for the House of Ahab<\/h5>\n<p>The reigns of individual kings are ordinarily given only brief notices; for example, the father of Ahab, Omri, is given eight verses, even though when judged by political and economic significance, he was among the greatest of the northern kings (1 Kgs 16:21-28). However, beginning with the reign of Ahab, the record becomes quite expansive, and extensive coverage is given the dynasty of Ahab through the coup by Jehu (1 Kgs 16—2 Kgs 12). The use of the stereotyped formulas for the reigns is suspended in this material, and the existence of other literature used by the compiler is probable. This material is commonly subdivided into further sources for the lives of Elijah and Elisha and the reign of Ahab.<\/p>\n<p>The Elijah section covers material in the following chapters: 1 Kings 17–19, including the feeding by the ravens, the incidents with the widow of Zarephath, the drought, the fire on Carmel, and the revelation of God at Sinai; 1 Kings 21, the affair of Naboth’s vineyard; and 2 Kings 1, the death of Ahaziah’s messengers. The reign of Ahab, which gets so much attention in Kings, is primarily a backdrop for the accounts concerning Elijah.<\/p>\n<p>The Elisha material found in 2 Kings 2–13 may have had an independent literary development from that of the Elijah accounts. It includes the following: chapter 2 (Elisha’s succession to the prophetic office, the purification of a spring, the death of mocking children); chapter 3 (on the campaign against Moab); chapter 4 (the widow’s oil, the Shunammite woman); chapter 5 (Naaman’s leprosy); chapter 6 (the Aramean attempt to capture Elisha); chapter 7 (the famine in Samaria); chapter 8 (the Shunammite’s property, the coup of Hazael); chapter 9 (the anointing of Jehu); and chapter 13 (the death of Elisha). No other portion of the OT takes the sheer delight in the miraculous that is seen in the Elisha narratives.<\/p>\n<p>In 1 Kings 16 to 2 Kings 13 there are additional incidents not directly related to the biographies of Elijah and Elisha; accounts such as the military campaigns of 1 Kings 20:1-34 and further details of Jehu’s coup (2 Kgs 9:11–10:36) are often attributed to a third source containing accounts of the dynasty of Ahab and his successors. In all three of these possible sources the orientation is toward affairs in the northern kingdom.<\/p>\n<h5>Isaiah Source<\/h5>\n<p>The account of the reign of Hezekiah contains a section (2 Kgs 18:13–20:19) that is nearly a verbatim citation of material also found in Isaiah (Is 36:1–39:8). The section records the invasion of Sennacherib, the mission of the Rabshakeh, Hezekiah’s prayer, Isaiah’s prophecy, Hezekiah’s illness, the regression of the sun, and the envoys from Merodach-baladan. The material must be regarded as based on the book of Isaiah or some other source used in both Isaiah and Kings.<\/p>\n<h5>A Prophetic Source<\/h5>\n<p>Because Kings shows great interest in the prophets and their ministries, various scholars have suggested that yet another source was used by the compiler; this would be an independent literary unit containing accounts of the prophets. This source would have contained the records for the material on Ahijah (1 Kgs 11:29-39; 14:1-16), unnamed prophets (ch 12; 20:35-43), Micaiah (22:13-28), and other references.<\/p>\n<p>Apart from the sources explicitly mentioned and inferences about their character, the remainder of the sources suggested have only varying degrees of probability. Considerable scholarly effort has gone into identifying and characterizing such sources, but it remains speculative. When considering the sources the compiler may have used, one important caution must be kept in mind. Even if such sources did exist, one cannot have confidence in a reconstruction of the compositional history. Which sources had already been integrated into a larger composition before they were used by the compiler of Kings? We cannot be certain that the life situation out of which these other sources grew has been correctly identified, nor can we know that even the compiler himself was aware of the past history of his sources. Biblical scholarship has expended considerable energy in trying to delineate the past history of the book of Kings, but it has often been at the neglect of the unity of perspective that is the product of the final compiler(s) in whose hands the book received its canonical form.<\/p>\n<p>What is important to understanding the book is not the perspective of its various sources (of which the compiler himself may have been unaware), but the perspective of the book as a whole on the history of the kingdoms. It is the outline that the compiler has imposed on the sources that establishes the teaching of the book; his sources are used in accord with his own purposes, a fact that makes the purposes for which the sources had been prepared largely irrelevant to the teaching of the book in its present form. Exploring possible sources, worthwhile in itself, must not eclipse the message of the book as a whole. This is not to imply that the books of Kings are simply a compilation of unaltered sources. The writer(s) undoubtedly exercised a measure of selectivity and literary skill in composing the historical narrative.<\/p>\n<p>One compositional technique of the compiler is quite prominent in the histories of the divided kingdoms: this is the use of formulaic introductions and conclusions to the various reigns. The formulas for both kingdoms are quite similar, differing only in minor details. For the kings of Judah, the full introductory formula is as follows: (1) year of accession synchronized with the regnal year of the northern king; (2) age of the king at his accession; (3) length of his reign; (4) name of his mother; (5) judgment on the character of the reign. The account of a Judean king’s reign is concluded as follows: (1) a reference to the chronicles of the kings of Judah for further information; (2) a statement regarding the death of the king, including the place of burial; (3) successor: “And his son reigned in his stead” (<span>rsv<\/span>). The full formula for a Judean king can be seen, for example, in the reign of Rehoboam (1 Kgs 14:21-22, 29-31).<\/p>\n<p>The formulas differ slightly for the kings of Israel; the introduction is as follows: (1) year of succession synchronized with the regnal year of the southern king; (2) length of his reign; (3) location of the royal residence; (4) condemnation for idolatry; (5) name of the king’s father. The account of an Israelite king’s reign ends as follows: (1) a reference to the chronicles of the kings of Israel for further information; (2) a statement regarding his death; (3) a statement of the succession of his son, unless a usurper follows. The full formula for an Israelite king can be seen, for example, in the reign of Baasha (1 Kgs 15:33-34; 16:5-6).<\/p>\n<p>There is some variation in the use of these patterns, but on the whole, they are consistently followed and provide the basic framework for the history of the divided kingdom. The synchronisms of the reigns provide data for constructing the chronology of the period. The variations in the formulas may reflect the characteristics of the sources the compiler was using or may reflect his own interests. The name of the mother of a Judean king is recorded, but not of an Israelite king, perhaps reflecting concern with a more exact and fuller record of the Davidic succession. The royal residence is presumed to be Jerusalem for the southern kings (though it may be mentioned) but is recorded for the northern kings since it moved several times, from Shechem to Penuel to Tirzah to Samaria. The mention of the king’s father for a northern ruler also reflects the frequent change in dynasties there, as opposed to the dynastic stability of Judah, which is reinforced by mentioning the burial of almost all its kings in the city of David.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheologyandPurpose\">Theology and Purpose<\/p>\n<p>The books of Kings record the history of the covenant people from the end of the reign of David (961 <span>BC<\/span>) through the fall of the southern kingdom (586 <span>BC<\/span>). Yet it is not history written in accord with modern expectations for history textbooks. Rather than concentrating on economic, political, and military themes as they shaped the history of the period, the compiler of Kings is motivated by theological concerns.<\/p>\n<p>Evaluation of the theology and purpose of the books of Kings is made easier by the fact that there is a parallel history for much of Kings found in the books of Chronicles. By comparing the two accounts, especially where the later Chronicler adds or deletes material found in Kings, the interests of both histories are thrown into clearer relief.<\/p>\n<p>The books of Kings were composed during the exile, likely between 560 and 539 <span>BC<\/span>. Jerusalem had been turned into rubble, and there was no longer a throne of David. Those two pillars of the popular theology—the inviolability of the temple and the throne of David (Jer 7:4; 13:13-14; 22:1-9; see 1 Kgs 8:16, 29)—had tumbled. If Israel’s faith was to survive, the burning questions that had to be answered were “How did it all happen? Can’t God keep his promises to David and to Zion? Have the promises failed?” The writer of Kings aims to deal with the bewilderment of the chosen people in response to the disasters of 722 <span>BC<\/span> (fall of Samaria) and 586 <span>BC<\/span> (fall of Jerusalem). Kings, like the book of Job, is a theodicy, a justification of the ways of God to men.<\/p>\n<p>In order to answer the question “How did it happen?” the compiler adopts the procedure of recounting the history of the covenant people in light of standards propounded in the Law. For this reason Kings could be called Pentateuchal history, or even more pointedly, Deuteronomic history, for standards propounded only in the book of Deuteronomy in the Pentateuch are used by the compiler to measure the kingdoms. Among the prominent themes selected from Deuteronomy and applied to the kingdoms are the centralization of worship, the institution of the monarchy, the efficacy of the prophetic word, and the outworking of the covenant curses on disobedience.<\/p>\n<h5>Centralization of Worship<\/h5>\n<p>The primary concern of the writer is the purity of the worship of the Lord. His major criterion for measuring this purity is the attitude of the kings toward centralization of worship in the Jerusalem temple as opposed to the worship of the Lord elsewhere and the continuation of Canaanite cults mingled with Yahwism at the high places. Centralization of worship at the central shrine is called for in Deuteronomy 12. Perhaps “centralization of worship” is a misnomer, for worship was always centered around the tabernacle in the periods prior to the temple; the change that is envisaged in Deuteronomy is not the centralizing of worship but rather the fact that the shrine would no longer be mobile but stationary. For the kings of the northern kingdom, this criterion becomes virtually a stereotyped formula that “he did that which was evil in the sight of the Lord and walked in the way of Jeroboam son of Nebat, who sinned and made all Israel sin along with him” (see 1 Kgs 14:16; 15:30; 16:31; 2 Kgs 3:3; 10:31; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:22). The compiler of Kings sees the rival altars with the golden calves at Dan and Bethel as the great sin of which the northern kings never repented (1 Kgs 12:25–13:34). Rejecting the primacy of Jerusalem, these altars became the rod with which to measure the northern kings. All the kings of Israel are condemned by this standard (except for Shallum, who reigned but a month, and Hoshea, the last of the northern kings)—even Zimri, the murderer of Elah, who ruled only one week before committing suicide in the flames of his own palace (16:9-20). For the kings of Judah, a different standard is used: what their attitude was to the high places where heterodox worship was allowed to flourish in the environs of Jerusalem. Only Hezekiah and Josiah receive the compiler’s unqualified endorsement for following the ways of David (2 Kgs 18:3; 22:2). Six others are commended for their zeal in suppressing idolatry, though they did not remove the high places (Asa, 1 Kgs 15:9-15; Jehoshaphat, 22:43; Jehoash, 2 Kgs 12:2-3; Amaziah, 14:3-4; Azariah, 15:3-4; Jotham, 15:34-35). The remainder of the Judean kings are condemned for their participation in the high places and their desecration of the temple itself. This one theme is the preeminent motif in the book.<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Monarchy<\/h5>\n<p>A second prominent interest for the compiler was to trace the history of the monarchy. Deuteronomy 17:14-20 provides for the day when Israel would ask for a king and charges that king with the basic religious responsibility for the people. This provision for a king, again a feature found only in Deuteronomy, becomes the basis for the compiler’s intense interest in the history of the monarchy, and particularly the religious fidelity of the kings. David becomes the model of the ideal king, the one by whom the others are measured, the one whose sons “continue long in his kingdom in the midst of Israel” (17:20; see also 1 Kgs 15:11; 2 Kgs 18:3; 22:2 for following in the ways of David, and 1 Kgs 14:8; 15:3-5; 2 Kgs 14:3; 16:2 for the reverse). The compiler wanted to show that God had been faithful to David even though David’s sons were not faithful. While both kingdoms had about the same number of kings, the northern kingdom is marked by repeated dynastic changes and regicide through its 200 years, while the dynasty of David is maintained as a lamp in the south through 350 years (1 Kgs 11:13, 32, 36; 15:4-5; 2 Kgs 8:19; 19:34; 20:6). It is the disaster that had befallen the house of David, and the consequent doubts about the promises of God, that prompted the compiler to write.<\/p>\n<h5>Efficacy of the Prophetic Word<\/h5>\n<p>Another reason why Kings can be called Deuteronomic history is its concern with the efficacy of the prophetic word. There are three passages in the Pentateuch that deal with the institution of the prophetic order: Numbers 12:1-8; Deuteronomy 13:1-5; and Deuteronomy 18:14-22. It is only in Deuteronomy 18 that the test of a true prophet is given: that what he has spoken comes about, that his words are fulfilled. Notice the number of instances where the writer calls attention to the fulfillment of the words of the prophets: 2 Samuel 7:13 in 1 Kings 8:20; 1 Kings 11:29-36 in 12:15; 1 Kings 13:1-3 in 2 Kings 23:16-18; 1 Kings 14:6-12 in 14:17-18 and 15:29; 1 Kings 16:1-4 in 16:7, 11-12; Joshua 6:26 in 1 Kings 16:34; 1 Kings 22:17 in 22:35-38; 1 Kings 21:21-29 in 2 Kings 9:7-10, 30-37 and 10:10-11, 30; 2 Kings 1:6 in 1:17; 2 Kings 21:10-15 in 24:2; 2 Kings 22:15-20 in 23:30. The writer is concerned to show that the words of the prophets were efficacious, powerful words. His concern with the prophetic order is also seen in the material devoted to Elijah and Elisha and to other prophetic figures.<\/p>\n<h5>Fulfillment of the Curses<\/h5>\n<p>Another aspect of the compiler’s interest in Deuteronomy is seen in his concern to trace the fulfillment of the covenant curses on disobedience. God’s covenant with Israel would issue in curses or blessings depending on the obedience of the people; the compiler of Kings sees the curses inflicted on the two kingdoms because of their failure to meet the demands of the covenant. He takes care to show that most of the curses of Deuteronomy 28:15-68 had some historical realization in the life of the people. Moses had warned that disobedience would “bring a nation against you from afar, from the end of the earth, as the eagle swoops down” (Dt 28:49, <span>nasb<\/span>), and the Assyrians came to Samaria and the Babylonians to Jerusalem (28:52). The siege of Samaria lasted from 724 to 722 <span>BC<\/span>, and the siege of Jerusalem from 588 to 586 <span>BC<\/span>. The dire conditions of the siege would drive the people to devouring their own children; women would feed on their afterbirths. It happened to Israel in the siege of Ben-hadad (2 Kgs 6:24-30). Just as the Lord had delighted to prosper and multiply his people, so he would not refrain from destroying them and scattering them among the peoples of the earth (Dt 28:63-67).<\/p>\n<p>In these and other ways the writer of Kings set out to write the history of Israel and Judah to solve a theological dilemma. How was one to reconcile the exile with God’s promises to the nation and David? His answer is twofold: (1) the problem was not with God but with the people’s disobedience—God remains just; (2) the end of the state does not equal the end of the people or the house of David. Here the ending of the book is instructive: Evil-merodach releases Jehoiachin from prison, elevates him above the other kings, and provides his rations (2 Kgs 25:27-30). Even during the exile, though cut down to almost nothing, the house of David still enjoys the favor and blessing of God. God has not abandoned his promises; the people should keep hope.<\/p>\n<p>Other themes in Kings also show the theological motivations underlying the compiler’s selection and arrangement of the data, particularly his use of Deuteronomy as a framework for examining the history of the people. Compare the laws governing the observance of Passover in Exodus 12:1-20 and Deuteronomy 16:1-8: whereas the Passover is centered in the family in Exodus, it is celebrated at the sanctuary in Deuteronomy. The writer of Kings is careful to show that the Passover during the reign of Josiah was celebrated in accordance with the requirements of Deuteronomy (2 Kgs 23:21-23). A passage in Deuteronomy is explicitly cited with reference to Amaziah’s keeping the law (Dt 24:16 in 2 Kgs 14:6).<\/p>\n<h5>Contrast with Chronicles<\/h5>\n<p>The interests of Kings are further highlighted when compared with the parallel accounts in Chronicles. While the writer of Kings worked in the aftermath of the destruction of Jerusalem and had to answer the “how?” and “why?” questions, the Chronicler is part of the restoration community. Here the burning theological questions were not “how?” and “why?” but rather “What continuity do we have with David? Is God still interested in us?” The need is not to account for the exile but rather to relate the postexilic and the preexilic. The building of the second temple and the ordering of worship there show up in increased detail in Chronicles in any matter pertaining to the former temple. Chronicles is a history of Judah and of the Davidic line, reflecting the fact that it alone survives after the exile. Interesting, too, are the things omitted from the account by the Chronicler. Since he is not building a case for an indictment, as was done in Samuel and Kings, he is free to omit references to David’s sin with Bathsheba (2 Sm 11) or to Solomon’s difficulties in gaining the throne (1 Kgs 1–2). Since in his day the northern kingdom had not survived, the Chronicler did not go into detail about the sins of Jeroboam (chs 13–14). Chronicles is interested more in the affairs of the temple and does not show the marked interest in prophetic matters found in Kings, so that the lives of Elijah and Elisha are omitted (1 Kgs 16—2 Kgs 10). Nor does the Chronicler recite the sins that led to the demise of the northern kingdom (2 Kgs 17:1–18:12). In all these examples one can see the interplay of the historical moment and theological concerns of the people and the compilers. Each compiler has selected and arranged the data in accordance with the concerns and needs of the community in which he was a member; comparing the two accounts throws the interests of each into sharp relief.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n\n<p>The books of Kings fall into three parts: (1) the reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 1–11); (2) the history of the divided kingdom (1 Kgs 12–2 Kgs 17); (3) the history of the surviving kingdom in Judah (2 Kgs 18–25).<\/p>\n<h5>The Reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 1–11)<\/h5>\n<p>The record begins with an account of the court intrigue surrounding Solomon’s accession to the throne, set against the backdrop of the abortive coup by Adonijah (ch 1). The dying David charges Solomon to obey the commandments of God (2:1-4) and also to take vengeance on his enemies (vv 5-9). After David’s death Solomon orders the deaths of Adonijah, Joab, and Shimei, and the banishment of Abiathar, the priest who had supported Adonijah in his bid for the throne (vv 13-46). Enemies eliminated, the kingdom was firmly established by Solomon (v 46).<\/p>\n<p>The remainder of Solomon’s reign is divided into two parts: Solomon the good, who follows in the ways of his father, David (chs 3–10); and Solomon the bad, whose heart is led astray (ch 11). While sacrificing at Gibeon, Solomon asks God to give him the gift of wisdom to rule—wisdom promptly demonstrated in the quarrel of two prostitutes about a child (ch 3). An account is given of the administrative organization of the kingdom and the incomparable wisdom of Solomon (ch 4). The compiler of Kings gives extensive coverage to the preparations (ch 5), building (chs 6–7), and dedication (ch 8) of the temple. God appeared to Solomon a second time, reminding him to keep his commandments as David had done (9:1-9). Details are given of the king’s building and commercial activities (vv 10-27). The account of the visit by the queen of Sheba is followed with elaboration of Solomon’s splendor (ch 10). But Solomon did not keep God’s commands; seduced to pagan worship by his foreign wives, he was not fully devoted to the Lord as David had been (11:4), and God determined to take away the northern tribes from the rule of his son (vv 11-13). As punishment from the hand of God, Solomon faced rebellion among conquered peoples (vv 14-25) and within Israel in the person of Jeroboam (vv 26-40).<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Divided Kingdom (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17)<\/h5>\n\n<p>The united monarchy dissolved after the death of Solomon. The northern kingdom (Israel) would exist for about two centuries, would be ruled by 20 kings from nine different dynasties, and would show a history of internal weakness riddled with regicide and usurpation. In contrast, the southern kingdom would last for three and a half centuries and would be ruled by 19 kings of Davidic descent (apart from a short period under the dynastic interloper Athaliah).<\/p>\n<p>There had been a long history of independent action and even warfare between the northern and southern tribes prior to David and Solomon, so it is no surprise that the division would take place along the lines that it did. The immediate cause, however, was the unwise severity with which Rehoboam replied to the representatives of the northern tribes while negotiating for the kingship. Jeroboam, the popular hero of the earlier insurrection against Solomon, became king in the north. He immediately erected the rival sanctuaries at Dan and Bethel (1 Kgs 12); these rival altars became the measure by which the kings of Israel were condemned for following in the sins of Jeroboam.<\/p>\n<p>For two generations there would be warfare between Israel and Judah over the border areas in Benjamin claimed by both sides. Fifty years of sporadic fighting on their mutual frontier, interlaced with invasions from the Arameans in the north or the Egyptians in the south, would consume the reigns of Jeroboam, Nadab, Baasha, Elah, and Zimri in Israel and of Rehoboam, Abijam, and Asa in Judah (1 Kgs 13:1–16:20).<\/p>\n<p>The accession of Omri in Israel introduced a ruling house that would last for a total of four generations and end the dynastic instability of the northern kingdom. Though Kings gives Omri a scant eight verses (1 Kgs 16:21-28), he was among the greatest of the northern kings, forging alliances with the Phoenicians and Judah; for over a century, the Assyrians would call Israel “the house of Omri.”<\/p>\n<p>The reigns of Omri’s successors, Ahab, Ahaziah, and Jehoram, are treated at disproportionate length, taking almost a third of the total book, 16 of 47 chapters (1 Kgs 17—2 Kgs 10). This is due to the fact that the compiler of Kings incorporated extensive coverage of the lives of Elijah and Elisha, weaving a contrast between good and evil by paralleling the dynasty of Omri with these prophets. Ahab and Jezebel were used as foils for the account of Elijah, so that Ahab became a paradigm of the evil king (e.g., 2 Kgs 21:3).<\/p>\n<p>Because of this preoccupation with the dynasty of Omri and the lives of Elijah and Elisha, the equivalent period in Judah is not given as extensive coverage. During this period, the northern kingdom appears to have exercised some hegemony over Judah, as attested by the marriage of an Omride (Athaliah, 2 Kgs 8:18, 26) to Jehoram of Judah and the subservient role of Jehoshaphat to Ahab at the battle of Ramoth-gilead (1 Kgs 22). Judah’s fortunes declined in this period when Edom revolted against Jehoram (2 Kgs 8:20-22), costing Judah control over the port at Ezion-geber and consequent economic losses.<\/p>\n<p>In 842 <span>BC<\/span> Jehu, after being anointed king by a prophet (2 Kgs 9:1-13), led a coup ending the house of Omri and also killing Ahaziah of Judah (vv 14-29). Jehu’s purge also brought the death of Jezebel, Ahab’s family, members of the family of Ahaziah, and the ministers of Baal (9:30–10:36). The consequences were severe politically: the murder of the Phoenician princess Jezebel and the king of Judah cost Israel its allies to the north and south.<\/p>\n<p>Jehu’s dynasty had the longest succession of any in Israel, including Jehoahaz, Jehoash, Jeroboam II, and Zechariah, a period spanning 90 years. Jehu’s murder of Ahaziah of Judah set the stage for the one threat to the continuity of the Davidic dynasty. Queen Athaliah, herself an Omride, seized the throne and attempted a purge of Davidic pretenders. She ruled for six years, until the faithful priest Jehoiada staged a countercoup to place the child Joash on the throne of David (ch 11).<\/p>\n<p>Israel endured a half century of weakness as a result of Jehu’s coup, during which the Arameans had a free hand, reducing the forces of Jehu’s son Jehoahaz to a small army and bodyguard (2 Kgs 13:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>The reemergence of Assyria early in the ninth century <span>BC<\/span> gave relief to Israel and Judah. Assyrian armies conquered the Arameans; with that threat removed, Israel and Judah enjoyed a dramatic resurgence. Jehoash of Israel, grandson of Jehu, reconquered cities lost to the Arameans (2 Kgs 13:25); Elisha died during his reign (v 20). In the south Amaziah reconquered the Edomites (14:7). Amaziah and Jehoash renewed the warfare between the kingdoms, with the north again victorious (vv 8-14).<\/p>\n<p>Under Jeroboam II, Israel enjoyed a period of prosperity when the borders of the kingdom reached the same extent as they had under Solomon (2 Kgs 14:23-28). Uzziah (Azariah), his contemporary in Judah, also fortified Jerusalem and undertook a program of offensive operations extending Judah’s sway to the south (14:21-22; 15:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>Yet this resurgence was but a brilliant sunset in the history of the two kingdoms. After the death of Jeroboam II, the history is one of successive disasters, culminating in the fall of Israel and the subjugation of Judah to the might of Assyria. The next 30 years in Israel would see four dynasties, three represented by only one king, and repeated regicides as the northern kingdom hastened to its demise. A period of civil war and anarchy would see five kings in just over ten years (2 Kgs 15). Heavy tribute was paid to Tiglath-pileser III in both the north and south (15:19-20; 16:7-10). Israel and the Arameans forged a coalition to throw back the Assyrians and sought to press Ahaz of Judah into the fight; Ahaz appealed to Tiglath-pileser III for help. The coalition was destroyed, and Israel and Judah became vassals. Hoshea defected as soon as he felt safe, looking to Egypt for help, but it was suicide for the northern kingdom. Shalmaneser V retaliated, and the political history of the state of Israel came to an end (17:1-23). The area was resettled with other displaced populations (vv 24-41).<\/p>\n<p>Israel had faced the Arameans and survived, only to fall to Assyria. And now, similarly, Judah would outlast Assyria, only to fall to Babylon.<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Surviving Kingdom of Judah (2 Kgs 18–25)<\/h5>\n<p>Ahaz’s appeal for Assyrian aid cost him his liberty, and Judah became a vassal of the Assyrian Empire. Illegitimate worship flourished under his rule (2 Kgs 16:1-19). Ahaz was succeeded by the first of the outstanding reform kings of Judah: Hezekiah. Much of the account of his reign is given to his rebellion against Sennacherib of Assyria: the rebellion, the Assyrian envoys and threats, Isaiah’s assurances of deliverance, and the destruction of the Assyrian armies (18:9–19:37). Hezekiah’s illness was averted after a sign and oracle from Isaiah (20:1-11). As part of what appears to be negotiations toward an anti-Assyrian alliance, Hezekiah also entertained envoys from Babylon, a decision that the prophet announced would be costly (vv 12-21).<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah was followed by Manasseh, who ruled longer than any other king of Judah (a total of 55 years). His reign was marked by great apostasy—apostasy so severe that the compiler of Kings regarded his reign as sufficient reason for the exile that was unavoidable (2 Kgs 21:1-18; cf. 23:26; 24:3-4; Jer 15:1-4). Manasseh was followed by his son Amon, a carbon copy of his father, who ruled only two years before he was deposed by the people (2 Kings 21:19-26).<\/p>\n<p>The second great reform king of Judah, Josiah, followed. In his reign the Book of the Law was found while the temple was being refurbished; he led the people in a renewal of the covenant and suppressed illegitimate worship (2 Kgs 22:1–23:14). The Assyrian Empire was in rapid decline, so Josiah extended his borders to the north, destroying the altar at Bethel and the high places throughout Samaria (23:15-20). A great Passover celebration was convened in Jerusalem, and further measures were taken to rectify worship (vv 21-25). Josiah tried to block Pharaoh Neco’s foray to assist Assyria, and he lost his life at Megiddo (vv 26-30).<\/p>\n<p>Josiah was the only king of Judah to have three of his sons succeed him. At his death the people put Jehoahaz on the throne, but Neco removed him three months later and took him to Egypt in chains (2 Kgs 23:31-33), replacing him with another son of Josiah, Eliakim, whose name was changed to Jehoiakim (vv 34-37). During his reign, Nebuchadnezzar conquered Judah, and Jehoiakim became his vassal. Late in his life Jehoiakim rebelled against Nebuchadnezzar. Jehoiakim died, leaving his son Jehoiachin to face retaliation from Babylon (24:1-10). Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem; when the city fell, Jehoiachin, the queen mother, the army, and the leaders of the land were carried away captive. Nebuchadnezzar put Mattaniah (uncle of Jehoiachin and third son of Josiah) on the throne, changing his name to Zedekiah (vv 11-17). Nine years later Zedekiah, too, would rebel against Babylon. Nebuchadnezzar besieged the city for two years and, when it fell, utterly destroyed it. Zedekiah’s sons were killed before his eyes, and then his own eyes were put out, and he was taken to Babylon (24:18–25:21). Nebuchadnezzar appointed Gedaliah to rule as governor from nearby Mizpah; he was assassinated, and the conspirators fled to Egypt (25:22-26).<\/p>\n<p>The book concludes by showing that God had not forgotten his promise to David, mentioning that in captivity Jehoiachin enjoyed favor from the hand of Evil-merodach, successor of Nebuchadnezzar (2 Kgs 25:27-30).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Chronicles, Books of First and Second.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>KINGS, Books of First and Second<\/h3>\n<p>Books continuing the history of the covenant people as recorded in Joshua, Judges, and the books of Samuel. The record in Kings begins with the events at the end of David’s reign (1 Kgs 1–2). It continues through the reign of Solomon (chs 3–11); the histories of the divided kingdoms (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17); and the history of the surviving kingdom in the south, through its fall in 586 <span>BC<\/span> and the subsequent kindness shown Jehoiachin by Evil-merodach, king of Babylon, around 561 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 18–25).<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Authorship and Date<\/p>\n<p>• Sources<\/p>\n<p>• Theology and Purpose<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"AuthorshipandDate\">Authorship and Date<\/p>\n<p>Kings was originally regarded as one book in the Hebrew canon; the division into two books of approximately equal length appeared first in the Septuagint and finally entered the Hebrew Bible in the 15th century <span>AD<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>The book itself is anonymous, and information about its author can only be deduced by examining the concerns and perspectives of the work. The Babylonian Talmud (<em>Baba Bathra<\/em> 15a) attributes Kings to Jeremiah. Although this identification could have arisen from the tendency of later Jewish tradition to assign biblical books to prophetic authors, the theory of origin in prophetic circles fits the evidence quite well. Substantial portions are given to the lives of the prophets; 16 of 47 chapters are devoted to the lives of Elijah and Elisha (1 Kgs 17—2 Kgs 10), and there is considerable interest in other prophetic figures such as Ahijah (1 Kgs 11:29-39; 14:1-16), an unnamed man of God (13:1-10), and Micaiah (22:13-28). Possible dependence on Isaiah (2 Kgs 18–20; cf. Is 36–39) and Jeremiah (2 Kgs 24–25; cf. Jer 52) also suggest prophetic origin. The author-compiler also shows intense concern with the efficacy of the prophetic word, frequently calling attention to the fulfillment of words spoken earlier by the prophets.<\/p>\n<p>One might initially think that such a history would be unlikely for a prophet, but the evidence is to the contrary. The prophets were the guardians of the covenant relationship and are known to have produced accounts used as sources by other biblical historians. The following are among such sources: the acts of Samuel the seer, the acts of Nathan the prophet, the acts of Gad the seer (1 Chr 29:29); the acts of Nathan the prophet, the prophecy of Ahijah the Shilonite, the visions of Iddo the seer (2 Chr 9:29); the chronicles of Shemaiah the prophet and of Iddo the seer (12:15); the annotations of the prophet Iddo (13:22); and the acts of Uzziah by Isaiah the prophet (26:22). Add to this the fact that Kings is positioned in the Hebrew canon in the Former Prophets (Joshua to 2 Kings), and a consistent picture of prophetic origin emerges.<\/p>\n<p>The date of the final part of the book must be after the last events recorded. Evil-merodach’s kindness toward Jehoiachin (c. 561 <span>BC<\/span>) is the terminus of the book and therefore fixes the earliest date. Since the work shows no knowledge of the restoration period, a date before 539 <span>BC<\/span> is probable. The author’s selection of his data to answer the burning theological questions of the exilic community also suggests a date between 561 and 539 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Sources\">Sources<\/p>\n<p>The compiler of Kings specifically names three of the sources that he used in his work, and biblical scholars have suggested the presence of a number of other sources that may have been cited. Of course, the sources not mentioned specifically by the compiler are only the speculations of those who have studied his work and can have only varying degrees of probability. The sources both specified and alleged are as follows.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the Acts of Solomon<\/h5>\n<p>As 1 Kings 11:41 says, “The rest of the events in Solomon’s reign, including his wisdom, are recorded in <em>The Book of the Acts of Solomon”<\/em> (<span>nlt<\/span>). Presumably additional materials of a biographical nature were included, specifically accounts similar to the judgment between the two mothers (3:16-28) or the visit of the queen of Sheba (10:1-10). There has been debate as to whether these materials were official court records or nonofficial documents. Some scholars have attempted to isolate further materials within this section by identifying descriptions of the buildings as from temple archives (chs 6–7) and lists of administrators as from administrative documents (chs 4–5), but this must remain speculative.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the History of the Kings of Israel<\/h5>\n<p>This source is mentioned 17 times in Kings, usually in the closing formulas at the end of the account of the reign of a northern king. Some idea of the nature of these chronicles can be derived from looking at the type of information to which the compiler refers his readers (see 1 Kgs 14:19; 16:27; 22:39; 2 Kgs 13:12; 14:28). These passages suggest that this source was the official annals covering the reigns of the kings.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the History of the Kings of Judah<\/h5>\n<p>This source is mentioned in 15 passages, and as with the kings of Israel, is found in the concluding formulas to the accounts of the reigns. This source was to be consulted for additional details on individuals’ reigns (for example, see 1 Kgs 15:23; 22:45; 2 Kgs 20:20; 21:17). These sources for the histories of the two kingdoms were probably similar to the annals known from the surrounding cultures, particularly from the reigns of Assyrian kings. They were likely official court histories kept in Samaria and Jerusalem.<\/p>\n<p>In addition to these explicitly mentioned sources, scholars have suggested the compiler drew on other sources that he does not name.<\/p>\n<h5>Davidic Court History<\/h5>\n<p>Second Samuel 9–20 is often identified as a unit of material in the composition of the books of Samuel; it is variously called “the court history” or “the succession narrative.” Because of similar vocabulary and outlook, 1 Kings 1–2 are often associated with this material from Samuel. The statement of 1 Kings 2:46, “so the kingdom was now firmly in Solomon’s grip,” is taken to be the end of this record.<\/p>\n<h5>Sources for the House of Ahab<\/h5>\n<p>The reigns of individual kings are ordinarily given only brief notices; for example, the father of Ahab, Omri, is given eight verses, even though when judged by political and economic significance, he was among the greatest of the northern kings (1 Kgs 16:21-28). However, beginning with the reign of Ahab, the record becomes quite expansive, and extensive coverage is given the dynasty of Ahab through the coup by Jehu (1 Kgs 16—2 Kgs 12). The use of the stereotyped formulas for the reigns is suspended in this material, and the existence of other literature used by the compiler is probable. This material is commonly subdivided into further sources for the lives of Elijah and Elisha and the reign of Ahab.<\/p>\n<p>The Elijah section covers material in the following chapters: 1 Kings 17–19, including the feeding by the ravens, the incidents with the widow of Zarephath, the drought, the fire on Carmel, and the revelation of God at Sinai; 1 Kings 21, the affair of Naboth’s vineyard; and 2 Kings 1, the death of Ahaziah’s messengers. The reign of Ahab, which gets so much attention in Kings, is primarily a backdrop for the accounts concerning Elijah.<\/p>\n<p>The Elisha material found in 2 Kings 2–13 may have had an independent literary development from that of the Elijah accounts. It includes the following: chapter 2 (Elisha’s succession to the prophetic office, the purification of a spring, the death of mocking children); chapter 3 (on the campaign against Moab); chapter 4 (the widow’s oil, the Shunammite woman); chapter 5 (Naaman’s leprosy); chapter 6 (the Aramean attempt to capture Elisha); chapter 7 (the famine in Samaria); chapter 8 (the Shunammite’s property, the coup of Hazael); chapter 9 (the anointing of Jehu); and chapter 13 (the death of Elisha). No other portion of the OT takes the sheer delight in the miraculous that is seen in the Elisha narratives.<\/p>\n<p>In 1 Kings 16 to 2 Kings 13 there are additional incidents not directly related to the biographies of Elijah and Elisha; accounts such as the military campaigns of 1 Kings 20:1-34 and further details of Jehu’s coup (2 Kgs 9:11–10:36) are often attributed to a third source containing accounts of the dynasty of Ahab and his successors. In all three of these possible sources the orientation is toward affairs in the northern kingdom.<\/p>\n<h5>Isaiah Source<\/h5>\n<p>The account of the reign of Hezekiah contains a section (2 Kgs 18:13–20:19) that is nearly a verbatim citation of material also found in Isaiah (Is 36:1–39:8). The section records the invasion of Sennacherib, the mission of the Rabshakeh, Hezekiah’s prayer, Isaiah’s prophecy, Hezekiah’s illness, the regression of the sun, and the envoys from Merodach-baladan. The material must be regarded as based on the book of Isaiah or some other source used in both Isaiah and Kings.<\/p>\n<h5>A Prophetic Source<\/h5>\n<p>Because Kings shows great interest in the prophets and their ministries, various scholars have suggested that yet another source was used by the compiler; this would be an independent literary unit containing accounts of the prophets. This source would have contained the records for the material on Ahijah (1 Kgs 11:29-39; 14:1-16), unnamed prophets (ch 12; 20:35-43), Micaiah (22:13-28), and other references.<\/p>\n<p>Apart from the sources explicitly mentioned and inferences about their character, the remainder of the sources suggested have only varying degrees of probability. Considerable scholarly effort has gone into identifying and characterizing such sources, but it remains speculative. When considering the sources the compiler may have used, one important caution must be kept in mind. Even if such sources did exist, one cannot have confidence in a reconstruction of the compositional history. Which sources had already been integrated into a larger composition before they were used by the compiler of Kings? We cannot be certain that the life situation out of which these other sources grew has been correctly identified, nor can we know that even the compiler himself was aware of the past history of his sources. Biblical scholarship has expended considerable energy in trying to delineate the past history of the book of Kings, but it has often been at the neglect of the unity of perspective that is the product of the final compiler(s) in whose hands the book received its canonical form.<\/p>\n<p>What is important to understanding the book is not the perspective of its various sources (of which the compiler himself may have been unaware), but the perspective of the book as a whole on the history of the kingdoms. It is the outline that the compiler has imposed on the sources that establishes the teaching of the book; his sources are used in accord with his own purposes, a fact that makes the purposes for which the sources had been prepared largely irrelevant to the teaching of the book in its present form. Exploring possible sources, worthwhile in itself, must not eclipse the message of the book as a whole. This is not to imply that the books of Kings are simply a compilation of unaltered sources. The writer(s) undoubtedly exercised a measure of selectivity and literary skill in composing the historical narrative.<\/p>\n<p>One compositional technique of the compiler is quite prominent in the histories of the divided kingdoms: this is the use of formulaic introductions and conclusions to the various reigns. The formulas for both kingdoms are quite similar, differing only in minor details. For the kings of Judah, the full introductory formula is as follows: (1) year of accession synchronized with the regnal year of the northern king; (2) age of the king at his accession; (3) length of his reign; (4) name of his mother; (5) judgment on the character of the reign. The account of a Judean king’s reign is concluded as follows: (1) a reference to the chronicles of the kings of Judah for further information; (2) a statement regarding the death of the king, including the place of burial; (3) successor: “And his son reigned in his stead” (<span>rsv<\/span>). The full formula for a Judean king can be seen, for example, in the reign of Rehoboam (1 Kgs 14:21-22, 29-31).<\/p>\n<p>The formulas differ slightly for the kings of Israel; the introduction is as follows: (1) year of succession synchronized with the regnal year of the southern king; (2) length of his reign; (3) location of the royal residence; (4) condemnation for idolatry; (5) name of the king’s father. The account of an Israelite king’s reign ends as follows: (1) a reference to the chronicles of the kings of Israel for further information; (2) a statement regarding his death; (3) a statement of the succession of his son, unless a usurper follows. The full formula for an Israelite king can be seen, for example, in the reign of Baasha (1 Kgs 15:33-34; 16:5-6).<\/p>\n<p>There is some variation in the use of these patterns, but on the whole, they are consistently followed and provide the basic framework for the history of the divided kingdom. The synchronisms of the reigns provide data for constructing the chronology of the period. The variations in the formulas may reflect the characteristics of the sources the compiler was using or may reflect his own interests. The name of the mother of a Judean king is recorded, but not of an Israelite king, perhaps reflecting concern with a more exact and fuller record of the Davidic succession. The royal residence is presumed to be Jerusalem for the southern kings (though it may be mentioned) but is recorded for the northern kings since it moved several times, from Shechem to Penuel to Tirzah to Samaria. The mention of the king’s father for a northern ruler also reflects the frequent change in dynasties there, as opposed to the dynastic stability of Judah, which is reinforced by mentioning the burial of almost all its kings in the city of David.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheologyandPurpose\">Theology and Purpose<\/p>\n<p>The books of Kings record the history of the covenant people from the end of the reign of David (961 <span>BC<\/span>) through the fall of the southern kingdom (586 <span>BC<\/span>). Yet it is not history written in accord with modern expectations for history textbooks. Rather than concentrating on economic, political, and military themes as they shaped the history of the period, the compiler of Kings is motivated by theological concerns.<\/p>\n<p>Evaluation of the theology and purpose of the books of Kings is made easier by the fact that there is a parallel history for much of Kings found in the books of Chronicles. By comparing the two accounts, especially where the later Chronicler adds or deletes material found in Kings, the interests of both histories are thrown into clearer relief.<\/p>\n<p>The books of Kings were composed during the exile, likely between 560 and 539 <span>BC<\/span>. Jerusalem had been turned into rubble, and there was no longer a throne of David. Those two pillars of the popular theology—the inviolability of the temple and the throne of David (Jer 7:4; 13:13-14; 22:1-9; see 1 Kgs 8:16, 29)—had tumbled. If Israel’s faith was to survive, the burning questions that had to be answered were “How did it all happen? Can’t God keep his promises to David and to Zion? Have the promises failed?” The writer of Kings aims to deal with the bewilderment of the chosen people in response to the disasters of 722 <span>BC<\/span> (fall of Samaria) and 586 <span>BC<\/span> (fall of Jerusalem). Kings, like the book of Job, is a theodicy, a justification of the ways of God to men.<\/p>\n<p>In order to answer the question “How did it happen?” the compiler adopts the procedure of recounting the history of the covenant people in light of standards propounded in the Law. For this reason Kings could be called Pentateuchal history, or even more pointedly, Deuteronomic history, for standards propounded only in the book of Deuteronomy in the Pentateuch are used by the compiler to measure the kingdoms. Among the prominent themes selected from Deuteronomy and applied to the kingdoms are the centralization of worship, the institution of the monarchy, the efficacy of the prophetic word, and the outworking of the covenant curses on disobedience.<\/p>\n<h5>Centralization of Worship<\/h5>\n<p>The primary concern of the writer is the purity of the worship of the Lord. His major criterion for measuring this purity is the attitude of the kings toward centralization of worship in the Jerusalem temple as opposed to the worship of the Lord elsewhere and the continuation of Canaanite cults mingled with Yahwism at the high places. Centralization of worship at the central shrine is called for in Deuteronomy 12. Perhaps “centralization of worship” is a misnomer, for worship was always centered around the tabernacle in the periods prior to the temple; the change that is envisaged in Deuteronomy is not the centralizing of worship but rather the fact that the shrine would no longer be mobile but stationary. For the kings of the northern kingdom, this criterion becomes virtually a stereotyped formula that “he did that which was evil in the sight of the Lord and walked in the way of Jeroboam son of Nebat, who sinned and made all Israel sin along with him” (see 1 Kgs 14:16; 15:30; 16:31; 2 Kgs 3:3; 10:31; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:22). The compiler of Kings sees the rival altars with the golden calves at Dan and Bethel as the great sin of which the northern kings never repented (1 Kgs 12:25–13:34). Rejecting the primacy of Jerusalem, these altars became the rod with which to measure the northern kings. All the kings of Israel are condemned by this standard (except for Shallum, who reigned but a month, and Hoshea, the last of the northern kings)—even Zimri, the murderer of Elah, who ruled only one week before committing suicide in the flames of his own palace (16:9-20). For the kings of Judah, a different standard is used: what their attitude was to the high places where heterodox worship was allowed to flourish in the environs of Jerusalem. Only Hezekiah and Josiah receive the compiler’s unqualified endorsement for following the ways of David (2 Kgs 18:3; 22:2). Six others are commended for their zeal in suppressing idolatry, though they did not remove the high places (Asa, 1 Kgs 15:9-15; Jehoshaphat, 22:43; Jehoash, 2 Kgs 12:2-3; Amaziah, 14:3-4; Azariah, 15:3-4; Jotham, 15:34-35). The remainder of the Judean kings are condemned for their participation in the high places and their desecration of the temple itself. This one theme is the preeminent motif in the book.<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Monarchy<\/h5>\n<p>A second prominent interest for the compiler was to trace the history of the monarchy. Deuteronomy 17:14-20 provides for the day when Israel would ask for a king and charges that king with the basic religious responsibility for the people. This provision for a king, again a feature found only in Deuteronomy, becomes the basis for the compiler’s intense interest in the history of the monarchy, and particularly the religious fidelity of the kings. David becomes the model of the ideal king, the one by whom the others are measured, the one whose sons “continue long in his kingdom in the midst of Israel” (17:20; see also 1 Kgs 15:11; 2 Kgs 18:3; 22:2 for following in the ways of David, and 1 Kgs 14:8; 15:3-5; 2 Kgs 14:3; 16:2 for the reverse). The compiler wanted to show that God had been faithful to David even though David’s sons were not faithful. While both kingdoms had about the same number of kings, the northern kingdom is marked by repeated dynastic changes and regicide through its 200 years, while the dynasty of David is maintained as a lamp in the south through 350 years (1 Kgs 11:13, 32, 36; 15:4-5; 2 Kgs 8:19; 19:34; 20:6). It is the disaster that had befallen the house of David, and the consequent doubts about the promises of God, that prompted the compiler to write.<\/p>\n<h5>Efficacy of the Prophetic Word<\/h5>\n<p>Another reason why Kings can be called Deuteronomic history is its concern with the efficacy of the prophetic word. There are three passages in the Pentateuch that deal with the institution of the prophetic order: Numbers 12:1-8; Deuteronomy 13:1-5; and Deuteronomy 18:14-22. It is only in Deuteronomy 18 that the test of a true prophet is given: that what he has spoken comes about, that his words are fulfilled. Notice the number of instances where the writer calls attention to the fulfillment of the words of the prophets: 2 Samuel 7:13 in 1 Kings 8:20; 1 Kings 11:29-36 in 12:15; 1 Kings 13:1-3 in 2 Kings 23:16-18; 1 Kings 14:6-12 in 14:17-18 and 15:29; 1 Kings 16:1-4 in 16:7, 11-12; Joshua 6:26 in 1 Kings 16:34; 1 Kings 22:17 in 22:35-38; 1 Kings 21:21-29 in 2 Kings 9:7-10, 30-37 and 10:10-11, 30; 2 Kings 1:6 in 1:17; 2 Kings 21:10-15 in 24:2; 2 Kings 22:15-20 in 23:30. The writer is concerned to show that the words of the prophets were efficacious, powerful words. His concern with the prophetic order is also seen in the material devoted to Elijah and Elisha and to other prophetic figures.<\/p>\n<h5>Fulfillment of the Curses<\/h5>\n<p>Another aspect of the compiler’s interest in Deuteronomy is seen in his concern to trace the fulfillment of the covenant curses on disobedience. God’s covenant with Israel would issue in curses or blessings depending on the obedience of the people; the compiler of Kings sees the curses inflicted on the two kingdoms because of their failure to meet the demands of the covenant. He takes care to show that most of the curses of Deuteronomy 28:15-68 had some historical realization in the life of the people. Moses had warned that disobedience would “bring a nation against you from afar, from the end of the earth, as the eagle swoops down” (Dt 28:49, <span>nasb<\/span>), and the Assyrians came to Samaria and the Babylonians to Jerusalem (28:52). The siege of Samaria lasted from 724 to 722 <span>BC<\/span>, and the siege of Jerusalem from 588 to 586 <span>BC<\/span>. The dire conditions of the siege would drive the people to devouring their own children; women would feed on their afterbirths. It happened to Israel in the siege of Ben-hadad (2 Kgs 6:24-30). Just as the Lord had delighted to prosper and multiply his people, so he would not refrain from destroying them and scattering them among the peoples of the earth (Dt 28:63-67).<\/p>\n<p>In these and other ways the writer of Kings set out to write the history of Israel and Judah to solve a theological dilemma. How was one to reconcile the exile with God’s promises to the nation and David? His answer is twofold: (1) the problem was not with God but with the people’s disobedience—God remains just; (2) the end of the state does not equal the end of the people or the house of David. Here the ending of the book is instructive: Evil-merodach releases Jehoiachin from prison, elevates him above the other kings, and provides his rations (2 Kgs 25:27-30). Even during the exile, though cut down to almost nothing, the house of David still enjoys the favor and blessing of God. God has not abandoned his promises; the people should keep hope.<\/p>\n<p>Other themes in Kings also show the theological motivations underlying the compiler’s selection and arrangement of the data, particularly his use of Deuteronomy as a framework for examining the history of the people. Compare the laws governing the observance of Passover in Exodus 12:1-20 and Deuteronomy 16:1-8: whereas the Passover is centered in the family in Exodus, it is celebrated at the sanctuary in Deuteronomy. The writer of Kings is careful to show that the Passover during the reign of Josiah was celebrated in accordance with the requirements of Deuteronomy (2 Kgs 23:21-23). A passage in Deuteronomy is explicitly cited with reference to Amaziah’s keeping the law (Dt 24:16 in 2 Kgs 14:6).<\/p>\n<h5>Contrast with Chronicles<\/h5>\n<p>The interests of Kings are further highlighted when compared with the parallel accounts in Chronicles. While the writer of Kings worked in the aftermath of the destruction of Jerusalem and had to answer the “how?” and “why?” questions, the Chronicler is part of the restoration community. Here the burning theological questions were not “how?” and “why?” but rather “What continuity do we have with David? Is God still interested in us?” The need is not to account for the exile but rather to relate the postexilic and the preexilic. The building of the second temple and the ordering of worship there show up in increased detail in Chronicles in any matter pertaining to the former temple. Chronicles is a history of Judah and of the Davidic line, reflecting the fact that it alone survives after the exile. Interesting, too, are the things omitted from the account by the Chronicler. Since he is not building a case for an indictment, as was done in Samuel and Kings, he is free to omit references to David’s sin with Bathsheba (2 Sm 11) or to Solomon’s difficulties in gaining the throne (1 Kgs 1–2). Since in his day the northern kingdom had not survived, the Chronicler did not go into detail about the sins of Jeroboam (chs 13–14). Chronicles is interested more in the affairs of the temple and does not show the marked interest in prophetic matters found in Kings, so that the lives of Elijah and Elisha are omitted (1 Kgs 16—2 Kgs 10). Nor does the Chronicler recite the sins that led to the demise of the northern kingdom (2 Kgs 17:1–18:12). In all these examples one can see the interplay of the historical moment and theological concerns of the people and the compilers. Each compiler has selected and arranged the data in accordance with the concerns and needs of the community in which he was a member; comparing the two accounts throws the interests of each into sharp relief.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n\n<p>The books of Kings fall into three parts: (1) the reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 1–11); (2) the history of the divided kingdom (1 Kgs 12–2 Kgs 17); (3) the history of the surviving kingdom in Judah (2 Kgs 18–25).<\/p>\n<h5>The Reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 1–11)<\/h5>\n<p>The record begins with an account of the court intrigue surrounding Solomon’s accession to the throne, set against the backdrop of the abortive coup by Adonijah (ch 1). The dying David charges Solomon to obey the commandments of God (2:1-4) and also to take vengeance on his enemies (vv 5-9). After David’s death Solomon orders the deaths of Adonijah, Joab, and Shimei, and the banishment of Abiathar, the priest who had supported Adonijah in his bid for the throne (vv 13-46). Enemies eliminated, the kingdom was firmly established by Solomon (v 46).<\/p>\n<p>The remainder of Solomon’s reign is divided into two parts: Solomon the good, who follows in the ways of his father, David (chs 3–10); and Solomon the bad, whose heart is led astray (ch 11). While sacrificing at Gibeon, Solomon asks God to give him the gift of wisdom to rule—wisdom promptly demonstrated in the quarrel of two prostitutes about a child (ch 3). An account is given of the administrative organization of the kingdom and the incomparable wisdom of Solomon (ch 4). The compiler of Kings gives extensive coverage to the preparations (ch 5), building (chs 6–7), and dedication (ch 8) of the temple. God appeared to Solomon a second time, reminding him to keep his commandments as David had done (9:1-9). Details are given of the king’s building and commercial activities (vv 10-27). The account of the visit by the queen of Sheba is followed with elaboration of Solomon’s splendor (ch 10). But Solomon did not keep God’s commands; seduced to pagan worship by his foreign wives, he was not fully devoted to the Lord as David had been (11:4), and God determined to take away the northern tribes from the rule of his son (vv 11-13). As punishment from the hand of God, Solomon faced rebellion among conquered peoples (vv 14-25) and within Israel in the person of Jeroboam (vv 26-40).<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Divided Kingdom (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17)<\/h5>\n\n<p>The united monarchy dissolved after the death of Solomon. The northern kingdom (Israel) would exist for about two centuries, would be ruled by 20 kings from nine different dynasties, and would show a history of internal weakness riddled with regicide and usurpation. In contrast, the southern kingdom would last for three and a half centuries and would be ruled by 19 kings of Davidic descent (apart from a short period under the dynastic interloper Athaliah).<\/p>\n<p>There had been a long history of independent action and even warfare between the northern and southern tribes prior to David and Solomon, so it is no surprise that the division would take place along the lines that it did. The immediate cause, however, was the unwise severity with which Rehoboam replied to the representatives of the northern tribes while negotiating for the kingship. Jeroboam, the popular hero of the earlier insurrection against Solomon, became king in the north. He immediately erected the rival sanctuaries at Dan and Bethel (1 Kgs 12); these rival altars became the measure by which the kings of Israel were condemned for following in the sins of Jeroboam.<\/p>\n<p>For two generations there would be warfare between Israel and Judah over the border areas in Benjamin claimed by both sides. Fifty years of sporadic fighting on their mutual frontier, interlaced with invasions from the Arameans in the north or the Egyptians in the south, would consume the reigns of Jeroboam, Nadab, Baasha, Elah, and Zimri in Israel and of Rehoboam, Abijam, and Asa in Judah (1 Kgs 13:1–16:20).<\/p>\n<p>The accession of Omri in Israel introduced a ruling house that would last for a total of four generations and end the dynastic instability of the northern kingdom. Though Kings gives Omri a scant eight verses (1 Kgs 16:21-28), he was among the greatest of the northern kings, forging alliances with the Phoenicians and Judah; for over a century, the Assyrians would call Israel “the house of Omri.”<\/p>\n<p>The reigns of Omri’s successors, Ahab, Ahaziah, and Jehoram, are treated at disproportionate length, taking almost a third of the total book, 16 of 47 chapters (1 Kgs 17—2 Kgs 10). This is due to the fact that the compiler of Kings incorporated extensive coverage of the lives of Elijah and Elisha, weaving a contrast between good and evil by paralleling the dynasty of Omri with these prophets. Ahab and Jezebel were used as foils for the account of Elijah, so that Ahab became a paradigm of the evil king (e.g., 2 Kgs 21:3).<\/p>\n<p>Because of this preoccupation with the dynasty of Omri and the lives of Elijah and Elisha, the equivalent period in Judah is not given as extensive coverage. During this period, the northern kingdom appears to have exercised some hegemony over Judah, as attested by the marriage of an Omride (Athaliah, 2 Kgs 8:18, 26) to Jehoram of Judah and the subservient role of Jehoshaphat to Ahab at the battle of Ramoth-gilead (1 Kgs 22). Judah’s fortunes declined in this period when Edom revolted against Jehoram (2 Kgs 8:20-22), costing Judah control over the port at Ezion-geber and consequent economic losses.<\/p>\n<p>In 842 <span>BC<\/span> Jehu, after being anointed king by a prophet (2 Kgs 9:1-13), led a coup ending the house of Omri and also killing Ahaziah of Judah (vv 14-29). Jehu’s purge also brought the death of Jezebel, Ahab’s family, members of the family of Ahaziah, and the ministers of Baal (9:30–10:36). The consequences were severe politically: the murder of the Phoenician princess Jezebel and the king of Judah cost Israel its allies to the north and south.<\/p>\n<p>Jehu’s dynasty had the longest succession of any in Israel, including Jehoahaz, Jehoash, Jeroboam II, and Zechariah, a period spanning 90 years. Jehu’s murder of Ahaziah of Judah set the stage for the one threat to the continuity of the Davidic dynasty. Queen Athaliah, herself an Omride, seized the throne and attempted a purge of Davidic pretenders. She ruled for six years, until the faithful priest Jehoiada staged a countercoup to place the child Joash on the throne of David (ch 11).<\/p>\n<p>Israel endured a half century of weakness as a result of Jehu’s coup, during which the Arameans had a free hand, reducing the forces of Jehu’s son Jehoahaz to a small army and bodyguard (2 Kgs 13:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>The reemergence of Assyria early in the ninth century <span>BC<\/span> gave relief to Israel and Judah. Assyrian armies conquered the Arameans; with that threat removed, Israel and Judah enjoyed a dramatic resurgence. Jehoash of Israel, grandson of Jehu, reconquered cities lost to the Arameans (2 Kgs 13:25); Elisha died during his reign (v 20). In the south Amaziah reconquered the Edomites (14:7). Amaziah and Jehoash renewed the warfare between the kingdoms, with the north again victorious (vv 8-14).<\/p>\n<p>Under Jeroboam II, Israel enjoyed a period of prosperity when the borders of the kingdom reached the same extent as they had under Solomon (2 Kgs 14:23-28). Uzziah (Azariah), his contemporary in Judah, also fortified Jerusalem and undertook a program of offensive operations extending Judah’s sway to the south (14:21-22; 15:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>Yet this resurgence was but a brilliant sunset in the history of the two kingdoms. After the death of Jeroboam II, the history is one of successive disasters, culminating in the fall of Israel and the subjugation of Judah to the might of Assyria. The next 30 years in Israel would see four dynasties, three represented by only one king, and repeated regicides as the northern kingdom hastened to its demise. A period of civil war and anarchy would see five kings in just over ten years (2 Kgs 15). Heavy tribute was paid to Tiglath-pileser III in both the north and south (15:19-20; 16:7-10). Israel and the Arameans forged a coalition to throw back the Assyrians and sought to press Ahaz of Judah into the fight; Ahaz appealed to Tiglath-pileser III for help. The coalition was destroyed, and Israel and Judah became vassals. Hoshea defected as soon as he felt safe, looking to Egypt for help, but it was suicide for the northern kingdom. Shalmaneser V retaliated, and the political history of the state of Israel came to an end (17:1-23). The area was resettled with other displaced populations (vv 24-41).<\/p>\n<p>Israel had faced the Arameans and survived, only to fall to Assyria. And now, similarly, Judah would outlast Assyria, only to fall to Babylon.<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Surviving Kingdom of Judah (2 Kgs 18–25)<\/h5>\n<p>Ahaz’s appeal for Assyrian aid cost him his liberty, and Judah became a vassal of the Assyrian Empire. Illegitimate worship flourished under his rule (2 Kgs 16:1-19). Ahaz was succeeded by the first of the outstanding reform kings of Judah: Hezekiah. Much of the account of his reign is given to his rebellion against Sennacherib of Assyria: the rebellion, the Assyrian envoys and threats, Isaiah’s assurances of deliverance, and the destruction of the Assyrian armies (18:9–19:37). Hezekiah’s illness was averted after a sign and oracle from Isaiah (20:1-11). As part of what appears to be negotiations toward an anti-Assyrian alliance, Hezekiah also entertained envoys from Babylon, a decision that the prophet announced would be costly (vv 12-21).<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah was followed by Manasseh, who ruled longer than any other king of Judah (a total of 55 years). His reign was marked by great apostasy—apostasy so severe that the compiler of Kings regarded his reign as sufficient reason for the exile that was unavoidable (2 Kgs 21:1-18; cf. 23:26; 24:3-4; Jer 15:1-4). Manasseh was followed by his son Amon, a carbon copy of his father, who ruled only two years before he was deposed by the people (2 Kings 21:19-26).<\/p>\n<p>The second great reform king of Judah, Josiah, followed. In his reign the Book of the Law was found while the temple was being refurbished; he led the people in a renewal of the covenant and suppressed illegitimate worship (2 Kgs 22:1–23:14). The Assyrian Empire was in rapid decline, so Josiah extended his borders to the north, destroying the altar at Bethel and the high places throughout Samaria (23:15-20). A great Passover celebration was convened in Jerusalem, and further measures were taken to rectify worship (vv 21-25). Josiah tried to block Pharaoh Neco’s foray to assist Assyria, and he lost his life at Megiddo (vv 26-30).<\/p>\n<p>Josiah was the only king of Judah to have three of his sons succeed him. At his death the people put Jehoahaz on the throne, but Neco removed him three months later and took him to Egypt in chains (2 Kgs 23:31-33), replacing him with another son of Josiah, Eliakim, whose name was changed to Jehoiakim (vv 34-37). During his reign, Nebuchadnezzar conquered Judah, and Jehoiakim became his vassal. Late in his life Jehoiakim rebelled against Nebuchadnezzar. Jehoiakim died, leaving his son Jehoiachin to face retaliation from Babylon (24:1-10). Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem; when the city fell, Jehoiachin, the queen mother, the army, and the leaders of the land were carried away captive. Nebuchadnezzar put Mattaniah (uncle of Jehoiachin and third son of Josiah) on the throne, changing his name to Zedekiah (vv 11-17). Nine years later Zedekiah, too, would rebel against Babylon. Nebuchadnezzar besieged the city for two years and, when it fell, utterly destroyed it. Zedekiah’s sons were killed before his eyes, and then his own eyes were put out, and he was taken to Babylon (24:18–25:21). Nebuchadnezzar appointed Gedaliah to rule as governor from nearby Mizpah; he was assassinated, and the conspirators fled to Egypt (25:22-26).<\/p>\n<p>The book concludes by showing that God had not forgotten his promise to David, mentioning that in captivity Jehoiachin enjoyed favor from the hand of Evil-merodach, successor of Nebuchadnezzar (2 Kgs 25:27-30).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Chronicles, Books of First and Second.<\/p>","summary_ro":"KINGS, Books of First and Second Books continuing the history of the covenant people as recorded in Joshua, Judges, and the books of Samuel. The record in Kings begins with the events at the end of David’s reign (1 Kgs 1–2). It continues through the reign of Solomon (chs 3–11); the histories of the divided kingdoms (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17); and the history of the surviving kingdom in the south, through its fall in 586 BC and the subsequent kindness shown Jehoiachin by Evil-merodach, king of Babylo...","summary_en":"KINGS, Books of First and Second Books continuing the history of the covenant people as recorded in Joshua, Judges, and the books of Samuel. The record in Kings begins with the events at the end of David’s reign (1 Kgs 1–2). It continues through the reign of Solomon (chs 3–11); the histories of the divided kingdoms (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17); and the history of the surviving kingdom in the south, through its fall in 586 BC and the subsequent kindness shown Jehoiachin by Evil-merodach, king of Babylo...","source":"Articles\/K.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":47470,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 21:17","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 21:17","content_ro":"<p><strong>21:17<\/strong> <em>everything he did:<\/em> The Chronicler records that Manasseh was captured by an Assyrian king, probably when King Ashurbanipal resided in Babylon (about 650–648 <span>BC<\/span>). This experience humbled Manasseh and brought repentance. After his release, he attempted spiritual reforms, but they were too late in his reign to be effective (2 Chr 33:11-17).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>21:17<\/strong> <em>everything he did:<\/em> The Chronicler records that Manasseh was captured by an Assyrian king, probably when King Ashurbanipal resided in Babylon (about 650–648 <span>BC<\/span>). This experience humbled Manasseh and brought repentance. After his release, he attempted spiritual reforms, but they were too late in his reign to be effective (2 Chr 33:11-17).<\/p>","summary_ro":"21:17 everything he did: The Chronicler records that Manasseh was captured by an Assyrian king, probably when King Ashurbanipal resided in Babylon (about 650–648 BC). This experience humbled Manasseh and brought repentance. After his release, he attempted spiritual reforms, but they were too late in his reign to be effective (2 Chr 33:11-17).","summary_en":"21:17 everything he did: The Chronicler records that Manasseh was captured by an Assyrian king, probably when King Ashurbanipal resided in Babylon (about 650–648 BC). This experience humbled Manasseh and brought repentance. After his release, he attempted spiritual reforms, but they were too late in his reign to be effective (2 Chr 33:11-17).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":75096,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 21:17","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 21:17","content_ro":"<p><strong>21:17<\/strong> <em>everything he did:<\/em> The Chronicler records that Manasseh was captured by an Assyrian king, probably when King Ashurbanipal resided in Babylon (about 650–648 <span>BC<\/span>). This experience humbled Manasseh and brought repentance. After his release, he attempted spiritual reforms, but they were too late in his reign to be effective (2 Chr 33:11-17).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>21:17<\/strong> <em>everything he did:<\/em> The Chronicler records that Manasseh was captured by an Assyrian king, probably when King Ashurbanipal resided in Babylon (about 650–648 <span>BC<\/span>). This experience humbled Manasseh and brought repentance. After his release, he attempted spiritual reforms, but they were too late in his reign to be effective (2 Chr 33:11-17).<\/p>","summary_ro":"21:17 everything he did: The Chronicler records that Manasseh was captured by an Assyrian king, probably when King Ashurbanipal resided in Babylon (about 650–648 BC). This experience humbled Manasseh and brought repentance. After his release, he attempted spiritual reforms, but they were too late in his reign to be effective (2 Chr 33:11-17).","summary_en":"21:17 everything he did: The Chronicler records that Manasseh was captured by an Assyrian king, probably when King Ashurbanipal resided in Babylon (about 650–648 BC). This experience humbled Manasseh and brought repentance. After his release, he attempted spiritual reforms, but they were too late in his reign to be effective (2 Chr 33:11-17).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":102722,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 21:17","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 21:17","content_ro":"<p><strong>21:17<\/strong> <em>everything he did:<\/em> The Chronicler records that Manasseh was captured by an Assyrian king, probably when King Ashurbanipal resided in Babylon (about 650–648 <span>BC<\/span>). This experience humbled Manasseh and brought repentance. After his release, he attempted spiritual reforms, but they were too late in his reign to be effective (2 Chr 33:11-17).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>21:17<\/strong> <em>everything he did:<\/em> The Chronicler records that Manasseh was captured by an Assyrian king, probably when King Ashurbanipal resided in Babylon (about 650–648 <span>BC<\/span>). This experience humbled Manasseh and brought repentance. After his release, he attempted spiritual reforms, but they were too late in his reign to be effective (2 Chr 33:11-17).<\/p>","summary_ro":"21:17 everything he did: The Chronicler records that Manasseh was captured by an Assyrian king, probably when King Ashurbanipal resided in Babylon (about 650–648 BC). This experience humbled Manasseh and brought repentance. After his release, he attempted spiritual reforms, but they were too late in his reign to be effective (2 Chr 33:11-17).","summary_en":"21:17 everything he did: The Chronicler records that Manasseh was captured by an Assyrian king, probably when King Ashurbanipal resided in Babylon (about 650–648 BC). This experience humbled Manasseh and brought repentance. After his release, he attempted spiritual reforms, but they were too late in his reign to be effective (2 Chr 33:11-17).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":130348,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 21:17","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 21:17","content_ro":"<p><strong>21:17<\/strong> <em>everything he did:<\/em> The Chronicler records that Manasseh was captured by an Assyrian king, probably when King Ashurbanipal resided in Babylon (about 650–648 <span>BC<\/span>). This experience humbled Manasseh and brought repentance. After his release, he attempted spiritual reforms, but they were too late in his reign to be effective (2 Chr 33:11-17).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>21:17<\/strong> <em>everything he did:<\/em> The Chronicler records that Manasseh was captured by an Assyrian king, probably when King Ashurbanipal resided in Babylon (about 650–648 <span>BC<\/span>). This experience humbled Manasseh and brought repentance. After his release, he attempted spiritual reforms, but they were too late in his reign to be effective (2 Chr 33:11-17).<\/p>","summary_ro":"21:17 everything he did: The Chronicler records that Manasseh was captured by an Assyrian king, probably when King Ashurbanipal resided in Babylon (about 650–648 BC). This experience humbled Manasseh and brought repentance. After his release, he attempted spiritual reforms, but they were too late in his reign to be effective (2 Chr 33:11-17).","summary_en":"21:17 everything he did: The Chronicler records that Manasseh was captured by an Assyrian king, probably when King Ashurbanipal resided in Babylon (about 650–648 BC). This experience humbled Manasseh and brought repentance. After his release, he attempted spiritual reforms, but they were too late in his reign to be effective (2 Chr 33:11-17).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"18":[{"id":41754,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Manasseh","title_en":"Manasseh","content_ro":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","summary_ro":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","summary_en":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":69380,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Manasseh","title_en":"Manasseh","content_ro":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","summary_ro":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","summary_en":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":97006,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Manasseh","title_en":"Manasseh","content_ro":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","summary_ro":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","summary_en":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":124632,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Manasseh","title_en":"Manasseh","content_ro":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","summary_ro":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","summary_en":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":5834,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Customs* Burial, Burial","title_en":"Customs* Burial, Burial","content_ro":"<h3>BURIAL, BURIAL CUSTOMS*<\/h3>\n<p>The Bible makes frequent reference to burial practices. A society’s burial customs are a reflection of its views about death and the afterlife. The ancient Egyptians, for example, thought of life after death as a continuation of physical activities in another realm, as evidenced by their elaborately furnished tombs. The ancient Hebrews emphasized a more spiritual concept of union or fellowship of the departed with generations gone on before.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"GravesandTombs\">Graves and Tombs<\/p>\n<p>Among the Hebrews, location of burial plots was generally determined on a family basis. The OT contains many references to an Israelite’s desire to be buried in the family burying place, describing his death as “going to his fathers” (Gn 15:15; 1 Kgs 13:22).<\/p>\n<p>The cave of Machpelah at Hebron was one example of family “cohabitation” of a tomb for a succession of generations. Abraham purchased the site from Ephron the Hittite at the time of Sarah’s death (Gn 23). When Abraham died, Isaac and Ishmael laid his body in the same tomb (25:9), and there Jacob in turn buried his parents, Isaac and Rebekah, as well as Jacob’s wife Leah (49:31). After his death, Jacob’s body was buried with his father’s in accord with his own request (49:29; 50:13). Jacob’s son Joseph made his kinsmen promise that his remains would be preserved so they could be carried back to the homeland when God enabled his people to return from Egypt (50:25). Samuel is spoken of as being buried in his house at Ramah, evidently referring to a family graveyard plot (1 Sm 25:1). Joab was buried in his own house in the wilderness (1 Kgs 2:34). King Manasseh was buried in the garden of his palace (2 Kgs 21:18), and Joshua in his own inheritance at Timnath-serah (Jos 24:30). Kings were careful to perpetuate their memory by special burial sites, often in the City of David (the part of Jerusalem on the southeastern ridge first occupied by that great king). King Josiah designated his burial place in advance, most likely an ancestral tomb (2 Kgs 23:30).<\/p>\n<p>Individual burial sites, such as that of Deborah near Bethel (Gn 35:8) and of Rachel on the road to Ephrath (Gn 35:1, 20), were an exception necessitated by sudden death at some distance from the family tomb.<\/p>\n<p>Bodies were buried in tombs, that is, natural caves or rock-hewn sepulchers, such as that belonging to Joseph of Arimathea where the body of Jesus was laid (Mt 27:59-60). They were also buried in shallow graves covered with rock heaps, serving both to mark them and to prevent desecration of the body by animals.<\/p>\n<p>Some graves were marked by a monument erected in love (Gn 35:20) and honor (2 Kgs 23:17), but stones were sometimes heaped on a dishonorable burial place, as in the case of Achan (Jos 7:26) and Absalom (2 Sm 18:17). Tombs were often adorned or embellished, sometimes whitewashed, in part to warn against ceremonial contamination prohibited by Mosaic law. Jesus spoke of such embellishment in a rebuke of the Pharisees (Mt 23:27).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TreatmentoftheCorpse\">Treatment of the Corpse<\/p>\n<p>The assurance given by God to Jacob that “Joseph’s hand shall close your eyes” (Gn 46:4, <span>rsv<\/span>) probably alludes to the custom of a near relative closing the eyes of one who died with a fixed stare. Close relatives might also literally embrace and kiss the body immediately upon expiration. The body was washed and dressed in the deceased one’s clothing. Pins and other ornaments found in excavated tombs are evidence that the dead were buried fully clothed. Soldiers were buried in full regalia, with shields covering or cradling the armored bodies, their swords under their heads (Ez 32:27).<\/p>\n<p>Embalming was not a usual practice in Israel. Egyptian treatment for Jacob and Joseph was the exception rather than the rule. According to the Greek historian Herodotus, the Egyptians commenced embalming procedures by removing the brain from the cranium through the nasal apertures, piecemeal, using a long curved hook. When this had been done, the cranial cavity was rinsed out with a mixture of resins and spices. The corpse was eviscerated, and the entrails were placed in four canopic jars. The body was soaked in a solution of natron for a period of from 40 to 80 days, depending on the cost of the burial. At the time of interment, the corpse was wrapped in strips of fine linen cloth from head to foot and put in an anthropoid coffin. The canopic jars were placed in the tomb along with the body, symbolizing the reuniting of the personality and its survival after death.<\/p>\n<p>Cremation of the bodies of Saul and his sons (1 Sm 31:12-13) was also an exception to normal practice. The Roman historian Tacitus wrote that in contrast with Roman custom, Jewish piety required the burying rather than burning of dead bodies. Under Mosaic law such burning was reserved as a sentence of judgment (Lv 21:9; Jos 7:25).<\/p>\n<p>After preparation of the body, it was carried on a bier (a simple frame with carrying poles) without being placed in a coffin. The body was laid either in a prepared niche in the wall of a rock-hewn chamber or directly in a shallow grave dug in a burial plot. Neither bier nor any form of casket entered the pit with the corpse. The spices used as a perfume and temporary deterrent to decay cannot properly be considered an attempt at embalming (Mk 16:1).<\/p>\n<p>As we know from the Gospel record of Jesus’ burial, some cave tombs had a seal at the doorway, either a hinged wooden door or a flat stone shaped so it could be rolled into place. Such a stone seal could be reopened only with extreme effort (Mk 15:46; 16:3-4). By NT times the Jews sometimes economized on the use of a family tomb by placing the dry bones of formerly buried relatives in ossuaries. These boxlike receptacles were probably an adaptation of chests used by the Romans for holding ashes after a cremation.<\/p>\n<p>Under Mosaic legislation, ceremonial defilement was contracted either through physical contact with the corpse or by participation in the formalities of mourning. Especially stringent prohibitions applied to the priests of Israel. The high priest himself could have nothing at all to do with mourning. In particular, he “must never defile himself by going near a dead person, even if it is his father or mother. He must not desecrate the sanctuary of his God by leaving it to attend his parents’ funeral, because he has been made holy by the anointing oil of his God” (Lv 21:10-12, <span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>Although the customs and procedures were evidently modified little from OT to NT times, some added details are given in the NT record. For example, it is noted that the corpse was washed (Acts 9:37). The body was then anointed and wrapped in linen cloths with spices enclosed (Mk 16:1; Jn 19:40). Finally, the limbs were tightly bound and the head covered with a separate piece of cloth (Jn 11:44).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Mourning; Funeral Customs.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>BURIAL, BURIAL CUSTOMS*<\/h3>\n<p>The Bible makes frequent reference to burial practices. A society’s burial customs are a reflection of its views about death and the afterlife. The ancient Egyptians, for example, thought of life after death as a continuation of physical activities in another realm, as evidenced by their elaborately furnished tombs. The ancient Hebrews emphasized a more spiritual concept of union or fellowship of the departed with generations gone on before.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"GravesandTombs\">Graves and Tombs<\/p>\n<p>Among the Hebrews, location of burial plots was generally determined on a family basis. The OT contains many references to an Israelite’s desire to be buried in the family burying place, describing his death as “going to his fathers” (Gn 15:15; 1 Kgs 13:22).<\/p>\n<p>The cave of Machpelah at Hebron was one example of family “cohabitation” of a tomb for a succession of generations. Abraham purchased the site from Ephron the Hittite at the time of Sarah’s death (Gn 23). When Abraham died, Isaac and Ishmael laid his body in the same tomb (25:9), and there Jacob in turn buried his parents, Isaac and Rebekah, as well as Jacob’s wife Leah (49:31). After his death, Jacob’s body was buried with his father’s in accord with his own request (49:29; 50:13). Jacob’s son Joseph made his kinsmen promise that his remains would be preserved so they could be carried back to the homeland when God enabled his people to return from Egypt (50:25). Samuel is spoken of as being buried in his house at Ramah, evidently referring to a family graveyard plot (1 Sm 25:1). Joab was buried in his own house in the wilderness (1 Kgs 2:34). King Manasseh was buried in the garden of his palace (2 Kgs 21:18), and Joshua in his own inheritance at Timnath-serah (Jos 24:30). Kings were careful to perpetuate their memory by special burial sites, often in the City of David (the part of Jerusalem on the southeastern ridge first occupied by that great king). King Josiah designated his burial place in advance, most likely an ancestral tomb (2 Kgs 23:30).<\/p>\n<p>Individual burial sites, such as that of Deborah near Bethel (Gn 35:8) and of Rachel on the road to Ephrath (Gn 35:1, 20), were an exception necessitated by sudden death at some distance from the family tomb.<\/p>\n<p>Bodies were buried in tombs, that is, natural caves or rock-hewn sepulchers, such as that belonging to Joseph of Arimathea where the body of Jesus was laid (Mt 27:59-60). They were also buried in shallow graves covered with rock heaps, serving both to mark them and to prevent desecration of the body by animals.<\/p>\n<p>Some graves were marked by a monument erected in love (Gn 35:20) and honor (2 Kgs 23:17), but stones were sometimes heaped on a dishonorable burial place, as in the case of Achan (Jos 7:26) and Absalom (2 Sm 18:17). Tombs were often adorned or embellished, sometimes whitewashed, in part to warn against ceremonial contamination prohibited by Mosaic law. Jesus spoke of such embellishment in a rebuke of the Pharisees (Mt 23:27).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TreatmentoftheCorpse\">Treatment of the Corpse<\/p>\n<p>The assurance given by God to Jacob that “Joseph’s hand shall close your eyes” (Gn 46:4, <span>rsv<\/span>) probably alludes to the custom of a near relative closing the eyes of one who died with a fixed stare. Close relatives might also literally embrace and kiss the body immediately upon expiration. The body was washed and dressed in the deceased one’s clothing. Pins and other ornaments found in excavated tombs are evidence that the dead were buried fully clothed. Soldiers were buried in full regalia, with shields covering or cradling the armored bodies, their swords under their heads (Ez 32:27).<\/p>\n<p>Embalming was not a usual practice in Israel. Egyptian treatment for Jacob and Joseph was the exception rather than the rule. According to the Greek historian Herodotus, the Egyptians commenced embalming procedures by removing the brain from the cranium through the nasal apertures, piecemeal, using a long curved hook. When this had been done, the cranial cavity was rinsed out with a mixture of resins and spices. The corpse was eviscerated, and the entrails were placed in four canopic jars. The body was soaked in a solution of natron for a period of from 40 to 80 days, depending on the cost of the burial. At the time of interment, the corpse was wrapped in strips of fine linen cloth from head to foot and put in an anthropoid coffin. The canopic jars were placed in the tomb along with the body, symbolizing the reuniting of the personality and its survival after death.<\/p>\n<p>Cremation of the bodies of Saul and his sons (1 Sm 31:12-13) was also an exception to normal practice. The Roman historian Tacitus wrote that in contrast with Roman custom, Jewish piety required the burying rather than burning of dead bodies. Under Mosaic law such burning was reserved as a sentence of judgment (Lv 21:9; Jos 7:25).<\/p>\n<p>After preparation of the body, it was carried on a bier (a simple frame with carrying poles) without being placed in a coffin. The body was laid either in a prepared niche in the wall of a rock-hewn chamber or directly in a shallow grave dug in a burial plot. Neither bier nor any form of casket entered the pit with the corpse. The spices used as a perfume and temporary deterrent to decay cannot properly be considered an attempt at embalming (Mk 16:1).<\/p>\n<p>As we know from the Gospel record of Jesus’ burial, some cave tombs had a seal at the doorway, either a hinged wooden door or a flat stone shaped so it could be rolled into place. Such a stone seal could be reopened only with extreme effort (Mk 15:46; 16:3-4). By NT times the Jews sometimes economized on the use of a family tomb by placing the dry bones of formerly buried relatives in ossuaries. These boxlike receptacles were probably an adaptation of chests used by the Romans for holding ashes after a cremation.<\/p>\n<p>Under Mosaic legislation, ceremonial defilement was contracted either through physical contact with the corpse or by participation in the formalities of mourning. Especially stringent prohibitions applied to the priests of Israel. The high priest himself could have nothing at all to do with mourning. In particular, he “must never defile himself by going near a dead person, even if it is his father or mother. He must not desecrate the sanctuary of his God by leaving it to attend his parents’ funeral, because he has been made holy by the anointing oil of his God” (Lv 21:10-12, <span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>Although the customs and procedures were evidently modified little from OT to NT times, some added details are given in the NT record. For example, it is noted that the corpse was washed (Acts 9:37). The body was then anointed and wrapped in linen cloths with spices enclosed (Mk 16:1; Jn 19:40). Finally, the limbs were tightly bound and the head covered with a separate piece of cloth (Jn 11:44).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Mourning; Funeral Customs.<\/p>","summary_ro":"BURIAL, BURIAL CUSTOMS* The Bible makes frequent reference to burial practices. A society’s burial customs are a reflection of its views about death and the afterlife. The ancient Egyptians, for example, thought of life after death as a continuation of physical activities in another realm, as evidenced by their elaborately furnished tombs. The ancient Hebrews emphasized a more spiritual concept of union or fellowship of the departed with generations gone on before. Graves and Tombs Among the ...","summary_en":"BURIAL, BURIAL CUSTOMS* The Bible makes frequent reference to burial practices. A society’s burial customs are a reflection of its views about death and the afterlife. The ancient Egyptians, for example, thought of life after death as a continuation of physical activities in another realm, as evidenced by their elaborately furnished tombs. The ancient Hebrews emphasized a more spiritual concept of union or fellowship of the departed with generations gone on before. Graves and Tombs Among the ...","source":"Articles\/B.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":24222,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Manasseh (Person)","title_en":"Manasseh (Person)","content_ro":"<h3>MANASSEH (P<span>erson<\/span>)<\/h3>\n<li>1. Firstborn son of Joseph and his Egyptian wife, Asenath (Gn 41:50-51). Manasseh, along with Ephraim his brother, visited their grandfather Jacob on his deathbed. Jacob announced that Manasseh and Ephraim were to be considered his own, not Joseph’s sons (Gn 48:5-6), and that Manasseh, the firstborn, would have descendants not quite as great as those of Ephraim (vv 13-20). This explains why Ephraim and Manasseh (in that order) provided their names for two of the 12 tribes of Israel but Joseph did not, at least in most listings (cf. Rv 7:6). Manasseh also founded the Manassite family (Dt 4:43; 2 Kgs 10:33).<\/li>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Manasseh, Tribe of.<\/p>\n<li>2. KJV translation for Moses in Judges 18:30. In Hebrew the two names differ by only one letter. Apparently an early scribe was offended that this verse connected Moses’ grandson with idolatry, so he changed the name to Manasseh to preserve Moses’ reputation. <em>See<\/em> Moses.<\/li>\n<li>3. Thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>) and Jesus’ ancestor (Mt 1:10); notorious for his long and wicked reign, described in 2 Kings 21:1-26 and 2 Chronicles 33:1-20. His father was the godly king Hezekiah, and his mother was Hephzibah (2 Kgs 21:1).<\/li>\n<p>At the age of 12 he became co-ruler with his father. In 686 <span>BC<\/span> his father died and he became sole monarch at only 23. His 55-year reign (2 Kgs 21:1) is dated from the beginning of his co-regency, so he ruled 11 years as co-regent and 44 years as sole king—longer than any other king in Judah or in Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the Judean kings, even resorting to a series of murders, presumably to stay in power (21:16; 24:4). In addition to murder, among his sins listed in 2 Kings 21:2-9 are rebuilding the high places for pagan worship; encouraging Baal, sun, moon, and star worship; and burning his son as a child sacrifice (21:6; cf. 23:10; Jer 7:31).<\/p>\n<p>Second Chronicles 33:11-16 indicates that he was taken as a prisoner of war to Babylon, that he genuinely repented there, that God restored him as king, and that he tried to abolish his former pagan practices and to restore proper worship of God alone. Skepticism about this account is not warranted, even though unparalleled in 2 Kings. Surviving Assyrian records twice mention Manasseh, saying that he faithfully provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esar-haddon (681–669 <span>BC<\/span>) and that he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (669–627 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Though Pharaoh Neco’s similar captivity and release is mentioned, Manasseh’s is not.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span>, at the age of 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded kings like Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:16; 32:33). His son Amon reverted to his father’s wicked practices, but reigned only two years (642–640 <span>BC<\/span>) before being assassinated. It was his godly grandson Josiah (640–609 <span>BC<\/span>) who led the people back to the true worship of Yahweh (2 Kgs 23:4-14). But even his reforms could not avert the judgment promised on account of Manasseh’s sins (vv 26-27).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Prayer of Manasseh.<\/p>\n<li>4. Pahath-moab’s son, who obeyed Ezra’s exhortation to divorce his pagan wife after the exile (Ezr 10:30).<\/li>\n<li>5. Hashum’s son, who obeyed Ezra’s exhortation to divorce his pagan wife after the exile (Ezr 10:33).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>MANASSEH (P<span>erson<\/span>)<\/h3>\n<li>1. Firstborn son of Joseph and his Egyptian wife, Asenath (Gn 41:50-51). Manasseh, along with Ephraim his brother, visited their grandfather Jacob on his deathbed. Jacob announced that Manasseh and Ephraim were to be considered his own, not Joseph’s sons (Gn 48:5-6), and that Manasseh, the firstborn, would have descendants not quite as great as those of Ephraim (vv 13-20). This explains why Ephraim and Manasseh (in that order) provided their names for two of the 12 tribes of Israel but Joseph did not, at least in most listings (cf. Rv 7:6). Manasseh also founded the Manassite family (Dt 4:43; 2 Kgs 10:33).<\/li>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Manasseh, Tribe of.<\/p>\n<li>2. KJV translation for Moses in Judges 18:30. In Hebrew the two names differ by only one letter. Apparently an early scribe was offended that this verse connected Moses’ grandson with idolatry, so he changed the name to Manasseh to preserve Moses’ reputation. <em>See<\/em> Moses.<\/li>\n<li>3. Thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>) and Jesus’ ancestor (Mt 1:10); notorious for his long and wicked reign, described in 2 Kings 21:1-26 and 2 Chronicles 33:1-20. His father was the godly king Hezekiah, and his mother was Hephzibah (2 Kgs 21:1).<\/li>\n<p>At the age of 12 he became co-ruler with his father. In 686 <span>BC<\/span> his father died and he became sole monarch at only 23. His 55-year reign (2 Kgs 21:1) is dated from the beginning of his co-regency, so he ruled 11 years as co-regent and 44 years as sole king—longer than any other king in Judah or in Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the Judean kings, even resorting to a series of murders, presumably to stay in power (21:16; 24:4). In addition to murder, among his sins listed in 2 Kings 21:2-9 are rebuilding the high places for pagan worship; encouraging Baal, sun, moon, and star worship; and burning his son as a child sacrifice (21:6; cf. 23:10; Jer 7:31).<\/p>\n<p>Second Chronicles 33:11-16 indicates that he was taken as a prisoner of war to Babylon, that he genuinely repented there, that God restored him as king, and that he tried to abolish his former pagan practices and to restore proper worship of God alone. Skepticism about this account is not warranted, even though unparalleled in 2 Kings. Surviving Assyrian records twice mention Manasseh, saying that he faithfully provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esar-haddon (681–669 <span>BC<\/span>) and that he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (669–627 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Though Pharaoh Neco’s similar captivity and release is mentioned, Manasseh’s is not.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span>, at the age of 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded kings like Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:16; 32:33). His son Amon reverted to his father’s wicked practices, but reigned only two years (642–640 <span>BC<\/span>) before being assassinated. It was his godly grandson Josiah (640–609 <span>BC<\/span>) who led the people back to the true worship of Yahweh (2 Kgs 23:4-14). But even his reforms could not avert the judgment promised on account of Manasseh’s sins (vv 26-27).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Prayer of Manasseh.<\/p>\n<li>4. Pahath-moab’s son, who obeyed Ezra’s exhortation to divorce his pagan wife after the exile (Ezr 10:30).<\/li>\n<li>5. Hashum’s son, who obeyed Ezra’s exhortation to divorce his pagan wife after the exile (Ezr 10:33).<\/li>","summary_ro":"MANASSEH (Person) 1. Firstborn son of Joseph and his Egyptian wife, Asenath (Gn 41:50-51). Manasseh, along with Ephraim his brother, visited their grandfather Jacob on his deathbed. Jacob announced that Manasseh and Ephraim were to be considered his own, not Joseph’s sons (Gn 48:5-6), and that Manasseh, the firstborn, would have descendants not quite as great as those of Ephraim (vv 13-20). This explains why Ephraim and Manasseh (in that order) provided their names for two of the 12 tribes of...","summary_en":"MANASSEH (Person) 1. Firstborn son of Joseph and his Egyptian wife, Asenath (Gn 41:50-51). Manasseh, along with Ephraim his brother, visited their grandfather Jacob on his deathbed. Jacob announced that Manasseh and Ephraim were to be considered his own, not Joseph’s sons (Gn 48:5-6), and that Manasseh, the firstborn, would have descendants not quite as great as those of Ephraim (vv 13-20). This explains why Ephraim and Manasseh (in that order) provided their names for two of the 12 tribes of...","source":"Articles\/M.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":37929,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Uzza","title_en":"Uzza","content_ro":"<h3>UZZA<\/h3>\n<li>1. Owner or initial planter of a garden that served as the burial place for kings Manasseh and Amon of Judah (2 Kgs 21:18, 26). The “garden of Uzza” was apparently adjacent to Manasseh’s royal residence.<\/li>\n<li>2. KJV spelling for Uzzah, Shimei’s son, in 1 Chronicles 6:29. <em>See<\/em> Uzzah #2.<\/li>\n<li>3. Son or descendant of Ehud from Benjamin’s tribe (1 Chr 8:7), listed as an ancestor of Mordecai in extrabiblical texts.<\/li>\n<li>4. KJV spelling for Uzzah, Abinadab’s son, in 1 Chronicles 13:7-11. <em>See<\/em> Uzzah #1.<\/li>\n<li>5. Forefather of a family of temple servants who returned to Jerusalem with Zerubbabel following the exile (Ezr 2:49; Neh 7:51).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>UZZA<\/h3>\n<li>1. Owner or initial planter of a garden that served as the burial place for kings Manasseh and Amon of Judah (2 Kgs 21:18, 26). The “garden of Uzza” was apparently adjacent to Manasseh’s royal residence.<\/li>\n<li>2. KJV spelling for Uzzah, Shimei’s son, in 1 Chronicles 6:29. <em>See<\/em> Uzzah #2.<\/li>\n<li>3. Son or descendant of Ehud from Benjamin’s tribe (1 Chr 8:7), listed as an ancestor of Mordecai in extrabiblical texts.<\/li>\n<li>4. KJV spelling for Uzzah, Abinadab’s son, in 1 Chronicles 13:7-11. <em>See<\/em> Uzzah #1.<\/li>\n<li>5. Forefather of a family of temple servants who returned to Jerusalem with Zerubbabel following the exile (Ezr 2:49; Neh 7:51).<\/li>","summary_ro":"UZZA 1. Owner or initial planter of a garden that served as the burial place for kings Manasseh and Amon of Judah (2 Kgs 21:18, 26). The “garden of Uzza” was apparently adjacent to Manasseh’s royal residence. 2. KJV spelling for Uzzah, Shimei’s son, in 1 Chronicles 6:29. See Uzzah #2. 3. Son or descendant of Ehud from Benjamin’s tribe (1 Chr 8:7), listed as an ancestor of Mordecai in extrabiblical texts. 4. KJV spelling for Uzzah, Abinadab’s son, in 1 Chronicles 13:7-11. See Uzzah #1. 5. Fore...","summary_en":"UZZA 1. Owner or initial planter of a garden that served as the burial place for kings Manasseh and Amon of Judah (2 Kgs 21:18, 26). The “garden of Uzza” was apparently adjacent to Manasseh’s royal residence. 2. KJV spelling for Uzzah, Shimei’s son, in 1 Chronicles 6:29. See Uzzah #2. 3. Son or descendant of Ehud from Benjamin’s tribe (1 Chr 8:7), listed as an ancestor of Mordecai in extrabiblical texts. 4. KJV spelling for Uzzah, Abinadab’s son, in 1 Chronicles 13:7-11. See Uzzah #1. 5. Fore...","source":"Articles\/U.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":47471,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 21:18","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 21:18","content_ro":"<p><strong>21:18<\/strong> <em>The garden of Uzza<\/em> is otherwise unknown (but see also 21:26). Unlike his father, Hezekiah, who had been buried with honor, Manasseh was not buried in the royal tombs (2 Chr 32:33).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>21:18<\/strong> <em>The garden of Uzza<\/em> is otherwise unknown (but see also 21:26). Unlike his father, Hezekiah, who had been buried with honor, Manasseh was not buried in the royal tombs (2 Chr 32:33).<\/p>","summary_ro":"21:18 The garden of Uzza is otherwise unknown (but see also 21:26). Unlike his father, Hezekiah, who had been buried with honor, Manasseh was not buried in the royal tombs (2 Chr 32:33).","summary_en":"21:18 The garden of Uzza is otherwise unknown (but see also 21:26). Unlike his father, Hezekiah, who had been buried with honor, Manasseh was not buried in the royal tombs (2 Chr 32:33).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":75097,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 21:18","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 21:18","content_ro":"<p><strong>21:18<\/strong> <em>The garden of Uzza<\/em> is otherwise unknown (but see also 21:26). Unlike his father, Hezekiah, who had been buried with honor, Manasseh was not buried in the royal tombs (2 Chr 32:33).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>21:18<\/strong> <em>The garden of Uzza<\/em> is otherwise unknown (but see also 21:26). Unlike his father, Hezekiah, who had been buried with honor, Manasseh was not buried in the royal tombs (2 Chr 32:33).<\/p>","summary_ro":"21:18 The garden of Uzza is otherwise unknown (but see also 21:26). Unlike his father, Hezekiah, who had been buried with honor, Manasseh was not buried in the royal tombs (2 Chr 32:33).","summary_en":"21:18 The garden of Uzza is otherwise unknown (but see also 21:26). Unlike his father, Hezekiah, who had been buried with honor, Manasseh was not buried in the royal tombs (2 Chr 32:33).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":102723,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 21:18","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 21:18","content_ro":"<p><strong>21:18<\/strong> <em>The garden of Uzza<\/em> is otherwise unknown (but see also 21:26). Unlike his father, Hezekiah, who had been buried with honor, Manasseh was not buried in the royal tombs (2 Chr 32:33).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>21:18<\/strong> <em>The garden of Uzza<\/em> is otherwise unknown (but see also 21:26). Unlike his father, Hezekiah, who had been buried with honor, Manasseh was not buried in the royal tombs (2 Chr 32:33).<\/p>","summary_ro":"21:18 The garden of Uzza is otherwise unknown (but see also 21:26). Unlike his father, Hezekiah, who had been buried with honor, Manasseh was not buried in the royal tombs (2 Chr 32:33).","summary_en":"21:18 The garden of Uzza is otherwise unknown (but see also 21:26). Unlike his father, Hezekiah, who had been buried with honor, Manasseh was not buried in the royal tombs (2 Chr 32:33).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":130349,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 21:18","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 21:18","content_ro":"<p><strong>21:18<\/strong> <em>The garden of Uzza<\/em> is otherwise unknown (but see also 21:26). Unlike his father, Hezekiah, who had been buried with honor, Manasseh was not buried in the royal tombs (2 Chr 32:33).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>21:18<\/strong> <em>The garden of Uzza<\/em> is otherwise unknown (but see also 21:26). Unlike his father, Hezekiah, who had been buried with honor, Manasseh was not buried in the royal tombs (2 Chr 32:33).<\/p>","summary_ro":"21:18 The garden of Uzza is otherwise unknown (but see also 21:26). Unlike his father, Hezekiah, who had been buried with honor, Manasseh was not buried in the royal tombs (2 Chr 32:33).","summary_en":"21:18 The garden of Uzza is otherwise unknown (but see also 21:26). Unlike his father, Hezekiah, who had been buried with honor, Manasseh was not buried in the royal tombs (2 Chr 32:33).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"19":[{"id":1386,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Amon (Person)","title_en":"Amon (Person)","content_ro":"<h3>AMON (P<span>erson<\/span>)<\/h3>\n<li>1. Governor of the city of Samaria during the reign of Ahab in Israel (1 Kgs 22:26; 2 Chr 18:25). Amon imprisoned the prophet Micaiah while Ahab defied Micaiah’s warning against attacking Ramoth-gilead.<\/li>\n<li>2. King Manasseh’s son, the 15th king of Judah (642–640 <span>BC<\/span>). Amon was 22 years old when he became king. He indulged in idolatry like his father and after a two-year reign was assassinated in a palace coup (2 Kgs 21:19-26; 2 Chr 33:20-25). <em>See<\/em> Israel, History of; Chronology of the Bible (Old Testament).<\/li>\n<li>3. Official of Solomon; his descendants returned to Jerusalem after the exile (Neh 7:59). The spelling Ami (Ezr 2:57) is a variant of this name.<\/li>\n<li>4. Egyptian god, probably a fertility deity (Jer 46:25).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>AMON (P<span>erson<\/span>)<\/h3>\n<li>1. Governor of the city of Samaria during the reign of Ahab in Israel (1 Kgs 22:26; 2 Chr 18:25). Amon imprisoned the prophet Micaiah while Ahab defied Micaiah’s warning against attacking Ramoth-gilead.<\/li>\n<li>2. King Manasseh’s son, the 15th king of Judah (642–640 <span>BC<\/span>). Amon was 22 years old when he became king. He indulged in idolatry like his father and after a two-year reign was assassinated in a palace coup (2 Kgs 21:19-26; 2 Chr 33:20-25). <em>See<\/em> Israel, History of; Chronology of the Bible (Old Testament).<\/li>\n<li>3. Official of Solomon; his descendants returned to Jerusalem after the exile (Neh 7:59). The spelling Ami (Ezr 2:57) is a variant of this name.<\/li>\n<li>4. Egyptian god, probably a fertility deity (Jer 46:25).<\/li>","summary_ro":"AMON (Person) 1. Governor of the city of Samaria during the reign of Ahab in Israel (1 Kgs 22:26; 2 Chr 18:25). Amon imprisoned the prophet Micaiah while Ahab defied Micaiah’s warning against attacking Ramoth-gilead. 2. King Manasseh’s son, the 15th king of Judah (642–640 BC). Amon was 22 years old when he became king. He indulged in idolatry like his father and after a two-year reign was assassinated in a palace coup (2 Kgs 21:19-26; 2 Chr 33:20-25). See Israel, History of; Chronology of the...","summary_en":"AMON (Person) 1. Governor of the city of Samaria during the reign of Ahab in Israel (1 Kgs 22:26; 2 Chr 18:25). Amon imprisoned the prophet Micaiah while Ahab defied Micaiah’s warning against attacking Ramoth-gilead. 2. King Manasseh’s son, the 15th king of Judah (642–640 BC). Amon was 22 years old when he became king. He indulged in idolatry like his father and after a two-year reign was assassinated in a palace coup (2 Kgs 21:19-26; 2 Chr 33:20-25). See Israel, History of; Chronology of the...","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":15404,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Haruz","title_en":"Haruz","content_ro":"<h3>HARUZ<\/h3>\n<p>Maternal grandfather of Amon, king of Judah (2 Kgs 21:19).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>HARUZ<\/h3>\n<p>Maternal grandfather of Amon, king of Judah (2 Kgs 21:19).<\/p>","summary_ro":"HARUZ Maternal grandfather of Amon, king of Judah (2 Kgs 21:19).","summary_en":"HARUZ Maternal grandfather of Amon, king of Judah (2 Kgs 21:19).","source":"Articles\/H.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":20902,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Jotbah","title_en":"Jotbah","content_ro":"<h3>JOTBAH<\/h3>\n<p>Hometown of Haruz, the father of Meshullemeth, who was the mother of King Amon of Judah (2 Kgs 21:19). Its location is uncertain; however, some identify it with the town later named Jotapata by the Romans, situated six miles (9.7 kilometers) north of Sepphoris (modern Khirbet Jefat).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JOTBAH<\/h3>\n<p>Hometown of Haruz, the father of Meshullemeth, who was the mother of King Amon of Judah (2 Kgs 21:19). Its location is uncertain; however, some identify it with the town later named Jotapata by the Romans, situated six miles (9.7 kilometers) north of Sepphoris (modern Khirbet Jefat).<\/p>","summary_ro":"JOTBAH Hometown of Haruz, the father of Meshullemeth, who was the mother of King Amon of Judah (2 Kgs 21:19). Its location is uncertain; however, some identify it with the town later named Jotapata by the Romans, situated six miles (9.7 kilometers) north of Sepphoris (modern Khirbet Jefat).","summary_en":"JOTBAH Hometown of Haruz, the father of Meshullemeth, who was the mother of King Amon of Judah (2 Kgs 21:19). Its location is uncertain; however, some identify it with the town later named Jotapata by the Romans, situated six miles (9.7 kilometers) north of Sepphoris (modern Khirbet Jefat).","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":22096,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Books of First and Second Kings","title_en":"Books of First and Second Kings","content_ro":"<h3>KINGS, Books of First and Second<\/h3>\n<p>Books continuing the history of the covenant people as recorded in Joshua, Judges, and the books of Samuel. The record in Kings begins with the events at the end of David’s reign (1 Kgs 1–2). It continues through the reign of Solomon (chs 3–11); the histories of the divided kingdoms (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17); and the history of the surviving kingdom in the south, through its fall in 586 <span>BC<\/span> and the subsequent kindness shown Jehoiachin by Evil-merodach, king of Babylon, around 561 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 18–25).<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Authorship and Date<\/p>\n<p>• Sources<\/p>\n<p>• Theology and Purpose<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"AuthorshipandDate\">Authorship and Date<\/p>\n<p>Kings was originally regarded as one book in the Hebrew canon; the division into two books of approximately equal length appeared first in the Septuagint and finally entered the Hebrew Bible in the 15th century <span>AD<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>The book itself is anonymous, and information about its author can only be deduced by examining the concerns and perspectives of the work. The Babylonian Talmud (<em>Baba Bathra<\/em> 15a) attributes Kings to Jeremiah. Although this identification could have arisen from the tendency of later Jewish tradition to assign biblical books to prophetic authors, the theory of origin in prophetic circles fits the evidence quite well. Substantial portions are given to the lives of the prophets; 16 of 47 chapters are devoted to the lives of Elijah and Elisha (1 Kgs 17—2 Kgs 10), and there is considerable interest in other prophetic figures such as Ahijah (1 Kgs 11:29-39; 14:1-16), an unnamed man of God (13:1-10), and Micaiah (22:13-28). Possible dependence on Isaiah (2 Kgs 18–20; cf. Is 36–39) and Jeremiah (2 Kgs 24–25; cf. Jer 52) also suggest prophetic origin. The author-compiler also shows intense concern with the efficacy of the prophetic word, frequently calling attention to the fulfillment of words spoken earlier by the prophets.<\/p>\n<p>One might initially think that such a history would be unlikely for a prophet, but the evidence is to the contrary. The prophets were the guardians of the covenant relationship and are known to have produced accounts used as sources by other biblical historians. The following are among such sources: the acts of Samuel the seer, the acts of Nathan the prophet, the acts of Gad the seer (1 Chr 29:29); the acts of Nathan the prophet, the prophecy of Ahijah the Shilonite, the visions of Iddo the seer (2 Chr 9:29); the chronicles of Shemaiah the prophet and of Iddo the seer (12:15); the annotations of the prophet Iddo (13:22); and the acts of Uzziah by Isaiah the prophet (26:22). Add to this the fact that Kings is positioned in the Hebrew canon in the Former Prophets (Joshua to 2 Kings), and a consistent picture of prophetic origin emerges.<\/p>\n<p>The date of the final part of the book must be after the last events recorded. Evil-merodach’s kindness toward Jehoiachin (c. 561 <span>BC<\/span>) is the terminus of the book and therefore fixes the earliest date. Since the work shows no knowledge of the restoration period, a date before 539 <span>BC<\/span> is probable. The author’s selection of his data to answer the burning theological questions of the exilic community also suggests a date between 561 and 539 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Sources\">Sources<\/p>\n<p>The compiler of Kings specifically names three of the sources that he used in his work, and biblical scholars have suggested the presence of a number of other sources that may have been cited. Of course, the sources not mentioned specifically by the compiler are only the speculations of those who have studied his work and can have only varying degrees of probability. The sources both specified and alleged are as follows.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the Acts of Solomon<\/h5>\n<p>As 1 Kings 11:41 says, “The rest of the events in Solomon’s reign, including his wisdom, are recorded in <em>The Book of the Acts of Solomon”<\/em> (<span>nlt<\/span>). Presumably additional materials of a biographical nature were included, specifically accounts similar to the judgment between the two mothers (3:16-28) or the visit of the queen of Sheba (10:1-10). There has been debate as to whether these materials were official court records or nonofficial documents. Some scholars have attempted to isolate further materials within this section by identifying descriptions of the buildings as from temple archives (chs 6–7) and lists of administrators as from administrative documents (chs 4–5), but this must remain speculative.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the History of the Kings of Israel<\/h5>\n<p>This source is mentioned 17 times in Kings, usually in the closing formulas at the end of the account of the reign of a northern king. Some idea of the nature of these chronicles can be derived from looking at the type of information to which the compiler refers his readers (see 1 Kgs 14:19; 16:27; 22:39; 2 Kgs 13:12; 14:28). These passages suggest that this source was the official annals covering the reigns of the kings.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the History of the Kings of Judah<\/h5>\n<p>This source is mentioned in 15 passages, and as with the kings of Israel, is found in the concluding formulas to the accounts of the reigns. This source was to be consulted for additional details on individuals’ reigns (for example, see 1 Kgs 15:23; 22:45; 2 Kgs 20:20; 21:17). These sources for the histories of the two kingdoms were probably similar to the annals known from the surrounding cultures, particularly from the reigns of Assyrian kings. They were likely official court histories kept in Samaria and Jerusalem.<\/p>\n<p>In addition to these explicitly mentioned sources, scholars have suggested the compiler drew on other sources that he does not name.<\/p>\n<h5>Davidic Court History<\/h5>\n<p>Second Samuel 9–20 is often identified as a unit of material in the composition of the books of Samuel; it is variously called “the court history” or “the succession narrative.” Because of similar vocabulary and outlook, 1 Kings 1–2 are often associated with this material from Samuel. The statement of 1 Kings 2:46, “so the kingdom was now firmly in Solomon’s grip,” is taken to be the end of this record.<\/p>\n<h5>Sources for the House of Ahab<\/h5>\n<p>The reigns of individual kings are ordinarily given only brief notices; for example, the father of Ahab, Omri, is given eight verses, even though when judged by political and economic significance, he was among the greatest of the northern kings (1 Kgs 16:21-28). However, beginning with the reign of Ahab, the record becomes quite expansive, and extensive coverage is given the dynasty of Ahab through the coup by Jehu (1 Kgs 16—2 Kgs 12). The use of the stereotyped formulas for the reigns is suspended in this material, and the existence of other literature used by the compiler is probable. This material is commonly subdivided into further sources for the lives of Elijah and Elisha and the reign of Ahab.<\/p>\n<p>The Elijah section covers material in the following chapters: 1 Kings 17–19, including the feeding by the ravens, the incidents with the widow of Zarephath, the drought, the fire on Carmel, and the revelation of God at Sinai; 1 Kings 21, the affair of Naboth’s vineyard; and 2 Kings 1, the death of Ahaziah’s messengers. The reign of Ahab, which gets so much attention in Kings, is primarily a backdrop for the accounts concerning Elijah.<\/p>\n<p>The Elisha material found in 2 Kings 2–13 may have had an independent literary development from that of the Elijah accounts. It includes the following: chapter 2 (Elisha’s succession to the prophetic office, the purification of a spring, the death of mocking children); chapter 3 (on the campaign against Moab); chapter 4 (the widow’s oil, the Shunammite woman); chapter 5 (Naaman’s leprosy); chapter 6 (the Aramean attempt to capture Elisha); chapter 7 (the famine in Samaria); chapter 8 (the Shunammite’s property, the coup of Hazael); chapter 9 (the anointing of Jehu); and chapter 13 (the death of Elisha). No other portion of the OT takes the sheer delight in the miraculous that is seen in the Elisha narratives.<\/p>\n<p>In 1 Kings 16 to 2 Kings 13 there are additional incidents not directly related to the biographies of Elijah and Elisha; accounts such as the military campaigns of 1 Kings 20:1-34 and further details of Jehu’s coup (2 Kgs 9:11–10:36) are often attributed to a third source containing accounts of the dynasty of Ahab and his successors. In all three of these possible sources the orientation is toward affairs in the northern kingdom.<\/p>\n<h5>Isaiah Source<\/h5>\n<p>The account of the reign of Hezekiah contains a section (2 Kgs 18:13–20:19) that is nearly a verbatim citation of material also found in Isaiah (Is 36:1–39:8). The section records the invasion of Sennacherib, the mission of the Rabshakeh, Hezekiah’s prayer, Isaiah’s prophecy, Hezekiah’s illness, the regression of the sun, and the envoys from Merodach-baladan. The material must be regarded as based on the book of Isaiah or some other source used in both Isaiah and Kings.<\/p>\n<h5>A Prophetic Source<\/h5>\n<p>Because Kings shows great interest in the prophets and their ministries, various scholars have suggested that yet another source was used by the compiler; this would be an independent literary unit containing accounts of the prophets. This source would have contained the records for the material on Ahijah (1 Kgs 11:29-39; 14:1-16), unnamed prophets (ch 12; 20:35-43), Micaiah (22:13-28), and other references.<\/p>\n<p>Apart from the sources explicitly mentioned and inferences about their character, the remainder of the sources suggested have only varying degrees of probability. Considerable scholarly effort has gone into identifying and characterizing such sources, but it remains speculative. When considering the sources the compiler may have used, one important caution must be kept in mind. Even if such sources did exist, one cannot have confidence in a reconstruction of the compositional history. Which sources had already been integrated into a larger composition before they were used by the compiler of Kings? We cannot be certain that the life situation out of which these other sources grew has been correctly identified, nor can we know that even the compiler himself was aware of the past history of his sources. Biblical scholarship has expended considerable energy in trying to delineate the past history of the book of Kings, but it has often been at the neglect of the unity of perspective that is the product of the final compiler(s) in whose hands the book received its canonical form.<\/p>\n<p>What is important to understanding the book is not the perspective of its various sources (of which the compiler himself may have been unaware), but the perspective of the book as a whole on the history of the kingdoms. It is the outline that the compiler has imposed on the sources that establishes the teaching of the book; his sources are used in accord with his own purposes, a fact that makes the purposes for which the sources had been prepared largely irrelevant to the teaching of the book in its present form. Exploring possible sources, worthwhile in itself, must not eclipse the message of the book as a whole. This is not to imply that the books of Kings are simply a compilation of unaltered sources. The writer(s) undoubtedly exercised a measure of selectivity and literary skill in composing the historical narrative.<\/p>\n<p>One compositional technique of the compiler is quite prominent in the histories of the divided kingdoms: this is the use of formulaic introductions and conclusions to the various reigns. The formulas for both kingdoms are quite similar, differing only in minor details. For the kings of Judah, the full introductory formula is as follows: (1) year of accession synchronized with the regnal year of the northern king; (2) age of the king at his accession; (3) length of his reign; (4) name of his mother; (5) judgment on the character of the reign. The account of a Judean king’s reign is concluded as follows: (1) a reference to the chronicles of the kings of Judah for further information; (2) a statement regarding the death of the king, including the place of burial; (3) successor: “And his son reigned in his stead” (<span>rsv<\/span>). The full formula for a Judean king can be seen, for example, in the reign of Rehoboam (1 Kgs 14:21-22, 29-31).<\/p>\n<p>The formulas differ slightly for the kings of Israel; the introduction is as follows: (1) year of succession synchronized with the regnal year of the southern king; (2) length of his reign; (3) location of the royal residence; (4) condemnation for idolatry; (5) name of the king’s father. The account of an Israelite king’s reign ends as follows: (1) a reference to the chronicles of the kings of Israel for further information; (2) a statement regarding his death; (3) a statement of the succession of his son, unless a usurper follows. The full formula for an Israelite king can be seen, for example, in the reign of Baasha (1 Kgs 15:33-34; 16:5-6).<\/p>\n<p>There is some variation in the use of these patterns, but on the whole, they are consistently followed and provide the basic framework for the history of the divided kingdom. The synchronisms of the reigns provide data for constructing the chronology of the period. The variations in the formulas may reflect the characteristics of the sources the compiler was using or may reflect his own interests. The name of the mother of a Judean king is recorded, but not of an Israelite king, perhaps reflecting concern with a more exact and fuller record of the Davidic succession. The royal residence is presumed to be Jerusalem for the southern kings (though it may be mentioned) but is recorded for the northern kings since it moved several times, from Shechem to Penuel to Tirzah to Samaria. The mention of the king’s father for a northern ruler also reflects the frequent change in dynasties there, as opposed to the dynastic stability of Judah, which is reinforced by mentioning the burial of almost all its kings in the city of David.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheologyandPurpose\">Theology and Purpose<\/p>\n<p>The books of Kings record the history of the covenant people from the end of the reign of David (961 <span>BC<\/span>) through the fall of the southern kingdom (586 <span>BC<\/span>). Yet it is not history written in accord with modern expectations for history textbooks. Rather than concentrating on economic, political, and military themes as they shaped the history of the period, the compiler of Kings is motivated by theological concerns.<\/p>\n<p>Evaluation of the theology and purpose of the books of Kings is made easier by the fact that there is a parallel history for much of Kings found in the books of Chronicles. By comparing the two accounts, especially where the later Chronicler adds or deletes material found in Kings, the interests of both histories are thrown into clearer relief.<\/p>\n<p>The books of Kings were composed during the exile, likely between 560 and 539 <span>BC<\/span>. Jerusalem had been turned into rubble, and there was no longer a throne of David. Those two pillars of the popular theology—the inviolability of the temple and the throne of David (Jer 7:4; 13:13-14; 22:1-9; see 1 Kgs 8:16, 29)—had tumbled. If Israel’s faith was to survive, the burning questions that had to be answered were “How did it all happen? Can’t God keep his promises to David and to Zion? Have the promises failed?” The writer of Kings aims to deal with the bewilderment of the chosen people in response to the disasters of 722 <span>BC<\/span> (fall of Samaria) and 586 <span>BC<\/span> (fall of Jerusalem). Kings, like the book of Job, is a theodicy, a justification of the ways of God to men.<\/p>\n<p>In order to answer the question “How did it happen?” the compiler adopts the procedure of recounting the history of the covenant people in light of standards propounded in the Law. For this reason Kings could be called Pentateuchal history, or even more pointedly, Deuteronomic history, for standards propounded only in the book of Deuteronomy in the Pentateuch are used by the compiler to measure the kingdoms. Among the prominent themes selected from Deuteronomy and applied to the kingdoms are the centralization of worship, the institution of the monarchy, the efficacy of the prophetic word, and the outworking of the covenant curses on disobedience.<\/p>\n<h5>Centralization of Worship<\/h5>\n<p>The primary concern of the writer is the purity of the worship of the Lord. His major criterion for measuring this purity is the attitude of the kings toward centralization of worship in the Jerusalem temple as opposed to the worship of the Lord elsewhere and the continuation of Canaanite cults mingled with Yahwism at the high places. Centralization of worship at the central shrine is called for in Deuteronomy 12. Perhaps “centralization of worship” is a misnomer, for worship was always centered around the tabernacle in the periods prior to the temple; the change that is envisaged in Deuteronomy is not the centralizing of worship but rather the fact that the shrine would no longer be mobile but stationary. For the kings of the northern kingdom, this criterion becomes virtually a stereotyped formula that “he did that which was evil in the sight of the Lord and walked in the way of Jeroboam son of Nebat, who sinned and made all Israel sin along with him” (see 1 Kgs 14:16; 15:30; 16:31; 2 Kgs 3:3; 10:31; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:22). The compiler of Kings sees the rival altars with the golden calves at Dan and Bethel as the great sin of which the northern kings never repented (1 Kgs 12:25–13:34). Rejecting the primacy of Jerusalem, these altars became the rod with which to measure the northern kings. All the kings of Israel are condemned by this standard (except for Shallum, who reigned but a month, and Hoshea, the last of the northern kings)—even Zimri, the murderer of Elah, who ruled only one week before committing suicide in the flames of his own palace (16:9-20). For the kings of Judah, a different standard is used: what their attitude was to the high places where heterodox worship was allowed to flourish in the environs of Jerusalem. Only Hezekiah and Josiah receive the compiler’s unqualified endorsement for following the ways of David (2 Kgs 18:3; 22:2). Six others are commended for their zeal in suppressing idolatry, though they did not remove the high places (Asa, 1 Kgs 15:9-15; Jehoshaphat, 22:43; Jehoash, 2 Kgs 12:2-3; Amaziah, 14:3-4; Azariah, 15:3-4; Jotham, 15:34-35). The remainder of the Judean kings are condemned for their participation in the high places and their desecration of the temple itself. This one theme is the preeminent motif in the book.<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Monarchy<\/h5>\n<p>A second prominent interest for the compiler was to trace the history of the monarchy. Deuteronomy 17:14-20 provides for the day when Israel would ask for a king and charges that king with the basic religious responsibility for the people. This provision for a king, again a feature found only in Deuteronomy, becomes the basis for the compiler’s intense interest in the history of the monarchy, and particularly the religious fidelity of the kings. David becomes the model of the ideal king, the one by whom the others are measured, the one whose sons “continue long in his kingdom in the midst of Israel” (17:20; see also 1 Kgs 15:11; 2 Kgs 18:3; 22:2 for following in the ways of David, and 1 Kgs 14:8; 15:3-5; 2 Kgs 14:3; 16:2 for the reverse). The compiler wanted to show that God had been faithful to David even though David’s sons were not faithful. While both kingdoms had about the same number of kings, the northern kingdom is marked by repeated dynastic changes and regicide through its 200 years, while the dynasty of David is maintained as a lamp in the south through 350 years (1 Kgs 11:13, 32, 36; 15:4-5; 2 Kgs 8:19; 19:34; 20:6). It is the disaster that had befallen the house of David, and the consequent doubts about the promises of God, that prompted the compiler to write.<\/p>\n<h5>Efficacy of the Prophetic Word<\/h5>\n<p>Another reason why Kings can be called Deuteronomic history is its concern with the efficacy of the prophetic word. There are three passages in the Pentateuch that deal with the institution of the prophetic order: Numbers 12:1-8; Deuteronomy 13:1-5; and Deuteronomy 18:14-22. It is only in Deuteronomy 18 that the test of a true prophet is given: that what he has spoken comes about, that his words are fulfilled. Notice the number of instances where the writer calls attention to the fulfillment of the words of the prophets: 2 Samuel 7:13 in 1 Kings 8:20; 1 Kings 11:29-36 in 12:15; 1 Kings 13:1-3 in 2 Kings 23:16-18; 1 Kings 14:6-12 in 14:17-18 and 15:29; 1 Kings 16:1-4 in 16:7, 11-12; Joshua 6:26 in 1 Kings 16:34; 1 Kings 22:17 in 22:35-38; 1 Kings 21:21-29 in 2 Kings 9:7-10, 30-37 and 10:10-11, 30; 2 Kings 1:6 in 1:17; 2 Kings 21:10-15 in 24:2; 2 Kings 22:15-20 in 23:30. The writer is concerned to show that the words of the prophets were efficacious, powerful words. His concern with the prophetic order is also seen in the material devoted to Elijah and Elisha and to other prophetic figures.<\/p>\n<h5>Fulfillment of the Curses<\/h5>\n<p>Another aspect of the compiler’s interest in Deuteronomy is seen in his concern to trace the fulfillment of the covenant curses on disobedience. God’s covenant with Israel would issue in curses or blessings depending on the obedience of the people; the compiler of Kings sees the curses inflicted on the two kingdoms because of their failure to meet the demands of the covenant. He takes care to show that most of the curses of Deuteronomy 28:15-68 had some historical realization in the life of the people. Moses had warned that disobedience would “bring a nation against you from afar, from the end of the earth, as the eagle swoops down” (Dt 28:49, <span>nasb<\/span>), and the Assyrians came to Samaria and the Babylonians to Jerusalem (28:52). The siege of Samaria lasted from 724 to 722 <span>BC<\/span>, and the siege of Jerusalem from 588 to 586 <span>BC<\/span>. The dire conditions of the siege would drive the people to devouring their own children; women would feed on their afterbirths. It happened to Israel in the siege of Ben-hadad (2 Kgs 6:24-30). Just as the Lord had delighted to prosper and multiply his people, so he would not refrain from destroying them and scattering them among the peoples of the earth (Dt 28:63-67).<\/p>\n<p>In these and other ways the writer of Kings set out to write the history of Israel and Judah to solve a theological dilemma. How was one to reconcile the exile with God’s promises to the nation and David? His answer is twofold: (1) the problem was not with God but with the people’s disobedience—God remains just; (2) the end of the state does not equal the end of the people or the house of David. Here the ending of the book is instructive: Evil-merodach releases Jehoiachin from prison, elevates him above the other kings, and provides his rations (2 Kgs 25:27-30). Even during the exile, though cut down to almost nothing, the house of David still enjoys the favor and blessing of God. God has not abandoned his promises; the people should keep hope.<\/p>\n<p>Other themes in Kings also show the theological motivations underlying the compiler’s selection and arrangement of the data, particularly his use of Deuteronomy as a framework for examining the history of the people. Compare the laws governing the observance of Passover in Exodus 12:1-20 and Deuteronomy 16:1-8: whereas the Passover is centered in the family in Exodus, it is celebrated at the sanctuary in Deuteronomy. The writer of Kings is careful to show that the Passover during the reign of Josiah was celebrated in accordance with the requirements of Deuteronomy (2 Kgs 23:21-23). A passage in Deuteronomy is explicitly cited with reference to Amaziah’s keeping the law (Dt 24:16 in 2 Kgs 14:6).<\/p>\n<h5>Contrast with Chronicles<\/h5>\n<p>The interests of Kings are further highlighted when compared with the parallel accounts in Chronicles. While the writer of Kings worked in the aftermath of the destruction of Jerusalem and had to answer the “how?” and “why?” questions, the Chronicler is part of the restoration community. Here the burning theological questions were not “how?” and “why?” but rather “What continuity do we have with David? Is God still interested in us?” The need is not to account for the exile but rather to relate the postexilic and the preexilic. The building of the second temple and the ordering of worship there show up in increased detail in Chronicles in any matter pertaining to the former temple. Chronicles is a history of Judah and of the Davidic line, reflecting the fact that it alone survives after the exile. Interesting, too, are the things omitted from the account by the Chronicler. Since he is not building a case for an indictment, as was done in Samuel and Kings, he is free to omit references to David’s sin with Bathsheba (2 Sm 11) or to Solomon’s difficulties in gaining the throne (1 Kgs 1–2). Since in his day the northern kingdom had not survived, the Chronicler did not go into detail about the sins of Jeroboam (chs 13–14). Chronicles is interested more in the affairs of the temple and does not show the marked interest in prophetic matters found in Kings, so that the lives of Elijah and Elisha are omitted (1 Kgs 16—2 Kgs 10). Nor does the Chronicler recite the sins that led to the demise of the northern kingdom (2 Kgs 17:1–18:12). In all these examples one can see the interplay of the historical moment and theological concerns of the people and the compilers. Each compiler has selected and arranged the data in accordance with the concerns and needs of the community in which he was a member; comparing the two accounts throws the interests of each into sharp relief.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n\n<p>The books of Kings fall into three parts: (1) the reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 1–11); (2) the history of the divided kingdom (1 Kgs 12–2 Kgs 17); (3) the history of the surviving kingdom in Judah (2 Kgs 18–25).<\/p>\n<h5>The Reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 1–11)<\/h5>\n<p>The record begins with an account of the court intrigue surrounding Solomon’s accession to the throne, set against the backdrop of the abortive coup by Adonijah (ch 1). The dying David charges Solomon to obey the commandments of God (2:1-4) and also to take vengeance on his enemies (vv 5-9). After David’s death Solomon orders the deaths of Adonijah, Joab, and Shimei, and the banishment of Abiathar, the priest who had supported Adonijah in his bid for the throne (vv 13-46). Enemies eliminated, the kingdom was firmly established by Solomon (v 46).<\/p>\n<p>The remainder of Solomon’s reign is divided into two parts: Solomon the good, who follows in the ways of his father, David (chs 3–10); and Solomon the bad, whose heart is led astray (ch 11). While sacrificing at Gibeon, Solomon asks God to give him the gift of wisdom to rule—wisdom promptly demonstrated in the quarrel of two prostitutes about a child (ch 3). An account is given of the administrative organization of the kingdom and the incomparable wisdom of Solomon (ch 4). The compiler of Kings gives extensive coverage to the preparations (ch 5), building (chs 6–7), and dedication (ch 8) of the temple. God appeared to Solomon a second time, reminding him to keep his commandments as David had done (9:1-9). Details are given of the king’s building and commercial activities (vv 10-27). The account of the visit by the queen of Sheba is followed with elaboration of Solomon’s splendor (ch 10). But Solomon did not keep God’s commands; seduced to pagan worship by his foreign wives, he was not fully devoted to the Lord as David had been (11:4), and God determined to take away the northern tribes from the rule of his son (vv 11-13). As punishment from the hand of God, Solomon faced rebellion among conquered peoples (vv 14-25) and within Israel in the person of Jeroboam (vv 26-40).<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Divided Kingdom (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17)<\/h5>\n\n<p>The united monarchy dissolved after the death of Solomon. The northern kingdom (Israel) would exist for about two centuries, would be ruled by 20 kings from nine different dynasties, and would show a history of internal weakness riddled with regicide and usurpation. In contrast, the southern kingdom would last for three and a half centuries and would be ruled by 19 kings of Davidic descent (apart from a short period under the dynastic interloper Athaliah).<\/p>\n<p>There had been a long history of independent action and even warfare between the northern and southern tribes prior to David and Solomon, so it is no surprise that the division would take place along the lines that it did. The immediate cause, however, was the unwise severity with which Rehoboam replied to the representatives of the northern tribes while negotiating for the kingship. Jeroboam, the popular hero of the earlier insurrection against Solomon, became king in the north. He immediately erected the rival sanctuaries at Dan and Bethel (1 Kgs 12); these rival altars became the measure by which the kings of Israel were condemned for following in the sins of Jeroboam.<\/p>\n<p>For two generations there would be warfare between Israel and Judah over the border areas in Benjamin claimed by both sides. Fifty years of sporadic fighting on their mutual frontier, interlaced with invasions from the Arameans in the north or the Egyptians in the south, would consume the reigns of Jeroboam, Nadab, Baasha, Elah, and Zimri in Israel and of Rehoboam, Abijam, and Asa in Judah (1 Kgs 13:1–16:20).<\/p>\n<p>The accession of Omri in Israel introduced a ruling house that would last for a total of four generations and end the dynastic instability of the northern kingdom. Though Kings gives Omri a scant eight verses (1 Kgs 16:21-28), he was among the greatest of the northern kings, forging alliances with the Phoenicians and Judah; for over a century, the Assyrians would call Israel “the house of Omri.”<\/p>\n<p>The reigns of Omri’s successors, Ahab, Ahaziah, and Jehoram, are treated at disproportionate length, taking almost a third of the total book, 16 of 47 chapters (1 Kgs 17—2 Kgs 10). This is due to the fact that the compiler of Kings incorporated extensive coverage of the lives of Elijah and Elisha, weaving a contrast between good and evil by paralleling the dynasty of Omri with these prophets. Ahab and Jezebel were used as foils for the account of Elijah, so that Ahab became a paradigm of the evil king (e.g., 2 Kgs 21:3).<\/p>\n<p>Because of this preoccupation with the dynasty of Omri and the lives of Elijah and Elisha, the equivalent period in Judah is not given as extensive coverage. During this period, the northern kingdom appears to have exercised some hegemony over Judah, as attested by the marriage of an Omride (Athaliah, 2 Kgs 8:18, 26) to Jehoram of Judah and the subservient role of Jehoshaphat to Ahab at the battle of Ramoth-gilead (1 Kgs 22). Judah’s fortunes declined in this period when Edom revolted against Jehoram (2 Kgs 8:20-22), costing Judah control over the port at Ezion-geber and consequent economic losses.<\/p>\n<p>In 842 <span>BC<\/span> Jehu, after being anointed king by a prophet (2 Kgs 9:1-13), led a coup ending the house of Omri and also killing Ahaziah of Judah (vv 14-29). Jehu’s purge also brought the death of Jezebel, Ahab’s family, members of the family of Ahaziah, and the ministers of Baal (9:30–10:36). The consequences were severe politically: the murder of the Phoenician princess Jezebel and the king of Judah cost Israel its allies to the north and south.<\/p>\n<p>Jehu’s dynasty had the longest succession of any in Israel, including Jehoahaz, Jehoash, Jeroboam II, and Zechariah, a period spanning 90 years. Jehu’s murder of Ahaziah of Judah set the stage for the one threat to the continuity of the Davidic dynasty. Queen Athaliah, herself an Omride, seized the throne and attempted a purge of Davidic pretenders. She ruled for six years, until the faithful priest Jehoiada staged a countercoup to place the child Joash on the throne of David (ch 11).<\/p>\n<p>Israel endured a half century of weakness as a result of Jehu’s coup, during which the Arameans had a free hand, reducing the forces of Jehu’s son Jehoahaz to a small army and bodyguard (2 Kgs 13:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>The reemergence of Assyria early in the ninth century <span>BC<\/span> gave relief to Israel and Judah. Assyrian armies conquered the Arameans; with that threat removed, Israel and Judah enjoyed a dramatic resurgence. Jehoash of Israel, grandson of Jehu, reconquered cities lost to the Arameans (2 Kgs 13:25); Elisha died during his reign (v 20). In the south Amaziah reconquered the Edomites (14:7). Amaziah and Jehoash renewed the warfare between the kingdoms, with the north again victorious (vv 8-14).<\/p>\n<p>Under Jeroboam II, Israel enjoyed a period of prosperity when the borders of the kingdom reached the same extent as they had under Solomon (2 Kgs 14:23-28). Uzziah (Azariah), his contemporary in Judah, also fortified Jerusalem and undertook a program of offensive operations extending Judah’s sway to the south (14:21-22; 15:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>Yet this resurgence was but a brilliant sunset in the history of the two kingdoms. After the death of Jeroboam II, the history is one of successive disasters, culminating in the fall of Israel and the subjugation of Judah to the might of Assyria. The next 30 years in Israel would see four dynasties, three represented by only one king, and repeated regicides as the northern kingdom hastened to its demise. A period of civil war and anarchy would see five kings in just over ten years (2 Kgs 15). Heavy tribute was paid to Tiglath-pileser III in both the north and south (15:19-20; 16:7-10). Israel and the Arameans forged a coalition to throw back the Assyrians and sought to press Ahaz of Judah into the fight; Ahaz appealed to Tiglath-pileser III for help. The coalition was destroyed, and Israel and Judah became vassals. Hoshea defected as soon as he felt safe, looking to Egypt for help, but it was suicide for the northern kingdom. Shalmaneser V retaliated, and the political history of the state of Israel came to an end (17:1-23). The area was resettled with other displaced populations (vv 24-41).<\/p>\n<p>Israel had faced the Arameans and survived, only to fall to Assyria. And now, similarly, Judah would outlast Assyria, only to fall to Babylon.<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Surviving Kingdom of Judah (2 Kgs 18–25)<\/h5>\n<p>Ahaz’s appeal for Assyrian aid cost him his liberty, and Judah became a vassal of the Assyrian Empire. Illegitimate worship flourished under his rule (2 Kgs 16:1-19). Ahaz was succeeded by the first of the outstanding reform kings of Judah: Hezekiah. Much of the account of his reign is given to his rebellion against Sennacherib of Assyria: the rebellion, the Assyrian envoys and threats, Isaiah’s assurances of deliverance, and the destruction of the Assyrian armies (18:9–19:37). Hezekiah’s illness was averted after a sign and oracle from Isaiah (20:1-11). As part of what appears to be negotiations toward an anti-Assyrian alliance, Hezekiah also entertained envoys from Babylon, a decision that the prophet announced would be costly (vv 12-21).<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah was followed by Manasseh, who ruled longer than any other king of Judah (a total of 55 years). His reign was marked by great apostasy—apostasy so severe that the compiler of Kings regarded his reign as sufficient reason for the exile that was unavoidable (2 Kgs 21:1-18; cf. 23:26; 24:3-4; Jer 15:1-4). Manasseh was followed by his son Amon, a carbon copy of his father, who ruled only two years before he was deposed by the people (2 Kings 21:19-26).<\/p>\n<p>The second great reform king of Judah, Josiah, followed. In his reign the Book of the Law was found while the temple was being refurbished; he led the people in a renewal of the covenant and suppressed illegitimate worship (2 Kgs 22:1–23:14). The Assyrian Empire was in rapid decline, so Josiah extended his borders to the north, destroying the altar at Bethel and the high places throughout Samaria (23:15-20). A great Passover celebration was convened in Jerusalem, and further measures were taken to rectify worship (vv 21-25). Josiah tried to block Pharaoh Neco’s foray to assist Assyria, and he lost his life at Megiddo (vv 26-30).<\/p>\n<p>Josiah was the only king of Judah to have three of his sons succeed him. At his death the people put Jehoahaz on the throne, but Neco removed him three months later and took him to Egypt in chains (2 Kgs 23:31-33), replacing him with another son of Josiah, Eliakim, whose name was changed to Jehoiakim (vv 34-37). During his reign, Nebuchadnezzar conquered Judah, and Jehoiakim became his vassal. Late in his life Jehoiakim rebelled against Nebuchadnezzar. Jehoiakim died, leaving his son Jehoiachin to face retaliation from Babylon (24:1-10). Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem; when the city fell, Jehoiachin, the queen mother, the army, and the leaders of the land were carried away captive. Nebuchadnezzar put Mattaniah (uncle of Jehoiachin and third son of Josiah) on the throne, changing his name to Zedekiah (vv 11-17). Nine years later Zedekiah, too, would rebel against Babylon. Nebuchadnezzar besieged the city for two years and, when it fell, utterly destroyed it. Zedekiah’s sons were killed before his eyes, and then his own eyes were put out, and he was taken to Babylon (24:18–25:21). Nebuchadnezzar appointed Gedaliah to rule as governor from nearby Mizpah; he was assassinated, and the conspirators fled to Egypt (25:22-26).<\/p>\n<p>The book concludes by showing that God had not forgotten his promise to David, mentioning that in captivity Jehoiachin enjoyed favor from the hand of Evil-merodach, successor of Nebuchadnezzar (2 Kgs 25:27-30).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Chronicles, Books of First and Second.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>KINGS, Books of First and Second<\/h3>\n<p>Books continuing the history of the covenant people as recorded in Joshua, Judges, and the books of Samuel. The record in Kings begins with the events at the end of David’s reign (1 Kgs 1–2). It continues through the reign of Solomon (chs 3–11); the histories of the divided kingdoms (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17); and the history of the surviving kingdom in the south, through its fall in 586 <span>BC<\/span> and the subsequent kindness shown Jehoiachin by Evil-merodach, king of Babylon, around 561 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 18–25).<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Authorship and Date<\/p>\n<p>• Sources<\/p>\n<p>• Theology and Purpose<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"AuthorshipandDate\">Authorship and Date<\/p>\n<p>Kings was originally regarded as one book in the Hebrew canon; the division into two books of approximately equal length appeared first in the Septuagint and finally entered the Hebrew Bible in the 15th century <span>AD<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>The book itself is anonymous, and information about its author can only be deduced by examining the concerns and perspectives of the work. The Babylonian Talmud (<em>Baba Bathra<\/em> 15a) attributes Kings to Jeremiah. Although this identification could have arisen from the tendency of later Jewish tradition to assign biblical books to prophetic authors, the theory of origin in prophetic circles fits the evidence quite well. Substantial portions are given to the lives of the prophets; 16 of 47 chapters are devoted to the lives of Elijah and Elisha (1 Kgs 17—2 Kgs 10), and there is considerable interest in other prophetic figures such as Ahijah (1 Kgs 11:29-39; 14:1-16), an unnamed man of God (13:1-10), and Micaiah (22:13-28). Possible dependence on Isaiah (2 Kgs 18–20; cf. Is 36–39) and Jeremiah (2 Kgs 24–25; cf. Jer 52) also suggest prophetic origin. The author-compiler also shows intense concern with the efficacy of the prophetic word, frequently calling attention to the fulfillment of words spoken earlier by the prophets.<\/p>\n<p>One might initially think that such a history would be unlikely for a prophet, but the evidence is to the contrary. The prophets were the guardians of the covenant relationship and are known to have produced accounts used as sources by other biblical historians. The following are among such sources: the acts of Samuel the seer, the acts of Nathan the prophet, the acts of Gad the seer (1 Chr 29:29); the acts of Nathan the prophet, the prophecy of Ahijah the Shilonite, the visions of Iddo the seer (2 Chr 9:29); the chronicles of Shemaiah the prophet and of Iddo the seer (12:15); the annotations of the prophet Iddo (13:22); and the acts of Uzziah by Isaiah the prophet (26:22). Add to this the fact that Kings is positioned in the Hebrew canon in the Former Prophets (Joshua to 2 Kings), and a consistent picture of prophetic origin emerges.<\/p>\n<p>The date of the final part of the book must be after the last events recorded. Evil-merodach’s kindness toward Jehoiachin (c. 561 <span>BC<\/span>) is the terminus of the book and therefore fixes the earliest date. Since the work shows no knowledge of the restoration period, a date before 539 <span>BC<\/span> is probable. The author’s selection of his data to answer the burning theological questions of the exilic community also suggests a date between 561 and 539 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Sources\">Sources<\/p>\n<p>The compiler of Kings specifically names three of the sources that he used in his work, and biblical scholars have suggested the presence of a number of other sources that may have been cited. Of course, the sources not mentioned specifically by the compiler are only the speculations of those who have studied his work and can have only varying degrees of probability. The sources both specified and alleged are as follows.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the Acts of Solomon<\/h5>\n<p>As 1 Kings 11:41 says, “The rest of the events in Solomon’s reign, including his wisdom, are recorded in <em>The Book of the Acts of Solomon”<\/em> (<span>nlt<\/span>). Presumably additional materials of a biographical nature were included, specifically accounts similar to the judgment between the two mothers (3:16-28) or the visit of the queen of Sheba (10:1-10). There has been debate as to whether these materials were official court records or nonofficial documents. Some scholars have attempted to isolate further materials within this section by identifying descriptions of the buildings as from temple archives (chs 6–7) and lists of administrators as from administrative documents (chs 4–5), but this must remain speculative.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the History of the Kings of Israel<\/h5>\n<p>This source is mentioned 17 times in Kings, usually in the closing formulas at the end of the account of the reign of a northern king. Some idea of the nature of these chronicles can be derived from looking at the type of information to which the compiler refers his readers (see 1 Kgs 14:19; 16:27; 22:39; 2 Kgs 13:12; 14:28). These passages suggest that this source was the official annals covering the reigns of the kings.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the History of the Kings of Judah<\/h5>\n<p>This source is mentioned in 15 passages, and as with the kings of Israel, is found in the concluding formulas to the accounts of the reigns. This source was to be consulted for additional details on individuals’ reigns (for example, see 1 Kgs 15:23; 22:45; 2 Kgs 20:20; 21:17). These sources for the histories of the two kingdoms were probably similar to the annals known from the surrounding cultures, particularly from the reigns of Assyrian kings. They were likely official court histories kept in Samaria and Jerusalem.<\/p>\n<p>In addition to these explicitly mentioned sources, scholars have suggested the compiler drew on other sources that he does not name.<\/p>\n<h5>Davidic Court History<\/h5>\n<p>Second Samuel 9–20 is often identified as a unit of material in the composition of the books of Samuel; it is variously called “the court history” or “the succession narrative.” Because of similar vocabulary and outlook, 1 Kings 1–2 are often associated with this material from Samuel. The statement of 1 Kings 2:46, “so the kingdom was now firmly in Solomon’s grip,” is taken to be the end of this record.<\/p>\n<h5>Sources for the House of Ahab<\/h5>\n<p>The reigns of individual kings are ordinarily given only brief notices; for example, the father of Ahab, Omri, is given eight verses, even though when judged by political and economic significance, he was among the greatest of the northern kings (1 Kgs 16:21-28). However, beginning with the reign of Ahab, the record becomes quite expansive, and extensive coverage is given the dynasty of Ahab through the coup by Jehu (1 Kgs 16—2 Kgs 12). The use of the stereotyped formulas for the reigns is suspended in this material, and the existence of other literature used by the compiler is probable. This material is commonly subdivided into further sources for the lives of Elijah and Elisha and the reign of Ahab.<\/p>\n<p>The Elijah section covers material in the following chapters: 1 Kings 17–19, including the feeding by the ravens, the incidents with the widow of Zarephath, the drought, the fire on Carmel, and the revelation of God at Sinai; 1 Kings 21, the affair of Naboth’s vineyard; and 2 Kings 1, the death of Ahaziah’s messengers. The reign of Ahab, which gets so much attention in Kings, is primarily a backdrop for the accounts concerning Elijah.<\/p>\n<p>The Elisha material found in 2 Kings 2–13 may have had an independent literary development from that of the Elijah accounts. It includes the following: chapter 2 (Elisha’s succession to the prophetic office, the purification of a spring, the death of mocking children); chapter 3 (on the campaign against Moab); chapter 4 (the widow’s oil, the Shunammite woman); chapter 5 (Naaman’s leprosy); chapter 6 (the Aramean attempt to capture Elisha); chapter 7 (the famine in Samaria); chapter 8 (the Shunammite’s property, the coup of Hazael); chapter 9 (the anointing of Jehu); and chapter 13 (the death of Elisha). No other portion of the OT takes the sheer delight in the miraculous that is seen in the Elisha narratives.<\/p>\n<p>In 1 Kings 16 to 2 Kings 13 there are additional incidents not directly related to the biographies of Elijah and Elisha; accounts such as the military campaigns of 1 Kings 20:1-34 and further details of Jehu’s coup (2 Kgs 9:11–10:36) are often attributed to a third source containing accounts of the dynasty of Ahab and his successors. In all three of these possible sources the orientation is toward affairs in the northern kingdom.<\/p>\n<h5>Isaiah Source<\/h5>\n<p>The account of the reign of Hezekiah contains a section (2 Kgs 18:13–20:19) that is nearly a verbatim citation of material also found in Isaiah (Is 36:1–39:8). The section records the invasion of Sennacherib, the mission of the Rabshakeh, Hezekiah’s prayer, Isaiah’s prophecy, Hezekiah’s illness, the regression of the sun, and the envoys from Merodach-baladan. The material must be regarded as based on the book of Isaiah or some other source used in both Isaiah and Kings.<\/p>\n<h5>A Prophetic Source<\/h5>\n<p>Because Kings shows great interest in the prophets and their ministries, various scholars have suggested that yet another source was used by the compiler; this would be an independent literary unit containing accounts of the prophets. This source would have contained the records for the material on Ahijah (1 Kgs 11:29-39; 14:1-16), unnamed prophets (ch 12; 20:35-43), Micaiah (22:13-28), and other references.<\/p>\n<p>Apart from the sources explicitly mentioned and inferences about their character, the remainder of the sources suggested have only varying degrees of probability. Considerable scholarly effort has gone into identifying and characterizing such sources, but it remains speculative. When considering the sources the compiler may have used, one important caution must be kept in mind. Even if such sources did exist, one cannot have confidence in a reconstruction of the compositional history. Which sources had already been integrated into a larger composition before they were used by the compiler of Kings? We cannot be certain that the life situation out of which these other sources grew has been correctly identified, nor can we know that even the compiler himself was aware of the past history of his sources. Biblical scholarship has expended considerable energy in trying to delineate the past history of the book of Kings, but it has often been at the neglect of the unity of perspective that is the product of the final compiler(s) in whose hands the book received its canonical form.<\/p>\n<p>What is important to understanding the book is not the perspective of its various sources (of which the compiler himself may have been unaware), but the perspective of the book as a whole on the history of the kingdoms. It is the outline that the compiler has imposed on the sources that establishes the teaching of the book; his sources are used in accord with his own purposes, a fact that makes the purposes for which the sources had been prepared largely irrelevant to the teaching of the book in its present form. Exploring possible sources, worthwhile in itself, must not eclipse the message of the book as a whole. This is not to imply that the books of Kings are simply a compilation of unaltered sources. The writer(s) undoubtedly exercised a measure of selectivity and literary skill in composing the historical narrative.<\/p>\n<p>One compositional technique of the compiler is quite prominent in the histories of the divided kingdoms: this is the use of formulaic introductions and conclusions to the various reigns. The formulas for both kingdoms are quite similar, differing only in minor details. For the kings of Judah, the full introductory formula is as follows: (1) year of accession synchronized with the regnal year of the northern king; (2) age of the king at his accession; (3) length of his reign; (4) name of his mother; (5) judgment on the character of the reign. The account of a Judean king’s reign is concluded as follows: (1) a reference to the chronicles of the kings of Judah for further information; (2) a statement regarding the death of the king, including the place of burial; (3) successor: “And his son reigned in his stead” (<span>rsv<\/span>). The full formula for a Judean king can be seen, for example, in the reign of Rehoboam (1 Kgs 14:21-22, 29-31).<\/p>\n<p>The formulas differ slightly for the kings of Israel; the introduction is as follows: (1) year of succession synchronized with the regnal year of the southern king; (2) length of his reign; (3) location of the royal residence; (4) condemnation for idolatry; (5) name of the king’s father. The account of an Israelite king’s reign ends as follows: (1) a reference to the chronicles of the kings of Israel for further information; (2) a statement regarding his death; (3) a statement of the succession of his son, unless a usurper follows. The full formula for an Israelite king can be seen, for example, in the reign of Baasha (1 Kgs 15:33-34; 16:5-6).<\/p>\n<p>There is some variation in the use of these patterns, but on the whole, they are consistently followed and provide the basic framework for the history of the divided kingdom. The synchronisms of the reigns provide data for constructing the chronology of the period. The variations in the formulas may reflect the characteristics of the sources the compiler was using or may reflect his own interests. The name of the mother of a Judean king is recorded, but not of an Israelite king, perhaps reflecting concern with a more exact and fuller record of the Davidic succession. The royal residence is presumed to be Jerusalem for the southern kings (though it may be mentioned) but is recorded for the northern kings since it moved several times, from Shechem to Penuel to Tirzah to Samaria. The mention of the king’s father for a northern ruler also reflects the frequent change in dynasties there, as opposed to the dynastic stability of Judah, which is reinforced by mentioning the burial of almost all its kings in the city of David.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheologyandPurpose\">Theology and Purpose<\/p>\n<p>The books of Kings record the history of the covenant people from the end of the reign of David (961 <span>BC<\/span>) through the fall of the southern kingdom (586 <span>BC<\/span>). Yet it is not history written in accord with modern expectations for history textbooks. Rather than concentrating on economic, political, and military themes as they shaped the history of the period, the compiler of Kings is motivated by theological concerns.<\/p>\n<p>Evaluation of the theology and purpose of the books of Kings is made easier by the fact that there is a parallel history for much of Kings found in the books of Chronicles. By comparing the two accounts, especially where the later Chronicler adds or deletes material found in Kings, the interests of both histories are thrown into clearer relief.<\/p>\n<p>The books of Kings were composed during the exile, likely between 560 and 539 <span>BC<\/span>. Jerusalem had been turned into rubble, and there was no longer a throne of David. Those two pillars of the popular theology—the inviolability of the temple and the throne of David (Jer 7:4; 13:13-14; 22:1-9; see 1 Kgs 8:16, 29)—had tumbled. If Israel’s faith was to survive, the burning questions that had to be answered were “How did it all happen? Can’t God keep his promises to David and to Zion? Have the promises failed?” The writer of Kings aims to deal with the bewilderment of the chosen people in response to the disasters of 722 <span>BC<\/span> (fall of Samaria) and 586 <span>BC<\/span> (fall of Jerusalem). Kings, like the book of Job, is a theodicy, a justification of the ways of God to men.<\/p>\n<p>In order to answer the question “How did it happen?” the compiler adopts the procedure of recounting the history of the covenant people in light of standards propounded in the Law. For this reason Kings could be called Pentateuchal history, or even more pointedly, Deuteronomic history, for standards propounded only in the book of Deuteronomy in the Pentateuch are used by the compiler to measure the kingdoms. Among the prominent themes selected from Deuteronomy and applied to the kingdoms are the centralization of worship, the institution of the monarchy, the efficacy of the prophetic word, and the outworking of the covenant curses on disobedience.<\/p>\n<h5>Centralization of Worship<\/h5>\n<p>The primary concern of the writer is the purity of the worship of the Lord. His major criterion for measuring this purity is the attitude of the kings toward centralization of worship in the Jerusalem temple as opposed to the worship of the Lord elsewhere and the continuation of Canaanite cults mingled with Yahwism at the high places. Centralization of worship at the central shrine is called for in Deuteronomy 12. Perhaps “centralization of worship” is a misnomer, for worship was always centered around the tabernacle in the periods prior to the temple; the change that is envisaged in Deuteronomy is not the centralizing of worship but rather the fact that the shrine would no longer be mobile but stationary. For the kings of the northern kingdom, this criterion becomes virtually a stereotyped formula that “he did that which was evil in the sight of the Lord and walked in the way of Jeroboam son of Nebat, who sinned and made all Israel sin along with him” (see 1 Kgs 14:16; 15:30; 16:31; 2 Kgs 3:3; 10:31; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:22). The compiler of Kings sees the rival altars with the golden calves at Dan and Bethel as the great sin of which the northern kings never repented (1 Kgs 12:25–13:34). Rejecting the primacy of Jerusalem, these altars became the rod with which to measure the northern kings. All the kings of Israel are condemned by this standard (except for Shallum, who reigned but a month, and Hoshea, the last of the northern kings)—even Zimri, the murderer of Elah, who ruled only one week before committing suicide in the flames of his own palace (16:9-20). For the kings of Judah, a different standard is used: what their attitude was to the high places where heterodox worship was allowed to flourish in the environs of Jerusalem. Only Hezekiah and Josiah receive the compiler’s unqualified endorsement for following the ways of David (2 Kgs 18:3; 22:2). Six others are commended for their zeal in suppressing idolatry, though they did not remove the high places (Asa, 1 Kgs 15:9-15; Jehoshaphat, 22:43; Jehoash, 2 Kgs 12:2-3; Amaziah, 14:3-4; Azariah, 15:3-4; Jotham, 15:34-35). The remainder of the Judean kings are condemned for their participation in the high places and their desecration of the temple itself. This one theme is the preeminent motif in the book.<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Monarchy<\/h5>\n<p>A second prominent interest for the compiler was to trace the history of the monarchy. Deuteronomy 17:14-20 provides for the day when Israel would ask for a king and charges that king with the basic religious responsibility for the people. This provision for a king, again a feature found only in Deuteronomy, becomes the basis for the compiler’s intense interest in the history of the monarchy, and particularly the religious fidelity of the kings. David becomes the model of the ideal king, the one by whom the others are measured, the one whose sons “continue long in his kingdom in the midst of Israel” (17:20; see also 1 Kgs 15:11; 2 Kgs 18:3; 22:2 for following in the ways of David, and 1 Kgs 14:8; 15:3-5; 2 Kgs 14:3; 16:2 for the reverse). The compiler wanted to show that God had been faithful to David even though David’s sons were not faithful. While both kingdoms had about the same number of kings, the northern kingdom is marked by repeated dynastic changes and regicide through its 200 years, while the dynasty of David is maintained as a lamp in the south through 350 years (1 Kgs 11:13, 32, 36; 15:4-5; 2 Kgs 8:19; 19:34; 20:6). It is the disaster that had befallen the house of David, and the consequent doubts about the promises of God, that prompted the compiler to write.<\/p>\n<h5>Efficacy of the Prophetic Word<\/h5>\n<p>Another reason why Kings can be called Deuteronomic history is its concern with the efficacy of the prophetic word. There are three passages in the Pentateuch that deal with the institution of the prophetic order: Numbers 12:1-8; Deuteronomy 13:1-5; and Deuteronomy 18:14-22. It is only in Deuteronomy 18 that the test of a true prophet is given: that what he has spoken comes about, that his words are fulfilled. Notice the number of instances where the writer calls attention to the fulfillment of the words of the prophets: 2 Samuel 7:13 in 1 Kings 8:20; 1 Kings 11:29-36 in 12:15; 1 Kings 13:1-3 in 2 Kings 23:16-18; 1 Kings 14:6-12 in 14:17-18 and 15:29; 1 Kings 16:1-4 in 16:7, 11-12; Joshua 6:26 in 1 Kings 16:34; 1 Kings 22:17 in 22:35-38; 1 Kings 21:21-29 in 2 Kings 9:7-10, 30-37 and 10:10-11, 30; 2 Kings 1:6 in 1:17; 2 Kings 21:10-15 in 24:2; 2 Kings 22:15-20 in 23:30. The writer is concerned to show that the words of the prophets were efficacious, powerful words. His concern with the prophetic order is also seen in the material devoted to Elijah and Elisha and to other prophetic figures.<\/p>\n<h5>Fulfillment of the Curses<\/h5>\n<p>Another aspect of the compiler’s interest in Deuteronomy is seen in his concern to trace the fulfillment of the covenant curses on disobedience. God’s covenant with Israel would issue in curses or blessings depending on the obedience of the people; the compiler of Kings sees the curses inflicted on the two kingdoms because of their failure to meet the demands of the covenant. He takes care to show that most of the curses of Deuteronomy 28:15-68 had some historical realization in the life of the people. Moses had warned that disobedience would “bring a nation against you from afar, from the end of the earth, as the eagle swoops down” (Dt 28:49, <span>nasb<\/span>), and the Assyrians came to Samaria and the Babylonians to Jerusalem (28:52). The siege of Samaria lasted from 724 to 722 <span>BC<\/span>, and the siege of Jerusalem from 588 to 586 <span>BC<\/span>. The dire conditions of the siege would drive the people to devouring their own children; women would feed on their afterbirths. It happened to Israel in the siege of Ben-hadad (2 Kgs 6:24-30). Just as the Lord had delighted to prosper and multiply his people, so he would not refrain from destroying them and scattering them among the peoples of the earth (Dt 28:63-67).<\/p>\n<p>In these and other ways the writer of Kings set out to write the history of Israel and Judah to solve a theological dilemma. How was one to reconcile the exile with God’s promises to the nation and David? His answer is twofold: (1) the problem was not with God but with the people’s disobedience—God remains just; (2) the end of the state does not equal the end of the people or the house of David. Here the ending of the book is instructive: Evil-merodach releases Jehoiachin from prison, elevates him above the other kings, and provides his rations (2 Kgs 25:27-30). Even during the exile, though cut down to almost nothing, the house of David still enjoys the favor and blessing of God. God has not abandoned his promises; the people should keep hope.<\/p>\n<p>Other themes in Kings also show the theological motivations underlying the compiler’s selection and arrangement of the data, particularly his use of Deuteronomy as a framework for examining the history of the people. Compare the laws governing the observance of Passover in Exodus 12:1-20 and Deuteronomy 16:1-8: whereas the Passover is centered in the family in Exodus, it is celebrated at the sanctuary in Deuteronomy. The writer of Kings is careful to show that the Passover during the reign of Josiah was celebrated in accordance with the requirements of Deuteronomy (2 Kgs 23:21-23). A passage in Deuteronomy is explicitly cited with reference to Amaziah’s keeping the law (Dt 24:16 in 2 Kgs 14:6).<\/p>\n<h5>Contrast with Chronicles<\/h5>\n<p>The interests of Kings are further highlighted when compared with the parallel accounts in Chronicles. While the writer of Kings worked in the aftermath of the destruction of Jerusalem and had to answer the “how?” and “why?” questions, the Chronicler is part of the restoration community. Here the burning theological questions were not “how?” and “why?” but rather “What continuity do we have with David? Is God still interested in us?” The need is not to account for the exile but rather to relate the postexilic and the preexilic. The building of the second temple and the ordering of worship there show up in increased detail in Chronicles in any matter pertaining to the former temple. Chronicles is a history of Judah and of the Davidic line, reflecting the fact that it alone survives after the exile. Interesting, too, are the things omitted from the account by the Chronicler. Since he is not building a case for an indictment, as was done in Samuel and Kings, he is free to omit references to David’s sin with Bathsheba (2 Sm 11) or to Solomon’s difficulties in gaining the throne (1 Kgs 1–2). Since in his day the northern kingdom had not survived, the Chronicler did not go into detail about the sins of Jeroboam (chs 13–14). Chronicles is interested more in the affairs of the temple and does not show the marked interest in prophetic matters found in Kings, so that the lives of Elijah and Elisha are omitted (1 Kgs 16—2 Kgs 10). Nor does the Chronicler recite the sins that led to the demise of the northern kingdom (2 Kgs 17:1–18:12). In all these examples one can see the interplay of the historical moment and theological concerns of the people and the compilers. Each compiler has selected and arranged the data in accordance with the concerns and needs of the community in which he was a member; comparing the two accounts throws the interests of each into sharp relief.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n\n<p>The books of Kings fall into three parts: (1) the reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 1–11); (2) the history of the divided kingdom (1 Kgs 12–2 Kgs 17); (3) the history of the surviving kingdom in Judah (2 Kgs 18–25).<\/p>\n<h5>The Reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 1–11)<\/h5>\n<p>The record begins with an account of the court intrigue surrounding Solomon’s accession to the throne, set against the backdrop of the abortive coup by Adonijah (ch 1). The dying David charges Solomon to obey the commandments of God (2:1-4) and also to take vengeance on his enemies (vv 5-9). After David’s death Solomon orders the deaths of Adonijah, Joab, and Shimei, and the banishment of Abiathar, the priest who had supported Adonijah in his bid for the throne (vv 13-46). Enemies eliminated, the kingdom was firmly established by Solomon (v 46).<\/p>\n<p>The remainder of Solomon’s reign is divided into two parts: Solomon the good, who follows in the ways of his father, David (chs 3–10); and Solomon the bad, whose heart is led astray (ch 11). While sacrificing at Gibeon, Solomon asks God to give him the gift of wisdom to rule—wisdom promptly demonstrated in the quarrel of two prostitutes about a child (ch 3). An account is given of the administrative organization of the kingdom and the incomparable wisdom of Solomon (ch 4). The compiler of Kings gives extensive coverage to the preparations (ch 5), building (chs 6–7), and dedication (ch 8) of the temple. God appeared to Solomon a second time, reminding him to keep his commandments as David had done (9:1-9). Details are given of the king’s building and commercial activities (vv 10-27). The account of the visit by the queen of Sheba is followed with elaboration of Solomon’s splendor (ch 10). But Solomon did not keep God’s commands; seduced to pagan worship by his foreign wives, he was not fully devoted to the Lord as David had been (11:4), and God determined to take away the northern tribes from the rule of his son (vv 11-13). As punishment from the hand of God, Solomon faced rebellion among conquered peoples (vv 14-25) and within Israel in the person of Jeroboam (vv 26-40).<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Divided Kingdom (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17)<\/h5>\n\n<p>The united monarchy dissolved after the death of Solomon. The northern kingdom (Israel) would exist for about two centuries, would be ruled by 20 kings from nine different dynasties, and would show a history of internal weakness riddled with regicide and usurpation. In contrast, the southern kingdom would last for three and a half centuries and would be ruled by 19 kings of Davidic descent (apart from a short period under the dynastic interloper Athaliah).<\/p>\n<p>There had been a long history of independent action and even warfare between the northern and southern tribes prior to David and Solomon, so it is no surprise that the division would take place along the lines that it did. The immediate cause, however, was the unwise severity with which Rehoboam replied to the representatives of the northern tribes while negotiating for the kingship. Jeroboam, the popular hero of the earlier insurrection against Solomon, became king in the north. He immediately erected the rival sanctuaries at Dan and Bethel (1 Kgs 12); these rival altars became the measure by which the kings of Israel were condemned for following in the sins of Jeroboam.<\/p>\n<p>For two generations there would be warfare between Israel and Judah over the border areas in Benjamin claimed by both sides. Fifty years of sporadic fighting on their mutual frontier, interlaced with invasions from the Arameans in the north or the Egyptians in the south, would consume the reigns of Jeroboam, Nadab, Baasha, Elah, and Zimri in Israel and of Rehoboam, Abijam, and Asa in Judah (1 Kgs 13:1–16:20).<\/p>\n<p>The accession of Omri in Israel introduced a ruling house that would last for a total of four generations and end the dynastic instability of the northern kingdom. Though Kings gives Omri a scant eight verses (1 Kgs 16:21-28), he was among the greatest of the northern kings, forging alliances with the Phoenicians and Judah; for over a century, the Assyrians would call Israel “the house of Omri.”<\/p>\n<p>The reigns of Omri’s successors, Ahab, Ahaziah, and Jehoram, are treated at disproportionate length, taking almost a third of the total book, 16 of 47 chapters (1 Kgs 17—2 Kgs 10). This is due to the fact that the compiler of Kings incorporated extensive coverage of the lives of Elijah and Elisha, weaving a contrast between good and evil by paralleling the dynasty of Omri with these prophets. Ahab and Jezebel were used as foils for the account of Elijah, so that Ahab became a paradigm of the evil king (e.g., 2 Kgs 21:3).<\/p>\n<p>Because of this preoccupation with the dynasty of Omri and the lives of Elijah and Elisha, the equivalent period in Judah is not given as extensive coverage. During this period, the northern kingdom appears to have exercised some hegemony over Judah, as attested by the marriage of an Omride (Athaliah, 2 Kgs 8:18, 26) to Jehoram of Judah and the subservient role of Jehoshaphat to Ahab at the battle of Ramoth-gilead (1 Kgs 22). Judah’s fortunes declined in this period when Edom revolted against Jehoram (2 Kgs 8:20-22), costing Judah control over the port at Ezion-geber and consequent economic losses.<\/p>\n<p>In 842 <span>BC<\/span> Jehu, after being anointed king by a prophet (2 Kgs 9:1-13), led a coup ending the house of Omri and also killing Ahaziah of Judah (vv 14-29). Jehu’s purge also brought the death of Jezebel, Ahab’s family, members of the family of Ahaziah, and the ministers of Baal (9:30–10:36). The consequences were severe politically: the murder of the Phoenician princess Jezebel and the king of Judah cost Israel its allies to the north and south.<\/p>\n<p>Jehu’s dynasty had the longest succession of any in Israel, including Jehoahaz, Jehoash, Jeroboam II, and Zechariah, a period spanning 90 years. Jehu’s murder of Ahaziah of Judah set the stage for the one threat to the continuity of the Davidic dynasty. Queen Athaliah, herself an Omride, seized the throne and attempted a purge of Davidic pretenders. She ruled for six years, until the faithful priest Jehoiada staged a countercoup to place the child Joash on the throne of David (ch 11).<\/p>\n<p>Israel endured a half century of weakness as a result of Jehu’s coup, during which the Arameans had a free hand, reducing the forces of Jehu’s son Jehoahaz to a small army and bodyguard (2 Kgs 13:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>The reemergence of Assyria early in the ninth century <span>BC<\/span> gave relief to Israel and Judah. Assyrian armies conquered the Arameans; with that threat removed, Israel and Judah enjoyed a dramatic resurgence. Jehoash of Israel, grandson of Jehu, reconquered cities lost to the Arameans (2 Kgs 13:25); Elisha died during his reign (v 20). In the south Amaziah reconquered the Edomites (14:7). Amaziah and Jehoash renewed the warfare between the kingdoms, with the north again victorious (vv 8-14).<\/p>\n<p>Under Jeroboam II, Israel enjoyed a period of prosperity when the borders of the kingdom reached the same extent as they had under Solomon (2 Kgs 14:23-28). Uzziah (Azariah), his contemporary in Judah, also fortified Jerusalem and undertook a program of offensive operations extending Judah’s sway to the south (14:21-22; 15:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>Yet this resurgence was but a brilliant sunset in the history of the two kingdoms. After the death of Jeroboam II, the history is one of successive disasters, culminating in the fall of Israel and the subjugation of Judah to the might of Assyria. The next 30 years in Israel would see four dynasties, three represented by only one king, and repeated regicides as the northern kingdom hastened to its demise. A period of civil war and anarchy would see five kings in just over ten years (2 Kgs 15). Heavy tribute was paid to Tiglath-pileser III in both the north and south (15:19-20; 16:7-10). Israel and the Arameans forged a coalition to throw back the Assyrians and sought to press Ahaz of Judah into the fight; Ahaz appealed to Tiglath-pileser III for help. The coalition was destroyed, and Israel and Judah became vassals. Hoshea defected as soon as he felt safe, looking to Egypt for help, but it was suicide for the northern kingdom. Shalmaneser V retaliated, and the political history of the state of Israel came to an end (17:1-23). The area was resettled with other displaced populations (vv 24-41).<\/p>\n<p>Israel had faced the Arameans and survived, only to fall to Assyria. And now, similarly, Judah would outlast Assyria, only to fall to Babylon.<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Surviving Kingdom of Judah (2 Kgs 18–25)<\/h5>\n<p>Ahaz’s appeal for Assyrian aid cost him his liberty, and Judah became a vassal of the Assyrian Empire. Illegitimate worship flourished under his rule (2 Kgs 16:1-19). Ahaz was succeeded by the first of the outstanding reform kings of Judah: Hezekiah. Much of the account of his reign is given to his rebellion against Sennacherib of Assyria: the rebellion, the Assyrian envoys and threats, Isaiah’s assurances of deliverance, and the destruction of the Assyrian armies (18:9–19:37). Hezekiah’s illness was averted after a sign and oracle from Isaiah (20:1-11). As part of what appears to be negotiations toward an anti-Assyrian alliance, Hezekiah also entertained envoys from Babylon, a decision that the prophet announced would be costly (vv 12-21).<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah was followed by Manasseh, who ruled longer than any other king of Judah (a total of 55 years). His reign was marked by great apostasy—apostasy so severe that the compiler of Kings regarded his reign as sufficient reason for the exile that was unavoidable (2 Kgs 21:1-18; cf. 23:26; 24:3-4; Jer 15:1-4). Manasseh was followed by his son Amon, a carbon copy of his father, who ruled only two years before he was deposed by the people (2 Kings 21:19-26).<\/p>\n<p>The second great reform king of Judah, Josiah, followed. In his reign the Book of the Law was found while the temple was being refurbished; he led the people in a renewal of the covenant and suppressed illegitimate worship (2 Kgs 22:1–23:14). The Assyrian Empire was in rapid decline, so Josiah extended his borders to the north, destroying the altar at Bethel and the high places throughout Samaria (23:15-20). A great Passover celebration was convened in Jerusalem, and further measures were taken to rectify worship (vv 21-25). Josiah tried to block Pharaoh Neco’s foray to assist Assyria, and he lost his life at Megiddo (vv 26-30).<\/p>\n<p>Josiah was the only king of Judah to have three of his sons succeed him. At his death the people put Jehoahaz on the throne, but Neco removed him three months later and took him to Egypt in chains (2 Kgs 23:31-33), replacing him with another son of Josiah, Eliakim, whose name was changed to Jehoiakim (vv 34-37). During his reign, Nebuchadnezzar conquered Judah, and Jehoiakim became his vassal. Late in his life Jehoiakim rebelled against Nebuchadnezzar. Jehoiakim died, leaving his son Jehoiachin to face retaliation from Babylon (24:1-10). Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem; when the city fell, Jehoiachin, the queen mother, the army, and the leaders of the land were carried away captive. Nebuchadnezzar put Mattaniah (uncle of Jehoiachin and third son of Josiah) on the throne, changing his name to Zedekiah (vv 11-17). Nine years later Zedekiah, too, would rebel against Babylon. Nebuchadnezzar besieged the city for two years and, when it fell, utterly destroyed it. Zedekiah’s sons were killed before his eyes, and then his own eyes were put out, and he was taken to Babylon (24:18–25:21). Nebuchadnezzar appointed Gedaliah to rule as governor from nearby Mizpah; he was assassinated, and the conspirators fled to Egypt (25:22-26).<\/p>\n<p>The book concludes by showing that God had not forgotten his promise to David, mentioning that in captivity Jehoiachin enjoyed favor from the hand of Evil-merodach, successor of Nebuchadnezzar (2 Kgs 25:27-30).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Chronicles, Books of First and Second.<\/p>","summary_ro":"KINGS, Books of First and Second Books continuing the history of the covenant people as recorded in Joshua, Judges, and the books of Samuel. The record in Kings begins with the events at the end of David’s reign (1 Kgs 1–2). It continues through the reign of Solomon (chs 3–11); the histories of the divided kingdoms (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17); and the history of the surviving kingdom in the south, through its fall in 586 BC and the subsequent kindness shown Jehoiachin by Evil-merodach, king of Babylo...","summary_en":"KINGS, Books of First and Second Books continuing the history of the covenant people as recorded in Joshua, Judges, and the books of Samuel. The record in Kings begins with the events at the end of David’s reign (1 Kgs 1–2). It continues through the reign of Solomon (chs 3–11); the histories of the divided kingdoms (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17); and the history of the surviving kingdom in the south, through its fall in 586 BC and the subsequent kindness shown Jehoiachin by Evil-merodach, king of Babylo...","source":"Articles\/K.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":25336,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Meshullemeth","title_en":"Meshullemeth","content_ro":"<h3>MESHULLEMETH<\/h3>\n<p>Mother of Amon, king of Judah (642–640 <span>BC<\/span>) and the daughter of Haruz of Jotbah (2 Kgs 21:19).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>MESHULLEMETH<\/h3>\n<p>Mother of Amon, king of Judah (642–640 <span>BC<\/span>) and the daughter of Haruz of Jotbah (2 Kgs 21:19).<\/p>","summary_ro":"MESHULLEMETH Mother of Amon, king of Judah (642–640 BC) and the daughter of Haruz of Jotbah (2 Kgs 21:19).","summary_en":"MESHULLEMETH Mother of Amon, king of Judah (642–640 BC) and the daughter of Haruz of Jotbah (2 Kgs 21:19).","source":"Articles\/M.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":47472,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 21:19","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 21:19","content_ro":"<p><strong>21:19-22<\/strong> <em>Amon<\/em>’s brief reign (642–640 <span>BC<\/span>) simply perpetuated his father’s wickedness. Manasseh’s repentance and reforms came too late to have any effect on Amon or on the people of Judah. • <em>He abandoned the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span><em>:<\/em> Amon became a total apostate (see also 2 Chr 33:23).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>21:19-22<\/strong> <em>Amon<\/em>’s brief reign (642–640 <span>BC<\/span>) simply perpetuated his father’s wickedness. Manasseh’s repentance and reforms came too late to have any effect on Amon or on the people of Judah. • <em>He abandoned the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span><em>:<\/em> Amon became a total apostate (see also 2 Chr 33:23).<\/p>","summary_ro":"21:19-22 Amon’s brief reign (642–640 BC) simply perpetuated his father’s wickedness. Manasseh’s repentance and reforms came too late to have any effect on Amon or on the people of Judah. • He abandoned the Lord: Amon became a total apostate (see also 2 Chr 33:23).","summary_en":"21:19-22 Amon’s brief reign (642–640 BC) simply perpetuated his father’s wickedness. Manasseh’s repentance and reforms came too late to have any effect on Amon or on the people of Judah. • He abandoned the Lord: Amon became a total apostate (see also 2 Chr 33:23).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":75098,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 21:19","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 21:19","content_ro":"<p><strong>21:19-22<\/strong> <em>Amon<\/em>’s brief reign (642–640 <span>BC<\/span>) simply perpetuated his father’s wickedness. Manasseh’s repentance and reforms came too late to have any effect on Amon or on the people of Judah. • <em>He abandoned the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span><em>:<\/em> Amon became a total apostate (see also 2 Chr 33:23).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>21:19-22<\/strong> <em>Amon<\/em>’s brief reign (642–640 <span>BC<\/span>) simply perpetuated his father’s wickedness. Manasseh’s repentance and reforms came too late to have any effect on Amon or on the people of Judah. • <em>He abandoned the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span><em>:<\/em> Amon became a total apostate (see also 2 Chr 33:23).<\/p>","summary_ro":"21:19-22 Amon’s brief reign (642–640 BC) simply perpetuated his father’s wickedness. Manasseh’s repentance and reforms came too late to have any effect on Amon or on the people of Judah. • He abandoned the Lord: Amon became a total apostate (see also 2 Chr 33:23).","summary_en":"21:19-22 Amon’s brief reign (642–640 BC) simply perpetuated his father’s wickedness. Manasseh’s repentance and reforms came too late to have any effect on Amon or on the people of Judah. • He abandoned the Lord: Amon became a total apostate (see also 2 Chr 33:23).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":102724,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 21:19","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 21:19","content_ro":"<p><strong>21:19-22<\/strong> <em>Amon<\/em>’s brief reign (642–640 <span>BC<\/span>) simply perpetuated his father’s wickedness. Manasseh’s repentance and reforms came too late to have any effect on Amon or on the people of Judah. • <em>He abandoned the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span><em>:<\/em> Amon became a total apostate (see also 2 Chr 33:23).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>21:19-22<\/strong> <em>Amon<\/em>’s brief reign (642–640 <span>BC<\/span>) simply perpetuated his father’s wickedness. Manasseh’s repentance and reforms came too late to have any effect on Amon or on the people of Judah. • <em>He abandoned the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span><em>:<\/em> Amon became a total apostate (see also 2 Chr 33:23).<\/p>","summary_ro":"21:19-22 Amon’s brief reign (642–640 BC) simply perpetuated his father’s wickedness. Manasseh’s repentance and reforms came too late to have any effect on Amon or on the people of Judah. • He abandoned the Lord: Amon became a total apostate (see also 2 Chr 33:23).","summary_en":"21:19-22 Amon’s brief reign (642–640 BC) simply perpetuated his father’s wickedness. Manasseh’s repentance and reforms came too late to have any effect on Amon or on the people of Judah. • He abandoned the Lord: Amon became a total apostate (see also 2 Chr 33:23).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":130350,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 21:19","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 21:19","content_ro":"<p><strong>21:19-22<\/strong> <em>Amon<\/em>’s brief reign (642–640 <span>BC<\/span>) simply perpetuated his father’s wickedness. Manasseh’s repentance and reforms came too late to have any effect on Amon or on the people of Judah. • <em>He abandoned the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span><em>:<\/em> Amon became a total apostate (see also 2 Chr 33:23).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>21:19-22<\/strong> <em>Amon<\/em>’s brief reign (642–640 <span>BC<\/span>) simply perpetuated his father’s wickedness. Manasseh’s repentance and reforms came too late to have any effect on Amon or on the people of Judah. • <em>He abandoned the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span><em>:<\/em> Amon became a total apostate (see also 2 Chr 33:23).<\/p>","summary_ro":"21:19-22 Amon’s brief reign (642–640 BC) simply perpetuated his father’s wickedness. Manasseh’s repentance and reforms came too late to have any effect on Amon or on the people of Judah. • He abandoned the Lord: Amon became a total apostate (see also 2 Chr 33:23).","summary_en":"21:19-22 Amon’s brief reign (642–640 BC) simply perpetuated his father’s wickedness. Manasseh’s repentance and reforms came too late to have any effect on Amon or on the people of Judah. • He abandoned the Lord: Amon became a total apostate (see also 2 Chr 33:23).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"20":[{"id":61739,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Dangers of Sin","title_en":"The Dangers of Sin","content_ro":"<h3>The Dangers of Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15).<\/p>\n<p>The sinful acts of God’s people are prominent throughout the late monarchical period. Words such as <em>sin<\/em>, <em>evil<\/em>, and <em>wicked<\/em> appear frequently to assert that the kings of both Israel (2 Kgs 3:2; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:2) and Judah (8:18, 27; 21:2, 16, 20; 23:32, 37; 24:9, 19) did “what was evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight.”<\/p>\n<p>The northern kingdom was particularly culpable. Its kings and people were uniformly condemned for their godless ways (17:16-17, 22); the basic sin of apostate worship, introduced by Jeroboam I, continued in Israel until the end (10:29; 17:21-23; 23:15). God repeatedly warned the people through his prophets (17:13) and brought the chastisement of foreign invaders (13:3, 7). Nothing moved the Israelites’ hearts, for they were set in their ways (13:6; 17:14-17). Eventually God allowed foreign invaders to defeat them and occupy their land, sending many into exile (17:18, 20-23).<\/p>\n<p>The people of Judah were not innocent either. Many of their kings were guilty of gross wickedness, and Judean society grew increasingly apostate and followed “the evil practices that Israel had introduced” (17:19). Despite God’s repeated acts of kindness (e.g., 19:32-36) and warnings delivered through his prophets (21:8-15), the people persisted in their sin, and God’s judgment once again fell (21:10-15; 23:26-27; 24:1-4; 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Where there is genuine repentance, God will graciously forgive his people and remit the penalty. But how much better to be faithful to God’s Word (2 Kgs 18:5-6; 23:25; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; 2 Tim 4:7; Rev 2:10), so that God’s blessings (Ps 112:1; 119:1-2; 144:15) might bring success (2 Kgs 18:7; see also 2 Chr 26:4-5; Prov 3:1-10; 2 Cor 3:5). God’s people need to give God first place in their lives (1 Kgs 18:21, 36-39; see Deut 6:13; 10:12-13; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33), pray for God’s persevering grace (Ps 19:13), and let the word of God be their guide (Ps 119:9; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 18:20-21; Exod 34:7; Lev 26:14-46; Num 15:30-31; Deut 31:16-18; 1 Kgs 8:46-51; 2 Kgs 8:18, 27; 2 Kgs 13:1-7; 14:23-24; 17:13-23; 18:9-12; 21:8-16; 23:25-27; 24:1-3, 19–25:21; 2 Chr 7:14; 33:12-13; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; Jer 44:2-6; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16; 4:7; Rev 2:10<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Dangers of Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15).<\/p>\n<p>The sinful acts of God’s people are prominent throughout the late monarchical period. Words such as <em>sin<\/em>, <em>evil<\/em>, and <em>wicked<\/em> appear frequently to assert that the kings of both Israel (2 Kgs 3:2; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:2) and Judah (8:18, 27; 21:2, 16, 20; 23:32, 37; 24:9, 19) did “what was evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight.”<\/p>\n<p>The northern kingdom was particularly culpable. Its kings and people were uniformly condemned for their godless ways (17:16-17, 22); the basic sin of apostate worship, introduced by Jeroboam I, continued in Israel until the end (10:29; 17:21-23; 23:15). God repeatedly warned the people through his prophets (17:13) and brought the chastisement of foreign invaders (13:3, 7). Nothing moved the Israelites’ hearts, for they were set in their ways (13:6; 17:14-17). Eventually God allowed foreign invaders to defeat them and occupy their land, sending many into exile (17:18, 20-23).<\/p>\n<p>The people of Judah were not innocent either. Many of their kings were guilty of gross wickedness, and Judean society grew increasingly apostate and followed “the evil practices that Israel had introduced” (17:19). Despite God’s repeated acts of kindness (e.g., 19:32-36) and warnings delivered through his prophets (21:8-15), the people persisted in their sin, and God’s judgment once again fell (21:10-15; 23:26-27; 24:1-4; 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Where there is genuine repentance, God will graciously forgive his people and remit the penalty. But how much better to be faithful to God’s Word (2 Kgs 18:5-6; 23:25; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; 2 Tim 4:7; Rev 2:10), so that God’s blessings (Ps 112:1; 119:1-2; 144:15) might bring success (2 Kgs 18:7; see also 2 Chr 26:4-5; Prov 3:1-10; 2 Cor 3:5). God’s people need to give God first place in their lives (1 Kgs 18:21, 36-39; see Deut 6:13; 10:12-13; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33), pray for God’s persevering grace (Ps 19:13), and let the word of God be their guide (Ps 119:9; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 18:20-21; Exod 34:7; Lev 26:14-46; Num 15:30-31; Deut 31:16-18; 1 Kgs 8:46-51; 2 Kgs 8:18, 27; 2 Kgs 13:1-7; 14:23-24; 17:13-23; 18:9-12; 21:8-16; 23:25-27; 24:1-3, 19–25:21; 2 Chr 7:14; 33:12-13; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; Jer 44:2-6; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16; 4:7; Rev 2:10<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Dangers of Sin Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15). The sinful acts of God’s ...","summary_en":"The Dangers of Sin Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15). The sinful acts of God’s ...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":89365,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Dangers of Sin","title_en":"The Dangers of Sin","content_ro":"<h3>The Dangers of Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15).<\/p>\n<p>The sinful acts of God’s people are prominent throughout the late monarchical period. Words such as <em>sin<\/em>, <em>evil<\/em>, and <em>wicked<\/em> appear frequently to assert that the kings of both Israel (2 Kgs 3:2; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:2) and Judah (8:18, 27; 21:2, 16, 20; 23:32, 37; 24:9, 19) did “what was evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight.”<\/p>\n<p>The northern kingdom was particularly culpable. Its kings and people were uniformly condemned for their godless ways (17:16-17, 22); the basic sin of apostate worship, introduced by Jeroboam I, continued in Israel until the end (10:29; 17:21-23; 23:15). God repeatedly warned the people through his prophets (17:13) and brought the chastisement of foreign invaders (13:3, 7). Nothing moved the Israelites’ hearts, for they were set in their ways (13:6; 17:14-17). Eventually God allowed foreign invaders to defeat them and occupy their land, sending many into exile (17:18, 20-23).<\/p>\n<p>The people of Judah were not innocent either. Many of their kings were guilty of gross wickedness, and Judean society grew increasingly apostate and followed “the evil practices that Israel had introduced” (17:19). Despite God’s repeated acts of kindness (e.g., 19:32-36) and warnings delivered through his prophets (21:8-15), the people persisted in their sin, and God’s judgment once again fell (21:10-15; 23:26-27; 24:1-4; 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Where there is genuine repentance, God will graciously forgive his people and remit the penalty. But how much better to be faithful to God’s Word (2 Kgs 18:5-6; 23:25; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; 2 Tim 4:7; Rev 2:10), so that God’s blessings (Ps 112:1; 119:1-2; 144:15) might bring success (2 Kgs 18:7; see also 2 Chr 26:4-5; Prov 3:1-10; 2 Cor 3:5). God’s people need to give God first place in their lives (1 Kgs 18:21, 36-39; see Deut 6:13; 10:12-13; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33), pray for God’s persevering grace (Ps 19:13), and let the word of God be their guide (Ps 119:9; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 18:20-21; Exod 34:7; Lev 26:14-46; Num 15:30-31; Deut 31:16-18; 1 Kgs 8:46-51; 2 Kgs 8:18, 27; 2 Kgs 13:1-7; 14:23-24; 17:13-23; 18:9-12; 21:8-16; 23:25-27; 24:1-3, 19–25:21; 2 Chr 7:14; 33:12-13; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; Jer 44:2-6; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16; 4:7; Rev 2:10<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Dangers of Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15).<\/p>\n<p>The sinful acts of God’s people are prominent throughout the late monarchical period. Words such as <em>sin<\/em>, <em>evil<\/em>, and <em>wicked<\/em> appear frequently to assert that the kings of both Israel (2 Kgs 3:2; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:2) and Judah (8:18, 27; 21:2, 16, 20; 23:32, 37; 24:9, 19) did “what was evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight.”<\/p>\n<p>The northern kingdom was particularly culpable. Its kings and people were uniformly condemned for their godless ways (17:16-17, 22); the basic sin of apostate worship, introduced by Jeroboam I, continued in Israel until the end (10:29; 17:21-23; 23:15). God repeatedly warned the people through his prophets (17:13) and brought the chastisement of foreign invaders (13:3, 7). Nothing moved the Israelites’ hearts, for they were set in their ways (13:6; 17:14-17). Eventually God allowed foreign invaders to defeat them and occupy their land, sending many into exile (17:18, 20-23).<\/p>\n<p>The people of Judah were not innocent either. Many of their kings were guilty of gross wickedness, and Judean society grew increasingly apostate and followed “the evil practices that Israel had introduced” (17:19). Despite God’s repeated acts of kindness (e.g., 19:32-36) and warnings delivered through his prophets (21:8-15), the people persisted in their sin, and God’s judgment once again fell (21:10-15; 23:26-27; 24:1-4; 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Where there is genuine repentance, God will graciously forgive his people and remit the penalty. But how much better to be faithful to God’s Word (2 Kgs 18:5-6; 23:25; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; 2 Tim 4:7; Rev 2:10), so that God’s blessings (Ps 112:1; 119:1-2; 144:15) might bring success (2 Kgs 18:7; see also 2 Chr 26:4-5; Prov 3:1-10; 2 Cor 3:5). God’s people need to give God first place in their lives (1 Kgs 18:21, 36-39; see Deut 6:13; 10:12-13; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33), pray for God’s persevering grace (Ps 19:13), and let the word of God be their guide (Ps 119:9; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 18:20-21; Exod 34:7; Lev 26:14-46; Num 15:30-31; Deut 31:16-18; 1 Kgs 8:46-51; 2 Kgs 8:18, 27; 2 Kgs 13:1-7; 14:23-24; 17:13-23; 18:9-12; 21:8-16; 23:25-27; 24:1-3, 19–25:21; 2 Chr 7:14; 33:12-13; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; Jer 44:2-6; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16; 4:7; Rev 2:10<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Dangers of Sin Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15). The sinful acts of God’s ...","summary_en":"The Dangers of Sin Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15). The sinful acts of God’s ...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":116991,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Dangers of Sin","title_en":"The Dangers of Sin","content_ro":"<h3>The Dangers of Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15).<\/p>\n<p>The sinful acts of God’s people are prominent throughout the late monarchical period. Words such as <em>sin<\/em>, <em>evil<\/em>, and <em>wicked<\/em> appear frequently to assert that the kings of both Israel (2 Kgs 3:2; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:2) and Judah (8:18, 27; 21:2, 16, 20; 23:32, 37; 24:9, 19) did “what was evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight.”<\/p>\n<p>The northern kingdom was particularly culpable. Its kings and people were uniformly condemned for their godless ways (17:16-17, 22); the basic sin of apostate worship, introduced by Jeroboam I, continued in Israel until the end (10:29; 17:21-23; 23:15). God repeatedly warned the people through his prophets (17:13) and brought the chastisement of foreign invaders (13:3, 7). Nothing moved the Israelites’ hearts, for they were set in their ways (13:6; 17:14-17). Eventually God allowed foreign invaders to defeat them and occupy their land, sending many into exile (17:18, 20-23).<\/p>\n<p>The people of Judah were not innocent either. Many of their kings were guilty of gross wickedness, and Judean society grew increasingly apostate and followed “the evil practices that Israel had introduced” (17:19). Despite God’s repeated acts of kindness (e.g., 19:32-36) and warnings delivered through his prophets (21:8-15), the people persisted in their sin, and God’s judgment once again fell (21:10-15; 23:26-27; 24:1-4; 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Where there is genuine repentance, God will graciously forgive his people and remit the penalty. But how much better to be faithful to God’s Word (2 Kgs 18:5-6; 23:25; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; 2 Tim 4:7; Rev 2:10), so that God’s blessings (Ps 112:1; 119:1-2; 144:15) might bring success (2 Kgs 18:7; see also 2 Chr 26:4-5; Prov 3:1-10; 2 Cor 3:5). God’s people need to give God first place in their lives (1 Kgs 18:21, 36-39; see Deut 6:13; 10:12-13; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33), pray for God’s persevering grace (Ps 19:13), and let the word of God be their guide (Ps 119:9; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 18:20-21; Exod 34:7; Lev 26:14-46; Num 15:30-31; Deut 31:16-18; 1 Kgs 8:46-51; 2 Kgs 8:18, 27; 2 Kgs 13:1-7; 14:23-24; 17:13-23; 18:9-12; 21:8-16; 23:25-27; 24:1-3, 19–25:21; 2 Chr 7:14; 33:12-13; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; Jer 44:2-6; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16; 4:7; Rev 2:10<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Dangers of Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15).<\/p>\n<p>The sinful acts of God’s people are prominent throughout the late monarchical period. Words such as <em>sin<\/em>, <em>evil<\/em>, and <em>wicked<\/em> appear frequently to assert that the kings of both Israel (2 Kgs 3:2; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:2) and Judah (8:18, 27; 21:2, 16, 20; 23:32, 37; 24:9, 19) did “what was evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight.”<\/p>\n<p>The northern kingdom was particularly culpable. Its kings and people were uniformly condemned for their godless ways (17:16-17, 22); the basic sin of apostate worship, introduced by Jeroboam I, continued in Israel until the end (10:29; 17:21-23; 23:15). God repeatedly warned the people through his prophets (17:13) and brought the chastisement of foreign invaders (13:3, 7). Nothing moved the Israelites’ hearts, for they were set in their ways (13:6; 17:14-17). Eventually God allowed foreign invaders to defeat them and occupy their land, sending many into exile (17:18, 20-23).<\/p>\n<p>The people of Judah were not innocent either. Many of their kings were guilty of gross wickedness, and Judean society grew increasingly apostate and followed “the evil practices that Israel had introduced” (17:19). Despite God’s repeated acts of kindness (e.g., 19:32-36) and warnings delivered through his prophets (21:8-15), the people persisted in their sin, and God’s judgment once again fell (21:10-15; 23:26-27; 24:1-4; 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Where there is genuine repentance, God will graciously forgive his people and remit the penalty. But how much better to be faithful to God’s Word (2 Kgs 18:5-6; 23:25; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; 2 Tim 4:7; Rev 2:10), so that God’s blessings (Ps 112:1; 119:1-2; 144:15) might bring success (2 Kgs 18:7; see also 2 Chr 26:4-5; Prov 3:1-10; 2 Cor 3:5). God’s people need to give God first place in their lives (1 Kgs 18:21, 36-39; see Deut 6:13; 10:12-13; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33), pray for God’s persevering grace (Ps 19:13), and let the word of God be their guide (Ps 119:9; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 18:20-21; Exod 34:7; Lev 26:14-46; Num 15:30-31; Deut 31:16-18; 1 Kgs 8:46-51; 2 Kgs 8:18, 27; 2 Kgs 13:1-7; 14:23-24; 17:13-23; 18:9-12; 21:8-16; 23:25-27; 24:1-3, 19–25:21; 2 Chr 7:14; 33:12-13; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; Jer 44:2-6; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16; 4:7; Rev 2:10<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Dangers of Sin Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15). The sinful acts of God’s ...","summary_en":"The Dangers of Sin Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15). The sinful acts of God’s ...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":144617,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Dangers of Sin","title_en":"The Dangers of Sin","content_ro":"<h3>The Dangers of Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15).<\/p>\n<p>The sinful acts of God’s people are prominent throughout the late monarchical period. Words such as <em>sin<\/em>, <em>evil<\/em>, and <em>wicked<\/em> appear frequently to assert that the kings of both Israel (2 Kgs 3:2; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:2) and Judah (8:18, 27; 21:2, 16, 20; 23:32, 37; 24:9, 19) did “what was evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight.”<\/p>\n<p>The northern kingdom was particularly culpable. Its kings and people were uniformly condemned for their godless ways (17:16-17, 22); the basic sin of apostate worship, introduced by Jeroboam I, continued in Israel until the end (10:29; 17:21-23; 23:15). God repeatedly warned the people through his prophets (17:13) and brought the chastisement of foreign invaders (13:3, 7). Nothing moved the Israelites’ hearts, for they were set in their ways (13:6; 17:14-17). Eventually God allowed foreign invaders to defeat them and occupy their land, sending many into exile (17:18, 20-23).<\/p>\n<p>The people of Judah were not innocent either. Many of their kings were guilty of gross wickedness, and Judean society grew increasingly apostate and followed “the evil practices that Israel had introduced” (17:19). Despite God’s repeated acts of kindness (e.g., 19:32-36) and warnings delivered through his prophets (21:8-15), the people persisted in their sin, and God’s judgment once again fell (21:10-15; 23:26-27; 24:1-4; 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Where there is genuine repentance, God will graciously forgive his people and remit the penalty. But how much better to be faithful to God’s Word (2 Kgs 18:5-6; 23:25; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; 2 Tim 4:7; Rev 2:10), so that God’s blessings (Ps 112:1; 119:1-2; 144:15) might bring success (2 Kgs 18:7; see also 2 Chr 26:4-5; Prov 3:1-10; 2 Cor 3:5). God’s people need to give God first place in their lives (1 Kgs 18:21, 36-39; see Deut 6:13; 10:12-13; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33), pray for God’s persevering grace (Ps 19:13), and let the word of God be their guide (Ps 119:9; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 18:20-21; Exod 34:7; Lev 26:14-46; Num 15:30-31; Deut 31:16-18; 1 Kgs 8:46-51; 2 Kgs 8:18, 27; 2 Kgs 13:1-7; 14:23-24; 17:13-23; 18:9-12; 21:8-16; 23:25-27; 24:1-3, 19–25:21; 2 Chr 7:14; 33:12-13; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; Jer 44:2-6; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16; 4:7; Rev 2:10<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Dangers of Sin<\/h3>\n<p>Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15).<\/p>\n<p>The sinful acts of God’s people are prominent throughout the late monarchical period. Words such as <em>sin<\/em>, <em>evil<\/em>, and <em>wicked<\/em> appear frequently to assert that the kings of both Israel (2 Kgs 3:2; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:2) and Judah (8:18, 27; 21:2, 16, 20; 23:32, 37; 24:9, 19) did “what was evil in the <span>Lord<\/span>’s sight.”<\/p>\n<p>The northern kingdom was particularly culpable. Its kings and people were uniformly condemned for their godless ways (17:16-17, 22); the basic sin of apostate worship, introduced by Jeroboam I, continued in Israel until the end (10:29; 17:21-23; 23:15). God repeatedly warned the people through his prophets (17:13) and brought the chastisement of foreign invaders (13:3, 7). Nothing moved the Israelites’ hearts, for they were set in their ways (13:6; 17:14-17). Eventually God allowed foreign invaders to defeat them and occupy their land, sending many into exile (17:18, 20-23).<\/p>\n<p>The people of Judah were not innocent either. Many of their kings were guilty of gross wickedness, and Judean society grew increasingly apostate and followed “the evil practices that Israel had introduced” (17:19). Despite God’s repeated acts of kindness (e.g., 19:32-36) and warnings delivered through his prophets (21:8-15), the people persisted in their sin, and God’s judgment once again fell (21:10-15; 23:26-27; 24:1-4; 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>Where there is genuine repentance, God will graciously forgive his people and remit the penalty. But how much better to be faithful to God’s Word (2 Kgs 18:5-6; 23:25; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; 2 Tim 4:7; Rev 2:10), so that God’s blessings (Ps 112:1; 119:1-2; 144:15) might bring success (2 Kgs 18:7; see also 2 Chr 26:4-5; Prov 3:1-10; 2 Cor 3:5). God’s people need to give God first place in their lives (1 Kgs 18:21, 36-39; see Deut 6:13; 10:12-13; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33), pray for God’s persevering grace (Ps 19:13), and let the word of God be their guide (Ps 119:9; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 18:20-21; Exod 34:7; Lev 26:14-46; Num 15:30-31; Deut 31:16-18; 1 Kgs 8:46-51; 2 Kgs 8:18, 27; 2 Kgs 13:1-7; 14:23-24; 17:13-23; 18:9-12; 21:8-16; 23:25-27; 24:1-3, 19–25:21; 2 Chr 7:14; 33:12-13; Ps 119:9-11, 33-37; Jer 44:2-6; Mic 6:8; Matt 6:33; Col 3:16; 2 Tim 3:16; 4:7; Rev 2:10<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Dangers of Sin Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15). The sinful acts of God’s ...","summary_en":"The Dangers of Sin Choosing sin rather than faithfulness to the only true God invites disaster. This has been true since the very beginning, when Adam and Eve’s disobedience brought curses and banishment from their initial home (Gen 3). And it was true throughout Israel’s history (see, e.g., Num 16; Josh 7; 2 Sam 11:1–12:19). The New Testament offers numerous warnings about the eternal consequences of unrepented sinful behavior (1 Cor 6:9-10; Gal 5:19-21; Rev 22:15). The sinful acts of God’s ...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"23":[{"id":41664,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Josiah","title_en":"Josiah","content_ro":"<h3>Josiah<\/h3>\n<p>Josiah, who reigned in Judah from 640 to 609 <span>BC<\/span>, was a godly man, unlike his grandfather Manasseh and his father, Amon. Josiah “turned to the <span>Lord<\/span> with all his heart and soul and strength, obeying all the laws of Moses” (2 Kgs 23:25).<\/p>\n<p>The kingdom of Judah was grossly idolatrous and wicked during Manasseh’s reign (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>). Despite Manasseh’s own repentance toward the end of his reign, conditions continued to worsen under his son Amon (642–640 <span>BC<\/span>), who was so bad that his own officials assassinated him, and the eight-year-old Josiah was placed on the throne (21:23-24; 22:1; 2 Chr 33:24–34:1).<\/p>\n<p>When Josiah was sixteen, he began “to seek the God of his ancestor David” (2 Chr 34:3). From that point on, he was dedicated to purifying the worship of the people of God. At twenty, Josiah began eradicating pagan places of worship, especially the despised pagan worship center at Bethel. Josiah fulfilled prophecy (1 Kgs 13:1-3) by destroying its altar and burning the bones of pagan priests to desecrate the site (2 Kgs 23:15-18).<\/p>\n<p>When Josiah was twenty-six, he organized repairs to the Temple (22:3-7). In the process, the priest Hilkiah found the Book of the Law and read it to Josiah, who was devastated by its pronouncements against apostasy (22:8-20). He then sought more fully to obey God’s instructions and to lead the people in worshiping the Lord. He celebrated Passover as the law demanded, destroyed many artifacts used in Baal and sun worship, and eliminated pagan shrines in Judah (23:4-14). In all this, Josiah was apparently supported by the prophets Zephaniah and Jeremiah, who spoke for God during his time.<\/p>\n<p>Josiah was not sensitive to God’s voice on one significant occasion, however, and it cost him his life (23:29-30; 2 Chr 35:20-25). In 609 <span>BC<\/span>, Pharaoh Neco marched toward Carchemish to reinforce the Assyrian army against Babylon. Josiah delayed Neco at Megiddo, perhaps wanting to support the Babylonians. Neco insisted that the Lord wanted him to fight Babylon, but Josiah attacked him and was killed in battle. Josiah was greatly mourned by Jeremiah and the people of Judah (2 Chr 35:25).<\/p>\n<p>Though Josiah was faithful, the people were not; once he died, his sons and successors began to turn away from the Lord. In spite of Jeremiah’s increased efforts, the people did not repent. The turbulent years that followed Josiah’s death soon ended with the destruction of Jerusalem and the exile of its citizens to Babylon (605–586 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>1 Kgs 13:2; 2 Kgs 21:24–23:30; 2 Chr 33:25–35:27; Jer 1:1-4; 22:13-23; 25:3; 36:2; Zeph 1:1<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Josiah<\/h3>\n<p>Josiah, who reigned in Judah from 640 to 609 <span>BC<\/span>, was a godly man, unlike his grandfather Manasseh and his father, Amon. Josiah “turned to the <span>Lord<\/span> with all his heart and soul and strength, obeying all the laws of Moses” (2 Kgs 23:25).<\/p>\n<p>The kingdom of Judah was grossly idolatrous and wicked during Manasseh’s reign (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>). Despite Manasseh’s own repentance toward the end of his reign, conditions continued to worsen under his son Amon (642–640 <span>BC<\/span>), who was so bad that his own officials assassinated him, and the eight-year-old Josiah was placed on the throne (21:23-24; 22:1; 2 Chr 33:24–34:1).<\/p>\n<p>When Josiah was sixteen, he began “to seek the God of his ancestor David” (2 Chr 34:3). From that point on, he was dedicated to purifying the worship of the people of God. At twenty, Josiah began eradicating pagan places of worship, especially the despised pagan worship center at Bethel. Josiah fulfilled prophecy (1 Kgs 13:1-3) by destroying its altar and burning the bones of pagan priests to desecrate the site (2 Kgs 23:15-18).<\/p>\n<p>When Josiah was twenty-six, he organized repairs to the Temple (22:3-7). In the process, the priest Hilkiah found the Book of the Law and read it to Josiah, who was devastated by its pronouncements against apostasy (22:8-20). He then sought more fully to obey God’s instructions and to lead the people in worshiping the Lord. He celebrated Passover as the law demanded, destroyed many artifacts used in Baal and sun worship, and eliminated pagan shrines in Judah (23:4-14). In all this, Josiah was apparently supported by the prophets Zephaniah and Jeremiah, who spoke for God during his time.<\/p>\n<p>Josiah was not sensitive to God’s voice on one significant occasion, however, and it cost him his life (23:29-30; 2 Chr 35:20-25). In 609 <span>BC<\/span>, Pharaoh Neco marched toward Carchemish to reinforce the Assyrian army against Babylon. Josiah delayed Neco at Megiddo, perhaps wanting to support the Babylonians. Neco insisted that the Lord wanted him to fight Babylon, but Josiah attacked him and was killed in battle. Josiah was greatly mourned by Jeremiah and the people of Judah (2 Chr 35:25).<\/p>\n<p>Though Josiah was faithful, the people were not; once he died, his sons and successors began to turn away from the Lord. In spite of Jeremiah’s increased efforts, the people did not repent. The turbulent years that followed Josiah’s death soon ended with the destruction of Jerusalem and the exile of its citizens to Babylon (605–586 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>1 Kgs 13:2; 2 Kgs 21:24–23:30; 2 Chr 33:25–35:27; Jer 1:1-4; 22:13-23; 25:3; 36:2; Zeph 1:1<\/p>","summary_ro":"Josiah Josiah, who reigned in Judah from 640 to 609 BC, was a godly man, unlike his grandfather Manasseh and his father, Amon. Josiah “turned to the Lord with all his heart and soul and strength, obeying all the laws of Moses” (2 Kgs 23:25). The kingdom of Judah was grossly idolatrous and wicked during Manasseh’s reign (697–642 BC). Despite Manasseh’s own repentance toward the end of his reign, conditions continued to worsen under his son Amon (642–640 BC), who was so bad that his own officia...","summary_en":"Josiah Josiah, who reigned in Judah from 640 to 609 BC, was a godly man, unlike his grandfather Manasseh and his father, Amon. Josiah “turned to the Lord with all his heart and soul and strength, obeying all the laws of Moses” (2 Kgs 23:25). The kingdom of Judah was grossly idolatrous and wicked during Manasseh’s reign (697–642 BC). Despite Manasseh’s own repentance toward the end of his reign, conditions continued to worsen under his son Amon (642–640 BC), who was so bad that his own officia...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":69290,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Josiah","title_en":"Josiah","content_ro":"<h3>Josiah<\/h3>\n<p>Josiah, who reigned in Judah from 640 to 609 <span>BC<\/span>, was a godly man, unlike his grandfather Manasseh and his father, Amon. Josiah “turned to the <span>Lord<\/span> with all his heart and soul and strength, obeying all the laws of Moses” (2 Kgs 23:25).<\/p>\n<p>The kingdom of Judah was grossly idolatrous and wicked during Manasseh’s reign (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>). Despite Manasseh’s own repentance toward the end of his reign, conditions continued to worsen under his son Amon (642–640 <span>BC<\/span>), who was so bad that his own officials assassinated him, and the eight-year-old Josiah was placed on the throne (21:23-24; 22:1; 2 Chr 33:24–34:1).<\/p>\n<p>When Josiah was sixteen, he began “to seek the God of his ancestor David” (2 Chr 34:3). From that point on, he was dedicated to purifying the worship of the people of God. At twenty, Josiah began eradicating pagan places of worship, especially the despised pagan worship center at Bethel. Josiah fulfilled prophecy (1 Kgs 13:1-3) by destroying its altar and burning the bones of pagan priests to desecrate the site (2 Kgs 23:15-18).<\/p>\n<p>When Josiah was twenty-six, he organized repairs to the Temple (22:3-7). In the process, the priest Hilkiah found the Book of the Law and read it to Josiah, who was devastated by its pronouncements against apostasy (22:8-20). He then sought more fully to obey God’s instructions and to lead the people in worshiping the Lord. He celebrated Passover as the law demanded, destroyed many artifacts used in Baal and sun worship, and eliminated pagan shrines in Judah (23:4-14). In all this, Josiah was apparently supported by the prophets Zephaniah and Jeremiah, who spoke for God during his time.<\/p>\n<p>Josiah was not sensitive to God’s voice on one significant occasion, however, and it cost him his life (23:29-30; 2 Chr 35:20-25). In 609 <span>BC<\/span>, Pharaoh Neco marched toward Carchemish to reinforce the Assyrian army against Babylon. Josiah delayed Neco at Megiddo, perhaps wanting to support the Babylonians. Neco insisted that the Lord wanted him to fight Babylon, but Josiah attacked him and was killed in battle. Josiah was greatly mourned by Jeremiah and the people of Judah (2 Chr 35:25).<\/p>\n<p>Though Josiah was faithful, the people were not; once he died, his sons and successors began to turn away from the Lord. In spite of Jeremiah’s increased efforts, the people did not repent. The turbulent years that followed Josiah’s death soon ended with the destruction of Jerusalem and the exile of its citizens to Babylon (605–586 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>1 Kgs 13:2; 2 Kgs 21:24–23:30; 2 Chr 33:25–35:27; Jer 1:1-4; 22:13-23; 25:3; 36:2; Zeph 1:1<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Josiah<\/h3>\n<p>Josiah, who reigned in Judah from 640 to 609 <span>BC<\/span>, was a godly man, unlike his grandfather Manasseh and his father, Amon. Josiah “turned to the <span>Lord<\/span> with all his heart and soul and strength, obeying all the laws of Moses” (2 Kgs 23:25).<\/p>\n<p>The kingdom of Judah was grossly idolatrous and wicked during Manasseh’s reign (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>). Despite Manasseh’s own repentance toward the end of his reign, conditions continued to worsen under his son Amon (642–640 <span>BC<\/span>), who was so bad that his own officials assassinated him, and the eight-year-old Josiah was placed on the throne (21:23-24; 22:1; 2 Chr 33:24–34:1).<\/p>\n<p>When Josiah was sixteen, he began “to seek the God of his ancestor David” (2 Chr 34:3). From that point on, he was dedicated to purifying the worship of the people of God. At twenty, Josiah began eradicating pagan places of worship, especially the despised pagan worship center at Bethel. Josiah fulfilled prophecy (1 Kgs 13:1-3) by destroying its altar and burning the bones of pagan priests to desecrate the site (2 Kgs 23:15-18).<\/p>\n<p>When Josiah was twenty-six, he organized repairs to the Temple (22:3-7). In the process, the priest Hilkiah found the Book of the Law and read it to Josiah, who was devastated by its pronouncements against apostasy (22:8-20). He then sought more fully to obey God’s instructions and to lead the people in worshiping the Lord. He celebrated Passover as the law demanded, destroyed many artifacts used in Baal and sun worship, and eliminated pagan shrines in Judah (23:4-14). In all this, Josiah was apparently supported by the prophets Zephaniah and Jeremiah, who spoke for God during his time.<\/p>\n<p>Josiah was not sensitive to God’s voice on one significant occasion, however, and it cost him his life (23:29-30; 2 Chr 35:20-25). In 609 <span>BC<\/span>, Pharaoh Neco marched toward Carchemish to reinforce the Assyrian army against Babylon. Josiah delayed Neco at Megiddo, perhaps wanting to support the Babylonians. Neco insisted that the Lord wanted him to fight Babylon, but Josiah attacked him and was killed in battle. Josiah was greatly mourned by Jeremiah and the people of Judah (2 Chr 35:25).<\/p>\n<p>Though Josiah was faithful, the people were not; once he died, his sons and successors began to turn away from the Lord. In spite of Jeremiah’s increased efforts, the people did not repent. The turbulent years that followed Josiah’s death soon ended with the destruction of Jerusalem and the exile of its citizens to Babylon (605–586 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>1 Kgs 13:2; 2 Kgs 21:24–23:30; 2 Chr 33:25–35:27; Jer 1:1-4; 22:13-23; 25:3; 36:2; Zeph 1:1<\/p>","summary_ro":"Josiah Josiah, who reigned in Judah from 640 to 609 BC, was a godly man, unlike his grandfather Manasseh and his father, Amon. Josiah “turned to the Lord with all his heart and soul and strength, obeying all the laws of Moses” (2 Kgs 23:25). The kingdom of Judah was grossly idolatrous and wicked during Manasseh’s reign (697–642 BC). Despite Manasseh’s own repentance toward the end of his reign, conditions continued to worsen under his son Amon (642–640 BC), who was so bad that his own officia...","summary_en":"Josiah Josiah, who reigned in Judah from 640 to 609 BC, was a godly man, unlike his grandfather Manasseh and his father, Amon. Josiah “turned to the Lord with all his heart and soul and strength, obeying all the laws of Moses” (2 Kgs 23:25). The kingdom of Judah was grossly idolatrous and wicked during Manasseh’s reign (697–642 BC). Despite Manasseh’s own repentance toward the end of his reign, conditions continued to worsen under his son Amon (642–640 BC), who was so bad that his own officia...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":96916,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Josiah","title_en":"Josiah","content_ro":"<h3>Josiah<\/h3>\n<p>Josiah, who reigned in Judah from 640 to 609 <span>BC<\/span>, was a godly man, unlike his grandfather Manasseh and his father, Amon. Josiah “turned to the <span>Lord<\/span> with all his heart and soul and strength, obeying all the laws of Moses” (2 Kgs 23:25).<\/p>\n<p>The kingdom of Judah was grossly idolatrous and wicked during Manasseh’s reign (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>). Despite Manasseh’s own repentance toward the end of his reign, conditions continued to worsen under his son Amon (642–640 <span>BC<\/span>), who was so bad that his own officials assassinated him, and the eight-year-old Josiah was placed on the throne (21:23-24; 22:1; 2 Chr 33:24–34:1).<\/p>\n<p>When Josiah was sixteen, he began “to seek the God of his ancestor David” (2 Chr 34:3). From that point on, he was dedicated to purifying the worship of the people of God. At twenty, Josiah began eradicating pagan places of worship, especially the despised pagan worship center at Bethel. Josiah fulfilled prophecy (1 Kgs 13:1-3) by destroying its altar and burning the bones of pagan priests to desecrate the site (2 Kgs 23:15-18).<\/p>\n<p>When Josiah was twenty-six, he organized repairs to the Temple (22:3-7). In the process, the priest Hilkiah found the Book of the Law and read it to Josiah, who was devastated by its pronouncements against apostasy (22:8-20). He then sought more fully to obey God’s instructions and to lead the people in worshiping the Lord. He celebrated Passover as the law demanded, destroyed many artifacts used in Baal and sun worship, and eliminated pagan shrines in Judah (23:4-14). In all this, Josiah was apparently supported by the prophets Zephaniah and Jeremiah, who spoke for God during his time.<\/p>\n<p>Josiah was not sensitive to God’s voice on one significant occasion, however, and it cost him his life (23:29-30; 2 Chr 35:20-25). In 609 <span>BC<\/span>, Pharaoh Neco marched toward Carchemish to reinforce the Assyrian army against Babylon. Josiah delayed Neco at Megiddo, perhaps wanting to support the Babylonians. Neco insisted that the Lord wanted him to fight Babylon, but Josiah attacked him and was killed in battle. Josiah was greatly mourned by Jeremiah and the people of Judah (2 Chr 35:25).<\/p>\n<p>Though Josiah was faithful, the people were not; once he died, his sons and successors began to turn away from the Lord. In spite of Jeremiah’s increased efforts, the people did not repent. The turbulent years that followed Josiah’s death soon ended with the destruction of Jerusalem and the exile of its citizens to Babylon (605–586 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>1 Kgs 13:2; 2 Kgs 21:24–23:30; 2 Chr 33:25–35:27; Jer 1:1-4; 22:13-23; 25:3; 36:2; Zeph 1:1<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Josiah<\/h3>\n<p>Josiah, who reigned in Judah from 640 to 609 <span>BC<\/span>, was a godly man, unlike his grandfather Manasseh and his father, Amon. Josiah “turned to the <span>Lord<\/span> with all his heart and soul and strength, obeying all the laws of Moses” (2 Kgs 23:25).<\/p>\n<p>The kingdom of Judah was grossly idolatrous and wicked during Manasseh’s reign (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>). Despite Manasseh’s own repentance toward the end of his reign, conditions continued to worsen under his son Amon (642–640 <span>BC<\/span>), who was so bad that his own officials assassinated him, and the eight-year-old Josiah was placed on the throne (21:23-24; 22:1; 2 Chr 33:24–34:1).<\/p>\n<p>When Josiah was sixteen, he began “to seek the God of his ancestor David” (2 Chr 34:3). From that point on, he was dedicated to purifying the worship of the people of God. At twenty, Josiah began eradicating pagan places of worship, especially the despised pagan worship center at Bethel. Josiah fulfilled prophecy (1 Kgs 13:1-3) by destroying its altar and burning the bones of pagan priests to desecrate the site (2 Kgs 23:15-18).<\/p>\n<p>When Josiah was twenty-six, he organized repairs to the Temple (22:3-7). In the process, the priest Hilkiah found the Book of the Law and read it to Josiah, who was devastated by its pronouncements against apostasy (22:8-20). He then sought more fully to obey God’s instructions and to lead the people in worshiping the Lord. He celebrated Passover as the law demanded, destroyed many artifacts used in Baal and sun worship, and eliminated pagan shrines in Judah (23:4-14). In all this, Josiah was apparently supported by the prophets Zephaniah and Jeremiah, who spoke for God during his time.<\/p>\n<p>Josiah was not sensitive to God’s voice on one significant occasion, however, and it cost him his life (23:29-30; 2 Chr 35:20-25). In 609 <span>BC<\/span>, Pharaoh Neco marched toward Carchemish to reinforce the Assyrian army against Babylon. Josiah delayed Neco at Megiddo, perhaps wanting to support the Babylonians. Neco insisted that the Lord wanted him to fight Babylon, but Josiah attacked him and was killed in battle. Josiah was greatly mourned by Jeremiah and the people of Judah (2 Chr 35:25).<\/p>\n<p>Though Josiah was faithful, the people were not; once he died, his sons and successors began to turn away from the Lord. In spite of Jeremiah’s increased efforts, the people did not repent. The turbulent years that followed Josiah’s death soon ended with the destruction of Jerusalem and the exile of its citizens to Babylon (605–586 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>1 Kgs 13:2; 2 Kgs 21:24–23:30; 2 Chr 33:25–35:27; Jer 1:1-4; 22:13-23; 25:3; 36:2; Zeph 1:1<\/p>","summary_ro":"Josiah Josiah, who reigned in Judah from 640 to 609 BC, was a godly man, unlike his grandfather Manasseh and his father, Amon. Josiah “turned to the Lord with all his heart and soul and strength, obeying all the laws of Moses” (2 Kgs 23:25). The kingdom of Judah was grossly idolatrous and wicked during Manasseh’s reign (697–642 BC). Despite Manasseh’s own repentance toward the end of his reign, conditions continued to worsen under his son Amon (642–640 BC), who was so bad that his own officia...","summary_en":"Josiah Josiah, who reigned in Judah from 640 to 609 BC, was a godly man, unlike his grandfather Manasseh and his father, Amon. Josiah “turned to the Lord with all his heart and soul and strength, obeying all the laws of Moses” (2 Kgs 23:25). The kingdom of Judah was grossly idolatrous and wicked during Manasseh’s reign (697–642 BC). Despite Manasseh’s own repentance toward the end of his reign, conditions continued to worsen under his son Amon (642–640 BC), who was so bad that his own officia...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":124542,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Josiah","title_en":"Josiah","content_ro":"<h3>Josiah<\/h3>\n<p>Josiah, who reigned in Judah from 640 to 609 <span>BC<\/span>, was a godly man, unlike his grandfather Manasseh and his father, Amon. Josiah “turned to the <span>Lord<\/span> with all his heart and soul and strength, obeying all the laws of Moses” (2 Kgs 23:25).<\/p>\n<p>The kingdom of Judah was grossly idolatrous and wicked during Manasseh’s reign (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>). Despite Manasseh’s own repentance toward the end of his reign, conditions continued to worsen under his son Amon (642–640 <span>BC<\/span>), who was so bad that his own officials assassinated him, and the eight-year-old Josiah was placed on the throne (21:23-24; 22:1; 2 Chr 33:24–34:1).<\/p>\n<p>When Josiah was sixteen, he began “to seek the God of his ancestor David” (2 Chr 34:3). From that point on, he was dedicated to purifying the worship of the people of God. At twenty, Josiah began eradicating pagan places of worship, especially the despised pagan worship center at Bethel. Josiah fulfilled prophecy (1 Kgs 13:1-3) by destroying its altar and burning the bones of pagan priests to desecrate the site (2 Kgs 23:15-18).<\/p>\n<p>When Josiah was twenty-six, he organized repairs to the Temple (22:3-7). In the process, the priest Hilkiah found the Book of the Law and read it to Josiah, who was devastated by its pronouncements against apostasy (22:8-20). He then sought more fully to obey God’s instructions and to lead the people in worshiping the Lord. He celebrated Passover as the law demanded, destroyed many artifacts used in Baal and sun worship, and eliminated pagan shrines in Judah (23:4-14). In all this, Josiah was apparently supported by the prophets Zephaniah and Jeremiah, who spoke for God during his time.<\/p>\n<p>Josiah was not sensitive to God’s voice on one significant occasion, however, and it cost him his life (23:29-30; 2 Chr 35:20-25). In 609 <span>BC<\/span>, Pharaoh Neco marched toward Carchemish to reinforce the Assyrian army against Babylon. Josiah delayed Neco at Megiddo, perhaps wanting to support the Babylonians. Neco insisted that the Lord wanted him to fight Babylon, but Josiah attacked him and was killed in battle. Josiah was greatly mourned by Jeremiah and the people of Judah (2 Chr 35:25).<\/p>\n<p>Though Josiah was faithful, the people were not; once he died, his sons and successors began to turn away from the Lord. In spite of Jeremiah’s increased efforts, the people did not repent. The turbulent years that followed Josiah’s death soon ended with the destruction of Jerusalem and the exile of its citizens to Babylon (605–586 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>1 Kgs 13:2; 2 Kgs 21:24–23:30; 2 Chr 33:25–35:27; Jer 1:1-4; 22:13-23; 25:3; 36:2; Zeph 1:1<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Josiah<\/h3>\n<p>Josiah, who reigned in Judah from 640 to 609 <span>BC<\/span>, was a godly man, unlike his grandfather Manasseh and his father, Amon. Josiah “turned to the <span>Lord<\/span> with all his heart and soul and strength, obeying all the laws of Moses” (2 Kgs 23:25).<\/p>\n<p>The kingdom of Judah was grossly idolatrous and wicked during Manasseh’s reign (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>). Despite Manasseh’s own repentance toward the end of his reign, conditions continued to worsen under his son Amon (642–640 <span>BC<\/span>), who was so bad that his own officials assassinated him, and the eight-year-old Josiah was placed on the throne (21:23-24; 22:1; 2 Chr 33:24–34:1).<\/p>\n<p>When Josiah was sixteen, he began “to seek the God of his ancestor David” (2 Chr 34:3). From that point on, he was dedicated to purifying the worship of the people of God. At twenty, Josiah began eradicating pagan places of worship, especially the despised pagan worship center at Bethel. Josiah fulfilled prophecy (1 Kgs 13:1-3) by destroying its altar and burning the bones of pagan priests to desecrate the site (2 Kgs 23:15-18).<\/p>\n<p>When Josiah was twenty-six, he organized repairs to the Temple (22:3-7). In the process, the priest Hilkiah found the Book of the Law and read it to Josiah, who was devastated by its pronouncements against apostasy (22:8-20). He then sought more fully to obey God’s instructions and to lead the people in worshiping the Lord. He celebrated Passover as the law demanded, destroyed many artifacts used in Baal and sun worship, and eliminated pagan shrines in Judah (23:4-14). In all this, Josiah was apparently supported by the prophets Zephaniah and Jeremiah, who spoke for God during his time.<\/p>\n<p>Josiah was not sensitive to God’s voice on one significant occasion, however, and it cost him his life (23:29-30; 2 Chr 35:20-25). In 609 <span>BC<\/span>, Pharaoh Neco marched toward Carchemish to reinforce the Assyrian army against Babylon. Josiah delayed Neco at Megiddo, perhaps wanting to support the Babylonians. Neco insisted that the Lord wanted him to fight Babylon, but Josiah attacked him and was killed in battle. Josiah was greatly mourned by Jeremiah and the people of Judah (2 Chr 35:25).<\/p>\n<p>Though Josiah was faithful, the people were not; once he died, his sons and successors began to turn away from the Lord. In spite of Jeremiah’s increased efforts, the people did not repent. The turbulent years that followed Josiah’s death soon ended with the destruction of Jerusalem and the exile of its citizens to Babylon (605–586 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>1 Kgs 13:2; 2 Kgs 21:24–23:30; 2 Chr 33:25–35:27; Jer 1:1-4; 22:13-23; 25:3; 36:2; Zeph 1:1<\/p>","summary_ro":"Josiah Josiah, who reigned in Judah from 640 to 609 BC, was a godly man, unlike his grandfather Manasseh and his father, Amon. Josiah “turned to the Lord with all his heart and soul and strength, obeying all the laws of Moses” (2 Kgs 23:25). The kingdom of Judah was grossly idolatrous and wicked during Manasseh’s reign (697–642 BC). Despite Manasseh’s own repentance toward the end of his reign, conditions continued to worsen under his son Amon (642–640 BC), who was so bad that his own officia...","summary_en":"Josiah Josiah, who reigned in Judah from 640 to 609 BC, was a godly man, unlike his grandfather Manasseh and his father, Amon. Josiah “turned to the Lord with all his heart and soul and strength, obeying all the laws of Moses” (2 Kgs 23:25). The kingdom of Judah was grossly idolatrous and wicked during Manasseh’s reign (697–642 BC). Despite Manasseh’s own repentance toward the end of his reign, conditions continued to worsen under his son Amon (642–640 BC), who was so bad that his own officia...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"24":[{"id":41677,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Josiah","title_en":"Josiah","content_ro":"<h3>Josiah<\/h3>\n<p>Josiah, who reigned in Judah from 640 to 609 <span>BC<\/span>, was a godly man, unlike his grandfather Manasseh and his father, Amon. Josiah “turned to the <span>Lord<\/span> with all his heart and soul and strength, obeying all the laws of Moses” (2 Kgs 23:25).<\/p>\n<p>The kingdom of Judah was grossly idolatrous and wicked during Manasseh’s reign (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>). Despite Manasseh’s own repentance toward the end of his reign, conditions continued to worsen under his son Amon (642–640 <span>BC<\/span>), who was so bad that his own officials assassinated him, and the eight-year-old Josiah was placed on the throne (21:23-24; 22:1; 2 Chr 33:24–34:1).<\/p>\n<p>When Josiah was sixteen, he began “to seek the God of his ancestor David” (2 Chr 34:3). From that point on, he was dedicated to purifying the worship of the people of God. At twenty, Josiah began eradicating pagan places of worship, especially the despised pagan worship center at Bethel. Josiah fulfilled prophecy (1 Kgs 13:1-3) by destroying its altar and burning the bones of pagan priests to desecrate the site (2 Kgs 23:15-18).<\/p>\n<p>When Josiah was twenty-six, he organized repairs to the Temple (22:3-7). In the process, the priest Hilkiah found the Book of the Law and read it to Josiah, who was devastated by its pronouncements against apostasy (22:8-20). He then sought more fully to obey God’s instructions and to lead the people in worshiping the Lord. He celebrated Passover as the law demanded, destroyed many artifacts used in Baal and sun worship, and eliminated pagan shrines in Judah (23:4-14). In all this, Josiah was apparently supported by the prophets Zephaniah and Jeremiah, who spoke for God during his time.<\/p>\n<p>Josiah was not sensitive to God’s voice on one significant occasion, however, and it cost him his life (23:29-30; 2 Chr 35:20-25). In 609 <span>BC<\/span>, Pharaoh Neco marched toward Carchemish to reinforce the Assyrian army against Babylon. Josiah delayed Neco at Megiddo, perhaps wanting to support the Babylonians. Neco insisted that the Lord wanted him to fight Babylon, but Josiah attacked him and was killed in battle. Josiah was greatly mourned by Jeremiah and the people of Judah (2 Chr 35:25).<\/p>\n<p>Though Josiah was faithful, the people were not; once he died, his sons and successors began to turn away from the Lord. In spite of Jeremiah’s increased efforts, the people did not repent. The turbulent years that followed Josiah’s death soon ended with the destruction of Jerusalem and the exile of its citizens to Babylon (605–586 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>1 Kgs 13:2; 2 Kgs 21:24–23:30; 2 Chr 33:25–35:27; Jer 1:1-4; 22:13-23; 25:3; 36:2; Zeph 1:1<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Josiah<\/h3>\n<p>Josiah, who reigned in Judah from 640 to 609 <span>BC<\/span>, was a godly man, unlike his grandfather Manasseh and his father, Amon. Josiah “turned to the <span>Lord<\/span> with all his heart and soul and strength, obeying all the laws of Moses” (2 Kgs 23:25).<\/p>\n<p>The kingdom of Judah was grossly idolatrous and wicked during Manasseh’s reign (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>). Despite Manasseh’s own repentance toward the end of his reign, conditions continued to worsen under his son Amon (642–640 <span>BC<\/span>), who was so bad that his own officials assassinated him, and the eight-year-old Josiah was placed on the throne (21:23-24; 22:1; 2 Chr 33:24–34:1).<\/p>\n<p>When Josiah was sixteen, he began “to seek the God of his ancestor David” (2 Chr 34:3). From that point on, he was dedicated to purifying the worship of the people of God. At twenty, Josiah began eradicating pagan places of worship, especially the despised pagan worship center at Bethel. Josiah fulfilled prophecy (1 Kgs 13:1-3) by destroying its altar and burning the bones of pagan priests to desecrate the site (2 Kgs 23:15-18).<\/p>\n<p>When Josiah was twenty-six, he organized repairs to the Temple (22:3-7). In the process, the priest Hilkiah found the Book of the Law and read it to Josiah, who was devastated by its pronouncements against apostasy (22:8-20). He then sought more fully to obey God’s instructions and to lead the people in worshiping the Lord. He celebrated Passover as the law demanded, destroyed many artifacts used in Baal and sun worship, and eliminated pagan shrines in Judah (23:4-14). In all this, Josiah was apparently supported by the prophets Zephaniah and Jeremiah, who spoke for God during his time.<\/p>\n<p>Josiah was not sensitive to God’s voice on one significant occasion, however, and it cost him his life (23:29-30; 2 Chr 35:20-25). In 609 <span>BC<\/span>, Pharaoh Neco marched toward Carchemish to reinforce the Assyrian army against Babylon. Josiah delayed Neco at Megiddo, perhaps wanting to support the Babylonians. Neco insisted that the Lord wanted him to fight Babylon, but Josiah attacked him and was killed in battle. Josiah was greatly mourned by Jeremiah and the people of Judah (2 Chr 35:25).<\/p>\n<p>Though Josiah was faithful, the people were not; once he died, his sons and successors began to turn away from the Lord. In spite of Jeremiah’s increased efforts, the people did not repent. The turbulent years that followed Josiah’s death soon ended with the destruction of Jerusalem and the exile of its citizens to Babylon (605–586 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>1 Kgs 13:2; 2 Kgs 21:24–23:30; 2 Chr 33:25–35:27; Jer 1:1-4; 22:13-23; 25:3; 36:2; Zeph 1:1<\/p>","summary_ro":"Josiah Josiah, who reigned in Judah from 640 to 609 BC, was a godly man, unlike his grandfather Manasseh and his father, Amon. Josiah “turned to the Lord with all his heart and soul and strength, obeying all the laws of Moses” (2 Kgs 23:25). The kingdom of Judah was grossly idolatrous and wicked during Manasseh’s reign (697–642 BC). Despite Manasseh’s own repentance toward the end of his reign, conditions continued to worsen under his son Amon (642–640 BC), who was so bad that his own officia...","summary_en":"Josiah Josiah, who reigned in Judah from 640 to 609 BC, was a godly man, unlike his grandfather Manasseh and his father, Amon. Josiah “turned to the Lord with all his heart and soul and strength, obeying all the laws of Moses” (2 Kgs 23:25). The kingdom of Judah was grossly idolatrous and wicked during Manasseh’s reign (697–642 BC). Despite Manasseh’s own repentance toward the end of his reign, conditions continued to worsen under his son Amon (642–640 BC), who was so bad that his own officia...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":69303,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Josiah","title_en":"Josiah","content_ro":"<h3>Josiah<\/h3>\n<p>Josiah, who reigned in Judah from 640 to 609 <span>BC<\/span>, was a godly man, unlike his grandfather Manasseh and his father, Amon. Josiah “turned to the <span>Lord<\/span> with all his heart and soul and strength, obeying all the laws of Moses” (2 Kgs 23:25).<\/p>\n<p>The kingdom of Judah was grossly idolatrous and wicked during Manasseh’s reign (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>). Despite Manasseh’s own repentance toward the end of his reign, conditions continued to worsen under his son Amon (642–640 <span>BC<\/span>), who was so bad that his own officials assassinated him, and the eight-year-old Josiah was placed on the throne (21:23-24; 22:1; 2 Chr 33:24–34:1).<\/p>\n<p>When Josiah was sixteen, he began “to seek the God of his ancestor David” (2 Chr 34:3). From that point on, he was dedicated to purifying the worship of the people of God. At twenty, Josiah began eradicating pagan places of worship, especially the despised pagan worship center at Bethel. Josiah fulfilled prophecy (1 Kgs 13:1-3) by destroying its altar and burning the bones of pagan priests to desecrate the site (2 Kgs 23:15-18).<\/p>\n<p>When Josiah was twenty-six, he organized repairs to the Temple (22:3-7). In the process, the priest Hilkiah found the Book of the Law and read it to Josiah, who was devastated by its pronouncements against apostasy (22:8-20). He then sought more fully to obey God’s instructions and to lead the people in worshiping the Lord. He celebrated Passover as the law demanded, destroyed many artifacts used in Baal and sun worship, and eliminated pagan shrines in Judah (23:4-14). In all this, Josiah was apparently supported by the prophets Zephaniah and Jeremiah, who spoke for God during his time.<\/p>\n<p>Josiah was not sensitive to God’s voice on one significant occasion, however, and it cost him his life (23:29-30; 2 Chr 35:20-25). In 609 <span>BC<\/span>, Pharaoh Neco marched toward Carchemish to reinforce the Assyrian army against Babylon. Josiah delayed Neco at Megiddo, perhaps wanting to support the Babylonians. Neco insisted that the Lord wanted him to fight Babylon, but Josiah attacked him and was killed in battle. Josiah was greatly mourned by Jeremiah and the people of Judah (2 Chr 35:25).<\/p>\n<p>Though Josiah was faithful, the people were not; once he died, his sons and successors began to turn away from the Lord. In spite of Jeremiah’s increased efforts, the people did not repent. The turbulent years that followed Josiah’s death soon ended with the destruction of Jerusalem and the exile of its citizens to Babylon (605–586 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>1 Kgs 13:2; 2 Kgs 21:24–23:30; 2 Chr 33:25–35:27; Jer 1:1-4; 22:13-23; 25:3; 36:2; Zeph 1:1<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Josiah<\/h3>\n<p>Josiah, who reigned in Judah from 640 to 609 <span>BC<\/span>, was a godly man, unlike his grandfather Manasseh and his father, Amon. Josiah “turned to the <span>Lord<\/span> with all his heart and soul and strength, obeying all the laws of Moses” (2 Kgs 23:25).<\/p>\n<p>The kingdom of Judah was grossly idolatrous and wicked during Manasseh’s reign (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>). Despite Manasseh’s own repentance toward the end of his reign, conditions continued to worsen under his son Amon (642–640 <span>BC<\/span>), who was so bad that his own officials assassinated him, and the eight-year-old Josiah was placed on the throne (21:23-24; 22:1; 2 Chr 33:24–34:1).<\/p>\n<p>When Josiah was sixteen, he began “to seek the God of his ancestor David” (2 Chr 34:3). From that point on, he was dedicated to purifying the worship of the people of God. At twenty, Josiah began eradicating pagan places of worship, especially the despised pagan worship center at Bethel. Josiah fulfilled prophecy (1 Kgs 13:1-3) by destroying its altar and burning the bones of pagan priests to desecrate the site (2 Kgs 23:15-18).<\/p>\n<p>When Josiah was twenty-six, he organized repairs to the Temple (22:3-7). In the process, the priest Hilkiah found the Book of the Law and read it to Josiah, who was devastated by its pronouncements against apostasy (22:8-20). He then sought more fully to obey God’s instructions and to lead the people in worshiping the Lord. He celebrated Passover as the law demanded, destroyed many artifacts used in Baal and sun worship, and eliminated pagan shrines in Judah (23:4-14). In all this, Josiah was apparently supported by the prophets Zephaniah and Jeremiah, who spoke for God during his time.<\/p>\n<p>Josiah was not sensitive to God’s voice on one significant occasion, however, and it cost him his life (23:29-30; 2 Chr 35:20-25). In 609 <span>BC<\/span>, Pharaoh Neco marched toward Carchemish to reinforce the Assyrian army against Babylon. Josiah delayed Neco at Megiddo, perhaps wanting to support the Babylonians. Neco insisted that the Lord wanted him to fight Babylon, but Josiah attacked him and was killed in battle. Josiah was greatly mourned by Jeremiah and the people of Judah (2 Chr 35:25).<\/p>\n<p>Though Josiah was faithful, the people were not; once he died, his sons and successors began to turn away from the Lord. In spite of Jeremiah’s increased efforts, the people did not repent. The turbulent years that followed Josiah’s death soon ended with the destruction of Jerusalem and the exile of its citizens to Babylon (605–586 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>1 Kgs 13:2; 2 Kgs 21:24–23:30; 2 Chr 33:25–35:27; Jer 1:1-4; 22:13-23; 25:3; 36:2; Zeph 1:1<\/p>","summary_ro":"Josiah Josiah, who reigned in Judah from 640 to 609 BC, was a godly man, unlike his grandfather Manasseh and his father, Amon. Josiah “turned to the Lord with all his heart and soul and strength, obeying all the laws of Moses” (2 Kgs 23:25). The kingdom of Judah was grossly idolatrous and wicked during Manasseh’s reign (697–642 BC). Despite Manasseh’s own repentance toward the end of his reign, conditions continued to worsen under his son Amon (642–640 BC), who was so bad that his own officia...","summary_en":"Josiah Josiah, who reigned in Judah from 640 to 609 BC, was a godly man, unlike his grandfather Manasseh and his father, Amon. Josiah “turned to the Lord with all his heart and soul and strength, obeying all the laws of Moses” (2 Kgs 23:25). The kingdom of Judah was grossly idolatrous and wicked during Manasseh’s reign (697–642 BC). Despite Manasseh’s own repentance toward the end of his reign, conditions continued to worsen under his son Amon (642–640 BC), who was so bad that his own officia...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":96929,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Josiah","title_en":"Josiah","content_ro":"<h3>Josiah<\/h3>\n<p>Josiah, who reigned in Judah from 640 to 609 <span>BC<\/span>, was a godly man, unlike his grandfather Manasseh and his father, Amon. Josiah “turned to the <span>Lord<\/span> with all his heart and soul and strength, obeying all the laws of Moses” (2 Kgs 23:25).<\/p>\n<p>The kingdom of Judah was grossly idolatrous and wicked during Manasseh’s reign (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>). Despite Manasseh’s own repentance toward the end of his reign, conditions continued to worsen under his son Amon (642–640 <span>BC<\/span>), who was so bad that his own officials assassinated him, and the eight-year-old Josiah was placed on the throne (21:23-24; 22:1; 2 Chr 33:24–34:1).<\/p>\n<p>When Josiah was sixteen, he began “to seek the God of his ancestor David” (2 Chr 34:3). From that point on, he was dedicated to purifying the worship of the people of God. At twenty, Josiah began eradicating pagan places of worship, especially the despised pagan worship center at Bethel. Josiah fulfilled prophecy (1 Kgs 13:1-3) by destroying its altar and burning the bones of pagan priests to desecrate the site (2 Kgs 23:15-18).<\/p>\n<p>When Josiah was twenty-six, he organized repairs to the Temple (22:3-7). In the process, the priest Hilkiah found the Book of the Law and read it to Josiah, who was devastated by its pronouncements against apostasy (22:8-20). He then sought more fully to obey God’s instructions and to lead the people in worshiping the Lord. He celebrated Passover as the law demanded, destroyed many artifacts used in Baal and sun worship, and eliminated pagan shrines in Judah (23:4-14). In all this, Josiah was apparently supported by the prophets Zephaniah and Jeremiah, who spoke for God during his time.<\/p>\n<p>Josiah was not sensitive to God’s voice on one significant occasion, however, and it cost him his life (23:29-30; 2 Chr 35:20-25). In 609 <span>BC<\/span>, Pharaoh Neco marched toward Carchemish to reinforce the Assyrian army against Babylon. Josiah delayed Neco at Megiddo, perhaps wanting to support the Babylonians. Neco insisted that the Lord wanted him to fight Babylon, but Josiah attacked him and was killed in battle. Josiah was greatly mourned by Jeremiah and the people of Judah (2 Chr 35:25).<\/p>\n<p>Though Josiah was faithful, the people were not; once he died, his sons and successors began to turn away from the Lord. In spite of Jeremiah’s increased efforts, the people did not repent. The turbulent years that followed Josiah’s death soon ended with the destruction of Jerusalem and the exile of its citizens to Babylon (605–586 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>1 Kgs 13:2; 2 Kgs 21:24–23:30; 2 Chr 33:25–35:27; Jer 1:1-4; 22:13-23; 25:3; 36:2; Zeph 1:1<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Josiah<\/h3>\n<p>Josiah, who reigned in Judah from 640 to 609 <span>BC<\/span>, was a godly man, unlike his grandfather Manasseh and his father, Amon. Josiah “turned to the <span>Lord<\/span> with all his heart and soul and strength, obeying all the laws of Moses” (2 Kgs 23:25).<\/p>\n<p>The kingdom of Judah was grossly idolatrous and wicked during Manasseh’s reign (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>). Despite Manasseh’s own repentance toward the end of his reign, conditions continued to worsen under his son Amon (642–640 <span>BC<\/span>), who was so bad that his own officials assassinated him, and the eight-year-old Josiah was placed on the throne (21:23-24; 22:1; 2 Chr 33:24–34:1).<\/p>\n<p>When Josiah was sixteen, he began “to seek the God of his ancestor David” (2 Chr 34:3). From that point on, he was dedicated to purifying the worship of the people of God. At twenty, Josiah began eradicating pagan places of worship, especially the despised pagan worship center at Bethel. Josiah fulfilled prophecy (1 Kgs 13:1-3) by destroying its altar and burning the bones of pagan priests to desecrate the site (2 Kgs 23:15-18).<\/p>\n<p>When Josiah was twenty-six, he organized repairs to the Temple (22:3-7). In the process, the priest Hilkiah found the Book of the Law and read it to Josiah, who was devastated by its pronouncements against apostasy (22:8-20). He then sought more fully to obey God’s instructions and to lead the people in worshiping the Lord. He celebrated Passover as the law demanded, destroyed many artifacts used in Baal and sun worship, and eliminated pagan shrines in Judah (23:4-14). In all this, Josiah was apparently supported by the prophets Zephaniah and Jeremiah, who spoke for God during his time.<\/p>\n<p>Josiah was not sensitive to God’s voice on one significant occasion, however, and it cost him his life (23:29-30; 2 Chr 35:20-25). In 609 <span>BC<\/span>, Pharaoh Neco marched toward Carchemish to reinforce the Assyrian army against Babylon. Josiah delayed Neco at Megiddo, perhaps wanting to support the Babylonians. Neco insisted that the Lord wanted him to fight Babylon, but Josiah attacked him and was killed in battle. Josiah was greatly mourned by Jeremiah and the people of Judah (2 Chr 35:25).<\/p>\n<p>Though Josiah was faithful, the people were not; once he died, his sons and successors began to turn away from the Lord. In spite of Jeremiah’s increased efforts, the people did not repent. The turbulent years that followed Josiah’s death soon ended with the destruction of Jerusalem and the exile of its citizens to Babylon (605–586 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>1 Kgs 13:2; 2 Kgs 21:24–23:30; 2 Chr 33:25–35:27; Jer 1:1-4; 22:13-23; 25:3; 36:2; Zeph 1:1<\/p>","summary_ro":"Josiah Josiah, who reigned in Judah from 640 to 609 BC, was a godly man, unlike his grandfather Manasseh and his father, Amon. Josiah “turned to the Lord with all his heart and soul and strength, obeying all the laws of Moses” (2 Kgs 23:25). The kingdom of Judah was grossly idolatrous and wicked during Manasseh’s reign (697–642 BC). Despite Manasseh’s own repentance toward the end of his reign, conditions continued to worsen under his son Amon (642–640 BC), who was so bad that his own officia...","summary_en":"Josiah Josiah, who reigned in Judah from 640 to 609 BC, was a godly man, unlike his grandfather Manasseh and his father, Amon. Josiah “turned to the Lord with all his heart and soul and strength, obeying all the laws of Moses” (2 Kgs 23:25). The kingdom of Judah was grossly idolatrous and wicked during Manasseh’s reign (697–642 BC). Despite Manasseh’s own repentance toward the end of his reign, conditions continued to worsen under his son Amon (642–640 BC), who was so bad that his own officia...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":124555,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Josiah","title_en":"Josiah","content_ro":"<h3>Josiah<\/h3>\n<p>Josiah, who reigned in Judah from 640 to 609 <span>BC<\/span>, was a godly man, unlike his grandfather Manasseh and his father, Amon. Josiah “turned to the <span>Lord<\/span> with all his heart and soul and strength, obeying all the laws of Moses” (2 Kgs 23:25).<\/p>\n<p>The kingdom of Judah was grossly idolatrous and wicked during Manasseh’s reign (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>). Despite Manasseh’s own repentance toward the end of his reign, conditions continued to worsen under his son Amon (642–640 <span>BC<\/span>), who was so bad that his own officials assassinated him, and the eight-year-old Josiah was placed on the throne (21:23-24; 22:1; 2 Chr 33:24–34:1).<\/p>\n<p>When Josiah was sixteen, he began “to seek the God of his ancestor David” (2 Chr 34:3). From that point on, he was dedicated to purifying the worship of the people of God. At twenty, Josiah began eradicating pagan places of worship, especially the despised pagan worship center at Bethel. Josiah fulfilled prophecy (1 Kgs 13:1-3) by destroying its altar and burning the bones of pagan priests to desecrate the site (2 Kgs 23:15-18).<\/p>\n<p>When Josiah was twenty-six, he organized repairs to the Temple (22:3-7). In the process, the priest Hilkiah found the Book of the Law and read it to Josiah, who was devastated by its pronouncements against apostasy (22:8-20). He then sought more fully to obey God’s instructions and to lead the people in worshiping the Lord. He celebrated Passover as the law demanded, destroyed many artifacts used in Baal and sun worship, and eliminated pagan shrines in Judah (23:4-14). In all this, Josiah was apparently supported by the prophets Zephaniah and Jeremiah, who spoke for God during his time.<\/p>\n<p>Josiah was not sensitive to God’s voice on one significant occasion, however, and it cost him his life (23:29-30; 2 Chr 35:20-25). In 609 <span>BC<\/span>, Pharaoh Neco marched toward Carchemish to reinforce the Assyrian army against Babylon. Josiah delayed Neco at Megiddo, perhaps wanting to support the Babylonians. Neco insisted that the Lord wanted him to fight Babylon, but Josiah attacked him and was killed in battle. Josiah was greatly mourned by Jeremiah and the people of Judah (2 Chr 35:25).<\/p>\n<p>Though Josiah was faithful, the people were not; once he died, his sons and successors began to turn away from the Lord. In spite of Jeremiah’s increased efforts, the people did not repent. The turbulent years that followed Josiah’s death soon ended with the destruction of Jerusalem and the exile of its citizens to Babylon (605–586 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>1 Kgs 13:2; 2 Kgs 21:24–23:30; 2 Chr 33:25–35:27; Jer 1:1-4; 22:13-23; 25:3; 36:2; Zeph 1:1<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Josiah<\/h3>\n<p>Josiah, who reigned in Judah from 640 to 609 <span>BC<\/span>, was a godly man, unlike his grandfather Manasseh and his father, Amon. Josiah “turned to the <span>Lord<\/span> with all his heart and soul and strength, obeying all the laws of Moses” (2 Kgs 23:25).<\/p>\n<p>The kingdom of Judah was grossly idolatrous and wicked during Manasseh’s reign (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>). Despite Manasseh’s own repentance toward the end of his reign, conditions continued to worsen under his son Amon (642–640 <span>BC<\/span>), who was so bad that his own officials assassinated him, and the eight-year-old Josiah was placed on the throne (21:23-24; 22:1; 2 Chr 33:24–34:1).<\/p>\n<p>When Josiah was sixteen, he began “to seek the God of his ancestor David” (2 Chr 34:3). From that point on, he was dedicated to purifying the worship of the people of God. At twenty, Josiah began eradicating pagan places of worship, especially the despised pagan worship center at Bethel. Josiah fulfilled prophecy (1 Kgs 13:1-3) by destroying its altar and burning the bones of pagan priests to desecrate the site (2 Kgs 23:15-18).<\/p>\n<p>When Josiah was twenty-six, he organized repairs to the Temple (22:3-7). In the process, the priest Hilkiah found the Book of the Law and read it to Josiah, who was devastated by its pronouncements against apostasy (22:8-20). He then sought more fully to obey God’s instructions and to lead the people in worshiping the Lord. He celebrated Passover as the law demanded, destroyed many artifacts used in Baal and sun worship, and eliminated pagan shrines in Judah (23:4-14). In all this, Josiah was apparently supported by the prophets Zephaniah and Jeremiah, who spoke for God during his time.<\/p>\n<p>Josiah was not sensitive to God’s voice on one significant occasion, however, and it cost him his life (23:29-30; 2 Chr 35:20-25). In 609 <span>BC<\/span>, Pharaoh Neco marched toward Carchemish to reinforce the Assyrian army against Babylon. Josiah delayed Neco at Megiddo, perhaps wanting to support the Babylonians. Neco insisted that the Lord wanted him to fight Babylon, but Josiah attacked him and was killed in battle. Josiah was greatly mourned by Jeremiah and the people of Judah (2 Chr 35:25).<\/p>\n<p>Though Josiah was faithful, the people were not; once he died, his sons and successors began to turn away from the Lord. In spite of Jeremiah’s increased efforts, the people did not repent. The turbulent years that followed Josiah’s death soon ended with the destruction of Jerusalem and the exile of its citizens to Babylon (605–586 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>1 Kgs 13:2; 2 Kgs 21:24–23:30; 2 Chr 33:25–35:27; Jer 1:1-4; 22:13-23; 25:3; 36:2; Zeph 1:1<\/p>","summary_ro":"Josiah Josiah, who reigned in Judah from 640 to 609 BC, was a godly man, unlike his grandfather Manasseh and his father, Amon. Josiah “turned to the Lord with all his heart and soul and strength, obeying all the laws of Moses” (2 Kgs 23:25). The kingdom of Judah was grossly idolatrous and wicked during Manasseh’s reign (697–642 BC). Despite Manasseh’s own repentance toward the end of his reign, conditions continued to worsen under his son Amon (642–640 BC), who was so bad that his own officia...","summary_en":"Josiah Josiah, who reigned in Judah from 640 to 609 BC, was a godly man, unlike his grandfather Manasseh and his father, Amon. Josiah “turned to the Lord with all his heart and soul and strength, obeying all the laws of Moses” (2 Kgs 23:25). The kingdom of Judah was grossly idolatrous and wicked during Manasseh’s reign (697–642 BC). Despite Manasseh’s own repentance toward the end of his reign, conditions continued to worsen under his son Amon (642–640 BC), who was so bad that his own officia...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"26":[{"id":20888,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Josiah","title_en":"Josiah","content_ro":"<h3>JOSIAH<\/h3>\n<li>1. Sixteenth king of the southern kingdom of Judah (640–609 <span>BC<\/span>). A godly man, he stood in marked contrast to his grandfather Manasseh and his father, Amon. In fact, Scripture declares there was no king either before or after him who was as obedient to the law of Moses (2 Kgs 23:25). The Greek form of his name, Josias, appears in Matthew 1:10-11 (<span>kjv<\/span>).<\/li>\n<p>The Times of Josiah<\/p>\n<p>When Josiah became king in 640 <span>BC<\/span>, the international scene was about to change drastically. After the great Assyrian king Ashurbanipal died in 633 <span>BC<\/span>, mediocre rulers followed him on the throne, and there was considerable unrest in the empire. Nabopolassar, father of Nebuchadnezzar, seized the kingship in Babylon and established the Neo-Babylonian Empire late in 626 <span>BC<\/span>. Soon Babylonians and Medes combined forces to topple the Assyrian Empire, and in 612 <span>BC<\/span> completely destroyed the city of Nineveh. As Babylonian power rose in the east, Assyrian control over the province that had once been the kingdom of Israel relaxed and Assyrian pressure on Judah virtually ceased. After the fall of Nineveh, the Assyrians established their capital at Haran. There they were defeated by Babylonians and Scythians in 610 <span>BC<\/span>. At that point Pharaoh Neco II of Egypt decided to support Assyria. In the late spring of 609 <span>BC<\/span> he advanced through Judah, defeated and killed Josiah, and spent the summer campaigning in Syria.<\/p>\n<p>Before Josiah’s reign, Judah had capitulated to gross idolatry during the reign of Manasseh (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>). Baalism, Molech worship, and other pagan religions had invaded the land, as had occultism and astrology. A false altar even stood in the temple in Jerusalem, and human sacrifice to pagan deities was practiced near Jerusalem. The nation was thoroughly corrupt. Although some reform occurred in Manasseh’s latter days, conditions reverted to their former baseness during the reign of his son Amon (642–640 <span>BC<\/span>). In 640 <span>BC<\/span> officials of Amon’s household assassinated him, and the “people of the land” put Josiah on the throne (2 Kgs 21:26; 22:1; 2 Chr 33:25–34:1).<\/p>\n<p>Josiah’s Reform Activities<\/p>\n<p>Josiah was only eight years old when he became king. Evidently he had spiritually motivated advisers or regents; by the time he was 16, he began of his own accord “to seek the God of his ancestor David” (2 Chr 34:3). When he was 20, he became greatly exercised over the idolatry of the land and launched a major effort to eradicate the pagan high places, groves, and images from Judah and Jerusalem. So intense was Josiah’s hatred of idolatry that he even opened the tombs of pagan priests and burned their bones on pagan altars before the altars were destroyed.<\/p>\n<p>Josiah carried his reform movement beyond the borders of Judah, venting his fury especially on the cult center at Bethel, where Jeroboam had set up his false worship. In fulfillment of prophecy (1 Kgs 13:1-3), he destroyed the altar and high place and burned the bones of officiating priests to desecrate the site (2 Kgs 23:15-18). What he did at Bethel he did everywhere else in the kingdom of Samaria (vv 19-20).<\/p>\n<p>When Josiah was 26, he launched a project to cleanse and repair the temple in Jerusalem (2 Kgs 22:3). Shaphan, the king’s administrative assistant, commissioned the work; Hilkiah the priest supervised the renovation and construction. In the process of restoring the temple, Hilkiah found the Book of the Law, the nature and contents of which are otherwise unknown. Possibly in the dark days of Manasseh a deliberate attempt had been made to destroy the Word of God. At any rate, there was little knowledge of Scripture in Judah.<\/p>\n<p>When Shaphan read the Book of the Law to Josiah, the king was devastated by the pronouncements of judgment against apostasy contained in it. He sent a delegation to Huldah the prophetess to find out what judgments awaited the land. The prophetess replied that the condemnation of God would indeed fall on Judah for its sin, but she sent word to Josiah that because his heart was right toward God, the punishment would not come during his lifetime.<\/p>\n<p>The king called together a large representative group for a public reading of the law—evidently sections especially concerned with obligations to God. The king and the people made a covenant before God to keep his commandments.<\/p>\n<p>Faced with the importance of maintaining a pure monotheistic faith, the king was spurred on to even more rigorous efforts to cleanse the temple and Jerusalem. He destroyed the vessels used in Baal worship, the monument of horses given by the kings of Judah for sun worship, the chariots dedicated to the sun, the homosexual community near the temple, and shrines built by Solomon and in use since his day. Moreover, he made stringent efforts to eliminate the pagan shrines and high places in all the towns of Judah (2 Kgs 23:4-14).<\/p>\n<p>The Death of Josiah<\/p>\n<p>Precisely why Josiah opposed Pharaoh Neco’s advance through Judean territory is unknown. He may have wanted to prevent aid from reaching the hated Assyrians or to maintain his own independence. Josiah was mortally wounded in the conflict and was greatly lamented by Jeremiah and all the people (2 Chr 35:25). Well they might weep, for their godly king was gone, and within a few years the judgment withheld during his lifetime would descend on the nation.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Chronology of the Bible (Old Testament); Israel, History of.<\/p>\n<li>2. Son of Zephaniah, who returned to Jerusalem with other Jews after the captivity (Zec 6:10, 14; Hebrew “Hen”).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>JOSIAH<\/h3>\n<li>1. Sixteenth king of the southern kingdom of Judah (640–609 <span>BC<\/span>). A godly man, he stood in marked contrast to his grandfather Manasseh and his father, Amon. In fact, Scripture declares there was no king either before or after him who was as obedient to the law of Moses (2 Kgs 23:25). The Greek form of his name, Josias, appears in Matthew 1:10-11 (<span>kjv<\/span>).<\/li>\n<p>The Times of Josiah<\/p>\n<p>When Josiah became king in 640 <span>BC<\/span>, the international scene was about to change drastically. After the great Assyrian king Ashurbanipal died in 633 <span>BC<\/span>, mediocre rulers followed him on the throne, and there was considerable unrest in the empire. Nabopolassar, father of Nebuchadnezzar, seized the kingship in Babylon and established the Neo-Babylonian Empire late in 626 <span>BC<\/span>. Soon Babylonians and Medes combined forces to topple the Assyrian Empire, and in 612 <span>BC<\/span> completely destroyed the city of Nineveh. As Babylonian power rose in the east, Assyrian control over the province that had once been the kingdom of Israel relaxed and Assyrian pressure on Judah virtually ceased. After the fall of Nineveh, the Assyrians established their capital at Haran. There they were defeated by Babylonians and Scythians in 610 <span>BC<\/span>. At that point Pharaoh Neco II of Egypt decided to support Assyria. In the late spring of 609 <span>BC<\/span> he advanced through Judah, defeated and killed Josiah, and spent the summer campaigning in Syria.<\/p>\n<p>Before Josiah’s reign, Judah had capitulated to gross idolatry during the reign of Manasseh (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>). Baalism, Molech worship, and other pagan religions had invaded the land, as had occultism and astrology. A false altar even stood in the temple in Jerusalem, and human sacrifice to pagan deities was practiced near Jerusalem. The nation was thoroughly corrupt. Although some reform occurred in Manasseh’s latter days, conditions reverted to their former baseness during the reign of his son Amon (642–640 <span>BC<\/span>). In 640 <span>BC<\/span> officials of Amon’s household assassinated him, and the “people of the land” put Josiah on the throne (2 Kgs 21:26; 22:1; 2 Chr 33:25–34:1).<\/p>\n<p>Josiah’s Reform Activities<\/p>\n<p>Josiah was only eight years old when he became king. Evidently he had spiritually motivated advisers or regents; by the time he was 16, he began of his own accord “to seek the God of his ancestor David” (2 Chr 34:3). When he was 20, he became greatly exercised over the idolatry of the land and launched a major effort to eradicate the pagan high places, groves, and images from Judah and Jerusalem. So intense was Josiah’s hatred of idolatry that he even opened the tombs of pagan priests and burned their bones on pagan altars before the altars were destroyed.<\/p>\n<p>Josiah carried his reform movement beyond the borders of Judah, venting his fury especially on the cult center at Bethel, where Jeroboam had set up his false worship. In fulfillment of prophecy (1 Kgs 13:1-3), he destroyed the altar and high place and burned the bones of officiating priests to desecrate the site (2 Kgs 23:15-18). What he did at Bethel he did everywhere else in the kingdom of Samaria (vv 19-20).<\/p>\n<p>When Josiah was 26, he launched a project to cleanse and repair the temple in Jerusalem (2 Kgs 22:3). Shaphan, the king’s administrative assistant, commissioned the work; Hilkiah the priest supervised the renovation and construction. In the process of restoring the temple, Hilkiah found the Book of the Law, the nature and contents of which are otherwise unknown. Possibly in the dark days of Manasseh a deliberate attempt had been made to destroy the Word of God. At any rate, there was little knowledge of Scripture in Judah.<\/p>\n<p>When Shaphan read the Book of the Law to Josiah, the king was devastated by the pronouncements of judgment against apostasy contained in it. He sent a delegation to Huldah the prophetess to find out what judgments awaited the land. The prophetess replied that the condemnation of God would indeed fall on Judah for its sin, but she sent word to Josiah that because his heart was right toward God, the punishment would not come during his lifetime.<\/p>\n<p>The king called together a large representative group for a public reading of the law—evidently sections especially concerned with obligations to God. The king and the people made a covenant before God to keep his commandments.<\/p>\n<p>Faced with the importance of maintaining a pure monotheistic faith, the king was spurred on to even more rigorous efforts to cleanse the temple and Jerusalem. He destroyed the vessels used in Baal worship, the monument of horses given by the kings of Judah for sun worship, the chariots dedicated to the sun, the homosexual community near the temple, and shrines built by Solomon and in use since his day. Moreover, he made stringent efforts to eliminate the pagan shrines and high places in all the towns of Judah (2 Kgs 23:4-14).<\/p>\n<p>The Death of Josiah<\/p>\n<p>Precisely why Josiah opposed Pharaoh Neco’s advance through Judean territory is unknown. He may have wanted to prevent aid from reaching the hated Assyrians or to maintain his own independence. Josiah was mortally wounded in the conflict and was greatly lamented by Jeremiah and all the people (2 Chr 35:25). Well they might weep, for their godly king was gone, and within a few years the judgment withheld during his lifetime would descend on the nation.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Chronology of the Bible (Old Testament); Israel, History of.<\/p>\n<li>2. Son of Zephaniah, who returned to Jerusalem with other Jews after the captivity (Zec 6:10, 14; Hebrew “Hen”).<\/li>","summary_ro":"JOSIAH 1. Sixteenth king of the southern kingdom of Judah (640–609 BC). A godly man, he stood in marked contrast to his grandfather Manasseh and his father, Amon. In fact, Scripture declares there was no king either before or after him who was as obedient to the law of Moses (2 Kgs 23:25). The Greek form of his name, Josias, appears in Matthew 1:10-11 (kjv). The Times of Josiah When Josiah became king in 640 BC, the international scene was about to change drastically. After the great Assyrian...","summary_en":"JOSIAH 1. Sixteenth king of the southern kingdom of Judah (640–609 BC). A godly man, he stood in marked contrast to his grandfather Manasseh and his father, Amon. In fact, Scripture declares there was no king either before or after him who was as obedient to the law of Moses (2 Kgs 23:25). The Greek form of his name, Josias, appears in Matthew 1:10-11 (kjv). The Times of Josiah When Josiah became king in 640 BC, the international scene was about to change drastically. After the great Assyrian...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":47473,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 21:26","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 21:26","content_ro":"<p><strong>21:26<\/strong> Like his father, Manasseh (21:17), Amon was denied burial in the royal tombs and was interred in <em>the garden of Uzza<\/em>.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>21:26<\/strong> Like his father, Manasseh (21:17), Amon was denied burial in the royal tombs and was interred in <em>the garden of Uzza<\/em>.<\/p>","summary_ro":"21:26 Like his father, Manasseh (21:17), Amon was denied burial in the royal tombs and was interred in the garden of Uzza.","summary_en":"21:26 Like his father, Manasseh (21:17), Amon was denied burial in the royal tombs and was interred in the garden of Uzza.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":75099,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 21:26","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 21:26","content_ro":"<p><strong>21:26<\/strong> Like his father, Manasseh (21:17), Amon was denied burial in the royal tombs and was interred in <em>the garden of Uzza<\/em>.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>21:26<\/strong> Like his father, Manasseh (21:17), Amon was denied burial in the royal tombs and was interred in <em>the garden of Uzza<\/em>.<\/p>","summary_ro":"21:26 Like his father, Manasseh (21:17), Amon was denied burial in the royal tombs and was interred in the garden of Uzza.","summary_en":"21:26 Like his father, Manasseh (21:17), Amon was denied burial in the royal tombs and was interred in the garden of Uzza.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":102725,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 21:26","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 21:26","content_ro":"<p><strong>21:26<\/strong> Like his father, Manasseh (21:17), Amon was denied burial in the royal tombs and was interred in <em>the garden of Uzza<\/em>.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>21:26<\/strong> Like his father, Manasseh (21:17), Amon was denied burial in the royal tombs and was interred in <em>the garden of Uzza<\/em>.<\/p>","summary_ro":"21:26 Like his father, Manasseh (21:17), Amon was denied burial in the royal tombs and was interred in the garden of Uzza.","summary_en":"21:26 Like his father, Manasseh (21:17), Amon was denied burial in the royal tombs and was interred in the garden of Uzza.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":130351,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 21:26","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 21:26","content_ro":"<p><strong>21:26<\/strong> Like his father, Manasseh (21:17), Amon was denied burial in the royal tombs and was interred in <em>the garden of Uzza<\/em>.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>21:26<\/strong> Like his father, Manasseh (21:17), Amon was denied burial in the royal tombs and was interred in <em>the garden of Uzza<\/em>.<\/p>","summary_ro":"21:26 Like his father, Manasseh (21:17), Amon was denied burial in the royal tombs and was interred in the garden of Uzza.","summary_en":"21:26 Like his father, Manasseh (21:17), Amon was denied burial in the royal tombs and was interred in the garden of Uzza.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}]},"labels":{"article":"Articol","map":"Hartă","chart":"Diagramă","textbox":"Notă explicativă","picture":"Imagine","profile":"Profil","study_note":"Notă de studiu","theme_note":"Temă biblică"},"icons":{"article":"📖","map":"🗺️","chart":"📊","textbox":"💡","picture":"🖼️","profile":"👤","study_note":"📝","theme_note":"🎯"},"typeColors":{"article":"#d4af37","map":"#2d7d46","chart":"#3b82f6","textbox":"#8b5cf6","picture":"#ec4899","profile":"#f59e0b","study_note":"#06b6d4","theme_note":"#ef4444"}}
🔍
Niciun rezultat
Nu am găsit versete care să conțină textul căutat.
2 Împărați 21
— 26 versete
2 Împărați 21
📘 Info carte
Se încarcă...
📖 Resurse