1
În vremea aceea, Ezechia a fost bolnav pe moarte. Proorocul Isaia, fiul lui Amoţ, a venit la el, şi i-a zis: ,,Aşa vorbeşte Domnul: ,Rânduieşte ce ai de rânduit casei tale, căci vei muri, şi nu vei mai trăi.``
2
Ezechia s-a întors cu faţa la părete, şi a făcut Domnului următoarea rugăciune:
3
,,Doamne, adu-Ţi aminte că am umblat înaintea Feţei Tale cu credincioşie şi curăţie de inimă, şi am făcut ce este bine înaintea Ta!`` Şi Ezechia a vărsat multe lacrămi.
4
Isaia, care ieşise, n-ajunsese încă în curtea din mijloc, când cuvântul Domnului i-a vorbit astfel:
5
,,Întoarce-te şi spune lui Ezechia, căpetenia poporului Meu: ,Aşa vorbeşte Domnul, Dumnezeul tatălui tău David: ,Ţi-am auzit rugăciunea, şi ţi-am văzut lacrămile. Iată că te voi face sănătos; a treia zi, te vei sui la Casa Domnului.
6
Voi mai adăuga cincisprezece ani la zilele tale. Te voi izbăvi, pe tine şi cetatea aceasta, din mâna împăratului Asiriei, şi voi ocroti cetatea aceasta, din pricina Mea, şi din pricina robului Meu David.``
7
Isaia a zis: ,,Luaţi o turtă de smochine.`` Au luat-o şi au pus-o pe umflătură. Şi Ezechia s-a vindecat.
8
Ezechia zisese lui Isaia: ,,După care semn voi cunoaşte că mă va vindeca Domnul, şi că mă voi sui a treia zi la Casa Domnului?``
9
Şi Isaia a zis: ,,Iată, din partea Domnului, semnul după care vei cunoaşte că Domnul va împlini cuvântul pe care l-a rostit: ,Cum vrei: să treacă umbra peste zece trepte înainte, sau să dea înapoi cu zece trepte?``
10
Ezechia a răspuns: ,,Nu este mare lucru ca umbra să treacă înainte peste zece trepte; ci mai bine să se dea înapoi cu zece trepte.``
11
Atunci, Isaia, proorocul, s-a rugat Domnului, şi Domnul a dat cu zece trepte înapoi umbra din locul în care se pogorâse pe cadranul soarelui lui Ahaz.
12
În acelaş timp, Berodac-Baladan, fiul lui Baladan, împăratul Babilonului, a trimes o scrisoare şi un dar lui Ezechia, căci auzise de boala lui Ezechia.
13
Ezechia a ascultat pe soli, şi le-a arătat locul unde erau lucrurile lui de preţ, argintul şi aurul, mirodeniile şi untdelemnul cel scump, casa lui cu arme şi tot ce se afla în vistieriile lui: n-a fost nimic pe care să nu li-l fi arătat Ezechia în casa lui şi în toate moşiile lui.
14
Proorocul Isaia a venit în urmă la împăratul Ezechia, şi i-a zis: ,,Ce au zis oamenii aceia, şi de unde au venit la tine?`` Ezechia a răspuns: ,,Au venit dintr-o ţară depărtată, din Babilon.``
15
Isaia a mai zis: ,,Ce au văzut în casa ta?`` Ezechia a răspuns: ,,Au văzut tot ce este în casa mea: n-a fost nimic în vistieriile mele pe care să nu li-l fi arătat.``
16
Atunci Isaia a zis lui Ezechia: ,,Ascultă cuvântul Domnului!
17
Iată că vor veni vremuri când vor duce în Babilon tot ce este în casa ta şi ce au strâns părinţii tăi până în ziua de azi; nu va rămânea nimic, -zice Domnul. -
18
Şi vor lua din fiii tăi, cari vor ieşi din tine, pe cari-i vei naşte, şi-i vor face fameni slujitori în casa împăratului Babilonului.``
19
Ezechia a răspuns lui Isaia: ,,Cuvântul Domnului, pe care l-ai rostit, este bun.`` Şi a adăugat: ,,Căci va fi pace şi linişte în timpul vieţii mele!``
20
Celelalte fapte ale lui Ezechia, toate isprăvile lui, şi cum a făcut iazul şi canalui de apă, şi a adus apele în cetate, nu sânt scrise oare în cartea Cronicilor împăraţilor lui Iuda?
21
Ezechia a adormit cu părinţii săi. Şi, în locul lui, a domnit fiul său Manase.
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Isaiah predicted that those treasures would be carried off to Babylon (20:12-19).<\/p>\n<p>After the Assyrian threat in 701 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah’s remaining years were peaceful and prosperous; he died in 686 <span>BC<\/span> and was succeeded by his son Manasseh.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 18:1–20:21; 2 Chr 28:27–32:33; Isa 36:1–39:8<\/p>","summary_ro":"Hezekiah Hezekiah, who reigned from 728 to 686 BC was one of Judah’s best kings. Hezekiah’s father, Ahaz, betrayed the Lord, but Hezekiah promoted true worship of God. Reversing the damage done by Ahaz, he repaired the Temple doors, had the Levites sanctify themselves, and reinstated religious ceremonies. He brought sacrifices, restored the priestly Temple service, and invited people throughout Judah and Israel to celebrate Passover in Jerusalem (2 Chr 29–30). After the celebration, he faithf...","summary_en":"Hezekiah Hezekiah, who reigned from 728 to 686 BC was one of Judah’s best kings. Hezekiah’s father, Ahaz, betrayed the Lord, but Hezekiah promoted true worship of God. Reversing the damage done by Ahaz, he repaired the Temple doors, had the Levites sanctify themselves, and reinstated religious ceremonies. He brought sacrifices, restored the priestly Temple service, and invited people throughout Judah and Israel to celebrate Passover in Jerusalem (2 Chr 29–30). After the celebration, he faithf...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":5463,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Boil","title_en":"Boil","content_ro":"<h3>BOIL<\/h3>\n<p>Inflamed localized swelling on the skin. In modern medicine the term “boil” is restricted to a pus-filled swelling caused by infectious germs, usually staphylococci. The pus is a mixture of germs and white blood cells, which are the body’s defense against germs. Although painful, boils usually heal naturally after rupturing or being lanced. A more severe boil with several openings is called a carbuncle. If the infection goes deeper and injures internal organs or tissues, it is called an abscess and can even be fatal.<\/p>\n<p>In the Bible the word translated “boil” probably referred to a variety of skin diseases. The sixth plague that God inflicted on Egypt through Moses and Aaron was a plague of boils (Ex 9:9-11; Dt 28:27, 35) or blisters. Boils or skin eruptions of a certain type were described in the Mosaic health and sanitation code as one indication of leprosy (Lv 13:1-8, 18-23). Job’s “terrible case of boils from head to foot” (Jb 2:7-8, 12, <span>nlt<\/span>) were probably too extensive to be boils in the modern sense; he may have had smallpox, psoriasis, tubercular leprosy, or some other disease accompanied by severe itching. King Hezekiah’s boil was probably a carbuncle (2 Kgs 20:1-7; Is 38:21). <em>See<\/em> Medicine and Medical Practice; Disease; Plagues upon Egypt.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>BOIL<\/h3>\n<p>Inflamed localized swelling on the skin. In modern medicine the term “boil” is restricted to a pus-filled swelling caused by infectious germs, usually staphylococci. The pus is a mixture of germs and white blood cells, which are the body’s defense against germs. Although painful, boils usually heal naturally after rupturing or being lanced. A more severe boil with several openings is called a carbuncle. If the infection goes deeper and injures internal organs or tissues, it is called an abscess and can even be fatal.<\/p>\n<p>In the Bible the word translated “boil” probably referred to a variety of skin diseases. The sixth plague that God inflicted on Egypt through Moses and Aaron was a plague of boils (Ex 9:9-11; Dt 28:27, 35) or blisters. Boils or skin eruptions of a certain type were described in the Mosaic health and sanitation code as one indication of leprosy (Lv 13:1-8, 18-23). Job’s “terrible case of boils from head to foot” (Jb 2:7-8, 12, <span>nlt<\/span>) were probably too extensive to be boils in the modern sense; he may have had smallpox, psoriasis, tubercular leprosy, or some other disease accompanied by severe itching. King Hezekiah’s boil was probably a carbuncle (2 Kgs 20:1-7; Is 38:21). <em>See<\/em> Medicine and Medical Practice; Disease; Plagues upon Egypt.<\/p>","summary_ro":"BOIL Inflamed localized swelling on the skin. In modern medicine the term “boil” is restricted to a pus-filled swelling caused by infectious germs, usually staphylococci. The pus is a mixture of germs and white blood cells, which are the body’s defense against germs. Although painful, boils usually heal naturally after rupturing or being lanced. A more severe boil with several openings is called a carbuncle. If the infection goes deeper and injures internal organs or tissues, it is called an ...","summary_en":"BOIL Inflamed localized swelling on the skin. In modern medicine the term “boil” is restricted to a pus-filled swelling caused by infectious germs, usually staphylococci. The pus is a mixture of germs and white blood cells, which are the body’s defense against germs. Although painful, boils usually heal naturally after rupturing or being lanced. A more severe boil with several openings is called a carbuncle. If the infection goes deeper and injures internal organs or tissues, it is called an ...","source":"Articles\/B.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":9035,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Death","title_en":"Death","content_ro":"<h3>DEATH<\/h3>\n<p>Cessation of life (physical death) or separation from God (spiritual death).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"OldTestamentView\">Old Testament View<\/p>\n<p>In the OT death was accepted as the natural end of life. The goal of an Israelite was to live a long and full life, produce many descendants, and die in peace with the children and grandchildren gathered about. The OT contains many protests against an early death (e.g., Hezekiah’s, 2 Kgs 20:1-11). An early death might appear to be the result of God’s judgment; hence, Job saw the need to vindicate his character prior to death (Jb 19:25-26). Only in Ecclesiastes 3:19-20 is outright pessimism expressed in the face of death—and that book probably shows considerable non-Hebraic influence.<\/p>\n<p>Death, although a natural ending to life, was never viewed as pleasant. Death cut one off from human community as well as from the presence and service of God. God may offer comfort in the face of death (Ps 73:23-28), but he is rarely portrayed as present with the dead, and that only in later biblical literature (Ps 139:8). For that reason, death was never viewed as the threshold to a better life.<\/p>\n<p>The relationship of sin to death is seen in the death penalty in the law of Moses. A serious offender was put to death. The punitive phrase “he shall be cut off” implied that although the nation went on living, the criminal was separated from it by death. The Israelites were warned that to disobey God’s commandments could bring premature death as a consequence of breaking fellowship with God (Dt 30:15-20; Jer 21:8; Ez 18:21-32).<\/p>\n<p>In the intertestamental period, as Jewish ideas of afterlife and resurrection developed more explicitly, so too did Jewish thinking about death. Death itself, not just a premature death, came to be seen as an evil result of sin (2 Esd 3:7; Ecclus 25:24). Sometimes all death is depicted as the result of the “first sin” (Adam and Eve’s disobedience). In other references, everyone dies as a result of his or her own sin. The first clear indication in Scripture of a resurrection of the dead and a final judgment or punishment occurs in the book of Daniel (Dn 12:2), one of the last OT books to be written. That teaching is echoed throughout the intertestamental period (2 Esd 7:31-44). During that time, it was believed that the soul survived death either in some immortal form (Wisd of Sol 3:4; 4:1; 4 Macc 16:13; 17:12) or awaiting the resurrection (1 Enoch 102). Some of those extrabiblical writings incorporated Greek ideas that the body was a burden to be gotten rid of—a notion foreign to Hebrew thought.<\/p>\n<p>The concept of resurrection and a life redeemed from death, however, set the stage for the NT revelation focusing on Christ’s resurrection and his conquest of death.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"NewTestamentView\">New Testament View<\/p>\n<p>In the NT, death is seen more as a theological problem than as a personal event. Death goes beyond the simple ending of physical life, which the authors accept almost without difficulty. Death is seen as affecting every part of a person’s life. God alone is immortal, the source of all life in the world (Rom 4:17; 1 Tm 6:16). Only as human beings are properly related to God’s life can they live. But it has been unnatural for people to be in personal communion with the divine source of life since sin was introduced into the world (Rom 5:12, 17-18; 1 Cor 15:22). When Adam separated himself from God, that separation brought death. Each human being has followed in Adam’s footsteps (Rom 3:23; 5:12), bringing death for everyone as the absolutely necessary result (Rom 6:23; Heb 9:27). Death, then, is not merely something that happens to people at the end of their lives; it is also the living out of their lives apart from fellowship with God.<\/p>\n<p>The extent of death’s domination is vast. It affects every aspect of culture. All of human life is lived under the shadow of the fear of death (Rom 8:15; Heb 2:15). Death reigns over all that is “of the flesh” (Rom 8:6). Anyone not living in relationship to Christ lives in a state of death (Jn 3:16-18; 1 Jn 5:12). The devil, who rules the world, is the lord of death (Heb 2:14). Death is sometimes personified as a demonic power at large in the world but finally brought to bay by Christ himself, the only one who could master it (1 Cor 15:26-27; Rv 6:8; 20:13-14).<\/p>\n<p>Christ died, was buried, and rose again on the third day (Rom 4:25; 1 Cor 15:3-4; 1 Thes 4:14). Through that historic event, the power of death was broken. The NT in various ways expresses Christ’s subjection to death in payment for sin. He became obedient to death (Phil 2:8); he died as a sacrifice for the sins of all (1 Cor 5:7; 2 Cor 5:15); and he descended into hades, the place of the dead (1 Pt 3:18-19). The major point of all such passages is that he did not remain dead but defeated the devil, took the power (keys) of death, and ascended in victory (Heb 2:14-15; Rv 1:17-18). Jesus Christ worked not for his own benefit but for those who commit themselves to him (Mk 10:45; Rom 5:6-8; 1 Thes 5:9-10). By accepting a death he did not deserve, Christ has broken the power of death for his followers.<\/p>\n<p>The Christian is thus delivered from “this body of death” (Rom 7:24) by the power of Christ. Salvation comes through being baptized into Christ’s death (6:3-4), and “dying with Christ” to the world and the law (Rom 7:6; Gal 6:14; Col 2:20). That is, the death of Christ is counted by God as the believer’s death. The rebellious world’s sin (Rom 6:6) and self-idolatry (living for oneself, 2 Cor 5:14-15) become things of the past. The death of Jesus for his people is the means by which his life is given to them (4:10). The result is that believers are separated from the world just as they were once separated from God. From the world’s point of view, they are dead; Christ is their only life (Col 3:3).<\/p>\n<p>The apostle John expressed it somewhat differently. Jesus came into the world to give life to the dead (Jn 5:24). That life-giving will not happen at the resurrection; it is already happening. All who commit themselves to Jesus pass immediately from death to life. Or, to put it another way, those who keep (obey) his words will never see death (8:51-52). The point is that all who are outside Christ are already dead, and those trusting in Christ are already enjoying life. The radical difference between the Christian and the non-Christian is a difference between life and death.<\/p>\n<p>Naturally, the NT writers knew that Christians die; their problem was to find words to explain the difference from non-Christian death. Believers who die physically are said to be “dead in Christ” (1 Thes 4:16). Or they are not dead at all, but merely “asleep” (1 Cor 15:6, 18, 20, 51; 1 Thes 4:13-15; cf. Jesus’ words, Jn 11:11-14). Although their bodies are dead, deceased believers are not separated from Christ; that is, they are not really dead. All the powers of death and hell cannot separate believers from Christ (Rom 8:38-39). For them, death is not a loss but a gain; it brings them closer to Christ (2 Cor 5:1-10; Phil 1:20-21). What is more, believers will share in Christ’s victory over physical death as well. Because he is the “firstfruits” of those rising from the dead (1 Cor 15:20; Col 1:18), those “in Christ” will rise “on the last day” to be with him, whole and complete.<\/p>\n<p>On the other hand, for those who do not belong to Christ, there is a final, total separation from God. At the last judgment, all whose names are not “written in the Book of Life” are consigned to a lake of fire, in the company of death itself and hades. That final separation from God is the “second death” (Rv 20:14). Christians, however, have been saved from death (Jas 5:20; 1 Jn 3:14). The second death has no power over those who are faithful to Christ (Rv 2:11; 20:6). Instead, they will live with God, in whose presence there can be no death, for he is life itself (21:4).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Dead, Place of the; Intermediate State; Wrath of God.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>DEATH<\/h3>\n<p>Cessation of life (physical death) or separation from God (spiritual death).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"OldTestamentView\">Old Testament View<\/p>\n<p>In the OT death was accepted as the natural end of life. The goal of an Israelite was to live a long and full life, produce many descendants, and die in peace with the children and grandchildren gathered about. The OT contains many protests against an early death (e.g., Hezekiah’s, 2 Kgs 20:1-11). An early death might appear to be the result of God’s judgment; hence, Job saw the need to vindicate his character prior to death (Jb 19:25-26). Only in Ecclesiastes 3:19-20 is outright pessimism expressed in the face of death—and that book probably shows considerable non-Hebraic influence.<\/p>\n<p>Death, although a natural ending to life, was never viewed as pleasant. Death cut one off from human community as well as from the presence and service of God. God may offer comfort in the face of death (Ps 73:23-28), but he is rarely portrayed as present with the dead, and that only in later biblical literature (Ps 139:8). For that reason, death was never viewed as the threshold to a better life.<\/p>\n<p>The relationship of sin to death is seen in the death penalty in the law of Moses. A serious offender was put to death. The punitive phrase “he shall be cut off” implied that although the nation went on living, the criminal was separated from it by death. The Israelites were warned that to disobey God’s commandments could bring premature death as a consequence of breaking fellowship with God (Dt 30:15-20; Jer 21:8; Ez 18:21-32).<\/p>\n<p>In the intertestamental period, as Jewish ideas of afterlife and resurrection developed more explicitly, so too did Jewish thinking about death. Death itself, not just a premature death, came to be seen as an evil result of sin (2 Esd 3:7; Ecclus 25:24). Sometimes all death is depicted as the result of the “first sin” (Adam and Eve’s disobedience). In other references, everyone dies as a result of his or her own sin. The first clear indication in Scripture of a resurrection of the dead and a final judgment or punishment occurs in the book of Daniel (Dn 12:2), one of the last OT books to be written. That teaching is echoed throughout the intertestamental period (2 Esd 7:31-44). During that time, it was believed that the soul survived death either in some immortal form (Wisd of Sol 3:4; 4:1; 4 Macc 16:13; 17:12) or awaiting the resurrection (1 Enoch 102). Some of those extrabiblical writings incorporated Greek ideas that the body was a burden to be gotten rid of—a notion foreign to Hebrew thought.<\/p>\n<p>The concept of resurrection and a life redeemed from death, however, set the stage for the NT revelation focusing on Christ’s resurrection and his conquest of death.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"NewTestamentView\">New Testament View<\/p>\n<p>In the NT, death is seen more as a theological problem than as a personal event. Death goes beyond the simple ending of physical life, which the authors accept almost without difficulty. Death is seen as affecting every part of a person’s life. God alone is immortal, the source of all life in the world (Rom 4:17; 1 Tm 6:16). Only as human beings are properly related to God’s life can they live. But it has been unnatural for people to be in personal communion with the divine source of life since sin was introduced into the world (Rom 5:12, 17-18; 1 Cor 15:22). When Adam separated himself from God, that separation brought death. Each human being has followed in Adam’s footsteps (Rom 3:23; 5:12), bringing death for everyone as the absolutely necessary result (Rom 6:23; Heb 9:27). Death, then, is not merely something that happens to people at the end of their lives; it is also the living out of their lives apart from fellowship with God.<\/p>\n<p>The extent of death’s domination is vast. It affects every aspect of culture. All of human life is lived under the shadow of the fear of death (Rom 8:15; Heb 2:15). Death reigns over all that is “of the flesh” (Rom 8:6). Anyone not living in relationship to Christ lives in a state of death (Jn 3:16-18; 1 Jn 5:12). The devil, who rules the world, is the lord of death (Heb 2:14). Death is sometimes personified as a demonic power at large in the world but finally brought to bay by Christ himself, the only one who could master it (1 Cor 15:26-27; Rv 6:8; 20:13-14).<\/p>\n<p>Christ died, was buried, and rose again on the third day (Rom 4:25; 1 Cor 15:3-4; 1 Thes 4:14). Through that historic event, the power of death was broken. The NT in various ways expresses Christ’s subjection to death in payment for sin. He became obedient to death (Phil 2:8); he died as a sacrifice for the sins of all (1 Cor 5:7; 2 Cor 5:15); and he descended into hades, the place of the dead (1 Pt 3:18-19). The major point of all such passages is that he did not remain dead but defeated the devil, took the power (keys) of death, and ascended in victory (Heb 2:14-15; Rv 1:17-18). Jesus Christ worked not for his own benefit but for those who commit themselves to him (Mk 10:45; Rom 5:6-8; 1 Thes 5:9-10). By accepting a death he did not deserve, Christ has broken the power of death for his followers.<\/p>\n<p>The Christian is thus delivered from “this body of death” (Rom 7:24) by the power of Christ. Salvation comes through being baptized into Christ’s death (6:3-4), and “dying with Christ” to the world and the law (Rom 7:6; Gal 6:14; Col 2:20). That is, the death of Christ is counted by God as the believer’s death. The rebellious world’s sin (Rom 6:6) and self-idolatry (living for oneself, 2 Cor 5:14-15) become things of the past. The death of Jesus for his people is the means by which his life is given to them (4:10). The result is that believers are separated from the world just as they were once separated from God. From the world’s point of view, they are dead; Christ is their only life (Col 3:3).<\/p>\n<p>The apostle John expressed it somewhat differently. Jesus came into the world to give life to the dead (Jn 5:24). That life-giving will not happen at the resurrection; it is already happening. All who commit themselves to Jesus pass immediately from death to life. Or, to put it another way, those who keep (obey) his words will never see death (8:51-52). The point is that all who are outside Christ are already dead, and those trusting in Christ are already enjoying life. The radical difference between the Christian and the non-Christian is a difference between life and death.<\/p>\n<p>Naturally, the NT writers knew that Christians die; their problem was to find words to explain the difference from non-Christian death. Believers who die physically are said to be “dead in Christ” (1 Thes 4:16). Or they are not dead at all, but merely “asleep” (1 Cor 15:6, 18, 20, 51; 1 Thes 4:13-15; cf. Jesus’ words, Jn 11:11-14). Although their bodies are dead, deceased believers are not separated from Christ; that is, they are not really dead. All the powers of death and hell cannot separate believers from Christ (Rom 8:38-39). For them, death is not a loss but a gain; it brings them closer to Christ (2 Cor 5:1-10; Phil 1:20-21). What is more, believers will share in Christ’s victory over physical death as well. Because he is the “firstfruits” of those rising from the dead (1 Cor 15:20; Col 1:18), those “in Christ” will rise “on the last day” to be with him, whole and complete.<\/p>\n<p>On the other hand, for those who do not belong to Christ, there is a final, total separation from God. At the last judgment, all whose names are not “written in the Book of Life” are consigned to a lake of fire, in the company of death itself and hades. That final separation from God is the “second death” (Rv 20:14). Christians, however, have been saved from death (Jas 5:20; 1 Jn 3:14). The second death has no power over those who are faithful to Christ (Rv 2:11; 20:6). Instead, they will live with God, in whose presence there can be no death, for he is life itself (21:4).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Dead, Place of the; Intermediate State; Wrath of God.<\/p>","summary_ro":"DEATH Cessation of life (physical death) or separation from God (spiritual death). Old Testament View In the OT death was accepted as the natural end of life. The goal of an Israelite was to live a long and full life, produce many descendants, and die in peace with the children and grandchildren gathered about. The OT contains many protests against an early death (e.g., Hezekiah’s, 2 Kgs 20:1-11). An early death might appear to be the result of God’s judgment; hence, Job saw the need to vindi...","summary_en":"DEATH Cessation of life (physical death) or separation from God (spiritual death). Old Testament View In the OT death was accepted as the natural end of life. The goal of an Israelite was to live a long and full life, produce many descendants, and die in peace with the children and grandchildren gathered about. The OT contains many protests against an early death (e.g., Hezekiah’s, 2 Kgs 20:1-11). An early death might appear to be the result of God’s judgment; hence, Job saw the need to vindi...","source":"Articles\/D.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":16347,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Hezekiah","title_en":"Hezekiah","content_ro":"<h3>HEZEKIAH<\/h3>\n<li>1. King of Judah from 715–686 <span>BC<\/span>. The account of Hezekiah’s reign is in 2 Kings 18:1–20:21, 2 Chronicles 29:1–32:33, and Isaiah 36:1–39:8.<\/li>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Chronology\">Chronology<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah succeeded to Judah’s throne at 25 and ruled for 29 years (2 Kgs 18:2; 2 Chr 29:1). His mother was Abi (2 Kgs 18:2; 2 Chr 29:1; “Abijah,” a longer form), a daughter of Zechariah. The chronology of Hezekiah’s reign is difficult to establish with certainty. The Bible says the Assyrian siege of Samaria, capital of the northern kingdom of Israel, began in the fourth year of his reign and that Samaria fell in the sixth year (2 Kgs 18:9-10), which would make his reign begin about 728 <span>BC<\/span> and end about 699 <span>BC<\/span>. Assyrian king Sennacherib besieged the fortified Judean cities during Hezekiah’s 14th year (2 Kgs 18:13), which would have been 714 <span>BC<\/span>. Assyrian records, however, indicate that Sennacherib came to the Assyrian throne in 705 <span>BC<\/span> and that his Judean campaign took place in 701 <span>BC<\/span>. The most generally accepted solution to the discrepancy is that Hezekiah came to the throne in 715 <span>BC<\/span>, probably after a co-regency with his father, Ahaz, that began in 728 <span>BC<\/span>. That solution harmonizes with the statement that Sennacherib’s siege took place in the 14th year of Hezekiah’s reign, or 701 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"HezekiahsReligiousReforms\">Hezekiah’s Religious Reforms<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah came to the throne at a critical juncture in Judah’s history. Sargon II had taken Samaria in 722 <span>BC<\/span>, and Judah was militarily weakened from wars and raids by surrounding nations during the reign of Ahaz. Perhaps motivated by warnings to the northern kingdom delivered by the prophets Amos and Hosea that punishment would come if Israel did not turn back to God, Hezekiah began his religious reforms soon after becoming king.<\/p>\n<p>In the first month of his reign, Hezekiah opened the temple doors and repaired them. He brought the Levites together and ordered them to sanctify themselves and the temple and to reinstate the religious ceremonies that had long been neglected. Hezekiah brought sacrifices, and the priestly temple service was restored (2 Chr 29).<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah then sent invitations throughout Judah and Israel for the Passover celebration in Jerusalem (held a month later than the prescribed time because the priests and people could not be ready earlier). It was hoped that religious unification would be a prelude to political reunification of the northern kingdom of Israel and the southern kingdom of Judah. However, most of the northern tribes mocked the Judean messengers who brought the invitations, and only a few persons from the tribes of Asher, Manasseh, and Zebulun went to Jerusalem for the celebration (2 Chr 30).<\/p>\n<p>After the Passover observance, the worshipers set about destroying the high places and altars. They broke the pillars and cut down the Asherim throughout Judah and Benjamin, and also went into Ephraim and Manasseh (2 Chr 31:1). Hezekiah even smashed the bronze serpent that Moses had made (Nm 21:6-9), for it had become an object of worship and was identified with a serpent deity, Nehushtan (2 Kgs 18:4). Because of his sweeping reforms, later generations said of Hezekiah, “There was never another king like him in the land of Judah, either before or after his time” (2 Kgs 18:5, <span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheAssyrianThreat\">The Assyrian Threat<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah knew that Assyria’s growing international dominance was a serious threat to his kingdom, but following his father’s policy of submission, Hezekiah did not attempt any resistance at first.<\/p>\n<p>The inscriptions of the Assyrian king Sargon II record his victorious campaign in 711 <span>BC<\/span> against a revolt by Aziru, king of Ashdod, who requested help from Egypt and Judah. Perhaps a prophecy received by Isaiah warned Hezekiah not to interfere with the Ashdod siege (Is 20), and so no punitive action was taken against Judah by Assyria. Sargon died in 705, and his son Sennacherib came to the throne. This triggered widespread rebellion throughout the Assyrian provinces. Hezekiah withheld tribute from the new Assyrian ruler and, taking advantage of the confused situation, made raids against the Philistines (2 Kgs 18:8). After subduing rebellious elements in the East, Sennacherib began his campaign against the “land of Hatti” (the Assyrian name for the western countries) in 701 <span>BC<\/span>. In preparation Hezekiah repaired Jerusalem’s city wall, raised towers on it, built another wall outside it, and strengthened the Millo in the City of David. He also stockpiled abundant quantities of weapons and shields (2 Chr 32:5). Knowing the necessity of an adequate water supply for a city under siege, Hezekiah had a 1,777-foot (542-meter) tunnel cut through solid rock from the spring of Gihon to the Siloam Pool to bring water into the city and to prevent the Assyrians from gaining access to the spring water outside the city (2 Kgs 20:20; 2 Chr 32:3-4). The Siloam inscription, carved inside the tunnel itself, records the completion of that remarkable conduit and is one of the oldest preserved examples of the Hebrew language.<\/p>\n<p>Sennacherib invaded Palestine and, after an extensive campaign, put down the rebellion there. That campaign is well documented in Assyrian records, including a description of his siege on Jerusalem in 701, and this documentation is supplemented by the biblical account (2 Kgs 18:13–19:37; 2 Chr 32:1-22; Is 36–37). Sidon, the cities of Phoenicia, and the immediate neighbors of Judah (including Byblos, Arnon, Moab, Edom, and Ashdod) submitted to the Assyrians. Resistant Philistine cities were also taken. Sennacherib laid siege against Ekron, whose king, Padi (a loyal subject of Sennacherib), had been taken prisoner by his own subjects and turned over in chains to Hezekiah. A large Egyptian and Ethiopian army failed to relieve the Ekronites, who were defeated by the Assyrians in the vicinity of Eltekah. Ekron was captured, and Padi was recalled to his throne by Sennacherib.<\/p>\n<p>Sennacherib then turned his attention to the fortified cities of Judah and took them one by one (2 Kgs 18:13). Assyrian records claim that he captured 46 walled cities and countless villages, including Lachish and Debir (southwest of Jerusalem), 200,150 people, homes, cattle, and flocks without number. While Lachish was still under siege, Hezekiah saw that it was hopeless to resist and sent word to Sennacherib offering to surrender and pay whatever tribute he would impose. The Assyrian ruler demanded an enormous tribute of 300 talents of silver (800 talents according to Assyrian records, either an exaggerated figure or computed by a different standard) and 30 talents of gold. In order to pay that tribute, Hezekiah took all the silver in the temple and the royal treasuries, and stripped the gold from the temple doors and doorposts (2 Kgs 18:14-16). This treasure was sent to Sennacherib along with other gifts that, according to the Assyrian account, included some of Hezekiah’s own daughters as concubines.<\/p>\n<p>The account in 2 Kings 18:17–19:37 raises the question of whether there was another invasion of Judah at a later date, or whether this passage gives additional details about the invasion of 701. Although Hezekiah had already submitted and paid tribute, these verses describe further Assyrian demands. Those who believe it was a single invasion suggest that this is an account of the Assyrian deputation sent by Sennacherib to demand Jerusalem’s surrender while Lachish was still under siege. The deputation included the Tartan, Rabsaris, and Rabshakeh (titles of court officials rather than personal names). They warned the citizens that their God was no more able to save them than the gods of other cities defeated by the Assyrians. In distress Hezekiah sent word to the prophet Isaiah, who assured the king that Sennacherib would hear a rumor and return to his own land and there die by the sword (2 Kgs 19:1-7). Shortly afterward Sennacherib received word of Babylon’s revolt in his eastern provinces, so he departed at once without taking Jerusalem. Assyrian records do not claim that Jerusalem was taken but only say that Hezekiah was “shut up in Jerusalem like a bird in a cage.” Judah’s surrounding neighbors celebrated their deliverance and brought gifts of gratitude to Hezekiah (2 Chr 32:23).<\/p>\n<p>Later, the Assyrian king heard that Tirhakah, king of Ethiopia, was advancing against him, so he sent another threatening message to Hezekiah, probably to warn him against making an alliance with Tirhakah. Hezekiah took the matter before the Lord and received word from Isaiah that the Assyrian king would return the same way he came and that Jerusalem would be untouched. Soon afterward, in a miraculous intervention by God, 185,000 Assyrian troops were killed, and the Assyrian monarch abandoned his plans to conquer Hezekiah. That embarrassing calamity understandably is not mentioned by the Assyrian records. In 681 Sennacherib was killed by two of his sons as Isaiah had predicted (2 Kgs 19:7, 37).<\/p>\n<p>Sometime prior to 701, Hezekiah became seriously ill, and Isaiah told him to prepare for death. The king earnestly prayed for an extension of life, and God promised him 15 more years as well as deliverance from the Assyrians. Hezekiah asked Isaiah for a sign that he would be healed, and a shadow cast by the sun moved backward 10 steps contrary to its normal direction (2 Kgs 20:1-11).<\/p>\n<p>Sometime after his recovery Hezekiah received a delegation with presents from Merodach-baladan of Babylon, ostensibly to congratulate Hezekiah on his return to health. The real object of the visit was probably to enlist Hezekiah as an ally in a conspiracy being formed against Assyria. The king showed the Babylonian envoys all the gold, silver, and other valuables he possessed. This act brought a warning from Isaiah that the day would come when all those treasures would be carried away to Babylon (2 Kgs 20:12-19).<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah lived the remainder of his life in peace and prosperity. It may have been during this time that he encouraged literary efforts in Judah, which included copying some of Solomon’s proverbs (Prv 25–29). Upon his death in 686, he was succeeded by his son Manasseh, who probably had become co-regent 10 years earlier.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Chronology of the Bible (Old Testament); Israel, History of; King.<\/p>\n<li>2. KJV form of Hizkiah, Neariah’s son, in 1 Chronicles 3:23. <em>See<\/em> Hizkiah #1.<\/li>\n<li>3. Head of a family of exiles (the sons of Ater), 98 of whose descendants returned from the Babylonian exile with Zerubbabel (Ezr 2:16; Neh 7:21; 10:17).<\/li>\n<li>4. Ancestor of the prophet Zephaniah, possibly King Hezekiah himself (Zep 1:1).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>HEZEKIAH<\/h3>\n<li>1. King of Judah from 715–686 <span>BC<\/span>. The account of Hezekiah’s reign is in 2 Kings 18:1–20:21, 2 Chronicles 29:1–32:33, and Isaiah 36:1–39:8.<\/li>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Chronology\">Chronology<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah succeeded to Judah’s throne at 25 and ruled for 29 years (2 Kgs 18:2; 2 Chr 29:1). His mother was Abi (2 Kgs 18:2; 2 Chr 29:1; “Abijah,” a longer form), a daughter of Zechariah. The chronology of Hezekiah’s reign is difficult to establish with certainty. The Bible says the Assyrian siege of Samaria, capital of the northern kingdom of Israel, began in the fourth year of his reign and that Samaria fell in the sixth year (2 Kgs 18:9-10), which would make his reign begin about 728 <span>BC<\/span> and end about 699 <span>BC<\/span>. Assyrian king Sennacherib besieged the fortified Judean cities during Hezekiah’s 14th year (2 Kgs 18:13), which would have been 714 <span>BC<\/span>. Assyrian records, however, indicate that Sennacherib came to the Assyrian throne in 705 <span>BC<\/span> and that his Judean campaign took place in 701 <span>BC<\/span>. The most generally accepted solution to the discrepancy is that Hezekiah came to the throne in 715 <span>BC<\/span>, probably after a co-regency with his father, Ahaz, that began in 728 <span>BC<\/span>. That solution harmonizes with the statement that Sennacherib’s siege took place in the 14th year of Hezekiah’s reign, or 701 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"HezekiahsReligiousReforms\">Hezekiah’s Religious Reforms<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah came to the throne at a critical juncture in Judah’s history. Sargon II had taken Samaria in 722 <span>BC<\/span>, and Judah was militarily weakened from wars and raids by surrounding nations during the reign of Ahaz. Perhaps motivated by warnings to the northern kingdom delivered by the prophets Amos and Hosea that punishment would come if Israel did not turn back to God, Hezekiah began his religious reforms soon after becoming king.<\/p>\n<p>In the first month of his reign, Hezekiah opened the temple doors and repaired them. He brought the Levites together and ordered them to sanctify themselves and the temple and to reinstate the religious ceremonies that had long been neglected. Hezekiah brought sacrifices, and the priestly temple service was restored (2 Chr 29).<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah then sent invitations throughout Judah and Israel for the Passover celebration in Jerusalem (held a month later than the prescribed time because the priests and people could not be ready earlier). It was hoped that religious unification would be a prelude to political reunification of the northern kingdom of Israel and the southern kingdom of Judah. However, most of the northern tribes mocked the Judean messengers who brought the invitations, and only a few persons from the tribes of Asher, Manasseh, and Zebulun went to Jerusalem for the celebration (2 Chr 30).<\/p>\n<p>After the Passover observance, the worshipers set about destroying the high places and altars. They broke the pillars and cut down the Asherim throughout Judah and Benjamin, and also went into Ephraim and Manasseh (2 Chr 31:1). Hezekiah even smashed the bronze serpent that Moses had made (Nm 21:6-9), for it had become an object of worship and was identified with a serpent deity, Nehushtan (2 Kgs 18:4). Because of his sweeping reforms, later generations said of Hezekiah, “There was never another king like him in the land of Judah, either before or after his time” (2 Kgs 18:5, <span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheAssyrianThreat\">The Assyrian Threat<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah knew that Assyria’s growing international dominance was a serious threat to his kingdom, but following his father’s policy of submission, Hezekiah did not attempt any resistance at first.<\/p>\n<p>The inscriptions of the Assyrian king Sargon II record his victorious campaign in 711 <span>BC<\/span> against a revolt by Aziru, king of Ashdod, who requested help from Egypt and Judah. Perhaps a prophecy received by Isaiah warned Hezekiah not to interfere with the Ashdod siege (Is 20), and so no punitive action was taken against Judah by Assyria. Sargon died in 705, and his son Sennacherib came to the throne. This triggered widespread rebellion throughout the Assyrian provinces. Hezekiah withheld tribute from the new Assyrian ruler and, taking advantage of the confused situation, made raids against the Philistines (2 Kgs 18:8). After subduing rebellious elements in the East, Sennacherib began his campaign against the “land of Hatti” (the Assyrian name for the western countries) in 701 <span>BC<\/span>. In preparation Hezekiah repaired Jerusalem’s city wall, raised towers on it, built another wall outside it, and strengthened the Millo in the City of David. He also stockpiled abundant quantities of weapons and shields (2 Chr 32:5). Knowing the necessity of an adequate water supply for a city under siege, Hezekiah had a 1,777-foot (542-meter) tunnel cut through solid rock from the spring of Gihon to the Siloam Pool to bring water into the city and to prevent the Assyrians from gaining access to the spring water outside the city (2 Kgs 20:20; 2 Chr 32:3-4). The Siloam inscription, carved inside the tunnel itself, records the completion of that remarkable conduit and is one of the oldest preserved examples of the Hebrew language.<\/p>\n<p>Sennacherib invaded Palestine and, after an extensive campaign, put down the rebellion there. That campaign is well documented in Assyrian records, including a description of his siege on Jerusalem in 701, and this documentation is supplemented by the biblical account (2 Kgs 18:13–19:37; 2 Chr 32:1-22; Is 36–37). Sidon, the cities of Phoenicia, and the immediate neighbors of Judah (including Byblos, Arnon, Moab, Edom, and Ashdod) submitted to the Assyrians. Resistant Philistine cities were also taken. Sennacherib laid siege against Ekron, whose king, Padi (a loyal subject of Sennacherib), had been taken prisoner by his own subjects and turned over in chains to Hezekiah. A large Egyptian and Ethiopian army failed to relieve the Ekronites, who were defeated by the Assyrians in the vicinity of Eltekah. Ekron was captured, and Padi was recalled to his throne by Sennacherib.<\/p>\n<p>Sennacherib then turned his attention to the fortified cities of Judah and took them one by one (2 Kgs 18:13). Assyrian records claim that he captured 46 walled cities and countless villages, including Lachish and Debir (southwest of Jerusalem), 200,150 people, homes, cattle, and flocks without number. While Lachish was still under siege, Hezekiah saw that it was hopeless to resist and sent word to Sennacherib offering to surrender and pay whatever tribute he would impose. The Assyrian ruler demanded an enormous tribute of 300 talents of silver (800 talents according to Assyrian records, either an exaggerated figure or computed by a different standard) and 30 talents of gold. In order to pay that tribute, Hezekiah took all the silver in the temple and the royal treasuries, and stripped the gold from the temple doors and doorposts (2 Kgs 18:14-16). This treasure was sent to Sennacherib along with other gifts that, according to the Assyrian account, included some of Hezekiah’s own daughters as concubines.<\/p>\n<p>The account in 2 Kings 18:17–19:37 raises the question of whether there was another invasion of Judah at a later date, or whether this passage gives additional details about the invasion of 701. Although Hezekiah had already submitted and paid tribute, these verses describe further Assyrian demands. Those who believe it was a single invasion suggest that this is an account of the Assyrian deputation sent by Sennacherib to demand Jerusalem’s surrender while Lachish was still under siege. The deputation included the Tartan, Rabsaris, and Rabshakeh (titles of court officials rather than personal names). They warned the citizens that their God was no more able to save them than the gods of other cities defeated by the Assyrians. In distress Hezekiah sent word to the prophet Isaiah, who assured the king that Sennacherib would hear a rumor and return to his own land and there die by the sword (2 Kgs 19:1-7). Shortly afterward Sennacherib received word of Babylon’s revolt in his eastern provinces, so he departed at once without taking Jerusalem. Assyrian records do not claim that Jerusalem was taken but only say that Hezekiah was “shut up in Jerusalem like a bird in a cage.” Judah’s surrounding neighbors celebrated their deliverance and brought gifts of gratitude to Hezekiah (2 Chr 32:23).<\/p>\n<p>Later, the Assyrian king heard that Tirhakah, king of Ethiopia, was advancing against him, so he sent another threatening message to Hezekiah, probably to warn him against making an alliance with Tirhakah. Hezekiah took the matter before the Lord and received word from Isaiah that the Assyrian king would return the same way he came and that Jerusalem would be untouched. Soon afterward, in a miraculous intervention by God, 185,000 Assyrian troops were killed, and the Assyrian monarch abandoned his plans to conquer Hezekiah. That embarrassing calamity understandably is not mentioned by the Assyrian records. In 681 Sennacherib was killed by two of his sons as Isaiah had predicted (2 Kgs 19:7, 37).<\/p>\n<p>Sometime prior to 701, Hezekiah became seriously ill, and Isaiah told him to prepare for death. The king earnestly prayed for an extension of life, and God promised him 15 more years as well as deliverance from the Assyrians. Hezekiah asked Isaiah for a sign that he would be healed, and a shadow cast by the sun moved backward 10 steps contrary to its normal direction (2 Kgs 20:1-11).<\/p>\n<p>Sometime after his recovery Hezekiah received a delegation with presents from Merodach-baladan of Babylon, ostensibly to congratulate Hezekiah on his return to health. The real object of the visit was probably to enlist Hezekiah as an ally in a conspiracy being formed against Assyria. The king showed the Babylonian envoys all the gold, silver, and other valuables he possessed. This act brought a warning from Isaiah that the day would come when all those treasures would be carried away to Babylon (2 Kgs 20:12-19).<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah lived the remainder of his life in peace and prosperity. It may have been during this time that he encouraged literary efforts in Judah, which included copying some of Solomon’s proverbs (Prv 25–29). Upon his death in 686, he was succeeded by his son Manasseh, who probably had become co-regent 10 years earlier.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Chronology of the Bible (Old Testament); Israel, History of; King.<\/p>\n<li>2. KJV form of Hizkiah, Neariah’s son, in 1 Chronicles 3:23. <em>See<\/em> Hizkiah #1.<\/li>\n<li>3. Head of a family of exiles (the sons of Ater), 98 of whose descendants returned from the Babylonian exile with Zerubbabel (Ezr 2:16; Neh 7:21; 10:17).<\/li>\n<li>4. Ancestor of the prophet Zephaniah, possibly King Hezekiah himself (Zep 1:1).<\/li>","summary_ro":"HEZEKIAH 1. King of Judah from 715–686 BC. The account of Hezekiah’s reign is in 2 Kings 18:1–20:21, 2 Chronicles 29:1–32:33, and Isaiah 36:1–39:8. Chronology Hezekiah succeeded to Judah’s throne at 25 and ruled for 29 years (2 Kgs 18:2; 2 Chr 29:1). His mother was Abi (2 Kgs 18:2; 2 Chr 29:1; “Abijah,” a longer form), a daughter of Zechariah. The chronology of Hezekiah’s reign is difficult to establish with certainty. The Bible says the Assyrian siege of Samaria, capital of the northern king...","summary_en":"HEZEKIAH 1. King of Judah from 715–686 BC. The account of Hezekiah’s reign is in 2 Kings 18:1–20:21, 2 Chronicles 29:1–32:33, and Isaiah 36:1–39:8. Chronology Hezekiah succeeded to Judah’s throne at 25 and ruled for 29 years (2 Kgs 18:2; 2 Chr 29:1). His mother was Abi (2 Kgs 18:2; 2 Chr 29:1; “Abijah,” a longer form), a daughter of Zechariah. The chronology of Hezekiah’s reign is difficult to establish with certainty. The Bible says the Assyrian siege of Samaria, capital of the northern king...","source":"Articles\/H.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":22090,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Books of First and Second Kings","title_en":"Books of First and Second Kings","content_ro":"<h3>KINGS, Books of First and Second<\/h3>\n<p>Books continuing the history of the covenant people as recorded in Joshua, Judges, and the books of Samuel. The record in Kings begins with the events at the end of David’s reign (1 Kgs 1–2). It continues through the reign of Solomon (chs 3–11); the histories of the divided kingdoms (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17); and the history of the surviving kingdom in the south, through its fall in 586 <span>BC<\/span> and the subsequent kindness shown Jehoiachin by Evil-merodach, king of Babylon, around 561 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 18–25).<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Authorship and Date<\/p>\n<p>• Sources<\/p>\n<p>• Theology and Purpose<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"AuthorshipandDate\">Authorship and Date<\/p>\n<p>Kings was originally regarded as one book in the Hebrew canon; the division into two books of approximately equal length appeared first in the Septuagint and finally entered the Hebrew Bible in the 15th century <span>AD<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>The book itself is anonymous, and information about its author can only be deduced by examining the concerns and perspectives of the work. The Babylonian Talmud (<em>Baba Bathra<\/em> 15a) attributes Kings to Jeremiah. Although this identification could have arisen from the tendency of later Jewish tradition to assign biblical books to prophetic authors, the theory of origin in prophetic circles fits the evidence quite well. Substantial portions are given to the lives of the prophets; 16 of 47 chapters are devoted to the lives of Elijah and Elisha (1 Kgs 17—2 Kgs 10), and there is considerable interest in other prophetic figures such as Ahijah (1 Kgs 11:29-39; 14:1-16), an unnamed man of God (13:1-10), and Micaiah (22:13-28). Possible dependence on Isaiah (2 Kgs 18–20; cf. Is 36–39) and Jeremiah (2 Kgs 24–25; cf. Jer 52) also suggest prophetic origin. The author-compiler also shows intense concern with the efficacy of the prophetic word, frequently calling attention to the fulfillment of words spoken earlier by the prophets.<\/p>\n<p>One might initially think that such a history would be unlikely for a prophet, but the evidence is to the contrary. The prophets were the guardians of the covenant relationship and are known to have produced accounts used as sources by other biblical historians. The following are among such sources: the acts of Samuel the seer, the acts of Nathan the prophet, the acts of Gad the seer (1 Chr 29:29); the acts of Nathan the prophet, the prophecy of Ahijah the Shilonite, the visions of Iddo the seer (2 Chr 9:29); the chronicles of Shemaiah the prophet and of Iddo the seer (12:15); the annotations of the prophet Iddo (13:22); and the acts of Uzziah by Isaiah the prophet (26:22). Add to this the fact that Kings is positioned in the Hebrew canon in the Former Prophets (Joshua to 2 Kings), and a consistent picture of prophetic origin emerges.<\/p>\n<p>The date of the final part of the book must be after the last events recorded. Evil-merodach’s kindness toward Jehoiachin (c. 561 <span>BC<\/span>) is the terminus of the book and therefore fixes the earliest date. Since the work shows no knowledge of the restoration period, a date before 539 <span>BC<\/span> is probable. The author’s selection of his data to answer the burning theological questions of the exilic community also suggests a date between 561 and 539 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Sources\">Sources<\/p>\n<p>The compiler of Kings specifically names three of the sources that he used in his work, and biblical scholars have suggested the presence of a number of other sources that may have been cited. Of course, the sources not mentioned specifically by the compiler are only the speculations of those who have studied his work and can have only varying degrees of probability. The sources both specified and alleged are as follows.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the Acts of Solomon<\/h5>\n<p>As 1 Kings 11:41 says, “The rest of the events in Solomon’s reign, including his wisdom, are recorded in <em>The Book of the Acts of Solomon”<\/em> (<span>nlt<\/span>). Presumably additional materials of a biographical nature were included, specifically accounts similar to the judgment between the two mothers (3:16-28) or the visit of the queen of Sheba (10:1-10). There has been debate as to whether these materials were official court records or nonofficial documents. Some scholars have attempted to isolate further materials within this section by identifying descriptions of the buildings as from temple archives (chs 6–7) and lists of administrators as from administrative documents (chs 4–5), but this must remain speculative.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the History of the Kings of Israel<\/h5>\n<p>This source is mentioned 17 times in Kings, usually in the closing formulas at the end of the account of the reign of a northern king. Some idea of the nature of these chronicles can be derived from looking at the type of information to which the compiler refers his readers (see 1 Kgs 14:19; 16:27; 22:39; 2 Kgs 13:12; 14:28). These passages suggest that this source was the official annals covering the reigns of the kings.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the History of the Kings of Judah<\/h5>\n<p>This source is mentioned in 15 passages, and as with the kings of Israel, is found in the concluding formulas to the accounts of the reigns. This source was to be consulted for additional details on individuals’ reigns (for example, see 1 Kgs 15:23; 22:45; 2 Kgs 20:20; 21:17). These sources for the histories of the two kingdoms were probably similar to the annals known from the surrounding cultures, particularly from the reigns of Assyrian kings. They were likely official court histories kept in Samaria and Jerusalem.<\/p>\n<p>In addition to these explicitly mentioned sources, scholars have suggested the compiler drew on other sources that he does not name.<\/p>\n<h5>Davidic Court History<\/h5>\n<p>Second Samuel 9–20 is often identified as a unit of material in the composition of the books of Samuel; it is variously called “the court history” or “the succession narrative.” Because of similar vocabulary and outlook, 1 Kings 1–2 are often associated with this material from Samuel. The statement of 1 Kings 2:46, “so the kingdom was now firmly in Solomon’s grip,” is taken to be the end of this record.<\/p>\n<h5>Sources for the House of Ahab<\/h5>\n<p>The reigns of individual kings are ordinarily given only brief notices; for example, the father of Ahab, Omri, is given eight verses, even though when judged by political and economic significance, he was among the greatest of the northern kings (1 Kgs 16:21-28). However, beginning with the reign of Ahab, the record becomes quite expansive, and extensive coverage is given the dynasty of Ahab through the coup by Jehu (1 Kgs 16—2 Kgs 12). The use of the stereotyped formulas for the reigns is suspended in this material, and the existence of other literature used by the compiler is probable. This material is commonly subdivided into further sources for the lives of Elijah and Elisha and the reign of Ahab.<\/p>\n<p>The Elijah section covers material in the following chapters: 1 Kings 17–19, including the feeding by the ravens, the incidents with the widow of Zarephath, the drought, the fire on Carmel, and the revelation of God at Sinai; 1 Kings 21, the affair of Naboth’s vineyard; and 2 Kings 1, the death of Ahaziah’s messengers. The reign of Ahab, which gets so much attention in Kings, is primarily a backdrop for the accounts concerning Elijah.<\/p>\n<p>The Elisha material found in 2 Kings 2–13 may have had an independent literary development from that of the Elijah accounts. It includes the following: chapter 2 (Elisha’s succession to the prophetic office, the purification of a spring, the death of mocking children); chapter 3 (on the campaign against Moab); chapter 4 (the widow’s oil, the Shunammite woman); chapter 5 (Naaman’s leprosy); chapter 6 (the Aramean attempt to capture Elisha); chapter 7 (the famine in Samaria); chapter 8 (the Shunammite’s property, the coup of Hazael); chapter 9 (the anointing of Jehu); and chapter 13 (the death of Elisha). No other portion of the OT takes the sheer delight in the miraculous that is seen in the Elisha narratives.<\/p>\n<p>In 1 Kings 16 to 2 Kings 13 there are additional incidents not directly related to the biographies of Elijah and Elisha; accounts such as the military campaigns of 1 Kings 20:1-34 and further details of Jehu’s coup (2 Kgs 9:11–10:36) are often attributed to a third source containing accounts of the dynasty of Ahab and his successors. In all three of these possible sources the orientation is toward affairs in the northern kingdom.<\/p>\n<h5>Isaiah Source<\/h5>\n<p>The account of the reign of Hezekiah contains a section (2 Kgs 18:13–20:19) that is nearly a verbatim citation of material also found in Isaiah (Is 36:1–39:8). The section records the invasion of Sennacherib, the mission of the Rabshakeh, Hezekiah’s prayer, Isaiah’s prophecy, Hezekiah’s illness, the regression of the sun, and the envoys from Merodach-baladan. The material must be regarded as based on the book of Isaiah or some other source used in both Isaiah and Kings.<\/p>\n<h5>A Prophetic Source<\/h5>\n<p>Because Kings shows great interest in the prophets and their ministries, various scholars have suggested that yet another source was used by the compiler; this would be an independent literary unit containing accounts of the prophets. This source would have contained the records for the material on Ahijah (1 Kgs 11:29-39; 14:1-16), unnamed prophets (ch 12; 20:35-43), Micaiah (22:13-28), and other references.<\/p>\n<p>Apart from the sources explicitly mentioned and inferences about their character, the remainder of the sources suggested have only varying degrees of probability. Considerable scholarly effort has gone into identifying and characterizing such sources, but it remains speculative. When considering the sources the compiler may have used, one important caution must be kept in mind. Even if such sources did exist, one cannot have confidence in a reconstruction of the compositional history. Which sources had already been integrated into a larger composition before they were used by the compiler of Kings? We cannot be certain that the life situation out of which these other sources grew has been correctly identified, nor can we know that even the compiler himself was aware of the past history of his sources. Biblical scholarship has expended considerable energy in trying to delineate the past history of the book of Kings, but it has often been at the neglect of the unity of perspective that is the product of the final compiler(s) in whose hands the book received its canonical form.<\/p>\n<p>What is important to understanding the book is not the perspective of its various sources (of which the compiler himself may have been unaware), but the perspective of the book as a whole on the history of the kingdoms. It is the outline that the compiler has imposed on the sources that establishes the teaching of the book; his sources are used in accord with his own purposes, a fact that makes the purposes for which the sources had been prepared largely irrelevant to the teaching of the book in its present form. Exploring possible sources, worthwhile in itself, must not eclipse the message of the book as a whole. This is not to imply that the books of Kings are simply a compilation of unaltered sources. The writer(s) undoubtedly exercised a measure of selectivity and literary skill in composing the historical narrative.<\/p>\n<p>One compositional technique of the compiler is quite prominent in the histories of the divided kingdoms: this is the use of formulaic introductions and conclusions to the various reigns. The formulas for both kingdoms are quite similar, differing only in minor details. For the kings of Judah, the full introductory formula is as follows: (1) year of accession synchronized with the regnal year of the northern king; (2) age of the king at his accession; (3) length of his reign; (4) name of his mother; (5) judgment on the character of the reign. The account of a Judean king’s reign is concluded as follows: (1) a reference to the chronicles of the kings of Judah for further information; (2) a statement regarding the death of the king, including the place of burial; (3) successor: “And his son reigned in his stead” (<span>rsv<\/span>). The full formula for a Judean king can be seen, for example, in the reign of Rehoboam (1 Kgs 14:21-22, 29-31).<\/p>\n<p>The formulas differ slightly for the kings of Israel; the introduction is as follows: (1) year of succession synchronized with the regnal year of the southern king; (2) length of his reign; (3) location of the royal residence; (4) condemnation for idolatry; (5) name of the king’s father. The account of an Israelite king’s reign ends as follows: (1) a reference to the chronicles of the kings of Israel for further information; (2) a statement regarding his death; (3) a statement of the succession of his son, unless a usurper follows. The full formula for an Israelite king can be seen, for example, in the reign of Baasha (1 Kgs 15:33-34; 16:5-6).<\/p>\n<p>There is some variation in the use of these patterns, but on the whole, they are consistently followed and provide the basic framework for the history of the divided kingdom. The synchronisms of the reigns provide data for constructing the chronology of the period. The variations in the formulas may reflect the characteristics of the sources the compiler was using or may reflect his own interests. The name of the mother of a Judean king is recorded, but not of an Israelite king, perhaps reflecting concern with a more exact and fuller record of the Davidic succession. The royal residence is presumed to be Jerusalem for the southern kings (though it may be mentioned) but is recorded for the northern kings since it moved several times, from Shechem to Penuel to Tirzah to Samaria. The mention of the king’s father for a northern ruler also reflects the frequent change in dynasties there, as opposed to the dynastic stability of Judah, which is reinforced by mentioning the burial of almost all its kings in the city of David.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheologyandPurpose\">Theology and Purpose<\/p>\n<p>The books of Kings record the history of the covenant people from the end of the reign of David (961 <span>BC<\/span>) through the fall of the southern kingdom (586 <span>BC<\/span>). Yet it is not history written in accord with modern expectations for history textbooks. Rather than concentrating on economic, political, and military themes as they shaped the history of the period, the compiler of Kings is motivated by theological concerns.<\/p>\n<p>Evaluation of the theology and purpose of the books of Kings is made easier by the fact that there is a parallel history for much of Kings found in the books of Chronicles. By comparing the two accounts, especially where the later Chronicler adds or deletes material found in Kings, the interests of both histories are thrown into clearer relief.<\/p>\n<p>The books of Kings were composed during the exile, likely between 560 and 539 <span>BC<\/span>. Jerusalem had been turned into rubble, and there was no longer a throne of David. Those two pillars of the popular theology—the inviolability of the temple and the throne of David (Jer 7:4; 13:13-14; 22:1-9; see 1 Kgs 8:16, 29)—had tumbled. If Israel’s faith was to survive, the burning questions that had to be answered were “How did it all happen? Can’t God keep his promises to David and to Zion? Have the promises failed?” The writer of Kings aims to deal with the bewilderment of the chosen people in response to the disasters of 722 <span>BC<\/span> (fall of Samaria) and 586 <span>BC<\/span> (fall of Jerusalem). Kings, like the book of Job, is a theodicy, a justification of the ways of God to men.<\/p>\n<p>In order to answer the question “How did it happen?” the compiler adopts the procedure of recounting the history of the covenant people in light of standards propounded in the Law. For this reason Kings could be called Pentateuchal history, or even more pointedly, Deuteronomic history, for standards propounded only in the book of Deuteronomy in the Pentateuch are used by the compiler to measure the kingdoms. Among the prominent themes selected from Deuteronomy and applied to the kingdoms are the centralization of worship, the institution of the monarchy, the efficacy of the prophetic word, and the outworking of the covenant curses on disobedience.<\/p>\n<h5>Centralization of Worship<\/h5>\n<p>The primary concern of the writer is the purity of the worship of the Lord. His major criterion for measuring this purity is the attitude of the kings toward centralization of worship in the Jerusalem temple as opposed to the worship of the Lord elsewhere and the continuation of Canaanite cults mingled with Yahwism at the high places. Centralization of worship at the central shrine is called for in Deuteronomy 12. Perhaps “centralization of worship” is a misnomer, for worship was always centered around the tabernacle in the periods prior to the temple; the change that is envisaged in Deuteronomy is not the centralizing of worship but rather the fact that the shrine would no longer be mobile but stationary. For the kings of the northern kingdom, this criterion becomes virtually a stereotyped formula that “he did that which was evil in the sight of the Lord and walked in the way of Jeroboam son of Nebat, who sinned and made all Israel sin along with him” (see 1 Kgs 14:16; 15:30; 16:31; 2 Kgs 3:3; 10:31; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:22). The compiler of Kings sees the rival altars with the golden calves at Dan and Bethel as the great sin of which the northern kings never repented (1 Kgs 12:25–13:34). Rejecting the primacy of Jerusalem, these altars became the rod with which to measure the northern kings. All the kings of Israel are condemned by this standard (except for Shallum, who reigned but a month, and Hoshea, the last of the northern kings)—even Zimri, the murderer of Elah, who ruled only one week before committing suicide in the flames of his own palace (16:9-20). For the kings of Judah, a different standard is used: what their attitude was to the high places where heterodox worship was allowed to flourish in the environs of Jerusalem. Only Hezekiah and Josiah receive the compiler’s unqualified endorsement for following the ways of David (2 Kgs 18:3; 22:2). Six others are commended for their zeal in suppressing idolatry, though they did not remove the high places (Asa, 1 Kgs 15:9-15; Jehoshaphat, 22:43; Jehoash, 2 Kgs 12:2-3; Amaziah, 14:3-4; Azariah, 15:3-4; Jotham, 15:34-35). The remainder of the Judean kings are condemned for their participation in the high places and their desecration of the temple itself. This one theme is the preeminent motif in the book.<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Monarchy<\/h5>\n<p>A second prominent interest for the compiler was to trace the history of the monarchy. Deuteronomy 17:14-20 provides for the day when Israel would ask for a king and charges that king with the basic religious responsibility for the people. This provision for a king, again a feature found only in Deuteronomy, becomes the basis for the compiler’s intense interest in the history of the monarchy, and particularly the religious fidelity of the kings. David becomes the model of the ideal king, the one by whom the others are measured, the one whose sons “continue long in his kingdom in the midst of Israel” (17:20; see also 1 Kgs 15:11; 2 Kgs 18:3; 22:2 for following in the ways of David, and 1 Kgs 14:8; 15:3-5; 2 Kgs 14:3; 16:2 for the reverse). The compiler wanted to show that God had been faithful to David even though David’s sons were not faithful. While both kingdoms had about the same number of kings, the northern kingdom is marked by repeated dynastic changes and regicide through its 200 years, while the dynasty of David is maintained as a lamp in the south through 350 years (1 Kgs 11:13, 32, 36; 15:4-5; 2 Kgs 8:19; 19:34; 20:6). It is the disaster that had befallen the house of David, and the consequent doubts about the promises of God, that prompted the compiler to write.<\/p>\n<h5>Efficacy of the Prophetic Word<\/h5>\n<p>Another reason why Kings can be called Deuteronomic history is its concern with the efficacy of the prophetic word. There are three passages in the Pentateuch that deal with the institution of the prophetic order: Numbers 12:1-8; Deuteronomy 13:1-5; and Deuteronomy 18:14-22. It is only in Deuteronomy 18 that the test of a true prophet is given: that what he has spoken comes about, that his words are fulfilled. Notice the number of instances where the writer calls attention to the fulfillment of the words of the prophets: 2 Samuel 7:13 in 1 Kings 8:20; 1 Kings 11:29-36 in 12:15; 1 Kings 13:1-3 in 2 Kings 23:16-18; 1 Kings 14:6-12 in 14:17-18 and 15:29; 1 Kings 16:1-4 in 16:7, 11-12; Joshua 6:26 in 1 Kings 16:34; 1 Kings 22:17 in 22:35-38; 1 Kings 21:21-29 in 2 Kings 9:7-10, 30-37 and 10:10-11, 30; 2 Kings 1:6 in 1:17; 2 Kings 21:10-15 in 24:2; 2 Kings 22:15-20 in 23:30. The writer is concerned to show that the words of the prophets were efficacious, powerful words. His concern with the prophetic order is also seen in the material devoted to Elijah and Elisha and to other prophetic figures.<\/p>\n<h5>Fulfillment of the Curses<\/h5>\n<p>Another aspect of the compiler’s interest in Deuteronomy is seen in his concern to trace the fulfillment of the covenant curses on disobedience. God’s covenant with Israel would issue in curses or blessings depending on the obedience of the people; the compiler of Kings sees the curses inflicted on the two kingdoms because of their failure to meet the demands of the covenant. He takes care to show that most of the curses of Deuteronomy 28:15-68 had some historical realization in the life of the people. Moses had warned that disobedience would “bring a nation against you from afar, from the end of the earth, as the eagle swoops down” (Dt 28:49, <span>nasb<\/span>), and the Assyrians came to Samaria and the Babylonians to Jerusalem (28:52). The siege of Samaria lasted from 724 to 722 <span>BC<\/span>, and the siege of Jerusalem from 588 to 586 <span>BC<\/span>. The dire conditions of the siege would drive the people to devouring their own children; women would feed on their afterbirths. It happened to Israel in the siege of Ben-hadad (2 Kgs 6:24-30). Just as the Lord had delighted to prosper and multiply his people, so he would not refrain from destroying them and scattering them among the peoples of the earth (Dt 28:63-67).<\/p>\n<p>In these and other ways the writer of Kings set out to write the history of Israel and Judah to solve a theological dilemma. How was one to reconcile the exile with God’s promises to the nation and David? His answer is twofold: (1) the problem was not with God but with the people’s disobedience—God remains just; (2) the end of the state does not equal the end of the people or the house of David. Here the ending of the book is instructive: Evil-merodach releases Jehoiachin from prison, elevates him above the other kings, and provides his rations (2 Kgs 25:27-30). Even during the exile, though cut down to almost nothing, the house of David still enjoys the favor and blessing of God. God has not abandoned his promises; the people should keep hope.<\/p>\n<p>Other themes in Kings also show the theological motivations underlying the compiler’s selection and arrangement of the data, particularly his use of Deuteronomy as a framework for examining the history of the people. Compare the laws governing the observance of Passover in Exodus 12:1-20 and Deuteronomy 16:1-8: whereas the Passover is centered in the family in Exodus, it is celebrated at the sanctuary in Deuteronomy. The writer of Kings is careful to show that the Passover during the reign of Josiah was celebrated in accordance with the requirements of Deuteronomy (2 Kgs 23:21-23). A passage in Deuteronomy is explicitly cited with reference to Amaziah’s keeping the law (Dt 24:16 in 2 Kgs 14:6).<\/p>\n<h5>Contrast with Chronicles<\/h5>\n<p>The interests of Kings are further highlighted when compared with the parallel accounts in Chronicles. While the writer of Kings worked in the aftermath of the destruction of Jerusalem and had to answer the “how?” and “why?” questions, the Chronicler is part of the restoration community. Here the burning theological questions were not “how?” and “why?” but rather “What continuity do we have with David? Is God still interested in us?” The need is not to account for the exile but rather to relate the postexilic and the preexilic. The building of the second temple and the ordering of worship there show up in increased detail in Chronicles in any matter pertaining to the former temple. Chronicles is a history of Judah and of the Davidic line, reflecting the fact that it alone survives after the exile. Interesting, too, are the things omitted from the account by the Chronicler. Since he is not building a case for an indictment, as was done in Samuel and Kings, he is free to omit references to David’s sin with Bathsheba (2 Sm 11) or to Solomon’s difficulties in gaining the throne (1 Kgs 1–2). Since in his day the northern kingdom had not survived, the Chronicler did not go into detail about the sins of Jeroboam (chs 13–14). Chronicles is interested more in the affairs of the temple and does not show the marked interest in prophetic matters found in Kings, so that the lives of Elijah and Elisha are omitted (1 Kgs 16—2 Kgs 10). Nor does the Chronicler recite the sins that led to the demise of the northern kingdom (2 Kgs 17:1–18:12). In all these examples one can see the interplay of the historical moment and theological concerns of the people and the compilers. Each compiler has selected and arranged the data in accordance with the concerns and needs of the community in which he was a member; comparing the two accounts throws the interests of each into sharp relief.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n\n<p>The books of Kings fall into three parts: (1) the reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 1–11); (2) the history of the divided kingdom (1 Kgs 12–2 Kgs 17); (3) the history of the surviving kingdom in Judah (2 Kgs 18–25).<\/p>\n<h5>The Reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 1–11)<\/h5>\n<p>The record begins with an account of the court intrigue surrounding Solomon’s accession to the throne, set against the backdrop of the abortive coup by Adonijah (ch 1). The dying David charges Solomon to obey the commandments of God (2:1-4) and also to take vengeance on his enemies (vv 5-9). After David’s death Solomon orders the deaths of Adonijah, Joab, and Shimei, and the banishment of Abiathar, the priest who had supported Adonijah in his bid for the throne (vv 13-46). Enemies eliminated, the kingdom was firmly established by Solomon (v 46).<\/p>\n<p>The remainder of Solomon’s reign is divided into two parts: Solomon the good, who follows in the ways of his father, David (chs 3–10); and Solomon the bad, whose heart is led astray (ch 11). While sacrificing at Gibeon, Solomon asks God to give him the gift of wisdom to rule—wisdom promptly demonstrated in the quarrel of two prostitutes about a child (ch 3). An account is given of the administrative organization of the kingdom and the incomparable wisdom of Solomon (ch 4). The compiler of Kings gives extensive coverage to the preparations (ch 5), building (chs 6–7), and dedication (ch 8) of the temple. God appeared to Solomon a second time, reminding him to keep his commandments as David had done (9:1-9). Details are given of the king’s building and commercial activities (vv 10-27). The account of the visit by the queen of Sheba is followed with elaboration of Solomon’s splendor (ch 10). But Solomon did not keep God’s commands; seduced to pagan worship by his foreign wives, he was not fully devoted to the Lord as David had been (11:4), and God determined to take away the northern tribes from the rule of his son (vv 11-13). As punishment from the hand of God, Solomon faced rebellion among conquered peoples (vv 14-25) and within Israel in the person of Jeroboam (vv 26-40).<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Divided Kingdom (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17)<\/h5>\n\n<p>The united monarchy dissolved after the death of Solomon. The northern kingdom (Israel) would exist for about two centuries, would be ruled by 20 kings from nine different dynasties, and would show a history of internal weakness riddled with regicide and usurpation. In contrast, the southern kingdom would last for three and a half centuries and would be ruled by 19 kings of Davidic descent (apart from a short period under the dynastic interloper Athaliah).<\/p>\n<p>There had been a long history of independent action and even warfare between the northern and southern tribes prior to David and Solomon, so it is no surprise that the division would take place along the lines that it did. The immediate cause, however, was the unwise severity with which Rehoboam replied to the representatives of the northern tribes while negotiating for the kingship. Jeroboam, the popular hero of the earlier insurrection against Solomon, became king in the north. He immediately erected the rival sanctuaries at Dan and Bethel (1 Kgs 12); these rival altars became the measure by which the kings of Israel were condemned for following in the sins of Jeroboam.<\/p>\n<p>For two generations there would be warfare between Israel and Judah over the border areas in Benjamin claimed by both sides. Fifty years of sporadic fighting on their mutual frontier, interlaced with invasions from the Arameans in the north or the Egyptians in the south, would consume the reigns of Jeroboam, Nadab, Baasha, Elah, and Zimri in Israel and of Rehoboam, Abijam, and Asa in Judah (1 Kgs 13:1–16:20).<\/p>\n<p>The accession of Omri in Israel introduced a ruling house that would last for a total of four generations and end the dynastic instability of the northern kingdom. Though Kings gives Omri a scant eight verses (1 Kgs 16:21-28), he was among the greatest of the northern kings, forging alliances with the Phoenicians and Judah; for over a century, the Assyrians would call Israel “the house of Omri.”<\/p>\n<p>The reigns of Omri’s successors, Ahab, Ahaziah, and Jehoram, are treated at disproportionate length, taking almost a third of the total book, 16 of 47 chapters (1 Kgs 17—2 Kgs 10). This is due to the fact that the compiler of Kings incorporated extensive coverage of the lives of Elijah and Elisha, weaving a contrast between good and evil by paralleling the dynasty of Omri with these prophets. Ahab and Jezebel were used as foils for the account of Elijah, so that Ahab became a paradigm of the evil king (e.g., 2 Kgs 21:3).<\/p>\n<p>Because of this preoccupation with the dynasty of Omri and the lives of Elijah and Elisha, the equivalent period in Judah is not given as extensive coverage. During this period, the northern kingdom appears to have exercised some hegemony over Judah, as attested by the marriage of an Omride (Athaliah, 2 Kgs 8:18, 26) to Jehoram of Judah and the subservient role of Jehoshaphat to Ahab at the battle of Ramoth-gilead (1 Kgs 22). Judah’s fortunes declined in this period when Edom revolted against Jehoram (2 Kgs 8:20-22), costing Judah control over the port at Ezion-geber and consequent economic losses.<\/p>\n<p>In 842 <span>BC<\/span> Jehu, after being anointed king by a prophet (2 Kgs 9:1-13), led a coup ending the house of Omri and also killing Ahaziah of Judah (vv 14-29). Jehu’s purge also brought the death of Jezebel, Ahab’s family, members of the family of Ahaziah, and the ministers of Baal (9:30–10:36). The consequences were severe politically: the murder of the Phoenician princess Jezebel and the king of Judah cost Israel its allies to the north and south.<\/p>\n<p>Jehu’s dynasty had the longest succession of any in Israel, including Jehoahaz, Jehoash, Jeroboam II, and Zechariah, a period spanning 90 years. Jehu’s murder of Ahaziah of Judah set the stage for the one threat to the continuity of the Davidic dynasty. Queen Athaliah, herself an Omride, seized the throne and attempted a purge of Davidic pretenders. She ruled for six years, until the faithful priest Jehoiada staged a countercoup to place the child Joash on the throne of David (ch 11).<\/p>\n<p>Israel endured a half century of weakness as a result of Jehu’s coup, during which the Arameans had a free hand, reducing the forces of Jehu’s son Jehoahaz to a small army and bodyguard (2 Kgs 13:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>The reemergence of Assyria early in the ninth century <span>BC<\/span> gave relief to Israel and Judah. Assyrian armies conquered the Arameans; with that threat removed, Israel and Judah enjoyed a dramatic resurgence. Jehoash of Israel, grandson of Jehu, reconquered cities lost to the Arameans (2 Kgs 13:25); Elisha died during his reign (v 20). In the south Amaziah reconquered the Edomites (14:7). Amaziah and Jehoash renewed the warfare between the kingdoms, with the north again victorious (vv 8-14).<\/p>\n<p>Under Jeroboam II, Israel enjoyed a period of prosperity when the borders of the kingdom reached the same extent as they had under Solomon (2 Kgs 14:23-28). Uzziah (Azariah), his contemporary in Judah, also fortified Jerusalem and undertook a program of offensive operations extending Judah’s sway to the south (14:21-22; 15:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>Yet this resurgence was but a brilliant sunset in the history of the two kingdoms. After the death of Jeroboam II, the history is one of successive disasters, culminating in the fall of Israel and the subjugation of Judah to the might of Assyria. The next 30 years in Israel would see four dynasties, three represented by only one king, and repeated regicides as the northern kingdom hastened to its demise. A period of civil war and anarchy would see five kings in just over ten years (2 Kgs 15). Heavy tribute was paid to Tiglath-pileser III in both the north and south (15:19-20; 16:7-10). Israel and the Arameans forged a coalition to throw back the Assyrians and sought to press Ahaz of Judah into the fight; Ahaz appealed to Tiglath-pileser III for help. The coalition was destroyed, and Israel and Judah became vassals. Hoshea defected as soon as he felt safe, looking to Egypt for help, but it was suicide for the northern kingdom. Shalmaneser V retaliated, and the political history of the state of Israel came to an end (17:1-23). The area was resettled with other displaced populations (vv 24-41).<\/p>\n<p>Israel had faced the Arameans and survived, only to fall to Assyria. And now, similarly, Judah would outlast Assyria, only to fall to Babylon.<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Surviving Kingdom of Judah (2 Kgs 18–25)<\/h5>\n<p>Ahaz’s appeal for Assyrian aid cost him his liberty, and Judah became a vassal of the Assyrian Empire. Illegitimate worship flourished under his rule (2 Kgs 16:1-19). Ahaz was succeeded by the first of the outstanding reform kings of Judah: Hezekiah. Much of the account of his reign is given to his rebellion against Sennacherib of Assyria: the rebellion, the Assyrian envoys and threats, Isaiah’s assurances of deliverance, and the destruction of the Assyrian armies (18:9–19:37). Hezekiah’s illness was averted after a sign and oracle from Isaiah (20:1-11). As part of what appears to be negotiations toward an anti-Assyrian alliance, Hezekiah also entertained envoys from Babylon, a decision that the prophet announced would be costly (vv 12-21).<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah was followed by Manasseh, who ruled longer than any other king of Judah (a total of 55 years). His reign was marked by great apostasy—apostasy so severe that the compiler of Kings regarded his reign as sufficient reason for the exile that was unavoidable (2 Kgs 21:1-18; cf. 23:26; 24:3-4; Jer 15:1-4). Manasseh was followed by his son Amon, a carbon copy of his father, who ruled only two years before he was deposed by the people (2 Kings 21:19-26).<\/p>\n<p>The second great reform king of Judah, Josiah, followed. In his reign the Book of the Law was found while the temple was being refurbished; he led the people in a renewal of the covenant and suppressed illegitimate worship (2 Kgs 22:1–23:14). The Assyrian Empire was in rapid decline, so Josiah extended his borders to the north, destroying the altar at Bethel and the high places throughout Samaria (23:15-20). A great Passover celebration was convened in Jerusalem, and further measures were taken to rectify worship (vv 21-25). Josiah tried to block Pharaoh Neco’s foray to assist Assyria, and he lost his life at Megiddo (vv 26-30).<\/p>\n<p>Josiah was the only king of Judah to have three of his sons succeed him. At his death the people put Jehoahaz on the throne, but Neco removed him three months later and took him to Egypt in chains (2 Kgs 23:31-33), replacing him with another son of Josiah, Eliakim, whose name was changed to Jehoiakim (vv 34-37). During his reign, Nebuchadnezzar conquered Judah, and Jehoiakim became his vassal. Late in his life Jehoiakim rebelled against Nebuchadnezzar. Jehoiakim died, leaving his son Jehoiachin to face retaliation from Babylon (24:1-10). Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem; when the city fell, Jehoiachin, the queen mother, the army, and the leaders of the land were carried away captive. Nebuchadnezzar put Mattaniah (uncle of Jehoiachin and third son of Josiah) on the throne, changing his name to Zedekiah (vv 11-17). Nine years later Zedekiah, too, would rebel against Babylon. Nebuchadnezzar besieged the city for two years and, when it fell, utterly destroyed it. Zedekiah’s sons were killed before his eyes, and then his own eyes were put out, and he was taken to Babylon (24:18–25:21). Nebuchadnezzar appointed Gedaliah to rule as governor from nearby Mizpah; he was assassinated, and the conspirators fled to Egypt (25:22-26).<\/p>\n<p>The book concludes by showing that God had not forgotten his promise to David, mentioning that in captivity Jehoiachin enjoyed favor from the hand of Evil-merodach, successor of Nebuchadnezzar (2 Kgs 25:27-30).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Chronicles, Books of First and Second.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>KINGS, Books of First and Second<\/h3>\n<p>Books continuing the history of the covenant people as recorded in Joshua, Judges, and the books of Samuel. The record in Kings begins with the events at the end of David’s reign (1 Kgs 1–2). It continues through the reign of Solomon (chs 3–11); the histories of the divided kingdoms (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17); and the history of the surviving kingdom in the south, through its fall in 586 <span>BC<\/span> and the subsequent kindness shown Jehoiachin by Evil-merodach, king of Babylon, around 561 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 18–25).<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Authorship and Date<\/p>\n<p>• Sources<\/p>\n<p>• Theology and Purpose<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"AuthorshipandDate\">Authorship and Date<\/p>\n<p>Kings was originally regarded as one book in the Hebrew canon; the division into two books of approximately equal length appeared first in the Septuagint and finally entered the Hebrew Bible in the 15th century <span>AD<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>The book itself is anonymous, and information about its author can only be deduced by examining the concerns and perspectives of the work. The Babylonian Talmud (<em>Baba Bathra<\/em> 15a) attributes Kings to Jeremiah. Although this identification could have arisen from the tendency of later Jewish tradition to assign biblical books to prophetic authors, the theory of origin in prophetic circles fits the evidence quite well. Substantial portions are given to the lives of the prophets; 16 of 47 chapters are devoted to the lives of Elijah and Elisha (1 Kgs 17—2 Kgs 10), and there is considerable interest in other prophetic figures such as Ahijah (1 Kgs 11:29-39; 14:1-16), an unnamed man of God (13:1-10), and Micaiah (22:13-28). Possible dependence on Isaiah (2 Kgs 18–20; cf. Is 36–39) and Jeremiah (2 Kgs 24–25; cf. Jer 52) also suggest prophetic origin. The author-compiler also shows intense concern with the efficacy of the prophetic word, frequently calling attention to the fulfillment of words spoken earlier by the prophets.<\/p>\n<p>One might initially think that such a history would be unlikely for a prophet, but the evidence is to the contrary. The prophets were the guardians of the covenant relationship and are known to have produced accounts used as sources by other biblical historians. The following are among such sources: the acts of Samuel the seer, the acts of Nathan the prophet, the acts of Gad the seer (1 Chr 29:29); the acts of Nathan the prophet, the prophecy of Ahijah the Shilonite, the visions of Iddo the seer (2 Chr 9:29); the chronicles of Shemaiah the prophet and of Iddo the seer (12:15); the annotations of the prophet Iddo (13:22); and the acts of Uzziah by Isaiah the prophet (26:22). Add to this the fact that Kings is positioned in the Hebrew canon in the Former Prophets (Joshua to 2 Kings), and a consistent picture of prophetic origin emerges.<\/p>\n<p>The date of the final part of the book must be after the last events recorded. Evil-merodach’s kindness toward Jehoiachin (c. 561 <span>BC<\/span>) is the terminus of the book and therefore fixes the earliest date. Since the work shows no knowledge of the restoration period, a date before 539 <span>BC<\/span> is probable. The author’s selection of his data to answer the burning theological questions of the exilic community also suggests a date between 561 and 539 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Sources\">Sources<\/p>\n<p>The compiler of Kings specifically names three of the sources that he used in his work, and biblical scholars have suggested the presence of a number of other sources that may have been cited. Of course, the sources not mentioned specifically by the compiler are only the speculations of those who have studied his work and can have only varying degrees of probability. The sources both specified and alleged are as follows.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the Acts of Solomon<\/h5>\n<p>As 1 Kings 11:41 says, “The rest of the events in Solomon’s reign, including his wisdom, are recorded in <em>The Book of the Acts of Solomon”<\/em> (<span>nlt<\/span>). Presumably additional materials of a biographical nature were included, specifically accounts similar to the judgment between the two mothers (3:16-28) or the visit of the queen of Sheba (10:1-10). There has been debate as to whether these materials were official court records or nonofficial documents. Some scholars have attempted to isolate further materials within this section by identifying descriptions of the buildings as from temple archives (chs 6–7) and lists of administrators as from administrative documents (chs 4–5), but this must remain speculative.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the History of the Kings of Israel<\/h5>\n<p>This source is mentioned 17 times in Kings, usually in the closing formulas at the end of the account of the reign of a northern king. Some idea of the nature of these chronicles can be derived from looking at the type of information to which the compiler refers his readers (see 1 Kgs 14:19; 16:27; 22:39; 2 Kgs 13:12; 14:28). These passages suggest that this source was the official annals covering the reigns of the kings.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the History of the Kings of Judah<\/h5>\n<p>This source is mentioned in 15 passages, and as with the kings of Israel, is found in the concluding formulas to the accounts of the reigns. This source was to be consulted for additional details on individuals’ reigns (for example, see 1 Kgs 15:23; 22:45; 2 Kgs 20:20; 21:17). These sources for the histories of the two kingdoms were probably similar to the annals known from the surrounding cultures, particularly from the reigns of Assyrian kings. They were likely official court histories kept in Samaria and Jerusalem.<\/p>\n<p>In addition to these explicitly mentioned sources, scholars have suggested the compiler drew on other sources that he does not name.<\/p>\n<h5>Davidic Court History<\/h5>\n<p>Second Samuel 9–20 is often identified as a unit of material in the composition of the books of Samuel; it is variously called “the court history” or “the succession narrative.” Because of similar vocabulary and outlook, 1 Kings 1–2 are often associated with this material from Samuel. The statement of 1 Kings 2:46, “so the kingdom was now firmly in Solomon’s grip,” is taken to be the end of this record.<\/p>\n<h5>Sources for the House of Ahab<\/h5>\n<p>The reigns of individual kings are ordinarily given only brief notices; for example, the father of Ahab, Omri, is given eight verses, even though when judged by political and economic significance, he was among the greatest of the northern kings (1 Kgs 16:21-28). However, beginning with the reign of Ahab, the record becomes quite expansive, and extensive coverage is given the dynasty of Ahab through the coup by Jehu (1 Kgs 16—2 Kgs 12). The use of the stereotyped formulas for the reigns is suspended in this material, and the existence of other literature used by the compiler is probable. This material is commonly subdivided into further sources for the lives of Elijah and Elisha and the reign of Ahab.<\/p>\n<p>The Elijah section covers material in the following chapters: 1 Kings 17–19, including the feeding by the ravens, the incidents with the widow of Zarephath, the drought, the fire on Carmel, and the revelation of God at Sinai; 1 Kings 21, the affair of Naboth’s vineyard; and 2 Kings 1, the death of Ahaziah’s messengers. The reign of Ahab, which gets so much attention in Kings, is primarily a backdrop for the accounts concerning Elijah.<\/p>\n<p>The Elisha material found in 2 Kings 2–13 may have had an independent literary development from that of the Elijah accounts. It includes the following: chapter 2 (Elisha’s succession to the prophetic office, the purification of a spring, the death of mocking children); chapter 3 (on the campaign against Moab); chapter 4 (the widow’s oil, the Shunammite woman); chapter 5 (Naaman’s leprosy); chapter 6 (the Aramean attempt to capture Elisha); chapter 7 (the famine in Samaria); chapter 8 (the Shunammite’s property, the coup of Hazael); chapter 9 (the anointing of Jehu); and chapter 13 (the death of Elisha). No other portion of the OT takes the sheer delight in the miraculous that is seen in the Elisha narratives.<\/p>\n<p>In 1 Kings 16 to 2 Kings 13 there are additional incidents not directly related to the biographies of Elijah and Elisha; accounts such as the military campaigns of 1 Kings 20:1-34 and further details of Jehu’s coup (2 Kgs 9:11–10:36) are often attributed to a third source containing accounts of the dynasty of Ahab and his successors. In all three of these possible sources the orientation is toward affairs in the northern kingdom.<\/p>\n<h5>Isaiah Source<\/h5>\n<p>The account of the reign of Hezekiah contains a section (2 Kgs 18:13–20:19) that is nearly a verbatim citation of material also found in Isaiah (Is 36:1–39:8). The section records the invasion of Sennacherib, the mission of the Rabshakeh, Hezekiah’s prayer, Isaiah’s prophecy, Hezekiah’s illness, the regression of the sun, and the envoys from Merodach-baladan. The material must be regarded as based on the book of Isaiah or some other source used in both Isaiah and Kings.<\/p>\n<h5>A Prophetic Source<\/h5>\n<p>Because Kings shows great interest in the prophets and their ministries, various scholars have suggested that yet another source was used by the compiler; this would be an independent literary unit containing accounts of the prophets. This source would have contained the records for the material on Ahijah (1 Kgs 11:29-39; 14:1-16), unnamed prophets (ch 12; 20:35-43), Micaiah (22:13-28), and other references.<\/p>\n<p>Apart from the sources explicitly mentioned and inferences about their character, the remainder of the sources suggested have only varying degrees of probability. Considerable scholarly effort has gone into identifying and characterizing such sources, but it remains speculative. When considering the sources the compiler may have used, one important caution must be kept in mind. Even if such sources did exist, one cannot have confidence in a reconstruction of the compositional history. Which sources had already been integrated into a larger composition before they were used by the compiler of Kings? We cannot be certain that the life situation out of which these other sources grew has been correctly identified, nor can we know that even the compiler himself was aware of the past history of his sources. Biblical scholarship has expended considerable energy in trying to delineate the past history of the book of Kings, but it has often been at the neglect of the unity of perspective that is the product of the final compiler(s) in whose hands the book received its canonical form.<\/p>\n<p>What is important to understanding the book is not the perspective of its various sources (of which the compiler himself may have been unaware), but the perspective of the book as a whole on the history of the kingdoms. It is the outline that the compiler has imposed on the sources that establishes the teaching of the book; his sources are used in accord with his own purposes, a fact that makes the purposes for which the sources had been prepared largely irrelevant to the teaching of the book in its present form. Exploring possible sources, worthwhile in itself, must not eclipse the message of the book as a whole. This is not to imply that the books of Kings are simply a compilation of unaltered sources. The writer(s) undoubtedly exercised a measure of selectivity and literary skill in composing the historical narrative.<\/p>\n<p>One compositional technique of the compiler is quite prominent in the histories of the divided kingdoms: this is the use of formulaic introductions and conclusions to the various reigns. The formulas for both kingdoms are quite similar, differing only in minor details. For the kings of Judah, the full introductory formula is as follows: (1) year of accession synchronized with the regnal year of the northern king; (2) age of the king at his accession; (3) length of his reign; (4) name of his mother; (5) judgment on the character of the reign. The account of a Judean king’s reign is concluded as follows: (1) a reference to the chronicles of the kings of Judah for further information; (2) a statement regarding the death of the king, including the place of burial; (3) successor: “And his son reigned in his stead” (<span>rsv<\/span>). The full formula for a Judean king can be seen, for example, in the reign of Rehoboam (1 Kgs 14:21-22, 29-31).<\/p>\n<p>The formulas differ slightly for the kings of Israel; the introduction is as follows: (1) year of succession synchronized with the regnal year of the southern king; (2) length of his reign; (3) location of the royal residence; (4) condemnation for idolatry; (5) name of the king’s father. The account of an Israelite king’s reign ends as follows: (1) a reference to the chronicles of the kings of Israel for further information; (2) a statement regarding his death; (3) a statement of the succession of his son, unless a usurper follows. The full formula for an Israelite king can be seen, for example, in the reign of Baasha (1 Kgs 15:33-34; 16:5-6).<\/p>\n<p>There is some variation in the use of these patterns, but on the whole, they are consistently followed and provide the basic framework for the history of the divided kingdom. The synchronisms of the reigns provide data for constructing the chronology of the period. The variations in the formulas may reflect the characteristics of the sources the compiler was using or may reflect his own interests. The name of the mother of a Judean king is recorded, but not of an Israelite king, perhaps reflecting concern with a more exact and fuller record of the Davidic succession. The royal residence is presumed to be Jerusalem for the southern kings (though it may be mentioned) but is recorded for the northern kings since it moved several times, from Shechem to Penuel to Tirzah to Samaria. The mention of the king’s father for a northern ruler also reflects the frequent change in dynasties there, as opposed to the dynastic stability of Judah, which is reinforced by mentioning the burial of almost all its kings in the city of David.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheologyandPurpose\">Theology and Purpose<\/p>\n<p>The books of Kings record the history of the covenant people from the end of the reign of David (961 <span>BC<\/span>) through the fall of the southern kingdom (586 <span>BC<\/span>). Yet it is not history written in accord with modern expectations for history textbooks. Rather than concentrating on economic, political, and military themes as they shaped the history of the period, the compiler of Kings is motivated by theological concerns.<\/p>\n<p>Evaluation of the theology and purpose of the books of Kings is made easier by the fact that there is a parallel history for much of Kings found in the books of Chronicles. By comparing the two accounts, especially where the later Chronicler adds or deletes material found in Kings, the interests of both histories are thrown into clearer relief.<\/p>\n<p>The books of Kings were composed during the exile, likely between 560 and 539 <span>BC<\/span>. Jerusalem had been turned into rubble, and there was no longer a throne of David. Those two pillars of the popular theology—the inviolability of the temple and the throne of David (Jer 7:4; 13:13-14; 22:1-9; see 1 Kgs 8:16, 29)—had tumbled. If Israel’s faith was to survive, the burning questions that had to be answered were “How did it all happen? Can’t God keep his promises to David and to Zion? Have the promises failed?” The writer of Kings aims to deal with the bewilderment of the chosen people in response to the disasters of 722 <span>BC<\/span> (fall of Samaria) and 586 <span>BC<\/span> (fall of Jerusalem). Kings, like the book of Job, is a theodicy, a justification of the ways of God to men.<\/p>\n<p>In order to answer the question “How did it happen?” the compiler adopts the procedure of recounting the history of the covenant people in light of standards propounded in the Law. For this reason Kings could be called Pentateuchal history, or even more pointedly, Deuteronomic history, for standards propounded only in the book of Deuteronomy in the Pentateuch are used by the compiler to measure the kingdoms. Among the prominent themes selected from Deuteronomy and applied to the kingdoms are the centralization of worship, the institution of the monarchy, the efficacy of the prophetic word, and the outworking of the covenant curses on disobedience.<\/p>\n<h5>Centralization of Worship<\/h5>\n<p>The primary concern of the writer is the purity of the worship of the Lord. His major criterion for measuring this purity is the attitude of the kings toward centralization of worship in the Jerusalem temple as opposed to the worship of the Lord elsewhere and the continuation of Canaanite cults mingled with Yahwism at the high places. Centralization of worship at the central shrine is called for in Deuteronomy 12. Perhaps “centralization of worship” is a misnomer, for worship was always centered around the tabernacle in the periods prior to the temple; the change that is envisaged in Deuteronomy is not the centralizing of worship but rather the fact that the shrine would no longer be mobile but stationary. For the kings of the northern kingdom, this criterion becomes virtually a stereotyped formula that “he did that which was evil in the sight of the Lord and walked in the way of Jeroboam son of Nebat, who sinned and made all Israel sin along with him” (see 1 Kgs 14:16; 15:30; 16:31; 2 Kgs 3:3; 10:31; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:22). The compiler of Kings sees the rival altars with the golden calves at Dan and Bethel as the great sin of which the northern kings never repented (1 Kgs 12:25–13:34). Rejecting the primacy of Jerusalem, these altars became the rod with which to measure the northern kings. All the kings of Israel are condemned by this standard (except for Shallum, who reigned but a month, and Hoshea, the last of the northern kings)—even Zimri, the murderer of Elah, who ruled only one week before committing suicide in the flames of his own palace (16:9-20). For the kings of Judah, a different standard is used: what their attitude was to the high places where heterodox worship was allowed to flourish in the environs of Jerusalem. Only Hezekiah and Josiah receive the compiler’s unqualified endorsement for following the ways of David (2 Kgs 18:3; 22:2). Six others are commended for their zeal in suppressing idolatry, though they did not remove the high places (Asa, 1 Kgs 15:9-15; Jehoshaphat, 22:43; Jehoash, 2 Kgs 12:2-3; Amaziah, 14:3-4; Azariah, 15:3-4; Jotham, 15:34-35). The remainder of the Judean kings are condemned for their participation in the high places and their desecration of the temple itself. This one theme is the preeminent motif in the book.<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Monarchy<\/h5>\n<p>A second prominent interest for the compiler was to trace the history of the monarchy. Deuteronomy 17:14-20 provides for the day when Israel would ask for a king and charges that king with the basic religious responsibility for the people. This provision for a king, again a feature found only in Deuteronomy, becomes the basis for the compiler’s intense interest in the history of the monarchy, and particularly the religious fidelity of the kings. David becomes the model of the ideal king, the one by whom the others are measured, the one whose sons “continue long in his kingdom in the midst of Israel” (17:20; see also 1 Kgs 15:11; 2 Kgs 18:3; 22:2 for following in the ways of David, and 1 Kgs 14:8; 15:3-5; 2 Kgs 14:3; 16:2 for the reverse). The compiler wanted to show that God had been faithful to David even though David’s sons were not faithful. While both kingdoms had about the same number of kings, the northern kingdom is marked by repeated dynastic changes and regicide through its 200 years, while the dynasty of David is maintained as a lamp in the south through 350 years (1 Kgs 11:13, 32, 36; 15:4-5; 2 Kgs 8:19; 19:34; 20:6). It is the disaster that had befallen the house of David, and the consequent doubts about the promises of God, that prompted the compiler to write.<\/p>\n<h5>Efficacy of the Prophetic Word<\/h5>\n<p>Another reason why Kings can be called Deuteronomic history is its concern with the efficacy of the prophetic word. There are three passages in the Pentateuch that deal with the institution of the prophetic order: Numbers 12:1-8; Deuteronomy 13:1-5; and Deuteronomy 18:14-22. It is only in Deuteronomy 18 that the test of a true prophet is given: that what he has spoken comes about, that his words are fulfilled. Notice the number of instances where the writer calls attention to the fulfillment of the words of the prophets: 2 Samuel 7:13 in 1 Kings 8:20; 1 Kings 11:29-36 in 12:15; 1 Kings 13:1-3 in 2 Kings 23:16-18; 1 Kings 14:6-12 in 14:17-18 and 15:29; 1 Kings 16:1-4 in 16:7, 11-12; Joshua 6:26 in 1 Kings 16:34; 1 Kings 22:17 in 22:35-38; 1 Kings 21:21-29 in 2 Kings 9:7-10, 30-37 and 10:10-11, 30; 2 Kings 1:6 in 1:17; 2 Kings 21:10-15 in 24:2; 2 Kings 22:15-20 in 23:30. The writer is concerned to show that the words of the prophets were efficacious, powerful words. His concern with the prophetic order is also seen in the material devoted to Elijah and Elisha and to other prophetic figures.<\/p>\n<h5>Fulfillment of the Curses<\/h5>\n<p>Another aspect of the compiler’s interest in Deuteronomy is seen in his concern to trace the fulfillment of the covenant curses on disobedience. God’s covenant with Israel would issue in curses or blessings depending on the obedience of the people; the compiler of Kings sees the curses inflicted on the two kingdoms because of their failure to meet the demands of the covenant. He takes care to show that most of the curses of Deuteronomy 28:15-68 had some historical realization in the life of the people. Moses had warned that disobedience would “bring a nation against you from afar, from the end of the earth, as the eagle swoops down” (Dt 28:49, <span>nasb<\/span>), and the Assyrians came to Samaria and the Babylonians to Jerusalem (28:52). The siege of Samaria lasted from 724 to 722 <span>BC<\/span>, and the siege of Jerusalem from 588 to 586 <span>BC<\/span>. The dire conditions of the siege would drive the people to devouring their own children; women would feed on their afterbirths. It happened to Israel in the siege of Ben-hadad (2 Kgs 6:24-30). Just as the Lord had delighted to prosper and multiply his people, so he would not refrain from destroying them and scattering them among the peoples of the earth (Dt 28:63-67).<\/p>\n<p>In these and other ways the writer of Kings set out to write the history of Israel and Judah to solve a theological dilemma. How was one to reconcile the exile with God’s promises to the nation and David? His answer is twofold: (1) the problem was not with God but with the people’s disobedience—God remains just; (2) the end of the state does not equal the end of the people or the house of David. Here the ending of the book is instructive: Evil-merodach releases Jehoiachin from prison, elevates him above the other kings, and provides his rations (2 Kgs 25:27-30). Even during the exile, though cut down to almost nothing, the house of David still enjoys the favor and blessing of God. God has not abandoned his promises; the people should keep hope.<\/p>\n<p>Other themes in Kings also show the theological motivations underlying the compiler’s selection and arrangement of the data, particularly his use of Deuteronomy as a framework for examining the history of the people. Compare the laws governing the observance of Passover in Exodus 12:1-20 and Deuteronomy 16:1-8: whereas the Passover is centered in the family in Exodus, it is celebrated at the sanctuary in Deuteronomy. The writer of Kings is careful to show that the Passover during the reign of Josiah was celebrated in accordance with the requirements of Deuteronomy (2 Kgs 23:21-23). A passage in Deuteronomy is explicitly cited with reference to Amaziah’s keeping the law (Dt 24:16 in 2 Kgs 14:6).<\/p>\n<h5>Contrast with Chronicles<\/h5>\n<p>The interests of Kings are further highlighted when compared with the parallel accounts in Chronicles. While the writer of Kings worked in the aftermath of the destruction of Jerusalem and had to answer the “how?” and “why?” questions, the Chronicler is part of the restoration community. Here the burning theological questions were not “how?” and “why?” but rather “What continuity do we have with David? Is God still interested in us?” The need is not to account for the exile but rather to relate the postexilic and the preexilic. The building of the second temple and the ordering of worship there show up in increased detail in Chronicles in any matter pertaining to the former temple. Chronicles is a history of Judah and of the Davidic line, reflecting the fact that it alone survives after the exile. Interesting, too, are the things omitted from the account by the Chronicler. Since he is not building a case for an indictment, as was done in Samuel and Kings, he is free to omit references to David’s sin with Bathsheba (2 Sm 11) or to Solomon’s difficulties in gaining the throne (1 Kgs 1–2). Since in his day the northern kingdom had not survived, the Chronicler did not go into detail about the sins of Jeroboam (chs 13–14). Chronicles is interested more in the affairs of the temple and does not show the marked interest in prophetic matters found in Kings, so that the lives of Elijah and Elisha are omitted (1 Kgs 16—2 Kgs 10). Nor does the Chronicler recite the sins that led to the demise of the northern kingdom (2 Kgs 17:1–18:12). In all these examples one can see the interplay of the historical moment and theological concerns of the people and the compilers. Each compiler has selected and arranged the data in accordance with the concerns and needs of the community in which he was a member; comparing the two accounts throws the interests of each into sharp relief.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n\n<p>The books of Kings fall into three parts: (1) the reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 1–11); (2) the history of the divided kingdom (1 Kgs 12–2 Kgs 17); (3) the history of the surviving kingdom in Judah (2 Kgs 18–25).<\/p>\n<h5>The Reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 1–11)<\/h5>\n<p>The record begins with an account of the court intrigue surrounding Solomon’s accession to the throne, set against the backdrop of the abortive coup by Adonijah (ch 1). The dying David charges Solomon to obey the commandments of God (2:1-4) and also to take vengeance on his enemies (vv 5-9). After David’s death Solomon orders the deaths of Adonijah, Joab, and Shimei, and the banishment of Abiathar, the priest who had supported Adonijah in his bid for the throne (vv 13-46). Enemies eliminated, the kingdom was firmly established by Solomon (v 46).<\/p>\n<p>The remainder of Solomon’s reign is divided into two parts: Solomon the good, who follows in the ways of his father, David (chs 3–10); and Solomon the bad, whose heart is led astray (ch 11). While sacrificing at Gibeon, Solomon asks God to give him the gift of wisdom to rule—wisdom promptly demonstrated in the quarrel of two prostitutes about a child (ch 3). An account is given of the administrative organization of the kingdom and the incomparable wisdom of Solomon (ch 4). The compiler of Kings gives extensive coverage to the preparations (ch 5), building (chs 6–7), and dedication (ch 8) of the temple. God appeared to Solomon a second time, reminding him to keep his commandments as David had done (9:1-9). Details are given of the king’s building and commercial activities (vv 10-27). The account of the visit by the queen of Sheba is followed with elaboration of Solomon’s splendor (ch 10). But Solomon did not keep God’s commands; seduced to pagan worship by his foreign wives, he was not fully devoted to the Lord as David had been (11:4), and God determined to take away the northern tribes from the rule of his son (vv 11-13). As punishment from the hand of God, Solomon faced rebellion among conquered peoples (vv 14-25) and within Israel in the person of Jeroboam (vv 26-40).<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Divided Kingdom (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17)<\/h5>\n\n<p>The united monarchy dissolved after the death of Solomon. The northern kingdom (Israel) would exist for about two centuries, would be ruled by 20 kings from nine different dynasties, and would show a history of internal weakness riddled with regicide and usurpation. In contrast, the southern kingdom would last for three and a half centuries and would be ruled by 19 kings of Davidic descent (apart from a short period under the dynastic interloper Athaliah).<\/p>\n<p>There had been a long history of independent action and even warfare between the northern and southern tribes prior to David and Solomon, so it is no surprise that the division would take place along the lines that it did. The immediate cause, however, was the unwise severity with which Rehoboam replied to the representatives of the northern tribes while negotiating for the kingship. Jeroboam, the popular hero of the earlier insurrection against Solomon, became king in the north. He immediately erected the rival sanctuaries at Dan and Bethel (1 Kgs 12); these rival altars became the measure by which the kings of Israel were condemned for following in the sins of Jeroboam.<\/p>\n<p>For two generations there would be warfare between Israel and Judah over the border areas in Benjamin claimed by both sides. Fifty years of sporadic fighting on their mutual frontier, interlaced with invasions from the Arameans in the north or the Egyptians in the south, would consume the reigns of Jeroboam, Nadab, Baasha, Elah, and Zimri in Israel and of Rehoboam, Abijam, and Asa in Judah (1 Kgs 13:1–16:20).<\/p>\n<p>The accession of Omri in Israel introduced a ruling house that would last for a total of four generations and end the dynastic instability of the northern kingdom. Though Kings gives Omri a scant eight verses (1 Kgs 16:21-28), he was among the greatest of the northern kings, forging alliances with the Phoenicians and Judah; for over a century, the Assyrians would call Israel “the house of Omri.”<\/p>\n<p>The reigns of Omri’s successors, Ahab, Ahaziah, and Jehoram, are treated at disproportionate length, taking almost a third of the total book, 16 of 47 chapters (1 Kgs 17—2 Kgs 10). This is due to the fact that the compiler of Kings incorporated extensive coverage of the lives of Elijah and Elisha, weaving a contrast between good and evil by paralleling the dynasty of Omri with these prophets. Ahab and Jezebel were used as foils for the account of Elijah, so that Ahab became a paradigm of the evil king (e.g., 2 Kgs 21:3).<\/p>\n<p>Because of this preoccupation with the dynasty of Omri and the lives of Elijah and Elisha, the equivalent period in Judah is not given as extensive coverage. During this period, the northern kingdom appears to have exercised some hegemony over Judah, as attested by the marriage of an Omride (Athaliah, 2 Kgs 8:18, 26) to Jehoram of Judah and the subservient role of Jehoshaphat to Ahab at the battle of Ramoth-gilead (1 Kgs 22). Judah’s fortunes declined in this period when Edom revolted against Jehoram (2 Kgs 8:20-22), costing Judah control over the port at Ezion-geber and consequent economic losses.<\/p>\n<p>In 842 <span>BC<\/span> Jehu, after being anointed king by a prophet (2 Kgs 9:1-13), led a coup ending the house of Omri and also killing Ahaziah of Judah (vv 14-29). Jehu’s purge also brought the death of Jezebel, Ahab’s family, members of the family of Ahaziah, and the ministers of Baal (9:30–10:36). The consequences were severe politically: the murder of the Phoenician princess Jezebel and the king of Judah cost Israel its allies to the north and south.<\/p>\n<p>Jehu’s dynasty had the longest succession of any in Israel, including Jehoahaz, Jehoash, Jeroboam II, and Zechariah, a period spanning 90 years. Jehu’s murder of Ahaziah of Judah set the stage for the one threat to the continuity of the Davidic dynasty. Queen Athaliah, herself an Omride, seized the throne and attempted a purge of Davidic pretenders. She ruled for six years, until the faithful priest Jehoiada staged a countercoup to place the child Joash on the throne of David (ch 11).<\/p>\n<p>Israel endured a half century of weakness as a result of Jehu’s coup, during which the Arameans had a free hand, reducing the forces of Jehu’s son Jehoahaz to a small army and bodyguard (2 Kgs 13:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>The reemergence of Assyria early in the ninth century <span>BC<\/span> gave relief to Israel and Judah. Assyrian armies conquered the Arameans; with that threat removed, Israel and Judah enjoyed a dramatic resurgence. Jehoash of Israel, grandson of Jehu, reconquered cities lost to the Arameans (2 Kgs 13:25); Elisha died during his reign (v 20). In the south Amaziah reconquered the Edomites (14:7). Amaziah and Jehoash renewed the warfare between the kingdoms, with the north again victorious (vv 8-14).<\/p>\n<p>Under Jeroboam II, Israel enjoyed a period of prosperity when the borders of the kingdom reached the same extent as they had under Solomon (2 Kgs 14:23-28). Uzziah (Azariah), his contemporary in Judah, also fortified Jerusalem and undertook a program of offensive operations extending Judah’s sway to the south (14:21-22; 15:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>Yet this resurgence was but a brilliant sunset in the history of the two kingdoms. After the death of Jeroboam II, the history is one of successive disasters, culminating in the fall of Israel and the subjugation of Judah to the might of Assyria. The next 30 years in Israel would see four dynasties, three represented by only one king, and repeated regicides as the northern kingdom hastened to its demise. A period of civil war and anarchy would see five kings in just over ten years (2 Kgs 15). Heavy tribute was paid to Tiglath-pileser III in both the north and south (15:19-20; 16:7-10). Israel and the Arameans forged a coalition to throw back the Assyrians and sought to press Ahaz of Judah into the fight; Ahaz appealed to Tiglath-pileser III for help. The coalition was destroyed, and Israel and Judah became vassals. Hoshea defected as soon as he felt safe, looking to Egypt for help, but it was suicide for the northern kingdom. Shalmaneser V retaliated, and the political history of the state of Israel came to an end (17:1-23). The area was resettled with other displaced populations (vv 24-41).<\/p>\n<p>Israel had faced the Arameans and survived, only to fall to Assyria. And now, similarly, Judah would outlast Assyria, only to fall to Babylon.<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Surviving Kingdom of Judah (2 Kgs 18–25)<\/h5>\n<p>Ahaz’s appeal for Assyrian aid cost him his liberty, and Judah became a vassal of the Assyrian Empire. Illegitimate worship flourished under his rule (2 Kgs 16:1-19). Ahaz was succeeded by the first of the outstanding reform kings of Judah: Hezekiah. Much of the account of his reign is given to his rebellion against Sennacherib of Assyria: the rebellion, the Assyrian envoys and threats, Isaiah’s assurances of deliverance, and the destruction of the Assyrian armies (18:9–19:37). Hezekiah’s illness was averted after a sign and oracle from Isaiah (20:1-11). As part of what appears to be negotiations toward an anti-Assyrian alliance, Hezekiah also entertained envoys from Babylon, a decision that the prophet announced would be costly (vv 12-21).<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah was followed by Manasseh, who ruled longer than any other king of Judah (a total of 55 years). His reign was marked by great apostasy—apostasy so severe that the compiler of Kings regarded his reign as sufficient reason for the exile that was unavoidable (2 Kgs 21:1-18; cf. 23:26; 24:3-4; Jer 15:1-4). Manasseh was followed by his son Amon, a carbon copy of his father, who ruled only two years before he was deposed by the people (2 Kings 21:19-26).<\/p>\n<p>The second great reform king of Judah, Josiah, followed. In his reign the Book of the Law was found while the temple was being refurbished; he led the people in a renewal of the covenant and suppressed illegitimate worship (2 Kgs 22:1–23:14). The Assyrian Empire was in rapid decline, so Josiah extended his borders to the north, destroying the altar at Bethel and the high places throughout Samaria (23:15-20). A great Passover celebration was convened in Jerusalem, and further measures were taken to rectify worship (vv 21-25). Josiah tried to block Pharaoh Neco’s foray to assist Assyria, and he lost his life at Megiddo (vv 26-30).<\/p>\n<p>Josiah was the only king of Judah to have three of his sons succeed him. At his death the people put Jehoahaz on the throne, but Neco removed him three months later and took him to Egypt in chains (2 Kgs 23:31-33), replacing him with another son of Josiah, Eliakim, whose name was changed to Jehoiakim (vv 34-37). During his reign, Nebuchadnezzar conquered Judah, and Jehoiakim became his vassal. Late in his life Jehoiakim rebelled against Nebuchadnezzar. Jehoiakim died, leaving his son Jehoiachin to face retaliation from Babylon (24:1-10). Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem; when the city fell, Jehoiachin, the queen mother, the army, and the leaders of the land were carried away captive. Nebuchadnezzar put Mattaniah (uncle of Jehoiachin and third son of Josiah) on the throne, changing his name to Zedekiah (vv 11-17). Nine years later Zedekiah, too, would rebel against Babylon. Nebuchadnezzar besieged the city for two years and, when it fell, utterly destroyed it. Zedekiah’s sons were killed before his eyes, and then his own eyes were put out, and he was taken to Babylon (24:18–25:21). Nebuchadnezzar appointed Gedaliah to rule as governor from nearby Mizpah; he was assassinated, and the conspirators fled to Egypt (25:22-26).<\/p>\n<p>The book concludes by showing that God had not forgotten his promise to David, mentioning that in captivity Jehoiachin enjoyed favor from the hand of Evil-merodach, successor of Nebuchadnezzar (2 Kgs 25:27-30).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Chronicles, Books of First and Second.<\/p>","summary_ro":"KINGS, Books of First and Second Books continuing the history of the covenant people as recorded in Joshua, Judges, and the books of Samuel. The record in Kings begins with the events at the end of David’s reign (1 Kgs 1–2). It continues through the reign of Solomon (chs 3–11); the histories of the divided kingdoms (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17); and the history of the surviving kingdom in the south, through its fall in 586 BC and the subsequent kindness shown Jehoiachin by Evil-merodach, king of Babylo...","summary_en":"KINGS, Books of First and Second Books continuing the history of the covenant people as recorded in Joshua, Judges, and the books of Samuel. The record in Kings begins with the events at the end of David’s reign (1 Kgs 1–2). It continues through the reign of Solomon (chs 3–11); the histories of the divided kingdoms (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17); and the history of the surviving kingdom in the south, through its fall in 586 BC and the subsequent kindness shown Jehoiachin by Evil-merodach, king of Babylo...","source":"Articles\/K.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":47452,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 20:1","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 20:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>20:1-19<\/strong> <em>About that time:<\/em> This general time reference indicates that the order of events is thematic rather than chronological. The episode concerning Merodach-baladan (20:12-19), whom Sennacherib had driven from Babylon before 701 <span>BC<\/span>, happened earlier than the events of chs 18–19 but after Hezekiah’s illness (20:12).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>20:1-19<\/strong> <em>About that time:<\/em> This general time reference indicates that the order of events is thematic rather than chronological. The episode concerning Merodach-baladan (20:12-19), whom Sennacherib had driven from Babylon before 701 <span>BC<\/span>, happened earlier than the events of chs 18–19 but after Hezekiah’s illness (20:12).<\/p>","summary_ro":"20:1-19 About that time: This general time reference indicates that the order of events is thematic rather than chronological. The episode concerning Merodach-baladan (20:12-19), whom Sennacherib had driven from Babylon before 701 BC, happened earlier than the events of chs 18–19 but after Hezekiah’s illness (20:12).","summary_en":"20:1-19 About that time: This general time reference indicates that the order of events is thematic rather than chronological. The episode concerning Merodach-baladan (20:12-19), whom Sennacherib had driven from Babylon before 701 BC, happened earlier than the events of chs 18–19 but after Hezekiah’s illness (20:12).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":47453,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 20:1","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 20:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>20:1<\/strong> Since <em>Isaiah<\/em> was already active in Hezekiah’s reign before Sennacherib moved to take Jerusalem, he was readily available to the king during that emergency (19:2). • <em>Set your affairs in order:<\/em> Hezekiah’s <em>illness<\/em> was terminal.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>20:1<\/strong> Since <em>Isaiah<\/em> was already active in Hezekiah’s reign before Sennacherib moved to take Jerusalem, he was readily available to the king during that emergency (19:2). • <em>Set your affairs in order:<\/em> Hezekiah’s <em>illness<\/em> was terminal.<\/p>","summary_ro":"20:1 Since Isaiah was already active in Hezekiah’s reign before Sennacherib moved to take Jerusalem, he was readily available to the king during that emergency (19:2). • Set your affairs in order: Hezekiah’s illness was terminal.","summary_en":"20:1 Since Isaiah was already active in Hezekiah’s reign before Sennacherib moved to take Jerusalem, he was readily available to the king during that emergency (19:2). • Set your affairs in order: Hezekiah’s illness was terminal.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":75078,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 20:1","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 20:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>20:1-19<\/strong> <em>About that time:<\/em> This general time reference indicates that the order of events is thematic rather than chronological. The episode concerning Merodach-baladan (20:12-19), whom Sennacherib had driven from Babylon before 701 <span>BC<\/span>, happened earlier than the events of chs 18–19 but after Hezekiah’s illness (20:12).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>20:1-19<\/strong> <em>About that time:<\/em> This general time reference indicates that the order of events is thematic rather than chronological. The episode concerning Merodach-baladan (20:12-19), whom Sennacherib had driven from Babylon before 701 <span>BC<\/span>, happened earlier than the events of chs 18–19 but after Hezekiah’s illness (20:12).<\/p>","summary_ro":"20:1-19 About that time: This general time reference indicates that the order of events is thematic rather than chronological. The episode concerning Merodach-baladan (20:12-19), whom Sennacherib had driven from Babylon before 701 BC, happened earlier than the events of chs 18–19 but after Hezekiah’s illness (20:12).","summary_en":"20:1-19 About that time: This general time reference indicates that the order of events is thematic rather than chronological. The episode concerning Merodach-baladan (20:12-19), whom Sennacherib had driven from Babylon before 701 BC, happened earlier than the events of chs 18–19 but after Hezekiah’s illness (20:12).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":75079,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 20:1","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 20:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>20:1<\/strong> Since <em>Isaiah<\/em> was already active in Hezekiah’s reign before Sennacherib moved to take Jerusalem, he was readily available to the king during that emergency (19:2). • <em>Set your affairs in order:<\/em> Hezekiah’s <em>illness<\/em> was terminal.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>20:1<\/strong> Since <em>Isaiah<\/em> was already active in Hezekiah’s reign before Sennacherib moved to take Jerusalem, he was readily available to the king during that emergency (19:2). • <em>Set your affairs in order:<\/em> Hezekiah’s <em>illness<\/em> was terminal.<\/p>","summary_ro":"20:1 Since Isaiah was already active in Hezekiah’s reign before Sennacherib moved to take Jerusalem, he was readily available to the king during that emergency (19:2). • Set your affairs in order: Hezekiah’s illness was terminal.","summary_en":"20:1 Since Isaiah was already active in Hezekiah’s reign before Sennacherib moved to take Jerusalem, he was readily available to the king during that emergency (19:2). • Set your affairs in order: Hezekiah’s illness was terminal.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":102704,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 20:1","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 20:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>20:1-19<\/strong> <em>About that time:<\/em> This general time reference indicates that the order of events is thematic rather than chronological. The episode concerning Merodach-baladan (20:12-19), whom Sennacherib had driven from Babylon before 701 <span>BC<\/span>, happened earlier than the events of chs 18–19 but after Hezekiah’s illness (20:12).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>20:1-19<\/strong> <em>About that time:<\/em> This general time reference indicates that the order of events is thematic rather than chronological. The episode concerning Merodach-baladan (20:12-19), whom Sennacherib had driven from Babylon before 701 <span>BC<\/span>, happened earlier than the events of chs 18–19 but after Hezekiah’s illness (20:12).<\/p>","summary_ro":"20:1-19 About that time: This general time reference indicates that the order of events is thematic rather than chronological. The episode concerning Merodach-baladan (20:12-19), whom Sennacherib had driven from Babylon before 701 BC, happened earlier than the events of chs 18–19 but after Hezekiah’s illness (20:12).","summary_en":"20:1-19 About that time: This general time reference indicates that the order of events is thematic rather than chronological. The episode concerning Merodach-baladan (20:12-19), whom Sennacherib had driven from Babylon before 701 BC, happened earlier than the events of chs 18–19 but after Hezekiah’s illness (20:12).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":102705,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 20:1","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 20:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>20:1<\/strong> Since <em>Isaiah<\/em> was already active in Hezekiah’s reign before Sennacherib moved to take Jerusalem, he was readily available to the king during that emergency (19:2). • <em>Set your affairs in order:<\/em> Hezekiah’s <em>illness<\/em> was terminal.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>20:1<\/strong> Since <em>Isaiah<\/em> was already active in Hezekiah’s reign before Sennacherib moved to take Jerusalem, he was readily available to the king during that emergency (19:2). • <em>Set your affairs in order:<\/em> Hezekiah’s <em>illness<\/em> was terminal.<\/p>","summary_ro":"20:1 Since Isaiah was already active in Hezekiah’s reign before Sennacherib moved to take Jerusalem, he was readily available to the king during that emergency (19:2). • Set your affairs in order: Hezekiah’s illness was terminal.","summary_en":"20:1 Since Isaiah was already active in Hezekiah’s reign before Sennacherib moved to take Jerusalem, he was readily available to the king during that emergency (19:2). • Set your affairs in order: Hezekiah’s illness was terminal.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":130330,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 20:1","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 20:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>20:1-19<\/strong> <em>About that time:<\/em> This general time reference indicates that the order of events is thematic rather than chronological. The episode concerning Merodach-baladan (20:12-19), whom Sennacherib had driven from Babylon before 701 <span>BC<\/span>, happened earlier than the events of chs 18–19 but after Hezekiah’s illness (20:12).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>20:1-19<\/strong> <em>About that time:<\/em> This general time reference indicates that the order of events is thematic rather than chronological. The episode concerning Merodach-baladan (20:12-19), whom Sennacherib had driven from Babylon before 701 <span>BC<\/span>, happened earlier than the events of chs 18–19 but after Hezekiah’s illness (20:12).<\/p>","summary_ro":"20:1-19 About that time: This general time reference indicates that the order of events is thematic rather than chronological. The episode concerning Merodach-baladan (20:12-19), whom Sennacherib had driven from Babylon before 701 BC, happened earlier than the events of chs 18–19 but after Hezekiah’s illness (20:12).","summary_en":"20:1-19 About that time: This general time reference indicates that the order of events is thematic rather than chronological. The episode concerning Merodach-baladan (20:12-19), whom Sennacherib had driven from Babylon before 701 BC, happened earlier than the events of chs 18–19 but after Hezekiah’s illness (20:12).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":130331,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 20:1","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 20:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>20:1<\/strong> Since <em>Isaiah<\/em> was already active in Hezekiah’s reign before Sennacherib moved to take Jerusalem, he was readily available to the king during that emergency (19:2). • <em>Set your affairs in order:<\/em> Hezekiah’s <em>illness<\/em> was terminal.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>20:1<\/strong> Since <em>Isaiah<\/em> was already active in Hezekiah’s reign before Sennacherib moved to take Jerusalem, he was readily available to the king during that emergency (19:2). • <em>Set your affairs in order:<\/em> Hezekiah’s <em>illness<\/em> was terminal.<\/p>","summary_ro":"20:1 Since Isaiah was already active in Hezekiah’s reign before Sennacherib moved to take Jerusalem, he was readily available to the king during that emergency (19:2). • Set your affairs in order: Hezekiah’s illness was terminal.","summary_en":"20:1 Since Isaiah was already active in Hezekiah’s reign before Sennacherib moved to take Jerusalem, he was readily available to the king during that emergency (19:2). • Set your affairs in order: Hezekiah’s illness was terminal.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":66848,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Sovereignty of God","title_en":"The Sovereignty of God","content_ro":"<h3>The Sovereignty of God<\/h3>\n<p>We human beings always want to think that we are in charge. We think that by our decisions and actions we can determine what will happen. However, Scripture confronts us with quite a different scenario, pointing again and again to the ultimate sovereignty of God (see, e.g., Deut 4:39; Ps 135:5-7; Isa 46:8-11; Jude 1:24-25). Although human decisions and actions are significant, the will of God is vastly more important (see Jas 4:13-16).<\/p>\n<p>God’s sovereign hand is in everything. God is in control of the lives of all people (Ps 135:5-12), the universe, and the course of earth’s history (Isa 40:15-17; Acts 17:24; Col 1:15-20), directing it to his appointed ends (Isa 46:10; Dan 7:27-28; Matt 24:14-31; Rev 1:7-8).<\/p>\n<p>As demonstrated throughout 2 Kings, God exercises sovereign power and control over the affairs of nations. He installed and deposed the kings of Israel and Judah according to his purposes and according to the degree of their obedience. He permitted successful attacks against his people as punishment for their sins (2 Kgs 8:18-22). God was in control when the Assyrians attacked Samaria and brought down the northern kingdom (17:1-6, 18, 20). Hezekiah’s successes in Judah were due to the Lord’s blessings (18:5-7). God’s sovereign hand can be seen in all of the complex international events that happened, just as the Lord had promised, during the reigns of the final kings of Judah (23:26-27).<\/p>\n<p>God also displays his power in his answers to the prayers and petitions of his people. When Elisha prayed, God responded to his faithful prophet’s requests. Through Elisha he allowed the woman from Shunem to have a son and later brought that son back to life (4:17, 32-35). The Lord graciously answered the prayers of Jehoahaz and provided a rescuer for beleaguered Israel (13:4-5). He honored Hezekiah’s prayers for Jerusalem (19:1-7) and for his own life (20:1-6).<\/p>\n<p>Paul shows that God determines the course of salvation. Paul constantly explains the unexpected development of salvation history by appealing to what God has said and done. Human decisions alone cannot explain the situation, and God has said that he will show mercy to anyone he chooses (Rom 9:15). While theologians will continue to debate the role of God’s action and the role of human decision in salvation, God’s sovereignty stands out clearly.<\/p>\n<p>Because God is sovereign, his people rightly seek to live in harmony with his will (Rom 12:1-2), in the strength that he provides (see 1 Cor 1:8-9). We can follow the example of Christ in his prayer, “I want your will to be done, not mine” (Matt 26:39). The contemporary world has set God to the side and ignores the divine influence on the course of human affairs. But God’s decisions really do direct the world as well as the personal histories of those who trust him. When we live for God’s glory (Isa 42:8; Hab 2:14; Jude 1:24-25), whatever happens is also ultimately for our good (Ps 84:11; Eph 3:16-19; Col 1:27; 2 Thes 1:11-12), and we can confidently affirm that “God causes everything to work together for the good of those who love God and are called according to his purpose for them” (Rom 8:28)..<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 8:22; 9:29; Deut 4:39; 32:8, 39; Josh 2:11; 1 Sam 2:6-8; 2 Kgs 13:4-5; 17:1-6, 18-20; 18:5-7; 19:5-7; 20:4-6; Pss 24:1-2; 84:11; 135:5-12; Isa 40:15-17; 45:7; 46:10; Jer 27:5-7; Dan 7:27-28; Hab 2:14; John 19:11; Acts 17:24-26; Rom 8:28; 9:5-24; 1 Cor 1:8-9; Col 1:15-20; 2 Thes 1:11-12; Jude 1:24-25; Rev 1:7-8<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Sovereignty of God<\/h3>\n<p>We human beings always want to think that we are in charge. We think that by our decisions and actions we can determine what will happen. However, Scripture confronts us with quite a different scenario, pointing again and again to the ultimate sovereignty of God (see, e.g., Deut 4:39; Ps 135:5-7; Isa 46:8-11; Jude 1:24-25). Although human decisions and actions are significant, the will of God is vastly more important (see Jas 4:13-16).<\/p>\n<p>God’s sovereign hand is in everything. God is in control of the lives of all people (Ps 135:5-12), the universe, and the course of earth’s history (Isa 40:15-17; Acts 17:24; Col 1:15-20), directing it to his appointed ends (Isa 46:10; Dan 7:27-28; Matt 24:14-31; Rev 1:7-8).<\/p>\n<p>As demonstrated throughout 2 Kings, God exercises sovereign power and control over the affairs of nations. He installed and deposed the kings of Israel and Judah according to his purposes and according to the degree of their obedience. He permitted successful attacks against his people as punishment for their sins (2 Kgs 8:18-22). God was in control when the Assyrians attacked Samaria and brought down the northern kingdom (17:1-6, 18, 20). Hezekiah’s successes in Judah were due to the Lord’s blessings (18:5-7). God’s sovereign hand can be seen in all of the complex international events that happened, just as the Lord had promised, during the reigns of the final kings of Judah (23:26-27).<\/p>\n<p>God also displays his power in his answers to the prayers and petitions of his people. When Elisha prayed, God responded to his faithful prophet’s requests. Through Elisha he allowed the woman from Shunem to have a son and later brought that son back to life (4:17, 32-35). The Lord graciously answered the prayers of Jehoahaz and provided a rescuer for beleaguered Israel (13:4-5). He honored Hezekiah’s prayers for Jerusalem (19:1-7) and for his own life (20:1-6).<\/p>\n<p>Paul shows that God determines the course of salvation. Paul constantly explains the unexpected development of salvation history by appealing to what God has said and done. Human decisions alone cannot explain the situation, and God has said that he will show mercy to anyone he chooses (Rom 9:15). While theologians will continue to debate the role of God’s action and the role of human decision in salvation, God’s sovereignty stands out clearly.<\/p>\n<p>Because God is sovereign, his people rightly seek to live in harmony with his will (Rom 12:1-2), in the strength that he provides (see 1 Cor 1:8-9). We can follow the example of Christ in his prayer, “I want your will to be done, not mine” (Matt 26:39). The contemporary world has set God to the side and ignores the divine influence on the course of human affairs. But God’s decisions really do direct the world as well as the personal histories of those who trust him. When we live for God’s glory (Isa 42:8; Hab 2:14; Jude 1:24-25), whatever happens is also ultimately for our good (Ps 84:11; Eph 3:16-19; Col 1:27; 2 Thes 1:11-12), and we can confidently affirm that “God causes everything to work together for the good of those who love God and are called according to his purpose for them” (Rom 8:28)..<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 8:22; 9:29; Deut 4:39; 32:8, 39; Josh 2:11; 1 Sam 2:6-8; 2 Kgs 13:4-5; 17:1-6, 18-20; 18:5-7; 19:5-7; 20:4-6; Pss 24:1-2; 84:11; 135:5-12; Isa 40:15-17; 45:7; 46:10; Jer 27:5-7; Dan 7:27-28; Hab 2:14; John 19:11; Acts 17:24-26; Rom 8:28; 9:5-24; 1 Cor 1:8-9; Col 1:15-20; 2 Thes 1:11-12; Jude 1:24-25; Rev 1:7-8<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Sovereignty of God We human beings always want to think that we are in charge. We think that by our decisions and actions we can determine what will happen. However, Scripture confronts us with quite a different scenario, pointing again and again to the ultimate sovereignty of God (see, e.g., Deut 4:39; Ps 135:5-7; Isa 46:8-11; Jude 1:24-25). Although human decisions and actions are significant, the will of God is vastly more important (see Jas 4:13-16). God’s sovereign hand is in everyth...","summary_en":"The Sovereignty of God We human beings always want to think that we are in charge. We think that by our decisions and actions we can determine what will happen. However, Scripture confronts us with quite a different scenario, pointing again and again to the ultimate sovereignty of God (see, e.g., Deut 4:39; Ps 135:5-7; Isa 46:8-11; Jude 1:24-25). Although human decisions and actions are significant, the will of God is vastly more important (see Jas 4:13-16). God’s sovereign hand is in everyth...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":94474,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Sovereignty of God","title_en":"The Sovereignty of God","content_ro":"<h3>The Sovereignty of God<\/h3>\n<p>We human beings always want to think that we are in charge. We think that by our decisions and actions we can determine what will happen. However, Scripture confronts us with quite a different scenario, pointing again and again to the ultimate sovereignty of God (see, e.g., Deut 4:39; Ps 135:5-7; Isa 46:8-11; Jude 1:24-25). Although human decisions and actions are significant, the will of God is vastly more important (see Jas 4:13-16).<\/p>\n<p>God’s sovereign hand is in everything. God is in control of the lives of all people (Ps 135:5-12), the universe, and the course of earth’s history (Isa 40:15-17; Acts 17:24; Col 1:15-20), directing it to his appointed ends (Isa 46:10; Dan 7:27-28; Matt 24:14-31; Rev 1:7-8).<\/p>\n<p>As demonstrated throughout 2 Kings, God exercises sovereign power and control over the affairs of nations. He installed and deposed the kings of Israel and Judah according to his purposes and according to the degree of their obedience. He permitted successful attacks against his people as punishment for their sins (2 Kgs 8:18-22). God was in control when the Assyrians attacked Samaria and brought down the northern kingdom (17:1-6, 18, 20). Hezekiah’s successes in Judah were due to the Lord’s blessings (18:5-7). God’s sovereign hand can be seen in all of the complex international events that happened, just as the Lord had promised, during the reigns of the final kings of Judah (23:26-27).<\/p>\n<p>God also displays his power in his answers to the prayers and petitions of his people. When Elisha prayed, God responded to his faithful prophet’s requests. Through Elisha he allowed the woman from Shunem to have a son and later brought that son back to life (4:17, 32-35). The Lord graciously answered the prayers of Jehoahaz and provided a rescuer for beleaguered Israel (13:4-5). He honored Hezekiah’s prayers for Jerusalem (19:1-7) and for his own life (20:1-6).<\/p>\n<p>Paul shows that God determines the course of salvation. Paul constantly explains the unexpected development of salvation history by appealing to what God has said and done. Human decisions alone cannot explain the situation, and God has said that he will show mercy to anyone he chooses (Rom 9:15). While theologians will continue to debate the role of God’s action and the role of human decision in salvation, God’s sovereignty stands out clearly.<\/p>\n<p>Because God is sovereign, his people rightly seek to live in harmony with his will (Rom 12:1-2), in the strength that he provides (see 1 Cor 1:8-9). We can follow the example of Christ in his prayer, “I want your will to be done, not mine” (Matt 26:39). The contemporary world has set God to the side and ignores the divine influence on the course of human affairs. But God’s decisions really do direct the world as well as the personal histories of those who trust him. When we live for God’s glory (Isa 42:8; Hab 2:14; Jude 1:24-25), whatever happens is also ultimately for our good (Ps 84:11; Eph 3:16-19; Col 1:27; 2 Thes 1:11-12), and we can confidently affirm that “God causes everything to work together for the good of those who love God and are called according to his purpose for them” (Rom 8:28)..<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 8:22; 9:29; Deut 4:39; 32:8, 39; Josh 2:11; 1 Sam 2:6-8; 2 Kgs 13:4-5; 17:1-6, 18-20; 18:5-7; 19:5-7; 20:4-6; Pss 24:1-2; 84:11; 135:5-12; Isa 40:15-17; 45:7; 46:10; Jer 27:5-7; Dan 7:27-28; Hab 2:14; John 19:11; Acts 17:24-26; Rom 8:28; 9:5-24; 1 Cor 1:8-9; Col 1:15-20; 2 Thes 1:11-12; Jude 1:24-25; Rev 1:7-8<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Sovereignty of God<\/h3>\n<p>We human beings always want to think that we are in charge. We think that by our decisions and actions we can determine what will happen. However, Scripture confronts us with quite a different scenario, pointing again and again to the ultimate sovereignty of God (see, e.g., Deut 4:39; Ps 135:5-7; Isa 46:8-11; Jude 1:24-25). Although human decisions and actions are significant, the will of God is vastly more important (see Jas 4:13-16).<\/p>\n<p>God’s sovereign hand is in everything. God is in control of the lives of all people (Ps 135:5-12), the universe, and the course of earth’s history (Isa 40:15-17; Acts 17:24; Col 1:15-20), directing it to his appointed ends (Isa 46:10; Dan 7:27-28; Matt 24:14-31; Rev 1:7-8).<\/p>\n<p>As demonstrated throughout 2 Kings, God exercises sovereign power and control over the affairs of nations. He installed and deposed the kings of Israel and Judah according to his purposes and according to the degree of their obedience. He permitted successful attacks against his people as punishment for their sins (2 Kgs 8:18-22). God was in control when the Assyrians attacked Samaria and brought down the northern kingdom (17:1-6, 18, 20). Hezekiah’s successes in Judah were due to the Lord’s blessings (18:5-7). God’s sovereign hand can be seen in all of the complex international events that happened, just as the Lord had promised, during the reigns of the final kings of Judah (23:26-27).<\/p>\n<p>God also displays his power in his answers to the prayers and petitions of his people. When Elisha prayed, God responded to his faithful prophet’s requests. Through Elisha he allowed the woman from Shunem to have a son and later brought that son back to life (4:17, 32-35). The Lord graciously answered the prayers of Jehoahaz and provided a rescuer for beleaguered Israel (13:4-5). He honored Hezekiah’s prayers for Jerusalem (19:1-7) and for his own life (20:1-6).<\/p>\n<p>Paul shows that God determines the course of salvation. Paul constantly explains the unexpected development of salvation history by appealing to what God has said and done. Human decisions alone cannot explain the situation, and God has said that he will show mercy to anyone he chooses (Rom 9:15). While theologians will continue to debate the role of God’s action and the role of human decision in salvation, God’s sovereignty stands out clearly.<\/p>\n<p>Because God is sovereign, his people rightly seek to live in harmony with his will (Rom 12:1-2), in the strength that he provides (see 1 Cor 1:8-9). We can follow the example of Christ in his prayer, “I want your will to be done, not mine” (Matt 26:39). The contemporary world has set God to the side and ignores the divine influence on the course of human affairs. But God’s decisions really do direct the world as well as the personal histories of those who trust him. When we live for God’s glory (Isa 42:8; Hab 2:14; Jude 1:24-25), whatever happens is also ultimately for our good (Ps 84:11; Eph 3:16-19; Col 1:27; 2 Thes 1:11-12), and we can confidently affirm that “God causes everything to work together for the good of those who love God and are called according to his purpose for them” (Rom 8:28)..<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 8:22; 9:29; Deut 4:39; 32:8, 39; Josh 2:11; 1 Sam 2:6-8; 2 Kgs 13:4-5; 17:1-6, 18-20; 18:5-7; 19:5-7; 20:4-6; Pss 24:1-2; 84:11; 135:5-12; Isa 40:15-17; 45:7; 46:10; Jer 27:5-7; Dan 7:27-28; Hab 2:14; John 19:11; Acts 17:24-26; Rom 8:28; 9:5-24; 1 Cor 1:8-9; Col 1:15-20; 2 Thes 1:11-12; Jude 1:24-25; Rev 1:7-8<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Sovereignty of God We human beings always want to think that we are in charge. We think that by our decisions and actions we can determine what will happen. However, Scripture confronts us with quite a different scenario, pointing again and again to the ultimate sovereignty of God (see, e.g., Deut 4:39; Ps 135:5-7; Isa 46:8-11; Jude 1:24-25). Although human decisions and actions are significant, the will of God is vastly more important (see Jas 4:13-16). God’s sovereign hand is in everyth...","summary_en":"The Sovereignty of God We human beings always want to think that we are in charge. We think that by our decisions and actions we can determine what will happen. However, Scripture confronts us with quite a different scenario, pointing again and again to the ultimate sovereignty of God (see, e.g., Deut 4:39; Ps 135:5-7; Isa 46:8-11; Jude 1:24-25). Although human decisions and actions are significant, the will of God is vastly more important (see Jas 4:13-16). God’s sovereign hand is in everyth...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":122100,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Sovereignty of God","title_en":"The Sovereignty of God","content_ro":"<h3>The Sovereignty of God<\/h3>\n<p>We human beings always want to think that we are in charge. We think that by our decisions and actions we can determine what will happen. However, Scripture confronts us with quite a different scenario, pointing again and again to the ultimate sovereignty of God (see, e.g., Deut 4:39; Ps 135:5-7; Isa 46:8-11; Jude 1:24-25). Although human decisions and actions are significant, the will of God is vastly more important (see Jas 4:13-16).<\/p>\n<p>God’s sovereign hand is in everything. God is in control of the lives of all people (Ps 135:5-12), the universe, and the course of earth’s history (Isa 40:15-17; Acts 17:24; Col 1:15-20), directing it to his appointed ends (Isa 46:10; Dan 7:27-28; Matt 24:14-31; Rev 1:7-8).<\/p>\n<p>As demonstrated throughout 2 Kings, God exercises sovereign power and control over the affairs of nations. He installed and deposed the kings of Israel and Judah according to his purposes and according to the degree of their obedience. He permitted successful attacks against his people as punishment for their sins (2 Kgs 8:18-22). God was in control when the Assyrians attacked Samaria and brought down the northern kingdom (17:1-6, 18, 20). Hezekiah’s successes in Judah were due to the Lord’s blessings (18:5-7). God’s sovereign hand can be seen in all of the complex international events that happened, just as the Lord had promised, during the reigns of the final kings of Judah (23:26-27).<\/p>\n<p>God also displays his power in his answers to the prayers and petitions of his people. When Elisha prayed, God responded to his faithful prophet’s requests. Through Elisha he allowed the woman from Shunem to have a son and later brought that son back to life (4:17, 32-35). The Lord graciously answered the prayers of Jehoahaz and provided a rescuer for beleaguered Israel (13:4-5). He honored Hezekiah’s prayers for Jerusalem (19:1-7) and for his own life (20:1-6).<\/p>\n<p>Paul shows that God determines the course of salvation. Paul constantly explains the unexpected development of salvation history by appealing to what God has said and done. Human decisions alone cannot explain the situation, and God has said that he will show mercy to anyone he chooses (Rom 9:15). While theologians will continue to debate the role of God’s action and the role of human decision in salvation, God’s sovereignty stands out clearly.<\/p>\n<p>Because God is sovereign, his people rightly seek to live in harmony with his will (Rom 12:1-2), in the strength that he provides (see 1 Cor 1:8-9). We can follow the example of Christ in his prayer, “I want your will to be done, not mine” (Matt 26:39). The contemporary world has set God to the side and ignores the divine influence on the course of human affairs. But God’s decisions really do direct the world as well as the personal histories of those who trust him. When we live for God’s glory (Isa 42:8; Hab 2:14; Jude 1:24-25), whatever happens is also ultimately for our good (Ps 84:11; Eph 3:16-19; Col 1:27; 2 Thes 1:11-12), and we can confidently affirm that “God causes everything to work together for the good of those who love God and are called according to his purpose for them” (Rom 8:28)..<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 8:22; 9:29; Deut 4:39; 32:8, 39; Josh 2:11; 1 Sam 2:6-8; 2 Kgs 13:4-5; 17:1-6, 18-20; 18:5-7; 19:5-7; 20:4-6; Pss 24:1-2; 84:11; 135:5-12; Isa 40:15-17; 45:7; 46:10; Jer 27:5-7; Dan 7:27-28; Hab 2:14; John 19:11; Acts 17:24-26; Rom 8:28; 9:5-24; 1 Cor 1:8-9; Col 1:15-20; 2 Thes 1:11-12; Jude 1:24-25; Rev 1:7-8<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Sovereignty of God<\/h3>\n<p>We human beings always want to think that we are in charge. We think that by our decisions and actions we can determine what will happen. However, Scripture confronts us with quite a different scenario, pointing again and again to the ultimate sovereignty of God (see, e.g., Deut 4:39; Ps 135:5-7; Isa 46:8-11; Jude 1:24-25). Although human decisions and actions are significant, the will of God is vastly more important (see Jas 4:13-16).<\/p>\n<p>God’s sovereign hand is in everything. God is in control of the lives of all people (Ps 135:5-12), the universe, and the course of earth’s history (Isa 40:15-17; Acts 17:24; Col 1:15-20), directing it to his appointed ends (Isa 46:10; Dan 7:27-28; Matt 24:14-31; Rev 1:7-8).<\/p>\n<p>As demonstrated throughout 2 Kings, God exercises sovereign power and control over the affairs of nations. He installed and deposed the kings of Israel and Judah according to his purposes and according to the degree of their obedience. He permitted successful attacks against his people as punishment for their sins (2 Kgs 8:18-22). God was in control when the Assyrians attacked Samaria and brought down the northern kingdom (17:1-6, 18, 20). Hezekiah’s successes in Judah were due to the Lord’s blessings (18:5-7). God’s sovereign hand can be seen in all of the complex international events that happened, just as the Lord had promised, during the reigns of the final kings of Judah (23:26-27).<\/p>\n<p>God also displays his power in his answers to the prayers and petitions of his people. When Elisha prayed, God responded to his faithful prophet’s requests. Through Elisha he allowed the woman from Shunem to have a son and later brought that son back to life (4:17, 32-35). The Lord graciously answered the prayers of Jehoahaz and provided a rescuer for beleaguered Israel (13:4-5). He honored Hezekiah’s prayers for Jerusalem (19:1-7) and for his own life (20:1-6).<\/p>\n<p>Paul shows that God determines the course of salvation. Paul constantly explains the unexpected development of salvation history by appealing to what God has said and done. Human decisions alone cannot explain the situation, and God has said that he will show mercy to anyone he chooses (Rom 9:15). While theologians will continue to debate the role of God’s action and the role of human decision in salvation, God’s sovereignty stands out clearly.<\/p>\n<p>Because God is sovereign, his people rightly seek to live in harmony with his will (Rom 12:1-2), in the strength that he provides (see 1 Cor 1:8-9). We can follow the example of Christ in his prayer, “I want your will to be done, not mine” (Matt 26:39). The contemporary world has set God to the side and ignores the divine influence on the course of human affairs. But God’s decisions really do direct the world as well as the personal histories of those who trust him. When we live for God’s glory (Isa 42:8; Hab 2:14; Jude 1:24-25), whatever happens is also ultimately for our good (Ps 84:11; Eph 3:16-19; Col 1:27; 2 Thes 1:11-12), and we can confidently affirm that “God causes everything to work together for the good of those who love God and are called according to his purpose for them” (Rom 8:28)..<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 8:22; 9:29; Deut 4:39; 32:8, 39; Josh 2:11; 1 Sam 2:6-8; 2 Kgs 13:4-5; 17:1-6, 18-20; 18:5-7; 19:5-7; 20:4-6; Pss 24:1-2; 84:11; 135:5-12; Isa 40:15-17; 45:7; 46:10; Jer 27:5-7; Dan 7:27-28; Hab 2:14; John 19:11; Acts 17:24-26; Rom 8:28; 9:5-24; 1 Cor 1:8-9; Col 1:15-20; 2 Thes 1:11-12; Jude 1:24-25; Rev 1:7-8<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Sovereignty of God We human beings always want to think that we are in charge. We think that by our decisions and actions we can determine what will happen. However, Scripture confronts us with quite a different scenario, pointing again and again to the ultimate sovereignty of God (see, e.g., Deut 4:39; Ps 135:5-7; Isa 46:8-11; Jude 1:24-25). Although human decisions and actions are significant, the will of God is vastly more important (see Jas 4:13-16). God’s sovereign hand is in everyth...","summary_en":"The Sovereignty of God We human beings always want to think that we are in charge. We think that by our decisions and actions we can determine what will happen. However, Scripture confronts us with quite a different scenario, pointing again and again to the ultimate sovereignty of God (see, e.g., Deut 4:39; Ps 135:5-7; Isa 46:8-11; Jude 1:24-25). Although human decisions and actions are significant, the will of God is vastly more important (see Jas 4:13-16). God’s sovereign hand is in everyth...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":149726,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Sovereignty of God","title_en":"The Sovereignty of God","content_ro":"<h3>The Sovereignty of God<\/h3>\n<p>We human beings always want to think that we are in charge. We think that by our decisions and actions we can determine what will happen. However, Scripture confronts us with quite a different scenario, pointing again and again to the ultimate sovereignty of God (see, e.g., Deut 4:39; Ps 135:5-7; Isa 46:8-11; Jude 1:24-25). Although human decisions and actions are significant, the will of God is vastly more important (see Jas 4:13-16).<\/p>\n<p>God’s sovereign hand is in everything. God is in control of the lives of all people (Ps 135:5-12), the universe, and the course of earth’s history (Isa 40:15-17; Acts 17:24; Col 1:15-20), directing it to his appointed ends (Isa 46:10; Dan 7:27-28; Matt 24:14-31; Rev 1:7-8).<\/p>\n<p>As demonstrated throughout 2 Kings, God exercises sovereign power and control over the affairs of nations. He installed and deposed the kings of Israel and Judah according to his purposes and according to the degree of their obedience. He permitted successful attacks against his people as punishment for their sins (2 Kgs 8:18-22). God was in control when the Assyrians attacked Samaria and brought down the northern kingdom (17:1-6, 18, 20). Hezekiah’s successes in Judah were due to the Lord’s blessings (18:5-7). God’s sovereign hand can be seen in all of the complex international events that happened, just as the Lord had promised, during the reigns of the final kings of Judah (23:26-27).<\/p>\n<p>God also displays his power in his answers to the prayers and petitions of his people. When Elisha prayed, God responded to his faithful prophet’s requests. Through Elisha he allowed the woman from Shunem to have a son and later brought that son back to life (4:17, 32-35). The Lord graciously answered the prayers of Jehoahaz and provided a rescuer for beleaguered Israel (13:4-5). He honored Hezekiah’s prayers for Jerusalem (19:1-7) and for his own life (20:1-6).<\/p>\n<p>Paul shows that God determines the course of salvation. Paul constantly explains the unexpected development of salvation history by appealing to what God has said and done. Human decisions alone cannot explain the situation, and God has said that he will show mercy to anyone he chooses (Rom 9:15). While theologians will continue to debate the role of God’s action and the role of human decision in salvation, God’s sovereignty stands out clearly.<\/p>\n<p>Because God is sovereign, his people rightly seek to live in harmony with his will (Rom 12:1-2), in the strength that he provides (see 1 Cor 1:8-9). We can follow the example of Christ in his prayer, “I want your will to be done, not mine” (Matt 26:39). The contemporary world has set God to the side and ignores the divine influence on the course of human affairs. But God’s decisions really do direct the world as well as the personal histories of those who trust him. When we live for God’s glory (Isa 42:8; Hab 2:14; Jude 1:24-25), whatever happens is also ultimately for our good (Ps 84:11; Eph 3:16-19; Col 1:27; 2 Thes 1:11-12), and we can confidently affirm that “God causes everything to work together for the good of those who love God and are called according to his purpose for them” (Rom 8:28)..<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 8:22; 9:29; Deut 4:39; 32:8, 39; Josh 2:11; 1 Sam 2:6-8; 2 Kgs 13:4-5; 17:1-6, 18-20; 18:5-7; 19:5-7; 20:4-6; Pss 24:1-2; 84:11; 135:5-12; Isa 40:15-17; 45:7; 46:10; Jer 27:5-7; Dan 7:27-28; Hab 2:14; John 19:11; Acts 17:24-26; Rom 8:28; 9:5-24; 1 Cor 1:8-9; Col 1:15-20; 2 Thes 1:11-12; Jude 1:24-25; Rev 1:7-8<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Sovereignty of God<\/h3>\n<p>We human beings always want to think that we are in charge. We think that by our decisions and actions we can determine what will happen. However, Scripture confronts us with quite a different scenario, pointing again and again to the ultimate sovereignty of God (see, e.g., Deut 4:39; Ps 135:5-7; Isa 46:8-11; Jude 1:24-25). Although human decisions and actions are significant, the will of God is vastly more important (see Jas 4:13-16).<\/p>\n<p>God’s sovereign hand is in everything. God is in control of the lives of all people (Ps 135:5-12), the universe, and the course of earth’s history (Isa 40:15-17; Acts 17:24; Col 1:15-20), directing it to his appointed ends (Isa 46:10; Dan 7:27-28; Matt 24:14-31; Rev 1:7-8).<\/p>\n<p>As demonstrated throughout 2 Kings, God exercises sovereign power and control over the affairs of nations. He installed and deposed the kings of Israel and Judah according to his purposes and according to the degree of their obedience. He permitted successful attacks against his people as punishment for their sins (2 Kgs 8:18-22). God was in control when the Assyrians attacked Samaria and brought down the northern kingdom (17:1-6, 18, 20). Hezekiah’s successes in Judah were due to the Lord’s blessings (18:5-7). God’s sovereign hand can be seen in all of the complex international events that happened, just as the Lord had promised, during the reigns of the final kings of Judah (23:26-27).<\/p>\n<p>God also displays his power in his answers to the prayers and petitions of his people. When Elisha prayed, God responded to his faithful prophet’s requests. Through Elisha he allowed the woman from Shunem to have a son and later brought that son back to life (4:17, 32-35). The Lord graciously answered the prayers of Jehoahaz and provided a rescuer for beleaguered Israel (13:4-5). He honored Hezekiah’s prayers for Jerusalem (19:1-7) and for his own life (20:1-6).<\/p>\n<p>Paul shows that God determines the course of salvation. Paul constantly explains the unexpected development of salvation history by appealing to what God has said and done. Human decisions alone cannot explain the situation, and God has said that he will show mercy to anyone he chooses (Rom 9:15). While theologians will continue to debate the role of God’s action and the role of human decision in salvation, God’s sovereignty stands out clearly.<\/p>\n<p>Because God is sovereign, his people rightly seek to live in harmony with his will (Rom 12:1-2), in the strength that he provides (see 1 Cor 1:8-9). We can follow the example of Christ in his prayer, “I want your will to be done, not mine” (Matt 26:39). The contemporary world has set God to the side and ignores the divine influence on the course of human affairs. But God’s decisions really do direct the world as well as the personal histories of those who trust him. When we live for God’s glory (Isa 42:8; Hab 2:14; Jude 1:24-25), whatever happens is also ultimately for our good (Ps 84:11; Eph 3:16-19; Col 1:27; 2 Thes 1:11-12), and we can confidently affirm that “God causes everything to work together for the good of those who love God and are called according to his purpose for them” (Rom 8:28)..<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 8:22; 9:29; Deut 4:39; 32:8, 39; Josh 2:11; 1 Sam 2:6-8; 2 Kgs 13:4-5; 17:1-6, 18-20; 18:5-7; 19:5-7; 20:4-6; Pss 24:1-2; 84:11; 135:5-12; Isa 40:15-17; 45:7; 46:10; Jer 27:5-7; Dan 7:27-28; Hab 2:14; John 19:11; Acts 17:24-26; Rom 8:28; 9:5-24; 1 Cor 1:8-9; Col 1:15-20; 2 Thes 1:11-12; Jude 1:24-25; Rev 1:7-8<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Sovereignty of God We human beings always want to think that we are in charge. We think that by our decisions and actions we can determine what will happen. However, Scripture confronts us with quite a different scenario, pointing again and again to the ultimate sovereignty of God (see, e.g., Deut 4:39; Ps 135:5-7; Isa 46:8-11; Jude 1:24-25). Although human decisions and actions are significant, the will of God is vastly more important (see Jas 4:13-16). God’s sovereign hand is in everyth...","summary_en":"The Sovereignty of God We human beings always want to think that we are in charge. We think that by our decisions and actions we can determine what will happen. However, Scripture confronts us with quite a different scenario, pointing again and again to the ultimate sovereignty of God (see, e.g., Deut 4:39; Ps 135:5-7; Isa 46:8-11; Jude 1:24-25). Although human decisions and actions are significant, the will of God is vastly more important (see Jas 4:13-16). God’s sovereign hand is in everyth...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"2":[{"id":47454,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 20:2","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 20:2","content_ro":"<p><strong>20:2-3<\/strong> Unlike Ahab, who went to bed in a royal pout (1 Kgs 21:4), <em>Hezekiah . . . turned his face to the wall and prayed<\/em>.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>20:2-3<\/strong> Unlike Ahab, who went to bed in a royal pout (1 Kgs 21:4), <em>Hezekiah . . . turned his face to the wall and prayed<\/em>.<\/p>","summary_ro":"20:2-3 Unlike Ahab, who went to bed in a royal pout (1 Kgs 21:4), Hezekiah . . . turned his face to the wall and prayed.","summary_en":"20:2-3 Unlike Ahab, who went to bed in a royal pout (1 Kgs 21:4), Hezekiah . . . turned his face to the wall and prayed.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":75080,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 20:2","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 20:2","content_ro":"<p><strong>20:2-3<\/strong> Unlike Ahab, who went to bed in a royal pout (1 Kgs 21:4), <em>Hezekiah . . . turned his face to the wall and prayed<\/em>.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>20:2-3<\/strong> Unlike Ahab, who went to bed in a royal pout (1 Kgs 21:4), <em>Hezekiah . . . turned his face to the wall and prayed<\/em>.<\/p>","summary_ro":"20:2-3 Unlike Ahab, who went to bed in a royal pout (1 Kgs 21:4), Hezekiah . . . turned his face to the wall and prayed.","summary_en":"20:2-3 Unlike Ahab, who went to bed in a royal pout (1 Kgs 21:4), Hezekiah . . . turned his face to the wall and prayed.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":102706,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 20:2","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 20:2","content_ro":"<p><strong>20:2-3<\/strong> Unlike Ahab, who went to bed in a royal pout (1 Kgs 21:4), <em>Hezekiah . . . turned his face to the wall and prayed<\/em>.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>20:2-3<\/strong> Unlike Ahab, who went to bed in a royal pout (1 Kgs 21:4), <em>Hezekiah . . . turned his face to the wall and prayed<\/em>.<\/p>","summary_ro":"20:2-3 Unlike Ahab, who went to bed in a royal pout (1 Kgs 21:4), Hezekiah . . . turned his face to the wall and prayed.","summary_en":"20:2-3 Unlike Ahab, who went to bed in a royal pout (1 Kgs 21:4), Hezekiah . . . turned his face to the wall and prayed.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":130332,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 20:2","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 20:2","content_ro":"<p><strong>20:2-3<\/strong> Unlike Ahab, who went to bed in a royal pout (1 Kgs 21:4), <em>Hezekiah . . . turned his face to the wall and prayed<\/em>.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>20:2-3<\/strong> Unlike Ahab, who went to bed in a royal pout (1 Kgs 21:4), <em>Hezekiah . . . turned his face to the wall and prayed<\/em>.<\/p>","summary_ro":"20:2-3 Unlike Ahab, who went to bed in a royal pout (1 Kgs 21:4), Hezekiah . . . turned his face to the wall and prayed.","summary_en":"20:2-3 Unlike Ahab, who went to bed in a royal pout (1 Kgs 21:4), Hezekiah . . . turned his face to the wall and prayed.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"3":[{"id":35939,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Sore","title_en":"Sore","content_ro":"<h3>SORE<\/h3>\n<p>Any localized abnormality of the skin. It was a well-demarcated skin abnormality with a definite border between the inflamed or abnormal skin and the normal skin. Even the person “covered with sores” from head to toe has some normal skin between each of the sores. As such, “sore” is a broad term encompassing all the following types of skin abnormalities: scall, scab, rising, emerod, plague, and scar.<\/p>\n<p>The <span>kjv<\/span> uses the word “sore” in translating 32 different Hebrew or Greek words to mean “extremely,” a nonmedical use, such as “and Hezekiah wept sore” (2 Kgs 20:3) or “sore afraid” (Ez 27:35).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Disease; Medicine and Medical Practice.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>SORE<\/h3>\n<p>Any localized abnormality of the skin. It was a well-demarcated skin abnormality with a definite border between the inflamed or abnormal skin and the normal skin. Even the person “covered with sores” from head to toe has some normal skin between each of the sores. As such, “sore” is a broad term encompassing all the following types of skin abnormalities: scall, scab, rising, emerod, plague, and scar.<\/p>\n<p>The <span>kjv<\/span> uses the word “sore” in translating 32 different Hebrew or Greek words to mean “extremely,” a nonmedical use, such as “and Hezekiah wept sore” (2 Kgs 20:3) or “sore afraid” (Ez 27:35).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Disease; Medicine and Medical Practice.<\/p>","summary_ro":"SORE Any localized abnormality of the skin. It was a well-demarcated skin abnormality with a definite border between the inflamed or abnormal skin and the normal skin. Even the person “covered with sores” from head to toe has some normal skin between each of the sores. As such, “sore” is a broad term encompassing all the following types of skin abnormalities: scall, scab, rising, emerod, plague, and scar. The kjv uses the word “sore” in translating 32 different Hebrew or Greek words to mean “...","summary_en":"SORE Any localized abnormality of the skin. It was a well-demarcated skin abnormality with a definite border between the inflamed or abnormal skin and the normal skin. Even the person “covered with sores” from head to toe has some normal skin between each of the sores. As such, “sore” is a broad term encompassing all the following types of skin abnormalities: scall, scab, rising, emerod, plague, and scar. The kjv uses the word “sore” in translating 32 different Hebrew or Greek words to mean “...","source":"Articles\/S.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"4":[{"id":66867,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Sovereignty of God","title_en":"The Sovereignty of God","content_ro":"<h3>The Sovereignty of God<\/h3>\n<p>We human beings always want to think that we are in charge. We think that by our decisions and actions we can determine what will happen. However, Scripture confronts us with quite a different scenario, pointing again and again to the ultimate sovereignty of God (see, e.g., Deut 4:39; Ps 135:5-7; Isa 46:8-11; Jude 1:24-25). Although human decisions and actions are significant, the will of God is vastly more important (see Jas 4:13-16).<\/p>\n<p>God’s sovereign hand is in everything. God is in control of the lives of all people (Ps 135:5-12), the universe, and the course of earth’s history (Isa 40:15-17; Acts 17:24; Col 1:15-20), directing it to his appointed ends (Isa 46:10; Dan 7:27-28; Matt 24:14-31; Rev 1:7-8).<\/p>\n<p>As demonstrated throughout 2 Kings, God exercises sovereign power and control over the affairs of nations. He installed and deposed the kings of Israel and Judah according to his purposes and according to the degree of their obedience. He permitted successful attacks against his people as punishment for their sins (2 Kgs 8:18-22). God was in control when the Assyrians attacked Samaria and brought down the northern kingdom (17:1-6, 18, 20). Hezekiah’s successes in Judah were due to the Lord’s blessings (18:5-7). God’s sovereign hand can be seen in all of the complex international events that happened, just as the Lord had promised, during the reigns of the final kings of Judah (23:26-27).<\/p>\n<p>God also displays his power in his answers to the prayers and petitions of his people. When Elisha prayed, God responded to his faithful prophet’s requests. Through Elisha he allowed the woman from Shunem to have a son and later brought that son back to life (4:17, 32-35). The Lord graciously answered the prayers of Jehoahaz and provided a rescuer for beleaguered Israel (13:4-5). He honored Hezekiah’s prayers for Jerusalem (19:1-7) and for his own life (20:1-6).<\/p>\n<p>Paul shows that God determines the course of salvation. Paul constantly explains the unexpected development of salvation history by appealing to what God has said and done. Human decisions alone cannot explain the situation, and God has said that he will show mercy to anyone he chooses (Rom 9:15). While theologians will continue to debate the role of God’s action and the role of human decision in salvation, God’s sovereignty stands out clearly.<\/p>\n<p>Because God is sovereign, his people rightly seek to live in harmony with his will (Rom 12:1-2), in the strength that he provides (see 1 Cor 1:8-9). We can follow the example of Christ in his prayer, “I want your will to be done, not mine” (Matt 26:39). The contemporary world has set God to the side and ignores the divine influence on the course of human affairs. But God’s decisions really do direct the world as well as the personal histories of those who trust him. When we live for God’s glory (Isa 42:8; Hab 2:14; Jude 1:24-25), whatever happens is also ultimately for our good (Ps 84:11; Eph 3:16-19; Col 1:27; 2 Thes 1:11-12), and we can confidently affirm that “God causes everything to work together for the good of those who love God and are called according to his purpose for them” (Rom 8:28)..<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 8:22; 9:29; Deut 4:39; 32:8, 39; Josh 2:11; 1 Sam 2:6-8; 2 Kgs 13:4-5; 17:1-6, 18-20; 18:5-7; 19:5-7; 20:4-6; Pss 24:1-2; 84:11; 135:5-12; Isa 40:15-17; 45:7; 46:10; Jer 27:5-7; Dan 7:27-28; Hab 2:14; John 19:11; Acts 17:24-26; Rom 8:28; 9:5-24; 1 Cor 1:8-9; Col 1:15-20; 2 Thes 1:11-12; Jude 1:24-25; Rev 1:7-8<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Sovereignty of God<\/h3>\n<p>We human beings always want to think that we are in charge. We think that by our decisions and actions we can determine what will happen. However, Scripture confronts us with quite a different scenario, pointing again and again to the ultimate sovereignty of God (see, e.g., Deut 4:39; Ps 135:5-7; Isa 46:8-11; Jude 1:24-25). Although human decisions and actions are significant, the will of God is vastly more important (see Jas 4:13-16).<\/p>\n<p>God’s sovereign hand is in everything. God is in control of the lives of all people (Ps 135:5-12), the universe, and the course of earth’s history (Isa 40:15-17; Acts 17:24; Col 1:15-20), directing it to his appointed ends (Isa 46:10; Dan 7:27-28; Matt 24:14-31; Rev 1:7-8).<\/p>\n<p>As demonstrated throughout 2 Kings, God exercises sovereign power and control over the affairs of nations. He installed and deposed the kings of Israel and Judah according to his purposes and according to the degree of their obedience. He permitted successful attacks against his people as punishment for their sins (2 Kgs 8:18-22). God was in control when the Assyrians attacked Samaria and brought down the northern kingdom (17:1-6, 18, 20). Hezekiah’s successes in Judah were due to the Lord’s blessings (18:5-7). God’s sovereign hand can be seen in all of the complex international events that happened, just as the Lord had promised, during the reigns of the final kings of Judah (23:26-27).<\/p>\n<p>God also displays his power in his answers to the prayers and petitions of his people. When Elisha prayed, God responded to his faithful prophet’s requests. Through Elisha he allowed the woman from Shunem to have a son and later brought that son back to life (4:17, 32-35). The Lord graciously answered the prayers of Jehoahaz and provided a rescuer for beleaguered Israel (13:4-5). He honored Hezekiah’s prayers for Jerusalem (19:1-7) and for his own life (20:1-6).<\/p>\n<p>Paul shows that God determines the course of salvation. Paul constantly explains the unexpected development of salvation history by appealing to what God has said and done. Human decisions alone cannot explain the situation, and God has said that he will show mercy to anyone he chooses (Rom 9:15). While theologians will continue to debate the role of God’s action and the role of human decision in salvation, God’s sovereignty stands out clearly.<\/p>\n<p>Because God is sovereign, his people rightly seek to live in harmony with his will (Rom 12:1-2), in the strength that he provides (see 1 Cor 1:8-9). We can follow the example of Christ in his prayer, “I want your will to be done, not mine” (Matt 26:39). The contemporary world has set God to the side and ignores the divine influence on the course of human affairs. But God’s decisions really do direct the world as well as the personal histories of those who trust him. When we live for God’s glory (Isa 42:8; Hab 2:14; Jude 1:24-25), whatever happens is also ultimately for our good (Ps 84:11; Eph 3:16-19; Col 1:27; 2 Thes 1:11-12), and we can confidently affirm that “God causes everything to work together for the good of those who love God and are called according to his purpose for them” (Rom 8:28)..<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 8:22; 9:29; Deut 4:39; 32:8, 39; Josh 2:11; 1 Sam 2:6-8; 2 Kgs 13:4-5; 17:1-6, 18-20; 18:5-7; 19:5-7; 20:4-6; Pss 24:1-2; 84:11; 135:5-12; Isa 40:15-17; 45:7; 46:10; Jer 27:5-7; Dan 7:27-28; Hab 2:14; John 19:11; Acts 17:24-26; Rom 8:28; 9:5-24; 1 Cor 1:8-9; Col 1:15-20; 2 Thes 1:11-12; Jude 1:24-25; Rev 1:7-8<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Sovereignty of God We human beings always want to think that we are in charge. We think that by our decisions and actions we can determine what will happen. However, Scripture confronts us with quite a different scenario, pointing again and again to the ultimate sovereignty of God (see, e.g., Deut 4:39; Ps 135:5-7; Isa 46:8-11; Jude 1:24-25). Although human decisions and actions are significant, the will of God is vastly more important (see Jas 4:13-16). God’s sovereign hand is in everyth...","summary_en":"The Sovereignty of God We human beings always want to think that we are in charge. We think that by our decisions and actions we can determine what will happen. However, Scripture confronts us with quite a different scenario, pointing again and again to the ultimate sovereignty of God (see, e.g., Deut 4:39; Ps 135:5-7; Isa 46:8-11; Jude 1:24-25). Although human decisions and actions are significant, the will of God is vastly more important (see Jas 4:13-16). God’s sovereign hand is in everyth...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":94493,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Sovereignty of God","title_en":"The Sovereignty of God","content_ro":"<h3>The Sovereignty of God<\/h3>\n<p>We human beings always want to think that we are in charge. We think that by our decisions and actions we can determine what will happen. However, Scripture confronts us with quite a different scenario, pointing again and again to the ultimate sovereignty of God (see, e.g., Deut 4:39; Ps 135:5-7; Isa 46:8-11; Jude 1:24-25). Although human decisions and actions are significant, the will of God is vastly more important (see Jas 4:13-16).<\/p>\n<p>God’s sovereign hand is in everything. God is in control of the lives of all people (Ps 135:5-12), the universe, and the course of earth’s history (Isa 40:15-17; Acts 17:24; Col 1:15-20), directing it to his appointed ends (Isa 46:10; Dan 7:27-28; Matt 24:14-31; Rev 1:7-8).<\/p>\n<p>As demonstrated throughout 2 Kings, God exercises sovereign power and control over the affairs of nations. He installed and deposed the kings of Israel and Judah according to his purposes and according to the degree of their obedience. He permitted successful attacks against his people as punishment for their sins (2 Kgs 8:18-22). God was in control when the Assyrians attacked Samaria and brought down the northern kingdom (17:1-6, 18, 20). Hezekiah’s successes in Judah were due to the Lord’s blessings (18:5-7). God’s sovereign hand can be seen in all of the complex international events that happened, just as the Lord had promised, during the reigns of the final kings of Judah (23:26-27).<\/p>\n<p>God also displays his power in his answers to the prayers and petitions of his people. When Elisha prayed, God responded to his faithful prophet’s requests. Through Elisha he allowed the woman from Shunem to have a son and later brought that son back to life (4:17, 32-35). The Lord graciously answered the prayers of Jehoahaz and provided a rescuer for beleaguered Israel (13:4-5). He honored Hezekiah’s prayers for Jerusalem (19:1-7) and for his own life (20:1-6).<\/p>\n<p>Paul shows that God determines the course of salvation. Paul constantly explains the unexpected development of salvation history by appealing to what God has said and done. Human decisions alone cannot explain the situation, and God has said that he will show mercy to anyone he chooses (Rom 9:15). While theologians will continue to debate the role of God’s action and the role of human decision in salvation, God’s sovereignty stands out clearly.<\/p>\n<p>Because God is sovereign, his people rightly seek to live in harmony with his will (Rom 12:1-2), in the strength that he provides (see 1 Cor 1:8-9). We can follow the example of Christ in his prayer, “I want your will to be done, not mine” (Matt 26:39). The contemporary world has set God to the side and ignores the divine influence on the course of human affairs. But God’s decisions really do direct the world as well as the personal histories of those who trust him. When we live for God’s glory (Isa 42:8; Hab 2:14; Jude 1:24-25), whatever happens is also ultimately for our good (Ps 84:11; Eph 3:16-19; Col 1:27; 2 Thes 1:11-12), and we can confidently affirm that “God causes everything to work together for the good of those who love God and are called according to his purpose for them” (Rom 8:28)..<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 8:22; 9:29; Deut 4:39; 32:8, 39; Josh 2:11; 1 Sam 2:6-8; 2 Kgs 13:4-5; 17:1-6, 18-20; 18:5-7; 19:5-7; 20:4-6; Pss 24:1-2; 84:11; 135:5-12; Isa 40:15-17; 45:7; 46:10; Jer 27:5-7; Dan 7:27-28; Hab 2:14; John 19:11; Acts 17:24-26; Rom 8:28; 9:5-24; 1 Cor 1:8-9; Col 1:15-20; 2 Thes 1:11-12; Jude 1:24-25; Rev 1:7-8<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Sovereignty of God<\/h3>\n<p>We human beings always want to think that we are in charge. We think that by our decisions and actions we can determine what will happen. However, Scripture confronts us with quite a different scenario, pointing again and again to the ultimate sovereignty of God (see, e.g., Deut 4:39; Ps 135:5-7; Isa 46:8-11; Jude 1:24-25). Although human decisions and actions are significant, the will of God is vastly more important (see Jas 4:13-16).<\/p>\n<p>God’s sovereign hand is in everything. God is in control of the lives of all people (Ps 135:5-12), the universe, and the course of earth’s history (Isa 40:15-17; Acts 17:24; Col 1:15-20), directing it to his appointed ends (Isa 46:10; Dan 7:27-28; Matt 24:14-31; Rev 1:7-8).<\/p>\n<p>As demonstrated throughout 2 Kings, God exercises sovereign power and control over the affairs of nations. He installed and deposed the kings of Israel and Judah according to his purposes and according to the degree of their obedience. He permitted successful attacks against his people as punishment for their sins (2 Kgs 8:18-22). God was in control when the Assyrians attacked Samaria and brought down the northern kingdom (17:1-6, 18, 20). Hezekiah’s successes in Judah were due to the Lord’s blessings (18:5-7). God’s sovereign hand can be seen in all of the complex international events that happened, just as the Lord had promised, during the reigns of the final kings of Judah (23:26-27).<\/p>\n<p>God also displays his power in his answers to the prayers and petitions of his people. When Elisha prayed, God responded to his faithful prophet’s requests. Through Elisha he allowed the woman from Shunem to have a son and later brought that son back to life (4:17, 32-35). The Lord graciously answered the prayers of Jehoahaz and provided a rescuer for beleaguered Israel (13:4-5). He honored Hezekiah’s prayers for Jerusalem (19:1-7) and for his own life (20:1-6).<\/p>\n<p>Paul shows that God determines the course of salvation. Paul constantly explains the unexpected development of salvation history by appealing to what God has said and done. Human decisions alone cannot explain the situation, and God has said that he will show mercy to anyone he chooses (Rom 9:15). While theologians will continue to debate the role of God’s action and the role of human decision in salvation, God’s sovereignty stands out clearly.<\/p>\n<p>Because God is sovereign, his people rightly seek to live in harmony with his will (Rom 12:1-2), in the strength that he provides (see 1 Cor 1:8-9). We can follow the example of Christ in his prayer, “I want your will to be done, not mine” (Matt 26:39). The contemporary world has set God to the side and ignores the divine influence on the course of human affairs. But God’s decisions really do direct the world as well as the personal histories of those who trust him. When we live for God’s glory (Isa 42:8; Hab 2:14; Jude 1:24-25), whatever happens is also ultimately for our good (Ps 84:11; Eph 3:16-19; Col 1:27; 2 Thes 1:11-12), and we can confidently affirm that “God causes everything to work together for the good of those who love God and are called according to his purpose for them” (Rom 8:28)..<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 8:22; 9:29; Deut 4:39; 32:8, 39; Josh 2:11; 1 Sam 2:6-8; 2 Kgs 13:4-5; 17:1-6, 18-20; 18:5-7; 19:5-7; 20:4-6; Pss 24:1-2; 84:11; 135:5-12; Isa 40:15-17; 45:7; 46:10; Jer 27:5-7; Dan 7:27-28; Hab 2:14; John 19:11; Acts 17:24-26; Rom 8:28; 9:5-24; 1 Cor 1:8-9; Col 1:15-20; 2 Thes 1:11-12; Jude 1:24-25; Rev 1:7-8<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Sovereignty of God We human beings always want to think that we are in charge. We think that by our decisions and actions we can determine what will happen. However, Scripture confronts us with quite a different scenario, pointing again and again to the ultimate sovereignty of God (see, e.g., Deut 4:39; Ps 135:5-7; Isa 46:8-11; Jude 1:24-25). Although human decisions and actions are significant, the will of God is vastly more important (see Jas 4:13-16). God’s sovereign hand is in everyth...","summary_en":"The Sovereignty of God We human beings always want to think that we are in charge. We think that by our decisions and actions we can determine what will happen. However, Scripture confronts us with quite a different scenario, pointing again and again to the ultimate sovereignty of God (see, e.g., Deut 4:39; Ps 135:5-7; Isa 46:8-11; Jude 1:24-25). Although human decisions and actions are significant, the will of God is vastly more important (see Jas 4:13-16). God’s sovereign hand is in everyth...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":122119,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Sovereignty of God","title_en":"The Sovereignty of God","content_ro":"<h3>The Sovereignty of God<\/h3>\n<p>We human beings always want to think that we are in charge. We think that by our decisions and actions we can determine what will happen. However, Scripture confronts us with quite a different scenario, pointing again and again to the ultimate sovereignty of God (see, e.g., Deut 4:39; Ps 135:5-7; Isa 46:8-11; Jude 1:24-25). Although human decisions and actions are significant, the will of God is vastly more important (see Jas 4:13-16).<\/p>\n<p>God’s sovereign hand is in everything. God is in control of the lives of all people (Ps 135:5-12), the universe, and the course of earth’s history (Isa 40:15-17; Acts 17:24; Col 1:15-20), directing it to his appointed ends (Isa 46:10; Dan 7:27-28; Matt 24:14-31; Rev 1:7-8).<\/p>\n<p>As demonstrated throughout 2 Kings, God exercises sovereign power and control over the affairs of nations. He installed and deposed the kings of Israel and Judah according to his purposes and according to the degree of their obedience. He permitted successful attacks against his people as punishment for their sins (2 Kgs 8:18-22). God was in control when the Assyrians attacked Samaria and brought down the northern kingdom (17:1-6, 18, 20). Hezekiah’s successes in Judah were due to the Lord’s blessings (18:5-7). God’s sovereign hand can be seen in all of the complex international events that happened, just as the Lord had promised, during the reigns of the final kings of Judah (23:26-27).<\/p>\n<p>God also displays his power in his answers to the prayers and petitions of his people. When Elisha prayed, God responded to his faithful prophet’s requests. Through Elisha he allowed the woman from Shunem to have a son and later brought that son back to life (4:17, 32-35). The Lord graciously answered the prayers of Jehoahaz and provided a rescuer for beleaguered Israel (13:4-5). He honored Hezekiah’s prayers for Jerusalem (19:1-7) and for his own life (20:1-6).<\/p>\n<p>Paul shows that God determines the course of salvation. Paul constantly explains the unexpected development of salvation history by appealing to what God has said and done. Human decisions alone cannot explain the situation, and God has said that he will show mercy to anyone he chooses (Rom 9:15). While theologians will continue to debate the role of God’s action and the role of human decision in salvation, God’s sovereignty stands out clearly.<\/p>\n<p>Because God is sovereign, his people rightly seek to live in harmony with his will (Rom 12:1-2), in the strength that he provides (see 1 Cor 1:8-9). We can follow the example of Christ in his prayer, “I want your will to be done, not mine” (Matt 26:39). The contemporary world has set God to the side and ignores the divine influence on the course of human affairs. But God’s decisions really do direct the world as well as the personal histories of those who trust him. When we live for God’s glory (Isa 42:8; Hab 2:14; Jude 1:24-25), whatever happens is also ultimately for our good (Ps 84:11; Eph 3:16-19; Col 1:27; 2 Thes 1:11-12), and we can confidently affirm that “God causes everything to work together for the good of those who love God and are called according to his purpose for them” (Rom 8:28)..<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 8:22; 9:29; Deut 4:39; 32:8, 39; Josh 2:11; 1 Sam 2:6-8; 2 Kgs 13:4-5; 17:1-6, 18-20; 18:5-7; 19:5-7; 20:4-6; Pss 24:1-2; 84:11; 135:5-12; Isa 40:15-17; 45:7; 46:10; Jer 27:5-7; Dan 7:27-28; Hab 2:14; John 19:11; Acts 17:24-26; Rom 8:28; 9:5-24; 1 Cor 1:8-9; Col 1:15-20; 2 Thes 1:11-12; Jude 1:24-25; Rev 1:7-8<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Sovereignty of God<\/h3>\n<p>We human beings always want to think that we are in charge. We think that by our decisions and actions we can determine what will happen. However, Scripture confronts us with quite a different scenario, pointing again and again to the ultimate sovereignty of God (see, e.g., Deut 4:39; Ps 135:5-7; Isa 46:8-11; Jude 1:24-25). Although human decisions and actions are significant, the will of God is vastly more important (see Jas 4:13-16).<\/p>\n<p>God’s sovereign hand is in everything. God is in control of the lives of all people (Ps 135:5-12), the universe, and the course of earth’s history (Isa 40:15-17; Acts 17:24; Col 1:15-20), directing it to his appointed ends (Isa 46:10; Dan 7:27-28; Matt 24:14-31; Rev 1:7-8).<\/p>\n<p>As demonstrated throughout 2 Kings, God exercises sovereign power and control over the affairs of nations. He installed and deposed the kings of Israel and Judah according to his purposes and according to the degree of their obedience. He permitted successful attacks against his people as punishment for their sins (2 Kgs 8:18-22). God was in control when the Assyrians attacked Samaria and brought down the northern kingdom (17:1-6, 18, 20). Hezekiah’s successes in Judah were due to the Lord’s blessings (18:5-7). God’s sovereign hand can be seen in all of the complex international events that happened, just as the Lord had promised, during the reigns of the final kings of Judah (23:26-27).<\/p>\n<p>God also displays his power in his answers to the prayers and petitions of his people. When Elisha prayed, God responded to his faithful prophet’s requests. Through Elisha he allowed the woman from Shunem to have a son and later brought that son back to life (4:17, 32-35). The Lord graciously answered the prayers of Jehoahaz and provided a rescuer for beleaguered Israel (13:4-5). He honored Hezekiah’s prayers for Jerusalem (19:1-7) and for his own life (20:1-6).<\/p>\n<p>Paul shows that God determines the course of salvation. Paul constantly explains the unexpected development of salvation history by appealing to what God has said and done. Human decisions alone cannot explain the situation, and God has said that he will show mercy to anyone he chooses (Rom 9:15). While theologians will continue to debate the role of God’s action and the role of human decision in salvation, God’s sovereignty stands out clearly.<\/p>\n<p>Because God is sovereign, his people rightly seek to live in harmony with his will (Rom 12:1-2), in the strength that he provides (see 1 Cor 1:8-9). We can follow the example of Christ in his prayer, “I want your will to be done, not mine” (Matt 26:39). The contemporary world has set God to the side and ignores the divine influence on the course of human affairs. But God’s decisions really do direct the world as well as the personal histories of those who trust him. When we live for God’s glory (Isa 42:8; Hab 2:14; Jude 1:24-25), whatever happens is also ultimately for our good (Ps 84:11; Eph 3:16-19; Col 1:27; 2 Thes 1:11-12), and we can confidently affirm that “God causes everything to work together for the good of those who love God and are called according to his purpose for them” (Rom 8:28)..<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 8:22; 9:29; Deut 4:39; 32:8, 39; Josh 2:11; 1 Sam 2:6-8; 2 Kgs 13:4-5; 17:1-6, 18-20; 18:5-7; 19:5-7; 20:4-6; Pss 24:1-2; 84:11; 135:5-12; Isa 40:15-17; 45:7; 46:10; Jer 27:5-7; Dan 7:27-28; Hab 2:14; John 19:11; Acts 17:24-26; Rom 8:28; 9:5-24; 1 Cor 1:8-9; Col 1:15-20; 2 Thes 1:11-12; Jude 1:24-25; Rev 1:7-8<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Sovereignty of God We human beings always want to think that we are in charge. We think that by our decisions and actions we can determine what will happen. However, Scripture confronts us with quite a different scenario, pointing again and again to the ultimate sovereignty of God (see, e.g., Deut 4:39; Ps 135:5-7; Isa 46:8-11; Jude 1:24-25). Although human decisions and actions are significant, the will of God is vastly more important (see Jas 4:13-16). God’s sovereign hand is in everyth...","summary_en":"The Sovereignty of God We human beings always want to think that we are in charge. We think that by our decisions and actions we can determine what will happen. However, Scripture confronts us with quite a different scenario, pointing again and again to the ultimate sovereignty of God (see, e.g., Deut 4:39; Ps 135:5-7; Isa 46:8-11; Jude 1:24-25). Although human decisions and actions are significant, the will of God is vastly more important (see Jas 4:13-16). God’s sovereign hand is in everyth...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":149745,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Sovereignty of God","title_en":"The Sovereignty of God","content_ro":"<h3>The Sovereignty of God<\/h3>\n<p>We human beings always want to think that we are in charge. We think that by our decisions and actions we can determine what will happen. However, Scripture confronts us with quite a different scenario, pointing again and again to the ultimate sovereignty of God (see, e.g., Deut 4:39; Ps 135:5-7; Isa 46:8-11; Jude 1:24-25). Although human decisions and actions are significant, the will of God is vastly more important (see Jas 4:13-16).<\/p>\n<p>God’s sovereign hand is in everything. God is in control of the lives of all people (Ps 135:5-12), the universe, and the course of earth’s history (Isa 40:15-17; Acts 17:24; Col 1:15-20), directing it to his appointed ends (Isa 46:10; Dan 7:27-28; Matt 24:14-31; Rev 1:7-8).<\/p>\n<p>As demonstrated throughout 2 Kings, God exercises sovereign power and control over the affairs of nations. He installed and deposed the kings of Israel and Judah according to his purposes and according to the degree of their obedience. He permitted successful attacks against his people as punishment for their sins (2 Kgs 8:18-22). God was in control when the Assyrians attacked Samaria and brought down the northern kingdom (17:1-6, 18, 20). Hezekiah’s successes in Judah were due to the Lord’s blessings (18:5-7). God’s sovereign hand can be seen in all of the complex international events that happened, just as the Lord had promised, during the reigns of the final kings of Judah (23:26-27).<\/p>\n<p>God also displays his power in his answers to the prayers and petitions of his people. When Elisha prayed, God responded to his faithful prophet’s requests. Through Elisha he allowed the woman from Shunem to have a son and later brought that son back to life (4:17, 32-35). The Lord graciously answered the prayers of Jehoahaz and provided a rescuer for beleaguered Israel (13:4-5). He honored Hezekiah’s prayers for Jerusalem (19:1-7) and for his own life (20:1-6).<\/p>\n<p>Paul shows that God determines the course of salvation. Paul constantly explains the unexpected development of salvation history by appealing to what God has said and done. Human decisions alone cannot explain the situation, and God has said that he will show mercy to anyone he chooses (Rom 9:15). While theologians will continue to debate the role of God’s action and the role of human decision in salvation, God’s sovereignty stands out clearly.<\/p>\n<p>Because God is sovereign, his people rightly seek to live in harmony with his will (Rom 12:1-2), in the strength that he provides (see 1 Cor 1:8-9). We can follow the example of Christ in his prayer, “I want your will to be done, not mine” (Matt 26:39). The contemporary world has set God to the side and ignores the divine influence on the course of human affairs. But God’s decisions really do direct the world as well as the personal histories of those who trust him. When we live for God’s glory (Isa 42:8; Hab 2:14; Jude 1:24-25), whatever happens is also ultimately for our good (Ps 84:11; Eph 3:16-19; Col 1:27; 2 Thes 1:11-12), and we can confidently affirm that “God causes everything to work together for the good of those who love God and are called according to his purpose for them” (Rom 8:28)..<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 8:22; 9:29; Deut 4:39; 32:8, 39; Josh 2:11; 1 Sam 2:6-8; 2 Kgs 13:4-5; 17:1-6, 18-20; 18:5-7; 19:5-7; 20:4-6; Pss 24:1-2; 84:11; 135:5-12; Isa 40:15-17; 45:7; 46:10; Jer 27:5-7; Dan 7:27-28; Hab 2:14; John 19:11; Acts 17:24-26; Rom 8:28; 9:5-24; 1 Cor 1:8-9; Col 1:15-20; 2 Thes 1:11-12; Jude 1:24-25; Rev 1:7-8<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Sovereignty of God<\/h3>\n<p>We human beings always want to think that we are in charge. We think that by our decisions and actions we can determine what will happen. However, Scripture confronts us with quite a different scenario, pointing again and again to the ultimate sovereignty of God (see, e.g., Deut 4:39; Ps 135:5-7; Isa 46:8-11; Jude 1:24-25). Although human decisions and actions are significant, the will of God is vastly more important (see Jas 4:13-16).<\/p>\n<p>God’s sovereign hand is in everything. God is in control of the lives of all people (Ps 135:5-12), the universe, and the course of earth’s history (Isa 40:15-17; Acts 17:24; Col 1:15-20), directing it to his appointed ends (Isa 46:10; Dan 7:27-28; Matt 24:14-31; Rev 1:7-8).<\/p>\n<p>As demonstrated throughout 2 Kings, God exercises sovereign power and control over the affairs of nations. He installed and deposed the kings of Israel and Judah according to his purposes and according to the degree of their obedience. He permitted successful attacks against his people as punishment for their sins (2 Kgs 8:18-22). God was in control when the Assyrians attacked Samaria and brought down the northern kingdom (17:1-6, 18, 20). Hezekiah’s successes in Judah were due to the Lord’s blessings (18:5-7). God’s sovereign hand can be seen in all of the complex international events that happened, just as the Lord had promised, during the reigns of the final kings of Judah (23:26-27).<\/p>\n<p>God also displays his power in his answers to the prayers and petitions of his people. When Elisha prayed, God responded to his faithful prophet’s requests. Through Elisha he allowed the woman from Shunem to have a son and later brought that son back to life (4:17, 32-35). The Lord graciously answered the prayers of Jehoahaz and provided a rescuer for beleaguered Israel (13:4-5). He honored Hezekiah’s prayers for Jerusalem (19:1-7) and for his own life (20:1-6).<\/p>\n<p>Paul shows that God determines the course of salvation. Paul constantly explains the unexpected development of salvation history by appealing to what God has said and done. Human decisions alone cannot explain the situation, and God has said that he will show mercy to anyone he chooses (Rom 9:15). While theologians will continue to debate the role of God’s action and the role of human decision in salvation, God’s sovereignty stands out clearly.<\/p>\n<p>Because God is sovereign, his people rightly seek to live in harmony with his will (Rom 12:1-2), in the strength that he provides (see 1 Cor 1:8-9). We can follow the example of Christ in his prayer, “I want your will to be done, not mine” (Matt 26:39). The contemporary world has set God to the side and ignores the divine influence on the course of human affairs. But God’s decisions really do direct the world as well as the personal histories of those who trust him. When we live for God’s glory (Isa 42:8; Hab 2:14; Jude 1:24-25), whatever happens is also ultimately for our good (Ps 84:11; Eph 3:16-19; Col 1:27; 2 Thes 1:11-12), and we can confidently affirm that “God causes everything to work together for the good of those who love God and are called according to his purpose for them” (Rom 8:28)..<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 8:22; 9:29; Deut 4:39; 32:8, 39; Josh 2:11; 1 Sam 2:6-8; 2 Kgs 13:4-5; 17:1-6, 18-20; 18:5-7; 19:5-7; 20:4-6; Pss 24:1-2; 84:11; 135:5-12; Isa 40:15-17; 45:7; 46:10; Jer 27:5-7; Dan 7:27-28; Hab 2:14; John 19:11; Acts 17:24-26; Rom 8:28; 9:5-24; 1 Cor 1:8-9; Col 1:15-20; 2 Thes 1:11-12; Jude 1:24-25; Rev 1:7-8<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Sovereignty of God We human beings always want to think that we are in charge. We think that by our decisions and actions we can determine what will happen. However, Scripture confronts us with quite a different scenario, pointing again and again to the ultimate sovereignty of God (see, e.g., Deut 4:39; Ps 135:5-7; Isa 46:8-11; Jude 1:24-25). Although human decisions and actions are significant, the will of God is vastly more important (see Jas 4:13-16). God’s sovereign hand is in everyth...","summary_en":"The Sovereignty of God We human beings always want to think that we are in charge. We think that by our decisions and actions we can determine what will happen. However, Scripture confronts us with quite a different scenario, pointing again and again to the ultimate sovereignty of God (see, e.g., Deut 4:39; Ps 135:5-7; Isa 46:8-11; Jude 1:24-25). Although human decisions and actions are significant, the will of God is vastly more important (see Jas 4:13-16). God’s sovereign hand is in everyth...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"5":[{"id":47455,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 20:5","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 20:5","content_ro":"<p><strong>20:5<\/strong> Hezekiah’s commitment to the Lord compared favorably with that of his <em>ancestor David<\/em> (18:3). Just as God had heard David’s prayers (Pss 6:8-9; 28:6-7; 31:22; 40:1-2), he would answer Hezekiah’s plea.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>20:5<\/strong> Hezekiah’s commitment to the Lord compared favorably with that of his <em>ancestor David<\/em> (18:3). Just as God had heard David’s prayers (Pss 6:8-9; 28:6-7; 31:22; 40:1-2), he would answer Hezekiah’s plea.<\/p>","summary_ro":"20:5 Hezekiah’s commitment to the Lord compared favorably with that of his ancestor David (18:3). Just as God had heard David’s prayers (Pss 6:8-9; 28:6-7; 31:22; 40:1-2), he would answer Hezekiah’s plea.","summary_en":"20:5 Hezekiah’s commitment to the Lord compared favorably with that of his ancestor David (18:3). Just as God had heard David’s prayers (Pss 6:8-9; 28:6-7; 31:22; 40:1-2), he would answer Hezekiah’s plea.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":75081,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 20:5","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 20:5","content_ro":"<p><strong>20:5<\/strong> Hezekiah’s commitment to the Lord compared favorably with that of his <em>ancestor David<\/em> (18:3). Just as God had heard David’s prayers (Pss 6:8-9; 28:6-7; 31:22; 40:1-2), he would answer Hezekiah’s plea.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>20:5<\/strong> Hezekiah’s commitment to the Lord compared favorably with that of his <em>ancestor David<\/em> (18:3). Just as God had heard David’s prayers (Pss 6:8-9; 28:6-7; 31:22; 40:1-2), he would answer Hezekiah’s plea.<\/p>","summary_ro":"20:5 Hezekiah’s commitment to the Lord compared favorably with that of his ancestor David (18:3). Just as God had heard David’s prayers (Pss 6:8-9; 28:6-7; 31:22; 40:1-2), he would answer Hezekiah’s plea.","summary_en":"20:5 Hezekiah’s commitment to the Lord compared favorably with that of his ancestor David (18:3). Just as God had heard David’s prayers (Pss 6:8-9; 28:6-7; 31:22; 40:1-2), he would answer Hezekiah’s plea.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":102707,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 20:5","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 20:5","content_ro":"<p><strong>20:5<\/strong> Hezekiah’s commitment to the Lord compared favorably with that of his <em>ancestor David<\/em> (18:3). Just as God had heard David’s prayers (Pss 6:8-9; 28:6-7; 31:22; 40:1-2), he would answer Hezekiah’s plea.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>20:5<\/strong> Hezekiah’s commitment to the Lord compared favorably with that of his <em>ancestor David<\/em> (18:3). Just as God had heard David’s prayers (Pss 6:8-9; 28:6-7; 31:22; 40:1-2), he would answer Hezekiah’s plea.<\/p>","summary_ro":"20:5 Hezekiah’s commitment to the Lord compared favorably with that of his ancestor David (18:3). Just as God had heard David’s prayers (Pss 6:8-9; 28:6-7; 31:22; 40:1-2), he would answer Hezekiah’s plea.","summary_en":"20:5 Hezekiah’s commitment to the Lord compared favorably with that of his ancestor David (18:3). Just as God had heard David’s prayers (Pss 6:8-9; 28:6-7; 31:22; 40:1-2), he would answer Hezekiah’s plea.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":130333,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 20:5","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 20:5","content_ro":"<p><strong>20:5<\/strong> Hezekiah’s commitment to the Lord compared favorably with that of his <em>ancestor David<\/em> (18:3). Just as God had heard David’s prayers (Pss 6:8-9; 28:6-7; 31:22; 40:1-2), he would answer Hezekiah’s plea.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>20:5<\/strong> Hezekiah’s commitment to the Lord compared favorably with that of his <em>ancestor David<\/em> (18:3). Just as God had heard David’s prayers (Pss 6:8-9; 28:6-7; 31:22; 40:1-2), he would answer Hezekiah’s plea.<\/p>","summary_ro":"20:5 Hezekiah’s commitment to the Lord compared favorably with that of his ancestor David (18:3). Just as God had heard David’s prayers (Pss 6:8-9; 28:6-7; 31:22; 40:1-2), he would answer Hezekiah’s plea.","summary_en":"20:5 Hezekiah’s commitment to the Lord compared favorably with that of his ancestor David (18:3). Just as God had heard David’s prayers (Pss 6:8-9; 28:6-7; 31:22; 40:1-2), he would answer Hezekiah’s plea.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"6":[{"id":22021,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Books of First and Second Kings","title_en":"Books of First and Second Kings","content_ro":"<h3>KINGS, Books of First and Second<\/h3>\n<p>Books continuing the history of the covenant people as recorded in Joshua, Judges, and the books of Samuel. The record in Kings begins with the events at the end of David’s reign (1 Kgs 1–2). It continues through the reign of Solomon (chs 3–11); the histories of the divided kingdoms (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17); and the history of the surviving kingdom in the south, through its fall in 586 <span>BC<\/span> and the subsequent kindness shown Jehoiachin by Evil-merodach, king of Babylon, around 561 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 18–25).<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Authorship and Date<\/p>\n<p>• Sources<\/p>\n<p>• Theology and Purpose<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"AuthorshipandDate\">Authorship and Date<\/p>\n<p>Kings was originally regarded as one book in the Hebrew canon; the division into two books of approximately equal length appeared first in the Septuagint and finally entered the Hebrew Bible in the 15th century <span>AD<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>The book itself is anonymous, and information about its author can only be deduced by examining the concerns and perspectives of the work. The Babylonian Talmud (<em>Baba Bathra<\/em> 15a) attributes Kings to Jeremiah. Although this identification could have arisen from the tendency of later Jewish tradition to assign biblical books to prophetic authors, the theory of origin in prophetic circles fits the evidence quite well. Substantial portions are given to the lives of the prophets; 16 of 47 chapters are devoted to the lives of Elijah and Elisha (1 Kgs 17—2 Kgs 10), and there is considerable interest in other prophetic figures such as Ahijah (1 Kgs 11:29-39; 14:1-16), an unnamed man of God (13:1-10), and Micaiah (22:13-28). Possible dependence on Isaiah (2 Kgs 18–20; cf. Is 36–39) and Jeremiah (2 Kgs 24–25; cf. Jer 52) also suggest prophetic origin. The author-compiler also shows intense concern with the efficacy of the prophetic word, frequently calling attention to the fulfillment of words spoken earlier by the prophets.<\/p>\n<p>One might initially think that such a history would be unlikely for a prophet, but the evidence is to the contrary. The prophets were the guardians of the covenant relationship and are known to have produced accounts used as sources by other biblical historians. The following are among such sources: the acts of Samuel the seer, the acts of Nathan the prophet, the acts of Gad the seer (1 Chr 29:29); the acts of Nathan the prophet, the prophecy of Ahijah the Shilonite, the visions of Iddo the seer (2 Chr 9:29); the chronicles of Shemaiah the prophet and of Iddo the seer (12:15); the annotations of the prophet Iddo (13:22); and the acts of Uzziah by Isaiah the prophet (26:22). Add to this the fact that Kings is positioned in the Hebrew canon in the Former Prophets (Joshua to 2 Kings), and a consistent picture of prophetic origin emerges.<\/p>\n<p>The date of the final part of the book must be after the last events recorded. Evil-merodach’s kindness toward Jehoiachin (c. 561 <span>BC<\/span>) is the terminus of the book and therefore fixes the earliest date. Since the work shows no knowledge of the restoration period, a date before 539 <span>BC<\/span> is probable. The author’s selection of his data to answer the burning theological questions of the exilic community also suggests a date between 561 and 539 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Sources\">Sources<\/p>\n<p>The compiler of Kings specifically names three of the sources that he used in his work, and biblical scholars have suggested the presence of a number of other sources that may have been cited. Of course, the sources not mentioned specifically by the compiler are only the speculations of those who have studied his work and can have only varying degrees of probability. The sources both specified and alleged are as follows.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the Acts of Solomon<\/h5>\n<p>As 1 Kings 11:41 says, “The rest of the events in Solomon’s reign, including his wisdom, are recorded in <em>The Book of the Acts of Solomon”<\/em> (<span>nlt<\/span>). Presumably additional materials of a biographical nature were included, specifically accounts similar to the judgment between the two mothers (3:16-28) or the visit of the queen of Sheba (10:1-10). There has been debate as to whether these materials were official court records or nonofficial documents. Some scholars have attempted to isolate further materials within this section by identifying descriptions of the buildings as from temple archives (chs 6–7) and lists of administrators as from administrative documents (chs 4–5), but this must remain speculative.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the History of the Kings of Israel<\/h5>\n<p>This source is mentioned 17 times in Kings, usually in the closing formulas at the end of the account of the reign of a northern king. Some idea of the nature of these chronicles can be derived from looking at the type of information to which the compiler refers his readers (see 1 Kgs 14:19; 16:27; 22:39; 2 Kgs 13:12; 14:28). These passages suggest that this source was the official annals covering the reigns of the kings.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the History of the Kings of Judah<\/h5>\n<p>This source is mentioned in 15 passages, and as with the kings of Israel, is found in the concluding formulas to the accounts of the reigns. This source was to be consulted for additional details on individuals’ reigns (for example, see 1 Kgs 15:23; 22:45; 2 Kgs 20:20; 21:17). These sources for the histories of the two kingdoms were probably similar to the annals known from the surrounding cultures, particularly from the reigns of Assyrian kings. They were likely official court histories kept in Samaria and Jerusalem.<\/p>\n<p>In addition to these explicitly mentioned sources, scholars have suggested the compiler drew on other sources that he does not name.<\/p>\n<h5>Davidic Court History<\/h5>\n<p>Second Samuel 9–20 is often identified as a unit of material in the composition of the books of Samuel; it is variously called “the court history” or “the succession narrative.” Because of similar vocabulary and outlook, 1 Kings 1–2 are often associated with this material from Samuel. The statement of 1 Kings 2:46, “so the kingdom was now firmly in Solomon’s grip,” is taken to be the end of this record.<\/p>\n<h5>Sources for the House of Ahab<\/h5>\n<p>The reigns of individual kings are ordinarily given only brief notices; for example, the father of Ahab, Omri, is given eight verses, even though when judged by political and economic significance, he was among the greatest of the northern kings (1 Kgs 16:21-28). However, beginning with the reign of Ahab, the record becomes quite expansive, and extensive coverage is given the dynasty of Ahab through the coup by Jehu (1 Kgs 16—2 Kgs 12). The use of the stereotyped formulas for the reigns is suspended in this material, and the existence of other literature used by the compiler is probable. This material is commonly subdivided into further sources for the lives of Elijah and Elisha and the reign of Ahab.<\/p>\n<p>The Elijah section covers material in the following chapters: 1 Kings 17–19, including the feeding by the ravens, the incidents with the widow of Zarephath, the drought, the fire on Carmel, and the revelation of God at Sinai; 1 Kings 21, the affair of Naboth’s vineyard; and 2 Kings 1, the death of Ahaziah’s messengers. The reign of Ahab, which gets so much attention in Kings, is primarily a backdrop for the accounts concerning Elijah.<\/p>\n<p>The Elisha material found in 2 Kings 2–13 may have had an independent literary development from that of the Elijah accounts. It includes the following: chapter 2 (Elisha’s succession to the prophetic office, the purification of a spring, the death of mocking children); chapter 3 (on the campaign against Moab); chapter 4 (the widow’s oil, the Shunammite woman); chapter 5 (Naaman’s leprosy); chapter 6 (the Aramean attempt to capture Elisha); chapter 7 (the famine in Samaria); chapter 8 (the Shunammite’s property, the coup of Hazael); chapter 9 (the anointing of Jehu); and chapter 13 (the death of Elisha). No other portion of the OT takes the sheer delight in the miraculous that is seen in the Elisha narratives.<\/p>\n<p>In 1 Kings 16 to 2 Kings 13 there are additional incidents not directly related to the biographies of Elijah and Elisha; accounts such as the military campaigns of 1 Kings 20:1-34 and further details of Jehu’s coup (2 Kgs 9:11–10:36) are often attributed to a third source containing accounts of the dynasty of Ahab and his successors. In all three of these possible sources the orientation is toward affairs in the northern kingdom.<\/p>\n<h5>Isaiah Source<\/h5>\n<p>The account of the reign of Hezekiah contains a section (2 Kgs 18:13–20:19) that is nearly a verbatim citation of material also found in Isaiah (Is 36:1–39:8). The section records the invasion of Sennacherib, the mission of the Rabshakeh, Hezekiah’s prayer, Isaiah’s prophecy, Hezekiah’s illness, the regression of the sun, and the envoys from Merodach-baladan. The material must be regarded as based on the book of Isaiah or some other source used in both Isaiah and Kings.<\/p>\n<h5>A Prophetic Source<\/h5>\n<p>Because Kings shows great interest in the prophets and their ministries, various scholars have suggested that yet another source was used by the compiler; this would be an independent literary unit containing accounts of the prophets. This source would have contained the records for the material on Ahijah (1 Kgs 11:29-39; 14:1-16), unnamed prophets (ch 12; 20:35-43), Micaiah (22:13-28), and other references.<\/p>\n<p>Apart from the sources explicitly mentioned and inferences about their character, the remainder of the sources suggested have only varying degrees of probability. Considerable scholarly effort has gone into identifying and characterizing such sources, but it remains speculative. When considering the sources the compiler may have used, one important caution must be kept in mind. Even if such sources did exist, one cannot have confidence in a reconstruction of the compositional history. Which sources had already been integrated into a larger composition before they were used by the compiler of Kings? We cannot be certain that the life situation out of which these other sources grew has been correctly identified, nor can we know that even the compiler himself was aware of the past history of his sources. Biblical scholarship has expended considerable energy in trying to delineate the past history of the book of Kings, but it has often been at the neglect of the unity of perspective that is the product of the final compiler(s) in whose hands the book received its canonical form.<\/p>\n<p>What is important to understanding the book is not the perspective of its various sources (of which the compiler himself may have been unaware), but the perspective of the book as a whole on the history of the kingdoms. It is the outline that the compiler has imposed on the sources that establishes the teaching of the book; his sources are used in accord with his own purposes, a fact that makes the purposes for which the sources had been prepared largely irrelevant to the teaching of the book in its present form. Exploring possible sources, worthwhile in itself, must not eclipse the message of the book as a whole. This is not to imply that the books of Kings are simply a compilation of unaltered sources. The writer(s) undoubtedly exercised a measure of selectivity and literary skill in composing the historical narrative.<\/p>\n<p>One compositional technique of the compiler is quite prominent in the histories of the divided kingdoms: this is the use of formulaic introductions and conclusions to the various reigns. The formulas for both kingdoms are quite similar, differing only in minor details. For the kings of Judah, the full introductory formula is as follows: (1) year of accession synchronized with the regnal year of the northern king; (2) age of the king at his accession; (3) length of his reign; (4) name of his mother; (5) judgment on the character of the reign. The account of a Judean king’s reign is concluded as follows: (1) a reference to the chronicles of the kings of Judah for further information; (2) a statement regarding the death of the king, including the place of burial; (3) successor: “And his son reigned in his stead” (<span>rsv<\/span>). The full formula for a Judean king can be seen, for example, in the reign of Rehoboam (1 Kgs 14:21-22, 29-31).<\/p>\n<p>The formulas differ slightly for the kings of Israel; the introduction is as follows: (1) year of succession synchronized with the regnal year of the southern king; (2) length of his reign; (3) location of the royal residence; (4) condemnation for idolatry; (5) name of the king’s father. The account of an Israelite king’s reign ends as follows: (1) a reference to the chronicles of the kings of Israel for further information; (2) a statement regarding his death; (3) a statement of the succession of his son, unless a usurper follows. The full formula for an Israelite king can be seen, for example, in the reign of Baasha (1 Kgs 15:33-34; 16:5-6).<\/p>\n<p>There is some variation in the use of these patterns, but on the whole, they are consistently followed and provide the basic framework for the history of the divided kingdom. The synchronisms of the reigns provide data for constructing the chronology of the period. The variations in the formulas may reflect the characteristics of the sources the compiler was using or may reflect his own interests. The name of the mother of a Judean king is recorded, but not of an Israelite king, perhaps reflecting concern with a more exact and fuller record of the Davidic succession. The royal residence is presumed to be Jerusalem for the southern kings (though it may be mentioned) but is recorded for the northern kings since it moved several times, from Shechem to Penuel to Tirzah to Samaria. The mention of the king’s father for a northern ruler also reflects the frequent change in dynasties there, as opposed to the dynastic stability of Judah, which is reinforced by mentioning the burial of almost all its kings in the city of David.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheologyandPurpose\">Theology and Purpose<\/p>\n<p>The books of Kings record the history of the covenant people from the end of the reign of David (961 <span>BC<\/span>) through the fall of the southern kingdom (586 <span>BC<\/span>). Yet it is not history written in accord with modern expectations for history textbooks. Rather than concentrating on economic, political, and military themes as they shaped the history of the period, the compiler of Kings is motivated by theological concerns.<\/p>\n<p>Evaluation of the theology and purpose of the books of Kings is made easier by the fact that there is a parallel history for much of Kings found in the books of Chronicles. By comparing the two accounts, especially where the later Chronicler adds or deletes material found in Kings, the interests of both histories are thrown into clearer relief.<\/p>\n<p>The books of Kings were composed during the exile, likely between 560 and 539 <span>BC<\/span>. Jerusalem had been turned into rubble, and there was no longer a throne of David. Those two pillars of the popular theology—the inviolability of the temple and the throne of David (Jer 7:4; 13:13-14; 22:1-9; see 1 Kgs 8:16, 29)—had tumbled. If Israel’s faith was to survive, the burning questions that had to be answered were “How did it all happen? Can’t God keep his promises to David and to Zion? Have the promises failed?” The writer of Kings aims to deal with the bewilderment of the chosen people in response to the disasters of 722 <span>BC<\/span> (fall of Samaria) and 586 <span>BC<\/span> (fall of Jerusalem). Kings, like the book of Job, is a theodicy, a justification of the ways of God to men.<\/p>\n<p>In order to answer the question “How did it happen?” the compiler adopts the procedure of recounting the history of the covenant people in light of standards propounded in the Law. For this reason Kings could be called Pentateuchal history, or even more pointedly, Deuteronomic history, for standards propounded only in the book of Deuteronomy in the Pentateuch are used by the compiler to measure the kingdoms. Among the prominent themes selected from Deuteronomy and applied to the kingdoms are the centralization of worship, the institution of the monarchy, the efficacy of the prophetic word, and the outworking of the covenant curses on disobedience.<\/p>\n<h5>Centralization of Worship<\/h5>\n<p>The primary concern of the writer is the purity of the worship of the Lord. His major criterion for measuring this purity is the attitude of the kings toward centralization of worship in the Jerusalem temple as opposed to the worship of the Lord elsewhere and the continuation of Canaanite cults mingled with Yahwism at the high places. Centralization of worship at the central shrine is called for in Deuteronomy 12. Perhaps “centralization of worship” is a misnomer, for worship was always centered around the tabernacle in the periods prior to the temple; the change that is envisaged in Deuteronomy is not the centralizing of worship but rather the fact that the shrine would no longer be mobile but stationary. For the kings of the northern kingdom, this criterion becomes virtually a stereotyped formula that “he did that which was evil in the sight of the Lord and walked in the way of Jeroboam son of Nebat, who sinned and made all Israel sin along with him” (see 1 Kgs 14:16; 15:30; 16:31; 2 Kgs 3:3; 10:31; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:22). The compiler of Kings sees the rival altars with the golden calves at Dan and Bethel as the great sin of which the northern kings never repented (1 Kgs 12:25–13:34). Rejecting the primacy of Jerusalem, these altars became the rod with which to measure the northern kings. All the kings of Israel are condemned by this standard (except for Shallum, who reigned but a month, and Hoshea, the last of the northern kings)—even Zimri, the murderer of Elah, who ruled only one week before committing suicide in the flames of his own palace (16:9-20). For the kings of Judah, a different standard is used: what their attitude was to the high places where heterodox worship was allowed to flourish in the environs of Jerusalem. Only Hezekiah and Josiah receive the compiler’s unqualified endorsement for following the ways of David (2 Kgs 18:3; 22:2). Six others are commended for their zeal in suppressing idolatry, though they did not remove the high places (Asa, 1 Kgs 15:9-15; Jehoshaphat, 22:43; Jehoash, 2 Kgs 12:2-3; Amaziah, 14:3-4; Azariah, 15:3-4; Jotham, 15:34-35). The remainder of the Judean kings are condemned for their participation in the high places and their desecration of the temple itself. This one theme is the preeminent motif in the book.<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Monarchy<\/h5>\n<p>A second prominent interest for the compiler was to trace the history of the monarchy. Deuteronomy 17:14-20 provides for the day when Israel would ask for a king and charges that king with the basic religious responsibility for the people. This provision for a king, again a feature found only in Deuteronomy, becomes the basis for the compiler’s intense interest in the history of the monarchy, and particularly the religious fidelity of the kings. David becomes the model of the ideal king, the one by whom the others are measured, the one whose sons “continue long in his kingdom in the midst of Israel” (17:20; see also 1 Kgs 15:11; 2 Kgs 18:3; 22:2 for following in the ways of David, and 1 Kgs 14:8; 15:3-5; 2 Kgs 14:3; 16:2 for the reverse). The compiler wanted to show that God had been faithful to David even though David’s sons were not faithful. While both kingdoms had about the same number of kings, the northern kingdom is marked by repeated dynastic changes and regicide through its 200 years, while the dynasty of David is maintained as a lamp in the south through 350 years (1 Kgs 11:13, 32, 36; 15:4-5; 2 Kgs 8:19; 19:34; 20:6). It is the disaster that had befallen the house of David, and the consequent doubts about the promises of God, that prompted the compiler to write.<\/p>\n<h5>Efficacy of the Prophetic Word<\/h5>\n<p>Another reason why Kings can be called Deuteronomic history is its concern with the efficacy of the prophetic word. There are three passages in the Pentateuch that deal with the institution of the prophetic order: Numbers 12:1-8; Deuteronomy 13:1-5; and Deuteronomy 18:14-22. It is only in Deuteronomy 18 that the test of a true prophet is given: that what he has spoken comes about, that his words are fulfilled. Notice the number of instances where the writer calls attention to the fulfillment of the words of the prophets: 2 Samuel 7:13 in 1 Kings 8:20; 1 Kings 11:29-36 in 12:15; 1 Kings 13:1-3 in 2 Kings 23:16-18; 1 Kings 14:6-12 in 14:17-18 and 15:29; 1 Kings 16:1-4 in 16:7, 11-12; Joshua 6:26 in 1 Kings 16:34; 1 Kings 22:17 in 22:35-38; 1 Kings 21:21-29 in 2 Kings 9:7-10, 30-37 and 10:10-11, 30; 2 Kings 1:6 in 1:17; 2 Kings 21:10-15 in 24:2; 2 Kings 22:15-20 in 23:30. The writer is concerned to show that the words of the prophets were efficacious, powerful words. His concern with the prophetic order is also seen in the material devoted to Elijah and Elisha and to other prophetic figures.<\/p>\n<h5>Fulfillment of the Curses<\/h5>\n<p>Another aspect of the compiler’s interest in Deuteronomy is seen in his concern to trace the fulfillment of the covenant curses on disobedience. God’s covenant with Israel would issue in curses or blessings depending on the obedience of the people; the compiler of Kings sees the curses inflicted on the two kingdoms because of their failure to meet the demands of the covenant. He takes care to show that most of the curses of Deuteronomy 28:15-68 had some historical realization in the life of the people. Moses had warned that disobedience would “bring a nation against you from afar, from the end of the earth, as the eagle swoops down” (Dt 28:49, <span>nasb<\/span>), and the Assyrians came to Samaria and the Babylonians to Jerusalem (28:52). The siege of Samaria lasted from 724 to 722 <span>BC<\/span>, and the siege of Jerusalem from 588 to 586 <span>BC<\/span>. The dire conditions of the siege would drive the people to devouring their own children; women would feed on their afterbirths. It happened to Israel in the siege of Ben-hadad (2 Kgs 6:24-30). Just as the Lord had delighted to prosper and multiply his people, so he would not refrain from destroying them and scattering them among the peoples of the earth (Dt 28:63-67).<\/p>\n<p>In these and other ways the writer of Kings set out to write the history of Israel and Judah to solve a theological dilemma. How was one to reconcile the exile with God’s promises to the nation and David? His answer is twofold: (1) the problem was not with God but with the people’s disobedience—God remains just; (2) the end of the state does not equal the end of the people or the house of David. Here the ending of the book is instructive: Evil-merodach releases Jehoiachin from prison, elevates him above the other kings, and provides his rations (2 Kgs 25:27-30). Even during the exile, though cut down to almost nothing, the house of David still enjoys the favor and blessing of God. God has not abandoned his promises; the people should keep hope.<\/p>\n<p>Other themes in Kings also show the theological motivations underlying the compiler’s selection and arrangement of the data, particularly his use of Deuteronomy as a framework for examining the history of the people. Compare the laws governing the observance of Passover in Exodus 12:1-20 and Deuteronomy 16:1-8: whereas the Passover is centered in the family in Exodus, it is celebrated at the sanctuary in Deuteronomy. The writer of Kings is careful to show that the Passover during the reign of Josiah was celebrated in accordance with the requirements of Deuteronomy (2 Kgs 23:21-23). A passage in Deuteronomy is explicitly cited with reference to Amaziah’s keeping the law (Dt 24:16 in 2 Kgs 14:6).<\/p>\n<h5>Contrast with Chronicles<\/h5>\n<p>The interests of Kings are further highlighted when compared with the parallel accounts in Chronicles. While the writer of Kings worked in the aftermath of the destruction of Jerusalem and had to answer the “how?” and “why?” questions, the Chronicler is part of the restoration community. Here the burning theological questions were not “how?” and “why?” but rather “What continuity do we have with David? Is God still interested in us?” The need is not to account for the exile but rather to relate the postexilic and the preexilic. The building of the second temple and the ordering of worship there show up in increased detail in Chronicles in any matter pertaining to the former temple. Chronicles is a history of Judah and of the Davidic line, reflecting the fact that it alone survives after the exile. Interesting, too, are the things omitted from the account by the Chronicler. Since he is not building a case for an indictment, as was done in Samuel and Kings, he is free to omit references to David’s sin with Bathsheba (2 Sm 11) or to Solomon’s difficulties in gaining the throne (1 Kgs 1–2). Since in his day the northern kingdom had not survived, the Chronicler did not go into detail about the sins of Jeroboam (chs 13–14). Chronicles is interested more in the affairs of the temple and does not show the marked interest in prophetic matters found in Kings, so that the lives of Elijah and Elisha are omitted (1 Kgs 16—2 Kgs 10). Nor does the Chronicler recite the sins that led to the demise of the northern kingdom (2 Kgs 17:1–18:12). In all these examples one can see the interplay of the historical moment and theological concerns of the people and the compilers. Each compiler has selected and arranged the data in accordance with the concerns and needs of the community in which he was a member; comparing the two accounts throws the interests of each into sharp relief.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n\n<p>The books of Kings fall into three parts: (1) the reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 1–11); (2) the history of the divided kingdom (1 Kgs 12–2 Kgs 17); (3) the history of the surviving kingdom in Judah (2 Kgs 18–25).<\/p>\n<h5>The Reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 1–11)<\/h5>\n<p>The record begins with an account of the court intrigue surrounding Solomon’s accession to the throne, set against the backdrop of the abortive coup by Adonijah (ch 1). The dying David charges Solomon to obey the commandments of God (2:1-4) and also to take vengeance on his enemies (vv 5-9). After David’s death Solomon orders the deaths of Adonijah, Joab, and Shimei, and the banishment of Abiathar, the priest who had supported Adonijah in his bid for the throne (vv 13-46). Enemies eliminated, the kingdom was firmly established by Solomon (v 46).<\/p>\n<p>The remainder of Solomon’s reign is divided into two parts: Solomon the good, who follows in the ways of his father, David (chs 3–10); and Solomon the bad, whose heart is led astray (ch 11). While sacrificing at Gibeon, Solomon asks God to give him the gift of wisdom to rule—wisdom promptly demonstrated in the quarrel of two prostitutes about a child (ch 3). An account is given of the administrative organization of the kingdom and the incomparable wisdom of Solomon (ch 4). The compiler of Kings gives extensive coverage to the preparations (ch 5), building (chs 6–7), and dedication (ch 8) of the temple. God appeared to Solomon a second time, reminding him to keep his commandments as David had done (9:1-9). Details are given of the king’s building and commercial activities (vv 10-27). The account of the visit by the queen of Sheba is followed with elaboration of Solomon’s splendor (ch 10). But Solomon did not keep God’s commands; seduced to pagan worship by his foreign wives, he was not fully devoted to the Lord as David had been (11:4), and God determined to take away the northern tribes from the rule of his son (vv 11-13). As punishment from the hand of God, Solomon faced rebellion among conquered peoples (vv 14-25) and within Israel in the person of Jeroboam (vv 26-40).<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Divided Kingdom (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17)<\/h5>\n\n<p>The united monarchy dissolved after the death of Solomon. The northern kingdom (Israel) would exist for about two centuries, would be ruled by 20 kings from nine different dynasties, and would show a history of internal weakness riddled with regicide and usurpation. In contrast, the southern kingdom would last for three and a half centuries and would be ruled by 19 kings of Davidic descent (apart from a short period under the dynastic interloper Athaliah).<\/p>\n<p>There had been a long history of independent action and even warfare between the northern and southern tribes prior to David and Solomon, so it is no surprise that the division would take place along the lines that it did. The immediate cause, however, was the unwise severity with which Rehoboam replied to the representatives of the northern tribes while negotiating for the kingship. Jeroboam, the popular hero of the earlier insurrection against Solomon, became king in the north. He immediately erected the rival sanctuaries at Dan and Bethel (1 Kgs 12); these rival altars became the measure by which the kings of Israel were condemned for following in the sins of Jeroboam.<\/p>\n<p>For two generations there would be warfare between Israel and Judah over the border areas in Benjamin claimed by both sides. Fifty years of sporadic fighting on their mutual frontier, interlaced with invasions from the Arameans in the north or the Egyptians in the south, would consume the reigns of Jeroboam, Nadab, Baasha, Elah, and Zimri in Israel and of Rehoboam, Abijam, and Asa in Judah (1 Kgs 13:1–16:20).<\/p>\n<p>The accession of Omri in Israel introduced a ruling house that would last for a total of four generations and end the dynastic instability of the northern kingdom. Though Kings gives Omri a scant eight verses (1 Kgs 16:21-28), he was among the greatest of the northern kings, forging alliances with the Phoenicians and Judah; for over a century, the Assyrians would call Israel “the house of Omri.”<\/p>\n<p>The reigns of Omri’s successors, Ahab, Ahaziah, and Jehoram, are treated at disproportionate length, taking almost a third of the total book, 16 of 47 chapters (1 Kgs 17—2 Kgs 10). This is due to the fact that the compiler of Kings incorporated extensive coverage of the lives of Elijah and Elisha, weaving a contrast between good and evil by paralleling the dynasty of Omri with these prophets. Ahab and Jezebel were used as foils for the account of Elijah, so that Ahab became a paradigm of the evil king (e.g., 2 Kgs 21:3).<\/p>\n<p>Because of this preoccupation with the dynasty of Omri and the lives of Elijah and Elisha, the equivalent period in Judah is not given as extensive coverage. During this period, the northern kingdom appears to have exercised some hegemony over Judah, as attested by the marriage of an Omride (Athaliah, 2 Kgs 8:18, 26) to Jehoram of Judah and the subservient role of Jehoshaphat to Ahab at the battle of Ramoth-gilead (1 Kgs 22). Judah’s fortunes declined in this period when Edom revolted against Jehoram (2 Kgs 8:20-22), costing Judah control over the port at Ezion-geber and consequent economic losses.<\/p>\n<p>In 842 <span>BC<\/span> Jehu, after being anointed king by a prophet (2 Kgs 9:1-13), led a coup ending the house of Omri and also killing Ahaziah of Judah (vv 14-29). Jehu’s purge also brought the death of Jezebel, Ahab’s family, members of the family of Ahaziah, and the ministers of Baal (9:30–10:36). The consequences were severe politically: the murder of the Phoenician princess Jezebel and the king of Judah cost Israel its allies to the north and south.<\/p>\n<p>Jehu’s dynasty had the longest succession of any in Israel, including Jehoahaz, Jehoash, Jeroboam II, and Zechariah, a period spanning 90 years. Jehu’s murder of Ahaziah of Judah set the stage for the one threat to the continuity of the Davidic dynasty. Queen Athaliah, herself an Omride, seized the throne and attempted a purge of Davidic pretenders. She ruled for six years, until the faithful priest Jehoiada staged a countercoup to place the child Joash on the throne of David (ch 11).<\/p>\n<p>Israel endured a half century of weakness as a result of Jehu’s coup, during which the Arameans had a free hand, reducing the forces of Jehu’s son Jehoahaz to a small army and bodyguard (2 Kgs 13:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>The reemergence of Assyria early in the ninth century <span>BC<\/span> gave relief to Israel and Judah. Assyrian armies conquered the Arameans; with that threat removed, Israel and Judah enjoyed a dramatic resurgence. Jehoash of Israel, grandson of Jehu, reconquered cities lost to the Arameans (2 Kgs 13:25); Elisha died during his reign (v 20). In the south Amaziah reconquered the Edomites (14:7). Amaziah and Jehoash renewed the warfare between the kingdoms, with the north again victorious (vv 8-14).<\/p>\n<p>Under Jeroboam II, Israel enjoyed a period of prosperity when the borders of the kingdom reached the same extent as they had under Solomon (2 Kgs 14:23-28). Uzziah (Azariah), his contemporary in Judah, also fortified Jerusalem and undertook a program of offensive operations extending Judah’s sway to the south (14:21-22; 15:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>Yet this resurgence was but a brilliant sunset in the history of the two kingdoms. After the death of Jeroboam II, the history is one of successive disasters, culminating in the fall of Israel and the subjugation of Judah to the might of Assyria. The next 30 years in Israel would see four dynasties, three represented by only one king, and repeated regicides as the northern kingdom hastened to its demise. A period of civil war and anarchy would see five kings in just over ten years (2 Kgs 15). Heavy tribute was paid to Tiglath-pileser III in both the north and south (15:19-20; 16:7-10). Israel and the Arameans forged a coalition to throw back the Assyrians and sought to press Ahaz of Judah into the fight; Ahaz appealed to Tiglath-pileser III for help. The coalition was destroyed, and Israel and Judah became vassals. Hoshea defected as soon as he felt safe, looking to Egypt for help, but it was suicide for the northern kingdom. Shalmaneser V retaliated, and the political history of the state of Israel came to an end (17:1-23). The area was resettled with other displaced populations (vv 24-41).<\/p>\n<p>Israel had faced the Arameans and survived, only to fall to Assyria. And now, similarly, Judah would outlast Assyria, only to fall to Babylon.<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Surviving Kingdom of Judah (2 Kgs 18–25)<\/h5>\n<p>Ahaz’s appeal for Assyrian aid cost him his liberty, and Judah became a vassal of the Assyrian Empire. Illegitimate worship flourished under his rule (2 Kgs 16:1-19). Ahaz was succeeded by the first of the outstanding reform kings of Judah: Hezekiah. Much of the account of his reign is given to his rebellion against Sennacherib of Assyria: the rebellion, the Assyrian envoys and threats, Isaiah’s assurances of deliverance, and the destruction of the Assyrian armies (18:9–19:37). Hezekiah’s illness was averted after a sign and oracle from Isaiah (20:1-11). As part of what appears to be negotiations toward an anti-Assyrian alliance, Hezekiah also entertained envoys from Babylon, a decision that the prophet announced would be costly (vv 12-21).<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah was followed by Manasseh, who ruled longer than any other king of Judah (a total of 55 years). His reign was marked by great apostasy—apostasy so severe that the compiler of Kings regarded his reign as sufficient reason for the exile that was unavoidable (2 Kgs 21:1-18; cf. 23:26; 24:3-4; Jer 15:1-4). Manasseh was followed by his son Amon, a carbon copy of his father, who ruled only two years before he was deposed by the people (2 Kings 21:19-26).<\/p>\n<p>The second great reform king of Judah, Josiah, followed. In his reign the Book of the Law was found while the temple was being refurbished; he led the people in a renewal of the covenant and suppressed illegitimate worship (2 Kgs 22:1–23:14). The Assyrian Empire was in rapid decline, so Josiah extended his borders to the north, destroying the altar at Bethel and the high places throughout Samaria (23:15-20). A great Passover celebration was convened in Jerusalem, and further measures were taken to rectify worship (vv 21-25). Josiah tried to block Pharaoh Neco’s foray to assist Assyria, and he lost his life at Megiddo (vv 26-30).<\/p>\n<p>Josiah was the only king of Judah to have three of his sons succeed him. At his death the people put Jehoahaz on the throne, but Neco removed him three months later and took him to Egypt in chains (2 Kgs 23:31-33), replacing him with another son of Josiah, Eliakim, whose name was changed to Jehoiakim (vv 34-37). During his reign, Nebuchadnezzar conquered Judah, and Jehoiakim became his vassal. Late in his life Jehoiakim rebelled against Nebuchadnezzar. Jehoiakim died, leaving his son Jehoiachin to face retaliation from Babylon (24:1-10). Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem; when the city fell, Jehoiachin, the queen mother, the army, and the leaders of the land were carried away captive. Nebuchadnezzar put Mattaniah (uncle of Jehoiachin and third son of Josiah) on the throne, changing his name to Zedekiah (vv 11-17). Nine years later Zedekiah, too, would rebel against Babylon. Nebuchadnezzar besieged the city for two years and, when it fell, utterly destroyed it. Zedekiah’s sons were killed before his eyes, and then his own eyes were put out, and he was taken to Babylon (24:18–25:21). Nebuchadnezzar appointed Gedaliah to rule as governor from nearby Mizpah; he was assassinated, and the conspirators fled to Egypt (25:22-26).<\/p>\n<p>The book concludes by showing that God had not forgotten his promise to David, mentioning that in captivity Jehoiachin enjoyed favor from the hand of Evil-merodach, successor of Nebuchadnezzar (2 Kgs 25:27-30).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Chronicles, Books of First and Second.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>KINGS, Books of First and Second<\/h3>\n<p>Books continuing the history of the covenant people as recorded in Joshua, Judges, and the books of Samuel. The record in Kings begins with the events at the end of David’s reign (1 Kgs 1–2). It continues through the reign of Solomon (chs 3–11); the histories of the divided kingdoms (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17); and the history of the surviving kingdom in the south, through its fall in 586 <span>BC<\/span> and the subsequent kindness shown Jehoiachin by Evil-merodach, king of Babylon, around 561 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 18–25).<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Authorship and Date<\/p>\n<p>• Sources<\/p>\n<p>• Theology and Purpose<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"AuthorshipandDate\">Authorship and Date<\/p>\n<p>Kings was originally regarded as one book in the Hebrew canon; the division into two books of approximately equal length appeared first in the Septuagint and finally entered the Hebrew Bible in the 15th century <span>AD<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>The book itself is anonymous, and information about its author can only be deduced by examining the concerns and perspectives of the work. The Babylonian Talmud (<em>Baba Bathra<\/em> 15a) attributes Kings to Jeremiah. Although this identification could have arisen from the tendency of later Jewish tradition to assign biblical books to prophetic authors, the theory of origin in prophetic circles fits the evidence quite well. Substantial portions are given to the lives of the prophets; 16 of 47 chapters are devoted to the lives of Elijah and Elisha (1 Kgs 17—2 Kgs 10), and there is considerable interest in other prophetic figures such as Ahijah (1 Kgs 11:29-39; 14:1-16), an unnamed man of God (13:1-10), and Micaiah (22:13-28). Possible dependence on Isaiah (2 Kgs 18–20; cf. Is 36–39) and Jeremiah (2 Kgs 24–25; cf. Jer 52) also suggest prophetic origin. The author-compiler also shows intense concern with the efficacy of the prophetic word, frequently calling attention to the fulfillment of words spoken earlier by the prophets.<\/p>\n<p>One might initially think that such a history would be unlikely for a prophet, but the evidence is to the contrary. The prophets were the guardians of the covenant relationship and are known to have produced accounts used as sources by other biblical historians. The following are among such sources: the acts of Samuel the seer, the acts of Nathan the prophet, the acts of Gad the seer (1 Chr 29:29); the acts of Nathan the prophet, the prophecy of Ahijah the Shilonite, the visions of Iddo the seer (2 Chr 9:29); the chronicles of Shemaiah the prophet and of Iddo the seer (12:15); the annotations of the prophet Iddo (13:22); and the acts of Uzziah by Isaiah the prophet (26:22). Add to this the fact that Kings is positioned in the Hebrew canon in the Former Prophets (Joshua to 2 Kings), and a consistent picture of prophetic origin emerges.<\/p>\n<p>The date of the final part of the book must be after the last events recorded. Evil-merodach’s kindness toward Jehoiachin (c. 561 <span>BC<\/span>) is the terminus of the book and therefore fixes the earliest date. Since the work shows no knowledge of the restoration period, a date before 539 <span>BC<\/span> is probable. The author’s selection of his data to answer the burning theological questions of the exilic community also suggests a date between 561 and 539 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Sources\">Sources<\/p>\n<p>The compiler of Kings specifically names three of the sources that he used in his work, and biblical scholars have suggested the presence of a number of other sources that may have been cited. Of course, the sources not mentioned specifically by the compiler are only the speculations of those who have studied his work and can have only varying degrees of probability. The sources both specified and alleged are as follows.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the Acts of Solomon<\/h5>\n<p>As 1 Kings 11:41 says, “The rest of the events in Solomon’s reign, including his wisdom, are recorded in <em>The Book of the Acts of Solomon”<\/em> (<span>nlt<\/span>). Presumably additional materials of a biographical nature were included, specifically accounts similar to the judgment between the two mothers (3:16-28) or the visit of the queen of Sheba (10:1-10). There has been debate as to whether these materials were official court records or nonofficial documents. Some scholars have attempted to isolate further materials within this section by identifying descriptions of the buildings as from temple archives (chs 6–7) and lists of administrators as from administrative documents (chs 4–5), but this must remain speculative.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the History of the Kings of Israel<\/h5>\n<p>This source is mentioned 17 times in Kings, usually in the closing formulas at the end of the account of the reign of a northern king. Some idea of the nature of these chronicles can be derived from looking at the type of information to which the compiler refers his readers (see 1 Kgs 14:19; 16:27; 22:39; 2 Kgs 13:12; 14:28). These passages suggest that this source was the official annals covering the reigns of the kings.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the History of the Kings of Judah<\/h5>\n<p>This source is mentioned in 15 passages, and as with the kings of Israel, is found in the concluding formulas to the accounts of the reigns. This source was to be consulted for additional details on individuals’ reigns (for example, see 1 Kgs 15:23; 22:45; 2 Kgs 20:20; 21:17). These sources for the histories of the two kingdoms were probably similar to the annals known from the surrounding cultures, particularly from the reigns of Assyrian kings. They were likely official court histories kept in Samaria and Jerusalem.<\/p>\n<p>In addition to these explicitly mentioned sources, scholars have suggested the compiler drew on other sources that he does not name.<\/p>\n<h5>Davidic Court History<\/h5>\n<p>Second Samuel 9–20 is often identified as a unit of material in the composition of the books of Samuel; it is variously called “the court history” or “the succession narrative.” Because of similar vocabulary and outlook, 1 Kings 1–2 are often associated with this material from Samuel. The statement of 1 Kings 2:46, “so the kingdom was now firmly in Solomon’s grip,” is taken to be the end of this record.<\/p>\n<h5>Sources for the House of Ahab<\/h5>\n<p>The reigns of individual kings are ordinarily given only brief notices; for example, the father of Ahab, Omri, is given eight verses, even though when judged by political and economic significance, he was among the greatest of the northern kings (1 Kgs 16:21-28). However, beginning with the reign of Ahab, the record becomes quite expansive, and extensive coverage is given the dynasty of Ahab through the coup by Jehu (1 Kgs 16—2 Kgs 12). The use of the stereotyped formulas for the reigns is suspended in this material, and the existence of other literature used by the compiler is probable. This material is commonly subdivided into further sources for the lives of Elijah and Elisha and the reign of Ahab.<\/p>\n<p>The Elijah section covers material in the following chapters: 1 Kings 17–19, including the feeding by the ravens, the incidents with the widow of Zarephath, the drought, the fire on Carmel, and the revelation of God at Sinai; 1 Kings 21, the affair of Naboth’s vineyard; and 2 Kings 1, the death of Ahaziah’s messengers. The reign of Ahab, which gets so much attention in Kings, is primarily a backdrop for the accounts concerning Elijah.<\/p>\n<p>The Elisha material found in 2 Kings 2–13 may have had an independent literary development from that of the Elijah accounts. It includes the following: chapter 2 (Elisha’s succession to the prophetic office, the purification of a spring, the death of mocking children); chapter 3 (on the campaign against Moab); chapter 4 (the widow’s oil, the Shunammite woman); chapter 5 (Naaman’s leprosy); chapter 6 (the Aramean attempt to capture Elisha); chapter 7 (the famine in Samaria); chapter 8 (the Shunammite’s property, the coup of Hazael); chapter 9 (the anointing of Jehu); and chapter 13 (the death of Elisha). No other portion of the OT takes the sheer delight in the miraculous that is seen in the Elisha narratives.<\/p>\n<p>In 1 Kings 16 to 2 Kings 13 there are additional incidents not directly related to the biographies of Elijah and Elisha; accounts such as the military campaigns of 1 Kings 20:1-34 and further details of Jehu’s coup (2 Kgs 9:11–10:36) are often attributed to a third source containing accounts of the dynasty of Ahab and his successors. In all three of these possible sources the orientation is toward affairs in the northern kingdom.<\/p>\n<h5>Isaiah Source<\/h5>\n<p>The account of the reign of Hezekiah contains a section (2 Kgs 18:13–20:19) that is nearly a verbatim citation of material also found in Isaiah (Is 36:1–39:8). The section records the invasion of Sennacherib, the mission of the Rabshakeh, Hezekiah’s prayer, Isaiah’s prophecy, Hezekiah’s illness, the regression of the sun, and the envoys from Merodach-baladan. The material must be regarded as based on the book of Isaiah or some other source used in both Isaiah and Kings.<\/p>\n<h5>A Prophetic Source<\/h5>\n<p>Because Kings shows great interest in the prophets and their ministries, various scholars have suggested that yet another source was used by the compiler; this would be an independent literary unit containing accounts of the prophets. This source would have contained the records for the material on Ahijah (1 Kgs 11:29-39; 14:1-16), unnamed prophets (ch 12; 20:35-43), Micaiah (22:13-28), and other references.<\/p>\n<p>Apart from the sources explicitly mentioned and inferences about their character, the remainder of the sources suggested have only varying degrees of probability. Considerable scholarly effort has gone into identifying and characterizing such sources, but it remains speculative. When considering the sources the compiler may have used, one important caution must be kept in mind. Even if such sources did exist, one cannot have confidence in a reconstruction of the compositional history. Which sources had already been integrated into a larger composition before they were used by the compiler of Kings? We cannot be certain that the life situation out of which these other sources grew has been correctly identified, nor can we know that even the compiler himself was aware of the past history of his sources. Biblical scholarship has expended considerable energy in trying to delineate the past history of the book of Kings, but it has often been at the neglect of the unity of perspective that is the product of the final compiler(s) in whose hands the book received its canonical form.<\/p>\n<p>What is important to understanding the book is not the perspective of its various sources (of which the compiler himself may have been unaware), but the perspective of the book as a whole on the history of the kingdoms. It is the outline that the compiler has imposed on the sources that establishes the teaching of the book; his sources are used in accord with his own purposes, a fact that makes the purposes for which the sources had been prepared largely irrelevant to the teaching of the book in its present form. Exploring possible sources, worthwhile in itself, must not eclipse the message of the book as a whole. This is not to imply that the books of Kings are simply a compilation of unaltered sources. The writer(s) undoubtedly exercised a measure of selectivity and literary skill in composing the historical narrative.<\/p>\n<p>One compositional technique of the compiler is quite prominent in the histories of the divided kingdoms: this is the use of formulaic introductions and conclusions to the various reigns. The formulas for both kingdoms are quite similar, differing only in minor details. For the kings of Judah, the full introductory formula is as follows: (1) year of accession synchronized with the regnal year of the northern king; (2) age of the king at his accession; (3) length of his reign; (4) name of his mother; (5) judgment on the character of the reign. The account of a Judean king’s reign is concluded as follows: (1) a reference to the chronicles of the kings of Judah for further information; (2) a statement regarding the death of the king, including the place of burial; (3) successor: “And his son reigned in his stead” (<span>rsv<\/span>). The full formula for a Judean king can be seen, for example, in the reign of Rehoboam (1 Kgs 14:21-22, 29-31).<\/p>\n<p>The formulas differ slightly for the kings of Israel; the introduction is as follows: (1) year of succession synchronized with the regnal year of the southern king; (2) length of his reign; (3) location of the royal residence; (4) condemnation for idolatry; (5) name of the king’s father. The account of an Israelite king’s reign ends as follows: (1) a reference to the chronicles of the kings of Israel for further information; (2) a statement regarding his death; (3) a statement of the succession of his son, unless a usurper follows. The full formula for an Israelite king can be seen, for example, in the reign of Baasha (1 Kgs 15:33-34; 16:5-6).<\/p>\n<p>There is some variation in the use of these patterns, but on the whole, they are consistently followed and provide the basic framework for the history of the divided kingdom. The synchronisms of the reigns provide data for constructing the chronology of the period. The variations in the formulas may reflect the characteristics of the sources the compiler was using or may reflect his own interests. The name of the mother of a Judean king is recorded, but not of an Israelite king, perhaps reflecting concern with a more exact and fuller record of the Davidic succession. The royal residence is presumed to be Jerusalem for the southern kings (though it may be mentioned) but is recorded for the northern kings since it moved several times, from Shechem to Penuel to Tirzah to Samaria. The mention of the king’s father for a northern ruler also reflects the frequent change in dynasties there, as opposed to the dynastic stability of Judah, which is reinforced by mentioning the burial of almost all its kings in the city of David.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheologyandPurpose\">Theology and Purpose<\/p>\n<p>The books of Kings record the history of the covenant people from the end of the reign of David (961 <span>BC<\/span>) through the fall of the southern kingdom (586 <span>BC<\/span>). Yet it is not history written in accord with modern expectations for history textbooks. Rather than concentrating on economic, political, and military themes as they shaped the history of the period, the compiler of Kings is motivated by theological concerns.<\/p>\n<p>Evaluation of the theology and purpose of the books of Kings is made easier by the fact that there is a parallel history for much of Kings found in the books of Chronicles. By comparing the two accounts, especially where the later Chronicler adds or deletes material found in Kings, the interests of both histories are thrown into clearer relief.<\/p>\n<p>The books of Kings were composed during the exile, likely between 560 and 539 <span>BC<\/span>. Jerusalem had been turned into rubble, and there was no longer a throne of David. Those two pillars of the popular theology—the inviolability of the temple and the throne of David (Jer 7:4; 13:13-14; 22:1-9; see 1 Kgs 8:16, 29)—had tumbled. If Israel’s faith was to survive, the burning questions that had to be answered were “How did it all happen? Can’t God keep his promises to David and to Zion? Have the promises failed?” The writer of Kings aims to deal with the bewilderment of the chosen people in response to the disasters of 722 <span>BC<\/span> (fall of Samaria) and 586 <span>BC<\/span> (fall of Jerusalem). Kings, like the book of Job, is a theodicy, a justification of the ways of God to men.<\/p>\n<p>In order to answer the question “How did it happen?” the compiler adopts the procedure of recounting the history of the covenant people in light of standards propounded in the Law. For this reason Kings could be called Pentateuchal history, or even more pointedly, Deuteronomic history, for standards propounded only in the book of Deuteronomy in the Pentateuch are used by the compiler to measure the kingdoms. Among the prominent themes selected from Deuteronomy and applied to the kingdoms are the centralization of worship, the institution of the monarchy, the efficacy of the prophetic word, and the outworking of the covenant curses on disobedience.<\/p>\n<h5>Centralization of Worship<\/h5>\n<p>The primary concern of the writer is the purity of the worship of the Lord. His major criterion for measuring this purity is the attitude of the kings toward centralization of worship in the Jerusalem temple as opposed to the worship of the Lord elsewhere and the continuation of Canaanite cults mingled with Yahwism at the high places. Centralization of worship at the central shrine is called for in Deuteronomy 12. Perhaps “centralization of worship” is a misnomer, for worship was always centered around the tabernacle in the periods prior to the temple; the change that is envisaged in Deuteronomy is not the centralizing of worship but rather the fact that the shrine would no longer be mobile but stationary. For the kings of the northern kingdom, this criterion becomes virtually a stereotyped formula that “he did that which was evil in the sight of the Lord and walked in the way of Jeroboam son of Nebat, who sinned and made all Israel sin along with him” (see 1 Kgs 14:16; 15:30; 16:31; 2 Kgs 3:3; 10:31; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:22). The compiler of Kings sees the rival altars with the golden calves at Dan and Bethel as the great sin of which the northern kings never repented (1 Kgs 12:25–13:34). Rejecting the primacy of Jerusalem, these altars became the rod with which to measure the northern kings. All the kings of Israel are condemned by this standard (except for Shallum, who reigned but a month, and Hoshea, the last of the northern kings)—even Zimri, the murderer of Elah, who ruled only one week before committing suicide in the flames of his own palace (16:9-20). For the kings of Judah, a different standard is used: what their attitude was to the high places where heterodox worship was allowed to flourish in the environs of Jerusalem. Only Hezekiah and Josiah receive the compiler’s unqualified endorsement for following the ways of David (2 Kgs 18:3; 22:2). Six others are commended for their zeal in suppressing idolatry, though they did not remove the high places (Asa, 1 Kgs 15:9-15; Jehoshaphat, 22:43; Jehoash, 2 Kgs 12:2-3; Amaziah, 14:3-4; Azariah, 15:3-4; Jotham, 15:34-35). The remainder of the Judean kings are condemned for their participation in the high places and their desecration of the temple itself. This one theme is the preeminent motif in the book.<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Monarchy<\/h5>\n<p>A second prominent interest for the compiler was to trace the history of the monarchy. Deuteronomy 17:14-20 provides for the day when Israel would ask for a king and charges that king with the basic religious responsibility for the people. This provision for a king, again a feature found only in Deuteronomy, becomes the basis for the compiler’s intense interest in the history of the monarchy, and particularly the religious fidelity of the kings. David becomes the model of the ideal king, the one by whom the others are measured, the one whose sons “continue long in his kingdom in the midst of Israel” (17:20; see also 1 Kgs 15:11; 2 Kgs 18:3; 22:2 for following in the ways of David, and 1 Kgs 14:8; 15:3-5; 2 Kgs 14:3; 16:2 for the reverse). The compiler wanted to show that God had been faithful to David even though David’s sons were not faithful. While both kingdoms had about the same number of kings, the northern kingdom is marked by repeated dynastic changes and regicide through its 200 years, while the dynasty of David is maintained as a lamp in the south through 350 years (1 Kgs 11:13, 32, 36; 15:4-5; 2 Kgs 8:19; 19:34; 20:6). It is the disaster that had befallen the house of David, and the consequent doubts about the promises of God, that prompted the compiler to write.<\/p>\n<h5>Efficacy of the Prophetic Word<\/h5>\n<p>Another reason why Kings can be called Deuteronomic history is its concern with the efficacy of the prophetic word. There are three passages in the Pentateuch that deal with the institution of the prophetic order: Numbers 12:1-8; Deuteronomy 13:1-5; and Deuteronomy 18:14-22. It is only in Deuteronomy 18 that the test of a true prophet is given: that what he has spoken comes about, that his words are fulfilled. Notice the number of instances where the writer calls attention to the fulfillment of the words of the prophets: 2 Samuel 7:13 in 1 Kings 8:20; 1 Kings 11:29-36 in 12:15; 1 Kings 13:1-3 in 2 Kings 23:16-18; 1 Kings 14:6-12 in 14:17-18 and 15:29; 1 Kings 16:1-4 in 16:7, 11-12; Joshua 6:26 in 1 Kings 16:34; 1 Kings 22:17 in 22:35-38; 1 Kings 21:21-29 in 2 Kings 9:7-10, 30-37 and 10:10-11, 30; 2 Kings 1:6 in 1:17; 2 Kings 21:10-15 in 24:2; 2 Kings 22:15-20 in 23:30. The writer is concerned to show that the words of the prophets were efficacious, powerful words. His concern with the prophetic order is also seen in the material devoted to Elijah and Elisha and to other prophetic figures.<\/p>\n<h5>Fulfillment of the Curses<\/h5>\n<p>Another aspect of the compiler’s interest in Deuteronomy is seen in his concern to trace the fulfillment of the covenant curses on disobedience. God’s covenant with Israel would issue in curses or blessings depending on the obedience of the people; the compiler of Kings sees the curses inflicted on the two kingdoms because of their failure to meet the demands of the covenant. He takes care to show that most of the curses of Deuteronomy 28:15-68 had some historical realization in the life of the people. Moses had warned that disobedience would “bring a nation against you from afar, from the end of the earth, as the eagle swoops down” (Dt 28:49, <span>nasb<\/span>), and the Assyrians came to Samaria and the Babylonians to Jerusalem (28:52). The siege of Samaria lasted from 724 to 722 <span>BC<\/span>, and the siege of Jerusalem from 588 to 586 <span>BC<\/span>. The dire conditions of the siege would drive the people to devouring their own children; women would feed on their afterbirths. It happened to Israel in the siege of Ben-hadad (2 Kgs 6:24-30). Just as the Lord had delighted to prosper and multiply his people, so he would not refrain from destroying them and scattering them among the peoples of the earth (Dt 28:63-67).<\/p>\n<p>In these and other ways the writer of Kings set out to write the history of Israel and Judah to solve a theological dilemma. How was one to reconcile the exile with God’s promises to the nation and David? His answer is twofold: (1) the problem was not with God but with the people’s disobedience—God remains just; (2) the end of the state does not equal the end of the people or the house of David. Here the ending of the book is instructive: Evil-merodach releases Jehoiachin from prison, elevates him above the other kings, and provides his rations (2 Kgs 25:27-30). Even during the exile, though cut down to almost nothing, the house of David still enjoys the favor and blessing of God. God has not abandoned his promises; the people should keep hope.<\/p>\n<p>Other themes in Kings also show the theological motivations underlying the compiler’s selection and arrangement of the data, particularly his use of Deuteronomy as a framework for examining the history of the people. Compare the laws governing the observance of Passover in Exodus 12:1-20 and Deuteronomy 16:1-8: whereas the Passover is centered in the family in Exodus, it is celebrated at the sanctuary in Deuteronomy. The writer of Kings is careful to show that the Passover during the reign of Josiah was celebrated in accordance with the requirements of Deuteronomy (2 Kgs 23:21-23). A passage in Deuteronomy is explicitly cited with reference to Amaziah’s keeping the law (Dt 24:16 in 2 Kgs 14:6).<\/p>\n<h5>Contrast with Chronicles<\/h5>\n<p>The interests of Kings are further highlighted when compared with the parallel accounts in Chronicles. While the writer of Kings worked in the aftermath of the destruction of Jerusalem and had to answer the “how?” and “why?” questions, the Chronicler is part of the restoration community. Here the burning theological questions were not “how?” and “why?” but rather “What continuity do we have with David? Is God still interested in us?” The need is not to account for the exile but rather to relate the postexilic and the preexilic. The building of the second temple and the ordering of worship there show up in increased detail in Chronicles in any matter pertaining to the former temple. Chronicles is a history of Judah and of the Davidic line, reflecting the fact that it alone survives after the exile. Interesting, too, are the things omitted from the account by the Chronicler. Since he is not building a case for an indictment, as was done in Samuel and Kings, he is free to omit references to David’s sin with Bathsheba (2 Sm 11) or to Solomon’s difficulties in gaining the throne (1 Kgs 1–2). Since in his day the northern kingdom had not survived, the Chronicler did not go into detail about the sins of Jeroboam (chs 13–14). Chronicles is interested more in the affairs of the temple and does not show the marked interest in prophetic matters found in Kings, so that the lives of Elijah and Elisha are omitted (1 Kgs 16—2 Kgs 10). Nor does the Chronicler recite the sins that led to the demise of the northern kingdom (2 Kgs 17:1–18:12). In all these examples one can see the interplay of the historical moment and theological concerns of the people and the compilers. Each compiler has selected and arranged the data in accordance with the concerns and needs of the community in which he was a member; comparing the two accounts throws the interests of each into sharp relief.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n\n<p>The books of Kings fall into three parts: (1) the reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 1–11); (2) the history of the divided kingdom (1 Kgs 12–2 Kgs 17); (3) the history of the surviving kingdom in Judah (2 Kgs 18–25).<\/p>\n<h5>The Reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 1–11)<\/h5>\n<p>The record begins with an account of the court intrigue surrounding Solomon’s accession to the throne, set against the backdrop of the abortive coup by Adonijah (ch 1). The dying David charges Solomon to obey the commandments of God (2:1-4) and also to take vengeance on his enemies (vv 5-9). After David’s death Solomon orders the deaths of Adonijah, Joab, and Shimei, and the banishment of Abiathar, the priest who had supported Adonijah in his bid for the throne (vv 13-46). Enemies eliminated, the kingdom was firmly established by Solomon (v 46).<\/p>\n<p>The remainder of Solomon’s reign is divided into two parts: Solomon the good, who follows in the ways of his father, David (chs 3–10); and Solomon the bad, whose heart is led astray (ch 11). While sacrificing at Gibeon, Solomon asks God to give him the gift of wisdom to rule—wisdom promptly demonstrated in the quarrel of two prostitutes about a child (ch 3). An account is given of the administrative organization of the kingdom and the incomparable wisdom of Solomon (ch 4). The compiler of Kings gives extensive coverage to the preparations (ch 5), building (chs 6–7), and dedication (ch 8) of the temple. God appeared to Solomon a second time, reminding him to keep his commandments as David had done (9:1-9). Details are given of the king’s building and commercial activities (vv 10-27). The account of the visit by the queen of Sheba is followed with elaboration of Solomon’s splendor (ch 10). But Solomon did not keep God’s commands; seduced to pagan worship by his foreign wives, he was not fully devoted to the Lord as David had been (11:4), and God determined to take away the northern tribes from the rule of his son (vv 11-13). As punishment from the hand of God, Solomon faced rebellion among conquered peoples (vv 14-25) and within Israel in the person of Jeroboam (vv 26-40).<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Divided Kingdom (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17)<\/h5>\n\n<p>The united monarchy dissolved after the death of Solomon. The northern kingdom (Israel) would exist for about two centuries, would be ruled by 20 kings from nine different dynasties, and would show a history of internal weakness riddled with regicide and usurpation. In contrast, the southern kingdom would last for three and a half centuries and would be ruled by 19 kings of Davidic descent (apart from a short period under the dynastic interloper Athaliah).<\/p>\n<p>There had been a long history of independent action and even warfare between the northern and southern tribes prior to David and Solomon, so it is no surprise that the division would take place along the lines that it did. The immediate cause, however, was the unwise severity with which Rehoboam replied to the representatives of the northern tribes while negotiating for the kingship. Jeroboam, the popular hero of the earlier insurrection against Solomon, became king in the north. He immediately erected the rival sanctuaries at Dan and Bethel (1 Kgs 12); these rival altars became the measure by which the kings of Israel were condemned for following in the sins of Jeroboam.<\/p>\n<p>For two generations there would be warfare between Israel and Judah over the border areas in Benjamin claimed by both sides. Fifty years of sporadic fighting on their mutual frontier, interlaced with invasions from the Arameans in the north or the Egyptians in the south, would consume the reigns of Jeroboam, Nadab, Baasha, Elah, and Zimri in Israel and of Rehoboam, Abijam, and Asa in Judah (1 Kgs 13:1–16:20).<\/p>\n<p>The accession of Omri in Israel introduced a ruling house that would last for a total of four generations and end the dynastic instability of the northern kingdom. Though Kings gives Omri a scant eight verses (1 Kgs 16:21-28), he was among the greatest of the northern kings, forging alliances with the Phoenicians and Judah; for over a century, the Assyrians would call Israel “the house of Omri.”<\/p>\n<p>The reigns of Omri’s successors, Ahab, Ahaziah, and Jehoram, are treated at disproportionate length, taking almost a third of the total book, 16 of 47 chapters (1 Kgs 17—2 Kgs 10). This is due to the fact that the compiler of Kings incorporated extensive coverage of the lives of Elijah and Elisha, weaving a contrast between good and evil by paralleling the dynasty of Omri with these prophets. Ahab and Jezebel were used as foils for the account of Elijah, so that Ahab became a paradigm of the evil king (e.g., 2 Kgs 21:3).<\/p>\n<p>Because of this preoccupation with the dynasty of Omri and the lives of Elijah and Elisha, the equivalent period in Judah is not given as extensive coverage. During this period, the northern kingdom appears to have exercised some hegemony over Judah, as attested by the marriage of an Omride (Athaliah, 2 Kgs 8:18, 26) to Jehoram of Judah and the subservient role of Jehoshaphat to Ahab at the battle of Ramoth-gilead (1 Kgs 22). Judah’s fortunes declined in this period when Edom revolted against Jehoram (2 Kgs 8:20-22), costing Judah control over the port at Ezion-geber and consequent economic losses.<\/p>\n<p>In 842 <span>BC<\/span> Jehu, after being anointed king by a prophet (2 Kgs 9:1-13), led a coup ending the house of Omri and also killing Ahaziah of Judah (vv 14-29). Jehu’s purge also brought the death of Jezebel, Ahab’s family, members of the family of Ahaziah, and the ministers of Baal (9:30–10:36). The consequences were severe politically: the murder of the Phoenician princess Jezebel and the king of Judah cost Israel its allies to the north and south.<\/p>\n<p>Jehu’s dynasty had the longest succession of any in Israel, including Jehoahaz, Jehoash, Jeroboam II, and Zechariah, a period spanning 90 years. Jehu’s murder of Ahaziah of Judah set the stage for the one threat to the continuity of the Davidic dynasty. Queen Athaliah, herself an Omride, seized the throne and attempted a purge of Davidic pretenders. She ruled for six years, until the faithful priest Jehoiada staged a countercoup to place the child Joash on the throne of David (ch 11).<\/p>\n<p>Israel endured a half century of weakness as a result of Jehu’s coup, during which the Arameans had a free hand, reducing the forces of Jehu’s son Jehoahaz to a small army and bodyguard (2 Kgs 13:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>The reemergence of Assyria early in the ninth century <span>BC<\/span> gave relief to Israel and Judah. Assyrian armies conquered the Arameans; with that threat removed, Israel and Judah enjoyed a dramatic resurgence. Jehoash of Israel, grandson of Jehu, reconquered cities lost to the Arameans (2 Kgs 13:25); Elisha died during his reign (v 20). In the south Amaziah reconquered the Edomites (14:7). Amaziah and Jehoash renewed the warfare between the kingdoms, with the north again victorious (vv 8-14).<\/p>\n<p>Under Jeroboam II, Israel enjoyed a period of prosperity when the borders of the kingdom reached the same extent as they had under Solomon (2 Kgs 14:23-28). Uzziah (Azariah), his contemporary in Judah, also fortified Jerusalem and undertook a program of offensive operations extending Judah’s sway to the south (14:21-22; 15:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>Yet this resurgence was but a brilliant sunset in the history of the two kingdoms. After the death of Jeroboam II, the history is one of successive disasters, culminating in the fall of Israel and the subjugation of Judah to the might of Assyria. The next 30 years in Israel would see four dynasties, three represented by only one king, and repeated regicides as the northern kingdom hastened to its demise. A period of civil war and anarchy would see five kings in just over ten years (2 Kgs 15). Heavy tribute was paid to Tiglath-pileser III in both the north and south (15:19-20; 16:7-10). Israel and the Arameans forged a coalition to throw back the Assyrians and sought to press Ahaz of Judah into the fight; Ahaz appealed to Tiglath-pileser III for help. The coalition was destroyed, and Israel and Judah became vassals. Hoshea defected as soon as he felt safe, looking to Egypt for help, but it was suicide for the northern kingdom. Shalmaneser V retaliated, and the political history of the state of Israel came to an end (17:1-23). The area was resettled with other displaced populations (vv 24-41).<\/p>\n<p>Israel had faced the Arameans and survived, only to fall to Assyria. And now, similarly, Judah would outlast Assyria, only to fall to Babylon.<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Surviving Kingdom of Judah (2 Kgs 18–25)<\/h5>\n<p>Ahaz’s appeal for Assyrian aid cost him his liberty, and Judah became a vassal of the Assyrian Empire. Illegitimate worship flourished under his rule (2 Kgs 16:1-19). Ahaz was succeeded by the first of the outstanding reform kings of Judah: Hezekiah. Much of the account of his reign is given to his rebellion against Sennacherib of Assyria: the rebellion, the Assyrian envoys and threats, Isaiah’s assurances of deliverance, and the destruction of the Assyrian armies (18:9–19:37). Hezekiah’s illness was averted after a sign and oracle from Isaiah (20:1-11). As part of what appears to be negotiations toward an anti-Assyrian alliance, Hezekiah also entertained envoys from Babylon, a decision that the prophet announced would be costly (vv 12-21).<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah was followed by Manasseh, who ruled longer than any other king of Judah (a total of 55 years). His reign was marked by great apostasy—apostasy so severe that the compiler of Kings regarded his reign as sufficient reason for the exile that was unavoidable (2 Kgs 21:1-18; cf. 23:26; 24:3-4; Jer 15:1-4). Manasseh was followed by his son Amon, a carbon copy of his father, who ruled only two years before he was deposed by the people (2 Kings 21:19-26).<\/p>\n<p>The second great reform king of Judah, Josiah, followed. In his reign the Book of the Law was found while the temple was being refurbished; he led the people in a renewal of the covenant and suppressed illegitimate worship (2 Kgs 22:1–23:14). The Assyrian Empire was in rapid decline, so Josiah extended his borders to the north, destroying the altar at Bethel and the high places throughout Samaria (23:15-20). A great Passover celebration was convened in Jerusalem, and further measures were taken to rectify worship (vv 21-25). Josiah tried to block Pharaoh Neco’s foray to assist Assyria, and he lost his life at Megiddo (vv 26-30).<\/p>\n<p>Josiah was the only king of Judah to have three of his sons succeed him. At his death the people put Jehoahaz on the throne, but Neco removed him three months later and took him to Egypt in chains (2 Kgs 23:31-33), replacing him with another son of Josiah, Eliakim, whose name was changed to Jehoiakim (vv 34-37). During his reign, Nebuchadnezzar conquered Judah, and Jehoiakim became his vassal. Late in his life Jehoiakim rebelled against Nebuchadnezzar. Jehoiakim died, leaving his son Jehoiachin to face retaliation from Babylon (24:1-10). Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem; when the city fell, Jehoiachin, the queen mother, the army, and the leaders of the land were carried away captive. Nebuchadnezzar put Mattaniah (uncle of Jehoiachin and third son of Josiah) on the throne, changing his name to Zedekiah (vv 11-17). Nine years later Zedekiah, too, would rebel against Babylon. Nebuchadnezzar besieged the city for two years and, when it fell, utterly destroyed it. Zedekiah’s sons were killed before his eyes, and then his own eyes were put out, and he was taken to Babylon (24:18–25:21). Nebuchadnezzar appointed Gedaliah to rule as governor from nearby Mizpah; he was assassinated, and the conspirators fled to Egypt (25:22-26).<\/p>\n<p>The book concludes by showing that God had not forgotten his promise to David, mentioning that in captivity Jehoiachin enjoyed favor from the hand of Evil-merodach, successor of Nebuchadnezzar (2 Kgs 25:27-30).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Chronicles, Books of First and Second.<\/p>","summary_ro":"KINGS, Books of First and Second Books continuing the history of the covenant people as recorded in Joshua, Judges, and the books of Samuel. The record in Kings begins with the events at the end of David’s reign (1 Kgs 1–2). It continues through the reign of Solomon (chs 3–11); the histories of the divided kingdoms (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17); and the history of the surviving kingdom in the south, through its fall in 586 BC and the subsequent kindness shown Jehoiachin by Evil-merodach, king of Babylo...","summary_en":"KINGS, Books of First and Second Books continuing the history of the covenant people as recorded in Joshua, Judges, and the books of Samuel. The record in Kings begins with the events at the end of David’s reign (1 Kgs 1–2). It continues through the reign of Solomon (chs 3–11); the histories of the divided kingdoms (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17); and the history of the surviving kingdom in the south, through its fall in 586 BC and the subsequent kindness shown Jehoiachin by Evil-merodach, king of Babylo...","source":"Articles\/K.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":47456,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 20:6","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 20:6","content_ro":"<p><strong>20:6<\/strong> When God added more <em>years<\/em> to Hezekiah’s <em>life<\/em><em>,<\/em> he also promised to <em>defend<\/em> Jerusalem. When Hezekiah reacted to Sennacherib’s later invasion (19:14-19) by seeking counsel from Isaiah (19:2), he was following an established precedent. • <em>for my own honor and for . . . David:<\/em> God reminded Hezekiah of this promise during Sennacherib’s invasion (19:34).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>20:6<\/strong> When God added more <em>years<\/em> to Hezekiah’s <em>life<\/em><em>,<\/em> he also promised to <em>defend<\/em> Jerusalem. When Hezekiah reacted to Sennacherib’s later invasion (19:14-19) by seeking counsel from Isaiah (19:2), he was following an established precedent. • <em>for my own honor and for . . . David:<\/em> God reminded Hezekiah of this promise during Sennacherib’s invasion (19:34).<\/p>","summary_ro":"20:6 When God added more years to Hezekiah’s life, he also promised to defend Jerusalem. When Hezekiah reacted to Sennacherib’s later invasion (19:14-19) by seeking counsel from Isaiah (19:2), he was following an established precedent. • for my own honor and for . . . David: God reminded Hezekiah of this promise during Sennacherib’s invasion (19:34).","summary_en":"20:6 When God added more years to Hezekiah’s life, he also promised to defend Jerusalem. When Hezekiah reacted to Sennacherib’s later invasion (19:14-19) by seeking counsel from Isaiah (19:2), he was following an established precedent. • for my own honor and for . . . David: God reminded Hezekiah of this promise during Sennacherib’s invasion (19:34).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":75082,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 20:6","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 20:6","content_ro":"<p><strong>20:6<\/strong> When God added more <em>years<\/em> to Hezekiah’s <em>life<\/em><em>,<\/em> he also promised to <em>defend<\/em> Jerusalem. When Hezekiah reacted to Sennacherib’s later invasion (19:14-19) by seeking counsel from Isaiah (19:2), he was following an established precedent. • <em>for my own honor and for . . . David:<\/em> God reminded Hezekiah of this promise during Sennacherib’s invasion (19:34).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>20:6<\/strong> When God added more <em>years<\/em> to Hezekiah’s <em>life<\/em><em>,<\/em> he also promised to <em>defend<\/em> Jerusalem. When Hezekiah reacted to Sennacherib’s later invasion (19:14-19) by seeking counsel from Isaiah (19:2), he was following an established precedent. • <em>for my own honor and for . . . David:<\/em> God reminded Hezekiah of this promise during Sennacherib’s invasion (19:34).<\/p>","summary_ro":"20:6 When God added more years to Hezekiah’s life, he also promised to defend Jerusalem. When Hezekiah reacted to Sennacherib’s later invasion (19:14-19) by seeking counsel from Isaiah (19:2), he was following an established precedent. • for my own honor and for . . . David: God reminded Hezekiah of this promise during Sennacherib’s invasion (19:34).","summary_en":"20:6 When God added more years to Hezekiah’s life, he also promised to defend Jerusalem. When Hezekiah reacted to Sennacherib’s later invasion (19:14-19) by seeking counsel from Isaiah (19:2), he was following an established precedent. • for my own honor and for . . . David: God reminded Hezekiah of this promise during Sennacherib’s invasion (19:34).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":102708,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 20:6","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 20:6","content_ro":"<p><strong>20:6<\/strong> When God added more <em>years<\/em> to Hezekiah’s <em>life<\/em><em>,<\/em> he also promised to <em>defend<\/em> Jerusalem. When Hezekiah reacted to Sennacherib’s later invasion (19:14-19) by seeking counsel from Isaiah (19:2), he was following an established precedent. • <em>for my own honor and for . . . David:<\/em> God reminded Hezekiah of this promise during Sennacherib’s invasion (19:34).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>20:6<\/strong> When God added more <em>years<\/em> to Hezekiah’s <em>life<\/em><em>,<\/em> he also promised to <em>defend<\/em> Jerusalem. When Hezekiah reacted to Sennacherib’s later invasion (19:14-19) by seeking counsel from Isaiah (19:2), he was following an established precedent. • <em>for my own honor and for . . . David:<\/em> God reminded Hezekiah of this promise during Sennacherib’s invasion (19:34).<\/p>","summary_ro":"20:6 When God added more years to Hezekiah’s life, he also promised to defend Jerusalem. When Hezekiah reacted to Sennacherib’s later invasion (19:14-19) by seeking counsel from Isaiah (19:2), he was following an established precedent. • for my own honor and for . . . David: God reminded Hezekiah of this promise during Sennacherib’s invasion (19:34).","summary_en":"20:6 When God added more years to Hezekiah’s life, he also promised to defend Jerusalem. When Hezekiah reacted to Sennacherib’s later invasion (19:14-19) by seeking counsel from Isaiah (19:2), he was following an established precedent. • for my own honor and for . . . David: God reminded Hezekiah of this promise during Sennacherib’s invasion (19:34).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":130334,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 20:6","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 20:6","content_ro":"<p><strong>20:6<\/strong> When God added more <em>years<\/em> to Hezekiah’s <em>life<\/em><em>,<\/em> he also promised to <em>defend<\/em> Jerusalem. When Hezekiah reacted to Sennacherib’s later invasion (19:14-19) by seeking counsel from Isaiah (19:2), he was following an established precedent. • <em>for my own honor and for . . . David:<\/em> God reminded Hezekiah of this promise during Sennacherib’s invasion (19:34).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>20:6<\/strong> When God added more <em>years<\/em> to Hezekiah’s <em>life<\/em><em>,<\/em> he also promised to <em>defend<\/em> Jerusalem. When Hezekiah reacted to Sennacherib’s later invasion (19:14-19) by seeking counsel from Isaiah (19:2), he was following an established precedent. • <em>for my own honor and for . . . David:<\/em> God reminded Hezekiah of this promise during Sennacherib’s invasion (19:34).<\/p>","summary_ro":"20:6 When God added more years to Hezekiah’s life, he also promised to defend Jerusalem. When Hezekiah reacted to Sennacherib’s later invasion (19:14-19) by seeking counsel from Isaiah (19:2), he was following an established precedent. • for my own honor and for . . . David: God reminded Hezekiah of this promise during Sennacherib’s invasion (19:34).","summary_en":"20:6 When God added more years to Hezekiah’s life, he also promised to defend Jerusalem. When Hezekiah reacted to Sennacherib’s later invasion (19:14-19) by seeking counsel from Isaiah (19:2), he was following an established precedent. • for my own honor and for . . . David: God reminded Hezekiah of this promise during Sennacherib’s invasion (19:34).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"7":[{"id":12547,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Food and Food Preparation","title_en":"Food and Food Preparation","content_ro":"<h3>FOOD AND FOOD PREPARATION<\/h3>\n<p>Substances required by the body to sustain life, and the methods of making them edible. Food consumed in Bible times included bread, milk products, fruit, meat, and fish. Food was also offered sacrificially or given as gifts. The availability of food was a perpetual concern because of the recurrent scarcity: droughts were frequent (2 Kgs 4:38; Jer 14:1, 4-6; Hg 1:11), hailstorms wrought devastation among crops (Hg 2:17), farming was frequently interrupted by warfare with neighboring nations (2 Kgs 6:25), and intermittent plagues of locusts ravaged large areas.<\/p>\n<p>Food was more plentiful in Palestine (described as a “land flowing with milk and honey”) than in many other parts of the Near East. Shallow cultivation of the soil, however, made crops highly reliant on regular rainfall. Egyptian crops were far less susceptible to weather variations, because the Nile provided a dependable source of water.<\/p>\n<p>Food shortages were considered warnings or punishment from God (Lam 4:9, 11; Am 4:6-9) to teach the Hebrews that life is more than food and that faith must continue despite scarcity, famine, or even death (Dt 8:3; Hb 3:17-18).<\/p>\n<p>The staples of nomadic Hebrews were milk, curds, and cheese. As the people became more stationary, they grew grains and vegetables and planted orchards and vineyards. Grain would sometimes be grown for a season, and then after the harvest, the tribes would move their flocks to other pastures and find other arable land. Religious sacrifices and festivals were times not only of solemnity but also of rejoicing and great feasting. Victories were also celebrated with banquets and feasting on the food obtained from the camp of the vanquished enemy.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Dairy Products<\/p>\n<p>• Grain Crops<\/p>\n<p>• Animal Products<\/p>\n<p>• Insects and Their Food Products<\/p>\n<p>• Vegetables and Seasoning<\/p>\n<p>• Fruits, Nuts, and Wine<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"DairyProducts\">Dairy Products<\/p>\n<p>Milk and its by-products formed a vital part of the Hebrew diet (see Jgs 4:19). Goat’s milk was most frequently used, although milk from camels, cows, and sheep was also available (Gn 32:15; Dt 32:14; Prv 27:27).<\/p>\n<p>Since fresh milk could not be preserved in Palestine’s hot climate, it was processed into buttermilk, curds, and cheese. Milk was poured into goatskins, where it soured and thickened because of the nonsterile condition of the previously used skins and the movement as it was transported. That movement of the pouch (often made from a cow’s stomach, containing the enzyme rennin used in cheese making) produced curds. Curds are first mentioned in the Bible as part of the meal that Abraham provided for his extraordinary guests (Gn 18:8).<\/p>\n<p>The Hebrew word for curds <em>(<\/em><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">chena<\/span><em>)<\/em> is also translated “butter” (Jb 10:10). This butter would be similar in consistency to yogurt from which the water has been squeezed out. When pressed and rolled into small balls, it kept indefinitely, despite the climate. Thus, compressed curds were particularly valuable for journeys in arid regions where food was scarce.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"GrainCrops\">Grain Crops<\/p>\n<p>The most frequently mentioned food in the Bible is bread. The term refers in a general sense to all foods but more particularly to food prepared from grain. In biblical times bread was prepared from several grains. Wheat, barley, and spelt were grown in Egypt (Ex 9:31-32).<\/p>\n<p>An Egyptian physician named Sinuhe, living in the mid-20th century <span>BC<\/span>, recorded that bread was baked daily in Palestine and Syria, and it is probable that it was served with every meal. This bread was probably a wafer or flat cake made from barley or emmer (an inferior form of wheat), since these were the two grain crops that Sinuhe mentioned seeing. Wheat was the most expensive grain. Fine wheat flour was a luxury only the rich could afford (Gn 18:6; Ez 16:13, 19). In later periods wheat became a valuable export crop that was shipped from Tyre to other ports in the Mediterranean.<\/p>\n<p>Because barley could grow in less productive soil and was more tolerant of drought conditions, it became a popular grain crop in the ancient Near East. Barley could also be harvested several weeks earlier than wheat. Barley bread (Jgs 7:13; 2 Kgs 4:42) and barley cakes (Ez 4:12) were eaten by the average laborer. Jesus miraculously multiplied a young boy’s five barley loaves and two fishes and fed five thousand (Jn 6:9-13).<\/p>\n<p>Millet, a cereal with a small grain head growing on a stalk less than two feet (.6 meter) high, and spelt, a type of wheat, were also used in times of need as a border around the edges of fields.<\/p>\n<p>The most primitive way of processing grain was to rub the ears between the hands to separate the kernels, as Jesus and his disciples did (Lk 6:1). To perform this act on the Sabbath (the day of rest) was considered the equivalent of reaping and was therefore forbidden.<\/p>\n<p>Parching (roasting the grain lightly in a pan) was another simple method of preparation (Jos 5:11; 1 Sm 17:17). It formed a quick and easy meal for laborers or kings (Ru 2:14; 1 Sm 25:18; 2 Sm 17:28). Parched corn was ideal for taking on journeys.<\/p>\n<p>Bread making was a strenuous task. Mortars, pestles, and simple mills with upper and lower stones were used for grinding flour in ancient Egypt around 2900 <span>BC<\/span>. These primitive mills were normally placed on the ground, and one was compelled to kneel in order to do the backbreaking work. The resulting meal was coarse and filled with small pieces of husk.<\/p>\n<p>When the flour had been prepared, water was added and the mixture was kneaded in a special trough. The dough could then be made immediately into cakes, pancakes, or unleavened bread (Gn 19:3). These flat cakes or wafers were often baked on previously heated stones, on the inner walls of small conical ovens, or in larger communal ovens. Leaven was added to make a lighter dough. The leaven was normally a piece of dough left over from an earlier mixing and allowed to ferment before being used. The flour meal was also mixed with a porridge made of lentil beans in order to stretch the food supply.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"AnimalProducts\">Animal Products<\/p>\n<p>The introduction of meat as part of the diet seems to have coincided with the time when Noah and his family left the ark (Gn 9:3). After this time, however, the animals normally eaten for food were so valuable that only the wealthy could afford to slaughter them. So in biblical times the peasant had a simple, somewhat monotonous diet, while the rich feasted on meat, delicacies, and imported commodities. As a result, meat was a luxury item that the poor would rarely enjoy except on such occasions as the Passover celebration or sacrifices in which the worshiper ate part of the offering (Ex 12:8). Although it was clearly uneconomic to slaughter an animal that produced such staples as milk, curds, and cheese, the rules of hospitality in the Near East dictated that an animal should be killed to entertain an honored guest (2 Sm 12:2-4).<\/p>\n<p>Domestic sheep, goats, and oxen provided the main source of meat, although venison was popular with the upper classes. When the blind Isaac was deceived by his son Jacob, the father was offered the luxury of both kid’s meat and wild game (Gn 27:3, 9, 19). The ox kept in a stall or the fatted calf were reserved for occasions of great festivity (Mt 22:4).<\/p>\n<p>The use of meat for sacrifice was given definitive form in the provisions of Leviticus and Deuteronomy. The Law forbade anyone to slaughter an animal and its offspring on the same day (Lv 22:28). Another prohibition, perhaps directed at pagan Canaanite sacrificial rituals, would not allow a kid to be stewed or poached in its mother’s milk (Dt 14:21). Mosaic law was emphatic in prohibiting the consumption of blood in any form. Animal blood was considered the source of the animal’s life and was offered by priests as a sacrifice to God to atone for human sin (Lv 17:11). In the Mosaic law, pigs, camels, badgers, and rabbits were considered unclean and were therefore forbidden for food, principally on hygienic grounds (11:4-8).<\/p>\n<p>In the ancient world, meat was usually boiled or stewed. Roasting an ox or a kid would usually occur only as part of a special feast or sacrificial ritual. Animals might also be roasted for members of the royal palace or for a king’s special guests.<\/p>\n<p>Despite the fact that hunting was enjoyed by all who were able to participate, wild game provided only a minor part of the diet. Among the game found in Palestine and mentioned in the Bible are gazelle, roebuck, wild goat, and deer (Dt 14:5; 1 Kgs 4:23). It is probable that pheasants were available, and there were certainly turtledoves, pigeons, quails, and partridges, although the precise quantities of food that these birds provided is not certain (Gn 15:9; Ex 16:13). Goose was the most popular dish in Egypt, and marsh ducks were also highly esteemed as game. After the Persian period, chickens were eaten (2 Esd 1:30), and eggs and omelettes were popular in Rome in early Christian times. The eggs mentioned in Deuteronomy are probably wild birds’ eggs (Dt 22:6-7; cf. Is 10:14).<\/p>\n<p>Thirty varieties of fish were available in the Jordan, and an extensive fishing industry existed on the shores of the Sea of Galilee at the time of Christ. Supplies of fish were readily available from the Mediterranean coast during the Roman period, but at an earlier time the fish supply depended to a large extent upon whichever nation had control of the coastline. In the postexilic period the people of Tyre supplied the city of Jerusalem with fish, which were sold near the Fish Gate (Neh 3:3). In the regulations concerning the types of fish suitable for food, only those that had fins and scales were acceptable (Lv 11:9-12).<\/p>\n<p>In NT times many of the distinctions concerning food were eliminated. In the Gospel of Mark, Jesus, challenging the Pharisees’ hypocrisy, upset the Jewish food laws by saying that evil thoughts, not certain foods, make a person unclean (Mk 7:19). As Christianity spread into gentile areas, there was, however, a continuing concern about eating meat that had been offered to idols. The question came to a head in Corinth. The apostle Paul maintained that though the meat was acceptable, one should take care not to cause spiritual damage to another Christian with a more sensitive conscience.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"InsectsandTheirFoodProducts\">Insects and Their Food Products<\/p>\n<p>Wild honey was found in Palestine, but there is no evidence of bee-keeping. Egyptians, however, did practice beekeeping at that time.<\/p>\n<p>The honeycomb is mentioned specifically in 1 Samuel 14:27 and Song of Songs 5:1; liquid honey is referred to in 1 Kings 14:3. Honey was to be found in crevices of rocks and on trees (Dt 32:13). It was the primary sweetener in cooking. Although it could not be used in a sacrifice to the Lord (Lv 2:11), honey was prized as a delicacy. In the 15th century <span>BC<\/span>, when Thutmose III was campaigning in Syria and Palestine, he brought back vast quantities of honey as tribute from his newly conquered lands.<\/p>\n<p>Locusts were probably first eaten in desperation after they had devastated crops. They are one of the few insects mentioned as a permissible source of food (Lv 11:22). Locusts were fried in flour or honey, or were preserved by being dried. Locusts and wild honey formed John the Baptist’s basic diet in the wilderness (Mt 3:4; Mk 1:6). Although locusts contain little protein, they are rich in fat and have some mineral content.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"VegetablesandSeasoning\">Vegetables and Seasoning<\/p>\n<p>The Hebrew people wandering in the Sinai wilderness bemoaned the loss of the flavorful vegetables they had become accustomed to during their Egyptian captivity. In particular, they expressed a longing for cucumbers, melons (possibly watermelons), leeks, onions, and garlic (Nm 11:5). Many of these vegetables were later grown in Palestine (particularly in the Gaza). When cucumbers were first cultivated, they were regarded as luxury items and had to be protected by guards who lived in shacks overlooking the gardens (Is 1:8). Beans, lentils, and parched grain were among the items brought to David and his soldiers at Mahanaim (2 Sm 17:28). Lentils were known in Egypt from at least the 13th century <span>BC<\/span> and were used extensively both then and in later times by the Israelites. Lentil soup is mentioned in Genesis 25:34.<\/p>\n<p>In times of hunger the husks of the carob tree, normally fed to cattle, could be used for food. These would have been most acceptable to the prodigal son (Lk 15:16). There were many kinds of green herbs that could provide a meal for the poor in time of need (Prv 15:17). In cases of extreme hunger, some kinds of mallow and juniper roots could also be used as food. In Elisha’s time a group of prophets at Gilgal prepared a stew of wild vegetables, to which they mistakenly added poisonous wild gourds. Elisha rectified the situation by adding meal to the pot (2 Kgs 4:38-41). While there is no actual record of the kinds of bitter herbs used as part of the Passover offering (Ex 12:8; Nm 9:11), mint and cummin were most probably included. Dill, cummin, rue, and mint were common garden herbs (Mt 23:23; Lk 11:42).<\/p>\n<p>Seasonings were welcome additives to the rather bland character of typical Israelite fare. Salt came mainly from the Dead Sea area and was essential as a seasoning and preserving agent. Salt was so important in the diet that it became part of the vocabulary of moral obligation. The sharing of salt with a person at a meal sealed a covenant or pact (Nm 18:19). In the Levitical sacrificial ritual, salt was part of meat and cereal offerings, since it signified the sealing of God’s covenant with Israel (Lv 2:13; Ez 43:24).<\/p>\n<p>The mustard tree, which was probably grown for its oil content, grew from a minute seed to the height of 15 feet (4.5 meters) (Mt 13:31-32). Anise, coriander, and cinnamon were also available (Ex 16:31; Nm 11:7). Perhaps the most popular and widely used spice, apart from salt, was garlic. Vinegar was also probably used as a flavoring agent and a preservative. From the number of seeds and plants found in Egyptian tombs from the 18th dynasty, it is obvious that the use of seasoning was widespread in antiquity.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"FruitsNutsandWine\">Fruits, Nuts, and Wine<\/p>\n<p>Olive trees grew abundantly in Palestine and were an excellent source of food and oil. Even in poor soil, one tree could sufficiently supply a family for a whole year. Some green olives were pickled in brine and eaten with bread, but the olive was most important as a source of oil. Olive oil was used in baking bread and cakes and in frying foods. The best quality olive oil was used in the temple sacrifices.<\/p>\n<p>Oil was extracted from olives by a simple process: for the finest quality oil, olives were picked before fully ripe and then crushed by hand with a stone mortar and pestle. Usually, however, pickers beat the olives from trees with long poles and collected them in baskets. The oil was then trodden out, probably in the same vat used for grapes (Mi 6:15), which were harvested approximately four weeks later.<\/p>\n<p>An oil mill was developed subsequently, and the heavy upper grinding stone was turned by two people. As the oil dripped through, it was collected in another stone vat and was allowed to settle and purify. When refined, the oil was stored in skins or jars.<\/p>\n<p>Fig trees grew in all areas of Palestine. They required little attention and provided two or three crops per year. The most abundant of these was the second, which ripened in late summer. The first figs of the season were considered a great delicacy (Is 28:4; Mi 7:1). The prophet Hosea suggested that the Israelites were like the firstfruits of the fig tree (Hos 9:10). Another prophet, Jeremiah, spoke of those who had gone into exile as being like the first figs, while those who were left behind were the bad figs, fit only for destruction (Jer 24:1-10).<\/p>\n<p>Figs were usually eaten fresh from the trees, but some were pressed into cakes to use when traveling (1 Sm 25:18; 30:12; 1 Chr 12:40). Figs were also valuable for medicinal purposes, since effective poultices could be made from them (2 Kgs 20:7; Is 38:21). Sycamore trees produced small, figlike fruit eaten primarily by the poor. A short time before harvest, the fruit was slightly incised, making it swell and ripen more quickly. The prophet Amos notched sycamore fruit before he was called by God (Am 7:14).<\/p>\n<p>Fruit from the date palm could also have been pressed into flat cakes for travelers, as figs were. The Bible, however, makes no specific reference to its fruit as food (see Jgs 4:5; Ps 92:12; Jl 1:12; Jn 12:13).<\/p>\n<p>Another popular Near Eastern fruit was the red pomegranate. It was eaten whole, or the seeds were pressed to provide a refreshing drink. The pomegranate is mentioned in temple ritual as one of the fruits brought back from Canaan to Moses by his spies (Ex 28:33) and as an exotic drink (Sg 8:2). The “apple” mentioned in Scripture (Prv 25:11; Sg 2:5) was most likely a type of apricot or quince, not an apple as we know it today. Nuts were used for additional flavor in cooking. Almonds and pistachio nuts were among the gifts sent by Jacob to ransom his sons (Gn 43:11).<\/p>\n<p>Grapes were popular and plentiful from the early Bronze Age. In addition to being eaten fresh from the vine, grapes were dried as raisins (Nm 6:3; 1 Sm 25:18) or pressed, their juice drunk either as new wine or fermented into an alcoholic drink. One of the duties of the cup-bearer in ancient royal courts was to provide grape juice or wine for the king, his family, and guests (Gn 40:9-13).<\/p>\n<p>The juice of grapes also provided vinegar when wine deteriorated. Vinegar was used as a flavoring agent in cooking and as a preservative. When diluted with water, it supplied a refreshing drink for workers in the fields. A type of jelly was made in the Near East by boiling grapes until they assumed the consistency of molasses. This syrup could also be used as a sweetening agent in cooking.<\/p>\n<p>Wine was the universal drink in antiquity. It could be diluted with water or mixed with spices or honey to make a mulled wine (Sg 8:2; Is 5:22). The Hebrew word for “banquet” or “feast” literally means “drinking,” which reveals much of the character of such occasions. A certain amount of merriment was considered proper at a festival or banquet (Gn 43:34; Jgs 9:13; Lk 5:34).<\/p>\n<p>Wine making was similar in many respects to the production of olive oil. Clusters of grapes were cut from the vine with a sickle, collected in baskets, and taken to the winepress, where they were trodden by men and women. The juice ran into a lower vat, where, under the hot sun, fermentation began almost immediately. The wine was left to settle so that any twigs or skins would form a sediment; after that the wine could be strained off. In about six weeks the wine was ready to drink or store in earthenware jars or wineskins.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Animals; Bread; Family Life and Relations; Leaven; Meals, Significance of; Plants; Unleavened Bread.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>FOOD AND FOOD PREPARATION<\/h3>\n<p>Substances required by the body to sustain life, and the methods of making them edible. Food consumed in Bible times included bread, milk products, fruit, meat, and fish. Food was also offered sacrificially or given as gifts. The availability of food was a perpetual concern because of the recurrent scarcity: droughts were frequent (2 Kgs 4:38; Jer 14:1, 4-6; Hg 1:11), hailstorms wrought devastation among crops (Hg 2:17), farming was frequently interrupted by warfare with neighboring nations (2 Kgs 6:25), and intermittent plagues of locusts ravaged large areas.<\/p>\n<p>Food was more plentiful in Palestine (described as a “land flowing with milk and honey”) than in many other parts of the Near East. Shallow cultivation of the soil, however, made crops highly reliant on regular rainfall. Egyptian crops were far less susceptible to weather variations, because the Nile provided a dependable source of water.<\/p>\n<p>Food shortages were considered warnings or punishment from God (Lam 4:9, 11; Am 4:6-9) to teach the Hebrews that life is more than food and that faith must continue despite scarcity, famine, or even death (Dt 8:3; Hb 3:17-18).<\/p>\n<p>The staples of nomadic Hebrews were milk, curds, and cheese. As the people became more stationary, they grew grains and vegetables and planted orchards and vineyards. Grain would sometimes be grown for a season, and then after the harvest, the tribes would move their flocks to other pastures and find other arable land. Religious sacrifices and festivals were times not only of solemnity but also of rejoicing and great feasting. Victories were also celebrated with banquets and feasting on the food obtained from the camp of the vanquished enemy.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Dairy Products<\/p>\n<p>• Grain Crops<\/p>\n<p>• Animal Products<\/p>\n<p>• Insects and Their Food Products<\/p>\n<p>• Vegetables and Seasoning<\/p>\n<p>• Fruits, Nuts, and Wine<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"DairyProducts\">Dairy Products<\/p>\n<p>Milk and its by-products formed a vital part of the Hebrew diet (see Jgs 4:19). Goat’s milk was most frequently used, although milk from camels, cows, and sheep was also available (Gn 32:15; Dt 32:14; Prv 27:27).<\/p>\n<p>Since fresh milk could not be preserved in Palestine’s hot climate, it was processed into buttermilk, curds, and cheese. Milk was poured into goatskins, where it soured and thickened because of the nonsterile condition of the previously used skins and the movement as it was transported. That movement of the pouch (often made from a cow’s stomach, containing the enzyme rennin used in cheese making) produced curds. Curds are first mentioned in the Bible as part of the meal that Abraham provided for his extraordinary guests (Gn 18:8).<\/p>\n<p>The Hebrew word for curds <em>(<\/em><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">chena<\/span><em>)<\/em> is also translated “butter” (Jb 10:10). This butter would be similar in consistency to yogurt from which the water has been squeezed out. When pressed and rolled into small balls, it kept indefinitely, despite the climate. Thus, compressed curds were particularly valuable for journeys in arid regions where food was scarce.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"GrainCrops\">Grain Crops<\/p>\n<p>The most frequently mentioned food in the Bible is bread. The term refers in a general sense to all foods but more particularly to food prepared from grain. In biblical times bread was prepared from several grains. Wheat, barley, and spelt were grown in Egypt (Ex 9:31-32).<\/p>\n<p>An Egyptian physician named Sinuhe, living in the mid-20th century <span>BC<\/span>, recorded that bread was baked daily in Palestine and Syria, and it is probable that it was served with every meal. This bread was probably a wafer or flat cake made from barley or emmer (an inferior form of wheat), since these were the two grain crops that Sinuhe mentioned seeing. Wheat was the most expensive grain. Fine wheat flour was a luxury only the rich could afford (Gn 18:6; Ez 16:13, 19). In later periods wheat became a valuable export crop that was shipped from Tyre to other ports in the Mediterranean.<\/p>\n<p>Because barley could grow in less productive soil and was more tolerant of drought conditions, it became a popular grain crop in the ancient Near East. Barley could also be harvested several weeks earlier than wheat. Barley bread (Jgs 7:13; 2 Kgs 4:42) and barley cakes (Ez 4:12) were eaten by the average laborer. Jesus miraculously multiplied a young boy’s five barley loaves and two fishes and fed five thousand (Jn 6:9-13).<\/p>\n<p>Millet, a cereal with a small grain head growing on a stalk less than two feet (.6 meter) high, and spelt, a type of wheat, were also used in times of need as a border around the edges of fields.<\/p>\n<p>The most primitive way of processing grain was to rub the ears between the hands to separate the kernels, as Jesus and his disciples did (Lk 6:1). To perform this act on the Sabbath (the day of rest) was considered the equivalent of reaping and was therefore forbidden.<\/p>\n<p>Parching (roasting the grain lightly in a pan) was another simple method of preparation (Jos 5:11; 1 Sm 17:17). It formed a quick and easy meal for laborers or kings (Ru 2:14; 1 Sm 25:18; 2 Sm 17:28). Parched corn was ideal for taking on journeys.<\/p>\n<p>Bread making was a strenuous task. Mortars, pestles, and simple mills with upper and lower stones were used for grinding flour in ancient Egypt around 2900 <span>BC<\/span>. These primitive mills were normally placed on the ground, and one was compelled to kneel in order to do the backbreaking work. The resulting meal was coarse and filled with small pieces of husk.<\/p>\n<p>When the flour had been prepared, water was added and the mixture was kneaded in a special trough. The dough could then be made immediately into cakes, pancakes, or unleavened bread (Gn 19:3). These flat cakes or wafers were often baked on previously heated stones, on the inner walls of small conical ovens, or in larger communal ovens. Leaven was added to make a lighter dough. The leaven was normally a piece of dough left over from an earlier mixing and allowed to ferment before being used. The flour meal was also mixed with a porridge made of lentil beans in order to stretch the food supply.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"AnimalProducts\">Animal Products<\/p>\n<p>The introduction of meat as part of the diet seems to have coincided with the time when Noah and his family left the ark (Gn 9:3). After this time, however, the animals normally eaten for food were so valuable that only the wealthy could afford to slaughter them. So in biblical times the peasant had a simple, somewhat monotonous diet, while the rich feasted on meat, delicacies, and imported commodities. As a result, meat was a luxury item that the poor would rarely enjoy except on such occasions as the Passover celebration or sacrifices in which the worshiper ate part of the offering (Ex 12:8). Although it was clearly uneconomic to slaughter an animal that produced such staples as milk, curds, and cheese, the rules of hospitality in the Near East dictated that an animal should be killed to entertain an honored guest (2 Sm 12:2-4).<\/p>\n<p>Domestic sheep, goats, and oxen provided the main source of meat, although venison was popular with the upper classes. When the blind Isaac was deceived by his son Jacob, the father was offered the luxury of both kid’s meat and wild game (Gn 27:3, 9, 19). The ox kept in a stall or the fatted calf were reserved for occasions of great festivity (Mt 22:4).<\/p>\n<p>The use of meat for sacrifice was given definitive form in the provisions of Leviticus and Deuteronomy. The Law forbade anyone to slaughter an animal and its offspring on the same day (Lv 22:28). Another prohibition, perhaps directed at pagan Canaanite sacrificial rituals, would not allow a kid to be stewed or poached in its mother’s milk (Dt 14:21). Mosaic law was emphatic in prohibiting the consumption of blood in any form. Animal blood was considered the source of the animal’s life and was offered by priests as a sacrifice to God to atone for human sin (Lv 17:11). In the Mosaic law, pigs, camels, badgers, and rabbits were considered unclean and were therefore forbidden for food, principally on hygienic grounds (11:4-8).<\/p>\n<p>In the ancient world, meat was usually boiled or stewed. Roasting an ox or a kid would usually occur only as part of a special feast or sacrificial ritual. Animals might also be roasted for members of the royal palace or for a king’s special guests.<\/p>\n<p>Despite the fact that hunting was enjoyed by all who were able to participate, wild game provided only a minor part of the diet. Among the game found in Palestine and mentioned in the Bible are gazelle, roebuck, wild goat, and deer (Dt 14:5; 1 Kgs 4:23). It is probable that pheasants were available, and there were certainly turtledoves, pigeons, quails, and partridges, although the precise quantities of food that these birds provided is not certain (Gn 15:9; Ex 16:13). Goose was the most popular dish in Egypt, and marsh ducks were also highly esteemed as game. After the Persian period, chickens were eaten (2 Esd 1:30), and eggs and omelettes were popular in Rome in early Christian times. The eggs mentioned in Deuteronomy are probably wild birds’ eggs (Dt 22:6-7; cf. Is 10:14).<\/p>\n<p>Thirty varieties of fish were available in the Jordan, and an extensive fishing industry existed on the shores of the Sea of Galilee at the time of Christ. Supplies of fish were readily available from the Mediterranean coast during the Roman period, but at an earlier time the fish supply depended to a large extent upon whichever nation had control of the coastline. In the postexilic period the people of Tyre supplied the city of Jerusalem with fish, which were sold near the Fish Gate (Neh 3:3). In the regulations concerning the types of fish suitable for food, only those that had fins and scales were acceptable (Lv 11:9-12).<\/p>\n<p>In NT times many of the distinctions concerning food were eliminated. In the Gospel of Mark, Jesus, challenging the Pharisees’ hypocrisy, upset the Jewish food laws by saying that evil thoughts, not certain foods, make a person unclean (Mk 7:19). As Christianity spread into gentile areas, there was, however, a continuing concern about eating meat that had been offered to idols. The question came to a head in Corinth. The apostle Paul maintained that though the meat was acceptable, one should take care not to cause spiritual damage to another Christian with a more sensitive conscience.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"InsectsandTheirFoodProducts\">Insects and Their Food Products<\/p>\n<p>Wild honey was found in Palestine, but there is no evidence of bee-keeping. Egyptians, however, did practice beekeeping at that time.<\/p>\n<p>The honeycomb is mentioned specifically in 1 Samuel 14:27 and Song of Songs 5:1; liquid honey is referred to in 1 Kings 14:3. Honey was to be found in crevices of rocks and on trees (Dt 32:13). It was the primary sweetener in cooking. Although it could not be used in a sacrifice to the Lord (Lv 2:11), honey was prized as a delicacy. In the 15th century <span>BC<\/span>, when Thutmose III was campaigning in Syria and Palestine, he brought back vast quantities of honey as tribute from his newly conquered lands.<\/p>\n<p>Locusts were probably first eaten in desperation after they had devastated crops. They are one of the few insects mentioned as a permissible source of food (Lv 11:22). Locusts were fried in flour or honey, or were preserved by being dried. Locusts and wild honey formed John the Baptist’s basic diet in the wilderness (Mt 3:4; Mk 1:6). Although locusts contain little protein, they are rich in fat and have some mineral content.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"VegetablesandSeasoning\">Vegetables and Seasoning<\/p>\n<p>The Hebrew people wandering in the Sinai wilderness bemoaned the loss of the flavorful vegetables they had become accustomed to during their Egyptian captivity. In particular, they expressed a longing for cucumbers, melons (possibly watermelons), leeks, onions, and garlic (Nm 11:5). Many of these vegetables were later grown in Palestine (particularly in the Gaza). When cucumbers were first cultivated, they were regarded as luxury items and had to be protected by guards who lived in shacks overlooking the gardens (Is 1:8). Beans, lentils, and parched grain were among the items brought to David and his soldiers at Mahanaim (2 Sm 17:28). Lentils were known in Egypt from at least the 13th century <span>BC<\/span> and were used extensively both then and in later times by the Israelites. Lentil soup is mentioned in Genesis 25:34.<\/p>\n<p>In times of hunger the husks of the carob tree, normally fed to cattle, could be used for food. These would have been most acceptable to the prodigal son (Lk 15:16). There were many kinds of green herbs that could provide a meal for the poor in time of need (Prv 15:17). In cases of extreme hunger, some kinds of mallow and juniper roots could also be used as food. In Elisha’s time a group of prophets at Gilgal prepared a stew of wild vegetables, to which they mistakenly added poisonous wild gourds. Elisha rectified the situation by adding meal to the pot (2 Kgs 4:38-41). While there is no actual record of the kinds of bitter herbs used as part of the Passover offering (Ex 12:8; Nm 9:11), mint and cummin were most probably included. Dill, cummin, rue, and mint were common garden herbs (Mt 23:23; Lk 11:42).<\/p>\n<p>Seasonings were welcome additives to the rather bland character of typical Israelite fare. Salt came mainly from the Dead Sea area and was essential as a seasoning and preserving agent. Salt was so important in the diet that it became part of the vocabulary of moral obligation. The sharing of salt with a person at a meal sealed a covenant or pact (Nm 18:19). In the Levitical sacrificial ritual, salt was part of meat and cereal offerings, since it signified the sealing of God’s covenant with Israel (Lv 2:13; Ez 43:24).<\/p>\n<p>The mustard tree, which was probably grown for its oil content, grew from a minute seed to the height of 15 feet (4.5 meters) (Mt 13:31-32). Anise, coriander, and cinnamon were also available (Ex 16:31; Nm 11:7). Perhaps the most popular and widely used spice, apart from salt, was garlic. Vinegar was also probably used as a flavoring agent and a preservative. From the number of seeds and plants found in Egyptian tombs from the 18th dynasty, it is obvious that the use of seasoning was widespread in antiquity.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"FruitsNutsandWine\">Fruits, Nuts, and Wine<\/p>\n<p>Olive trees grew abundantly in Palestine and were an excellent source of food and oil. Even in poor soil, one tree could sufficiently supply a family for a whole year. Some green olives were pickled in brine and eaten with bread, but the olive was most important as a source of oil. Olive oil was used in baking bread and cakes and in frying foods. The best quality olive oil was used in the temple sacrifices.<\/p>\n<p>Oil was extracted from olives by a simple process: for the finest quality oil, olives were picked before fully ripe and then crushed by hand with a stone mortar and pestle. Usually, however, pickers beat the olives from trees with long poles and collected them in baskets. The oil was then trodden out, probably in the same vat used for grapes (Mi 6:15), which were harvested approximately four weeks later.<\/p>\n<p>An oil mill was developed subsequently, and the heavy upper grinding stone was turned by two people. As the oil dripped through, it was collected in another stone vat and was allowed to settle and purify. When refined, the oil was stored in skins or jars.<\/p>\n<p>Fig trees grew in all areas of Palestine. They required little attention and provided two or three crops per year. The most abundant of these was the second, which ripened in late summer. The first figs of the season were considered a great delicacy (Is 28:4; Mi 7:1). The prophet Hosea suggested that the Israelites were like the firstfruits of the fig tree (Hos 9:10). Another prophet, Jeremiah, spoke of those who had gone into exile as being like the first figs, while those who were left behind were the bad figs, fit only for destruction (Jer 24:1-10).<\/p>\n<p>Figs were usually eaten fresh from the trees, but some were pressed into cakes to use when traveling (1 Sm 25:18; 30:12; 1 Chr 12:40). Figs were also valuable for medicinal purposes, since effective poultices could be made from them (2 Kgs 20:7; Is 38:21). Sycamore trees produced small, figlike fruit eaten primarily by the poor. A short time before harvest, the fruit was slightly incised, making it swell and ripen more quickly. The prophet Amos notched sycamore fruit before he was called by God (Am 7:14).<\/p>\n<p>Fruit from the date palm could also have been pressed into flat cakes for travelers, as figs were. The Bible, however, makes no specific reference to its fruit as food (see Jgs 4:5; Ps 92:12; Jl 1:12; Jn 12:13).<\/p>\n<p>Another popular Near Eastern fruit was the red pomegranate. It was eaten whole, or the seeds were pressed to provide a refreshing drink. The pomegranate is mentioned in temple ritual as one of the fruits brought back from Canaan to Moses by his spies (Ex 28:33) and as an exotic drink (Sg 8:2). The “apple” mentioned in Scripture (Prv 25:11; Sg 2:5) was most likely a type of apricot or quince, not an apple as we know it today. Nuts were used for additional flavor in cooking. Almonds and pistachio nuts were among the gifts sent by Jacob to ransom his sons (Gn 43:11).<\/p>\n<p>Grapes were popular and plentiful from the early Bronze Age. In addition to being eaten fresh from the vine, grapes were dried as raisins (Nm 6:3; 1 Sm 25:18) or pressed, their juice drunk either as new wine or fermented into an alcoholic drink. One of the duties of the cup-bearer in ancient royal courts was to provide grape juice or wine for the king, his family, and guests (Gn 40:9-13).<\/p>\n<p>The juice of grapes also provided vinegar when wine deteriorated. Vinegar was used as a flavoring agent in cooking and as a preservative. When diluted with water, it supplied a refreshing drink for workers in the fields. A type of jelly was made in the Near East by boiling grapes until they assumed the consistency of molasses. This syrup could also be used as a sweetening agent in cooking.<\/p>\n<p>Wine was the universal drink in antiquity. It could be diluted with water or mixed with spices or honey to make a mulled wine (Sg 8:2; Is 5:22). The Hebrew word for “banquet” or “feast” literally means “drinking,” which reveals much of the character of such occasions. A certain amount of merriment was considered proper at a festival or banquet (Gn 43:34; Jgs 9:13; Lk 5:34).<\/p>\n<p>Wine making was similar in many respects to the production of olive oil. Clusters of grapes were cut from the vine with a sickle, collected in baskets, and taken to the winepress, where they were trodden by men and women. The juice ran into a lower vat, where, under the hot sun, fermentation began almost immediately. The wine was left to settle so that any twigs or skins would form a sediment; after that the wine could be strained off. In about six weeks the wine was ready to drink or store in earthenware jars or wineskins.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Animals; Bread; Family Life and Relations; Leaven; Meals, Significance of; Plants; Unleavened Bread.<\/p>","summary_ro":"FOOD AND FOOD PREPARATION Substances required by the body to sustain life, and the methods of making them edible. Food consumed in Bible times included bread, milk products, fruit, meat, and fish. Food was also offered sacrificially or given as gifts. The availability of food was a perpetual concern because of the recurrent scarcity: droughts were frequent (2 Kgs 4:38; Jer 14:1, 4-6; Hg 1:11), hailstorms wrought devastation among crops (Hg 2:17), farming was frequently interrupted by warfare ...","summary_en":"FOOD AND FOOD PREPARATION Substances required by the body to sustain life, and the methods of making them edible. Food consumed in Bible times included bread, milk products, fruit, meat, and fish. Food was also offered sacrificially or given as gifts. The availability of food was a perpetual concern because of the recurrent scarcity: droughts were frequent (2 Kgs 4:38; Jer 14:1, 4-6; Hg 1:11), hailstorms wrought devastation among crops (Hg 2:17), farming was frequently interrupted by warfare ...","source":"Articles\/F.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":24974,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Medicine and Medical Practice","title_en":"Medicine and Medical Practice","content_ro":"<h3>MEDICINE AND MEDICAL PRACTICE<\/h3>\n<p>The field of knowledge dealing with the diagnosis, treatment, and prevention of diseases, as well as the actual substances used to diagnose, treat, or prevent disease.<\/p>\n<p>Medicine as a branch of knowledge received little attention from the Hebrew people of OT times, in contrast to the surrounding cultures found in Mesopotamia and Egypt, where medical knowledge had a prominent place. Extant in the library of Assyrian king Ashurbanipal are 800 tablets relating to medicine. From these writings it can be seen that medicine at that time was a mixture of religion, divination, and demonology. Their pharmacopeia was extensive and included agents such as dog dung and human urine. Surgical operations were performed by some physicians. An unusual method of diagnosis practiced in Babylon was to inspect the liver of a freshly killed animal and compare it with a clay model of a liver from a normal animal. Differences between the two were used to diagnose the condition of the patient. An interesting example of this, and divination, is found in Ezekiel 21:21.<\/p>\n<p>The art of medicine was more advanced in Egypt than in Mesopotamia, depending more upon logic and observation. The Edwin-Smith papyrus is the oldest surgical treatise known. It discusses a variety of fractures, dislocations, wounds, tumors, and ulcers. Adhesive plaster, surgical stitching, and cauterization were used in treatment. The heart was recognized as the center of the circulatory system, and the pulse was observed. The Ebers papyrus deals with problems of internal medicine and their treatment. Enemas were a popular form of therapy, and their <em>materia medica<\/em> contained an assortment of remedies ranging from castor oil to animal fat to hot sand. Other papyri deal with gynecological problems and contain formularies and many magical incantations. Mummification was a highly developed art; Joseph had his father Jacob embalmed (Gn 50:2).<\/p>\n<p>The outlook of the Hebrew people in OT times toward disease was entirely different from that of their heathen neighbors. They did not believe in the heathen superstitions or gods and, consequently, did not develop a medical knowledge similar to the Egyptians and Babylonians. Instead, the Hebrews regarded sickness as a judgment from God (Ex 15:26; Dt 28:22, 35, 60-61; Jn 9:2) and recovery also was attributed to God (Ex 15:26; Ps 103:3). In accordance with this philosophy, King Asa’s reliance on physicians instead of on God is referred to in a reproachful way in 2 Chronicles 16:12. Therefore, while medical treatment was available in Israel, its use and development was less advanced than in neighboring lands.<\/p>\n<p>The most significant contribution the Hebrews gave to medicine was in the hygienic measures outlined in the Law, particularly Leviticus 11–15. While these had primarily a religious significance, they undoubtedly improved the general level of health and physical well-being of the people. The Hebrew priest was not the counterpart of the physician-priest found in other cultures. Although the Hebrew priest was expected to determine what physical conditions rendered a person ceremonially unclean, there is no intimation in Scripture that he treated diseases.<\/p>\n<p>The only surgical operation mentioned in Scripture is circumcision. This was performed by the Hebrews for religious rather than medical purposes, and it was not done by a physician but by the head of the house or someone else (Ex 4:25). In Ezekiel 30:21 reference is made to treating a fracture of the arm by immobilizing and splinting it with a roller bandage.<\/p>\n<p>Obstetrical care was given by women who were experienced midwives (Gn 35:17). In Genesis 38:27-30 there is an account of the birth of twins complicated by a transverse presentation. This is a difficult problem for even the most skilled obstetrician, and the fact that the mother and both babies survived speaks highly for the skill of this midwife. In Exodus 1:15-21 the use of birth stools for delivery is mentioned. This was a device to hold the laboring woman in a position favorable for delivering the baby.<\/p>\n<p>In NT times, Greek medicine had a dominant influence in the Mediterranean world. Although the practice of medicine was still in a primitive state, Hippocrates and other Greek physicians of his day laid the basis for modern medicine by rejecting magical explanations of diseases and through careful observation attempted to give a rational basis for medical treatment. From Mark 5:26 it is known that physicians were available in Israel. Indeed, the rabbis ordained that every town must have at least one physician, and some rabbis themselves practiced medicine.<\/p>\n<p>Specific medical remedies are occasionally mentioned in the Bible. Mandrakes were used as an aphrodisiac (Gn 30:14; Sg 7:13). When Job was afflicted with generalized boils, he removed the devitalized skin with a piece of pottery and sat in ashes (Jb 2:7-8). The ashes would have a drying effect on the draining sores, giving this treatment a rational basis for its use. Jeremiah refers in a rhetorical way to the balm in Gilead, indicating its medicinal use (Jer 8:22; 46:11). The exact nature or use of this balm is not known. When Hezekiah was mortally ill, he was instructed by Isaiah to put a lump of figs on the boil (2 Kgs 20:7). This probably should not be considered a treatment, however, any more than the dipping seven times in the Jordan by Naaman or the application of mud to the eyes of the blind by the Lord. The therapeutic effect of merriment on the mind found in Proverbs 17:22 is in accord with modern mental health beliefs.<\/p>\n<p>Medicinal use of wine is recorded several times in Scripture. Its mood-changing ability is alluded to in Proverbs 31:6, and apparently the sour wine offered to the Lord on the cross was intended to ameliorate his suffering through its analgesic property (Jn 19:29). Paul suggests to Timothy that he use a little wine for his stomach and other infirmities (1 Tm 5:23). It is significant that Paul said “a little” because pharmacologists today agree that wine in moderate amounts aids digestion and helps blood circulation; however, excessive amounts are deleterious to the health in numerous ways. The good Samaritan used oil and wine to treat the wounds of the injured man (Lk 10:34). Because of its alcoholic content, the wine would have an antiseptic action, but at the same time it would tend to coagulate the surface of the raw wound and permit bacteria to thrive under the coagulum. The oil, by its emollient effect, would tend to nullify this latter undesirable side effect of wine and would also be soothing due to its coating action. A dressing was then applied, and the patient was taken to a resting place.<\/p>\n<p>In Revelation 3:18 the Laodicean church is admonished to use eye salve. Since Laodicea was famous for a powder used for weak and ailing eyes, this illustration is uniquely appropriate to use in warning this church concerning its lack of spiritual vision.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Disease; Physician; Plague.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>MEDICINE AND MEDICAL PRACTICE<\/h3>\n<p>The field of knowledge dealing with the diagnosis, treatment, and prevention of diseases, as well as the actual substances used to diagnose, treat, or prevent disease.<\/p>\n<p>Medicine as a branch of knowledge received little attention from the Hebrew people of OT times, in contrast to the surrounding cultures found in Mesopotamia and Egypt, where medical knowledge had a prominent place. Extant in the library of Assyrian king Ashurbanipal are 800 tablets relating to medicine. From these writings it can be seen that medicine at that time was a mixture of religion, divination, and demonology. Their pharmacopeia was extensive and included agents such as dog dung and human urine. Surgical operations were performed by some physicians. An unusual method of diagnosis practiced in Babylon was to inspect the liver of a freshly killed animal and compare it with a clay model of a liver from a normal animal. Differences between the two were used to diagnose the condition of the patient. An interesting example of this, and divination, is found in Ezekiel 21:21.<\/p>\n<p>The art of medicine was more advanced in Egypt than in Mesopotamia, depending more upon logic and observation. The Edwin-Smith papyrus is the oldest surgical treatise known. It discusses a variety of fractures, dislocations, wounds, tumors, and ulcers. Adhesive plaster, surgical stitching, and cauterization were used in treatment. The heart was recognized as the center of the circulatory system, and the pulse was observed. The Ebers papyrus deals with problems of internal medicine and their treatment. Enemas were a popular form of therapy, and their <em>materia medica<\/em> contained an assortment of remedies ranging from castor oil to animal fat to hot sand. Other papyri deal with gynecological problems and contain formularies and many magical incantations. Mummification was a highly developed art; Joseph had his father Jacob embalmed (Gn 50:2).<\/p>\n<p>The outlook of the Hebrew people in OT times toward disease was entirely different from that of their heathen neighbors. They did not believe in the heathen superstitions or gods and, consequently, did not develop a medical knowledge similar to the Egyptians and Babylonians. Instead, the Hebrews regarded sickness as a judgment from God (Ex 15:26; Dt 28:22, 35, 60-61; Jn 9:2) and recovery also was attributed to God (Ex 15:26; Ps 103:3). In accordance with this philosophy, King Asa’s reliance on physicians instead of on God is referred to in a reproachful way in 2 Chronicles 16:12. Therefore, while medical treatment was available in Israel, its use and development was less advanced than in neighboring lands.<\/p>\n<p>The most significant contribution the Hebrews gave to medicine was in the hygienic measures outlined in the Law, particularly Leviticus 11–15. While these had primarily a religious significance, they undoubtedly improved the general level of health and physical well-being of the people. The Hebrew priest was not the counterpart of the physician-priest found in other cultures. Although the Hebrew priest was expected to determine what physical conditions rendered a person ceremonially unclean, there is no intimation in Scripture that he treated diseases.<\/p>\n<p>The only surgical operation mentioned in Scripture is circumcision. This was performed by the Hebrews for religious rather than medical purposes, and it was not done by a physician but by the head of the house or someone else (Ex 4:25). In Ezekiel 30:21 reference is made to treating a fracture of the arm by immobilizing and splinting it with a roller bandage.<\/p>\n<p>Obstetrical care was given by women who were experienced midwives (Gn 35:17). In Genesis 38:27-30 there is an account of the birth of twins complicated by a transverse presentation. This is a difficult problem for even the most skilled obstetrician, and the fact that the mother and both babies survived speaks highly for the skill of this midwife. In Exodus 1:15-21 the use of birth stools for delivery is mentioned. This was a device to hold the laboring woman in a position favorable for delivering the baby.<\/p>\n<p>In NT times, Greek medicine had a dominant influence in the Mediterranean world. Although the practice of medicine was still in a primitive state, Hippocrates and other Greek physicians of his day laid the basis for modern medicine by rejecting magical explanations of diseases and through careful observation attempted to give a rational basis for medical treatment. From Mark 5:26 it is known that physicians were available in Israel. Indeed, the rabbis ordained that every town must have at least one physician, and some rabbis themselves practiced medicine.<\/p>\n<p>Specific medical remedies are occasionally mentioned in the Bible. Mandrakes were used as an aphrodisiac (Gn 30:14; Sg 7:13). When Job was afflicted with generalized boils, he removed the devitalized skin with a piece of pottery and sat in ashes (Jb 2:7-8). The ashes would have a drying effect on the draining sores, giving this treatment a rational basis for its use. Jeremiah refers in a rhetorical way to the balm in Gilead, indicating its medicinal use (Jer 8:22; 46:11). The exact nature or use of this balm is not known. When Hezekiah was mortally ill, he was instructed by Isaiah to put a lump of figs on the boil (2 Kgs 20:7). This probably should not be considered a treatment, however, any more than the dipping seven times in the Jordan by Naaman or the application of mud to the eyes of the blind by the Lord. The therapeutic effect of merriment on the mind found in Proverbs 17:22 is in accord with modern mental health beliefs.<\/p>\n<p>Medicinal use of wine is recorded several times in Scripture. Its mood-changing ability is alluded to in Proverbs 31:6, and apparently the sour wine offered to the Lord on the cross was intended to ameliorate his suffering through its analgesic property (Jn 19:29). Paul suggests to Timothy that he use a little wine for his stomach and other infirmities (1 Tm 5:23). It is significant that Paul said “a little” because pharmacologists today agree that wine in moderate amounts aids digestion and helps blood circulation; however, excessive amounts are deleterious to the health in numerous ways. The good Samaritan used oil and wine to treat the wounds of the injured man (Lk 10:34). Because of its alcoholic content, the wine would have an antiseptic action, but at the same time it would tend to coagulate the surface of the raw wound and permit bacteria to thrive under the coagulum. The oil, by its emollient effect, would tend to nullify this latter undesirable side effect of wine and would also be soothing due to its coating action. A dressing was then applied, and the patient was taken to a resting place.<\/p>\n<p>In Revelation 3:18 the Laodicean church is admonished to use eye salve. Since Laodicea was famous for a powder used for weak and ailing eyes, this illustration is uniquely appropriate to use in warning this church concerning its lack of spiritual vision.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Disease; Physician; Plague.<\/p>","summary_ro":"MEDICINE AND MEDICAL PRACTICE The field of knowledge dealing with the diagnosis, treatment, and prevention of diseases, as well as the actual substances used to diagnose, treat, or prevent disease. Medicine as a branch of knowledge received little attention from the Hebrew people of OT times, in contrast to the surrounding cultures found in Mesopotamia and Egypt, where medical knowledge had a prominent place. Extant in the library of Assyrian king Ashurbanipal are 800 tablets relating to medi...","summary_en":"MEDICINE AND MEDICAL PRACTICE The field of knowledge dealing with the diagnosis, treatment, and prevention of diseases, as well as the actual substances used to diagnose, treat, or prevent disease. Medicine as a branch of knowledge received little attention from the Hebrew people of OT times, in contrast to the surrounding cultures found in Mesopotamia and Egypt, where medical knowledge had a prominent place. Extant in the library of Assyrian king Ashurbanipal are 800 tablets relating to medi...","source":"Articles\/M.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":36469,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Sundial","title_en":"Sundial","content_ro":"<h3>SUNDIAL<\/h3>\n<p>Instrument used for telling time installed by King Ahaz of Judah (735–715 <span>BC<\/span>) in the royal palace of Jerusalem. Some suggest that this time indicator was not a sundial but a stairway. The time of day was determined by the position of the shadow of some object cast on the stairs. At Isaiah’s command, the Lord miraculously caused the shadow to recede ten steps, divinely confirming to King Hezekiah of Judah (715–686 <span>BC<\/span>) that he would recover from his illness, live 15 more years, and be delivered from the Assyrian threat (2 Kgs 20:7-11; Is 38:7-8).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>SUNDIAL<\/h3>\n<p>Instrument used for telling time installed by King Ahaz of Judah (735–715 <span>BC<\/span>) in the royal palace of Jerusalem. Some suggest that this time indicator was not a sundial but a stairway. The time of day was determined by the position of the shadow of some object cast on the stairs. At Isaiah’s command, the Lord miraculously caused the shadow to recede ten steps, divinely confirming to King Hezekiah of Judah (715–686 <span>BC<\/span>) that he would recover from his illness, live 15 more years, and be delivered from the Assyrian threat (2 Kgs 20:7-11; Is 38:7-8).<\/p>","summary_ro":"SUNDIAL Instrument used for telling time installed by King Ahaz of Judah (735–715 BC) in the royal palace of Jerusalem. Some suggest that this time indicator was not a sundial but a stairway. The time of day was determined by the position of the shadow of some object cast on the stairs. At Isaiah’s command, the Lord miraculously caused the shadow to recede ten steps, divinely confirming to King Hezekiah of Judah (715–686 BC) that he would recover from his illness, live 15 more years, and be d...","summary_en":"SUNDIAL Instrument used for telling time installed by King Ahaz of Judah (735–715 BC) in the royal palace of Jerusalem. Some suggest that this time indicator was not a sundial but a stairway. The time of day was determined by the position of the shadow of some object cast on the stairs. At Isaiah’s command, the Lord miraculously caused the shadow to recede ten steps, divinely confirming to King Hezekiah of Judah (715–686 BC) that he would recover from his illness, live 15 more years, and be d...","source":"Articles\/S.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":37812,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Ugarit*","title_en":"Ugarit*","content_ro":"<h3>UGARIT*<\/h3>\n<p>City in northwest Syria during the second millennium <span>BC<\/span>. Though the city is not mentioned in the Bible, it is a significant archaeological site that illuminates OT language and history. Ugarit was located just east of the Mediterranean coast, approximately 175 miles (281.6 kilometers) north of Tyre.<\/p>\n<p>Being known previously only from the Amarna letters, the ruins of Ugarit were discovered accidentally by a peasant farmer in 1928. The resulting discoveries were among the most important in the 20th century. Since Ugarit was a political and cultural center, its scribes created and transcribed documents in a wide variety of Near Eastern languages, including a language closely related to Hebrew that was written in an alphabetic cuneiform script. The discovery and subsequent deciphering of “Ugaritic” has influenced biblical studies both linguistically and culturally. Ugaritic has illuminated some otherwise obscure Hebrew passages and given greater attestation to others. For instance, the terms used to describe each of the various sacrificial offerings are very similar in Hebrew and Ugaritic, though the sacrificial systems themselves vary quite dramatically. Hebrew and Ugaritic poetry are quite similar stylistically, thus assisting in the understanding of Hebrew verse and also increasing the appreciation of its ancient heritage. Books like Job that often have been dated late by biblical critics exhibit significant Ugaritic parallels in style, vocabulary, and occasionally in literary allusion as well.<\/p>\n<p>Perhaps the most significant contribution derived from the study of Ugaritic texts and cultural artifacts is the improved understanding of Canaanite culture and religion. The Ugaritic texts provide justification for the strongly negative assessment of Canaanite culture given in the Bible. Three principal religious epics have been discovered in the Ugaritic corpus, written in honor of Keret, Aqhat, and Baal, respectively. The Baal epic describes the way in which Baal becomes lord of the earth after battling Yam, the god of the sea. The epics further reveal a great deal about Canaanite religious ritual, reinforcing biblical contentions concerning the sexual permissiveness and degradation of the society. The strong biblical injunctions against the worship of Baal and the Asherahs and the command to utterly destroy the Canaanites are more easily understood in the context of the Ugaritic religious epics.<\/p>\n<p>Finally, the Ugaritic texts potentially illuminate some historical questions relating to the OT. For instance, when Hezekiah was sick with a boil, he was instructed by Isaiah to treat it with a poultice of figs (2 Kgs 20:7; Is 38:21). This procedure is attested to in a Ugaritic text that prescribes it as a treatment for boils that infected horses.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Inscriptions.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>UGARIT*<\/h3>\n<p>City in northwest Syria during the second millennium <span>BC<\/span>. Though the city is not mentioned in the Bible, it is a significant archaeological site that illuminates OT language and history. Ugarit was located just east of the Mediterranean coast, approximately 175 miles (281.6 kilometers) north of Tyre.<\/p>\n<p>Being known previously only from the Amarna letters, the ruins of Ugarit were discovered accidentally by a peasant farmer in 1928. The resulting discoveries were among the most important in the 20th century. Since Ugarit was a political and cultural center, its scribes created and transcribed documents in a wide variety of Near Eastern languages, including a language closely related to Hebrew that was written in an alphabetic cuneiform script. The discovery and subsequent deciphering of “Ugaritic” has influenced biblical studies both linguistically and culturally. Ugaritic has illuminated some otherwise obscure Hebrew passages and given greater attestation to others. For instance, the terms used to describe each of the various sacrificial offerings are very similar in Hebrew and Ugaritic, though the sacrificial systems themselves vary quite dramatically. Hebrew and Ugaritic poetry are quite similar stylistically, thus assisting in the understanding of Hebrew verse and also increasing the appreciation of its ancient heritage. Books like Job that often have been dated late by biblical critics exhibit significant Ugaritic parallels in style, vocabulary, and occasionally in literary allusion as well.<\/p>\n<p>Perhaps the most significant contribution derived from the study of Ugaritic texts and cultural artifacts is the improved understanding of Canaanite culture and religion. The Ugaritic texts provide justification for the strongly negative assessment of Canaanite culture given in the Bible. Three principal religious epics have been discovered in the Ugaritic corpus, written in honor of Keret, Aqhat, and Baal, respectively. The Baal epic describes the way in which Baal becomes lord of the earth after battling Yam, the god of the sea. The epics further reveal a great deal about Canaanite religious ritual, reinforcing biblical contentions concerning the sexual permissiveness and degradation of the society. The strong biblical injunctions against the worship of Baal and the Asherahs and the command to utterly destroy the Canaanites are more easily understood in the context of the Ugaritic religious epics.<\/p>\n<p>Finally, the Ugaritic texts potentially illuminate some historical questions relating to the OT. For instance, when Hezekiah was sick with a boil, he was instructed by Isaiah to treat it with a poultice of figs (2 Kgs 20:7; Is 38:21). This procedure is attested to in a Ugaritic text that prescribes it as a treatment for boils that infected horses.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Inscriptions.<\/p>","summary_ro":"UGARIT* City in northwest Syria during the second millennium BC. Though the city is not mentioned in the Bible, it is a significant archaeological site that illuminates OT language and history. Ugarit was located just east of the Mediterranean coast, approximately 175 miles (281.6 kilometers) north of Tyre. Being known previously only from the Amarna letters, the ruins of Ugarit were discovered accidentally by a peasant farmer in 1928. The resulting discoveries were among the most important i...","summary_en":"UGARIT* City in northwest Syria during the second millennium BC. Though the city is not mentioned in the Bible, it is a significant archaeological site that illuminates OT language and history. Ugarit was located just east of the Mediterranean coast, approximately 175 miles (281.6 kilometers) north of Tyre. Being known previously only from the Amarna letters, the ruins of Ugarit were discovered accidentally by a peasant farmer in 1928. The resulting discoveries were among the most important i...","source":"Articles\/U.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"8":[{"id":35309,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Sign","title_en":"Sign","content_ro":"<h3>SIGN<\/h3>\n<p>Word connoting a visible event intended to convey meaning beyond that which is normally perceived in the outward appearance of the event.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"IntheOldTestament\">In the Old Testament<\/p>\n<p>In a few instances in the OT, “sign” refers to the observances of heavenly bodies in an astrological sense (Gn 1:14; Jer 10:2), or to the “signs and wonders” as marks of the miraculous actions of God within the history of the world (Dt 4:34; 6:22; Neh 9:10; Ps 105:27; Jer 32:20). On other occasions, it is used as an insignia of the Mosaic covenant. Thus, the wearing of the law on the wrist and forehead and the keeping of the Sabbath are considered signs of the relationship between Israel and God (Dt 6:8; 11:18; Ez 20:12, 20).<\/p>\n<p>The most numerous and significant usages of “sign” appear in relation to the OT prophetic ministry. Beginning with Moses, signs are used to confirm that God has spoken to the prophet. Thus, when Moses received the message of deliverance that he was to bring to the children of Israel in Egypt and the pharaoh, he was given two signs: his staff was changed into a serpent and his hand was afflicted with leprosy (Ex 4:1-8).<\/p>\n<p>Signs and wonders were also used by false prophets. After a sign had been given and had come to pass, the leaders of Israel were to examine the message of the prophet to see if it led the people away from the true worship of God. If it did, the prophet who had given the sign was to be put to death (Dt 13:1-5).<\/p>\n<p>The character of the sign varies and often is miraculous. Some of the great miracles of the OT are prophetic signs—for example, the moving of the shadow back up the steps of Hezekiah’s palace to confirm Isaiah’s prediction that the king would recover from what was a mortal illness (2 Kgs 20:8-9; Is 38:21-22). Often the sign is predictive only, and the people can know whether the prophet has spoken the truth by whether or not the event comes to pass—for example, the prophet’s foretelling the death of both of Eli’s sons on the same day (1 Sm 2:34; see also 14:10; 2 Kgs 19:29; Is 37:30). Sometimes the sign was carefully timed, and the recipient was told that the appearance of the sign would show when to act to fulfill the prophetic message (1 Sm 10:7-9). At other times, the events predicted were acted out in the life of the prophet. These symbolic actions demonstrated the truth of the prophet’s message—for example, Isaiah’s nakedness for three years to demonstrate the fate of those who preached trust in Egypt’s power (Is 20:3; see also Ez 4:3).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"IntheNewTestament\">In the New Testament<\/p>\n<p>The NT occurrences are much like those in the OT. There are references to heavenly signs that will occur as indications of the end of time, and those with special knowledge will understand that the end is drawing near (Mt 24:3, 30; Mk 13:4, 22; Lk 21:11, 25-26). These apocalyptic signs have no astrological connotations as in the OT. There is also mention of the sign as the seal of the covenant between God and Israel in reference to circumcision in Romans 4:11.<\/p>\n<p>As in the OT, the NT uses of signs are confirmations of the message given by God, and this message comes through the apostolic community to the church. Thus, there is great emphasis on the way God confirms the message of the apostles through their ability to perform signs and wonders (Acts 2:43; 4:30; 5:12; 8:13; 14:3; Rom 15:19; Heb 2:4).<\/p>\n<p>In Matthew, Mark, and Luke, Jesus’ miracles are not called signs. Only in Acts 2:22 does Peter proclaim that Jesus’ message was attested by signs he performed. Rather, Jesus’ miracles are seen as acts of divine power and mercy. When the Jews ask for a sign, they are consistently refused, with the promise that the only sign they will receive is the sign of Jonah (Mt 12:38-39; 16:1; Mk 8:11-12; Lk 11:19, 30), a sign that refers to the death and resurrection of the Christ. As Jonah was in the belly of the whale for three days and three nights, so will the Son of Man be in the heart of the earth for three days (Mt 12:40).<\/p>\n<p>In the Gospel of John, however, the miracles of Jesus are seen in a strikingly different light and are considered signs. Beginning with the changing of water into wine (Jn 2:1-11), the miracles are called signs and are intended to lead those who see them to faith (v 23). Jesus even laments that the people will not believe unless they see signs (4:48). John’s purpose in writing his Gospel is to present the signs of Jesus so that those who come to faith may do so through seeing these signs (20:30). The signs in the Gospel are expressly chosen because they lend themselves to the development of true faith.<\/p>\n<p>In the Gospel of John, the miracles of Jesus confirm the teaching of Jesus. In the synoptic Gospels, the miracles are seen as acts of mercy and divine power. In John they are carefully selected to demonstrate what Jesus has to tell the world about himself. In this respect, they are a bit like the symbolic actions of Isaiah and Ezekiel in that the action of the speaker dramatizes the message. After Jesus feeds the 5,000 with the five loaves of bread and the two fishes, he announces in the synagogue at Capernaum, “I am the bread of life which came down from heaven” (Jn 6:51). He tells them not to labor for the bread of this world that perishes. In much the same way, the healing of the man born blind is bound up with Jesus’ teaching that he is the light of the world (9:5). The resurrection of Lazarus prepares the way for Jesus to proclaim that he is the resurrection and the life (11:25). In John’s Gospel the signs are not only a demonstration of divine power but also a revelation of Jesus’ divine character. In addition to confirming his divine message, they also proclaim his personhood and mission.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Miracle.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>SIGN<\/h3>\n<p>Word connoting a visible event intended to convey meaning beyond that which is normally perceived in the outward appearance of the event.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"IntheOldTestament\">In the Old Testament<\/p>\n<p>In a few instances in the OT, “sign” refers to the observances of heavenly bodies in an astrological sense (Gn 1:14; Jer 10:2), or to the “signs and wonders” as marks of the miraculous actions of God within the history of the world (Dt 4:34; 6:22; Neh 9:10; Ps 105:27; Jer 32:20). On other occasions, it is used as an insignia of the Mosaic covenant. Thus, the wearing of the law on the wrist and forehead and the keeping of the Sabbath are considered signs of the relationship between Israel and God (Dt 6:8; 11:18; Ez 20:12, 20).<\/p>\n<p>The most numerous and significant usages of “sign” appear in relation to the OT prophetic ministry. Beginning with Moses, signs are used to confirm that God has spoken to the prophet. Thus, when Moses received the message of deliverance that he was to bring to the children of Israel in Egypt and the pharaoh, he was given two signs: his staff was changed into a serpent and his hand was afflicted with leprosy (Ex 4:1-8).<\/p>\n<p>Signs and wonders were also used by false prophets. After a sign had been given and had come to pass, the leaders of Israel were to examine the message of the prophet to see if it led the people away from the true worship of God. If it did, the prophet who had given the sign was to be put to death (Dt 13:1-5).<\/p>\n<p>The character of the sign varies and often is miraculous. Some of the great miracles of the OT are prophetic signs—for example, the moving of the shadow back up the steps of Hezekiah’s palace to confirm Isaiah’s prediction that the king would recover from what was a mortal illness (2 Kgs 20:8-9; Is 38:21-22). Often the sign is predictive only, and the people can know whether the prophet has spoken the truth by whether or not the event comes to pass—for example, the prophet’s foretelling the death of both of Eli’s sons on the same day (1 Sm 2:34; see also 14:10; 2 Kgs 19:29; Is 37:30). Sometimes the sign was carefully timed, and the recipient was told that the appearance of the sign would show when to act to fulfill the prophetic message (1 Sm 10:7-9). At other times, the events predicted were acted out in the life of the prophet. These symbolic actions demonstrated the truth of the prophet’s message—for example, Isaiah’s nakedness for three years to demonstrate the fate of those who preached trust in Egypt’s power (Is 20:3; see also Ez 4:3).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"IntheNewTestament\">In the New Testament<\/p>\n<p>The NT occurrences are much like those in the OT. There are references to heavenly signs that will occur as indications of the end of time, and those with special knowledge will understand that the end is drawing near (Mt 24:3, 30; Mk 13:4, 22; Lk 21:11, 25-26). These apocalyptic signs have no astrological connotations as in the OT. There is also mention of the sign as the seal of the covenant between God and Israel in reference to circumcision in Romans 4:11.<\/p>\n<p>As in the OT, the NT uses of signs are confirmations of the message given by God, and this message comes through the apostolic community to the church. Thus, there is great emphasis on the way God confirms the message of the apostles through their ability to perform signs and wonders (Acts 2:43; 4:30; 5:12; 8:13; 14:3; Rom 15:19; Heb 2:4).<\/p>\n<p>In Matthew, Mark, and Luke, Jesus’ miracles are not called signs. Only in Acts 2:22 does Peter proclaim that Jesus’ message was attested by signs he performed. Rather, Jesus’ miracles are seen as acts of divine power and mercy. When the Jews ask for a sign, they are consistently refused, with the promise that the only sign they will receive is the sign of Jonah (Mt 12:38-39; 16:1; Mk 8:11-12; Lk 11:19, 30), a sign that refers to the death and resurrection of the Christ. As Jonah was in the belly of the whale for three days and three nights, so will the Son of Man be in the heart of the earth for three days (Mt 12:40).<\/p>\n<p>In the Gospel of John, however, the miracles of Jesus are seen in a strikingly different light and are considered signs. Beginning with the changing of water into wine (Jn 2:1-11), the miracles are called signs and are intended to lead those who see them to faith (v 23). Jesus even laments that the people will not believe unless they see signs (4:48). John’s purpose in writing his Gospel is to present the signs of Jesus so that those who come to faith may do so through seeing these signs (20:30). The signs in the Gospel are expressly chosen because they lend themselves to the development of true faith.<\/p>\n<p>In the Gospel of John, the miracles of Jesus confirm the teaching of Jesus. In the synoptic Gospels, the miracles are seen as acts of mercy and divine power. In John they are carefully selected to demonstrate what Jesus has to tell the world about himself. In this respect, they are a bit like the symbolic actions of Isaiah and Ezekiel in that the action of the speaker dramatizes the message. After Jesus feeds the 5,000 with the five loaves of bread and the two fishes, he announces in the synagogue at Capernaum, “I am the bread of life which came down from heaven” (Jn 6:51). He tells them not to labor for the bread of this world that perishes. In much the same way, the healing of the man born blind is bound up with Jesus’ teaching that he is the light of the world (9:5). The resurrection of Lazarus prepares the way for Jesus to proclaim that he is the resurrection and the life (11:25). In John’s Gospel the signs are not only a demonstration of divine power but also a revelation of Jesus’ divine character. In addition to confirming his divine message, they also proclaim his personhood and mission.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Miracle.<\/p>","summary_ro":"SIGN Word connoting a visible event intended to convey meaning beyond that which is normally perceived in the outward appearance of the event. In the Old Testament In a few instances in the OT, “sign” refers to the observances of heavenly bodies in an astrological sense (Gn 1:14; Jer 10:2), or to the “signs and wonders” as marks of the miraculous actions of God within the history of the world (Dt 4:34; 6:22; Neh 9:10; Ps 105:27; Jer 32:20). On other occasions, it is used as an insignia of the...","summary_en":"SIGN Word connoting a visible event intended to convey meaning beyond that which is normally perceived in the outward appearance of the event. In the Old Testament In a few instances in the OT, “sign” refers to the observances of heavenly bodies in an astrological sense (Gn 1:14; Jer 10:2), or to the “signs and wonders” as marks of the miraculous actions of God within the history of the world (Dt 4:34; 6:22; Neh 9:10; Ps 105:27; Jer 32:20). On other occasions, it is used as an insignia of the...","source":"Articles\/S.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":40168,"type":"textbox","type_label":"Notă explicativă","type_icon":"💡","type_color":"#8b5cf6","title_ro":"Remarkable Astronomical Events in the Bible","title_en":"Remarkable Astronomical Events in the Bible","content_ro":"<h3>Remarkable Astronomical Events in the Bible<\/h3>\n<blockquote><p>Several remarkable astronomical phenomena figure prominently in the Bible, including an apparent long day (Jos 10:12-14), the retrogression of the shadow on a sundial, which was a sign for King Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:8-11), and the star that led the magi to Bethlehem.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>Several explanations of Joshua’s long day have been suggested. The opinion is held by some that the rotation of the earth actually ceased. There is no theological difficulty involved in this event, for the Creator may perform miracles within the sphere of the universe by temporarily altering or suspending natural laws. There is a scientific difficulty in the fact that such an interruption of gravitational force probably would have caused great dislocation of everything on the earth’s surface. God could have acted within the limitations of natural law to prevent such an upheaval, however.<\/p>\n<p>The long day may have been the result of other changes in the natural phenomena rather than the cessation of the earth’s rotation. Some have noted that the Hebrew word translated “stand still” may mean “to be quiet.” When applied to the sun, the word would imply a “quieting” of the sun’s activity, or a diminution of light. This would be an apt description of the eclipse of the sun. Such an occurrence would cause Israel’s enemies to flee in terror. Still others see the account as a highly poetic description of Joshua’s victory, not intended to be understood literally because it is a quotation from the book of Jashar. This book was probably a poetic work celebrating the exploits of Israel’s heroes.<\/p>\n<p>Examination of the account of the shadow’s movement on Ahaz’s sundial (as a sign to Hezekiah) shows that the event was purely local, since envoys came from Babylon to learn about it (2 Chr 32:31). It is possible that both the long day and retrogression of the shadow were local phenomena, perhaps caused by abnormal refraction of light. Atmospheric disturbances could have occurred at the time; the account of Joshua’s battle specifically mentions hailstones (Jos 10:11).<\/p>\n<p>The star of Bethlehem (Mt 2:1-11) has been identified with various astronomical phenomena such as the conjunction of Mars, Saturn, and Venus in 12 <span>BC<\/span>. In 2 <span>BC<\/span> Venus and Jupiter came into close proximity as well. That type of phenomenon does not seem to fit the description of the star, however. The star reportedly went before the magi and hovered over the site of the birth of the Christ child. Of course, the writer may have been using phenomenological language—that is, describing the event as it appeared to the observers. Some think the description points to a nova or supernova, a sudden increase in a star’s brightness; supernovas occur in a stellar system about once every 600 years. Although some natural event may serve to explain in whole or in part the star of Bethlehem, many Christians regard it as a miraculous supernatural phenomenon that God used to herald the event of the Incarnation.<\/p>\n<p>These unusual phenomena and others like them accompanied important events in the history of God’s dealing with humanity. Not only do they witness to the importance of those events in God’s redemptive plan, but they demonstrate God’s power as well.<\/p>\n<p>The attempts of some biblical scholars to explain these miracles in terms of natural phenomena is not an attempt to deny the validity of miracles. They only attempt to explain the phenomena within the sphere of observable natural order and the scope of biblical texts. Other scholars understand miracles to be the result of a supernatural alteration of physical laws, believing that the God who created the natural order continues to control that order and may perform miracles by altering the processes of nature to effect his will. In either case the power of God is central to the event, and the Bible faithfully records what took place.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Remarkable Astronomical Events in the Bible<\/h3>\n<blockquote><p>Several remarkable astronomical phenomena figure prominently in the Bible, including an apparent long day (Jos 10:12-14), the retrogression of the shadow on a sundial, which was a sign for King Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:8-11), and the star that led the magi to Bethlehem.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>Several explanations of Joshua’s long day have been suggested. The opinion is held by some that the rotation of the earth actually ceased. There is no theological difficulty involved in this event, for the Creator may perform miracles within the sphere of the universe by temporarily altering or suspending natural laws. There is a scientific difficulty in the fact that such an interruption of gravitational force probably would have caused great dislocation of everything on the earth’s surface. God could have acted within the limitations of natural law to prevent such an upheaval, however.<\/p>\n<p>The long day may have been the result of other changes in the natural phenomena rather than the cessation of the earth’s rotation. Some have noted that the Hebrew word translated “stand still” may mean “to be quiet.” When applied to the sun, the word would imply a “quieting” of the sun’s activity, or a diminution of light. This would be an apt description of the eclipse of the sun. Such an occurrence would cause Israel’s enemies to flee in terror. Still others see the account as a highly poetic description of Joshua’s victory, not intended to be understood literally because it is a quotation from the book of Jashar. This book was probably a poetic work celebrating the exploits of Israel’s heroes.<\/p>\n<p>Examination of the account of the shadow’s movement on Ahaz’s sundial (as a sign to Hezekiah) shows that the event was purely local, since envoys came from Babylon to learn about it (2 Chr 32:31). It is possible that both the long day and retrogression of the shadow were local phenomena, perhaps caused by abnormal refraction of light. Atmospheric disturbances could have occurred at the time; the account of Joshua’s battle specifically mentions hailstones (Jos 10:11).<\/p>\n<p>The star of Bethlehem (Mt 2:1-11) has been identified with various astronomical phenomena such as the conjunction of Mars, Saturn, and Venus in 12 <span>BC<\/span>. In 2 <span>BC<\/span> Venus and Jupiter came into close proximity as well. That type of phenomenon does not seem to fit the description of the star, however. The star reportedly went before the magi and hovered over the site of the birth of the Christ child. Of course, the writer may have been using phenomenological language—that is, describing the event as it appeared to the observers. Some think the description points to a nova or supernova, a sudden increase in a star’s brightness; supernovas occur in a stellar system about once every 600 years. Although some natural event may serve to explain in whole or in part the star of Bethlehem, many Christians regard it as a miraculous supernatural phenomenon that God used to herald the event of the Incarnation.<\/p>\n<p>These unusual phenomena and others like them accompanied important events in the history of God’s dealing with humanity. Not only do they witness to the importance of those events in God’s redemptive plan, but they demonstrate God’s power as well.<\/p>\n<p>The attempts of some biblical scholars to explain these miracles in terms of natural phenomena is not an attempt to deny the validity of miracles. They only attempt to explain the phenomena within the sphere of observable natural order and the scope of biblical texts. Other scholars understand miracles to be the result of a supernatural alteration of physical laws, believing that the God who created the natural order continues to control that order and may perform miracles by altering the processes of nature to effect his will. In either case the power of God is central to the event, and the Bible faithfully records what took place.<\/p>","summary_ro":"Remarkable Astronomical Events in the Bible Several remarkable astronomical phenomena figure prominently in the Bible, including an apparent long day (Jos 10:12-14), the retrogression of the shadow on a sundial, which was a sign for King Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:8-11), and the star that led the magi to Bethlehem. Several explanations of Joshua’s long day have been suggested. The opinion is held by some that the rotation of the earth actually ceased. There is no theological difficulty involved in th...","summary_en":"Remarkable Astronomical Events in the Bible Several remarkable astronomical phenomena figure prominently in the Bible, including an apparent long day (Jos 10:12-14), the retrogression of the shadow on a sundial, which was a sign for King Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:8-11), and the star that led the magi to Bethlehem. Several explanations of Joshua’s long day have been suggested. The opinion is held by some that the rotation of the earth actually ceased. There is no theological difficulty involved in th...","source":"Textboxes\/Textboxes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":47457,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 20:8","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 20:8","content_ro":"<p><strong>20:8<\/strong> Hezekiah’s request for a <em>sign<\/em> as proof of his healing is understandable. He had quickly moved from having an incurable illness to being promised fifteen more years of life. God sometimes provided signs as visible symbols of his intentions (see also 19:29; Gen 9:12-17; Exod 4:1-9; 12:12-13; 31:12-13, 17; 1 Kgs 13:1-3).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>20:8<\/strong> Hezekiah’s request for a <em>sign<\/em> as proof of his healing is understandable. He had quickly moved from having an incurable illness to being promised fifteen more years of life. God sometimes provided signs as visible symbols of his intentions (see also 19:29; Gen 9:12-17; Exod 4:1-9; 12:12-13; 31:12-13, 17; 1 Kgs 13:1-3).<\/p>","summary_ro":"20:8 Hezekiah’s request for a sign as proof of his healing is understandable. He had quickly moved from having an incurable illness to being promised fifteen more years of life. God sometimes provided signs as visible symbols of his intentions (see also 19:29; Gen 9:12-17; Exod 4:1-9; 12:12-13; 31:12-13, 17; 1 Kgs 13:1-3).","summary_en":"20:8 Hezekiah’s request for a sign as proof of his healing is understandable. He had quickly moved from having an incurable illness to being promised fifteen more years of life. God sometimes provided signs as visible symbols of his intentions (see also 19:29; Gen 9:12-17; Exod 4:1-9; 12:12-13; 31:12-13, 17; 1 Kgs 13:1-3).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":75083,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 20:8","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 20:8","content_ro":"<p><strong>20:8<\/strong> Hezekiah’s request for a <em>sign<\/em> as proof of his healing is understandable. He had quickly moved from having an incurable illness to being promised fifteen more years of life. God sometimes provided signs as visible symbols of his intentions (see also 19:29; Gen 9:12-17; Exod 4:1-9; 12:12-13; 31:12-13, 17; 1 Kgs 13:1-3).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>20:8<\/strong> Hezekiah’s request for a <em>sign<\/em> as proof of his healing is understandable. He had quickly moved from having an incurable illness to being promised fifteen more years of life. God sometimes provided signs as visible symbols of his intentions (see also 19:29; Gen 9:12-17; Exod 4:1-9; 12:12-13; 31:12-13, 17; 1 Kgs 13:1-3).<\/p>","summary_ro":"20:8 Hezekiah’s request for a sign as proof of his healing is understandable. He had quickly moved from having an incurable illness to being promised fifteen more years of life. God sometimes provided signs as visible symbols of his intentions (see also 19:29; Gen 9:12-17; Exod 4:1-9; 12:12-13; 31:12-13, 17; 1 Kgs 13:1-3).","summary_en":"20:8 Hezekiah’s request for a sign as proof of his healing is understandable. He had quickly moved from having an incurable illness to being promised fifteen more years of life. God sometimes provided signs as visible symbols of his intentions (see also 19:29; Gen 9:12-17; Exod 4:1-9; 12:12-13; 31:12-13, 17; 1 Kgs 13:1-3).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":102709,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 20:8","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 20:8","content_ro":"<p><strong>20:8<\/strong> Hezekiah’s request for a <em>sign<\/em> as proof of his healing is understandable. He had quickly moved from having an incurable illness to being promised fifteen more years of life. God sometimes provided signs as visible symbols of his intentions (see also 19:29; Gen 9:12-17; Exod 4:1-9; 12:12-13; 31:12-13, 17; 1 Kgs 13:1-3).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>20:8<\/strong> Hezekiah’s request for a <em>sign<\/em> as proof of his healing is understandable. He had quickly moved from having an incurable illness to being promised fifteen more years of life. God sometimes provided signs as visible symbols of his intentions (see also 19:29; Gen 9:12-17; Exod 4:1-9; 12:12-13; 31:12-13, 17; 1 Kgs 13:1-3).<\/p>","summary_ro":"20:8 Hezekiah’s request for a sign as proof of his healing is understandable. He had quickly moved from having an incurable illness to being promised fifteen more years of life. God sometimes provided signs as visible symbols of his intentions (see also 19:29; Gen 9:12-17; Exod 4:1-9; 12:12-13; 31:12-13, 17; 1 Kgs 13:1-3).","summary_en":"20:8 Hezekiah’s request for a sign as proof of his healing is understandable. He had quickly moved from having an incurable illness to being promised fifteen more years of life. God sometimes provided signs as visible symbols of his intentions (see also 19:29; Gen 9:12-17; Exod 4:1-9; 12:12-13; 31:12-13, 17; 1 Kgs 13:1-3).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":130335,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 20:8","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 20:8","content_ro":"<p><strong>20:8<\/strong> Hezekiah’s request for a <em>sign<\/em> as proof of his healing is understandable. He had quickly moved from having an incurable illness to being promised fifteen more years of life. God sometimes provided signs as visible symbols of his intentions (see also 19:29; Gen 9:12-17; Exod 4:1-9; 12:12-13; 31:12-13, 17; 1 Kgs 13:1-3).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>20:8<\/strong> Hezekiah’s request for a <em>sign<\/em> as proof of his healing is understandable. He had quickly moved from having an incurable illness to being promised fifteen more years of life. God sometimes provided signs as visible symbols of his intentions (see also 19:29; Gen 9:12-17; Exod 4:1-9; 12:12-13; 31:12-13, 17; 1 Kgs 13:1-3).<\/p>","summary_ro":"20:8 Hezekiah’s request for a sign as proof of his healing is understandable. He had quickly moved from having an incurable illness to being promised fifteen more years of life. God sometimes provided signs as visible symbols of his intentions (see also 19:29; Gen 9:12-17; Exod 4:1-9; 12:12-13; 31:12-13, 17; 1 Kgs 13:1-3).","summary_en":"20:8 Hezekiah’s request for a sign as proof of his healing is understandable. He had quickly moved from having an incurable illness to being promised fifteen more years of life. God sometimes provided signs as visible symbols of his intentions (see also 19:29; Gen 9:12-17; Exod 4:1-9; 12:12-13; 31:12-13, 17; 1 Kgs 13:1-3).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"9":[{"id":5969,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Ancient and Modern Calendars","title_en":"Ancient and Modern Calendars","content_ro":"<h3>CALENDARS, Ancient and Modern<\/h3>\n<p>Systematic arrangements showing the beginning and length of each year and its division into days, weeks, and months. The modern calendar is usually taken for granted. But without a calendar it would be extremely difficult to establish a uniform chronology (that is, a system for arranging events in the time sequence in which they actually happened). Also, accurate prediction of the coming and going of seasons would be impossible.<\/p>\n<p>Before the calendar took on its modern format, it had to progress through a number of developmental stages.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Days and Their Divisions<\/p>\n<p>• Astronomy and the Calendar<\/p>\n<p>• Jewish Calendar<\/p>\n<p>• Jewish Festivals<\/p>\n<p>• Conclusion<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"DaysandTheirDivisions\">Days and Their Divisions<\/p>\n<p>The earliest attempt to mark off time was probably the simple counting of days, followed by the subdivision of each day into what eventually became 24 equal parts called hours. Since the Sumerians seem to have originated the measurement of time by minutes, hours, and days, they obviously also knew the narrower meaning of “day,” which for them designated a 12-hour period.<\/p>\n<p>Measurement of time in the days of King Ahaz is illustrated by reference to a sundial (2 Kgs 20:9; Is 38:8). The precise measurement of hours, however, must have been a relatively late practice. Early Europeans, like the ancient Egyptians, placed the beginning of the day at midnight, further dividing the period into two 12-hour segments. In the second century <span>BC<\/span> the Egyptian astronomer Ptolemy and his disciples devised an astronomically convenient method of calculating each day from high noon, when the sun reached its apex in the heavens. The Roman day began at sunrise, with the second part of the day commencing at sunset.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"AstronomyandtheCalendar\">Astronomy and the Calendar<\/p>\n<p>Ancient peoples constructed their calendars on the basis of their observations of “cycles” of the sun and moon. The solar year is the period of time in which the earth accomplishes a complete revolution in its orbit around the sun.<\/p>\n<p>The life of ancient peoples was closely tied to the changes in temperature and in the relative length of days and nights characteristic of the four seasons. Seasonal changes result from the fact that while the earth is orbiting the sun, it is also rotating on its own axis, tipped at an angle to the plane of its path around the sun. The longest day of the year in the northern hemisphere is called the summer solstice (about June 21 on the modern calendar). At the winter solstice (December 21 or 22) the noonday sun appears lowest (farthest south) and the days are shortest. (In the southern hemisphere summer and winter are reversed by the effect of the earth’s tilt.) Halfway between, at the vernal (spring) equinox about March 21, and the autumnal (fall) equinox about September 23, the sun is directly over the equator and there are as many hours of daylight as of darkness. The term “equinox” is from the Latin words for “equal night.” A solar year could be measured by ancient peoples as the period between two similar solstices or equinoxes.<\/p>\n<p>The solar calendar marks off days by observing the period between consecutive returns of the sun to a similar position above the earth, such as its rising, setting, or highest point at midday. A “day” thus represents one complete rotation of the earth on its own axis, now divided into 24 hours. Since that rotation is not directly related to the earth’s annual orbit around the sun, calendar problems arise because the true solar year does not equal a certain whole number of days but 365 days plus a fraction of a day.<\/p>\n<p>The most significant calendar problems arise when the sun’s motion is not the only factor taken into consideration in marking off a year. Considerable difficulties were encountered in ancient attempts to reconcile solar and lunar periods, especially when subdivisions of the year (months) were made to correspond to the more irregular phases of the moon. The fact that while the moon is orbiting the earth, the earth is orbiting the sun (and rotating at the same time) produces many complications.<\/p>\n<p>The lunar calendar measured time by lunations (a lunation is the interval of time, expressed in days, between two successive new moons). Each lunar month, beginning when the thin crescent of the new moon first becomes visible at dusk, averages just over 29½ days. The moon actually orbits the earth in about 27<span>1<\/span>\/<span>3<\/span> days. Because the earth is meanwhile moving around the sun, it takes the moon two extra days to come to the same position between the sun and earth and produce a “new moon.”<\/p>\n<p>A lunar year of 12 months was approximately 11 days shorter than the solar year, so additional days were inserted to make up for the difference. The practice of insertion, known as intercalation, was a device common to several lunar calendar systems. The ancient Chinese compensated by adding an intercalary month every 30 years to their calendar, which consisted of 12 months of 29 or 30 days each. The Muslim lunar calendar, still used throughout Islam, also recognized 30 years as a cycle. Beginning with the second year within each cycle, and at subsequent intervals of three years, a “leap year” (a year of abnormal length) is observed. In that framework a leap year comprises 355 days as opposed to the ordinary Muslim year of 354 days. Calculation of the ancient Hebrew year suffered the same problems as other lunar calendars.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"JewishCalendar\">Jewish Calendar<\/p>\n<p>It is hard to imagine a people with lives more closely bound to and regulated by the calendar than the people of ancient Israel. The Jewish calendar is dated from what is supposed to have been the Creation: 3,760 years and three months before the Christian era. Accordingly, to find the current year in the Jewish calendar, one must add 3,759 to the date in the Gregorian calendar. The system, however, will not work to the exact month, since the Jewish year (running on the civil calendar) begins in autumn rather than in midwinter.<\/p>\n<h5>Months<\/h5>\n<p>Most of the 12 months of the postexilic calendar have names adapted from the Babylonians. The months do not correspond to but overlap the months of the Roman calendar.<\/p>\n<p>The names of over half the months are mentioned in the OT: Kislev (Neh 1:1; Zec 7:1; <span>rsv<\/span> “Chislev”), Tebeth (Est 2:16), Shebat (Zec 1:7), Adar (Est 3:7, 8:12), Nisan (Neh 2:1; Est 3:7), Sivan (Est 8:9), and Elul (Neh 6:15).<\/p>\n<p>Since the Jewish month invariably began with the new moon, at intervals of approximately 29½ days, the Jewish year ran 354 days. No exact information is available to explain how the Jews originally adjusted their inaccurate lunar calendar to synchronize with the actual solar year. Late in Israel’s history an extra month was inserted between Adar and Nisan. That month, sometimes called Veader (“second Adar”), was added seven times within a 19-year cycle (at which time Adar received an extra half day).<\/p>\n<p>The names for the Jewish months as now known come from the period following the return from Babylonia to Palestine. Before the Babylonian exile at least four other names were in use: Abib (Ex 13:4), Ziv (1 Kgs 6:1, 37), Ethanim (8:2), and Bul (6:38). After the Captivity, they were renamed Nisan, Iyyar, Tishri, and Heshvan (originally Marcheshvan), respectively. The preexilic names carried agricultural connotations. For example, Abib signified the month in which the heads of the grain became ripe; Ziv was the month for desert flowers to bloom. An agricultural orientation is apparent in what is evidently the oldest Hebrew calendar, found at Gezer (southeast of Tel Aviv) in 1908 and dating from the 10th century <span>BC<\/span>. Probably the work of a Jewish schoolboy, the calendar breaks down the year by agricultural activities such as sowing, reaping, pruning, and storage.<\/p>\n<p>Primarily, however, the months were religiously significant to the Jews and enabled them to commemorate the important events of their history. Each month’s beginning was considered holy. To ancient Israel, the moon became a spiritual symbol of the nation itself; the sun eventually became symbolic of the Messiah (Mal 4:2). Since the moon produces no light of its own, the symbolism is especially appropriate: Israel was supposed to reflect the Messiah’s light to the world.<\/p>\n<p>The Jewish calendar remained unchanged during the period between the OT and NT (approximately 400 years) despite an attempt by Hellenistic rulers to introduce a modified lunar month system, presumably of Macedonian origin. According to that calendar, five days were added to the final month of the year, with each of the 12 months containing 30 days. Even then, it only approximated the solar year.<\/p>\n<h5>Reckoning of Dates<\/h5>\n<p>We know of no era in which the ancient Hebrews recorded dates by citing a month and day. Rather, dates were computed by reference to some significant event such as the accession year of the reigning king. In NT times the Jews continued the OT method of dating events by synchronizing them with events either in their religious calendar or within the secular sphere of the Roman world. Writers of the NT followed the same principle (Lk 1:5; Jn 12:1; Acts 18:12). Only as the calendar reforms of Julius Caesar became embedded in the culture did people change from that long-standing method to a more standardized system.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"JewishFestivals\">Jewish Festivals<\/p>\n<p>In addition to keeping the Sabbath, Jews observe seven annual festivals.<\/p>\n<p>1. Passover (14th of Nisan) marks the deliverance from Egypt (the exodus). The first day of Nisan determines the date for Passover. Passover is observed for seven days and encompasses the Feast of Unleavened Bread, an event recalling Israel’s hasty preparation for the flight from Egypt (Ex 12:15). The festival for the firstfruits of the barley harvest immediately follows (Lv 23:10, <span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<li>2. Pentecost is celebrated 50 days after Passover. A time of joyful celebration for the people, Pentecost is the Feast of Ingathering of the firstfruits of the wheat harvest (Ex 34:22; Lv 23:15-17).<\/li>\n<li>3. Next in order is New Year’s Day, the beginning of Tishri. The first of Tishri, according to the rabbis, was the day in which the Lord created the world. It is called Rosh Hashanah, “head of the year.”<\/li>\n<li>4. On the 10th of Tishri, Israel’s most solemn day, Yom Kippur (the Day of Atonement), is observed. This holiest of days is known as “the Sabbath of Sabbaths,” and the complex ritual for its observance is set forth in the Bible (Lv 16).<\/li>\n<li>5. Succoth, the Feast of Tabernacles, occupies the 15th through the 22d of Tishri. A largely agricultural festival, it celebrates the ingathering of the autumn harvest. The apostle John referred to it simply as “the feast” (Jn 7:37). The Feast of Tabernacles, sometimes called the Feast of Booths (Shelters), is also a spiritual commemoration; it recalls God’s care over his people throughout Israel’s 40 years in the wilderness (Lv 23:39-43).<\/li>\n<li>6. Of later origin is the Festival of Hanukkah, the Feast of Dedication. It commemorates Judas Maccabeus’s decisive victory over Antiochus Epiphanes and the Syrians 150 years before Christ. Since Malachi, the last of the OT prophets, had passed from the scene long before that event, tradition alone governs the manner in which the occasion is celebrated. On the 25th of Kislev and the following seven days, joyous activities mark the Jewish calendar.<\/li>\n<li>7. Concluding the sacred festivals for the year is Purim, which falls on the 14th and 15th of Adar. The feast, which finds its origin in ancient Persia, commemorates the deliverance brought through Mordecai and Esther when they frustrated Haman’s plot to destroy the Jews (Est 9).<\/li>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Conclusion\">Conclusion<\/p>\n<p>As ancient sundials and modern clocks mark the passage of minutes and hours, a calendar marks the passage of days, weeks, months, years, and even centuries. A uniform, understandable way of measuring the longer units of time aids secular enterprises such as agriculture, business, and government; it is essential to historians and brings unity to the celebration of religious rites. Development of the modern (Gregorian) calendar represents an interaction between the science of astronomy and much historical and religious tradition. The religious significance of the calendar for Christians stems partly from the biblical contrast between God’s timelessness and human mortality (Ps 90). The psalmist asked God to “teach us to number our days that we may get a heart of wisdom” (Ps 90:12, <span>rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Astrology; Astronomy; Day; Feasts and Festivals of Israel; Jubilee Year; Moon; Night; Sun.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>CALENDARS, Ancient and Modern<\/h3>\n<p>Systematic arrangements showing the beginning and length of each year and its division into days, weeks, and months. The modern calendar is usually taken for granted. But without a calendar it would be extremely difficult to establish a uniform chronology (that is, a system for arranging events in the time sequence in which they actually happened). Also, accurate prediction of the coming and going of seasons would be impossible.<\/p>\n<p>Before the calendar took on its modern format, it had to progress through a number of developmental stages.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Days and Their Divisions<\/p>\n<p>• Astronomy and the Calendar<\/p>\n<p>• Jewish Calendar<\/p>\n<p>• Jewish Festivals<\/p>\n<p>• Conclusion<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"DaysandTheirDivisions\">Days and Their Divisions<\/p>\n<p>The earliest attempt to mark off time was probably the simple counting of days, followed by the subdivision of each day into what eventually became 24 equal parts called hours. Since the Sumerians seem to have originated the measurement of time by minutes, hours, and days, they obviously also knew the narrower meaning of “day,” which for them designated a 12-hour period.<\/p>\n<p>Measurement of time in the days of King Ahaz is illustrated by reference to a sundial (2 Kgs 20:9; Is 38:8). The precise measurement of hours, however, must have been a relatively late practice. Early Europeans, like the ancient Egyptians, placed the beginning of the day at midnight, further dividing the period into two 12-hour segments. In the second century <span>BC<\/span> the Egyptian astronomer Ptolemy and his disciples devised an astronomically convenient method of calculating each day from high noon, when the sun reached its apex in the heavens. The Roman day began at sunrise, with the second part of the day commencing at sunset.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"AstronomyandtheCalendar\">Astronomy and the Calendar<\/p>\n<p>Ancient peoples constructed their calendars on the basis of their observations of “cycles” of the sun and moon. The solar year is the period of time in which the earth accomplishes a complete revolution in its orbit around the sun.<\/p>\n<p>The life of ancient peoples was closely tied to the changes in temperature and in the relative length of days and nights characteristic of the four seasons. Seasonal changes result from the fact that while the earth is orbiting the sun, it is also rotating on its own axis, tipped at an angle to the plane of its path around the sun. The longest day of the year in the northern hemisphere is called the summer solstice (about June 21 on the modern calendar). At the winter solstice (December 21 or 22) the noonday sun appears lowest (farthest south) and the days are shortest. (In the southern hemisphere summer and winter are reversed by the effect of the earth’s tilt.) Halfway between, at the vernal (spring) equinox about March 21, and the autumnal (fall) equinox about September 23, the sun is directly over the equator and there are as many hours of daylight as of darkness. The term “equinox” is from the Latin words for “equal night.” A solar year could be measured by ancient peoples as the period between two similar solstices or equinoxes.<\/p>\n<p>The solar calendar marks off days by observing the period between consecutive returns of the sun to a similar position above the earth, such as its rising, setting, or highest point at midday. A “day” thus represents one complete rotation of the earth on its own axis, now divided into 24 hours. Since that rotation is not directly related to the earth’s annual orbit around the sun, calendar problems arise because the true solar year does not equal a certain whole number of days but 365 days plus a fraction of a day.<\/p>\n<p>The most significant calendar problems arise when the sun’s motion is not the only factor taken into consideration in marking off a year. Considerable difficulties were encountered in ancient attempts to reconcile solar and lunar periods, especially when subdivisions of the year (months) were made to correspond to the more irregular phases of the moon. The fact that while the moon is orbiting the earth, the earth is orbiting the sun (and rotating at the same time) produces many complications.<\/p>\n<p>The lunar calendar measured time by lunations (a lunation is the interval of time, expressed in days, between two successive new moons). Each lunar month, beginning when the thin crescent of the new moon first becomes visible at dusk, averages just over 29½ days. The moon actually orbits the earth in about 27<span>1<\/span>\/<span>3<\/span> days. Because the earth is meanwhile moving around the sun, it takes the moon two extra days to come to the same position between the sun and earth and produce a “new moon.”<\/p>\n<p>A lunar year of 12 months was approximately 11 days shorter than the solar year, so additional days were inserted to make up for the difference. The practice of insertion, known as intercalation, was a device common to several lunar calendar systems. The ancient Chinese compensated by adding an intercalary month every 30 years to their calendar, which consisted of 12 months of 29 or 30 days each. The Muslim lunar calendar, still used throughout Islam, also recognized 30 years as a cycle. Beginning with the second year within each cycle, and at subsequent intervals of three years, a “leap year” (a year of abnormal length) is observed. In that framework a leap year comprises 355 days as opposed to the ordinary Muslim year of 354 days. Calculation of the ancient Hebrew year suffered the same problems as other lunar calendars.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"JewishCalendar\">Jewish Calendar<\/p>\n<p>It is hard to imagine a people with lives more closely bound to and regulated by the calendar than the people of ancient Israel. The Jewish calendar is dated from what is supposed to have been the Creation: 3,760 years and three months before the Christian era. Accordingly, to find the current year in the Jewish calendar, one must add 3,759 to the date in the Gregorian calendar. The system, however, will not work to the exact month, since the Jewish year (running on the civil calendar) begins in autumn rather than in midwinter.<\/p>\n<h5>Months<\/h5>\n<p>Most of the 12 months of the postexilic calendar have names adapted from the Babylonians. The months do not correspond to but overlap the months of the Roman calendar.<\/p>\n<p>The names of over half the months are mentioned in the OT: Kislev (Neh 1:1; Zec 7:1; <span>rsv<\/span> “Chislev”), Tebeth (Est 2:16), Shebat (Zec 1:7), Adar (Est 3:7, 8:12), Nisan (Neh 2:1; Est 3:7), Sivan (Est 8:9), and Elul (Neh 6:15).<\/p>\n<p>Since the Jewish month invariably began with the new moon, at intervals of approximately 29½ days, the Jewish year ran 354 days. No exact information is available to explain how the Jews originally adjusted their inaccurate lunar calendar to synchronize with the actual solar year. Late in Israel’s history an extra month was inserted between Adar and Nisan. That month, sometimes called Veader (“second Adar”), was added seven times within a 19-year cycle (at which time Adar received an extra half day).<\/p>\n<p>The names for the Jewish months as now known come from the period following the return from Babylonia to Palestine. Before the Babylonian exile at least four other names were in use: Abib (Ex 13:4), Ziv (1 Kgs 6:1, 37), Ethanim (8:2), and Bul (6:38). After the Captivity, they were renamed Nisan, Iyyar, Tishri, and Heshvan (originally Marcheshvan), respectively. The preexilic names carried agricultural connotations. For example, Abib signified the month in which the heads of the grain became ripe; Ziv was the month for desert flowers to bloom. An agricultural orientation is apparent in what is evidently the oldest Hebrew calendar, found at Gezer (southeast of Tel Aviv) in 1908 and dating from the 10th century <span>BC<\/span>. Probably the work of a Jewish schoolboy, the calendar breaks down the year by agricultural activities such as sowing, reaping, pruning, and storage.<\/p>\n<p>Primarily, however, the months were religiously significant to the Jews and enabled them to commemorate the important events of their history. Each month’s beginning was considered holy. To ancient Israel, the moon became a spiritual symbol of the nation itself; the sun eventually became symbolic of the Messiah (Mal 4:2). Since the moon produces no light of its own, the symbolism is especially appropriate: Israel was supposed to reflect the Messiah’s light to the world.<\/p>\n<p>The Jewish calendar remained unchanged during the period between the OT and NT (approximately 400 years) despite an attempt by Hellenistic rulers to introduce a modified lunar month system, presumably of Macedonian origin. According to that calendar, five days were added to the final month of the year, with each of the 12 months containing 30 days. Even then, it only approximated the solar year.<\/p>\n<h5>Reckoning of Dates<\/h5>\n<p>We know of no era in which the ancient Hebrews recorded dates by citing a month and day. Rather, dates were computed by reference to some significant event such as the accession year of the reigning king. In NT times the Jews continued the OT method of dating events by synchronizing them with events either in their religious calendar or within the secular sphere of the Roman world. Writers of the NT followed the same principle (Lk 1:5; Jn 12:1; Acts 18:12). Only as the calendar reforms of Julius Caesar became embedded in the culture did people change from that long-standing method to a more standardized system.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"JewishFestivals\">Jewish Festivals<\/p>\n<p>In addition to keeping the Sabbath, Jews observe seven annual festivals.<\/p>\n<p>1. Passover (14th of Nisan) marks the deliverance from Egypt (the exodus). The first day of Nisan determines the date for Passover. Passover is observed for seven days and encompasses the Feast of Unleavened Bread, an event recalling Israel’s hasty preparation for the flight from Egypt (Ex 12:15). The festival for the firstfruits of the barley harvest immediately follows (Lv 23:10, <span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<li>2. Pentecost is celebrated 50 days after Passover. A time of joyful celebration for the people, Pentecost is the Feast of Ingathering of the firstfruits of the wheat harvest (Ex 34:22; Lv 23:15-17).<\/li>\n<li>3. Next in order is New Year’s Day, the beginning of Tishri. The first of Tishri, according to the rabbis, was the day in which the Lord created the world. It is called Rosh Hashanah, “head of the year.”<\/li>\n<li>4. On the 10th of Tishri, Israel’s most solemn day, Yom Kippur (the Day of Atonement), is observed. This holiest of days is known as “the Sabbath of Sabbaths,” and the complex ritual for its observance is set forth in the Bible (Lv 16).<\/li>\n<li>5. Succoth, the Feast of Tabernacles, occupies the 15th through the 22d of Tishri. A largely agricultural festival, it celebrates the ingathering of the autumn harvest. The apostle John referred to it simply as “the feast” (Jn 7:37). The Feast of Tabernacles, sometimes called the Feast of Booths (Shelters), is also a spiritual commemoration; it recalls God’s care over his people throughout Israel’s 40 years in the wilderness (Lv 23:39-43).<\/li>\n<li>6. Of later origin is the Festival of Hanukkah, the Feast of Dedication. It commemorates Judas Maccabeus’s decisive victory over Antiochus Epiphanes and the Syrians 150 years before Christ. Since Malachi, the last of the OT prophets, had passed from the scene long before that event, tradition alone governs the manner in which the occasion is celebrated. On the 25th of Kislev and the following seven days, joyous activities mark the Jewish calendar.<\/li>\n<li>7. Concluding the sacred festivals for the year is Purim, which falls on the 14th and 15th of Adar. The feast, which finds its origin in ancient Persia, commemorates the deliverance brought through Mordecai and Esther when they frustrated Haman’s plot to destroy the Jews (Est 9).<\/li>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Conclusion\">Conclusion<\/p>\n<p>As ancient sundials and modern clocks mark the passage of minutes and hours, a calendar marks the passage of days, weeks, months, years, and even centuries. A uniform, understandable way of measuring the longer units of time aids secular enterprises such as agriculture, business, and government; it is essential to historians and brings unity to the celebration of religious rites. Development of the modern (Gregorian) calendar represents an interaction between the science of astronomy and much historical and religious tradition. The religious significance of the calendar for Christians stems partly from the biblical contrast between God’s timelessness and human mortality (Ps 90). The psalmist asked God to “teach us to number our days that we may get a heart of wisdom” (Ps 90:12, <span>rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Astrology; Astronomy; Day; Feasts and Festivals of Israel; Jubilee Year; Moon; Night; Sun.<\/p>","summary_ro":"CALENDARS, Ancient and Modern Systematic arrangements showing the beginning and length of each year and its division into days, weeks, and months. The modern calendar is usually taken for granted. But without a calendar it would be extremely difficult to establish a uniform chronology (that is, a system for arranging events in the time sequence in which they actually happened). Also, accurate prediction of the coming and going of seasons would be impossible. Before the calendar took on its mo...","summary_en":"CALENDARS, Ancient and Modern Systematic arrangements showing the beginning and length of each year and its division into days, weeks, and months. The modern calendar is usually taken for granted. But without a calendar it would be extremely difficult to establish a uniform chronology (that is, a system for arranging events in the time sequence in which they actually happened). Also, accurate prediction of the coming and going of seasons would be impossible. Before the calendar took on its mo...","source":"Articles\/C.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"10":[{"id":47458,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 20:10","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 20:10","content_ro":"<p><strong>20:10<\/strong> <em>ten steps backward:<\/em> Such a retreat of the <em>shadow<\/em> was contrary to nature, and the miracle confirmed God’s message to Hezekiah.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>20:10<\/strong> <em>ten steps backward:<\/em> Such a retreat of the <em>shadow<\/em> was contrary to nature, and the miracle confirmed God’s message to Hezekiah.<\/p>","summary_ro":"20:10 ten steps backward: Such a retreat of the shadow was contrary to nature, and the miracle confirmed God’s message to Hezekiah.","summary_en":"20:10 ten steps backward: Such a retreat of the shadow was contrary to nature, and the miracle confirmed God’s message to Hezekiah.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":75084,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 20:10","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 20:10","content_ro":"<p><strong>20:10<\/strong> <em>ten steps backward:<\/em> Such a retreat of the <em>shadow<\/em> was contrary to nature, and the miracle confirmed God’s message to Hezekiah.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>20:10<\/strong> <em>ten steps backward:<\/em> Such a retreat of the <em>shadow<\/em> was contrary to nature, and the miracle confirmed God’s message to Hezekiah.<\/p>","summary_ro":"20:10 ten steps backward: Such a retreat of the shadow was contrary to nature, and the miracle confirmed God’s message to Hezekiah.","summary_en":"20:10 ten steps backward: Such a retreat of the shadow was contrary to nature, and the miracle confirmed God’s message to Hezekiah.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":102710,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 20:10","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 20:10","content_ro":"<p><strong>20:10<\/strong> <em>ten steps backward:<\/em> Such a retreat of the <em>shadow<\/em> was contrary to nature, and the miracle confirmed God’s message to Hezekiah.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>20:10<\/strong> <em>ten steps backward:<\/em> Such a retreat of the <em>shadow<\/em> was contrary to nature, and the miracle confirmed God’s message to Hezekiah.<\/p>","summary_ro":"20:10 ten steps backward: Such a retreat of the shadow was contrary to nature, and the miracle confirmed God’s message to Hezekiah.","summary_en":"20:10 ten steps backward: Such a retreat of the shadow was contrary to nature, and the miracle confirmed God’s message to Hezekiah.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":130336,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 20:10","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 20:10","content_ro":"<p><strong>20:10<\/strong> <em>ten steps backward:<\/em> Such a retreat of the <em>shadow<\/em> was contrary to nature, and the miracle confirmed God’s message to Hezekiah.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>20:10<\/strong> <em>ten steps backward:<\/em> Such a retreat of the <em>shadow<\/em> was contrary to nature, and the miracle confirmed God’s message to Hezekiah.<\/p>","summary_ro":"20:10 ten steps backward: Such a retreat of the shadow was contrary to nature, and the miracle confirmed God’s message to Hezekiah.","summary_en":"20:10 ten steps backward: Such a retreat of the shadow was contrary to nature, and the miracle confirmed God’s message to Hezekiah.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"11":[{"id":842,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Ahaz","title_en":"Ahaz","content_ro":"<h3>AHAZ<\/h3>\n<li>1. King of Judah (735–715 <span>BC<\/span>) who was especially remembered for his apostasy. The name Ahaz (Mt 1:9) is a shortened form of Ahaziah or Jehoahaz. The three main accounts of Ahaz (2 Kgs 16; 2 Chr 28; Is 7) treat him as one of the most evil rulers of the southern kingdom of Judah. Consequently, his burial was relatively dishonorable (2 Chr 28:27). He was succeeded by his son Hezekiah (2 Kgs 18:1).<\/li>\n<p>There is little agreement on the chronology of this section of the OT. The chronological system that seems to have the fewest problems would place Ahaz’s accession in 735 <span>BC<\/span>. If he first came to the throne as co-regent with his father, Jotham, from 735 to 732 <span>BC<\/span>, his entire reign covered a span of approximately 20 years, ending in 715 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>Ahaz reigned over Judah during a critical time in the history of the ancient Near East. The Assyrians were pushing westward, threatening the Syro-Palestinian area. Pekah, king of Israel, and Rezin, king of Syria, adopted a policy of resistance against the Assyrians and invaded Judah in order to effect a solid coalition by deposing Ahaz.<\/p>\n<p>Blatantly revealing a lack of trust in God, Ahaz appealed to Tiglath-pileser III, the Assyrian king, for help. That appeal brought the wrath of the prophet Isaiah upon Ahaz. The ensuing encounter (Is 7) led to Isaiah’s prediction of the birth of Immanuel as a sign of the dissolution of the countries of Israel and Syria. Those two kingdoms were ultimately destroyed by Tiglath-pileser in a campaign that lasted about two years (734–732 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n\n<p>Before the two kingdoms to the north were conquered by Assyria, their invasion of Judah caused great turmoil (2 Chr 28:8). The invaders not only carried off much spoil but also attempted to depopulate portions of Judah by taking 200,000 people captive to Samaria. That attempt was protested by a prophet in Samaria named Obed, who condemned the act of slavery and ordered the captives returned (v 9). He was joined by several leaders of Israel (v 12), who succeeded in having the captives returned to Jericho with provisions from the spoil that had been taken.<\/p>\n<p>During that time, the kingdom of Judah may have been threatened from the south as well. The Edomites, who had long been under the domination of Judah, may have taken advantage of Judah’s growing internal weakness to assert their independence. The Masoretic Text of the OT refers to an invasion of the seaport town of Elath on the Red Sea by Aram, the Hebrew name for Syria (2 Kgs 16:6). The name Aram is quite similar to the name Edom in Hebrew, however, so many scholars think that invasion was actually by Edomites.<\/p>\n<p>By virtue of the alliance he had made, Ahaz placed his country in a dangerous position of dependence on Assyria. The kingdom of Judah became essentially a vassal state under the tacit control of Tiglath-pileser. Ahaz went to Damascus, the capital of fallen Syria, to appear before Tiglath-pileser, possibly to assure his allegiance to the king to whom his nation had become tributary (2 Kgs 16:10).<\/p>\n<p>While in Damascus, Ahaz saw an Assyrian altar, a model of which he sent back to Judah. Under the direction of Uriah the priest, a similar altar was built in Jerusalem, replacing the original bronze altar. Several other alterations were made in the temple by Ahaz, all indicating his turning away from Jewish religion.<\/p>\n<p>The “dial of Ahaz” (2 Kgs 20:11; Is 38:8) later figured in a sign given to his son Hezekiah; the Hebrew word actually refers to a flight of stairs, no doubt built by Ahaz and used to tell time by the movement of a shadow across it.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> King; Kings, Books of First and Second; Israel, History of; Sundial; Chronology of the Bible (Old Testament).<\/p>\n<li>2. Micah’s son and Jehoaddah’s father, a descendant of Saul, otherwise unknown (1 Chr 8:35-36).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>AHAZ<\/h3>\n<li>1. King of Judah (735–715 <span>BC<\/span>) who was especially remembered for his apostasy. The name Ahaz (Mt 1:9) is a shortened form of Ahaziah or Jehoahaz. The three main accounts of Ahaz (2 Kgs 16; 2 Chr 28; Is 7) treat him as one of the most evil rulers of the southern kingdom of Judah. Consequently, his burial was relatively dishonorable (2 Chr 28:27). He was succeeded by his son Hezekiah (2 Kgs 18:1).<\/li>\n<p>There is little agreement on the chronology of this section of the OT. The chronological system that seems to have the fewest problems would place Ahaz’s accession in 735 <span>BC<\/span>. If he first came to the throne as co-regent with his father, Jotham, from 735 to 732 <span>BC<\/span>, his entire reign covered a span of approximately 20 years, ending in 715 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>Ahaz reigned over Judah during a critical time in the history of the ancient Near East. The Assyrians were pushing westward, threatening the Syro-Palestinian area. Pekah, king of Israel, and Rezin, king of Syria, adopted a policy of resistance against the Assyrians and invaded Judah in order to effect a solid coalition by deposing Ahaz.<\/p>\n<p>Blatantly revealing a lack of trust in God, Ahaz appealed to Tiglath-pileser III, the Assyrian king, for help. That appeal brought the wrath of the prophet Isaiah upon Ahaz. The ensuing encounter (Is 7) led to Isaiah’s prediction of the birth of Immanuel as a sign of the dissolution of the countries of Israel and Syria. Those two kingdoms were ultimately destroyed by Tiglath-pileser in a campaign that lasted about two years (734–732 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n\n<p>Before the two kingdoms to the north were conquered by Assyria, their invasion of Judah caused great turmoil (2 Chr 28:8). The invaders not only carried off much spoil but also attempted to depopulate portions of Judah by taking 200,000 people captive to Samaria. That attempt was protested by a prophet in Samaria named Obed, who condemned the act of slavery and ordered the captives returned (v 9). He was joined by several leaders of Israel (v 12), who succeeded in having the captives returned to Jericho with provisions from the spoil that had been taken.<\/p>\n<p>During that time, the kingdom of Judah may have been threatened from the south as well. The Edomites, who had long been under the domination of Judah, may have taken advantage of Judah’s growing internal weakness to assert their independence. The Masoretic Text of the OT refers to an invasion of the seaport town of Elath on the Red Sea by Aram, the Hebrew name for Syria (2 Kgs 16:6). The name Aram is quite similar to the name Edom in Hebrew, however, so many scholars think that invasion was actually by Edomites.<\/p>\n<p>By virtue of the alliance he had made, Ahaz placed his country in a dangerous position of dependence on Assyria. The kingdom of Judah became essentially a vassal state under the tacit control of Tiglath-pileser. Ahaz went to Damascus, the capital of fallen Syria, to appear before Tiglath-pileser, possibly to assure his allegiance to the king to whom his nation had become tributary (2 Kgs 16:10).<\/p>\n<p>While in Damascus, Ahaz saw an Assyrian altar, a model of which he sent back to Judah. Under the direction of Uriah the priest, a similar altar was built in Jerusalem, replacing the original bronze altar. Several other alterations were made in the temple by Ahaz, all indicating his turning away from Jewish religion.<\/p>\n<p>The “dial of Ahaz” (2 Kgs 20:11; Is 38:8) later figured in a sign given to his son Hezekiah; the Hebrew word actually refers to a flight of stairs, no doubt built by Ahaz and used to tell time by the movement of a shadow across it.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> King; Kings, Books of First and Second; Israel, History of; Sundial; Chronology of the Bible (Old Testament).<\/p>\n<li>2. Micah’s son and Jehoaddah’s father, a descendant of Saul, otherwise unknown (1 Chr 8:35-36).<\/li>","summary_ro":"AHAZ 1. King of Judah (735–715 BC) who was especially remembered for his apostasy. The name Ahaz (Mt 1:9) is a shortened form of Ahaziah or Jehoahaz. The three main accounts of Ahaz (2 Kgs 16; 2 Chr 28; Is 7) treat him as one of the most evil rulers of the southern kingdom of Judah. Consequently, his burial was relatively dishonorable (2 Chr 28:27). He was succeeded by his son Hezekiah (2 Kgs 18:1). There is little agreement on the chronology of this section of the OT. The chronological syste...","summary_en":"AHAZ 1. King of Judah (735–715 BC) who was especially remembered for his apostasy. The name Ahaz (Mt 1:9) is a shortened form of Ahaziah or Jehoahaz. The three main accounts of Ahaz (2 Kgs 16; 2 Chr 28; Is 7) treat him as one of the most evil rulers of the southern kingdom of Judah. Consequently, his burial was relatively dishonorable (2 Chr 28:27). He was succeeded by his son Hezekiah (2 Kgs 18:1). There is little agreement on the chronology of this section of the OT. The chronological syste...","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"12":[{"id":41659,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Hezekiah","title_en":"Hezekiah","content_ro":"<h3>Hezekiah<\/h3>\n<p>Hezekiah, who reigned from 728 to 686 <span>BC<\/span> was one of Judah’s best kings. Hezekiah’s father, Ahaz, betrayed the Lord, but Hezekiah promoted true worship of God. Reversing the damage done by Ahaz, he repaired the Temple doors, had the Levites sanctify themselves, and reinstated religious ceremonies. He brought sacrifices, restored the priestly Temple service, and invited people throughout Judah and Israel to celebrate Passover in Jerusalem (2 Chr 29–30). After the celebration, he faithfully destroyed pagan worship sites.<\/p>\n<p>Soon after Hezekiah started ruling, the Assyrians under Shalmaneser V and his successor Sargon II defeated the northern kingdom, deported its inhabitants, and brought in foreign residents (722 <span>BC<\/span>). When Sargon II died in 705 <span>BC<\/span>, his son Sennacherib came to power, triggering widespread rebellion. Hezekiah stopped paying the tribute that his father Ahaz had paid (2 Kgs 18:7; see 16:7). As a result, in 701 <span>BC<\/span> Sennacherib invaded Judah. Hezekiah tried to appease the Assyrian ruler by sending a vast tribute payment, but the attempted return to servitude failed and the Assyrian forces threatened Jerusalem and mocked Hezekiah’s reliance on the Lord (18:17-35). Hezekiah responded with grieving and supplication. The Lord, speaking through Isaiah the prophet, assured Hezekiah that his prayers had been heard and that Sennacherib would not conquer Jerusalem (19:1-34).<\/p>\n<p>Around that same time, Hezekiah became seriously ill (20:1-11). Isaiah told him to prepare for death, but Hezekiah turned to the Lord and prayed for healing. The Lord promised him fifteen more years as well as deliverance from the Assyrians. When he had recovered, Hezekiah unwisely hosted the rebel Babylonian king Merodach-baladan in his palace, showing him the Temple treasures and seeking support from Babylon rather than the Lord. Isaiah predicted that those treasures would be carried off to Babylon (20:12-19).<\/p>\n<p>After the Assyrian threat in 701 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah’s remaining years were peaceful and prosperous; he died in 686 <span>BC<\/span> and was succeeded by his son Manasseh.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 18:1–20:21; 2 Chr 28:27–32:33; Isa 36:1–39:8<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Hezekiah<\/h3>\n<p>Hezekiah, who reigned from 728 to 686 <span>BC<\/span> was one of Judah’s best kings. Hezekiah’s father, Ahaz, betrayed the Lord, but Hezekiah promoted true worship of God. Reversing the damage done by Ahaz, he repaired the Temple doors, had the Levites sanctify themselves, and reinstated religious ceremonies. He brought sacrifices, restored the priestly Temple service, and invited people throughout Judah and Israel to celebrate Passover in Jerusalem (2 Chr 29–30). After the celebration, he faithfully destroyed pagan worship sites.<\/p>\n<p>Soon after Hezekiah started ruling, the Assyrians under Shalmaneser V and his successor Sargon II defeated the northern kingdom, deported its inhabitants, and brought in foreign residents (722 <span>BC<\/span>). When Sargon II died in 705 <span>BC<\/span>, his son Sennacherib came to power, triggering widespread rebellion. Hezekiah stopped paying the tribute that his father Ahaz had paid (2 Kgs 18:7; see 16:7). As a result, in 701 <span>BC<\/span> Sennacherib invaded Judah. Hezekiah tried to appease the Assyrian ruler by sending a vast tribute payment, but the attempted return to servitude failed and the Assyrian forces threatened Jerusalem and mocked Hezekiah’s reliance on the Lord (18:17-35). Hezekiah responded with grieving and supplication. The Lord, speaking through Isaiah the prophet, assured Hezekiah that his prayers had been heard and that Sennacherib would not conquer Jerusalem (19:1-34).<\/p>\n<p>Around that same time, Hezekiah became seriously ill (20:1-11). Isaiah told him to prepare for death, but Hezekiah turned to the Lord and prayed for healing. The Lord promised him fifteen more years as well as deliverance from the Assyrians. When he had recovered, Hezekiah unwisely hosted the rebel Babylonian king Merodach-baladan in his palace, showing him the Temple treasures and seeking support from Babylon rather than the Lord. Isaiah predicted that those treasures would be carried off to Babylon (20:12-19).<\/p>\n<p>After the Assyrian threat in 701 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah’s remaining years were peaceful and prosperous; he died in 686 <span>BC<\/span> and was succeeded by his son Manasseh.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 18:1–20:21; 2 Chr 28:27–32:33; Isa 36:1–39:8<\/p>","summary_ro":"Hezekiah Hezekiah, who reigned from 728 to 686 BC was one of Judah’s best kings. Hezekiah’s father, Ahaz, betrayed the Lord, but Hezekiah promoted true worship of God. Reversing the damage done by Ahaz, he repaired the Temple doors, had the Levites sanctify themselves, and reinstated religious ceremonies. He brought sacrifices, restored the priestly Temple service, and invited people throughout Judah and Israel to celebrate Passover in Jerusalem (2 Chr 29–30). After the celebration, he faithf...","summary_en":"Hezekiah Hezekiah, who reigned from 728 to 686 BC was one of Judah’s best kings. Hezekiah’s father, Ahaz, betrayed the Lord, but Hezekiah promoted true worship of God. Reversing the damage done by Ahaz, he repaired the Temple doors, had the Levites sanctify themselves, and reinstated religious ceremonies. He brought sacrifices, restored the priestly Temple service, and invited people throughout Judah and Israel to celebrate Passover in Jerusalem (2 Chr 29–30). After the celebration, he faithf...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":41692,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Babylon","title_en":"Babylon","content_ro":"<h3>Babylon<\/h3>\n<p>Babylon, one of the world’s most ancient cities, was the center of the Babylonian civilization and is an enduring symbol for defiant human pride.<\/p>\n<p>Babylon was founded a few generations after the Flood by Nimrod (Gen 10:8-10), one of history’s first powerful overlords. Babylon takes its name from Babel, a word that means “gate of god” in the Babylonian language. Babylon was probably the location of the tower of Babel (Gen 11:1-9), an early attempt by humanity to construct their own identity apart from the Creator. It was this proud civilization that Abraham and his family left when they traveled out of Ur of the Chaldeans around 2000 <span>BC<\/span>. Even though Babylon was ruled by many kingdoms throughout the centuries, the city remained a cultural and religious figurehead.<\/p>\n<p>Sumerian Civilization (3200–2000 <span>BC<\/span>)<\/p>\n<p>The first great civilization to flourish in Babylonia was Sumer, centered south of Babylon. The Sumerians invented cuneiform writing, which was used by Mesopotamian cultures for three thousand years.<\/p>\n<p>The Akkadian Empire (2334–2154 <span>BC<\/span>)<\/p>\n<p>To the north of Babylon, Akkadian king Sargon I (2339–2279 <span>BC<\/span>) founded the capital city of Akkad and gained political and cultural supremacy over Mesopotamia. The Akkadian Empire lasted for nearly two centuries.<\/p>\n<p>First Babylonian Kingdom (1900–1600 <span>BC<\/span>)<\/p>\n<p>During the period of the Akkadian Empire, Semitic-speaking nomads from Syria called Amurru (“Amorites”), regarded as barbarians by the urbane Babylonians, began migrating into Babylonia, where they eventually established a new Babylonian kingdom under Amorite control. The sixth king of that dynasty was Hammurabi (1792–1750 <span>BC<\/span>), who enlarged the kingdom significantly. Babylon’s glory, however, was short-lived; the kingdom shriveled under Hammurabi’s son and lasted only another century.<\/p>\n<p>Assyrian Domination (900–614 <span>BC<\/span>)<\/p>\n<p>In 851 <span>BC<\/span> Assyrian king Shalmaneser III (858–824 <span>BC<\/span>) entered Babylon but treated the ancient city with respect and left its king on his throne as a vassal. A century and a half later (around 705 <span>BC<\/span>), a Babylonian vassal-king named Merodach-baladan organized a revolution, and he sent ambassadors to King Hezekiah of Judah for support (see 2 Kgs 20:12-19; Isa 39). Assyria quickly crushed Merodach-baladan’s revolution, and Assyria’s domination continued for another century.<\/p>\n<p>Neo-Babylonian Empire (612–539 <span>BC<\/span>)<\/p>\n<p>The Chaldean prince Nabopolassar seized the throne of Babylon (625–605 <span>BC<\/span>) and put an end to the Assyrian Empire. Under his son Nebuchadnezzar II (605–562 <span>BC<\/span>), Babylon was master of the Near East, a city of splendor (see Dan 1–4).<\/p>\n<p>Nebuchadnezzar was eventually succeeded by a high diplomatic official named Nabonidus (555–539 <span>BC<\/span>), who neglected Babylon and lost its support. When Cyrus II of Persia (559–530 <span>BC<\/span>) attacked the city in October 539 <span>BC<\/span> (see Dan 5:30-31 and study note on Dan 5:31), the city gave itself up without a battle. That surrender marked the end of independent Babylon.<\/p>\n<p>The Symbolic Enemy of God’s People<\/p>\n<p>In 1 Peter and Revelation, Rome is personified as “Babylon the Great, Mother of all Prostitutes and Obscenities in the World” (Rev 17:5)—a dreadfully immoral center of wealth and commerce, ruling over the kings of the earth and persecuting God’s people. The kings and merchants of the earth will mourn her demise (Rev 18:9-19), but God’s people will rejoice that their oppression has ended and will worship God freely.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 10:8-9; 11:1-9; 2 Kgs 20:12-19; 24:1–25:30; Isa 39; Dan 1–5; 1 Pet 5:13; Rev 14:8; 16:19; 17:5; 18:2-21; 19:2<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Babylon<\/h3>\n<p>Babylon, one of the world’s most ancient cities, was the center of the Babylonian civilization and is an enduring symbol for defiant human pride.<\/p>\n<p>Babylon was founded a few generations after the Flood by Nimrod (Gen 10:8-10), one of history’s first powerful overlords. Babylon takes its name from Babel, a word that means “gate of god” in the Babylonian language. Babylon was probably the location of the tower of Babel (Gen 11:1-9), an early attempt by humanity to construct their own identity apart from the Creator. It was this proud civilization that Abraham and his family left when they traveled out of Ur of the Chaldeans around 2000 <span>BC<\/span>. Even though Babylon was ruled by many kingdoms throughout the centuries, the city remained a cultural and religious figurehead.<\/p>\n<p>Sumerian Civilization (3200–2000 <span>BC<\/span>)<\/p>\n<p>The first great civilization to flourish in Babylonia was Sumer, centered south of Babylon. The Sumerians invented cuneiform writing, which was used by Mesopotamian cultures for three thousand years.<\/p>\n<p>The Akkadian Empire (2334–2154 <span>BC<\/span>)<\/p>\n<p>To the north of Babylon, Akkadian king Sargon I (2339–2279 <span>BC<\/span>) founded the capital city of Akkad and gained political and cultural supremacy over Mesopotamia. The Akkadian Empire lasted for nearly two centuries.<\/p>\n<p>First Babylonian Kingdom (1900–1600 <span>BC<\/span>)<\/p>\n<p>During the period of the Akkadian Empire, Semitic-speaking nomads from Syria called Amurru (“Amorites”), regarded as barbarians by the urbane Babylonians, began migrating into Babylonia, where they eventually established a new Babylonian kingdom under Amorite control. The sixth king of that dynasty was Hammurabi (1792–1750 <span>BC<\/span>), who enlarged the kingdom significantly. Babylon’s glory, however, was short-lived; the kingdom shriveled under Hammurabi’s son and lasted only another century.<\/p>\n<p>Assyrian Domination (900–614 <span>BC<\/span>)<\/p>\n<p>In 851 <span>BC<\/span> Assyrian king Shalmaneser III (858–824 <span>BC<\/span>) entered Babylon but treated the ancient city with respect and left its king on his throne as a vassal. A century and a half later (around 705 <span>BC<\/span>), a Babylonian vassal-king named Merodach-baladan organized a revolution, and he sent ambassadors to King Hezekiah of Judah for support (see 2 Kgs 20:12-19; Isa 39). Assyria quickly crushed Merodach-baladan’s revolution, and Assyria’s domination continued for another century.<\/p>\n<p>Neo-Babylonian Empire (612–539 <span>BC<\/span>)<\/p>\n<p>The Chaldean prince Nabopolassar seized the throne of Babylon (625–605 <span>BC<\/span>) and put an end to the Assyrian Empire. Under his son Nebuchadnezzar II (605–562 <span>BC<\/span>), Babylon was master of the Near East, a city of splendor (see Dan 1–4).<\/p>\n<p>Nebuchadnezzar was eventually succeeded by a high diplomatic official named Nabonidus (555–539 <span>BC<\/span>), who neglected Babylon and lost its support. When Cyrus II of Persia (559–530 <span>BC<\/span>) attacked the city in October 539 <span>BC<\/span> (see Dan 5:30-31 and study note on Dan 5:31), the city gave itself up without a battle. That surrender marked the end of independent Babylon.<\/p>\n<p>The Symbolic Enemy of God’s People<\/p>\n<p>In 1 Peter and Revelation, Rome is personified as “Babylon the Great, Mother of all Prostitutes and Obscenities in the World” (Rev 17:5)—a dreadfully immoral center of wealth and commerce, ruling over the kings of the earth and persecuting God’s people. The kings and merchants of the earth will mourn her demise (Rev 18:9-19), but God’s people will rejoice that their oppression has ended and will worship God freely.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 10:8-9; 11:1-9; 2 Kgs 20:12-19; 24:1–25:30; Isa 39; Dan 1–5; 1 Pet 5:13; Rev 14:8; 16:19; 17:5; 18:2-21; 19:2<\/p>","summary_ro":"Babylon Babylon, one of the world’s most ancient cities, was the center of the Babylonian civilization and is an enduring symbol for defiant human pride. Babylon was founded a few generations after the Flood by Nimrod (Gen 10:8-10), one of history’s first powerful overlords. Babylon takes its name from Babel, a word that means “gate of god” in the Babylonian language. Babylon was probably the location of the tower of Babel (Gen 11:1-9), an early attempt by humanity to construct their own iden...","summary_en":"Babylon Babylon, one of the world’s most ancient cities, was the center of the Babylonian civilization and is an enduring symbol for defiant human pride. Babylon was founded a few generations after the Flood by Nimrod (Gen 10:8-10), one of history’s first powerful overlords. Babylon takes its name from Babel, a word that means “gate of god” in the Babylonian language. Babylon was probably the location of the tower of Babel (Gen 11:1-9), an early attempt by humanity to construct their own iden...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":69285,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Hezekiah","title_en":"Hezekiah","content_ro":"<h3>Hezekiah<\/h3>\n<p>Hezekiah, who reigned from 728 to 686 <span>BC<\/span> was one of Judah’s best kings. Hezekiah’s father, Ahaz, betrayed the Lord, but Hezekiah promoted true worship of God. Reversing the damage done by Ahaz, he repaired the Temple doors, had the Levites sanctify themselves, and reinstated religious ceremonies. He brought sacrifices, restored the priestly Temple service, and invited people throughout Judah and Israel to celebrate Passover in Jerusalem (2 Chr 29–30). After the celebration, he faithfully destroyed pagan worship sites.<\/p>\n<p>Soon after Hezekiah started ruling, the Assyrians under Shalmaneser V and his successor Sargon II defeated the northern kingdom, deported its inhabitants, and brought in foreign residents (722 <span>BC<\/span>). When Sargon II died in 705 <span>BC<\/span>, his son Sennacherib came to power, triggering widespread rebellion. Hezekiah stopped paying the tribute that his father Ahaz had paid (2 Kgs 18:7; see 16:7). As a result, in 701 <span>BC<\/span> Sennacherib invaded Judah. Hezekiah tried to appease the Assyrian ruler by sending a vast tribute payment, but the attempted return to servitude failed and the Assyrian forces threatened Jerusalem and mocked Hezekiah’s reliance on the Lord (18:17-35). Hezekiah responded with grieving and supplication. The Lord, speaking through Isaiah the prophet, assured Hezekiah that his prayers had been heard and that Sennacherib would not conquer Jerusalem (19:1-34).<\/p>\n<p>Around that same time, Hezekiah became seriously ill (20:1-11). Isaiah told him to prepare for death, but Hezekiah turned to the Lord and prayed for healing. The Lord promised him fifteen more years as well as deliverance from the Assyrians. When he had recovered, Hezekiah unwisely hosted the rebel Babylonian king Merodach-baladan in his palace, showing him the Temple treasures and seeking support from Babylon rather than the Lord. Isaiah predicted that those treasures would be carried off to Babylon (20:12-19).<\/p>\n<p>After the Assyrian threat in 701 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah’s remaining years were peaceful and prosperous; he died in 686 <span>BC<\/span> and was succeeded by his son Manasseh.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 18:1–20:21; 2 Chr 28:27–32:33; Isa 36:1–39:8<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Hezekiah<\/h3>\n<p>Hezekiah, who reigned from 728 to 686 <span>BC<\/span> was one of Judah’s best kings. Hezekiah’s father, Ahaz, betrayed the Lord, but Hezekiah promoted true worship of God. Reversing the damage done by Ahaz, he repaired the Temple doors, had the Levites sanctify themselves, and reinstated religious ceremonies. He brought sacrifices, restored the priestly Temple service, and invited people throughout Judah and Israel to celebrate Passover in Jerusalem (2 Chr 29–30). After the celebration, he faithfully destroyed pagan worship sites.<\/p>\n<p>Soon after Hezekiah started ruling, the Assyrians under Shalmaneser V and his successor Sargon II defeated the northern kingdom, deported its inhabitants, and brought in foreign residents (722 <span>BC<\/span>). When Sargon II died in 705 <span>BC<\/span>, his son Sennacherib came to power, triggering widespread rebellion. Hezekiah stopped paying the tribute that his father Ahaz had paid (2 Kgs 18:7; see 16:7). As a result, in 701 <span>BC<\/span> Sennacherib invaded Judah. Hezekiah tried to appease the Assyrian ruler by sending a vast tribute payment, but the attempted return to servitude failed and the Assyrian forces threatened Jerusalem and mocked Hezekiah’s reliance on the Lord (18:17-35). Hezekiah responded with grieving and supplication. The Lord, speaking through Isaiah the prophet, assured Hezekiah that his prayers had been heard and that Sennacherib would not conquer Jerusalem (19:1-34).<\/p>\n<p>Around that same time, Hezekiah became seriously ill (20:1-11). Isaiah told him to prepare for death, but Hezekiah turned to the Lord and prayed for healing. The Lord promised him fifteen more years as well as deliverance from the Assyrians. When he had recovered, Hezekiah unwisely hosted the rebel Babylonian king Merodach-baladan in his palace, showing him the Temple treasures and seeking support from Babylon rather than the Lord. Isaiah predicted that those treasures would be carried off to Babylon (20:12-19).<\/p>\n<p>After the Assyrian threat in 701 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah’s remaining years were peaceful and prosperous; he died in 686 <span>BC<\/span> and was succeeded by his son Manasseh.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 18:1–20:21; 2 Chr 28:27–32:33; Isa 36:1–39:8<\/p>","summary_ro":"Hezekiah Hezekiah, who reigned from 728 to 686 BC was one of Judah’s best kings. Hezekiah’s father, Ahaz, betrayed the Lord, but Hezekiah promoted true worship of God. Reversing the damage done by Ahaz, he repaired the Temple doors, had the Levites sanctify themselves, and reinstated religious ceremonies. He brought sacrifices, restored the priestly Temple service, and invited people throughout Judah and Israel to celebrate Passover in Jerusalem (2 Chr 29–30). After the celebration, he faithf...","summary_en":"Hezekiah Hezekiah, who reigned from 728 to 686 BC was one of Judah’s best kings. Hezekiah’s father, Ahaz, betrayed the Lord, but Hezekiah promoted true worship of God. Reversing the damage done by Ahaz, he repaired the Temple doors, had the Levites sanctify themselves, and reinstated religious ceremonies. He brought sacrifices, restored the priestly Temple service, and invited people throughout Judah and Israel to celebrate Passover in Jerusalem (2 Chr 29–30). After the celebration, he faithf...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":69318,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Babylon","title_en":"Babylon","content_ro":"<h3>Babylon<\/h3>\n<p>Babylon, one of the world’s most ancient cities, was the center of the Babylonian civilization and is an enduring symbol for defiant human pride.<\/p>\n<p>Babylon was founded a few generations after the Flood by Nimrod (Gen 10:8-10), one of history’s first powerful overlords. Babylon takes its name from Babel, a word that means “gate of god” in the Babylonian language. Babylon was probably the location of the tower of Babel (Gen 11:1-9), an early attempt by humanity to construct their own identity apart from the Creator. It was this proud civilization that Abraham and his family left when they traveled out of Ur of the Chaldeans around 2000 <span>BC<\/span>. Even though Babylon was ruled by many kingdoms throughout the centuries, the city remained a cultural and religious figurehead.<\/p>\n<p>Sumerian Civilization (3200–2000 <span>BC<\/span>)<\/p>\n<p>The first great civilization to flourish in Babylonia was Sumer, centered south of Babylon. The Sumerians invented cuneiform writing, which was used by Mesopotamian cultures for three thousand years.<\/p>\n<p>The Akkadian Empire (2334–2154 <span>BC<\/span>)<\/p>\n<p>To the north of Babylon, Akkadian king Sargon I (2339–2279 <span>BC<\/span>) founded the capital city of Akkad and gained political and cultural supremacy over Mesopotamia. The Akkadian Empire lasted for nearly two centuries.<\/p>\n<p>First Babylonian Kingdom (1900–1600 <span>BC<\/span>)<\/p>\n<p>During the period of the Akkadian Empire, Semitic-speaking nomads from Syria called Amurru (“Amorites”), regarded as barbarians by the urbane Babylonians, began migrating into Babylonia, where they eventually established a new Babylonian kingdom under Amorite control. The sixth king of that dynasty was Hammurabi (1792–1750 <span>BC<\/span>), who enlarged the kingdom significantly. Babylon’s glory, however, was short-lived; the kingdom shriveled under Hammurabi’s son and lasted only another century.<\/p>\n<p>Assyrian Domination (900–614 <span>BC<\/span>)<\/p>\n<p>In 851 <span>BC<\/span> Assyrian king Shalmaneser III (858–824 <span>BC<\/span>) entered Babylon but treated the ancient city with respect and left its king on his throne as a vassal. A century and a half later (around 705 <span>BC<\/span>), a Babylonian vassal-king named Merodach-baladan organized a revolution, and he sent ambassadors to King Hezekiah of Judah for support (see 2 Kgs 20:12-19; Isa 39). Assyria quickly crushed Merodach-baladan’s revolution, and Assyria’s domination continued for another century.<\/p>\n<p>Neo-Babylonian Empire (612–539 <span>BC<\/span>)<\/p>\n<p>The Chaldean prince Nabopolassar seized the throne of Babylon (625–605 <span>BC<\/span>) and put an end to the Assyrian Empire. Under his son Nebuchadnezzar II (605–562 <span>BC<\/span>), Babylon was master of the Near East, a city of splendor (see Dan 1–4).<\/p>\n<p>Nebuchadnezzar was eventually succeeded by a high diplomatic official named Nabonidus (555–539 <span>BC<\/span>), who neglected Babylon and lost its support. When Cyrus II of Persia (559–530 <span>BC<\/span>) attacked the city in October 539 <span>BC<\/span> (see Dan 5:30-31 and study note on Dan 5:31), the city gave itself up without a battle. That surrender marked the end of independent Babylon.<\/p>\n<p>The Symbolic Enemy of God’s People<\/p>\n<p>In 1 Peter and Revelation, Rome is personified as “Babylon the Great, Mother of all Prostitutes and Obscenities in the World” (Rev 17:5)—a dreadfully immoral center of wealth and commerce, ruling over the kings of the earth and persecuting God’s people. The kings and merchants of the earth will mourn her demise (Rev 18:9-19), but God’s people will rejoice that their oppression has ended and will worship God freely.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 10:8-9; 11:1-9; 2 Kgs 20:12-19; 24:1–25:30; Isa 39; Dan 1–5; 1 Pet 5:13; Rev 14:8; 16:19; 17:5; 18:2-21; 19:2<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Babylon<\/h3>\n<p>Babylon, one of the world’s most ancient cities, was the center of the Babylonian civilization and is an enduring symbol for defiant human pride.<\/p>\n<p>Babylon was founded a few generations after the Flood by Nimrod (Gen 10:8-10), one of history’s first powerful overlords. Babylon takes its name from Babel, a word that means “gate of god” in the Babylonian language. Babylon was probably the location of the tower of Babel (Gen 11:1-9), an early attempt by humanity to construct their own identity apart from the Creator. It was this proud civilization that Abraham and his family left when they traveled out of Ur of the Chaldeans around 2000 <span>BC<\/span>. Even though Babylon was ruled by many kingdoms throughout the centuries, the city remained a cultural and religious figurehead.<\/p>\n<p>Sumerian Civilization (3200–2000 <span>BC<\/span>)<\/p>\n<p>The first great civilization to flourish in Babylonia was Sumer, centered south of Babylon. The Sumerians invented cuneiform writing, which was used by Mesopotamian cultures for three thousand years.<\/p>\n<p>The Akkadian Empire (2334–2154 <span>BC<\/span>)<\/p>\n<p>To the north of Babylon, Akkadian king Sargon I (2339–2279 <span>BC<\/span>) founded the capital city of Akkad and gained political and cultural supremacy over Mesopotamia. The Akkadian Empire lasted for nearly two centuries.<\/p>\n<p>First Babylonian Kingdom (1900–1600 <span>BC<\/span>)<\/p>\n<p>During the period of the Akkadian Empire, Semitic-speaking nomads from Syria called Amurru (“Amorites”), regarded as barbarians by the urbane Babylonians, began migrating into Babylonia, where they eventually established a new Babylonian kingdom under Amorite control. The sixth king of that dynasty was Hammurabi (1792–1750 <span>BC<\/span>), who enlarged the kingdom significantly. Babylon’s glory, however, was short-lived; the kingdom shriveled under Hammurabi’s son and lasted only another century.<\/p>\n<p>Assyrian Domination (900–614 <span>BC<\/span>)<\/p>\n<p>In 851 <span>BC<\/span> Assyrian king Shalmaneser III (858–824 <span>BC<\/span>) entered Babylon but treated the ancient city with respect and left its king on his throne as a vassal. A century and a half later (around 705 <span>BC<\/span>), a Babylonian vassal-king named Merodach-baladan organized a revolution, and he sent ambassadors to King Hezekiah of Judah for support (see 2 Kgs 20:12-19; Isa 39). Assyria quickly crushed Merodach-baladan’s revolution, and Assyria’s domination continued for another century.<\/p>\n<p>Neo-Babylonian Empire (612–539 <span>BC<\/span>)<\/p>\n<p>The Chaldean prince Nabopolassar seized the throne of Babylon (625–605 <span>BC<\/span>) and put an end to the Assyrian Empire. Under his son Nebuchadnezzar II (605–562 <span>BC<\/span>), Babylon was master of the Near East, a city of splendor (see Dan 1–4).<\/p>\n<p>Nebuchadnezzar was eventually succeeded by a high diplomatic official named Nabonidus (555–539 <span>BC<\/span>), who neglected Babylon and lost its support. When Cyrus II of Persia (559–530 <span>BC<\/span>) attacked the city in October 539 <span>BC<\/span> (see Dan 5:30-31 and study note on Dan 5:31), the city gave itself up without a battle. That surrender marked the end of independent Babylon.<\/p>\n<p>The Symbolic Enemy of God’s People<\/p>\n<p>In 1 Peter and Revelation, Rome is personified as “Babylon the Great, Mother of all Prostitutes and Obscenities in the World” (Rev 17:5)—a dreadfully immoral center of wealth and commerce, ruling over the kings of the earth and persecuting God’s people. The kings and merchants of the earth will mourn her demise (Rev 18:9-19), but God’s people will rejoice that their oppression has ended and will worship God freely.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 10:8-9; 11:1-9; 2 Kgs 20:12-19; 24:1–25:30; Isa 39; Dan 1–5; 1 Pet 5:13; Rev 14:8; 16:19; 17:5; 18:2-21; 19:2<\/p>","summary_ro":"Babylon Babylon, one of the world’s most ancient cities, was the center of the Babylonian civilization and is an enduring symbol for defiant human pride. Babylon was founded a few generations after the Flood by Nimrod (Gen 10:8-10), one of history’s first powerful overlords. Babylon takes its name from Babel, a word that means “gate of god” in the Babylonian language. Babylon was probably the location of the tower of Babel (Gen 11:1-9), an early attempt by humanity to construct their own iden...","summary_en":"Babylon Babylon, one of the world’s most ancient cities, was the center of the Babylonian civilization and is an enduring symbol for defiant human pride. Babylon was founded a few generations after the Flood by Nimrod (Gen 10:8-10), one of history’s first powerful overlords. Babylon takes its name from Babel, a word that means “gate of god” in the Babylonian language. Babylon was probably the location of the tower of Babel (Gen 11:1-9), an early attempt by humanity to construct their own iden...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":96911,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Hezekiah","title_en":"Hezekiah","content_ro":"<h3>Hezekiah<\/h3>\n<p>Hezekiah, who reigned from 728 to 686 <span>BC<\/span> was one of Judah’s best kings. Hezekiah’s father, Ahaz, betrayed the Lord, but Hezekiah promoted true worship of God. Reversing the damage done by Ahaz, he repaired the Temple doors, had the Levites sanctify themselves, and reinstated religious ceremonies. He brought sacrifices, restored the priestly Temple service, and invited people throughout Judah and Israel to celebrate Passover in Jerusalem (2 Chr 29–30). After the celebration, he faithfully destroyed pagan worship sites.<\/p>\n<p>Soon after Hezekiah started ruling, the Assyrians under Shalmaneser V and his successor Sargon II defeated the northern kingdom, deported its inhabitants, and brought in foreign residents (722 <span>BC<\/span>). When Sargon II died in 705 <span>BC<\/span>, his son Sennacherib came to power, triggering widespread rebellion. Hezekiah stopped paying the tribute that his father Ahaz had paid (2 Kgs 18:7; see 16:7). As a result, in 701 <span>BC<\/span> Sennacherib invaded Judah. Hezekiah tried to appease the Assyrian ruler by sending a vast tribute payment, but the attempted return to servitude failed and the Assyrian forces threatened Jerusalem and mocked Hezekiah’s reliance on the Lord (18:17-35). Hezekiah responded with grieving and supplication. The Lord, speaking through Isaiah the prophet, assured Hezekiah that his prayers had been heard and that Sennacherib would not conquer Jerusalem (19:1-34).<\/p>\n<p>Around that same time, Hezekiah became seriously ill (20:1-11). Isaiah told him to prepare for death, but Hezekiah turned to the Lord and prayed for healing. The Lord promised him fifteen more years as well as deliverance from the Assyrians. When he had recovered, Hezekiah unwisely hosted the rebel Babylonian king Merodach-baladan in his palace, showing him the Temple treasures and seeking support from Babylon rather than the Lord. Isaiah predicted that those treasures would be carried off to Babylon (20:12-19).<\/p>\n<p>After the Assyrian threat in 701 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah’s remaining years were peaceful and prosperous; he died in 686 <span>BC<\/span> and was succeeded by his son Manasseh.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 18:1–20:21; 2 Chr 28:27–32:33; Isa 36:1–39:8<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Hezekiah<\/h3>\n<p>Hezekiah, who reigned from 728 to 686 <span>BC<\/span> was one of Judah’s best kings. Hezekiah’s father, Ahaz, betrayed the Lord, but Hezekiah promoted true worship of God. Reversing the damage done by Ahaz, he repaired the Temple doors, had the Levites sanctify themselves, and reinstated religious ceremonies. He brought sacrifices, restored the priestly Temple service, and invited people throughout Judah and Israel to celebrate Passover in Jerusalem (2 Chr 29–30). After the celebration, he faithfully destroyed pagan worship sites.<\/p>\n<p>Soon after Hezekiah started ruling, the Assyrians under Shalmaneser V and his successor Sargon II defeated the northern kingdom, deported its inhabitants, and brought in foreign residents (722 <span>BC<\/span>). When Sargon II died in 705 <span>BC<\/span>, his son Sennacherib came to power, triggering widespread rebellion. Hezekiah stopped paying the tribute that his father Ahaz had paid (2 Kgs 18:7; see 16:7). As a result, in 701 <span>BC<\/span> Sennacherib invaded Judah. Hezekiah tried to appease the Assyrian ruler by sending a vast tribute payment, but the attempted return to servitude failed and the Assyrian forces threatened Jerusalem and mocked Hezekiah’s reliance on the Lord (18:17-35). Hezekiah responded with grieving and supplication. The Lord, speaking through Isaiah the prophet, assured Hezekiah that his prayers had been heard and that Sennacherib would not conquer Jerusalem (19:1-34).<\/p>\n<p>Around that same time, Hezekiah became seriously ill (20:1-11). Isaiah told him to prepare for death, but Hezekiah turned to the Lord and prayed for healing. The Lord promised him fifteen more years as well as deliverance from the Assyrians. When he had recovered, Hezekiah unwisely hosted the rebel Babylonian king Merodach-baladan in his palace, showing him the Temple treasures and seeking support from Babylon rather than the Lord. Isaiah predicted that those treasures would be carried off to Babylon (20:12-19).<\/p>\n<p>After the Assyrian threat in 701 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah’s remaining years were peaceful and prosperous; he died in 686 <span>BC<\/span> and was succeeded by his son Manasseh.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 18:1–20:21; 2 Chr 28:27–32:33; Isa 36:1–39:8<\/p>","summary_ro":"Hezekiah Hezekiah, who reigned from 728 to 686 BC was one of Judah’s best kings. Hezekiah’s father, Ahaz, betrayed the Lord, but Hezekiah promoted true worship of God. Reversing the damage done by Ahaz, he repaired the Temple doors, had the Levites sanctify themselves, and reinstated religious ceremonies. He brought sacrifices, restored the priestly Temple service, and invited people throughout Judah and Israel to celebrate Passover in Jerusalem (2 Chr 29–30). After the celebration, he faithf...","summary_en":"Hezekiah Hezekiah, who reigned from 728 to 686 BC was one of Judah’s best kings. Hezekiah’s father, Ahaz, betrayed the Lord, but Hezekiah promoted true worship of God. Reversing the damage done by Ahaz, he repaired the Temple doors, had the Levites sanctify themselves, and reinstated religious ceremonies. He brought sacrifices, restored the priestly Temple service, and invited people throughout Judah and Israel to celebrate Passover in Jerusalem (2 Chr 29–30). After the celebration, he faithf...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":96944,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Babylon","title_en":"Babylon","content_ro":"<h3>Babylon<\/h3>\n<p>Babylon, one of the world’s most ancient cities, was the center of the Babylonian civilization and is an enduring symbol for defiant human pride.<\/p>\n<p>Babylon was founded a few generations after the Flood by Nimrod (Gen 10:8-10), one of history’s first powerful overlords. Babylon takes its name from Babel, a word that means “gate of god” in the Babylonian language. Babylon was probably the location of the tower of Babel (Gen 11:1-9), an early attempt by humanity to construct their own identity apart from the Creator. It was this proud civilization that Abraham and his family left when they traveled out of Ur of the Chaldeans around 2000 <span>BC<\/span>. Even though Babylon was ruled by many kingdoms throughout the centuries, the city remained a cultural and religious figurehead.<\/p>\n<p>Sumerian Civilization (3200–2000 <span>BC<\/span>)<\/p>\n<p>The first great civilization to flourish in Babylonia was Sumer, centered south of Babylon. The Sumerians invented cuneiform writing, which was used by Mesopotamian cultures for three thousand years.<\/p>\n<p>The Akkadian Empire (2334–2154 <span>BC<\/span>)<\/p>\n<p>To the north of Babylon, Akkadian king Sargon I (2339–2279 <span>BC<\/span>) founded the capital city of Akkad and gained political and cultural supremacy over Mesopotamia. The Akkadian Empire lasted for nearly two centuries.<\/p>\n<p>First Babylonian Kingdom (1900–1600 <span>BC<\/span>)<\/p>\n<p>During the period of the Akkadian Empire, Semitic-speaking nomads from Syria called Amurru (“Amorites”), regarded as barbarians by the urbane Babylonians, began migrating into Babylonia, where they eventually established a new Babylonian kingdom under Amorite control. The sixth king of that dynasty was Hammurabi (1792–1750 <span>BC<\/span>), who enlarged the kingdom significantly. Babylon’s glory, however, was short-lived; the kingdom shriveled under Hammurabi’s son and lasted only another century.<\/p>\n<p>Assyrian Domination (900–614 <span>BC<\/span>)<\/p>\n<p>In 851 <span>BC<\/span> Assyrian king Shalmaneser III (858–824 <span>BC<\/span>) entered Babylon but treated the ancient city with respect and left its king on his throne as a vassal. A century and a half later (around 705 <span>BC<\/span>), a Babylonian vassal-king named Merodach-baladan organized a revolution, and he sent ambassadors to King Hezekiah of Judah for support (see 2 Kgs 20:12-19; Isa 39). Assyria quickly crushed Merodach-baladan’s revolution, and Assyria’s domination continued for another century.<\/p>\n<p>Neo-Babylonian Empire (612–539 <span>BC<\/span>)<\/p>\n<p>The Chaldean prince Nabopolassar seized the throne of Babylon (625–605 <span>BC<\/span>) and put an end to the Assyrian Empire. Under his son Nebuchadnezzar II (605–562 <span>BC<\/span>), Babylon was master of the Near East, a city of splendor (see Dan 1–4).<\/p>\n<p>Nebuchadnezzar was eventually succeeded by a high diplomatic official named Nabonidus (555–539 <span>BC<\/span>), who neglected Babylon and lost its support. When Cyrus II of Persia (559–530 <span>BC<\/span>) attacked the city in October 539 <span>BC<\/span> (see Dan 5:30-31 and study note on Dan 5:31), the city gave itself up without a battle. That surrender marked the end of independent Babylon.<\/p>\n<p>The Symbolic Enemy of God’s People<\/p>\n<p>In 1 Peter and Revelation, Rome is personified as “Babylon the Great, Mother of all Prostitutes and Obscenities in the World” (Rev 17:5)—a dreadfully immoral center of wealth and commerce, ruling over the kings of the earth and persecuting God’s people. The kings and merchants of the earth will mourn her demise (Rev 18:9-19), but God’s people will rejoice that their oppression has ended and will worship God freely.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 10:8-9; 11:1-9; 2 Kgs 20:12-19; 24:1–25:30; Isa 39; Dan 1–5; 1 Pet 5:13; Rev 14:8; 16:19; 17:5; 18:2-21; 19:2<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Babylon<\/h3>\n<p>Babylon, one of the world’s most ancient cities, was the center of the Babylonian civilization and is an enduring symbol for defiant human pride.<\/p>\n<p>Babylon was founded a few generations after the Flood by Nimrod (Gen 10:8-10), one of history’s first powerful overlords. Babylon takes its name from Babel, a word that means “gate of god” in the Babylonian language. Babylon was probably the location of the tower of Babel (Gen 11:1-9), an early attempt by humanity to construct their own identity apart from the Creator. It was this proud civilization that Abraham and his family left when they traveled out of Ur of the Chaldeans around 2000 <span>BC<\/span>. Even though Babylon was ruled by many kingdoms throughout the centuries, the city remained a cultural and religious figurehead.<\/p>\n<p>Sumerian Civilization (3200–2000 <span>BC<\/span>)<\/p>\n<p>The first great civilization to flourish in Babylonia was Sumer, centered south of Babylon. The Sumerians invented cuneiform writing, which was used by Mesopotamian cultures for three thousand years.<\/p>\n<p>The Akkadian Empire (2334–2154 <span>BC<\/span>)<\/p>\n<p>To the north of Babylon, Akkadian king Sargon I (2339–2279 <span>BC<\/span>) founded the capital city of Akkad and gained political and cultural supremacy over Mesopotamia. The Akkadian Empire lasted for nearly two centuries.<\/p>\n<p>First Babylonian Kingdom (1900–1600 <span>BC<\/span>)<\/p>\n<p>During the period of the Akkadian Empire, Semitic-speaking nomads from Syria called Amurru (“Amorites”), regarded as barbarians by the urbane Babylonians, began migrating into Babylonia, where they eventually established a new Babylonian kingdom under Amorite control. The sixth king of that dynasty was Hammurabi (1792–1750 <span>BC<\/span>), who enlarged the kingdom significantly. Babylon’s glory, however, was short-lived; the kingdom shriveled under Hammurabi’s son and lasted only another century.<\/p>\n<p>Assyrian Domination (900–614 <span>BC<\/span>)<\/p>\n<p>In 851 <span>BC<\/span> Assyrian king Shalmaneser III (858–824 <span>BC<\/span>) entered Babylon but treated the ancient city with respect and left its king on his throne as a vassal. A century and a half later (around 705 <span>BC<\/span>), a Babylonian vassal-king named Merodach-baladan organized a revolution, and he sent ambassadors to King Hezekiah of Judah for support (see 2 Kgs 20:12-19; Isa 39). Assyria quickly crushed Merodach-baladan’s revolution, and Assyria’s domination continued for another century.<\/p>\n<p>Neo-Babylonian Empire (612–539 <span>BC<\/span>)<\/p>\n<p>The Chaldean prince Nabopolassar seized the throne of Babylon (625–605 <span>BC<\/span>) and put an end to the Assyrian Empire. Under his son Nebuchadnezzar II (605–562 <span>BC<\/span>), Babylon was master of the Near East, a city of splendor (see Dan 1–4).<\/p>\n<p>Nebuchadnezzar was eventually succeeded by a high diplomatic official named Nabonidus (555–539 <span>BC<\/span>), who neglected Babylon and lost its support. When Cyrus II of Persia (559–530 <span>BC<\/span>) attacked the city in October 539 <span>BC<\/span> (see Dan 5:30-31 and study note on Dan 5:31), the city gave itself up without a battle. That surrender marked the end of independent Babylon.<\/p>\n<p>The Symbolic Enemy of God’s People<\/p>\n<p>In 1 Peter and Revelation, Rome is personified as “Babylon the Great, Mother of all Prostitutes and Obscenities in the World” (Rev 17:5)—a dreadfully immoral center of wealth and commerce, ruling over the kings of the earth and persecuting God’s people. The kings and merchants of the earth will mourn her demise (Rev 18:9-19), but God’s people will rejoice that their oppression has ended and will worship God freely.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 10:8-9; 11:1-9; 2 Kgs 20:12-19; 24:1–25:30; Isa 39; Dan 1–5; 1 Pet 5:13; Rev 14:8; 16:19; 17:5; 18:2-21; 19:2<\/p>","summary_ro":"Babylon Babylon, one of the world’s most ancient cities, was the center of the Babylonian civilization and is an enduring symbol for defiant human pride. Babylon was founded a few generations after the Flood by Nimrod (Gen 10:8-10), one of history’s first powerful overlords. Babylon takes its name from Babel, a word that means “gate of god” in the Babylonian language. Babylon was probably the location of the tower of Babel (Gen 11:1-9), an early attempt by humanity to construct their own iden...","summary_en":"Babylon Babylon, one of the world’s most ancient cities, was the center of the Babylonian civilization and is an enduring symbol for defiant human pride. Babylon was founded a few generations after the Flood by Nimrod (Gen 10:8-10), one of history’s first powerful overlords. Babylon takes its name from Babel, a word that means “gate of god” in the Babylonian language. Babylon was probably the location of the tower of Babel (Gen 11:1-9), an early attempt by humanity to construct their own iden...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":124537,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Hezekiah","title_en":"Hezekiah","content_ro":"<h3>Hezekiah<\/h3>\n<p>Hezekiah, who reigned from 728 to 686 <span>BC<\/span> was one of Judah’s best kings. Hezekiah’s father, Ahaz, betrayed the Lord, but Hezekiah promoted true worship of God. Reversing the damage done by Ahaz, he repaired the Temple doors, had the Levites sanctify themselves, and reinstated religious ceremonies. He brought sacrifices, restored the priestly Temple service, and invited people throughout Judah and Israel to celebrate Passover in Jerusalem (2 Chr 29–30). After the celebration, he faithfully destroyed pagan worship sites.<\/p>\n<p>Soon after Hezekiah started ruling, the Assyrians under Shalmaneser V and his successor Sargon II defeated the northern kingdom, deported its inhabitants, and brought in foreign residents (722 <span>BC<\/span>). When Sargon II died in 705 <span>BC<\/span>, his son Sennacherib came to power, triggering widespread rebellion. Hezekiah stopped paying the tribute that his father Ahaz had paid (2 Kgs 18:7; see 16:7). As a result, in 701 <span>BC<\/span> Sennacherib invaded Judah. Hezekiah tried to appease the Assyrian ruler by sending a vast tribute payment, but the attempted return to servitude failed and the Assyrian forces threatened Jerusalem and mocked Hezekiah’s reliance on the Lord (18:17-35). Hezekiah responded with grieving and supplication. The Lord, speaking through Isaiah the prophet, assured Hezekiah that his prayers had been heard and that Sennacherib would not conquer Jerusalem (19:1-34).<\/p>\n<p>Around that same time, Hezekiah became seriously ill (20:1-11). Isaiah told him to prepare for death, but Hezekiah turned to the Lord and prayed for healing. The Lord promised him fifteen more years as well as deliverance from the Assyrians. When he had recovered, Hezekiah unwisely hosted the rebel Babylonian king Merodach-baladan in his palace, showing him the Temple treasures and seeking support from Babylon rather than the Lord. Isaiah predicted that those treasures would be carried off to Babylon (20:12-19).<\/p>\n<p>After the Assyrian threat in 701 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah’s remaining years were peaceful and prosperous; he died in 686 <span>BC<\/span> and was succeeded by his son Manasseh.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 18:1–20:21; 2 Chr 28:27–32:33; Isa 36:1–39:8<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Hezekiah<\/h3>\n<p>Hezekiah, who reigned from 728 to 686 <span>BC<\/span> was one of Judah’s best kings. Hezekiah’s father, Ahaz, betrayed the Lord, but Hezekiah promoted true worship of God. Reversing the damage done by Ahaz, he repaired the Temple doors, had the Levites sanctify themselves, and reinstated religious ceremonies. He brought sacrifices, restored the priestly Temple service, and invited people throughout Judah and Israel to celebrate Passover in Jerusalem (2 Chr 29–30). After the celebration, he faithfully destroyed pagan worship sites.<\/p>\n<p>Soon after Hezekiah started ruling, the Assyrians under Shalmaneser V and his successor Sargon II defeated the northern kingdom, deported its inhabitants, and brought in foreign residents (722 <span>BC<\/span>). When Sargon II died in 705 <span>BC<\/span>, his son Sennacherib came to power, triggering widespread rebellion. Hezekiah stopped paying the tribute that his father Ahaz had paid (2 Kgs 18:7; see 16:7). As a result, in 701 <span>BC<\/span> Sennacherib invaded Judah. Hezekiah tried to appease the Assyrian ruler by sending a vast tribute payment, but the attempted return to servitude failed and the Assyrian forces threatened Jerusalem and mocked Hezekiah’s reliance on the Lord (18:17-35). Hezekiah responded with grieving and supplication. The Lord, speaking through Isaiah the prophet, assured Hezekiah that his prayers had been heard and that Sennacherib would not conquer Jerusalem (19:1-34).<\/p>\n<p>Around that same time, Hezekiah became seriously ill (20:1-11). Isaiah told him to prepare for death, but Hezekiah turned to the Lord and prayed for healing. The Lord promised him fifteen more years as well as deliverance from the Assyrians. When he had recovered, Hezekiah unwisely hosted the rebel Babylonian king Merodach-baladan in his palace, showing him the Temple treasures and seeking support from Babylon rather than the Lord. Isaiah predicted that those treasures would be carried off to Babylon (20:12-19).<\/p>\n<p>After the Assyrian threat in 701 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah’s remaining years were peaceful and prosperous; he died in 686 <span>BC<\/span> and was succeeded by his son Manasseh.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 18:1–20:21; 2 Chr 28:27–32:33; Isa 36:1–39:8<\/p>","summary_ro":"Hezekiah Hezekiah, who reigned from 728 to 686 BC was one of Judah’s best kings. Hezekiah’s father, Ahaz, betrayed the Lord, but Hezekiah promoted true worship of God. Reversing the damage done by Ahaz, he repaired the Temple doors, had the Levites sanctify themselves, and reinstated religious ceremonies. He brought sacrifices, restored the priestly Temple service, and invited people throughout Judah and Israel to celebrate Passover in Jerusalem (2 Chr 29–30). After the celebration, he faithf...","summary_en":"Hezekiah Hezekiah, who reigned from 728 to 686 BC was one of Judah’s best kings. Hezekiah’s father, Ahaz, betrayed the Lord, but Hezekiah promoted true worship of God. Reversing the damage done by Ahaz, he repaired the Temple doors, had the Levites sanctify themselves, and reinstated religious ceremonies. He brought sacrifices, restored the priestly Temple service, and invited people throughout Judah and Israel to celebrate Passover in Jerusalem (2 Chr 29–30). After the celebration, he faithf...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":124570,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Babylon","title_en":"Babylon","content_ro":"<h3>Babylon<\/h3>\n<p>Babylon, one of the world’s most ancient cities, was the center of the Babylonian civilization and is an enduring symbol for defiant human pride.<\/p>\n<p>Babylon was founded a few generations after the Flood by Nimrod (Gen 10:8-10), one of history’s first powerful overlords. Babylon takes its name from Babel, a word that means “gate of god” in the Babylonian language. Babylon was probably the location of the tower of Babel (Gen 11:1-9), an early attempt by humanity to construct their own identity apart from the Creator. It was this proud civilization that Abraham and his family left when they traveled out of Ur of the Chaldeans around 2000 <span>BC<\/span>. Even though Babylon was ruled by many kingdoms throughout the centuries, the city remained a cultural and religious figurehead.<\/p>\n<p>Sumerian Civilization (3200–2000 <span>BC<\/span>)<\/p>\n<p>The first great civilization to flourish in Babylonia was Sumer, centered south of Babylon. The Sumerians invented cuneiform writing, which was used by Mesopotamian cultures for three thousand years.<\/p>\n<p>The Akkadian Empire (2334–2154 <span>BC<\/span>)<\/p>\n<p>To the north of Babylon, Akkadian king Sargon I (2339–2279 <span>BC<\/span>) founded the capital city of Akkad and gained political and cultural supremacy over Mesopotamia. The Akkadian Empire lasted for nearly two centuries.<\/p>\n<p>First Babylonian Kingdom (1900–1600 <span>BC<\/span>)<\/p>\n<p>During the period of the Akkadian Empire, Semitic-speaking nomads from Syria called Amurru (“Amorites”), regarded as barbarians by the urbane Babylonians, began migrating into Babylonia, where they eventually established a new Babylonian kingdom under Amorite control. The sixth king of that dynasty was Hammurabi (1792–1750 <span>BC<\/span>), who enlarged the kingdom significantly. Babylon’s glory, however, was short-lived; the kingdom shriveled under Hammurabi’s son and lasted only another century.<\/p>\n<p>Assyrian Domination (900–614 <span>BC<\/span>)<\/p>\n<p>In 851 <span>BC<\/span> Assyrian king Shalmaneser III (858–824 <span>BC<\/span>) entered Babylon but treated the ancient city with respect and left its king on his throne as a vassal. A century and a half later (around 705 <span>BC<\/span>), a Babylonian vassal-king named Merodach-baladan organized a revolution, and he sent ambassadors to King Hezekiah of Judah for support (see 2 Kgs 20:12-19; Isa 39). Assyria quickly crushed Merodach-baladan’s revolution, and Assyria’s domination continued for another century.<\/p>\n<p>Neo-Babylonian Empire (612–539 <span>BC<\/span>)<\/p>\n<p>The Chaldean prince Nabopolassar seized the throne of Babylon (625–605 <span>BC<\/span>) and put an end to the Assyrian Empire. Under his son Nebuchadnezzar II (605–562 <span>BC<\/span>), Babylon was master of the Near East, a city of splendor (see Dan 1–4).<\/p>\n<p>Nebuchadnezzar was eventually succeeded by a high diplomatic official named Nabonidus (555–539 <span>BC<\/span>), who neglected Babylon and lost its support. When Cyrus II of Persia (559–530 <span>BC<\/span>) attacked the city in October 539 <span>BC<\/span> (see Dan 5:30-31 and study note on Dan 5:31), the city gave itself up without a battle. That surrender marked the end of independent Babylon.<\/p>\n<p>The Symbolic Enemy of God’s People<\/p>\n<p>In 1 Peter and Revelation, Rome is personified as “Babylon the Great, Mother of all Prostitutes and Obscenities in the World” (Rev 17:5)—a dreadfully immoral center of wealth and commerce, ruling over the kings of the earth and persecuting God’s people. The kings and merchants of the earth will mourn her demise (Rev 18:9-19), but God’s people will rejoice that their oppression has ended and will worship God freely.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 10:8-9; 11:1-9; 2 Kgs 20:12-19; 24:1–25:30; Isa 39; Dan 1–5; 1 Pet 5:13; Rev 14:8; 16:19; 17:5; 18:2-21; 19:2<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Babylon<\/h3>\n<p>Babylon, one of the world’s most ancient cities, was the center of the Babylonian civilization and is an enduring symbol for defiant human pride.<\/p>\n<p>Babylon was founded a few generations after the Flood by Nimrod (Gen 10:8-10), one of history’s first powerful overlords. Babylon takes its name from Babel, a word that means “gate of god” in the Babylonian language. Babylon was probably the location of the tower of Babel (Gen 11:1-9), an early attempt by humanity to construct their own identity apart from the Creator. It was this proud civilization that Abraham and his family left when they traveled out of Ur of the Chaldeans around 2000 <span>BC<\/span>. Even though Babylon was ruled by many kingdoms throughout the centuries, the city remained a cultural and religious figurehead.<\/p>\n<p>Sumerian Civilization (3200–2000 <span>BC<\/span>)<\/p>\n<p>The first great civilization to flourish in Babylonia was Sumer, centered south of Babylon. The Sumerians invented cuneiform writing, which was used by Mesopotamian cultures for three thousand years.<\/p>\n<p>The Akkadian Empire (2334–2154 <span>BC<\/span>)<\/p>\n<p>To the north of Babylon, Akkadian king Sargon I (2339–2279 <span>BC<\/span>) founded the capital city of Akkad and gained political and cultural supremacy over Mesopotamia. The Akkadian Empire lasted for nearly two centuries.<\/p>\n<p>First Babylonian Kingdom (1900–1600 <span>BC<\/span>)<\/p>\n<p>During the period of the Akkadian Empire, Semitic-speaking nomads from Syria called Amurru (“Amorites”), regarded as barbarians by the urbane Babylonians, began migrating into Babylonia, where they eventually established a new Babylonian kingdom under Amorite control. The sixth king of that dynasty was Hammurabi (1792–1750 <span>BC<\/span>), who enlarged the kingdom significantly. Babylon’s glory, however, was short-lived; the kingdom shriveled under Hammurabi’s son and lasted only another century.<\/p>\n<p>Assyrian Domination (900–614 <span>BC<\/span>)<\/p>\n<p>In 851 <span>BC<\/span> Assyrian king Shalmaneser III (858–824 <span>BC<\/span>) entered Babylon but treated the ancient city with respect and left its king on his throne as a vassal. A century and a half later (around 705 <span>BC<\/span>), a Babylonian vassal-king named Merodach-baladan organized a revolution, and he sent ambassadors to King Hezekiah of Judah for support (see 2 Kgs 20:12-19; Isa 39). Assyria quickly crushed Merodach-baladan’s revolution, and Assyria’s domination continued for another century.<\/p>\n<p>Neo-Babylonian Empire (612–539 <span>BC<\/span>)<\/p>\n<p>The Chaldean prince Nabopolassar seized the throne of Babylon (625–605 <span>BC<\/span>) and put an end to the Assyrian Empire. Under his son Nebuchadnezzar II (605–562 <span>BC<\/span>), Babylon was master of the Near East, a city of splendor (see Dan 1–4).<\/p>\n<p>Nebuchadnezzar was eventually succeeded by a high diplomatic official named Nabonidus (555–539 <span>BC<\/span>), who neglected Babylon and lost its support. When Cyrus II of Persia (559–530 <span>BC<\/span>) attacked the city in October 539 <span>BC<\/span> (see Dan 5:30-31 and study note on Dan 5:31), the city gave itself up without a battle. That surrender marked the end of independent Babylon.<\/p>\n<p>The Symbolic Enemy of God’s People<\/p>\n<p>In 1 Peter and Revelation, Rome is personified as “Babylon the Great, Mother of all Prostitutes and Obscenities in the World” (Rev 17:5)—a dreadfully immoral center of wealth and commerce, ruling over the kings of the earth and persecuting God’s people. The kings and merchants of the earth will mourn her demise (Rev 18:9-19), but God’s people will rejoice that their oppression has ended and will worship God freely.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gen 10:8-9; 11:1-9; 2 Kgs 20:12-19; 24:1–25:30; Isa 39; Dan 1–5; 1 Pet 5:13; Rev 14:8; 16:19; 17:5; 18:2-21; 19:2<\/p>","summary_ro":"Babylon Babylon, one of the world’s most ancient cities, was the center of the Babylonian civilization and is an enduring symbol for defiant human pride. Babylon was founded a few generations after the Flood by Nimrod (Gen 10:8-10), one of history’s first powerful overlords. Babylon takes its name from Babel, a word that means “gate of god” in the Babylonian language. Babylon was probably the location of the tower of Babel (Gen 11:1-9), an early attempt by humanity to construct their own iden...","summary_en":"Babylon Babylon, one of the world’s most ancient cities, was the center of the Babylonian civilization and is an enduring symbol for defiant human pride. Babylon was founded a few generations after the Flood by Nimrod (Gen 10:8-10), one of history’s first powerful overlords. Babylon takes its name from Babel, a word that means “gate of god” in the Babylonian language. Babylon was probably the location of the tower of Babel (Gen 11:1-9), an early attempt by humanity to construct their own iden...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":3090,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Assyrians Assyria","title_en":"Assyrians Assyria","content_ro":"<h3>ASSYRIA, ASSYRIANS<\/h3>\n<p>Ancient empire considered the symbol of terror and tyranny in the Near East for more than three centuries. Assyria received its name from the tiny city-state Asshur, on the western bank of the Tigris River in northern Mesopotamia (modern Iraq). The city was the seat of worship of the sun god Asshur (also spelled Ashur). The Hebrew name occurs frequently in the Bible and is translated Assyria (Gn 2:14), Assur (Ezr 4:2; Ps 83:8), or left as Asshur (Gn 10:11, <span>kjv<\/span>). The form of the name comes originally from the Akkadian language.<\/p>\n<p>Originally, Assyria was a small district in northern Mesopotamia, lying in a rough triangle between the Tigris River and the Upper Zab, a tributary of the Tigris. Eventually Assyria gained control of northern Syria, securing an outlet to the Mediterranean Sea, and took possession of the fertile Mesopotamian plain, extending Assyrian domain over all of Babylonia to the Persian Gulf.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"History\">History<\/p>\n<h5>Before the Eighth Century <span>BC<\/span><\/h5>\n<p>By the end of the third millennium <span>BC<\/span>, the Sumerians were trading with Assyria and influencing its people culturally. Periodically Sumerian kings would claim political control over Assyria. Sargon of Agade (c. 2350 <span>BC<\/span>) brought Assyria within the sphere of his political and commercial activities, and when the Amorites overthrew the third dynasty of Ur and established their own states, one of them incorporated Assyria into its territory. During the period of Hammurabi, one of the last great kings of the first Babylonian dynasty (c. 2360–1600 <span>BC<\/span>), the Assyrians supplied building materials and other goods for the Babylonian kingdom.<\/p>\n<p>Trade between Asshur and the Assyrian colony of Kanish in Anatolia began at a very early time in Assyrian history. Goods were transported by caravans of up to 200 donkeys at a time. The wealth pouring in from such a trade put Assyria in a very strong position economically.<\/p>\n<p>The early phase of Assyrian commercial development was followed by a long period of decline, culminating in the 15th century <span>BC<\/span>. At that time Assyria was reduced to a state of vassalage by a non-Semitic people, the Hurrians (biblical Horites) of the state of Mitanni. In the 14th century another non-Semitic people, the Hittites, overthrew the power of Mitanni. Assyria was gradually able to rise again and assume the role of a great power in the ancient Near East, largely through the policies of a shrewd prince, Asshur-uballit. His reign marked the beginning of a long process by which Assyria ultimately rose to supremacy.<\/p>\n<p>Enlil-nirari (1329–1320 <span>BC<\/span>), son and successor of Asshur-uballit, attacked Babylon and defeated Kurigalzu II, the Kassite king of Babylon (1345–1324 <span>BC<\/span>). Adad-nirari I (1307–1275 <span>BC<\/span>) extended Assyria’s influence by winning victories over the Kassites in Babylonia. He also added territory to the northwest.<\/p>\n<p>The period of consolidation and expansion in the first Assyrian Empire culminated in the capture of Babylon by Tukulti-ninurta I (1244–1208 <span>BC<\/span>), which for the first time placed Babylon under Assyrian rule. After that climax, however, Assyrian power declined.<\/p>\n<p>The three centuries from about 1200 to 900 <span>BC<\/span> were marked by movements of different peoples such as the Greeks, Philistines, Arameans, and Hebrews. Under pressure of people migrating from Europe, the Hittite Empire, which formerly had given political stability to Asia Minor and protected the trade routes, crumbled rapidly. By 1200 <span>BC<\/span> it fell to attacks by the Sea Peoples from the Greek mainland.<\/p>\n<p>During the tenth century <span>BC<\/span>, Assyria began to make a slow recovery. In the reign of Adad-nirari II (911–891 <span>BC<\/span>), Assyria again launched upon a period of conspicuous economic and military expansion. For the next 60 years Assyrian kings followed a consistent policy of consolidating the work of Adad-nirari II. Ashurnasirpal II (885–860 <span>BC<\/span>) is considered the first great monarch of that new era in Assyrian history. He possessed all the qualities and defects of his successors to the extreme. He had the ambition, energy, courage, vanity, and magnificence of a ruthless, indefatigable empire builder. Ashurnasirpal’s first activities were directed to the mountain area to the east, where he extended Assyria’s control among the mountain people. In the west he subdued the Arameans with characteristic cruelty and did likewise in Asia Minor.<\/p>\n<p>Shalmaneser III is well known to historians of the biblical world for the battle of Qarqar (853 <span>BC<\/span>), considered the most fully documented event from the ancient world. He launched an invasion of Syria that was met by a coalition led by Ben-hadad of Damascus and supported by King Ahab of Israel and several other states. Since Shalmaneser was unable to rout the 60,000 troops opposing him, it was many years before the Assyrians were able to conquer Damascus and Samaria. King Jehu of Israel (841–814 <span>BC<\/span>), who later chose to pay tribute rather than fight, is represented, perhaps by an envoy, on the Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III, excavated at Shalmaneser’s capital city, Calah (now called Nimrud). Jehu is depicted as kissing the ground at the Assyrian monarch’s feet and offering a tribute of silver, gold, and lead vessels.<\/p>\n<p>Toward the end of his reign Shalmaneser had to put down a rebellion by some of the principal Assyrian cities. He was succeeded by his heir, Shamshi-adad V (823–811 <span>BC<\/span>). Shamshi-adad’s son Adad-nirari III (810–782 <span>BC<\/span>) built a new palace at Calah and attacked King Hazael of Damascus (Syria) in 804 <span>BC<\/span>. Assyrian pressure on the Syrians undoubtedly was a relief to Israel, which had been oppressed by Hazael (2 Kgs 13:22-25).<\/p>\n<h5>From the Eighth Century to the Battle of Carchemish (605 <span>BC<\/span>)<\/h5>\n<p>Beginning about 800 <span>BC<\/span> the influence of Urartu (Ararat) began to expand, especially in north Syria, at the expense of Assyria. The next half century saw a drastic decline in Assyria’s fortunes. In 746 <span>BC<\/span>, during a revolt in the city of Calah, the entire royal family was murdered.<\/p>\n<p>The final phase of Assyrian power was instituted by the usurper Tiglath-pileser III (745–727 <span>BC<\/span>), known also by his adopted Babylonian throne-name Pul (2 Kgs 15:19; 1 Chr 5:26). His reign began the process by which Assyria recovered and consolidated control of all its territories and established itself firmly as the dominant military and economic power in the Near East. Tiglath-pileser first secured control of the mountain passes in the north in order to eliminate the threat of invasion from that direction. Next he subjected Syria and Palestine in the west and took control of the road to Egypt and the Mediterranean Sea. Finally, through diplomacy, he gained the throne of Babylonia also. Under the name of Pul he governed Babylonia, creating the remarkable situation of two crowns united in one ruler bearing two different names. His political prudence was not usually found in the ruthless Assyrian monarchs.<\/p>\n<p>From the year 743 <span>BC<\/span> Tiglath-pileser III waged a number of campaigns in Syria and Palestine. King Menahem of Israel (752–742 <span>BC<\/span>) paid him tribute (2 Kgs 15:19-20), as did Tyre, Byblos, and Damascus. In 738 he subjugated the north central state of Hamath. Responding to an appeal from King Ahaz of Judah (735–715 <span>BC<\/span>) to help resist the pressures of a proposed anti-Assyrian coalition, Tiglath-pileser conquered Damascus in 732 and Samaria, capital of the northern kingdom of Israel, a decade later. On both occasions deportations of people to Assyria took place. The fall of Samaria in 722 <span>BC<\/span> marked the end of the kingdom of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>Sargon II (722–705 <span>BC<\/span>) claimed to be the Assyrian ruler who captured Samaria, but the biblical record attributed the capture to Shalmaneser (2 Kgs 17:2-6). To the policy of deportation, Sargon and his successors added that of colonization. To replace the peoples carried into captivity, these Assyrian kings brought tribes from Babylonia, Elam, Syria, and Arabia and settled them in Samaria and surrounding territory. The new arrivals intermingled with the indigenous people remaining in the land after the deportation and became the Samaritans.<\/p>\n<p>After 10 years of warfare against his enemies to the west in Syria and Asia Minor, and to the north in Urartu, Sargon concentrated his efforts on Babylonia. He chased Merodach-baladan II (721–710 <span>BC<\/span>; cf. 2 Kgs 20:12-19; Is 39:1) to Elam and made himself king of Babylon in 709. He started building a new capital city for himself, Dur-Sharrukin (Khorsabad) near Nineveh but was killed in battle before it was finished.<\/p>\n<p>Sargon was succeeded by his son Sennacherib (705–681 <span>BC<\/span>), who was occupied throughout his reign in a series of bitter wars. He is especially known in biblical studies for his campaign against Judah and siege of Jerusalem during the reign of King Hezekiah (715–686 <span>BC<\/span>) and the ministry of the prophet Isaiah (2 Kgs 18:13–19:37; Is 36–37). It was during that crisis that the celebrated Siloam Tunnel was constructed to bring water into the beleaguered capital from the spring of Gihon, outside the city wall, to the pool of Siloam (2 Kgs 20:20).<\/p>\n<p>Sennacherib was murdered in 681 <span>BC<\/span> and was succeeded by Esarhaddon, who tried unsuccessfully to establish Assyrian control over Egypt. Esarhaddon was succeeded by Ashurbanipal (669–626? <span>BC<\/span>), who managed to capture No-amon (Thebes), thereby realizing the greatest victory in Assyrian history (cf. Na 3:3-10). Ashurbanipal established a great library in Nineveh, which was excavated in 1860. Many tablets made of the finest clay and ranging in size from 1 to 15 inches (2.5 to 38 centimeters) were found, containing a vast selection of Akkadian material. Some of the tablets contain historical records; others, astronomical reports, mathematical calculations, and private or public letters. A considerable part of the collection deals with astrology and medicine. Many of the tablets contain prayers, incantations, psalms, and religious texts in general. A copy of the Babylonian account of creation was also found. This library is now one of the principal treasures of the British Museum in London.<\/p>\n<p>Very little is known about Ashurbanipal’s reign after 639 <span>BC<\/span> since his annals do not extend beyond that year. However, some information on events of his last 13 years can be gleaned from allusions in state correspondence, commercial documents, and prayers addressed to the gods. Evidently the situation in Assyria was becoming increasingly serious, and when Ashurbanipal died in 626 his empire declined quickly.<\/p>\n<p>The Medes had entered the Assyrian annals during the reign of Esarhaddon, when they still consisted of a large number of associated but separate tribes. Later those tribes began to be welded into a single kingdom. Herodotus states that Phraortes, their king, attacked Assyria but lost his life on the battlefield and was succeeded by his son Cyaxeres.<\/p>\n<p>The year 626 <span>BC<\/span> marked several important events in the ancient world. Nabopolassar, a Chaldean prince, became king of Babylon (626–605 <span>BC<\/span>) toward the end of that year. An alliance between the Medes and Nabopolassar was concluded, and from that time on, the success of Nabopolassar against Assyria was almost inevitable. By the year 617 <span>BC<\/span> he had cleared Babylonia of all Assyrian garrisons. He then marched up the Euphrates to the Aramean districts that had been part of the Assyrian Empire for two and a half centuries. The plan was for Nabopolassar to attack Nineveh from the west and the Medes to attack it at the same time from the east; however, the combined forces of the Assyrians and Egyptians, now allies, compelled Nabopolassar to withdraw to Babylon.<\/p>\n<p>In 614 <span>BC<\/span> the Medes carried out a massive attack on Assyria. Although Nineveh was too strong to yield to the attack, the Medes captured some of the neighboring cities, including Asshur, the ancient capital. At that point Nabopolassar arrived with the Babylonian forces. He met Cyaxeres at Asshur, and they established mutual friendship and peace. Their alliance was later confirmed by the marriage of Nebuchadnezzar, Nabopolassar’s son, to Amytis, daughter of Cyaxeres. In 612 <span>BC<\/span> their combined forces launched a final assault against Nineveh, and after three months of siege the mighty city fell (Na 1:8).<\/p>\n<p>Despite the loss of their capital, a weakened Assyrian kingdom survived for three more years. The Assyrian troops who could escape from Nineveh fled westward to Haran, where an Assyrian prince, Asshur-uballit, was made king and sought Egypt’s help to restore the kingship of Assyria. Necho II (609–593 <span>BC<\/span>), known in the Bible as Neco, responded and set off with his Egyptian troops to Haran to fight against the Babylonians, who by now had annihilated Assyria. King Josiah of Judah (640–609 <span>BC<\/span>), who evidently considered himself a vassal of Assyria’s heir, Neo-Babylonia, marched to oppose the Egyptian advance and was mortally wounded by an arrow on the battlefield of Megiddo (2 Kgs 23:29-30; 2 Chr 35:20-24).<\/p>\n<p>When Nabopolassar and his allies attacked Haran in 610 <span>BC<\/span>, Asshur-uballit did not attempt to defend it but fled southwest to await Necho and his troops. The joint forces of the Egyptians and the Assyrians returned to mount an assault upon Haran with some initial success. But Nabopolassar’s army compelled the Assyrian-Egyptian forces to abandon the siege and withdraw to Carchemish (present-day Jarablus). There, under the leadership of Nebuchadnezzar, the Babylonians made a direct attack on the powerful army. The resultant carnage on both sides was graphically depicted by the prophet Jeremiah (46:1-12). Nebuchadnezzar emerged victorious in the battle of Carchemish (605 <span>BC<\/span>). However, because of the death of his father, he did not pursue his victory but returned to Babylon to assume the throne.<\/p>\n<p>There is a tradition in the Assyrian Christian church that after the collapse of the Assyrian Empire under the onslaught of the Medes and Neo-Babylonians, a remnant of the Assyrian people—chiefly princes, noblemen, and warriors—took refuge in the mountains of Kurdistan. There they built a number of armed fortresses. Alexander the Great (336–323 <span>BC<\/span>), his successors, and the Roman legions made no attempt to conquer these tribes. Trajan (<span>AD<\/span> 98–117) marched at the head of the Roman armies through Armenia, touching the northern region of Kurdistan, on his way to Persia. It is asserted that the wise men, or magi, who visited the newly born king in Bethlehem, the baby Jesus, came from Edessa. According to this tradition, the magi, on returning from Bethlehem, proclaimed the amazing things they had heard and seen on their visit to the king. A Christian church was founded among the Assyrians that has survived throughout the centuries.<\/p>\n<p>The region that was Assyria, including all of Mesopotamia, is within present-day Iraq, an Arabic-speaking country predominantly Muslim in religion.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Israel, History of; Kings, Books of First and Second; Mesopotamia.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>ASSYRIA, ASSYRIANS<\/h3>\n<p>Ancient empire considered the symbol of terror and tyranny in the Near East for more than three centuries. Assyria received its name from the tiny city-state Asshur, on the western bank of the Tigris River in northern Mesopotamia (modern Iraq). The city was the seat of worship of the sun god Asshur (also spelled Ashur). The Hebrew name occurs frequently in the Bible and is translated Assyria (Gn 2:14), Assur (Ezr 4:2; Ps 83:8), or left as Asshur (Gn 10:11, <span>kjv<\/span>). The form of the name comes originally from the Akkadian language.<\/p>\n<p>Originally, Assyria was a small district in northern Mesopotamia, lying in a rough triangle between the Tigris River and the Upper Zab, a tributary of the Tigris. Eventually Assyria gained control of northern Syria, securing an outlet to the Mediterranean Sea, and took possession of the fertile Mesopotamian plain, extending Assyrian domain over all of Babylonia to the Persian Gulf.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"History\">History<\/p>\n<h5>Before the Eighth Century <span>BC<\/span><\/h5>\n<p>By the end of the third millennium <span>BC<\/span>, the Sumerians were trading with Assyria and influencing its people culturally. Periodically Sumerian kings would claim political control over Assyria. Sargon of Agade (c. 2350 <span>BC<\/span>) brought Assyria within the sphere of his political and commercial activities, and when the Amorites overthrew the third dynasty of Ur and established their own states, one of them incorporated Assyria into its territory. During the period of Hammurabi, one of the last great kings of the first Babylonian dynasty (c. 2360–1600 <span>BC<\/span>), the Assyrians supplied building materials and other goods for the Babylonian kingdom.<\/p>\n<p>Trade between Asshur and the Assyrian colony of Kanish in Anatolia began at a very early time in Assyrian history. Goods were transported by caravans of up to 200 donkeys at a time. The wealth pouring in from such a trade put Assyria in a very strong position economically.<\/p>\n<p>The early phase of Assyrian commercial development was followed by a long period of decline, culminating in the 15th century <span>BC<\/span>. At that time Assyria was reduced to a state of vassalage by a non-Semitic people, the Hurrians (biblical Horites) of the state of Mitanni. In the 14th century another non-Semitic people, the Hittites, overthrew the power of Mitanni. Assyria was gradually able to rise again and assume the role of a great power in the ancient Near East, largely through the policies of a shrewd prince, Asshur-uballit. His reign marked the beginning of a long process by which Assyria ultimately rose to supremacy.<\/p>\n<p>Enlil-nirari (1329–1320 <span>BC<\/span>), son and successor of Asshur-uballit, attacked Babylon and defeated Kurigalzu II, the Kassite king of Babylon (1345–1324 <span>BC<\/span>). Adad-nirari I (1307–1275 <span>BC<\/span>) extended Assyria’s influence by winning victories over the Kassites in Babylonia. He also added territory to the northwest.<\/p>\n<p>The period of consolidation and expansion in the first Assyrian Empire culminated in the capture of Babylon by Tukulti-ninurta I (1244–1208 <span>BC<\/span>), which for the first time placed Babylon under Assyrian rule. After that climax, however, Assyrian power declined.<\/p>\n<p>The three centuries from about 1200 to 900 <span>BC<\/span> were marked by movements of different peoples such as the Greeks, Philistines, Arameans, and Hebrews. Under pressure of people migrating from Europe, the Hittite Empire, which formerly had given political stability to Asia Minor and protected the trade routes, crumbled rapidly. By 1200 <span>BC<\/span> it fell to attacks by the Sea Peoples from the Greek mainland.<\/p>\n<p>During the tenth century <span>BC<\/span>, Assyria began to make a slow recovery. In the reign of Adad-nirari II (911–891 <span>BC<\/span>), Assyria again launched upon a period of conspicuous economic and military expansion. For the next 60 years Assyrian kings followed a consistent policy of consolidating the work of Adad-nirari II. Ashurnasirpal II (885–860 <span>BC<\/span>) is considered the first great monarch of that new era in Assyrian history. He possessed all the qualities and defects of his successors to the extreme. He had the ambition, energy, courage, vanity, and magnificence of a ruthless, indefatigable empire builder. Ashurnasirpal’s first activities were directed to the mountain area to the east, where he extended Assyria’s control among the mountain people. In the west he subdued the Arameans with characteristic cruelty and did likewise in Asia Minor.<\/p>\n<p>Shalmaneser III is well known to historians of the biblical world for the battle of Qarqar (853 <span>BC<\/span>), considered the most fully documented event from the ancient world. He launched an invasion of Syria that was met by a coalition led by Ben-hadad of Damascus and supported by King Ahab of Israel and several other states. Since Shalmaneser was unable to rout the 60,000 troops opposing him, it was many years before the Assyrians were able to conquer Damascus and Samaria. King Jehu of Israel (841–814 <span>BC<\/span>), who later chose to pay tribute rather than fight, is represented, perhaps by an envoy, on the Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III, excavated at Shalmaneser’s capital city, Calah (now called Nimrud). Jehu is depicted as kissing the ground at the Assyrian monarch’s feet and offering a tribute of silver, gold, and lead vessels.<\/p>\n<p>Toward the end of his reign Shalmaneser had to put down a rebellion by some of the principal Assyrian cities. He was succeeded by his heir, Shamshi-adad V (823–811 <span>BC<\/span>). Shamshi-adad’s son Adad-nirari III (810–782 <span>BC<\/span>) built a new palace at Calah and attacked King Hazael of Damascus (Syria) in 804 <span>BC<\/span>. Assyrian pressure on the Syrians undoubtedly was a relief to Israel, which had been oppressed by Hazael (2 Kgs 13:22-25).<\/p>\n<h5>From the Eighth Century to the Battle of Carchemish (605 <span>BC<\/span>)<\/h5>\n<p>Beginning about 800 <span>BC<\/span> the influence of Urartu (Ararat) began to expand, especially in north Syria, at the expense of Assyria. The next half century saw a drastic decline in Assyria’s fortunes. In 746 <span>BC<\/span>, during a revolt in the city of Calah, the entire royal family was murdered.<\/p>\n<p>The final phase of Assyrian power was instituted by the usurper Tiglath-pileser III (745–727 <span>BC<\/span>), known also by his adopted Babylonian throne-name Pul (2 Kgs 15:19; 1 Chr 5:26). His reign began the process by which Assyria recovered and consolidated control of all its territories and established itself firmly as the dominant military and economic power in the Near East. Tiglath-pileser first secured control of the mountain passes in the north in order to eliminate the threat of invasion from that direction. Next he subjected Syria and Palestine in the west and took control of the road to Egypt and the Mediterranean Sea. Finally, through diplomacy, he gained the throne of Babylonia also. Under the name of Pul he governed Babylonia, creating the remarkable situation of two crowns united in one ruler bearing two different names. His political prudence was not usually found in the ruthless Assyrian monarchs.<\/p>\n<p>From the year 743 <span>BC<\/span> Tiglath-pileser III waged a number of campaigns in Syria and Palestine. King Menahem of Israel (752–742 <span>BC<\/span>) paid him tribute (2 Kgs 15:19-20), as did Tyre, Byblos, and Damascus. In 738 he subjugated the north central state of Hamath. Responding to an appeal from King Ahaz of Judah (735–715 <span>BC<\/span>) to help resist the pressures of a proposed anti-Assyrian coalition, Tiglath-pileser conquered Damascus in 732 and Samaria, capital of the northern kingdom of Israel, a decade later. On both occasions deportations of people to Assyria took place. The fall of Samaria in 722 <span>BC<\/span> marked the end of the kingdom of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>Sargon II (722–705 <span>BC<\/span>) claimed to be the Assyrian ruler who captured Samaria, but the biblical record attributed the capture to Shalmaneser (2 Kgs 17:2-6). To the policy of deportation, Sargon and his successors added that of colonization. To replace the peoples carried into captivity, these Assyrian kings brought tribes from Babylonia, Elam, Syria, and Arabia and settled them in Samaria and surrounding territory. The new arrivals intermingled with the indigenous people remaining in the land after the deportation and became the Samaritans.<\/p>\n<p>After 10 years of warfare against his enemies to the west in Syria and Asia Minor, and to the north in Urartu, Sargon concentrated his efforts on Babylonia. He chased Merodach-baladan II (721–710 <span>BC<\/span>; cf. 2 Kgs 20:12-19; Is 39:1) to Elam and made himself king of Babylon in 709. He started building a new capital city for himself, Dur-Sharrukin (Khorsabad) near Nineveh but was killed in battle before it was finished.<\/p>\n<p>Sargon was succeeded by his son Sennacherib (705–681 <span>BC<\/span>), who was occupied throughout his reign in a series of bitter wars. He is especially known in biblical studies for his campaign against Judah and siege of Jerusalem during the reign of King Hezekiah (715–686 <span>BC<\/span>) and the ministry of the prophet Isaiah (2 Kgs 18:13–19:37; Is 36–37). It was during that crisis that the celebrated Siloam Tunnel was constructed to bring water into the beleaguered capital from the spring of Gihon, outside the city wall, to the pool of Siloam (2 Kgs 20:20).<\/p>\n<p>Sennacherib was murdered in 681 <span>BC<\/span> and was succeeded by Esarhaddon, who tried unsuccessfully to establish Assyrian control over Egypt. Esarhaddon was succeeded by Ashurbanipal (669–626? <span>BC<\/span>), who managed to capture No-amon (Thebes), thereby realizing the greatest victory in Assyrian history (cf. Na 3:3-10). Ashurbanipal established a great library in Nineveh, which was excavated in 1860. Many tablets made of the finest clay and ranging in size from 1 to 15 inches (2.5 to 38 centimeters) were found, containing a vast selection of Akkadian material. Some of the tablets contain historical records; others, astronomical reports, mathematical calculations, and private or public letters. A considerable part of the collection deals with astrology and medicine. Many of the tablets contain prayers, incantations, psalms, and religious texts in general. A copy of the Babylonian account of creation was also found. This library is now one of the principal treasures of the British Museum in London.<\/p>\n<p>Very little is known about Ashurbanipal’s reign after 639 <span>BC<\/span> since his annals do not extend beyond that year. However, some information on events of his last 13 years can be gleaned from allusions in state correspondence, commercial documents, and prayers addressed to the gods. Evidently the situation in Assyria was becoming increasingly serious, and when Ashurbanipal died in 626 his empire declined quickly.<\/p>\n<p>The Medes had entered the Assyrian annals during the reign of Esarhaddon, when they still consisted of a large number of associated but separate tribes. Later those tribes began to be welded into a single kingdom. Herodotus states that Phraortes, their king, attacked Assyria but lost his life on the battlefield and was succeeded by his son Cyaxeres.<\/p>\n<p>The year 626 <span>BC<\/span> marked several important events in the ancient world. Nabopolassar, a Chaldean prince, became king of Babylon (626–605 <span>BC<\/span>) toward the end of that year. An alliance between the Medes and Nabopolassar was concluded, and from that time on, the success of Nabopolassar against Assyria was almost inevitable. By the year 617 <span>BC<\/span> he had cleared Babylonia of all Assyrian garrisons. He then marched up the Euphrates to the Aramean districts that had been part of the Assyrian Empire for two and a half centuries. The plan was for Nabopolassar to attack Nineveh from the west and the Medes to attack it at the same time from the east; however, the combined forces of the Assyrians and Egyptians, now allies, compelled Nabopolassar to withdraw to Babylon.<\/p>\n<p>In 614 <span>BC<\/span> the Medes carried out a massive attack on Assyria. Although Nineveh was too strong to yield to the attack, the Medes captured some of the neighboring cities, including Asshur, the ancient capital. At that point Nabopolassar arrived with the Babylonian forces. He met Cyaxeres at Asshur, and they established mutual friendship and peace. Their alliance was later confirmed by the marriage of Nebuchadnezzar, Nabopolassar’s son, to Amytis, daughter of Cyaxeres. In 612 <span>BC<\/span> their combined forces launched a final assault against Nineveh, and after three months of siege the mighty city fell (Na 1:8).<\/p>\n<p>Despite the loss of their capital, a weakened Assyrian kingdom survived for three more years. The Assyrian troops who could escape from Nineveh fled westward to Haran, where an Assyrian prince, Asshur-uballit, was made king and sought Egypt’s help to restore the kingship of Assyria. Necho II (609–593 <span>BC<\/span>), known in the Bible as Neco, responded and set off with his Egyptian troops to Haran to fight against the Babylonians, who by now had annihilated Assyria. King Josiah of Judah (640–609 <span>BC<\/span>), who evidently considered himself a vassal of Assyria’s heir, Neo-Babylonia, marched to oppose the Egyptian advance and was mortally wounded by an arrow on the battlefield of Megiddo (2 Kgs 23:29-30; 2 Chr 35:20-24).<\/p>\n<p>When Nabopolassar and his allies attacked Haran in 610 <span>BC<\/span>, Asshur-uballit did not attempt to defend it but fled southwest to await Necho and his troops. The joint forces of the Egyptians and the Assyrians returned to mount an assault upon Haran with some initial success. But Nabopolassar’s army compelled the Assyrian-Egyptian forces to abandon the siege and withdraw to Carchemish (present-day Jarablus). There, under the leadership of Nebuchadnezzar, the Babylonians made a direct attack on the powerful army. The resultant carnage on both sides was graphically depicted by the prophet Jeremiah (46:1-12). Nebuchadnezzar emerged victorious in the battle of Carchemish (605 <span>BC<\/span>). However, because of the death of his father, he did not pursue his victory but returned to Babylon to assume the throne.<\/p>\n<p>There is a tradition in the Assyrian Christian church that after the collapse of the Assyrian Empire under the onslaught of the Medes and Neo-Babylonians, a remnant of the Assyrian people—chiefly princes, noblemen, and warriors—took refuge in the mountains of Kurdistan. There they built a number of armed fortresses. Alexander the Great (336–323 <span>BC<\/span>), his successors, and the Roman legions made no attempt to conquer these tribes. Trajan (<span>AD<\/span> 98–117) marched at the head of the Roman armies through Armenia, touching the northern region of Kurdistan, on his way to Persia. It is asserted that the wise men, or magi, who visited the newly born king in Bethlehem, the baby Jesus, came from Edessa. According to this tradition, the magi, on returning from Bethlehem, proclaimed the amazing things they had heard and seen on their visit to the king. A Christian church was founded among the Assyrians that has survived throughout the centuries.<\/p>\n<p>The region that was Assyria, including all of Mesopotamia, is within present-day Iraq, an Arabic-speaking country predominantly Muslim in religion.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Israel, History of; Kings, Books of First and Second; Mesopotamia.<\/p>","summary_ro":"ASSYRIA, ASSYRIANS Ancient empire considered the symbol of terror and tyranny in the Near East for more than three centuries. Assyria received its name from the tiny city-state Asshur, on the western bank of the Tigris River in northern Mesopotamia (modern Iraq). The city was the seat of worship of the sun god Asshur (also spelled Ashur). The Hebrew name occurs frequently in the Bible and is translated Assyria (Gn 2:14), Assur (Ezr 4:2; Ps 83:8), or left as Asshur (Gn 10:11, kjv). The form of...","summary_en":"ASSYRIA, ASSYRIANS Ancient empire considered the symbol of terror and tyranny in the Near East for more than three centuries. Assyria received its name from the tiny city-state Asshur, on the western bank of the Tigris River in northern Mesopotamia (modern Iraq). The city was the seat of worship of the sun god Asshur (also spelled Ashur). The Hebrew name occurs frequently in the Bible and is translated Assyria (Gn 2:14), Assur (Ezr 4:2; Ps 83:8), or left as Asshur (Gn 10:11, kjv). The form of...","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":3446,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Babylonia Babylon","title_en":"Babylonia Babylon","content_ro":"<h3>BABYLON, BABYLONIA<\/h3>\n<p>Land of southern Mesopotamia. Politically, Babylonia refers to the ancient kingdoms that flourished in southern Mesopotamia, especially in the seventh and sixth centuries <span>BC<\/span>, whose capital city was Babylon (or <em>Bab-ilu,<\/em> meaning “gate of god”). The term can also be used geographically to designate a whole region (in present-day southeast Iraq). The adjective “Babylonian” has an even looser meaning; it may refer to the land or its inhabitants, to the kingdom or its subjects, or to a dialect of one of the principal ancient Mesopotamian languages.<\/p>\n<p>The two principal features of Babylonia’s geography are the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers. Rising in mountainous eastern Turkey, they initially flow in opposite directions but converge near Baghdad and join farther south to flow into the Persian Gulf.<\/p>\n<p>Politically, Babylonia largely corresponded to geographic Babylonia. Its centers, however, were not situated in the fertile alluvial plain between the two rivers, but rather on the banks along the main course and several side branches of the Euphrates. At times the kingdom reached eastward beyond the Tigris, into the flatlands and foothills of the Zagros Mountains, generally along the Tigris’s eastern tributaries.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"AncientBabylon\">Ancient Babylon<\/p>\n<h5>Sumer and Akkad: 3200–2000 <span>BC<\/span><\/h5>\n<p>Babylonia emerged as a culture as the result of Sumerian influence on the diverse peoples who had migrated into the area. The Sumerian civilization began to flourish in Babylonia sometime between 3200 and 2900 <span>BC<\/span>. (All dates given are approximate.) The two principal languages of the region were Akkadian, a Semitic language, and Sumerian, whose linguistic affiliation is still unknown. The earliest interpretable inscriptions from Babylonia, dated at 3100 <span>BC<\/span>, are in Sumerian, which was the written language throughout Mesopotamia for seven centuries. In fact, cuneiform, the wedge-shaped writing invented by the Sumerians, remained in use for almost 3,000 years.<\/p>\n<p>Eventually the Akkadian way of life began to compete with the Sumerian. Political and cultural leadership was effectively wrested away from the south by Sargon I (<em>Sharru-kin,<\/em> meaning “true king”; 2339–2279 <span>BC<\/span>), who founded the capital Akkad (or Agade).<\/p>\n<p>The Akkadian Empire, which lasted for nearly two centuries under Sargon and his successors (2334–2154 <span>BC<\/span>), was disrupted by the invasion of the Guti people, mountaineers from the east, who in turn were defeated by the Sumerian king Utuhegal of the city of Uruk. That event marked a period of revival of Sumerian power and culture in Babylonia, led by a dynasty of kings that established itself in the once-prominent Sumerian city of Ur.<\/p>\n<h5>First Babylonian Kingdom: 1900–1600 <span>BC<\/span><\/h5>\n<p>At the same time, Semitic-speaking people from the west—the Amurru (or Martu), nomads from Syria—were exerting migratory and military pressures on Babylonia.<\/p>\n<p>The Amurru—called by modern researchers “Amorites” after their language—were known in the pre-Sargonid period (before 2340 <span>BC<\/span>) and were looked upon as barbarians by native Babylonians, who scorned their manner of life. During the reign of Shar-kali-sharri (2254–2230 <span>BC<\/span>), the Amorites began to appear as a menace. A century later, during the early part of the Ur III period, the first major wave of Amorites moved into Babylonia; the second wave came during the reigns of the last two kings of the Ur III dynasty. That second migration coincided with a complex political situation in Babylonia. The undermining of Sumerian political power gave rise to the kingdom of Babylon under Amorite control.<\/p>\n<p>The last Neo-Sumerian king, Ibbi-Sin, was faced with military threats to his kingdom from both east and west. He also had to deal with internal rebellion. Ishbi-Erra, vassal governor of the city of Mari, 500 miles (804.5 kilometers) up the Euphrates, took advantage of the Amorite incursions to revolt against the king and establish a rival kingdom with its capital at Isin, 50 miles (80.5 kilometers) from Ur. At the same time, in Larsa, less than 20 miles (32.2 kilometers) across the Euphrates from Ur, another new dynasty was established by a ruler with an Amorite name.<\/p>\n<p>The founder of the first dynasty of the kingdom of Babylon was Sumuabum (1894–1881 <span>BC<\/span>). Little is known about him. He and his next four successors, all legitimate descendants—Sumulael (1880–1845 <span>BC<\/span>), Sabium (1844–1831 <span>BC<\/span>), Apil-Sin (1830–1813 <span>BC<\/span>), and Sin-Muballit (1812–1793 <span>BC<\/span>)—ruled peacefully and uneventfully for a century. They appear to have devoted themselves mainly to religious and defensive construction and to maintenance of an irrigation canal system, though there is some evidence of conquest and territorial acquisition. Still, the territory of the kingdom of Babylon probably extended no more than 50 miles (80.5 kilometers) in any direction from the capital. Hammurabi, the sixth king of that line (1792–1750 <span>BC<\/span>), enlarged the kingdom toward the dimensions of an empire. At its greatest extent it reached from the Persian Gulf up the Tigris to include some of the cities of Assyria and up the Euphrates to Mari. Babylonia’s glory, however, was short-lived; under the reign of Hammurabi’s son Samsu-iluna (1749–1712 <span>BC<\/span>) the realm shriveled. It lasted for another century, but within borders narrower than those established by Sumuabum. Minor dynasties took turns ruling over the area from 1600–900 <span>BC<\/span>. Then the Assyrians took control.<\/p>\n<h5>Assyrian Domination: 900–614 <span>BC<\/span><\/h5>\n<p>The earliest incursions of Assyria into Babylonia were by Shalmaneser III. In 851 <span>BC<\/span> the brother of Marduk-zakir-shumi, reigning king of the eighth dynasty of Babylon, made a bid for the throne with the backing of the Arameans. Marduk-zakir-shumi called on the Assyrians for aid. Shalmaneser defeated the rebels and entered Babylon, treating the ancient city and its inhabitants with great respect. Thereafter, advancing southward, he came to Sumer, inhabited by the Chaldeans, and pressed them back against the gulf. For whatever reasons, Shalmaneser did not annex Babylonia. Marduk-zakir-shumi remained on the throne, though he swore allegiance to the Assyrian king.<\/p>\n<p>The final years of Shalmaneser III were darkened by revolts all over the Assyrian Empire. Two strong rulers emerged from the political confusion. In Assyria, Tiglath-pileser III (745–727 <span>BC<\/span>) usurped the throne. In Babylonia three years earlier a Chaldean, Nabonassar (747–734 <span>BC<\/span>), took the throne of Babylon as a successor king in the eighth dynasty.<\/p>\n<p>At Nabonassar’s death, an Aramean chieftain, Nabu-mukin-zeri (731–729 <span>BC<\/span>), seized the Babylonian throne and established the ninth dynasty of Babylon. Tiglath-pileser defeated the usurper, ravaged the territory of his tribe, and had himself proclaimed king of Babylon—and thus, of Babylonia—under the name of Pulu (729–727 <span>BC<\/span>) and as the second king of the ninth dynasty. Little is known of his short-lived successor, Shalmaneser V (727–722 <span>BC<\/span>). He, too, was proclaimed king of Babylon as well as of Assyria. Under Shalmaneser a siege against the kingdom of Israel began, after its king, Hoshea (732–723 <span>BC<\/span>), rebelled against Assyria (2 Kgs 17:1-6).<\/p>\n<h6>Merodach-baladan<\/h6>\n<p>Sargon II (722–705 <span>BC<\/span>) succeeded Shalmaneser. His rise to power is obscure; he was probably a usurper, which is why he chose the name Sargon (“true king”) like his Akkadian namesake 1,500 years earlier. Shortly before Sargon II came to the throne, Elam in the east had begun to take an active part in the affairs of Babylonia by instigating rebellions against Assyria.<\/p>\n<p>After the brilliant successes of his other campaigns, Sargon attacked Babylon again in 710 <span>BC<\/span>, and this time succeeded in taking it. Although he had himself proclaimed king of Babylon, he acknowledged Merodach-baladan as king of the Yakin tribe. Merodach-baladan evidently took up residence in Elam at that time. In the year that Sargon’s son Sennacherib (705–681 <span>BC<\/span>) succeeded to the Assyrian throne, Merodach-baladan, assisted by Elamite officers and troops, reappeared. He raised the whole Aramean and Chaldean population of Babylonia against the Assyrians, took Babylon, and had himself proclaimed king again (705 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>During that brief period, Merodach-baladan sent an embassy to King Hezekiah of Judah (715–686 <span>BC<\/span>) “with letters and a present,” ostensibly to show sympathy for Hezekiah because of the king’s illness (2 Kgs 20:12). More likely, Merodach-baladan’s purpose was to secure another ally against Assyrian hegemony; the account of Hezekiah’s cordial reception of the Babylonian envoys shows his willingness to join the alliance. Evidently the king’s vanity overruled his political sense, and he treated the Babylonians to an extensive tour of his treasury. The proud gesture was rebuked by the prophet Isaiah, who predicted Babylonia’s later conquest of Judah, when the king’s storehouse would be sacked and his family carried off captive (2 Kgs 20:13-19; Is 39).<\/p>\n<p>Sennacherib was able to quickly dislodge Merodach-baladan from the Babylonian throne, force him into exile, and replace him with a king of his own choice, Bel-ibni.<\/p>\n<h6>War and Peace<\/h6>\n<p>Sennacherib’s successor and youngest son, Esarhaddon (681–669 <span>BC<\/span>), came to the throne of Assyria after a bloody war of succession with his brothers. One of his first acts was to rebuild and enlarge the city of Babylon. Esarhaddon thus won the friendship of many of his Babylonian subjects, who enabled him to enjoy a peaceful reign in that part of his empire. Three years before his death, Esarhaddon named his son Ashurbanipal as his successor (669–627 <span>BC<\/span>), and another son, Shamash-shum-ukin (668–648 <span>BC<\/span>), as viceroy in Babylonia.<\/p>\n<p>The empire was not divided by having two sons on two thrones. Ashurbanipal had precedence over his brother, bearing responsibility for the whole empire. Shamash-shum-ukin and his Babylonian subjects, on the other hand, enjoyed sovereignty; as viceroy, he was granted full authority within his realm. That arrangement lasted for 17 years until Shamash-shum-ukin, backed by the Elamites and numerous Arab tribes, rebelled against Ashurbanipal. The revolt was brutally suppressed by 648 <span>BC<\/span>, and a Chaldean noble, Kandalanu, was appointed Babylonian viceroy. Shortly afterward, Ashurbanipal launched a punitive expedition, devastating Babylonia and completely destroying Elam in the process.<\/p>\n<h4>Neo-Babylonian Empire: 614–539 <span>BC<\/span><\/h4>\n<p>Both Ashurbanipal and Kandalanu, his viceroy in Babylon, died in 627 <span>BC<\/span>. For a year, Babylonia had no recognized ruler. Then the throne was seized by the Chaldean prince Nabopolassar (625–605 <span>BC<\/span>), who established the 10th dynasty of Babylon, which has come to be called the Chaldean or Neo-Babylonian dynasty.<\/p>\n<p>Aided by Media, the kingdom of the Iranian Plateau, Nabopolassar put an end to the Assyrian Empire. By 612 <span>BC<\/span> Assyria’s chief cities had fallen: Asshur, then the religious center; Nineveh, the administrative center; and Nimrod, the military headquarters. The last light of Assyria was snuffed out by Nabopolassar in 609 <span>BC<\/span>. Under his son Nebuchadnezzar II (604–562 <span>BC<\/span>), Babylonia fell heir to the Assyrian Empire. For a moment in history, Babylonia was master of the whole Near East. Nebuchadnezzar brought about the end of the Hebrew kingdom of Judah and the destruction of Jerusalem in 586 <span>BC<\/span>, deporting part of its population to Babylonia in the event referred to as the exile (2 Kgs 24:1–25:21).<\/p>\n<p>Under Nebuchadnezzar, Babylon became the fabled city of luxury and splendor with which its name is commonly associated. Nebuchadnezzar was succeeded by his son, son-in-law, and grandson within the space of six years. Thereafter, one of his high diplomatic officials, Nabonidus, took the throne (555–539 <span>BC<\/span>). During his reign, the Medes, formerly allies of the Chaldeans, came under a new ruler, Cyrus II of Persia (559 <span>BC<\/span>), who over the next 10 years conquered an empire nearly 3,000 miles (4,827 kilometers) in extent, from the Aegean Sea to the Pamirs (mountains in central Asia).<\/p>\n<p>During Cyrus’s decade of conquest, Nabonidus was strangely absent from Babylon, residing in Arabia. Although the book of Daniel relates events occurring in the court of Babylon during Nabonidus’s reign, his name is never mentioned. Instead, Belshazzar, whom Nabonidus appointed regent in Babylon during his absence, is described as king (Dn 5:1). Perhaps because of his extended absence or perhaps because of his attachment to the moon god Sin and Sin’s city, Haran, rather than to the Babylonian national god Marduk and Marduk’s city, Babylon, Nabonidus lost the support of the Babylonians. When he finally returned to Babylon, it was on the eve of Cyrus’s attack on the city (Dn 5:30-31). Instead of offering resistance, however, the Babylonian army defected to Cyrus and the city gave itself up without a battle (October 539 <span>BC<\/span>). That surrender ended the Chaldean dynasty and the history of an independent Babylonia.<\/p>\n\n<p>The Babylon of Nebuchadnezzar’s time appears frequently at the end of 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles and in the early part of Daniel. Ezra and Nehemiah record the subsequent return of the remnant of Judah from their Babylonian exile.<\/p>\n<p>Among the prophetic books, Isaiah speaks of Babylon during the period of Assyrian dominance. A century later Jeremiah warns of the threat of Nebuchadnezzar, and Ezekiel and Daniel speak of Babylon from the later viewpoint of those exiled. There are as many references to Babylon in the last half of Jeremiah as in all the rest of the Bible.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Postexilic Period; Diaspora of the Jews; Chaldea, Chaldeans; Nebuchadnezzar, Nebuchadrezzar; Daniel, Book of.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>BABYLON, BABYLONIA<\/h3>\n<p>Land of southern Mesopotamia. Politically, Babylonia refers to the ancient kingdoms that flourished in southern Mesopotamia, especially in the seventh and sixth centuries <span>BC<\/span>, whose capital city was Babylon (or <em>Bab-ilu,<\/em> meaning “gate of god”). The term can also be used geographically to designate a whole region (in present-day southeast Iraq). The adjective “Babylonian” has an even looser meaning; it may refer to the land or its inhabitants, to the kingdom or its subjects, or to a dialect of one of the principal ancient Mesopotamian languages.<\/p>\n<p>The two principal features of Babylonia’s geography are the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers. Rising in mountainous eastern Turkey, they initially flow in opposite directions but converge near Baghdad and join farther south to flow into the Persian Gulf.<\/p>\n<p>Politically, Babylonia largely corresponded to geographic Babylonia. Its centers, however, were not situated in the fertile alluvial plain between the two rivers, but rather on the banks along the main course and several side branches of the Euphrates. At times the kingdom reached eastward beyond the Tigris, into the flatlands and foothills of the Zagros Mountains, generally along the Tigris’s eastern tributaries.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"AncientBabylon\">Ancient Babylon<\/p>\n<h5>Sumer and Akkad: 3200–2000 <span>BC<\/span><\/h5>\n<p>Babylonia emerged as a culture as the result of Sumerian influence on the diverse peoples who had migrated into the area. The Sumerian civilization began to flourish in Babylonia sometime between 3200 and 2900 <span>BC<\/span>. (All dates given are approximate.) The two principal languages of the region were Akkadian, a Semitic language, and Sumerian, whose linguistic affiliation is still unknown. The earliest interpretable inscriptions from Babylonia, dated at 3100 <span>BC<\/span>, are in Sumerian, which was the written language throughout Mesopotamia for seven centuries. In fact, cuneiform, the wedge-shaped writing invented by the Sumerians, remained in use for almost 3,000 years.<\/p>\n<p>Eventually the Akkadian way of life began to compete with the Sumerian. Political and cultural leadership was effectively wrested away from the south by Sargon I (<em>Sharru-kin,<\/em> meaning “true king”; 2339–2279 <span>BC<\/span>), who founded the capital Akkad (or Agade).<\/p>\n<p>The Akkadian Empire, which lasted for nearly two centuries under Sargon and his successors (2334–2154 <span>BC<\/span>), was disrupted by the invasion of the Guti people, mountaineers from the east, who in turn were defeated by the Sumerian king Utuhegal of the city of Uruk. That event marked a period of revival of Sumerian power and culture in Babylonia, led by a dynasty of kings that established itself in the once-prominent Sumerian city of Ur.<\/p>\n<h5>First Babylonian Kingdom: 1900–1600 <span>BC<\/span><\/h5>\n<p>At the same time, Semitic-speaking people from the west—the Amurru (or Martu), nomads from Syria—were exerting migratory and military pressures on Babylonia.<\/p>\n<p>The Amurru—called by modern researchers “Amorites” after their language—were known in the pre-Sargonid period (before 2340 <span>BC<\/span>) and were looked upon as barbarians by native Babylonians, who scorned their manner of life. During the reign of Shar-kali-sharri (2254–2230 <span>BC<\/span>), the Amorites began to appear as a menace. A century later, during the early part of the Ur III period, the first major wave of Amorites moved into Babylonia; the second wave came during the reigns of the last two kings of the Ur III dynasty. That second migration coincided with a complex political situation in Babylonia. The undermining of Sumerian political power gave rise to the kingdom of Babylon under Amorite control.<\/p>\n<p>The last Neo-Sumerian king, Ibbi-Sin, was faced with military threats to his kingdom from both east and west. He also had to deal with internal rebellion. Ishbi-Erra, vassal governor of the city of Mari, 500 miles (804.5 kilometers) up the Euphrates, took advantage of the Amorite incursions to revolt against the king and establish a rival kingdom with its capital at Isin, 50 miles (80.5 kilometers) from Ur. At the same time, in Larsa, less than 20 miles (32.2 kilometers) across the Euphrates from Ur, another new dynasty was established by a ruler with an Amorite name.<\/p>\n<p>The founder of the first dynasty of the kingdom of Babylon was Sumuabum (1894–1881 <span>BC<\/span>). Little is known about him. He and his next four successors, all legitimate descendants—Sumulael (1880–1845 <span>BC<\/span>), Sabium (1844–1831 <span>BC<\/span>), Apil-Sin (1830–1813 <span>BC<\/span>), and Sin-Muballit (1812–1793 <span>BC<\/span>)—ruled peacefully and uneventfully for a century. They appear to have devoted themselves mainly to religious and defensive construction and to maintenance of an irrigation canal system, though there is some evidence of conquest and territorial acquisition. Still, the territory of the kingdom of Babylon probably extended no more than 50 miles (80.5 kilometers) in any direction from the capital. Hammurabi, the sixth king of that line (1792–1750 <span>BC<\/span>), enlarged the kingdom toward the dimensions of an empire. At its greatest extent it reached from the Persian Gulf up the Tigris to include some of the cities of Assyria and up the Euphrates to Mari. Babylonia’s glory, however, was short-lived; under the reign of Hammurabi’s son Samsu-iluna (1749–1712 <span>BC<\/span>) the realm shriveled. It lasted for another century, but within borders narrower than those established by Sumuabum. Minor dynasties took turns ruling over the area from 1600–900 <span>BC<\/span>. Then the Assyrians took control.<\/p>\n<h5>Assyrian Domination: 900–614 <span>BC<\/span><\/h5>\n<p>The earliest incursions of Assyria into Babylonia were by Shalmaneser III. In 851 <span>BC<\/span> the brother of Marduk-zakir-shumi, reigning king of the eighth dynasty of Babylon, made a bid for the throne with the backing of the Arameans. Marduk-zakir-shumi called on the Assyrians for aid. Shalmaneser defeated the rebels and entered Babylon, treating the ancient city and its inhabitants with great respect. Thereafter, advancing southward, he came to Sumer, inhabited by the Chaldeans, and pressed them back against the gulf. For whatever reasons, Shalmaneser did not annex Babylonia. Marduk-zakir-shumi remained on the throne, though he swore allegiance to the Assyrian king.<\/p>\n<p>The final years of Shalmaneser III were darkened by revolts all over the Assyrian Empire. Two strong rulers emerged from the political confusion. In Assyria, Tiglath-pileser III (745–727 <span>BC<\/span>) usurped the throne. In Babylonia three years earlier a Chaldean, Nabonassar (747–734 <span>BC<\/span>), took the throne of Babylon as a successor king in the eighth dynasty.<\/p>\n<p>At Nabonassar’s death, an Aramean chieftain, Nabu-mukin-zeri (731–729 <span>BC<\/span>), seized the Babylonian throne and established the ninth dynasty of Babylon. Tiglath-pileser defeated the usurper, ravaged the territory of his tribe, and had himself proclaimed king of Babylon—and thus, of Babylonia—under the name of Pulu (729–727 <span>BC<\/span>) and as the second king of the ninth dynasty. Little is known of his short-lived successor, Shalmaneser V (727–722 <span>BC<\/span>). He, too, was proclaimed king of Babylon as well as of Assyria. Under Shalmaneser a siege against the kingdom of Israel began, after its king, Hoshea (732–723 <span>BC<\/span>), rebelled against Assyria (2 Kgs 17:1-6).<\/p>\n<h6>Merodach-baladan<\/h6>\n<p>Sargon II (722–705 <span>BC<\/span>) succeeded Shalmaneser. His rise to power is obscure; he was probably a usurper, which is why he chose the name Sargon (“true king”) like his Akkadian namesake 1,500 years earlier. Shortly before Sargon II came to the throne, Elam in the east had begun to take an active part in the affairs of Babylonia by instigating rebellions against Assyria.<\/p>\n<p>After the brilliant successes of his other campaigns, Sargon attacked Babylon again in 710 <span>BC<\/span>, and this time succeeded in taking it. Although he had himself proclaimed king of Babylon, he acknowledged Merodach-baladan as king of the Yakin tribe. Merodach-baladan evidently took up residence in Elam at that time. In the year that Sargon’s son Sennacherib (705–681 <span>BC<\/span>) succeeded to the Assyrian throne, Merodach-baladan, assisted by Elamite officers and troops, reappeared. He raised the whole Aramean and Chaldean population of Babylonia against the Assyrians, took Babylon, and had himself proclaimed king again (705 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>During that brief period, Merodach-baladan sent an embassy to King Hezekiah of Judah (715–686 <span>BC<\/span>) “with letters and a present,” ostensibly to show sympathy for Hezekiah because of the king’s illness (2 Kgs 20:12). More likely, Merodach-baladan’s purpose was to secure another ally against Assyrian hegemony; the account of Hezekiah’s cordial reception of the Babylonian envoys shows his willingness to join the alliance. Evidently the king’s vanity overruled his political sense, and he treated the Babylonians to an extensive tour of his treasury. The proud gesture was rebuked by the prophet Isaiah, who predicted Babylonia’s later conquest of Judah, when the king’s storehouse would be sacked and his family carried off captive (2 Kgs 20:13-19; Is 39).<\/p>\n<p>Sennacherib was able to quickly dislodge Merodach-baladan from the Babylonian throne, force him into exile, and replace him with a king of his own choice, Bel-ibni.<\/p>\n<h6>War and Peace<\/h6>\n<p>Sennacherib’s successor and youngest son, Esarhaddon (681–669 <span>BC<\/span>), came to the throne of Assyria after a bloody war of succession with his brothers. One of his first acts was to rebuild and enlarge the city of Babylon. Esarhaddon thus won the friendship of many of his Babylonian subjects, who enabled him to enjoy a peaceful reign in that part of his empire. Three years before his death, Esarhaddon named his son Ashurbanipal as his successor (669–627 <span>BC<\/span>), and another son, Shamash-shum-ukin (668–648 <span>BC<\/span>), as viceroy in Babylonia.<\/p>\n<p>The empire was not divided by having two sons on two thrones. Ashurbanipal had precedence over his brother, bearing responsibility for the whole empire. Shamash-shum-ukin and his Babylonian subjects, on the other hand, enjoyed sovereignty; as viceroy, he was granted full authority within his realm. That arrangement lasted for 17 years until Shamash-shum-ukin, backed by the Elamites and numerous Arab tribes, rebelled against Ashurbanipal. The revolt was brutally suppressed by 648 <span>BC<\/span>, and a Chaldean noble, Kandalanu, was appointed Babylonian viceroy. Shortly afterward, Ashurbanipal launched a punitive expedition, devastating Babylonia and completely destroying Elam in the process.<\/p>\n<h4>Neo-Babylonian Empire: 614–539 <span>BC<\/span><\/h4>\n<p>Both Ashurbanipal and Kandalanu, his viceroy in Babylon, died in 627 <span>BC<\/span>. For a year, Babylonia had no recognized ruler. Then the throne was seized by the Chaldean prince Nabopolassar (625–605 <span>BC<\/span>), who established the 10th dynasty of Babylon, which has come to be called the Chaldean or Neo-Babylonian dynasty.<\/p>\n<p>Aided by Media, the kingdom of the Iranian Plateau, Nabopolassar put an end to the Assyrian Empire. By 612 <span>BC<\/span> Assyria’s chief cities had fallen: Asshur, then the religious center; Nineveh, the administrative center; and Nimrod, the military headquarters. The last light of Assyria was snuffed out by Nabopolassar in 609 <span>BC<\/span>. Under his son Nebuchadnezzar II (604–562 <span>BC<\/span>), Babylonia fell heir to the Assyrian Empire. For a moment in history, Babylonia was master of the whole Near East. Nebuchadnezzar brought about the end of the Hebrew kingdom of Judah and the destruction of Jerusalem in 586 <span>BC<\/span>, deporting part of its population to Babylonia in the event referred to as the exile (2 Kgs 24:1–25:21).<\/p>\n<p>Under Nebuchadnezzar, Babylon became the fabled city of luxury and splendor with which its name is commonly associated. Nebuchadnezzar was succeeded by his son, son-in-law, and grandson within the space of six years. Thereafter, one of his high diplomatic officials, Nabonidus, took the throne (555–539 <span>BC<\/span>). During his reign, the Medes, formerly allies of the Chaldeans, came under a new ruler, Cyrus II of Persia (559 <span>BC<\/span>), who over the next 10 years conquered an empire nearly 3,000 miles (4,827 kilometers) in extent, from the Aegean Sea to the Pamirs (mountains in central Asia).<\/p>\n<p>During Cyrus’s decade of conquest, Nabonidus was strangely absent from Babylon, residing in Arabia. Although the book of Daniel relates events occurring in the court of Babylon during Nabonidus’s reign, his name is never mentioned. Instead, Belshazzar, whom Nabonidus appointed regent in Babylon during his absence, is described as king (Dn 5:1). Perhaps because of his extended absence or perhaps because of his attachment to the moon god Sin and Sin’s city, Haran, rather than to the Babylonian national god Marduk and Marduk’s city, Babylon, Nabonidus lost the support of the Babylonians. When he finally returned to Babylon, it was on the eve of Cyrus’s attack on the city (Dn 5:30-31). Instead of offering resistance, however, the Babylonian army defected to Cyrus and the city gave itself up without a battle (October 539 <span>BC<\/span>). That surrender ended the Chaldean dynasty and the history of an independent Babylonia.<\/p>\n\n<p>The Babylon of Nebuchadnezzar’s time appears frequently at the end of 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles and in the early part of Daniel. Ezra and Nehemiah record the subsequent return of the remnant of Judah from their Babylonian exile.<\/p>\n<p>Among the prophetic books, Isaiah speaks of Babylon during the period of Assyrian dominance. A century later Jeremiah warns of the threat of Nebuchadnezzar, and Ezekiel and Daniel speak of Babylon from the later viewpoint of those exiled. There are as many references to Babylon in the last half of Jeremiah as in all the rest of the Bible.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Postexilic Period; Diaspora of the Jews; Chaldea, Chaldeans; Nebuchadnezzar, Nebuchadrezzar; Daniel, Book of.<\/p>","summary_ro":"BABYLON, BABYLONIA Land of southern Mesopotamia. Politically, Babylonia refers to the ancient kingdoms that flourished in southern Mesopotamia, especially in the seventh and sixth centuries BC, whose capital city was Babylon (or Bab-ilu, meaning “gate of god”). The term can also be used geographically to designate a whole region (in present-day southeast Iraq). The adjective “Babylonian” has an even looser meaning; it may refer to the land or its inhabitants, to the kingdom or its subjects, o...","summary_en":"BABYLON, BABYLONIA Land of southern Mesopotamia. Politically, Babylonia refers to the ancient kingdoms that flourished in southern Mesopotamia, especially in the seventh and sixth centuries BC, whose capital city was Babylon (or Bab-ilu, meaning “gate of god”). The term can also be used geographically to designate a whole region (in present-day southeast Iraq). The adjective “Babylonian” has an even looser meaning; it may refer to the land or its inhabitants, to the kingdom or its subjects, o...","source":"Articles\/B.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":3524,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Baladan","title_en":"Baladan","content_ro":"<h3>BALADAN<\/h3>\n<p>King of Babylon and father of Merodach-baladan. Baladan’s son sent letters and a gift to King Hezekiah of Judah after Hezekiah’s recovery from a serious illness (2 Kgs 20:12; Is 39:1).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>BALADAN<\/h3>\n<p>King of Babylon and father of Merodach-baladan. Baladan’s son sent letters and a gift to King Hezekiah of Judah after Hezekiah’s recovery from a serious illness (2 Kgs 20:12; Is 39:1).<\/p>","summary_ro":"BALADAN King of Babylon and father of Merodach-baladan. Baladan’s son sent letters and a gift to King Hezekiah of Judah after Hezekiah’s recovery from a serious illness (2 Kgs 20:12; Is 39:1).","summary_en":"BALADAN King of Babylon and father of Merodach-baladan. Baladan’s son sent letters and a gift to King Hezekiah of Judah after Hezekiah’s recovery from a serious illness (2 Kgs 20:12; Is 39:1).","source":"Articles\/B.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":4378,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Berodach-Baladan*","title_en":"Berodach-Baladan*","content_ro":"<h3>BERODACH-BALADAN*<\/h3>\n<p>KJV spelling of Merodach-baladan, the king of Babylon during the reign of Judah’s King Hezekiah, in 2 Kings 20:12. <em>See<\/em> Merodach-baladan.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>BERODACH-BALADAN*<\/h3>\n<p>KJV spelling of Merodach-baladan, the king of Babylon during the reign of Judah’s King Hezekiah, in 2 Kings 20:12. <em>See<\/em> Merodach-baladan.<\/p>","summary_ro":"BERODACH-BALADAN* KJV spelling of Merodach-baladan, the king of Babylon during the reign of Judah’s King Hezekiah, in 2 Kings 20:12. See Merodach-baladan.","summary_en":"BERODACH-BALADAN* KJV spelling of Merodach-baladan, the king of Babylon during the reign of Judah’s King Hezekiah, in 2 Kings 20:12. See Merodach-baladan.","source":"Articles\/B.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":6193,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Chaldea*, Chaldeans","title_en":"Chaldea*, Chaldeans","content_ro":"<h3>CHALDEA*, CHALDEANS<\/h3>\n<p>Ancient region in Mesopotamia and its inhabitants. The name comes from the Chaldean (or Kaldu) tribes that shared Babylonia in southeastern Mesopotamia with several other peoples, especially the Sumerians and Akkadians. After the old Babylonian Empire was absorbed by the Assyrians, the Chaldeans under Nebuchadnezzar’s leadership took control and built a Neo-Babylonian Empire that dominated the Near East for nearly a century. The region called Chaldea is also associated with the patriarch Abraham, whose Mesopotamian home was “Ur of the Chaldeans” (Gn 11:28).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheLandandPeople\">The Land and People<\/p>\n<p>Until the end of the eighth century <span>BC<\/span>, Chaldea referred only to a small territory in southern Babylonia. Within 100 years, following a rapid and successful bid for power, it embraced all of Babylonia. At that time it included the territory from Baghdad on the Tigris River to the Persian Gulf and extended up the Euphrates River as far as the city of Hit. Although Chaldea is usually placed between the Tigris and Euphrates, it reached into the flatlands between the Tigris and the Zagros Mountains to the east and also included some land west of the Euphrates. The Arabian Desert formed its western boundary. Chaldea rarely exceeded 40 miles (64.4 kilometers) in width, having an area of about 8,000 square miles (12,872 square kilometers), approximately the size of New Jersey. On today’s map Chaldea falls inside Iraq, with its southwestern tip touching the small kingdom of Kuwait.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"History\">History<\/p>\n<p>First mention of the Chaldeans is found in the Assyrian annals of Ashurnasirpal II (885–860 <span>BC<\/span>), leading some authorities to suggest that they entered Babylonia about 1000 <span>BC<\/span>. They are usually associated (though not identified) with the Semitic Aramean tribes who were constantly pushing their way from the western deserts into Mesopotamia. They settled primarily in the southern tip of Babylonia, at the northern end of the Persian Gulf, perhaps centuries before the Assyrian annals mentioned them.<\/p>\n<p>Job 1:17 mentions three bands of Chaldeans who participated in a raid against Job’s camels and servants, probably in the vicinity of Edom or northern Arabia. Their presence in those regions does not necessarily mean they lived nearby, since armies from Babylonia (Sinar) and Elam ranged as far as Palestine centuries earlier (Gn 14:1-2).<\/p>\n<h5>Under Assyrian Rule<\/h5>\n<p>Living by the marshes and lakes of the extreme south, the Chaldeans maintained a high degree of independence, even when Assyrian dominion extended over them. It was difficult for invading armies to maneuver in the Chaldean marshes. As a result, the Chaldeans resisted paying taxes or providing any form of service to the Assyrian government. When the Assyrians sought to limit their freedom, the Chaldeans turned to guerrilla warfare and political intrigue. They were quick to disregard treaties or to switch alliances as circumstances dictated. Under Assyrian rule, whereas the native residents of Babylonian cities were generally content, the Chaldeans became the leaders of a national independence movement. For 250 years the Assyrians had to enforce their dominion against persistent Chaldean attempts to assert their autonomy and influence.<\/p>\n<p>Finally, in 721 <span>BC<\/span> the Chaldean leader Marduk-apla-iddina II (known as Merodach-baladan in 2 Kgs 20:12 and Is 39:1, who sent an embassy to Hezekiah, king of Judah) entered Babylon and claimed the kingship of Babylonia, a position long appointed by the Assyrian king. Crafty and resourceful, he successfully maintained his claim for 10 years before being driven back into his own southern territory by Assyria’s Sargon II. On Sargon’s death in 705 <span>BC<\/span>, he reasserted his claim but was defeated by the new Assyrian king, Sennacherib, who destroyed Babylon as a lesson to the Chaldeans and their allies.<\/p>\n<p>Sennacherib’s son and successor, Esarhaddon, pursued a policy of conciliation with the Babylonians and rebuilt their capital city, a gesture that effectively neutralized Chaldean agitation and inaugurated a period of peace that lasted over 30 years. The last unsuccessful revolt occurred under Ashurbanipal’s reign and was actually instigated by his brother, whom the Assyrian king had appointed to the Babylonian throne. The Chaldeans gladly joined the rebellion, which was crushed in 648 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<h5>The Neo-Babylonian Empire<\/h5>\n<p>Two decades later, at the time of Ashurbanipal’s death, Assyrian power suddenly and dramatically slipped. Nabopolassar, a Chaldean governor, took the opportunity to drive the Assyrians out of Babylonia. He became king of Babylon in 625 <span>BC<\/span>. Allied with the Medes, the Babylonians went on to destroy the Assyrian Empire, capturing the capital cities of Asshur in 614 and Nineveh in 612. They divided the conquered lands with the Medes and annexed the Assyrian regions west and south of the Tigris, creating a new Babylonian Empire. (The first Babylonian Empire, with which Hammurabi is associated, had flourished over 1,000 years earlier.) Throughout the Near East, Chaldea and Babylonia became synonymous.<\/p>\n<p>During the long and brilliant reign of Nabopolassar’s son Nebuchadnezzar (or Nebuchadrezzar) II, the empire reached its zenith. As crown prince, he won a decisive victory in 605 <span>BC<\/span> over the Egyptians at Carchemish (the battle mentioned in 2 Chr 35:20), which effectively established Babylonian supremacy in the Near East (see 2 Kgs 24:7). That same year the southern kingdom of Judah became a vassal nation to Babylon. Nebuchadnezzar won the submission of King Jehoiachim, carried off the choicest articles from the temple for his own temple in Babylon, and took the outstanding leaders and youth of Judah captive (2 Kgs 24:1; 2 Chr 36:5-7; Dn 1:1-4). When Judah revolted several years later at the instigation of Egypt, the Chaldean army captured Jerusalem in 597 <span>BC<\/span>. Judah’s new king, Jehoiachin, was deposed at that time together with more of its leaders (2 Kgs 24:8-16). A second revolt in 594 <span>BC<\/span> by the Chaldean-appointed king (Zedekiah) resulted in a third invasion, the destruction of Jerusalem in 586 <span>BC<\/span>, and the exile of most of Judah’s citizens (2 Kgs 24:20–25:12; 2 Chr 36:11-21). With the booty from that and other conquests, Nebuchadnezzar built Babylon into one of the most dazzling cities in the ancient world. His projects included the Hanging Gardens (one of the seven wonders of the ancient world), the Ishtar Gate, and a 17-mile (27-kilometer) outer wall designed for defense of the city. His pride in such accomplishments eventually brought the judgment of God (Dn 4:30-33).<\/p>\n<p>Nebuchadnezzar was succeeded by his son Amel-marduk (Evil-merodach in 2 Kgs 25:27 and Jer 52:31, remembered there for his special kindness to the exiled king Jehoiachin). After two years he was killed in an armed rebellion led by his brother-in-law, Nergal-shar-usur (Nergal-sharezer of Jer 39:3), who attempted to establish his own dynasty. After a four-year reign Nergal-shar-usur was succeeded by his son, who lasted only a few months before being ousted by a usurper, Nabonidus.<\/p>\n\n<h5>The Fall of Babylon<\/h5>\n<p>Nabonidus was the last of the Chaldean monarchs. His installation as king was supported by many Babylonian officials. They were watching their former allies, the Medes, gradually become a rival power and saw in Nabonidus a ruler strong enough to meet their threat. Strong or not, his attempts to reform Babylonian religion proved extremely unpopular, and his efforts to strengthen the economy were unsuccessful. Both facts made Babylon an unpleasant residence for Nabonidus; during one extended absence from the capital city, he installed his son Belshazzar as co-regent. (Belshazzar’s position explains why he is described as the king of Babylon in the OT book of Daniel and why in Dn 5:7 he could make Daniel only “the third ruler in the kingdom.”)<\/p>\n<p>While Belshazzar was handling government affairs, the famous incident of the “writing on the wall” occurred, ominously predicting Babylon’s downfall (Dn 5). The Elamites, in fact, were already attacking the empire’s eastern flank. Rumors of Persian power in the north brought Nabonidus back to Babylon just in time for an invasion by the Persian king, Cyrus the Great. Cyrus took Babylon without a fight, putting an end both to Chaldean power and to the Neo-Babylonian Empire.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Assyria, Assyrians; Astrology; Babylon, Babylonia; Daniel, Book of; Diaspora of the Jews; Nebuchadnezzar, Nebuchadrezzar; Ur (Place).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>CHALDEA*, CHALDEANS<\/h3>\n<p>Ancient region in Mesopotamia and its inhabitants. The name comes from the Chaldean (or Kaldu) tribes that shared Babylonia in southeastern Mesopotamia with several other peoples, especially the Sumerians and Akkadians. After the old Babylonian Empire was absorbed by the Assyrians, the Chaldeans under Nebuchadnezzar’s leadership took control and built a Neo-Babylonian Empire that dominated the Near East for nearly a century. The region called Chaldea is also associated with the patriarch Abraham, whose Mesopotamian home was “Ur of the Chaldeans” (Gn 11:28).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheLandandPeople\">The Land and People<\/p>\n<p>Until the end of the eighth century <span>BC<\/span>, Chaldea referred only to a small territory in southern Babylonia. Within 100 years, following a rapid and successful bid for power, it embraced all of Babylonia. At that time it included the territory from Baghdad on the Tigris River to the Persian Gulf and extended up the Euphrates River as far as the city of Hit. Although Chaldea is usually placed between the Tigris and Euphrates, it reached into the flatlands between the Tigris and the Zagros Mountains to the east and also included some land west of the Euphrates. The Arabian Desert formed its western boundary. Chaldea rarely exceeded 40 miles (64.4 kilometers) in width, having an area of about 8,000 square miles (12,872 square kilometers), approximately the size of New Jersey. On today’s map Chaldea falls inside Iraq, with its southwestern tip touching the small kingdom of Kuwait.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"History\">History<\/p>\n<p>First mention of the Chaldeans is found in the Assyrian annals of Ashurnasirpal II (885–860 <span>BC<\/span>), leading some authorities to suggest that they entered Babylonia about 1000 <span>BC<\/span>. They are usually associated (though not identified) with the Semitic Aramean tribes who were constantly pushing their way from the western deserts into Mesopotamia. They settled primarily in the southern tip of Babylonia, at the northern end of the Persian Gulf, perhaps centuries before the Assyrian annals mentioned them.<\/p>\n<p>Job 1:17 mentions three bands of Chaldeans who participated in a raid against Job’s camels and servants, probably in the vicinity of Edom or northern Arabia. Their presence in those regions does not necessarily mean they lived nearby, since armies from Babylonia (Sinar) and Elam ranged as far as Palestine centuries earlier (Gn 14:1-2).<\/p>\n<h5>Under Assyrian Rule<\/h5>\n<p>Living by the marshes and lakes of the extreme south, the Chaldeans maintained a high degree of independence, even when Assyrian dominion extended over them. It was difficult for invading armies to maneuver in the Chaldean marshes. As a result, the Chaldeans resisted paying taxes or providing any form of service to the Assyrian government. When the Assyrians sought to limit their freedom, the Chaldeans turned to guerrilla warfare and political intrigue. They were quick to disregard treaties or to switch alliances as circumstances dictated. Under Assyrian rule, whereas the native residents of Babylonian cities were generally content, the Chaldeans became the leaders of a national independence movement. For 250 years the Assyrians had to enforce their dominion against persistent Chaldean attempts to assert their autonomy and influence.<\/p>\n<p>Finally, in 721 <span>BC<\/span> the Chaldean leader Marduk-apla-iddina II (known as Merodach-baladan in 2 Kgs 20:12 and Is 39:1, who sent an embassy to Hezekiah, king of Judah) entered Babylon and claimed the kingship of Babylonia, a position long appointed by the Assyrian king. Crafty and resourceful, he successfully maintained his claim for 10 years before being driven back into his own southern territory by Assyria’s Sargon II. On Sargon’s death in 705 <span>BC<\/span>, he reasserted his claim but was defeated by the new Assyrian king, Sennacherib, who destroyed Babylon as a lesson to the Chaldeans and their allies.<\/p>\n<p>Sennacherib’s son and successor, Esarhaddon, pursued a policy of conciliation with the Babylonians and rebuilt their capital city, a gesture that effectively neutralized Chaldean agitation and inaugurated a period of peace that lasted over 30 years. The last unsuccessful revolt occurred under Ashurbanipal’s reign and was actually instigated by his brother, whom the Assyrian king had appointed to the Babylonian throne. The Chaldeans gladly joined the rebellion, which was crushed in 648 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<h5>The Neo-Babylonian Empire<\/h5>\n<p>Two decades later, at the time of Ashurbanipal’s death, Assyrian power suddenly and dramatically slipped. Nabopolassar, a Chaldean governor, took the opportunity to drive the Assyrians out of Babylonia. He became king of Babylon in 625 <span>BC<\/span>. Allied with the Medes, the Babylonians went on to destroy the Assyrian Empire, capturing the capital cities of Asshur in 614 and Nineveh in 612. They divided the conquered lands with the Medes and annexed the Assyrian regions west and south of the Tigris, creating a new Babylonian Empire. (The first Babylonian Empire, with which Hammurabi is associated, had flourished over 1,000 years earlier.) Throughout the Near East, Chaldea and Babylonia became synonymous.<\/p>\n<p>During the long and brilliant reign of Nabopolassar’s son Nebuchadnezzar (or Nebuchadrezzar) II, the empire reached its zenith. As crown prince, he won a decisive victory in 605 <span>BC<\/span> over the Egyptians at Carchemish (the battle mentioned in 2 Chr 35:20), which effectively established Babylonian supremacy in the Near East (see 2 Kgs 24:7). That same year the southern kingdom of Judah became a vassal nation to Babylon. Nebuchadnezzar won the submission of King Jehoiachim, carried off the choicest articles from the temple for his own temple in Babylon, and took the outstanding leaders and youth of Judah captive (2 Kgs 24:1; 2 Chr 36:5-7; Dn 1:1-4). When Judah revolted several years later at the instigation of Egypt, the Chaldean army captured Jerusalem in 597 <span>BC<\/span>. Judah’s new king, Jehoiachin, was deposed at that time together with more of its leaders (2 Kgs 24:8-16). A second revolt in 594 <span>BC<\/span> by the Chaldean-appointed king (Zedekiah) resulted in a third invasion, the destruction of Jerusalem in 586 <span>BC<\/span>, and the exile of most of Judah’s citizens (2 Kgs 24:20–25:12; 2 Chr 36:11-21). With the booty from that and other conquests, Nebuchadnezzar built Babylon into one of the most dazzling cities in the ancient world. His projects included the Hanging Gardens (one of the seven wonders of the ancient world), the Ishtar Gate, and a 17-mile (27-kilometer) outer wall designed for defense of the city. His pride in such accomplishments eventually brought the judgment of God (Dn 4:30-33).<\/p>\n<p>Nebuchadnezzar was succeeded by his son Amel-marduk (Evil-merodach in 2 Kgs 25:27 and Jer 52:31, remembered there for his special kindness to the exiled king Jehoiachin). After two years he was killed in an armed rebellion led by his brother-in-law, Nergal-shar-usur (Nergal-sharezer of Jer 39:3), who attempted to establish his own dynasty. After a four-year reign Nergal-shar-usur was succeeded by his son, who lasted only a few months before being ousted by a usurper, Nabonidus.<\/p>\n\n<h5>The Fall of Babylon<\/h5>\n<p>Nabonidus was the last of the Chaldean monarchs. His installation as king was supported by many Babylonian officials. They were watching their former allies, the Medes, gradually become a rival power and saw in Nabonidus a ruler strong enough to meet their threat. Strong or not, his attempts to reform Babylonian religion proved extremely unpopular, and his efforts to strengthen the economy were unsuccessful. Both facts made Babylon an unpleasant residence for Nabonidus; during one extended absence from the capital city, he installed his son Belshazzar as co-regent. (Belshazzar’s position explains why he is described as the king of Babylon in the OT book of Daniel and why in Dn 5:7 he could make Daniel only “the third ruler in the kingdom.”)<\/p>\n<p>While Belshazzar was handling government affairs, the famous incident of the “writing on the wall” occurred, ominously predicting Babylon’s downfall (Dn 5). The Elamites, in fact, were already attacking the empire’s eastern flank. Rumors of Persian power in the north brought Nabonidus back to Babylon just in time for an invasion by the Persian king, Cyrus the Great. Cyrus took Babylon without a fight, putting an end both to Chaldean power and to the Neo-Babylonian Empire.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Assyria, Assyrians; Astrology; Babylon, Babylonia; Daniel, Book of; Diaspora of the Jews; Nebuchadnezzar, Nebuchadrezzar; Ur (Place).<\/p>","summary_ro":"CHALDEA*, CHALDEANS Ancient region in Mesopotamia and its inhabitants. The name comes from the Chaldean (or Kaldu) tribes that shared Babylonia in southeastern Mesopotamia with several other peoples, especially the Sumerians and Akkadians. After the old Babylonian Empire was absorbed by the Assyrians, the Chaldeans under Nebuchadnezzar’s leadership took control and built a Neo-Babylonian Empire that dominated the Near East for nearly a century. The region called Chaldea is also associated wit...","summary_en":"CHALDEA*, CHALDEANS Ancient region in Mesopotamia and its inhabitants. The name comes from the Chaldean (or Kaldu) tribes that shared Babylonia in southeastern Mesopotamia with several other peoples, especially the Sumerians and Akkadians. After the old Babylonian Empire was absorbed by the Assyrians, the Chaldeans under Nebuchadnezzar’s leadership took control and built a Neo-Babylonian Empire that dominated the Near East for nearly a century. The region called Chaldea is also associated wit...","source":"Articles\/C.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":16348,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Hezekiah","title_en":"Hezekiah","content_ro":"<h3>HEZEKIAH<\/h3>\n<li>1. King of Judah from 715–686 <span>BC<\/span>. The account of Hezekiah’s reign is in 2 Kings 18:1–20:21, 2 Chronicles 29:1–32:33, and Isaiah 36:1–39:8.<\/li>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Chronology\">Chronology<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah succeeded to Judah’s throne at 25 and ruled for 29 years (2 Kgs 18:2; 2 Chr 29:1). His mother was Abi (2 Kgs 18:2; 2 Chr 29:1; “Abijah,” a longer form), a daughter of Zechariah. The chronology of Hezekiah’s reign is difficult to establish with certainty. The Bible says the Assyrian siege of Samaria, capital of the northern kingdom of Israel, began in the fourth year of his reign and that Samaria fell in the sixth year (2 Kgs 18:9-10), which would make his reign begin about 728 <span>BC<\/span> and end about 699 <span>BC<\/span>. Assyrian king Sennacherib besieged the fortified Judean cities during Hezekiah’s 14th year (2 Kgs 18:13), which would have been 714 <span>BC<\/span>. Assyrian records, however, indicate that Sennacherib came to the Assyrian throne in 705 <span>BC<\/span> and that his Judean campaign took place in 701 <span>BC<\/span>. The most generally accepted solution to the discrepancy is that Hezekiah came to the throne in 715 <span>BC<\/span>, probably after a co-regency with his father, Ahaz, that began in 728 <span>BC<\/span>. That solution harmonizes with the statement that Sennacherib’s siege took place in the 14th year of Hezekiah’s reign, or 701 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"HezekiahsReligiousReforms\">Hezekiah’s Religious Reforms<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah came to the throne at a critical juncture in Judah’s history. Sargon II had taken Samaria in 722 <span>BC<\/span>, and Judah was militarily weakened from wars and raids by surrounding nations during the reign of Ahaz. Perhaps motivated by warnings to the northern kingdom delivered by the prophets Amos and Hosea that punishment would come if Israel did not turn back to God, Hezekiah began his religious reforms soon after becoming king.<\/p>\n<p>In the first month of his reign, Hezekiah opened the temple doors and repaired them. He brought the Levites together and ordered them to sanctify themselves and the temple and to reinstate the religious ceremonies that had long been neglected. Hezekiah brought sacrifices, and the priestly temple service was restored (2 Chr 29).<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah then sent invitations throughout Judah and Israel for the Passover celebration in Jerusalem (held a month later than the prescribed time because the priests and people could not be ready earlier). It was hoped that religious unification would be a prelude to political reunification of the northern kingdom of Israel and the southern kingdom of Judah. However, most of the northern tribes mocked the Judean messengers who brought the invitations, and only a few persons from the tribes of Asher, Manasseh, and Zebulun went to Jerusalem for the celebration (2 Chr 30).<\/p>\n<p>After the Passover observance, the worshipers set about destroying the high places and altars. They broke the pillars and cut down the Asherim throughout Judah and Benjamin, and also went into Ephraim and Manasseh (2 Chr 31:1). Hezekiah even smashed the bronze serpent that Moses had made (Nm 21:6-9), for it had become an object of worship and was identified with a serpent deity, Nehushtan (2 Kgs 18:4). Because of his sweeping reforms, later generations said of Hezekiah, “There was never another king like him in the land of Judah, either before or after his time” (2 Kgs 18:5, <span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheAssyrianThreat\">The Assyrian Threat<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah knew that Assyria’s growing international dominance was a serious threat to his kingdom, but following his father’s policy of submission, Hezekiah did not attempt any resistance at first.<\/p>\n<p>The inscriptions of the Assyrian king Sargon II record his victorious campaign in 711 <span>BC<\/span> against a revolt by Aziru, king of Ashdod, who requested help from Egypt and Judah. Perhaps a prophecy received by Isaiah warned Hezekiah not to interfere with the Ashdod siege (Is 20), and so no punitive action was taken against Judah by Assyria. Sargon died in 705, and his son Sennacherib came to the throne. This triggered widespread rebellion throughout the Assyrian provinces. Hezekiah withheld tribute from the new Assyrian ruler and, taking advantage of the confused situation, made raids against the Philistines (2 Kgs 18:8). After subduing rebellious elements in the East, Sennacherib began his campaign against the “land of Hatti” (the Assyrian name for the western countries) in 701 <span>BC<\/span>. In preparation Hezekiah repaired Jerusalem’s city wall, raised towers on it, built another wall outside it, and strengthened the Millo in the City of David. He also stockpiled abundant quantities of weapons and shields (2 Chr 32:5). Knowing the necessity of an adequate water supply for a city under siege, Hezekiah had a 1,777-foot (542-meter) tunnel cut through solid rock from the spring of Gihon to the Siloam Pool to bring water into the city and to prevent the Assyrians from gaining access to the spring water outside the city (2 Kgs 20:20; 2 Chr 32:3-4). The Siloam inscription, carved inside the tunnel itself, records the completion of that remarkable conduit and is one of the oldest preserved examples of the Hebrew language.<\/p>\n<p>Sennacherib invaded Palestine and, after an extensive campaign, put down the rebellion there. That campaign is well documented in Assyrian records, including a description of his siege on Jerusalem in 701, and this documentation is supplemented by the biblical account (2 Kgs 18:13–19:37; 2 Chr 32:1-22; Is 36–37). Sidon, the cities of Phoenicia, and the immediate neighbors of Judah (including Byblos, Arnon, Moab, Edom, and Ashdod) submitted to the Assyrians. Resistant Philistine cities were also taken. Sennacherib laid siege against Ekron, whose king, Padi (a loyal subject of Sennacherib), had been taken prisoner by his own subjects and turned over in chains to Hezekiah. A large Egyptian and Ethiopian army failed to relieve the Ekronites, who were defeated by the Assyrians in the vicinity of Eltekah. Ekron was captured, and Padi was recalled to his throne by Sennacherib.<\/p>\n<p>Sennacherib then turned his attention to the fortified cities of Judah and took them one by one (2 Kgs 18:13). Assyrian records claim that he captured 46 walled cities and countless villages, including Lachish and Debir (southwest of Jerusalem), 200,150 people, homes, cattle, and flocks without number. While Lachish was still under siege, Hezekiah saw that it was hopeless to resist and sent word to Sennacherib offering to surrender and pay whatever tribute he would impose. The Assyrian ruler demanded an enormous tribute of 300 talents of silver (800 talents according to Assyrian records, either an exaggerated figure or computed by a different standard) and 30 talents of gold. In order to pay that tribute, Hezekiah took all the silver in the temple and the royal treasuries, and stripped the gold from the temple doors and doorposts (2 Kgs 18:14-16). This treasure was sent to Sennacherib along with other gifts that, according to the Assyrian account, included some of Hezekiah’s own daughters as concubines.<\/p>\n<p>The account in 2 Kings 18:17–19:37 raises the question of whether there was another invasion of Judah at a later date, or whether this passage gives additional details about the invasion of 701. Although Hezekiah had already submitted and paid tribute, these verses describe further Assyrian demands. Those who believe it was a single invasion suggest that this is an account of the Assyrian deputation sent by Sennacherib to demand Jerusalem’s surrender while Lachish was still under siege. The deputation included the Tartan, Rabsaris, and Rabshakeh (titles of court officials rather than personal names). They warned the citizens that their God was no more able to save them than the gods of other cities defeated by the Assyrians. In distress Hezekiah sent word to the prophet Isaiah, who assured the king that Sennacherib would hear a rumor and return to his own land and there die by the sword (2 Kgs 19:1-7). Shortly afterward Sennacherib received word of Babylon’s revolt in his eastern provinces, so he departed at once without taking Jerusalem. Assyrian records do not claim that Jerusalem was taken but only say that Hezekiah was “shut up in Jerusalem like a bird in a cage.” Judah’s surrounding neighbors celebrated their deliverance and brought gifts of gratitude to Hezekiah (2 Chr 32:23).<\/p>\n<p>Later, the Assyrian king heard that Tirhakah, king of Ethiopia, was advancing against him, so he sent another threatening message to Hezekiah, probably to warn him against making an alliance with Tirhakah. Hezekiah took the matter before the Lord and received word from Isaiah that the Assyrian king would return the same way he came and that Jerusalem would be untouched. Soon afterward, in a miraculous intervention by God, 185,000 Assyrian troops were killed, and the Assyrian monarch abandoned his plans to conquer Hezekiah. That embarrassing calamity understandably is not mentioned by the Assyrian records. In 681 Sennacherib was killed by two of his sons as Isaiah had predicted (2 Kgs 19:7, 37).<\/p>\n<p>Sometime prior to 701, Hezekiah became seriously ill, and Isaiah told him to prepare for death. The king earnestly prayed for an extension of life, and God promised him 15 more years as well as deliverance from the Assyrians. Hezekiah asked Isaiah for a sign that he would be healed, and a shadow cast by the sun moved backward 10 steps contrary to its normal direction (2 Kgs 20:1-11).<\/p>\n<p>Sometime after his recovery Hezekiah received a delegation with presents from Merodach-baladan of Babylon, ostensibly to congratulate Hezekiah on his return to health. The real object of the visit was probably to enlist Hezekiah as an ally in a conspiracy being formed against Assyria. The king showed the Babylonian envoys all the gold, silver, and other valuables he possessed. This act brought a warning from Isaiah that the day would come when all those treasures would be carried away to Babylon (2 Kgs 20:12-19).<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah lived the remainder of his life in peace and prosperity. It may have been during this time that he encouraged literary efforts in Judah, which included copying some of Solomon’s proverbs (Prv 25–29). Upon his death in 686, he was succeeded by his son Manasseh, who probably had become co-regent 10 years earlier.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Chronology of the Bible (Old Testament); Israel, History of; King.<\/p>\n<li>2. KJV form of Hizkiah, Neariah’s son, in 1 Chronicles 3:23. <em>See<\/em> Hizkiah #1.<\/li>\n<li>3. Head of a family of exiles (the sons of Ater), 98 of whose descendants returned from the Babylonian exile with Zerubbabel (Ezr 2:16; Neh 7:21; 10:17).<\/li>\n<li>4. Ancestor of the prophet Zephaniah, possibly King Hezekiah himself (Zep 1:1).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>HEZEKIAH<\/h3>\n<li>1. King of Judah from 715–686 <span>BC<\/span>. The account of Hezekiah’s reign is in 2 Kings 18:1–20:21, 2 Chronicles 29:1–32:33, and Isaiah 36:1–39:8.<\/li>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Chronology\">Chronology<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah succeeded to Judah’s throne at 25 and ruled for 29 years (2 Kgs 18:2; 2 Chr 29:1). His mother was Abi (2 Kgs 18:2; 2 Chr 29:1; “Abijah,” a longer form), a daughter of Zechariah. The chronology of Hezekiah’s reign is difficult to establish with certainty. The Bible says the Assyrian siege of Samaria, capital of the northern kingdom of Israel, began in the fourth year of his reign and that Samaria fell in the sixth year (2 Kgs 18:9-10), which would make his reign begin about 728 <span>BC<\/span> and end about 699 <span>BC<\/span>. Assyrian king Sennacherib besieged the fortified Judean cities during Hezekiah’s 14th year (2 Kgs 18:13), which would have been 714 <span>BC<\/span>. Assyrian records, however, indicate that Sennacherib came to the Assyrian throne in 705 <span>BC<\/span> and that his Judean campaign took place in 701 <span>BC<\/span>. The most generally accepted solution to the discrepancy is that Hezekiah came to the throne in 715 <span>BC<\/span>, probably after a co-regency with his father, Ahaz, that began in 728 <span>BC<\/span>. That solution harmonizes with the statement that Sennacherib’s siege took place in the 14th year of Hezekiah’s reign, or 701 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"HezekiahsReligiousReforms\">Hezekiah’s Religious Reforms<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah came to the throne at a critical juncture in Judah’s history. Sargon II had taken Samaria in 722 <span>BC<\/span>, and Judah was militarily weakened from wars and raids by surrounding nations during the reign of Ahaz. Perhaps motivated by warnings to the northern kingdom delivered by the prophets Amos and Hosea that punishment would come if Israel did not turn back to God, Hezekiah began his religious reforms soon after becoming king.<\/p>\n<p>In the first month of his reign, Hezekiah opened the temple doors and repaired them. He brought the Levites together and ordered them to sanctify themselves and the temple and to reinstate the religious ceremonies that had long been neglected. Hezekiah brought sacrifices, and the priestly temple service was restored (2 Chr 29).<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah then sent invitations throughout Judah and Israel for the Passover celebration in Jerusalem (held a month later than the prescribed time because the priests and people could not be ready earlier). It was hoped that religious unification would be a prelude to political reunification of the northern kingdom of Israel and the southern kingdom of Judah. However, most of the northern tribes mocked the Judean messengers who brought the invitations, and only a few persons from the tribes of Asher, Manasseh, and Zebulun went to Jerusalem for the celebration (2 Chr 30).<\/p>\n<p>After the Passover observance, the worshipers set about destroying the high places and altars. They broke the pillars and cut down the Asherim throughout Judah and Benjamin, and also went into Ephraim and Manasseh (2 Chr 31:1). Hezekiah even smashed the bronze serpent that Moses had made (Nm 21:6-9), for it had become an object of worship and was identified with a serpent deity, Nehushtan (2 Kgs 18:4). Because of his sweeping reforms, later generations said of Hezekiah, “There was never another king like him in the land of Judah, either before or after his time” (2 Kgs 18:5, <span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheAssyrianThreat\">The Assyrian Threat<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah knew that Assyria’s growing international dominance was a serious threat to his kingdom, but following his father’s policy of submission, Hezekiah did not attempt any resistance at first.<\/p>\n<p>The inscriptions of the Assyrian king Sargon II record his victorious campaign in 711 <span>BC<\/span> against a revolt by Aziru, king of Ashdod, who requested help from Egypt and Judah. Perhaps a prophecy received by Isaiah warned Hezekiah not to interfere with the Ashdod siege (Is 20), and so no punitive action was taken against Judah by Assyria. Sargon died in 705, and his son Sennacherib came to the throne. This triggered widespread rebellion throughout the Assyrian provinces. Hezekiah withheld tribute from the new Assyrian ruler and, taking advantage of the confused situation, made raids against the Philistines (2 Kgs 18:8). After subduing rebellious elements in the East, Sennacherib began his campaign against the “land of Hatti” (the Assyrian name for the western countries) in 701 <span>BC<\/span>. In preparation Hezekiah repaired Jerusalem’s city wall, raised towers on it, built another wall outside it, and strengthened the Millo in the City of David. He also stockpiled abundant quantities of weapons and shields (2 Chr 32:5). Knowing the necessity of an adequate water supply for a city under siege, Hezekiah had a 1,777-foot (542-meter) tunnel cut through solid rock from the spring of Gihon to the Siloam Pool to bring water into the city and to prevent the Assyrians from gaining access to the spring water outside the city (2 Kgs 20:20; 2 Chr 32:3-4). The Siloam inscription, carved inside the tunnel itself, records the completion of that remarkable conduit and is one of the oldest preserved examples of the Hebrew language.<\/p>\n<p>Sennacherib invaded Palestine and, after an extensive campaign, put down the rebellion there. That campaign is well documented in Assyrian records, including a description of his siege on Jerusalem in 701, and this documentation is supplemented by the biblical account (2 Kgs 18:13–19:37; 2 Chr 32:1-22; Is 36–37). Sidon, the cities of Phoenicia, and the immediate neighbors of Judah (including Byblos, Arnon, Moab, Edom, and Ashdod) submitted to the Assyrians. Resistant Philistine cities were also taken. Sennacherib laid siege against Ekron, whose king, Padi (a loyal subject of Sennacherib), had been taken prisoner by his own subjects and turned over in chains to Hezekiah. A large Egyptian and Ethiopian army failed to relieve the Ekronites, who were defeated by the Assyrians in the vicinity of Eltekah. Ekron was captured, and Padi was recalled to his throne by Sennacherib.<\/p>\n<p>Sennacherib then turned his attention to the fortified cities of Judah and took them one by one (2 Kgs 18:13). Assyrian records claim that he captured 46 walled cities and countless villages, including Lachish and Debir (southwest of Jerusalem), 200,150 people, homes, cattle, and flocks without number. While Lachish was still under siege, Hezekiah saw that it was hopeless to resist and sent word to Sennacherib offering to surrender and pay whatever tribute he would impose. The Assyrian ruler demanded an enormous tribute of 300 talents of silver (800 talents according to Assyrian records, either an exaggerated figure or computed by a different standard) and 30 talents of gold. In order to pay that tribute, Hezekiah took all the silver in the temple and the royal treasuries, and stripped the gold from the temple doors and doorposts (2 Kgs 18:14-16). This treasure was sent to Sennacherib along with other gifts that, according to the Assyrian account, included some of Hezekiah’s own daughters as concubines.<\/p>\n<p>The account in 2 Kings 18:17–19:37 raises the question of whether there was another invasion of Judah at a later date, or whether this passage gives additional details about the invasion of 701. Although Hezekiah had already submitted and paid tribute, these verses describe further Assyrian demands. Those who believe it was a single invasion suggest that this is an account of the Assyrian deputation sent by Sennacherib to demand Jerusalem’s surrender while Lachish was still under siege. The deputation included the Tartan, Rabsaris, and Rabshakeh (titles of court officials rather than personal names). They warned the citizens that their God was no more able to save them than the gods of other cities defeated by the Assyrians. In distress Hezekiah sent word to the prophet Isaiah, who assured the king that Sennacherib would hear a rumor and return to his own land and there die by the sword (2 Kgs 19:1-7). Shortly afterward Sennacherib received word of Babylon’s revolt in his eastern provinces, so he departed at once without taking Jerusalem. Assyrian records do not claim that Jerusalem was taken but only say that Hezekiah was “shut up in Jerusalem like a bird in a cage.” Judah’s surrounding neighbors celebrated their deliverance and brought gifts of gratitude to Hezekiah (2 Chr 32:23).<\/p>\n<p>Later, the Assyrian king heard that Tirhakah, king of Ethiopia, was advancing against him, so he sent another threatening message to Hezekiah, probably to warn him against making an alliance with Tirhakah. Hezekiah took the matter before the Lord and received word from Isaiah that the Assyrian king would return the same way he came and that Jerusalem would be untouched. Soon afterward, in a miraculous intervention by God, 185,000 Assyrian troops were killed, and the Assyrian monarch abandoned his plans to conquer Hezekiah. That embarrassing calamity understandably is not mentioned by the Assyrian records. In 681 Sennacherib was killed by two of his sons as Isaiah had predicted (2 Kgs 19:7, 37).<\/p>\n<p>Sometime prior to 701, Hezekiah became seriously ill, and Isaiah told him to prepare for death. The king earnestly prayed for an extension of life, and God promised him 15 more years as well as deliverance from the Assyrians. Hezekiah asked Isaiah for a sign that he would be healed, and a shadow cast by the sun moved backward 10 steps contrary to its normal direction (2 Kgs 20:1-11).<\/p>\n<p>Sometime after his recovery Hezekiah received a delegation with presents from Merodach-baladan of Babylon, ostensibly to congratulate Hezekiah on his return to health. The real object of the visit was probably to enlist Hezekiah as an ally in a conspiracy being formed against Assyria. The king showed the Babylonian envoys all the gold, silver, and other valuables he possessed. This act brought a warning from Isaiah that the day would come when all those treasures would be carried away to Babylon (2 Kgs 20:12-19).<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah lived the remainder of his life in peace and prosperity. It may have been during this time that he encouraged literary efforts in Judah, which included copying some of Solomon’s proverbs (Prv 25–29). Upon his death in 686, he was succeeded by his son Manasseh, who probably had become co-regent 10 years earlier.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Chronology of the Bible (Old Testament); Israel, History of; King.<\/p>\n<li>2. KJV form of Hizkiah, Neariah’s son, in 1 Chronicles 3:23. <em>See<\/em> Hizkiah #1.<\/li>\n<li>3. Head of a family of exiles (the sons of Ater), 98 of whose descendants returned from the Babylonian exile with Zerubbabel (Ezr 2:16; Neh 7:21; 10:17).<\/li>\n<li>4. Ancestor of the prophet Zephaniah, possibly King Hezekiah himself (Zep 1:1).<\/li>","summary_ro":"HEZEKIAH 1. King of Judah from 715–686 BC. The account of Hezekiah’s reign is in 2 Kings 18:1–20:21, 2 Chronicles 29:1–32:33, and Isaiah 36:1–39:8. Chronology Hezekiah succeeded to Judah’s throne at 25 and ruled for 29 years (2 Kgs 18:2; 2 Chr 29:1). His mother was Abi (2 Kgs 18:2; 2 Chr 29:1; “Abijah,” a longer form), a daughter of Zechariah. The chronology of Hezekiah’s reign is difficult to establish with certainty. The Bible says the Assyrian siege of Samaria, capital of the northern king...","summary_en":"HEZEKIAH 1. King of Judah from 715–686 BC. The account of Hezekiah’s reign is in 2 Kings 18:1–20:21, 2 Chronicles 29:1–32:33, and Isaiah 36:1–39:8. Chronology Hezekiah succeeded to Judah’s throne at 25 and ruled for 29 years (2 Kgs 18:2; 2 Chr 29:1). His mother was Abi (2 Kgs 18:2; 2 Chr 29:1; “Abijah,” a longer form), a daughter of Zechariah. The chronology of Hezekiah’s reign is difficult to establish with certainty. The Bible says the Assyrian siege of Samaria, capital of the northern king...","source":"Articles\/H.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":22091,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Books of First and Second Kings","title_en":"Books of First and Second Kings","content_ro":"<h3>KINGS, Books of First and Second<\/h3>\n<p>Books continuing the history of the covenant people as recorded in Joshua, Judges, and the books of Samuel. The record in Kings begins with the events at the end of David’s reign (1 Kgs 1–2). It continues through the reign of Solomon (chs 3–11); the histories of the divided kingdoms (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17); and the history of the surviving kingdom in the south, through its fall in 586 <span>BC<\/span> and the subsequent kindness shown Jehoiachin by Evil-merodach, king of Babylon, around 561 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 18–25).<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Authorship and Date<\/p>\n<p>• Sources<\/p>\n<p>• Theology and Purpose<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"AuthorshipandDate\">Authorship and Date<\/p>\n<p>Kings was originally regarded as one book in the Hebrew canon; the division into two books of approximately equal length appeared first in the Septuagint and finally entered the Hebrew Bible in the 15th century <span>AD<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>The book itself is anonymous, and information about its author can only be deduced by examining the concerns and perspectives of the work. The Babylonian Talmud (<em>Baba Bathra<\/em> 15a) attributes Kings to Jeremiah. Although this identification could have arisen from the tendency of later Jewish tradition to assign biblical books to prophetic authors, the theory of origin in prophetic circles fits the evidence quite well. Substantial portions are given to the lives of the prophets; 16 of 47 chapters are devoted to the lives of Elijah and Elisha (1 Kgs 17—2 Kgs 10), and there is considerable interest in other prophetic figures such as Ahijah (1 Kgs 11:29-39; 14:1-16), an unnamed man of God (13:1-10), and Micaiah (22:13-28). Possible dependence on Isaiah (2 Kgs 18–20; cf. Is 36–39) and Jeremiah (2 Kgs 24–25; cf. Jer 52) also suggest prophetic origin. The author-compiler also shows intense concern with the efficacy of the prophetic word, frequently calling attention to the fulfillment of words spoken earlier by the prophets.<\/p>\n<p>One might initially think that such a history would be unlikely for a prophet, but the evidence is to the contrary. The prophets were the guardians of the covenant relationship and are known to have produced accounts used as sources by other biblical historians. The following are among such sources: the acts of Samuel the seer, the acts of Nathan the prophet, the acts of Gad the seer (1 Chr 29:29); the acts of Nathan the prophet, the prophecy of Ahijah the Shilonite, the visions of Iddo the seer (2 Chr 9:29); the chronicles of Shemaiah the prophet and of Iddo the seer (12:15); the annotations of the prophet Iddo (13:22); and the acts of Uzziah by Isaiah the prophet (26:22). Add to this the fact that Kings is positioned in the Hebrew canon in the Former Prophets (Joshua to 2 Kings), and a consistent picture of prophetic origin emerges.<\/p>\n<p>The date of the final part of the book must be after the last events recorded. Evil-merodach’s kindness toward Jehoiachin (c. 561 <span>BC<\/span>) is the terminus of the book and therefore fixes the earliest date. Since the work shows no knowledge of the restoration period, a date before 539 <span>BC<\/span> is probable. The author’s selection of his data to answer the burning theological questions of the exilic community also suggests a date between 561 and 539 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Sources\">Sources<\/p>\n<p>The compiler of Kings specifically names three of the sources that he used in his work, and biblical scholars have suggested the presence of a number of other sources that may have been cited. Of course, the sources not mentioned specifically by the compiler are only the speculations of those who have studied his work and can have only varying degrees of probability. The sources both specified and alleged are as follows.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the Acts of Solomon<\/h5>\n<p>As 1 Kings 11:41 says, “The rest of the events in Solomon’s reign, including his wisdom, are recorded in <em>The Book of the Acts of Solomon”<\/em> (<span>nlt<\/span>). Presumably additional materials of a biographical nature were included, specifically accounts similar to the judgment between the two mothers (3:16-28) or the visit of the queen of Sheba (10:1-10). There has been debate as to whether these materials were official court records or nonofficial documents. Some scholars have attempted to isolate further materials within this section by identifying descriptions of the buildings as from temple archives (chs 6–7) and lists of administrators as from administrative documents (chs 4–5), but this must remain speculative.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the History of the Kings of Israel<\/h5>\n<p>This source is mentioned 17 times in Kings, usually in the closing formulas at the end of the account of the reign of a northern king. Some idea of the nature of these chronicles can be derived from looking at the type of information to which the compiler refers his readers (see 1 Kgs 14:19; 16:27; 22:39; 2 Kgs 13:12; 14:28). These passages suggest that this source was the official annals covering the reigns of the kings.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the History of the Kings of Judah<\/h5>\n<p>This source is mentioned in 15 passages, and as with the kings of Israel, is found in the concluding formulas to the accounts of the reigns. This source was to be consulted for additional details on individuals’ reigns (for example, see 1 Kgs 15:23; 22:45; 2 Kgs 20:20; 21:17). These sources for the histories of the two kingdoms were probably similar to the annals known from the surrounding cultures, particularly from the reigns of Assyrian kings. They were likely official court histories kept in Samaria and Jerusalem.<\/p>\n<p>In addition to these explicitly mentioned sources, scholars have suggested the compiler drew on other sources that he does not name.<\/p>\n<h5>Davidic Court History<\/h5>\n<p>Second Samuel 9–20 is often identified as a unit of material in the composition of the books of Samuel; it is variously called “the court history” or “the succession narrative.” Because of similar vocabulary and outlook, 1 Kings 1–2 are often associated with this material from Samuel. The statement of 1 Kings 2:46, “so the kingdom was now firmly in Solomon’s grip,” is taken to be the end of this record.<\/p>\n<h5>Sources for the House of Ahab<\/h5>\n<p>The reigns of individual kings are ordinarily given only brief notices; for example, the father of Ahab, Omri, is given eight verses, even though when judged by political and economic significance, he was among the greatest of the northern kings (1 Kgs 16:21-28). However, beginning with the reign of Ahab, the record becomes quite expansive, and extensive coverage is given the dynasty of Ahab through the coup by Jehu (1 Kgs 16—2 Kgs 12). The use of the stereotyped formulas for the reigns is suspended in this material, and the existence of other literature used by the compiler is probable. This material is commonly subdivided into further sources for the lives of Elijah and Elisha and the reign of Ahab.<\/p>\n<p>The Elijah section covers material in the following chapters: 1 Kings 17–19, including the feeding by the ravens, the incidents with the widow of Zarephath, the drought, the fire on Carmel, and the revelation of God at Sinai; 1 Kings 21, the affair of Naboth’s vineyard; and 2 Kings 1, the death of Ahaziah’s messengers. The reign of Ahab, which gets so much attention in Kings, is primarily a backdrop for the accounts concerning Elijah.<\/p>\n<p>The Elisha material found in 2 Kings 2–13 may have had an independent literary development from that of the Elijah accounts. It includes the following: chapter 2 (Elisha’s succession to the prophetic office, the purification of a spring, the death of mocking children); chapter 3 (on the campaign against Moab); chapter 4 (the widow’s oil, the Shunammite woman); chapter 5 (Naaman’s leprosy); chapter 6 (the Aramean attempt to capture Elisha); chapter 7 (the famine in Samaria); chapter 8 (the Shunammite’s property, the coup of Hazael); chapter 9 (the anointing of Jehu); and chapter 13 (the death of Elisha). No other portion of the OT takes the sheer delight in the miraculous that is seen in the Elisha narratives.<\/p>\n<p>In 1 Kings 16 to 2 Kings 13 there are additional incidents not directly related to the biographies of Elijah and Elisha; accounts such as the military campaigns of 1 Kings 20:1-34 and further details of Jehu’s coup (2 Kgs 9:11–10:36) are often attributed to a third source containing accounts of the dynasty of Ahab and his successors. In all three of these possible sources the orientation is toward affairs in the northern kingdom.<\/p>\n<h5>Isaiah Source<\/h5>\n<p>The account of the reign of Hezekiah contains a section (2 Kgs 18:13–20:19) that is nearly a verbatim citation of material also found in Isaiah (Is 36:1–39:8). The section records the invasion of Sennacherib, the mission of the Rabshakeh, Hezekiah’s prayer, Isaiah’s prophecy, Hezekiah’s illness, the regression of the sun, and the envoys from Merodach-baladan. The material must be regarded as based on the book of Isaiah or some other source used in both Isaiah and Kings.<\/p>\n<h5>A Prophetic Source<\/h5>\n<p>Because Kings shows great interest in the prophets and their ministries, various scholars have suggested that yet another source was used by the compiler; this would be an independent literary unit containing accounts of the prophets. This source would have contained the records for the material on Ahijah (1 Kgs 11:29-39; 14:1-16), unnamed prophets (ch 12; 20:35-43), Micaiah (22:13-28), and other references.<\/p>\n<p>Apart from the sources explicitly mentioned and inferences about their character, the remainder of the sources suggested have only varying degrees of probability. Considerable scholarly effort has gone into identifying and characterizing such sources, but it remains speculative. When considering the sources the compiler may have used, one important caution must be kept in mind. Even if such sources did exist, one cannot have confidence in a reconstruction of the compositional history. Which sources had already been integrated into a larger composition before they were used by the compiler of Kings? We cannot be certain that the life situation out of which these other sources grew has been correctly identified, nor can we know that even the compiler himself was aware of the past history of his sources. Biblical scholarship has expended considerable energy in trying to delineate the past history of the book of Kings, but it has often been at the neglect of the unity of perspective that is the product of the final compiler(s) in whose hands the book received its canonical form.<\/p>\n<p>What is important to understanding the book is not the perspective of its various sources (of which the compiler himself may have been unaware), but the perspective of the book as a whole on the history of the kingdoms. It is the outline that the compiler has imposed on the sources that establishes the teaching of the book; his sources are used in accord with his own purposes, a fact that makes the purposes for which the sources had been prepared largely irrelevant to the teaching of the book in its present form. Exploring possible sources, worthwhile in itself, must not eclipse the message of the book as a whole. This is not to imply that the books of Kings are simply a compilation of unaltered sources. The writer(s) undoubtedly exercised a measure of selectivity and literary skill in composing the historical narrative.<\/p>\n<p>One compositional technique of the compiler is quite prominent in the histories of the divided kingdoms: this is the use of formulaic introductions and conclusions to the various reigns. The formulas for both kingdoms are quite similar, differing only in minor details. For the kings of Judah, the full introductory formula is as follows: (1) year of accession synchronized with the regnal year of the northern king; (2) age of the king at his accession; (3) length of his reign; (4) name of his mother; (5) judgment on the character of the reign. The account of a Judean king’s reign is concluded as follows: (1) a reference to the chronicles of the kings of Judah for further information; (2) a statement regarding the death of the king, including the place of burial; (3) successor: “And his son reigned in his stead” (<span>rsv<\/span>). The full formula for a Judean king can be seen, for example, in the reign of Rehoboam (1 Kgs 14:21-22, 29-31).<\/p>\n<p>The formulas differ slightly for the kings of Israel; the introduction is as follows: (1) year of succession synchronized with the regnal year of the southern king; (2) length of his reign; (3) location of the royal residence; (4) condemnation for idolatry; (5) name of the king’s father. The account of an Israelite king’s reign ends as follows: (1) a reference to the chronicles of the kings of Israel for further information; (2) a statement regarding his death; (3) a statement of the succession of his son, unless a usurper follows. The full formula for an Israelite king can be seen, for example, in the reign of Baasha (1 Kgs 15:33-34; 16:5-6).<\/p>\n<p>There is some variation in the use of these patterns, but on the whole, they are consistently followed and provide the basic framework for the history of the divided kingdom. The synchronisms of the reigns provide data for constructing the chronology of the period. The variations in the formulas may reflect the characteristics of the sources the compiler was using or may reflect his own interests. The name of the mother of a Judean king is recorded, but not of an Israelite king, perhaps reflecting concern with a more exact and fuller record of the Davidic succession. The royal residence is presumed to be Jerusalem for the southern kings (though it may be mentioned) but is recorded for the northern kings since it moved several times, from Shechem to Penuel to Tirzah to Samaria. The mention of the king’s father for a northern ruler also reflects the frequent change in dynasties there, as opposed to the dynastic stability of Judah, which is reinforced by mentioning the burial of almost all its kings in the city of David.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheologyandPurpose\">Theology and Purpose<\/p>\n<p>The books of Kings record the history of the covenant people from the end of the reign of David (961 <span>BC<\/span>) through the fall of the southern kingdom (586 <span>BC<\/span>). Yet it is not history written in accord with modern expectations for history textbooks. Rather than concentrating on economic, political, and military themes as they shaped the history of the period, the compiler of Kings is motivated by theological concerns.<\/p>\n<p>Evaluation of the theology and purpose of the books of Kings is made easier by the fact that there is a parallel history for much of Kings found in the books of Chronicles. By comparing the two accounts, especially where the later Chronicler adds or deletes material found in Kings, the interests of both histories are thrown into clearer relief.<\/p>\n<p>The books of Kings were composed during the exile, likely between 560 and 539 <span>BC<\/span>. Jerusalem had been turned into rubble, and there was no longer a throne of David. Those two pillars of the popular theology—the inviolability of the temple and the throne of David (Jer 7:4; 13:13-14; 22:1-9; see 1 Kgs 8:16, 29)—had tumbled. If Israel’s faith was to survive, the burning questions that had to be answered were “How did it all happen? Can’t God keep his promises to David and to Zion? Have the promises failed?” The writer of Kings aims to deal with the bewilderment of the chosen people in response to the disasters of 722 <span>BC<\/span> (fall of Samaria) and 586 <span>BC<\/span> (fall of Jerusalem). Kings, like the book of Job, is a theodicy, a justification of the ways of God to men.<\/p>\n<p>In order to answer the question “How did it happen?” the compiler adopts the procedure of recounting the history of the covenant people in light of standards propounded in the Law. For this reason Kings could be called Pentateuchal history, or even more pointedly, Deuteronomic history, for standards propounded only in the book of Deuteronomy in the Pentateuch are used by the compiler to measure the kingdoms. Among the prominent themes selected from Deuteronomy and applied to the kingdoms are the centralization of worship, the institution of the monarchy, the efficacy of the prophetic word, and the outworking of the covenant curses on disobedience.<\/p>\n<h5>Centralization of Worship<\/h5>\n<p>The primary concern of the writer is the purity of the worship of the Lord. His major criterion for measuring this purity is the attitude of the kings toward centralization of worship in the Jerusalem temple as opposed to the worship of the Lord elsewhere and the continuation of Canaanite cults mingled with Yahwism at the high places. Centralization of worship at the central shrine is called for in Deuteronomy 12. Perhaps “centralization of worship” is a misnomer, for worship was always centered around the tabernacle in the periods prior to the temple; the change that is envisaged in Deuteronomy is not the centralizing of worship but rather the fact that the shrine would no longer be mobile but stationary. For the kings of the northern kingdom, this criterion becomes virtually a stereotyped formula that “he did that which was evil in the sight of the Lord and walked in the way of Jeroboam son of Nebat, who sinned and made all Israel sin along with him” (see 1 Kgs 14:16; 15:30; 16:31; 2 Kgs 3:3; 10:31; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:22). The compiler of Kings sees the rival altars with the golden calves at Dan and Bethel as the great sin of which the northern kings never repented (1 Kgs 12:25–13:34). Rejecting the primacy of Jerusalem, these altars became the rod with which to measure the northern kings. All the kings of Israel are condemned by this standard (except for Shallum, who reigned but a month, and Hoshea, the last of the northern kings)—even Zimri, the murderer of Elah, who ruled only one week before committing suicide in the flames of his own palace (16:9-20). For the kings of Judah, a different standard is used: what their attitude was to the high places where heterodox worship was allowed to flourish in the environs of Jerusalem. Only Hezekiah and Josiah receive the compiler’s unqualified endorsement for following the ways of David (2 Kgs 18:3; 22:2). Six others are commended for their zeal in suppressing idolatry, though they did not remove the high places (Asa, 1 Kgs 15:9-15; Jehoshaphat, 22:43; Jehoash, 2 Kgs 12:2-3; Amaziah, 14:3-4; Azariah, 15:3-4; Jotham, 15:34-35). The remainder of the Judean kings are condemned for their participation in the high places and their desecration of the temple itself. This one theme is the preeminent motif in the book.<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Monarchy<\/h5>\n<p>A second prominent interest for the compiler was to trace the history of the monarchy. Deuteronomy 17:14-20 provides for the day when Israel would ask for a king and charges that king with the basic religious responsibility for the people. This provision for a king, again a feature found only in Deuteronomy, becomes the basis for the compiler’s intense interest in the history of the monarchy, and particularly the religious fidelity of the kings. David becomes the model of the ideal king, the one by whom the others are measured, the one whose sons “continue long in his kingdom in the midst of Israel” (17:20; see also 1 Kgs 15:11; 2 Kgs 18:3; 22:2 for following in the ways of David, and 1 Kgs 14:8; 15:3-5; 2 Kgs 14:3; 16:2 for the reverse). The compiler wanted to show that God had been faithful to David even though David’s sons were not faithful. While both kingdoms had about the same number of kings, the northern kingdom is marked by repeated dynastic changes and regicide through its 200 years, while the dynasty of David is maintained as a lamp in the south through 350 years (1 Kgs 11:13, 32, 36; 15:4-5; 2 Kgs 8:19; 19:34; 20:6). It is the disaster that had befallen the house of David, and the consequent doubts about the promises of God, that prompted the compiler to write.<\/p>\n<h5>Efficacy of the Prophetic Word<\/h5>\n<p>Another reason why Kings can be called Deuteronomic history is its concern with the efficacy of the prophetic word. There are three passages in the Pentateuch that deal with the institution of the prophetic order: Numbers 12:1-8; Deuteronomy 13:1-5; and Deuteronomy 18:14-22. It is only in Deuteronomy 18 that the test of a true prophet is given: that what he has spoken comes about, that his words are fulfilled. Notice the number of instances where the writer calls attention to the fulfillment of the words of the prophets: 2 Samuel 7:13 in 1 Kings 8:20; 1 Kings 11:29-36 in 12:15; 1 Kings 13:1-3 in 2 Kings 23:16-18; 1 Kings 14:6-12 in 14:17-18 and 15:29; 1 Kings 16:1-4 in 16:7, 11-12; Joshua 6:26 in 1 Kings 16:34; 1 Kings 22:17 in 22:35-38; 1 Kings 21:21-29 in 2 Kings 9:7-10, 30-37 and 10:10-11, 30; 2 Kings 1:6 in 1:17; 2 Kings 21:10-15 in 24:2; 2 Kings 22:15-20 in 23:30. The writer is concerned to show that the words of the prophets were efficacious, powerful words. His concern with the prophetic order is also seen in the material devoted to Elijah and Elisha and to other prophetic figures.<\/p>\n<h5>Fulfillment of the Curses<\/h5>\n<p>Another aspect of the compiler’s interest in Deuteronomy is seen in his concern to trace the fulfillment of the covenant curses on disobedience. God’s covenant with Israel would issue in curses or blessings depending on the obedience of the people; the compiler of Kings sees the curses inflicted on the two kingdoms because of their failure to meet the demands of the covenant. He takes care to show that most of the curses of Deuteronomy 28:15-68 had some historical realization in the life of the people. Moses had warned that disobedience would “bring a nation against you from afar, from the end of the earth, as the eagle swoops down” (Dt 28:49, <span>nasb<\/span>), and the Assyrians came to Samaria and the Babylonians to Jerusalem (28:52). The siege of Samaria lasted from 724 to 722 <span>BC<\/span>, and the siege of Jerusalem from 588 to 586 <span>BC<\/span>. The dire conditions of the siege would drive the people to devouring their own children; women would feed on their afterbirths. It happened to Israel in the siege of Ben-hadad (2 Kgs 6:24-30). Just as the Lord had delighted to prosper and multiply his people, so he would not refrain from destroying them and scattering them among the peoples of the earth (Dt 28:63-67).<\/p>\n<p>In these and other ways the writer of Kings set out to write the history of Israel and Judah to solve a theological dilemma. How was one to reconcile the exile with God’s promises to the nation and David? His answer is twofold: (1) the problem was not with God but with the people’s disobedience—God remains just; (2) the end of the state does not equal the end of the people or the house of David. Here the ending of the book is instructive: Evil-merodach releases Jehoiachin from prison, elevates him above the other kings, and provides his rations (2 Kgs 25:27-30). Even during the exile, though cut down to almost nothing, the house of David still enjoys the favor and blessing of God. God has not abandoned his promises; the people should keep hope.<\/p>\n<p>Other themes in Kings also show the theological motivations underlying the compiler’s selection and arrangement of the data, particularly his use of Deuteronomy as a framework for examining the history of the people. Compare the laws governing the observance of Passover in Exodus 12:1-20 and Deuteronomy 16:1-8: whereas the Passover is centered in the family in Exodus, it is celebrated at the sanctuary in Deuteronomy. The writer of Kings is careful to show that the Passover during the reign of Josiah was celebrated in accordance with the requirements of Deuteronomy (2 Kgs 23:21-23). A passage in Deuteronomy is explicitly cited with reference to Amaziah’s keeping the law (Dt 24:16 in 2 Kgs 14:6).<\/p>\n<h5>Contrast with Chronicles<\/h5>\n<p>The interests of Kings are further highlighted when compared with the parallel accounts in Chronicles. While the writer of Kings worked in the aftermath of the destruction of Jerusalem and had to answer the “how?” and “why?” questions, the Chronicler is part of the restoration community. Here the burning theological questions were not “how?” and “why?” but rather “What continuity do we have with David? Is God still interested in us?” The need is not to account for the exile but rather to relate the postexilic and the preexilic. The building of the second temple and the ordering of worship there show up in increased detail in Chronicles in any matter pertaining to the former temple. Chronicles is a history of Judah and of the Davidic line, reflecting the fact that it alone survives after the exile. Interesting, too, are the things omitted from the account by the Chronicler. Since he is not building a case for an indictment, as was done in Samuel and Kings, he is free to omit references to David’s sin with Bathsheba (2 Sm 11) or to Solomon’s difficulties in gaining the throne (1 Kgs 1–2). Since in his day the northern kingdom had not survived, the Chronicler did not go into detail about the sins of Jeroboam (chs 13–14). Chronicles is interested more in the affairs of the temple and does not show the marked interest in prophetic matters found in Kings, so that the lives of Elijah and Elisha are omitted (1 Kgs 16—2 Kgs 10). Nor does the Chronicler recite the sins that led to the demise of the northern kingdom (2 Kgs 17:1–18:12). In all these examples one can see the interplay of the historical moment and theological concerns of the people and the compilers. Each compiler has selected and arranged the data in accordance with the concerns and needs of the community in which he was a member; comparing the two accounts throws the interests of each into sharp relief.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n\n<p>The books of Kings fall into three parts: (1) the reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 1–11); (2) the history of the divided kingdom (1 Kgs 12–2 Kgs 17); (3) the history of the surviving kingdom in Judah (2 Kgs 18–25).<\/p>\n<h5>The Reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 1–11)<\/h5>\n<p>The record begins with an account of the court intrigue surrounding Solomon’s accession to the throne, set against the backdrop of the abortive coup by Adonijah (ch 1). The dying David charges Solomon to obey the commandments of God (2:1-4) and also to take vengeance on his enemies (vv 5-9). After David’s death Solomon orders the deaths of Adonijah, Joab, and Shimei, and the banishment of Abiathar, the priest who had supported Adonijah in his bid for the throne (vv 13-46). Enemies eliminated, the kingdom was firmly established by Solomon (v 46).<\/p>\n<p>The remainder of Solomon’s reign is divided into two parts: Solomon the good, who follows in the ways of his father, David (chs 3–10); and Solomon the bad, whose heart is led astray (ch 11). While sacrificing at Gibeon, Solomon asks God to give him the gift of wisdom to rule—wisdom promptly demonstrated in the quarrel of two prostitutes about a child (ch 3). An account is given of the administrative organization of the kingdom and the incomparable wisdom of Solomon (ch 4). The compiler of Kings gives extensive coverage to the preparations (ch 5), building (chs 6–7), and dedication (ch 8) of the temple. God appeared to Solomon a second time, reminding him to keep his commandments as David had done (9:1-9). Details are given of the king’s building and commercial activities (vv 10-27). The account of the visit by the queen of Sheba is followed with elaboration of Solomon’s splendor (ch 10). But Solomon did not keep God’s commands; seduced to pagan worship by his foreign wives, he was not fully devoted to the Lord as David had been (11:4), and God determined to take away the northern tribes from the rule of his son (vv 11-13). As punishment from the hand of God, Solomon faced rebellion among conquered peoples (vv 14-25) and within Israel in the person of Jeroboam (vv 26-40).<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Divided Kingdom (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17)<\/h5>\n\n<p>The united monarchy dissolved after the death of Solomon. The northern kingdom (Israel) would exist for about two centuries, would be ruled by 20 kings from nine different dynasties, and would show a history of internal weakness riddled with regicide and usurpation. In contrast, the southern kingdom would last for three and a half centuries and would be ruled by 19 kings of Davidic descent (apart from a short period under the dynastic interloper Athaliah).<\/p>\n<p>There had been a long history of independent action and even warfare between the northern and southern tribes prior to David and Solomon, so it is no surprise that the division would take place along the lines that it did. The immediate cause, however, was the unwise severity with which Rehoboam replied to the representatives of the northern tribes while negotiating for the kingship. Jeroboam, the popular hero of the earlier insurrection against Solomon, became king in the north. He immediately erected the rival sanctuaries at Dan and Bethel (1 Kgs 12); these rival altars became the measure by which the kings of Israel were condemned for following in the sins of Jeroboam.<\/p>\n<p>For two generations there would be warfare between Israel and Judah over the border areas in Benjamin claimed by both sides. Fifty years of sporadic fighting on their mutual frontier, interlaced with invasions from the Arameans in the north or the Egyptians in the south, would consume the reigns of Jeroboam, Nadab, Baasha, Elah, and Zimri in Israel and of Rehoboam, Abijam, and Asa in Judah (1 Kgs 13:1–16:20).<\/p>\n<p>The accession of Omri in Israel introduced a ruling house that would last for a total of four generations and end the dynastic instability of the northern kingdom. Though Kings gives Omri a scant eight verses (1 Kgs 16:21-28), he was among the greatest of the northern kings, forging alliances with the Phoenicians and Judah; for over a century, the Assyrians would call Israel “the house of Omri.”<\/p>\n<p>The reigns of Omri’s successors, Ahab, Ahaziah, and Jehoram, are treated at disproportionate length, taking almost a third of the total book, 16 of 47 chapters (1 Kgs 17—2 Kgs 10). This is due to the fact that the compiler of Kings incorporated extensive coverage of the lives of Elijah and Elisha, weaving a contrast between good and evil by paralleling the dynasty of Omri with these prophets. Ahab and Jezebel were used as foils for the account of Elijah, so that Ahab became a paradigm of the evil king (e.g., 2 Kgs 21:3).<\/p>\n<p>Because of this preoccupation with the dynasty of Omri and the lives of Elijah and Elisha, the equivalent period in Judah is not given as extensive coverage. During this period, the northern kingdom appears to have exercised some hegemony over Judah, as attested by the marriage of an Omride (Athaliah, 2 Kgs 8:18, 26) to Jehoram of Judah and the subservient role of Jehoshaphat to Ahab at the battle of Ramoth-gilead (1 Kgs 22). Judah’s fortunes declined in this period when Edom revolted against Jehoram (2 Kgs 8:20-22), costing Judah control over the port at Ezion-geber and consequent economic losses.<\/p>\n<p>In 842 <span>BC<\/span> Jehu, after being anointed king by a prophet (2 Kgs 9:1-13), led a coup ending the house of Omri and also killing Ahaziah of Judah (vv 14-29). Jehu’s purge also brought the death of Jezebel, Ahab’s family, members of the family of Ahaziah, and the ministers of Baal (9:30–10:36). The consequences were severe politically: the murder of the Phoenician princess Jezebel and the king of Judah cost Israel its allies to the north and south.<\/p>\n<p>Jehu’s dynasty had the longest succession of any in Israel, including Jehoahaz, Jehoash, Jeroboam II, and Zechariah, a period spanning 90 years. Jehu’s murder of Ahaziah of Judah set the stage for the one threat to the continuity of the Davidic dynasty. Queen Athaliah, herself an Omride, seized the throne and attempted a purge of Davidic pretenders. She ruled for six years, until the faithful priest Jehoiada staged a countercoup to place the child Joash on the throne of David (ch 11).<\/p>\n<p>Israel endured a half century of weakness as a result of Jehu’s coup, during which the Arameans had a free hand, reducing the forces of Jehu’s son Jehoahaz to a small army and bodyguard (2 Kgs 13:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>The reemergence of Assyria early in the ninth century <span>BC<\/span> gave relief to Israel and Judah. Assyrian armies conquered the Arameans; with that threat removed, Israel and Judah enjoyed a dramatic resurgence. Jehoash of Israel, grandson of Jehu, reconquered cities lost to the Arameans (2 Kgs 13:25); Elisha died during his reign (v 20). In the south Amaziah reconquered the Edomites (14:7). Amaziah and Jehoash renewed the warfare between the kingdoms, with the north again victorious (vv 8-14).<\/p>\n<p>Under Jeroboam II, Israel enjoyed a period of prosperity when the borders of the kingdom reached the same extent as they had under Solomon (2 Kgs 14:23-28). Uzziah (Azariah), his contemporary in Judah, also fortified Jerusalem and undertook a program of offensive operations extending Judah’s sway to the south (14:21-22; 15:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>Yet this resurgence was but a brilliant sunset in the history of the two kingdoms. After the death of Jeroboam II, the history is one of successive disasters, culminating in the fall of Israel and the subjugation of Judah to the might of Assyria. The next 30 years in Israel would see four dynasties, three represented by only one king, and repeated regicides as the northern kingdom hastened to its demise. A period of civil war and anarchy would see five kings in just over ten years (2 Kgs 15). Heavy tribute was paid to Tiglath-pileser III in both the north and south (15:19-20; 16:7-10). Israel and the Arameans forged a coalition to throw back the Assyrians and sought to press Ahaz of Judah into the fight; Ahaz appealed to Tiglath-pileser III for help. The coalition was destroyed, and Israel and Judah became vassals. Hoshea defected as soon as he felt safe, looking to Egypt for help, but it was suicide for the northern kingdom. Shalmaneser V retaliated, and the political history of the state of Israel came to an end (17:1-23). The area was resettled with other displaced populations (vv 24-41).<\/p>\n<p>Israel had faced the Arameans and survived, only to fall to Assyria. And now, similarly, Judah would outlast Assyria, only to fall to Babylon.<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Surviving Kingdom of Judah (2 Kgs 18–25)<\/h5>\n<p>Ahaz’s appeal for Assyrian aid cost him his liberty, and Judah became a vassal of the Assyrian Empire. Illegitimate worship flourished under his rule (2 Kgs 16:1-19). Ahaz was succeeded by the first of the outstanding reform kings of Judah: Hezekiah. Much of the account of his reign is given to his rebellion against Sennacherib of Assyria: the rebellion, the Assyrian envoys and threats, Isaiah’s assurances of deliverance, and the destruction of the Assyrian armies (18:9–19:37). Hezekiah’s illness was averted after a sign and oracle from Isaiah (20:1-11). As part of what appears to be negotiations toward an anti-Assyrian alliance, Hezekiah also entertained envoys from Babylon, a decision that the prophet announced would be costly (vv 12-21).<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah was followed by Manasseh, who ruled longer than any other king of Judah (a total of 55 years). His reign was marked by great apostasy—apostasy so severe that the compiler of Kings regarded his reign as sufficient reason for the exile that was unavoidable (2 Kgs 21:1-18; cf. 23:26; 24:3-4; Jer 15:1-4). Manasseh was followed by his son Amon, a carbon copy of his father, who ruled only two years before he was deposed by the people (2 Kings 21:19-26).<\/p>\n<p>The second great reform king of Judah, Josiah, followed. In his reign the Book of the Law was found while the temple was being refurbished; he led the people in a renewal of the covenant and suppressed illegitimate worship (2 Kgs 22:1–23:14). The Assyrian Empire was in rapid decline, so Josiah extended his borders to the north, destroying the altar at Bethel and the high places throughout Samaria (23:15-20). A great Passover celebration was convened in Jerusalem, and further measures were taken to rectify worship (vv 21-25). Josiah tried to block Pharaoh Neco’s foray to assist Assyria, and he lost his life at Megiddo (vv 26-30).<\/p>\n<p>Josiah was the only king of Judah to have three of his sons succeed him. At his death the people put Jehoahaz on the throne, but Neco removed him three months later and took him to Egypt in chains (2 Kgs 23:31-33), replacing him with another son of Josiah, Eliakim, whose name was changed to Jehoiakim (vv 34-37). During his reign, Nebuchadnezzar conquered Judah, and Jehoiakim became his vassal. Late in his life Jehoiakim rebelled against Nebuchadnezzar. Jehoiakim died, leaving his son Jehoiachin to face retaliation from Babylon (24:1-10). Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem; when the city fell, Jehoiachin, the queen mother, the army, and the leaders of the land were carried away captive. Nebuchadnezzar put Mattaniah (uncle of Jehoiachin and third son of Josiah) on the throne, changing his name to Zedekiah (vv 11-17). Nine years later Zedekiah, too, would rebel against Babylon. Nebuchadnezzar besieged the city for two years and, when it fell, utterly destroyed it. Zedekiah’s sons were killed before his eyes, and then his own eyes were put out, and he was taken to Babylon (24:18–25:21). Nebuchadnezzar appointed Gedaliah to rule as governor from nearby Mizpah; he was assassinated, and the conspirators fled to Egypt (25:22-26).<\/p>\n<p>The book concludes by showing that God had not forgotten his promise to David, mentioning that in captivity Jehoiachin enjoyed favor from the hand of Evil-merodach, successor of Nebuchadnezzar (2 Kgs 25:27-30).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Chronicles, Books of First and Second.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>KINGS, Books of First and Second<\/h3>\n<p>Books continuing the history of the covenant people as recorded in Joshua, Judges, and the books of Samuel. The record in Kings begins with the events at the end of David’s reign (1 Kgs 1–2). It continues through the reign of Solomon (chs 3–11); the histories of the divided kingdoms (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17); and the history of the surviving kingdom in the south, through its fall in 586 <span>BC<\/span> and the subsequent kindness shown Jehoiachin by Evil-merodach, king of Babylon, around 561 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 18–25).<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Authorship and Date<\/p>\n<p>• Sources<\/p>\n<p>• Theology and Purpose<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"AuthorshipandDate\">Authorship and Date<\/p>\n<p>Kings was originally regarded as one book in the Hebrew canon; the division into two books of approximately equal length appeared first in the Septuagint and finally entered the Hebrew Bible in the 15th century <span>AD<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>The book itself is anonymous, and information about its author can only be deduced by examining the concerns and perspectives of the work. The Babylonian Talmud (<em>Baba Bathra<\/em> 15a) attributes Kings to Jeremiah. Although this identification could have arisen from the tendency of later Jewish tradition to assign biblical books to prophetic authors, the theory of origin in prophetic circles fits the evidence quite well. Substantial portions are given to the lives of the prophets; 16 of 47 chapters are devoted to the lives of Elijah and Elisha (1 Kgs 17—2 Kgs 10), and there is considerable interest in other prophetic figures such as Ahijah (1 Kgs 11:29-39; 14:1-16), an unnamed man of God (13:1-10), and Micaiah (22:13-28). Possible dependence on Isaiah (2 Kgs 18–20; cf. Is 36–39) and Jeremiah (2 Kgs 24–25; cf. Jer 52) also suggest prophetic origin. The author-compiler also shows intense concern with the efficacy of the prophetic word, frequently calling attention to the fulfillment of words spoken earlier by the prophets.<\/p>\n<p>One might initially think that such a history would be unlikely for a prophet, but the evidence is to the contrary. The prophets were the guardians of the covenant relationship and are known to have produced accounts used as sources by other biblical historians. The following are among such sources: the acts of Samuel the seer, the acts of Nathan the prophet, the acts of Gad the seer (1 Chr 29:29); the acts of Nathan the prophet, the prophecy of Ahijah the Shilonite, the visions of Iddo the seer (2 Chr 9:29); the chronicles of Shemaiah the prophet and of Iddo the seer (12:15); the annotations of the prophet Iddo (13:22); and the acts of Uzziah by Isaiah the prophet (26:22). Add to this the fact that Kings is positioned in the Hebrew canon in the Former Prophets (Joshua to 2 Kings), and a consistent picture of prophetic origin emerges.<\/p>\n<p>The date of the final part of the book must be after the last events recorded. Evil-merodach’s kindness toward Jehoiachin (c. 561 <span>BC<\/span>) is the terminus of the book and therefore fixes the earliest date. Since the work shows no knowledge of the restoration period, a date before 539 <span>BC<\/span> is probable. The author’s selection of his data to answer the burning theological questions of the exilic community also suggests a date between 561 and 539 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Sources\">Sources<\/p>\n<p>The compiler of Kings specifically names three of the sources that he used in his work, and biblical scholars have suggested the presence of a number of other sources that may have been cited. Of course, the sources not mentioned specifically by the compiler are only the speculations of those who have studied his work and can have only varying degrees of probability. The sources both specified and alleged are as follows.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the Acts of Solomon<\/h5>\n<p>As 1 Kings 11:41 says, “The rest of the events in Solomon’s reign, including his wisdom, are recorded in <em>The Book of the Acts of Solomon”<\/em> (<span>nlt<\/span>). Presumably additional materials of a biographical nature were included, specifically accounts similar to the judgment between the two mothers (3:16-28) or the visit of the queen of Sheba (10:1-10). There has been debate as to whether these materials were official court records or nonofficial documents. Some scholars have attempted to isolate further materials within this section by identifying descriptions of the buildings as from temple archives (chs 6–7) and lists of administrators as from administrative documents (chs 4–5), but this must remain speculative.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the History of the Kings of Israel<\/h5>\n<p>This source is mentioned 17 times in Kings, usually in the closing formulas at the end of the account of the reign of a northern king. Some idea of the nature of these chronicles can be derived from looking at the type of information to which the compiler refers his readers (see 1 Kgs 14:19; 16:27; 22:39; 2 Kgs 13:12; 14:28). These passages suggest that this source was the official annals covering the reigns of the kings.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the History of the Kings of Judah<\/h5>\n<p>This source is mentioned in 15 passages, and as with the kings of Israel, is found in the concluding formulas to the accounts of the reigns. This source was to be consulted for additional details on individuals’ reigns (for example, see 1 Kgs 15:23; 22:45; 2 Kgs 20:20; 21:17). These sources for the histories of the two kingdoms were probably similar to the annals known from the surrounding cultures, particularly from the reigns of Assyrian kings. They were likely official court histories kept in Samaria and Jerusalem.<\/p>\n<p>In addition to these explicitly mentioned sources, scholars have suggested the compiler drew on other sources that he does not name.<\/p>\n<h5>Davidic Court History<\/h5>\n<p>Second Samuel 9–20 is often identified as a unit of material in the composition of the books of Samuel; it is variously called “the court history” or “the succession narrative.” Because of similar vocabulary and outlook, 1 Kings 1–2 are often associated with this material from Samuel. The statement of 1 Kings 2:46, “so the kingdom was now firmly in Solomon’s grip,” is taken to be the end of this record.<\/p>\n<h5>Sources for the House of Ahab<\/h5>\n<p>The reigns of individual kings are ordinarily given only brief notices; for example, the father of Ahab, Omri, is given eight verses, even though when judged by political and economic significance, he was among the greatest of the northern kings (1 Kgs 16:21-28). However, beginning with the reign of Ahab, the record becomes quite expansive, and extensive coverage is given the dynasty of Ahab through the coup by Jehu (1 Kgs 16—2 Kgs 12). The use of the stereotyped formulas for the reigns is suspended in this material, and the existence of other literature used by the compiler is probable. This material is commonly subdivided into further sources for the lives of Elijah and Elisha and the reign of Ahab.<\/p>\n<p>The Elijah section covers material in the following chapters: 1 Kings 17–19, including the feeding by the ravens, the incidents with the widow of Zarephath, the drought, the fire on Carmel, and the revelation of God at Sinai; 1 Kings 21, the affair of Naboth’s vineyard; and 2 Kings 1, the death of Ahaziah’s messengers. The reign of Ahab, which gets so much attention in Kings, is primarily a backdrop for the accounts concerning Elijah.<\/p>\n<p>The Elisha material found in 2 Kings 2–13 may have had an independent literary development from that of the Elijah accounts. It includes the following: chapter 2 (Elisha’s succession to the prophetic office, the purification of a spring, the death of mocking children); chapter 3 (on the campaign against Moab); chapter 4 (the widow’s oil, the Shunammite woman); chapter 5 (Naaman’s leprosy); chapter 6 (the Aramean attempt to capture Elisha); chapter 7 (the famine in Samaria); chapter 8 (the Shunammite’s property, the coup of Hazael); chapter 9 (the anointing of Jehu); and chapter 13 (the death of Elisha). No other portion of the OT takes the sheer delight in the miraculous that is seen in the Elisha narratives.<\/p>\n<p>In 1 Kings 16 to 2 Kings 13 there are additional incidents not directly related to the biographies of Elijah and Elisha; accounts such as the military campaigns of 1 Kings 20:1-34 and further details of Jehu’s coup (2 Kgs 9:11–10:36) are often attributed to a third source containing accounts of the dynasty of Ahab and his successors. In all three of these possible sources the orientation is toward affairs in the northern kingdom.<\/p>\n<h5>Isaiah Source<\/h5>\n<p>The account of the reign of Hezekiah contains a section (2 Kgs 18:13–20:19) that is nearly a verbatim citation of material also found in Isaiah (Is 36:1–39:8). The section records the invasion of Sennacherib, the mission of the Rabshakeh, Hezekiah’s prayer, Isaiah’s prophecy, Hezekiah’s illness, the regression of the sun, and the envoys from Merodach-baladan. The material must be regarded as based on the book of Isaiah or some other source used in both Isaiah and Kings.<\/p>\n<h5>A Prophetic Source<\/h5>\n<p>Because Kings shows great interest in the prophets and their ministries, various scholars have suggested that yet another source was used by the compiler; this would be an independent literary unit containing accounts of the prophets. This source would have contained the records for the material on Ahijah (1 Kgs 11:29-39; 14:1-16), unnamed prophets (ch 12; 20:35-43), Micaiah (22:13-28), and other references.<\/p>\n<p>Apart from the sources explicitly mentioned and inferences about their character, the remainder of the sources suggested have only varying degrees of probability. Considerable scholarly effort has gone into identifying and characterizing such sources, but it remains speculative. When considering the sources the compiler may have used, one important caution must be kept in mind. Even if such sources did exist, one cannot have confidence in a reconstruction of the compositional history. Which sources had already been integrated into a larger composition before they were used by the compiler of Kings? We cannot be certain that the life situation out of which these other sources grew has been correctly identified, nor can we know that even the compiler himself was aware of the past history of his sources. Biblical scholarship has expended considerable energy in trying to delineate the past history of the book of Kings, but it has often been at the neglect of the unity of perspective that is the product of the final compiler(s) in whose hands the book received its canonical form.<\/p>\n<p>What is important to understanding the book is not the perspective of its various sources (of which the compiler himself may have been unaware), but the perspective of the book as a whole on the history of the kingdoms. It is the outline that the compiler has imposed on the sources that establishes the teaching of the book; his sources are used in accord with his own purposes, a fact that makes the purposes for which the sources had been prepared largely irrelevant to the teaching of the book in its present form. Exploring possible sources, worthwhile in itself, must not eclipse the message of the book as a whole. This is not to imply that the books of Kings are simply a compilation of unaltered sources. The writer(s) undoubtedly exercised a measure of selectivity and literary skill in composing the historical narrative.<\/p>\n<p>One compositional technique of the compiler is quite prominent in the histories of the divided kingdoms: this is the use of formulaic introductions and conclusions to the various reigns. The formulas for both kingdoms are quite similar, differing only in minor details. For the kings of Judah, the full introductory formula is as follows: (1) year of accession synchronized with the regnal year of the northern king; (2) age of the king at his accession; (3) length of his reign; (4) name of his mother; (5) judgment on the character of the reign. The account of a Judean king’s reign is concluded as follows: (1) a reference to the chronicles of the kings of Judah for further information; (2) a statement regarding the death of the king, including the place of burial; (3) successor: “And his son reigned in his stead” (<span>rsv<\/span>). The full formula for a Judean king can be seen, for example, in the reign of Rehoboam (1 Kgs 14:21-22, 29-31).<\/p>\n<p>The formulas differ slightly for the kings of Israel; the introduction is as follows: (1) year of succession synchronized with the regnal year of the southern king; (2) length of his reign; (3) location of the royal residence; (4) condemnation for idolatry; (5) name of the king’s father. The account of an Israelite king’s reign ends as follows: (1) a reference to the chronicles of the kings of Israel for further information; (2) a statement regarding his death; (3) a statement of the succession of his son, unless a usurper follows. The full formula for an Israelite king can be seen, for example, in the reign of Baasha (1 Kgs 15:33-34; 16:5-6).<\/p>\n<p>There is some variation in the use of these patterns, but on the whole, they are consistently followed and provide the basic framework for the history of the divided kingdom. The synchronisms of the reigns provide data for constructing the chronology of the period. The variations in the formulas may reflect the characteristics of the sources the compiler was using or may reflect his own interests. The name of the mother of a Judean king is recorded, but not of an Israelite king, perhaps reflecting concern with a more exact and fuller record of the Davidic succession. The royal residence is presumed to be Jerusalem for the southern kings (though it may be mentioned) but is recorded for the northern kings since it moved several times, from Shechem to Penuel to Tirzah to Samaria. The mention of the king’s father for a northern ruler also reflects the frequent change in dynasties there, as opposed to the dynastic stability of Judah, which is reinforced by mentioning the burial of almost all its kings in the city of David.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheologyandPurpose\">Theology and Purpose<\/p>\n<p>The books of Kings record the history of the covenant people from the end of the reign of David (961 <span>BC<\/span>) through the fall of the southern kingdom (586 <span>BC<\/span>). Yet it is not history written in accord with modern expectations for history textbooks. Rather than concentrating on economic, political, and military themes as they shaped the history of the period, the compiler of Kings is motivated by theological concerns.<\/p>\n<p>Evaluation of the theology and purpose of the books of Kings is made easier by the fact that there is a parallel history for much of Kings found in the books of Chronicles. By comparing the two accounts, especially where the later Chronicler adds or deletes material found in Kings, the interests of both histories are thrown into clearer relief.<\/p>\n<p>The books of Kings were composed during the exile, likely between 560 and 539 <span>BC<\/span>. Jerusalem had been turned into rubble, and there was no longer a throne of David. Those two pillars of the popular theology—the inviolability of the temple and the throne of David (Jer 7:4; 13:13-14; 22:1-9; see 1 Kgs 8:16, 29)—had tumbled. If Israel’s faith was to survive, the burning questions that had to be answered were “How did it all happen? Can’t God keep his promises to David and to Zion? Have the promises failed?” The writer of Kings aims to deal with the bewilderment of the chosen people in response to the disasters of 722 <span>BC<\/span> (fall of Samaria) and 586 <span>BC<\/span> (fall of Jerusalem). Kings, like the book of Job, is a theodicy, a justification of the ways of God to men.<\/p>\n<p>In order to answer the question “How did it happen?” the compiler adopts the procedure of recounting the history of the covenant people in light of standards propounded in the Law. For this reason Kings could be called Pentateuchal history, or even more pointedly, Deuteronomic history, for standards propounded only in the book of Deuteronomy in the Pentateuch are used by the compiler to measure the kingdoms. Among the prominent themes selected from Deuteronomy and applied to the kingdoms are the centralization of worship, the institution of the monarchy, the efficacy of the prophetic word, and the outworking of the covenant curses on disobedience.<\/p>\n<h5>Centralization of Worship<\/h5>\n<p>The primary concern of the writer is the purity of the worship of the Lord. His major criterion for measuring this purity is the attitude of the kings toward centralization of worship in the Jerusalem temple as opposed to the worship of the Lord elsewhere and the continuation of Canaanite cults mingled with Yahwism at the high places. Centralization of worship at the central shrine is called for in Deuteronomy 12. Perhaps “centralization of worship” is a misnomer, for worship was always centered around the tabernacle in the periods prior to the temple; the change that is envisaged in Deuteronomy is not the centralizing of worship but rather the fact that the shrine would no longer be mobile but stationary. For the kings of the northern kingdom, this criterion becomes virtually a stereotyped formula that “he did that which was evil in the sight of the Lord and walked in the way of Jeroboam son of Nebat, who sinned and made all Israel sin along with him” (see 1 Kgs 14:16; 15:30; 16:31; 2 Kgs 3:3; 10:31; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:22). The compiler of Kings sees the rival altars with the golden calves at Dan and Bethel as the great sin of which the northern kings never repented (1 Kgs 12:25–13:34). Rejecting the primacy of Jerusalem, these altars became the rod with which to measure the northern kings. All the kings of Israel are condemned by this standard (except for Shallum, who reigned but a month, and Hoshea, the last of the northern kings)—even Zimri, the murderer of Elah, who ruled only one week before committing suicide in the flames of his own palace (16:9-20). For the kings of Judah, a different standard is used: what their attitude was to the high places where heterodox worship was allowed to flourish in the environs of Jerusalem. Only Hezekiah and Josiah receive the compiler’s unqualified endorsement for following the ways of David (2 Kgs 18:3; 22:2). Six others are commended for their zeal in suppressing idolatry, though they did not remove the high places (Asa, 1 Kgs 15:9-15; Jehoshaphat, 22:43; Jehoash, 2 Kgs 12:2-3; Amaziah, 14:3-4; Azariah, 15:3-4; Jotham, 15:34-35). The remainder of the Judean kings are condemned for their participation in the high places and their desecration of the temple itself. This one theme is the preeminent motif in the book.<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Monarchy<\/h5>\n<p>A second prominent interest for the compiler was to trace the history of the monarchy. Deuteronomy 17:14-20 provides for the day when Israel would ask for a king and charges that king with the basic religious responsibility for the people. This provision for a king, again a feature found only in Deuteronomy, becomes the basis for the compiler’s intense interest in the history of the monarchy, and particularly the religious fidelity of the kings. David becomes the model of the ideal king, the one by whom the others are measured, the one whose sons “continue long in his kingdom in the midst of Israel” (17:20; see also 1 Kgs 15:11; 2 Kgs 18:3; 22:2 for following in the ways of David, and 1 Kgs 14:8; 15:3-5; 2 Kgs 14:3; 16:2 for the reverse). The compiler wanted to show that God had been faithful to David even though David’s sons were not faithful. While both kingdoms had about the same number of kings, the northern kingdom is marked by repeated dynastic changes and regicide through its 200 years, while the dynasty of David is maintained as a lamp in the south through 350 years (1 Kgs 11:13, 32, 36; 15:4-5; 2 Kgs 8:19; 19:34; 20:6). It is the disaster that had befallen the house of David, and the consequent doubts about the promises of God, that prompted the compiler to write.<\/p>\n<h5>Efficacy of the Prophetic Word<\/h5>\n<p>Another reason why Kings can be called Deuteronomic history is its concern with the efficacy of the prophetic word. There are three passages in the Pentateuch that deal with the institution of the prophetic order: Numbers 12:1-8; Deuteronomy 13:1-5; and Deuteronomy 18:14-22. It is only in Deuteronomy 18 that the test of a true prophet is given: that what he has spoken comes about, that his words are fulfilled. Notice the number of instances where the writer calls attention to the fulfillment of the words of the prophets: 2 Samuel 7:13 in 1 Kings 8:20; 1 Kings 11:29-36 in 12:15; 1 Kings 13:1-3 in 2 Kings 23:16-18; 1 Kings 14:6-12 in 14:17-18 and 15:29; 1 Kings 16:1-4 in 16:7, 11-12; Joshua 6:26 in 1 Kings 16:34; 1 Kings 22:17 in 22:35-38; 1 Kings 21:21-29 in 2 Kings 9:7-10, 30-37 and 10:10-11, 30; 2 Kings 1:6 in 1:17; 2 Kings 21:10-15 in 24:2; 2 Kings 22:15-20 in 23:30. The writer is concerned to show that the words of the prophets were efficacious, powerful words. His concern with the prophetic order is also seen in the material devoted to Elijah and Elisha and to other prophetic figures.<\/p>\n<h5>Fulfillment of the Curses<\/h5>\n<p>Another aspect of the compiler’s interest in Deuteronomy is seen in his concern to trace the fulfillment of the covenant curses on disobedience. God’s covenant with Israel would issue in curses or blessings depending on the obedience of the people; the compiler of Kings sees the curses inflicted on the two kingdoms because of their failure to meet the demands of the covenant. He takes care to show that most of the curses of Deuteronomy 28:15-68 had some historical realization in the life of the people. Moses had warned that disobedience would “bring a nation against you from afar, from the end of the earth, as the eagle swoops down” (Dt 28:49, <span>nasb<\/span>), and the Assyrians came to Samaria and the Babylonians to Jerusalem (28:52). The siege of Samaria lasted from 724 to 722 <span>BC<\/span>, and the siege of Jerusalem from 588 to 586 <span>BC<\/span>. The dire conditions of the siege would drive the people to devouring their own children; women would feed on their afterbirths. It happened to Israel in the siege of Ben-hadad (2 Kgs 6:24-30). Just as the Lord had delighted to prosper and multiply his people, so he would not refrain from destroying them and scattering them among the peoples of the earth (Dt 28:63-67).<\/p>\n<p>In these and other ways the writer of Kings set out to write the history of Israel and Judah to solve a theological dilemma. How was one to reconcile the exile with God’s promises to the nation and David? His answer is twofold: (1) the problem was not with God but with the people’s disobedience—God remains just; (2) the end of the state does not equal the end of the people or the house of David. Here the ending of the book is instructive: Evil-merodach releases Jehoiachin from prison, elevates him above the other kings, and provides his rations (2 Kgs 25:27-30). Even during the exile, though cut down to almost nothing, the house of David still enjoys the favor and blessing of God. God has not abandoned his promises; the people should keep hope.<\/p>\n<p>Other themes in Kings also show the theological motivations underlying the compiler’s selection and arrangement of the data, particularly his use of Deuteronomy as a framework for examining the history of the people. Compare the laws governing the observance of Passover in Exodus 12:1-20 and Deuteronomy 16:1-8: whereas the Passover is centered in the family in Exodus, it is celebrated at the sanctuary in Deuteronomy. The writer of Kings is careful to show that the Passover during the reign of Josiah was celebrated in accordance with the requirements of Deuteronomy (2 Kgs 23:21-23). A passage in Deuteronomy is explicitly cited with reference to Amaziah’s keeping the law (Dt 24:16 in 2 Kgs 14:6).<\/p>\n<h5>Contrast with Chronicles<\/h5>\n<p>The interests of Kings are further highlighted when compared with the parallel accounts in Chronicles. While the writer of Kings worked in the aftermath of the destruction of Jerusalem and had to answer the “how?” and “why?” questions, the Chronicler is part of the restoration community. Here the burning theological questions were not “how?” and “why?” but rather “What continuity do we have with David? Is God still interested in us?” The need is not to account for the exile but rather to relate the postexilic and the preexilic. The building of the second temple and the ordering of worship there show up in increased detail in Chronicles in any matter pertaining to the former temple. Chronicles is a history of Judah and of the Davidic line, reflecting the fact that it alone survives after the exile. Interesting, too, are the things omitted from the account by the Chronicler. Since he is not building a case for an indictment, as was done in Samuel and Kings, he is free to omit references to David’s sin with Bathsheba (2 Sm 11) or to Solomon’s difficulties in gaining the throne (1 Kgs 1–2). Since in his day the northern kingdom had not survived, the Chronicler did not go into detail about the sins of Jeroboam (chs 13–14). Chronicles is interested more in the affairs of the temple and does not show the marked interest in prophetic matters found in Kings, so that the lives of Elijah and Elisha are omitted (1 Kgs 16—2 Kgs 10). Nor does the Chronicler recite the sins that led to the demise of the northern kingdom (2 Kgs 17:1–18:12). In all these examples one can see the interplay of the historical moment and theological concerns of the people and the compilers. Each compiler has selected and arranged the data in accordance with the concerns and needs of the community in which he was a member; comparing the two accounts throws the interests of each into sharp relief.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n\n<p>The books of Kings fall into three parts: (1) the reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 1–11); (2) the history of the divided kingdom (1 Kgs 12–2 Kgs 17); (3) the history of the surviving kingdom in Judah (2 Kgs 18–25).<\/p>\n<h5>The Reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 1–11)<\/h5>\n<p>The record begins with an account of the court intrigue surrounding Solomon’s accession to the throne, set against the backdrop of the abortive coup by Adonijah (ch 1). The dying David charges Solomon to obey the commandments of God (2:1-4) and also to take vengeance on his enemies (vv 5-9). After David’s death Solomon orders the deaths of Adonijah, Joab, and Shimei, and the banishment of Abiathar, the priest who had supported Adonijah in his bid for the throne (vv 13-46). Enemies eliminated, the kingdom was firmly established by Solomon (v 46).<\/p>\n<p>The remainder of Solomon’s reign is divided into two parts: Solomon the good, who follows in the ways of his father, David (chs 3–10); and Solomon the bad, whose heart is led astray (ch 11). While sacrificing at Gibeon, Solomon asks God to give him the gift of wisdom to rule—wisdom promptly demonstrated in the quarrel of two prostitutes about a child (ch 3). An account is given of the administrative organization of the kingdom and the incomparable wisdom of Solomon (ch 4). The compiler of Kings gives extensive coverage to the preparations (ch 5), building (chs 6–7), and dedication (ch 8) of the temple. God appeared to Solomon a second time, reminding him to keep his commandments as David had done (9:1-9). Details are given of the king’s building and commercial activities (vv 10-27). The account of the visit by the queen of Sheba is followed with elaboration of Solomon’s splendor (ch 10). But Solomon did not keep God’s commands; seduced to pagan worship by his foreign wives, he was not fully devoted to the Lord as David had been (11:4), and God determined to take away the northern tribes from the rule of his son (vv 11-13). As punishment from the hand of God, Solomon faced rebellion among conquered peoples (vv 14-25) and within Israel in the person of Jeroboam (vv 26-40).<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Divided Kingdom (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17)<\/h5>\n\n<p>The united monarchy dissolved after the death of Solomon. The northern kingdom (Israel) would exist for about two centuries, would be ruled by 20 kings from nine different dynasties, and would show a history of internal weakness riddled with regicide and usurpation. In contrast, the southern kingdom would last for three and a half centuries and would be ruled by 19 kings of Davidic descent (apart from a short period under the dynastic interloper Athaliah).<\/p>\n<p>There had been a long history of independent action and even warfare between the northern and southern tribes prior to David and Solomon, so it is no surprise that the division would take place along the lines that it did. The immediate cause, however, was the unwise severity with which Rehoboam replied to the representatives of the northern tribes while negotiating for the kingship. Jeroboam, the popular hero of the earlier insurrection against Solomon, became king in the north. He immediately erected the rival sanctuaries at Dan and Bethel (1 Kgs 12); these rival altars became the measure by which the kings of Israel were condemned for following in the sins of Jeroboam.<\/p>\n<p>For two generations there would be warfare between Israel and Judah over the border areas in Benjamin claimed by both sides. Fifty years of sporadic fighting on their mutual frontier, interlaced with invasions from the Arameans in the north or the Egyptians in the south, would consume the reigns of Jeroboam, Nadab, Baasha, Elah, and Zimri in Israel and of Rehoboam, Abijam, and Asa in Judah (1 Kgs 13:1–16:20).<\/p>\n<p>The accession of Omri in Israel introduced a ruling house that would last for a total of four generations and end the dynastic instability of the northern kingdom. Though Kings gives Omri a scant eight verses (1 Kgs 16:21-28), he was among the greatest of the northern kings, forging alliances with the Phoenicians and Judah; for over a century, the Assyrians would call Israel “the house of Omri.”<\/p>\n<p>The reigns of Omri’s successors, Ahab, Ahaziah, and Jehoram, are treated at disproportionate length, taking almost a third of the total book, 16 of 47 chapters (1 Kgs 17—2 Kgs 10). This is due to the fact that the compiler of Kings incorporated extensive coverage of the lives of Elijah and Elisha, weaving a contrast between good and evil by paralleling the dynasty of Omri with these prophets. Ahab and Jezebel were used as foils for the account of Elijah, so that Ahab became a paradigm of the evil king (e.g., 2 Kgs 21:3).<\/p>\n<p>Because of this preoccupation with the dynasty of Omri and the lives of Elijah and Elisha, the equivalent period in Judah is not given as extensive coverage. During this period, the northern kingdom appears to have exercised some hegemony over Judah, as attested by the marriage of an Omride (Athaliah, 2 Kgs 8:18, 26) to Jehoram of Judah and the subservient role of Jehoshaphat to Ahab at the battle of Ramoth-gilead (1 Kgs 22). Judah’s fortunes declined in this period when Edom revolted against Jehoram (2 Kgs 8:20-22), costing Judah control over the port at Ezion-geber and consequent economic losses.<\/p>\n<p>In 842 <span>BC<\/span> Jehu, after being anointed king by a prophet (2 Kgs 9:1-13), led a coup ending the house of Omri and also killing Ahaziah of Judah (vv 14-29). Jehu’s purge also brought the death of Jezebel, Ahab’s family, members of the family of Ahaziah, and the ministers of Baal (9:30–10:36). The consequences were severe politically: the murder of the Phoenician princess Jezebel and the king of Judah cost Israel its allies to the north and south.<\/p>\n<p>Jehu’s dynasty had the longest succession of any in Israel, including Jehoahaz, Jehoash, Jeroboam II, and Zechariah, a period spanning 90 years. Jehu’s murder of Ahaziah of Judah set the stage for the one threat to the continuity of the Davidic dynasty. Queen Athaliah, herself an Omride, seized the throne and attempted a purge of Davidic pretenders. She ruled for six years, until the faithful priest Jehoiada staged a countercoup to place the child Joash on the throne of David (ch 11).<\/p>\n<p>Israel endured a half century of weakness as a result of Jehu’s coup, during which the Arameans had a free hand, reducing the forces of Jehu’s son Jehoahaz to a small army and bodyguard (2 Kgs 13:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>The reemergence of Assyria early in the ninth century <span>BC<\/span> gave relief to Israel and Judah. Assyrian armies conquered the Arameans; with that threat removed, Israel and Judah enjoyed a dramatic resurgence. Jehoash of Israel, grandson of Jehu, reconquered cities lost to the Arameans (2 Kgs 13:25); Elisha died during his reign (v 20). In the south Amaziah reconquered the Edomites (14:7). Amaziah and Jehoash renewed the warfare between the kingdoms, with the north again victorious (vv 8-14).<\/p>\n<p>Under Jeroboam II, Israel enjoyed a period of prosperity when the borders of the kingdom reached the same extent as they had under Solomon (2 Kgs 14:23-28). Uzziah (Azariah), his contemporary in Judah, also fortified Jerusalem and undertook a program of offensive operations extending Judah’s sway to the south (14:21-22; 15:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>Yet this resurgence was but a brilliant sunset in the history of the two kingdoms. After the death of Jeroboam II, the history is one of successive disasters, culminating in the fall of Israel and the subjugation of Judah to the might of Assyria. The next 30 years in Israel would see four dynasties, three represented by only one king, and repeated regicides as the northern kingdom hastened to its demise. A period of civil war and anarchy would see five kings in just over ten years (2 Kgs 15). Heavy tribute was paid to Tiglath-pileser III in both the north and south (15:19-20; 16:7-10). Israel and the Arameans forged a coalition to throw back the Assyrians and sought to press Ahaz of Judah into the fight; Ahaz appealed to Tiglath-pileser III for help. The coalition was destroyed, and Israel and Judah became vassals. Hoshea defected as soon as he felt safe, looking to Egypt for help, but it was suicide for the northern kingdom. Shalmaneser V retaliated, and the political history of the state of Israel came to an end (17:1-23). The area was resettled with other displaced populations (vv 24-41).<\/p>\n<p>Israel had faced the Arameans and survived, only to fall to Assyria. And now, similarly, Judah would outlast Assyria, only to fall to Babylon.<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Surviving Kingdom of Judah (2 Kgs 18–25)<\/h5>\n<p>Ahaz’s appeal for Assyrian aid cost him his liberty, and Judah became a vassal of the Assyrian Empire. Illegitimate worship flourished under his rule (2 Kgs 16:1-19). Ahaz was succeeded by the first of the outstanding reform kings of Judah: Hezekiah. Much of the account of his reign is given to his rebellion against Sennacherib of Assyria: the rebellion, the Assyrian envoys and threats, Isaiah’s assurances of deliverance, and the destruction of the Assyrian armies (18:9–19:37). Hezekiah’s illness was averted after a sign and oracle from Isaiah (20:1-11). As part of what appears to be negotiations toward an anti-Assyrian alliance, Hezekiah also entertained envoys from Babylon, a decision that the prophet announced would be costly (vv 12-21).<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah was followed by Manasseh, who ruled longer than any other king of Judah (a total of 55 years). His reign was marked by great apostasy—apostasy so severe that the compiler of Kings regarded his reign as sufficient reason for the exile that was unavoidable (2 Kgs 21:1-18; cf. 23:26; 24:3-4; Jer 15:1-4). Manasseh was followed by his son Amon, a carbon copy of his father, who ruled only two years before he was deposed by the people (2 Kings 21:19-26).<\/p>\n<p>The second great reform king of Judah, Josiah, followed. In his reign the Book of the Law was found while the temple was being refurbished; he led the people in a renewal of the covenant and suppressed illegitimate worship (2 Kgs 22:1–23:14). The Assyrian Empire was in rapid decline, so Josiah extended his borders to the north, destroying the altar at Bethel and the high places throughout Samaria (23:15-20). A great Passover celebration was convened in Jerusalem, and further measures were taken to rectify worship (vv 21-25). Josiah tried to block Pharaoh Neco’s foray to assist Assyria, and he lost his life at Megiddo (vv 26-30).<\/p>\n<p>Josiah was the only king of Judah to have three of his sons succeed him. At his death the people put Jehoahaz on the throne, but Neco removed him three months later and took him to Egypt in chains (2 Kgs 23:31-33), replacing him with another son of Josiah, Eliakim, whose name was changed to Jehoiakim (vv 34-37). During his reign, Nebuchadnezzar conquered Judah, and Jehoiakim became his vassal. Late in his life Jehoiakim rebelled against Nebuchadnezzar. Jehoiakim died, leaving his son Jehoiachin to face retaliation from Babylon (24:1-10). Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem; when the city fell, Jehoiachin, the queen mother, the army, and the leaders of the land were carried away captive. Nebuchadnezzar put Mattaniah (uncle of Jehoiachin and third son of Josiah) on the throne, changing his name to Zedekiah (vv 11-17). Nine years later Zedekiah, too, would rebel against Babylon. Nebuchadnezzar besieged the city for two years and, when it fell, utterly destroyed it. Zedekiah’s sons were killed before his eyes, and then his own eyes were put out, and he was taken to Babylon (24:18–25:21). Nebuchadnezzar appointed Gedaliah to rule as governor from nearby Mizpah; he was assassinated, and the conspirators fled to Egypt (25:22-26).<\/p>\n<p>The book concludes by showing that God had not forgotten his promise to David, mentioning that in captivity Jehoiachin enjoyed favor from the hand of Evil-merodach, successor of Nebuchadnezzar (2 Kgs 25:27-30).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Chronicles, Books of First and Second.<\/p>","summary_ro":"KINGS, Books of First and Second Books continuing the history of the covenant people as recorded in Joshua, Judges, and the books of Samuel. The record in Kings begins with the events at the end of David’s reign (1 Kgs 1–2). It continues through the reign of Solomon (chs 3–11); the histories of the divided kingdoms (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17); and the history of the surviving kingdom in the south, through its fall in 586 BC and the subsequent kindness shown Jehoiachin by Evil-merodach, king of Babylo...","summary_en":"KINGS, Books of First and Second Books continuing the history of the covenant people as recorded in Joshua, Judges, and the books of Samuel. The record in Kings begins with the events at the end of David’s reign (1 Kgs 1–2). It continues through the reign of Solomon (chs 3–11); the histories of the divided kingdoms (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17); and the history of the surviving kingdom in the south, through its fall in 586 BC and the subsequent kindness shown Jehoiachin by Evil-merodach, king of Babylo...","source":"Articles\/K.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":25274,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Merodach-Baladan","title_en":"Merodach-Baladan","content_ro":"<h3>MERODACH-BALADAN<\/h3>\n<p>Name meaning “Marduk has given a son!” Second Kings 20:12-19 and Isaiah 39 present a parallel account of Merodach-baladan, son of Baladan, king of Babylon, sending envoys to King Hezekiah of Judah.<\/p>\n<p>Shalmaneser V, king of Assyria, captured Samaria in 722 <span>BC<\/span> and threatened King Hezekiah in Jerusalem but then died within a year’s time. Sargon II succeeded him in 722 <span>BC<\/span>. At that time Merodach-baladan, living south of Babylon in the land called Bit-Yakin, formed an alliance with the Elamites and seized the throne of Babylon, referred to as the second jewel of the Assyrian crown. Sargon II immediately made efforts to regain Babylon as a province in the Assyrian Empire. He must not have been successful initially, for Merodach-baladan reigned over Babylon for 10 years. In 710 <span>BC<\/span> Sargon succeeded in defeating him and captured the Babylonian fortresses. Merodach-baladan escaped. After Sargon died in 705 <span>BC<\/span>, Merodach-baladan, in 703 <span>BC<\/span>, was able to recapture and hold the throne of Babylon for a short period. It is considered most plausible that during this short reign Merodach-baladan sent envoys to Hezekiah in Jerusalem, as he also is thought to have sent them to Edom, Moab, Ammon, and others, seeking to form an alliance against Assyria. The Arabian desert between Babylon and Palestine made such an alliance ineffective, and the new king of Assyria, Sennacherib, thoroughly destroyed Merodach-baladan and then turned to the nations on Palestinian soil.<\/p>\n<p>Isaiah rebuked Hezekiah for receiving the envoys from Babylon, the province that had broken away from the Assyrian Empire and that in a very short time was again forced into the Assyrian Empire. In Isaiah’s rebuke lies the prediction that Babylon would become the invading and despoiling nation in the future. Hezekiah, knowing Assyria’s power and Babylon’s inability to cope with it at that time, felt quite safe as far as Babylon was concerned (2 Kgs 20:19).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>MERODACH-BALADAN<\/h3>\n<p>Name meaning “Marduk has given a son!” Second Kings 20:12-19 and Isaiah 39 present a parallel account of Merodach-baladan, son of Baladan, king of Babylon, sending envoys to King Hezekiah of Judah.<\/p>\n<p>Shalmaneser V, king of Assyria, captured Samaria in 722 <span>BC<\/span> and threatened King Hezekiah in Jerusalem but then died within a year’s time. Sargon II succeeded him in 722 <span>BC<\/span>. At that time Merodach-baladan, living south of Babylon in the land called Bit-Yakin, formed an alliance with the Elamites and seized the throne of Babylon, referred to as the second jewel of the Assyrian crown. Sargon II immediately made efforts to regain Babylon as a province in the Assyrian Empire. He must not have been successful initially, for Merodach-baladan reigned over Babylon for 10 years. In 710 <span>BC<\/span> Sargon succeeded in defeating him and captured the Babylonian fortresses. Merodach-baladan escaped. After Sargon died in 705 <span>BC<\/span>, Merodach-baladan, in 703 <span>BC<\/span>, was able to recapture and hold the throne of Babylon for a short period. It is considered most plausible that during this short reign Merodach-baladan sent envoys to Hezekiah in Jerusalem, as he also is thought to have sent them to Edom, Moab, Ammon, and others, seeking to form an alliance against Assyria. The Arabian desert between Babylon and Palestine made such an alliance ineffective, and the new king of Assyria, Sennacherib, thoroughly destroyed Merodach-baladan and then turned to the nations on Palestinian soil.<\/p>\n<p>Isaiah rebuked Hezekiah for receiving the envoys from Babylon, the province that had broken away from the Assyrian Empire and that in a very short time was again forced into the Assyrian Empire. In Isaiah’s rebuke lies the prediction that Babylon would become the invading and despoiling nation in the future. Hezekiah, knowing Assyria’s power and Babylon’s inability to cope with it at that time, felt quite safe as far as Babylon was concerned (2 Kgs 20:19).<\/p>","summary_ro":"MERODACH-BALADAN Name meaning “Marduk has given a son!” Second Kings 20:12-19 and Isaiah 39 present a parallel account of Merodach-baladan, son of Baladan, king of Babylon, sending envoys to King Hezekiah of Judah. Shalmaneser V, king of Assyria, captured Samaria in 722 BC and threatened King Hezekiah in Jerusalem but then died within a year’s time. Sargon II succeeded him in 722 BC. At that time Merodach-baladan, living south of Babylon in the land called Bit-Yakin, formed an alliance with t...","summary_en":"MERODACH-BALADAN Name meaning “Marduk has given a son!” Second Kings 20:12-19 and Isaiah 39 present a parallel account of Merodach-baladan, son of Baladan, king of Babylon, sending envoys to King Hezekiah of Judah. Shalmaneser V, king of Assyria, captured Samaria in 722 BC and threatened King Hezekiah in Jerusalem but then died within a year’s time. Sargon II succeeded him in 722 BC. At that time Merodach-baladan, living south of Babylon in the land called Bit-Yakin, formed an alliance with t...","source":"Articles\/M.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":47459,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 20:12","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 20:12","content_ro":"<p><strong>20:12-13<\/strong> <em>Merodach-baladan<\/em> reigned over Babylon from 721 to 710 <span>BC<\/span>, when Sargon of Assyria forced him to flee. He ruled again briefly in 703 <span>BC<\/span>. This visit was likely during his exile; he probably sent <em>envoys<\/em> bearing his <em>best wishes and a gift<\/em> because he needed an ally against Assyria. • <em>There was nothing . . . that Hezekiah did not show them:<\/em> Hezekiah showed <em>the Babylonian envoys<\/em> his vast <em>treasuries<\/em><em>,<\/em> which had not yet been sent to Sennacherib (18:13-16). However, his attempt to impress his visitors was misguided (20:16-18).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>20:12-13<\/strong> <em>Merodach-baladan<\/em> reigned over Babylon from 721 to 710 <span>BC<\/span>, when Sargon of Assyria forced him to flee. He ruled again briefly in 703 <span>BC<\/span>. This visit was likely during his exile; he probably sent <em>envoys<\/em> bearing his <em>best wishes and a gift<\/em> because he needed an ally against Assyria. • <em>There was nothing . . . that Hezekiah did not show them:<\/em> Hezekiah showed <em>the Babylonian envoys<\/em> his vast <em>treasuries<\/em><em>,<\/em> which had not yet been sent to Sennacherib (18:13-16). However, his attempt to impress his visitors was misguided (20:16-18).<\/p>","summary_ro":"20:12-13 Merodach-baladan reigned over Babylon from 721 to 710 BC, when Sargon of Assyria forced him to flee. He ruled again briefly in 703 BC. This visit was likely during his exile; he probably sent envoys bearing his best wishes and a gift because he needed an ally against Assyria. • There was nothing . . . that Hezekiah did not show them: Hezekiah showed the Babylonian envoys his vast treasuries, which had not yet been sent to Sennacherib (18:13-16). However, his attempt to impress his vi...","summary_en":"20:12-13 Merodach-baladan reigned over Babylon from 721 to 710 BC, when Sargon of Assyria forced him to flee. He ruled again briefly in 703 BC. This visit was likely during his exile; he probably sent envoys bearing his best wishes and a gift because he needed an ally against Assyria. • There was nothing . . . that Hezekiah did not show them: Hezekiah showed the Babylonian envoys his vast treasuries, which had not yet been sent to Sennacherib (18:13-16). However, his attempt to impress his vi...","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":75085,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 20:12","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 20:12","content_ro":"<p><strong>20:12-13<\/strong> <em>Merodach-baladan<\/em> reigned over Babylon from 721 to 710 <span>BC<\/span>, when Sargon of Assyria forced him to flee. He ruled again briefly in 703 <span>BC<\/span>. This visit was likely during his exile; he probably sent <em>envoys<\/em> bearing his <em>best wishes and a gift<\/em> because he needed an ally against Assyria. • <em>There was nothing . . . that Hezekiah did not show them:<\/em> Hezekiah showed <em>the Babylonian envoys<\/em> his vast <em>treasuries<\/em><em>,<\/em> which had not yet been sent to Sennacherib (18:13-16). However, his attempt to impress his visitors was misguided (20:16-18).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>20:12-13<\/strong> <em>Merodach-baladan<\/em> reigned over Babylon from 721 to 710 <span>BC<\/span>, when Sargon of Assyria forced him to flee. He ruled again briefly in 703 <span>BC<\/span>. This visit was likely during his exile; he probably sent <em>envoys<\/em> bearing his <em>best wishes and a gift<\/em> because he needed an ally against Assyria. • <em>There was nothing . . . that Hezekiah did not show them:<\/em> Hezekiah showed <em>the Babylonian envoys<\/em> his vast <em>treasuries<\/em><em>,<\/em> which had not yet been sent to Sennacherib (18:13-16). However, his attempt to impress his visitors was misguided (20:16-18).<\/p>","summary_ro":"20:12-13 Merodach-baladan reigned over Babylon from 721 to 710 BC, when Sargon of Assyria forced him to flee. He ruled again briefly in 703 BC. This visit was likely during his exile; he probably sent envoys bearing his best wishes and a gift because he needed an ally against Assyria. • There was nothing . . . that Hezekiah did not show them: Hezekiah showed the Babylonian envoys his vast treasuries, which had not yet been sent to Sennacherib (18:13-16). However, his attempt to impress his vi...","summary_en":"20:12-13 Merodach-baladan reigned over Babylon from 721 to 710 BC, when Sargon of Assyria forced him to flee. He ruled again briefly in 703 BC. This visit was likely during his exile; he probably sent envoys bearing his best wishes and a gift because he needed an ally against Assyria. • There was nothing . . . that Hezekiah did not show them: Hezekiah showed the Babylonian envoys his vast treasuries, which had not yet been sent to Sennacherib (18:13-16). However, his attempt to impress his vi...","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":102711,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 20:12","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 20:12","content_ro":"<p><strong>20:12-13<\/strong> <em>Merodach-baladan<\/em> reigned over Babylon from 721 to 710 <span>BC<\/span>, when Sargon of Assyria forced him to flee. He ruled again briefly in 703 <span>BC<\/span>. This visit was likely during his exile; he probably sent <em>envoys<\/em> bearing his <em>best wishes and a gift<\/em> because he needed an ally against Assyria. • <em>There was nothing . . . that Hezekiah did not show them:<\/em> Hezekiah showed <em>the Babylonian envoys<\/em> his vast <em>treasuries<\/em><em>,<\/em> which had not yet been sent to Sennacherib (18:13-16). However, his attempt to impress his visitors was misguided (20:16-18).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>20:12-13<\/strong> <em>Merodach-baladan<\/em> reigned over Babylon from 721 to 710 <span>BC<\/span>, when Sargon of Assyria forced him to flee. He ruled again briefly in 703 <span>BC<\/span>. This visit was likely during his exile; he probably sent <em>envoys<\/em> bearing his <em>best wishes and a gift<\/em> because he needed an ally against Assyria. • <em>There was nothing . . . that Hezekiah did not show them:<\/em> Hezekiah showed <em>the Babylonian envoys<\/em> his vast <em>treasuries<\/em><em>,<\/em> which had not yet been sent to Sennacherib (18:13-16). However, his attempt to impress his visitors was misguided (20:16-18).<\/p>","summary_ro":"20:12-13 Merodach-baladan reigned over Babylon from 721 to 710 BC, when Sargon of Assyria forced him to flee. He ruled again briefly in 703 BC. This visit was likely during his exile; he probably sent envoys bearing his best wishes and a gift because he needed an ally against Assyria. • There was nothing . . . that Hezekiah did not show them: Hezekiah showed the Babylonian envoys his vast treasuries, which had not yet been sent to Sennacherib (18:13-16). However, his attempt to impress his vi...","summary_en":"20:12-13 Merodach-baladan reigned over Babylon from 721 to 710 BC, when Sargon of Assyria forced him to flee. He ruled again briefly in 703 BC. This visit was likely during his exile; he probably sent envoys bearing his best wishes and a gift because he needed an ally against Assyria. • There was nothing . . . that Hezekiah did not show them: Hezekiah showed the Babylonian envoys his vast treasuries, which had not yet been sent to Sennacherib (18:13-16). However, his attempt to impress his vi...","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":130337,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 20:12","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 20:12","content_ro":"<p><strong>20:12-13<\/strong> <em>Merodach-baladan<\/em> reigned over Babylon from 721 to 710 <span>BC<\/span>, when Sargon of Assyria forced him to flee. He ruled again briefly in 703 <span>BC<\/span>. This visit was likely during his exile; he probably sent <em>envoys<\/em> bearing his <em>best wishes and a gift<\/em> because he needed an ally against Assyria. • <em>There was nothing . . . that Hezekiah did not show them:<\/em> Hezekiah showed <em>the Babylonian envoys<\/em> his vast <em>treasuries<\/em><em>,<\/em> which had not yet been sent to Sennacherib (18:13-16). However, his attempt to impress his visitors was misguided (20:16-18).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>20:12-13<\/strong> <em>Merodach-baladan<\/em> reigned over Babylon from 721 to 710 <span>BC<\/span>, when Sargon of Assyria forced him to flee. He ruled again briefly in 703 <span>BC<\/span>. This visit was likely during his exile; he probably sent <em>envoys<\/em> bearing his <em>best wishes and a gift<\/em> because he needed an ally against Assyria. • <em>There was nothing . . . that Hezekiah did not show them:<\/em> Hezekiah showed <em>the Babylonian envoys<\/em> his vast <em>treasuries<\/em><em>,<\/em> which had not yet been sent to Sennacherib (18:13-16). However, his attempt to impress his visitors was misguided (20:16-18).<\/p>","summary_ro":"20:12-13 Merodach-baladan reigned over Babylon from 721 to 710 BC, when Sargon of Assyria forced him to flee. He ruled again briefly in 703 BC. This visit was likely during his exile; he probably sent envoys bearing his best wishes and a gift because he needed an ally against Assyria. • There was nothing . . . that Hezekiah did not show them: Hezekiah showed the Babylonian envoys his vast treasuries, which had not yet been sent to Sennacherib (18:13-16). However, his attempt to impress his vi...","summary_en":"20:12-13 Merodach-baladan reigned over Babylon from 721 to 710 BC, when Sargon of Assyria forced him to flee. He ruled again briefly in 703 BC. This visit was likely during his exile; he probably sent envoys bearing his best wishes and a gift because he needed an ally against Assyria. • There was nothing . . . that Hezekiah did not show them: Hezekiah showed the Babylonian envoys his vast treasuries, which had not yet been sent to Sennacherib (18:13-16). However, his attempt to impress his vi...","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"13":[{"id":3447,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Babylonia Babylon","title_en":"Babylonia Babylon","content_ro":"<h3>BABYLON, BABYLONIA<\/h3>\n<p>Land of southern Mesopotamia. Politically, Babylonia refers to the ancient kingdoms that flourished in southern Mesopotamia, especially in the seventh and sixth centuries <span>BC<\/span>, whose capital city was Babylon (or <em>Bab-ilu,<\/em> meaning “gate of god”). The term can also be used geographically to designate a whole region (in present-day southeast Iraq). The adjective “Babylonian” has an even looser meaning; it may refer to the land or its inhabitants, to the kingdom or its subjects, or to a dialect of one of the principal ancient Mesopotamian languages.<\/p>\n<p>The two principal features of Babylonia’s geography are the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers. Rising in mountainous eastern Turkey, they initially flow in opposite directions but converge near Baghdad and join farther south to flow into the Persian Gulf.<\/p>\n<p>Politically, Babylonia largely corresponded to geographic Babylonia. Its centers, however, were not situated in the fertile alluvial plain between the two rivers, but rather on the banks along the main course and several side branches of the Euphrates. At times the kingdom reached eastward beyond the Tigris, into the flatlands and foothills of the Zagros Mountains, generally along the Tigris’s eastern tributaries.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"AncientBabylon\">Ancient Babylon<\/p>\n<h5>Sumer and Akkad: 3200–2000 <span>BC<\/span><\/h5>\n<p>Babylonia emerged as a culture as the result of Sumerian influence on the diverse peoples who had migrated into the area. The Sumerian civilization began to flourish in Babylonia sometime between 3200 and 2900 <span>BC<\/span>. (All dates given are approximate.) The two principal languages of the region were Akkadian, a Semitic language, and Sumerian, whose linguistic affiliation is still unknown. The earliest interpretable inscriptions from Babylonia, dated at 3100 <span>BC<\/span>, are in Sumerian, which was the written language throughout Mesopotamia for seven centuries. In fact, cuneiform, the wedge-shaped writing invented by the Sumerians, remained in use for almost 3,000 years.<\/p>\n<p>Eventually the Akkadian way of life began to compete with the Sumerian. Political and cultural leadership was effectively wrested away from the south by Sargon I (<em>Sharru-kin,<\/em> meaning “true king”; 2339–2279 <span>BC<\/span>), who founded the capital Akkad (or Agade).<\/p>\n<p>The Akkadian Empire, which lasted for nearly two centuries under Sargon and his successors (2334–2154 <span>BC<\/span>), was disrupted by the invasion of the Guti people, mountaineers from the east, who in turn were defeated by the Sumerian king Utuhegal of the city of Uruk. That event marked a period of revival of Sumerian power and culture in Babylonia, led by a dynasty of kings that established itself in the once-prominent Sumerian city of Ur.<\/p>\n<h5>First Babylonian Kingdom: 1900–1600 <span>BC<\/span><\/h5>\n<p>At the same time, Semitic-speaking people from the west—the Amurru (or Martu), nomads from Syria—were exerting migratory and military pressures on Babylonia.<\/p>\n<p>The Amurru—called by modern researchers “Amorites” after their language—were known in the pre-Sargonid period (before 2340 <span>BC<\/span>) and were looked upon as barbarians by native Babylonians, who scorned their manner of life. During the reign of Shar-kali-sharri (2254–2230 <span>BC<\/span>), the Amorites began to appear as a menace. A century later, during the early part of the Ur III period, the first major wave of Amorites moved into Babylonia; the second wave came during the reigns of the last two kings of the Ur III dynasty. That second migration coincided with a complex political situation in Babylonia. The undermining of Sumerian political power gave rise to the kingdom of Babylon under Amorite control.<\/p>\n<p>The last Neo-Sumerian king, Ibbi-Sin, was faced with military threats to his kingdom from both east and west. He also had to deal with internal rebellion. Ishbi-Erra, vassal governor of the city of Mari, 500 miles (804.5 kilometers) up the Euphrates, took advantage of the Amorite incursions to revolt against the king and establish a rival kingdom with its capital at Isin, 50 miles (80.5 kilometers) from Ur. At the same time, in Larsa, less than 20 miles (32.2 kilometers) across the Euphrates from Ur, another new dynasty was established by a ruler with an Amorite name.<\/p>\n<p>The founder of the first dynasty of the kingdom of Babylon was Sumuabum (1894–1881 <span>BC<\/span>). Little is known about him. He and his next four successors, all legitimate descendants—Sumulael (1880–1845 <span>BC<\/span>), Sabium (1844–1831 <span>BC<\/span>), Apil-Sin (1830–1813 <span>BC<\/span>), and Sin-Muballit (1812–1793 <span>BC<\/span>)—ruled peacefully and uneventfully for a century. They appear to have devoted themselves mainly to religious and defensive construction and to maintenance of an irrigation canal system, though there is some evidence of conquest and territorial acquisition. Still, the territory of the kingdom of Babylon probably extended no more than 50 miles (80.5 kilometers) in any direction from the capital. Hammurabi, the sixth king of that line (1792–1750 <span>BC<\/span>), enlarged the kingdom toward the dimensions of an empire. At its greatest extent it reached from the Persian Gulf up the Tigris to include some of the cities of Assyria and up the Euphrates to Mari. Babylonia’s glory, however, was short-lived; under the reign of Hammurabi’s son Samsu-iluna (1749–1712 <span>BC<\/span>) the realm shriveled. It lasted for another century, but within borders narrower than those established by Sumuabum. Minor dynasties took turns ruling over the area from 1600–900 <span>BC<\/span>. Then the Assyrians took control.<\/p>\n<h5>Assyrian Domination: 900–614 <span>BC<\/span><\/h5>\n<p>The earliest incursions of Assyria into Babylonia were by Shalmaneser III. In 851 <span>BC<\/span> the brother of Marduk-zakir-shumi, reigning king of the eighth dynasty of Babylon, made a bid for the throne with the backing of the Arameans. Marduk-zakir-shumi called on the Assyrians for aid. Shalmaneser defeated the rebels and entered Babylon, treating the ancient city and its inhabitants with great respect. Thereafter, advancing southward, he came to Sumer, inhabited by the Chaldeans, and pressed them back against the gulf. For whatever reasons, Shalmaneser did not annex Babylonia. Marduk-zakir-shumi remained on the throne, though he swore allegiance to the Assyrian king.<\/p>\n<p>The final years of Shalmaneser III were darkened by revolts all over the Assyrian Empire. Two strong rulers emerged from the political confusion. In Assyria, Tiglath-pileser III (745–727 <span>BC<\/span>) usurped the throne. In Babylonia three years earlier a Chaldean, Nabonassar (747–734 <span>BC<\/span>), took the throne of Babylon as a successor king in the eighth dynasty.<\/p>\n<p>At Nabonassar’s death, an Aramean chieftain, Nabu-mukin-zeri (731–729 <span>BC<\/span>), seized the Babylonian throne and established the ninth dynasty of Babylon. Tiglath-pileser defeated the usurper, ravaged the territory of his tribe, and had himself proclaimed king of Babylon—and thus, of Babylonia—under the name of Pulu (729–727 <span>BC<\/span>) and as the second king of the ninth dynasty. Little is known of his short-lived successor, Shalmaneser V (727–722 <span>BC<\/span>). He, too, was proclaimed king of Babylon as well as of Assyria. Under Shalmaneser a siege against the kingdom of Israel began, after its king, Hoshea (732–723 <span>BC<\/span>), rebelled against Assyria (2 Kgs 17:1-6).<\/p>\n<h6>Merodach-baladan<\/h6>\n<p>Sargon II (722–705 <span>BC<\/span>) succeeded Shalmaneser. His rise to power is obscure; he was probably a usurper, which is why he chose the name Sargon (“true king”) like his Akkadian namesake 1,500 years earlier. Shortly before Sargon II came to the throne, Elam in the east had begun to take an active part in the affairs of Babylonia by instigating rebellions against Assyria.<\/p>\n<p>After the brilliant successes of his other campaigns, Sargon attacked Babylon again in 710 <span>BC<\/span>, and this time succeeded in taking it. Although he had himself proclaimed king of Babylon, he acknowledged Merodach-baladan as king of the Yakin tribe. Merodach-baladan evidently took up residence in Elam at that time. In the year that Sargon’s son Sennacherib (705–681 <span>BC<\/span>) succeeded to the Assyrian throne, Merodach-baladan, assisted by Elamite officers and troops, reappeared. He raised the whole Aramean and Chaldean population of Babylonia against the Assyrians, took Babylon, and had himself proclaimed king again (705 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>During that brief period, Merodach-baladan sent an embassy to King Hezekiah of Judah (715–686 <span>BC<\/span>) “with letters and a present,” ostensibly to show sympathy for Hezekiah because of the king’s illness (2 Kgs 20:12). More likely, Merodach-baladan’s purpose was to secure another ally against Assyrian hegemony; the account of Hezekiah’s cordial reception of the Babylonian envoys shows his willingness to join the alliance. Evidently the king’s vanity overruled his political sense, and he treated the Babylonians to an extensive tour of his treasury. The proud gesture was rebuked by the prophet Isaiah, who predicted Babylonia’s later conquest of Judah, when the king’s storehouse would be sacked and his family carried off captive (2 Kgs 20:13-19; Is 39).<\/p>\n<p>Sennacherib was able to quickly dislodge Merodach-baladan from the Babylonian throne, force him into exile, and replace him with a king of his own choice, Bel-ibni.<\/p>\n<h6>War and Peace<\/h6>\n<p>Sennacherib’s successor and youngest son, Esarhaddon (681–669 <span>BC<\/span>), came to the throne of Assyria after a bloody war of succession with his brothers. One of his first acts was to rebuild and enlarge the city of Babylon. Esarhaddon thus won the friendship of many of his Babylonian subjects, who enabled him to enjoy a peaceful reign in that part of his empire. Three years before his death, Esarhaddon named his son Ashurbanipal as his successor (669–627 <span>BC<\/span>), and another son, Shamash-shum-ukin (668–648 <span>BC<\/span>), as viceroy in Babylonia.<\/p>\n<p>The empire was not divided by having two sons on two thrones. Ashurbanipal had precedence over his brother, bearing responsibility for the whole empire. Shamash-shum-ukin and his Babylonian subjects, on the other hand, enjoyed sovereignty; as viceroy, he was granted full authority within his realm. That arrangement lasted for 17 years until Shamash-shum-ukin, backed by the Elamites and numerous Arab tribes, rebelled against Ashurbanipal. The revolt was brutally suppressed by 648 <span>BC<\/span>, and a Chaldean noble, Kandalanu, was appointed Babylonian viceroy. Shortly afterward, Ashurbanipal launched a punitive expedition, devastating Babylonia and completely destroying Elam in the process.<\/p>\n<h4>Neo-Babylonian Empire: 614–539 <span>BC<\/span><\/h4>\n<p>Both Ashurbanipal and Kandalanu, his viceroy in Babylon, died in 627 <span>BC<\/span>. For a year, Babylonia had no recognized ruler. Then the throne was seized by the Chaldean prince Nabopolassar (625–605 <span>BC<\/span>), who established the 10th dynasty of Babylon, which has come to be called the Chaldean or Neo-Babylonian dynasty.<\/p>\n<p>Aided by Media, the kingdom of the Iranian Plateau, Nabopolassar put an end to the Assyrian Empire. By 612 <span>BC<\/span> Assyria’s chief cities had fallen: Asshur, then the religious center; Nineveh, the administrative center; and Nimrod, the military headquarters. The last light of Assyria was snuffed out by Nabopolassar in 609 <span>BC<\/span>. Under his son Nebuchadnezzar II (604–562 <span>BC<\/span>), Babylonia fell heir to the Assyrian Empire. For a moment in history, Babylonia was master of the whole Near East. Nebuchadnezzar brought about the end of the Hebrew kingdom of Judah and the destruction of Jerusalem in 586 <span>BC<\/span>, deporting part of its population to Babylonia in the event referred to as the exile (2 Kgs 24:1–25:21).<\/p>\n<p>Under Nebuchadnezzar, Babylon became the fabled city of luxury and splendor with which its name is commonly associated. Nebuchadnezzar was succeeded by his son, son-in-law, and grandson within the space of six years. Thereafter, one of his high diplomatic officials, Nabonidus, took the throne (555–539 <span>BC<\/span>). During his reign, the Medes, formerly allies of the Chaldeans, came under a new ruler, Cyrus II of Persia (559 <span>BC<\/span>), who over the next 10 years conquered an empire nearly 3,000 miles (4,827 kilometers) in extent, from the Aegean Sea to the Pamirs (mountains in central Asia).<\/p>\n<p>During Cyrus’s decade of conquest, Nabonidus was strangely absent from Babylon, residing in Arabia. Although the book of Daniel relates events occurring in the court of Babylon during Nabonidus’s reign, his name is never mentioned. Instead, Belshazzar, whom Nabonidus appointed regent in Babylon during his absence, is described as king (Dn 5:1). Perhaps because of his extended absence or perhaps because of his attachment to the moon god Sin and Sin’s city, Haran, rather than to the Babylonian national god Marduk and Marduk’s city, Babylon, Nabonidus lost the support of the Babylonians. When he finally returned to Babylon, it was on the eve of Cyrus’s attack on the city (Dn 5:30-31). Instead of offering resistance, however, the Babylonian army defected to Cyrus and the city gave itself up without a battle (October 539 <span>BC<\/span>). That surrender ended the Chaldean dynasty and the history of an independent Babylonia.<\/p>\n\n<p>The Babylon of Nebuchadnezzar’s time appears frequently at the end of 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles and in the early part of Daniel. Ezra and Nehemiah record the subsequent return of the remnant of Judah from their Babylonian exile.<\/p>\n<p>Among the prophetic books, Isaiah speaks of Babylon during the period of Assyrian dominance. A century later Jeremiah warns of the threat of Nebuchadnezzar, and Ezekiel and Daniel speak of Babylon from the later viewpoint of those exiled. There are as many references to Babylon in the last half of Jeremiah as in all the rest of the Bible.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Postexilic Period; Diaspora of the Jews; Chaldea, Chaldeans; Nebuchadnezzar, Nebuchadrezzar; Daniel, Book of.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>BABYLON, BABYLONIA<\/h3>\n<p>Land of southern Mesopotamia. Politically, Babylonia refers to the ancient kingdoms that flourished in southern Mesopotamia, especially in the seventh and sixth centuries <span>BC<\/span>, whose capital city was Babylon (or <em>Bab-ilu,<\/em> meaning “gate of god”). The term can also be used geographically to designate a whole region (in present-day southeast Iraq). The adjective “Babylonian” has an even looser meaning; it may refer to the land or its inhabitants, to the kingdom or its subjects, or to a dialect of one of the principal ancient Mesopotamian languages.<\/p>\n<p>The two principal features of Babylonia’s geography are the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers. Rising in mountainous eastern Turkey, they initially flow in opposite directions but converge near Baghdad and join farther south to flow into the Persian Gulf.<\/p>\n<p>Politically, Babylonia largely corresponded to geographic Babylonia. Its centers, however, were not situated in the fertile alluvial plain between the two rivers, but rather on the banks along the main course and several side branches of the Euphrates. At times the kingdom reached eastward beyond the Tigris, into the flatlands and foothills of the Zagros Mountains, generally along the Tigris’s eastern tributaries.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"AncientBabylon\">Ancient Babylon<\/p>\n<h5>Sumer and Akkad: 3200–2000 <span>BC<\/span><\/h5>\n<p>Babylonia emerged as a culture as the result of Sumerian influence on the diverse peoples who had migrated into the area. The Sumerian civilization began to flourish in Babylonia sometime between 3200 and 2900 <span>BC<\/span>. (All dates given are approximate.) The two principal languages of the region were Akkadian, a Semitic language, and Sumerian, whose linguistic affiliation is still unknown. The earliest interpretable inscriptions from Babylonia, dated at 3100 <span>BC<\/span>, are in Sumerian, which was the written language throughout Mesopotamia for seven centuries. In fact, cuneiform, the wedge-shaped writing invented by the Sumerians, remained in use for almost 3,000 years.<\/p>\n<p>Eventually the Akkadian way of life began to compete with the Sumerian. Political and cultural leadership was effectively wrested away from the south by Sargon I (<em>Sharru-kin,<\/em> meaning “true king”; 2339–2279 <span>BC<\/span>), who founded the capital Akkad (or Agade).<\/p>\n<p>The Akkadian Empire, which lasted for nearly two centuries under Sargon and his successors (2334–2154 <span>BC<\/span>), was disrupted by the invasion of the Guti people, mountaineers from the east, who in turn were defeated by the Sumerian king Utuhegal of the city of Uruk. That event marked a period of revival of Sumerian power and culture in Babylonia, led by a dynasty of kings that established itself in the once-prominent Sumerian city of Ur.<\/p>\n<h5>First Babylonian Kingdom: 1900–1600 <span>BC<\/span><\/h5>\n<p>At the same time, Semitic-speaking people from the west—the Amurru (or Martu), nomads from Syria—were exerting migratory and military pressures on Babylonia.<\/p>\n<p>The Amurru—called by modern researchers “Amorites” after their language—were known in the pre-Sargonid period (before 2340 <span>BC<\/span>) and were looked upon as barbarians by native Babylonians, who scorned their manner of life. During the reign of Shar-kali-sharri (2254–2230 <span>BC<\/span>), the Amorites began to appear as a menace. A century later, during the early part of the Ur III period, the first major wave of Amorites moved into Babylonia; the second wave came during the reigns of the last two kings of the Ur III dynasty. That second migration coincided with a complex political situation in Babylonia. The undermining of Sumerian political power gave rise to the kingdom of Babylon under Amorite control.<\/p>\n<p>The last Neo-Sumerian king, Ibbi-Sin, was faced with military threats to his kingdom from both east and west. He also had to deal with internal rebellion. Ishbi-Erra, vassal governor of the city of Mari, 500 miles (804.5 kilometers) up the Euphrates, took advantage of the Amorite incursions to revolt against the king and establish a rival kingdom with its capital at Isin, 50 miles (80.5 kilometers) from Ur. At the same time, in Larsa, less than 20 miles (32.2 kilometers) across the Euphrates from Ur, another new dynasty was established by a ruler with an Amorite name.<\/p>\n<p>The founder of the first dynasty of the kingdom of Babylon was Sumuabum (1894–1881 <span>BC<\/span>). Little is known about him. He and his next four successors, all legitimate descendants—Sumulael (1880–1845 <span>BC<\/span>), Sabium (1844–1831 <span>BC<\/span>), Apil-Sin (1830–1813 <span>BC<\/span>), and Sin-Muballit (1812–1793 <span>BC<\/span>)—ruled peacefully and uneventfully for a century. They appear to have devoted themselves mainly to religious and defensive construction and to maintenance of an irrigation canal system, though there is some evidence of conquest and territorial acquisition. Still, the territory of the kingdom of Babylon probably extended no more than 50 miles (80.5 kilometers) in any direction from the capital. Hammurabi, the sixth king of that line (1792–1750 <span>BC<\/span>), enlarged the kingdom toward the dimensions of an empire. At its greatest extent it reached from the Persian Gulf up the Tigris to include some of the cities of Assyria and up the Euphrates to Mari. Babylonia’s glory, however, was short-lived; under the reign of Hammurabi’s son Samsu-iluna (1749–1712 <span>BC<\/span>) the realm shriveled. It lasted for another century, but within borders narrower than those established by Sumuabum. Minor dynasties took turns ruling over the area from 1600–900 <span>BC<\/span>. Then the Assyrians took control.<\/p>\n<h5>Assyrian Domination: 900–614 <span>BC<\/span><\/h5>\n<p>The earliest incursions of Assyria into Babylonia were by Shalmaneser III. In 851 <span>BC<\/span> the brother of Marduk-zakir-shumi, reigning king of the eighth dynasty of Babylon, made a bid for the throne with the backing of the Arameans. Marduk-zakir-shumi called on the Assyrians for aid. Shalmaneser defeated the rebels and entered Babylon, treating the ancient city and its inhabitants with great respect. Thereafter, advancing southward, he came to Sumer, inhabited by the Chaldeans, and pressed them back against the gulf. For whatever reasons, Shalmaneser did not annex Babylonia. Marduk-zakir-shumi remained on the throne, though he swore allegiance to the Assyrian king.<\/p>\n<p>The final years of Shalmaneser III were darkened by revolts all over the Assyrian Empire. Two strong rulers emerged from the political confusion. In Assyria, Tiglath-pileser III (745–727 <span>BC<\/span>) usurped the throne. In Babylonia three years earlier a Chaldean, Nabonassar (747–734 <span>BC<\/span>), took the throne of Babylon as a successor king in the eighth dynasty.<\/p>\n<p>At Nabonassar’s death, an Aramean chieftain, Nabu-mukin-zeri (731–729 <span>BC<\/span>), seized the Babylonian throne and established the ninth dynasty of Babylon. Tiglath-pileser defeated the usurper, ravaged the territory of his tribe, and had himself proclaimed king of Babylon—and thus, of Babylonia—under the name of Pulu (729–727 <span>BC<\/span>) and as the second king of the ninth dynasty. Little is known of his short-lived successor, Shalmaneser V (727–722 <span>BC<\/span>). He, too, was proclaimed king of Babylon as well as of Assyria. Under Shalmaneser a siege against the kingdom of Israel began, after its king, Hoshea (732–723 <span>BC<\/span>), rebelled against Assyria (2 Kgs 17:1-6).<\/p>\n<h6>Merodach-baladan<\/h6>\n<p>Sargon II (722–705 <span>BC<\/span>) succeeded Shalmaneser. His rise to power is obscure; he was probably a usurper, which is why he chose the name Sargon (“true king”) like his Akkadian namesake 1,500 years earlier. Shortly before Sargon II came to the throne, Elam in the east had begun to take an active part in the affairs of Babylonia by instigating rebellions against Assyria.<\/p>\n<p>After the brilliant successes of his other campaigns, Sargon attacked Babylon again in 710 <span>BC<\/span>, and this time succeeded in taking it. Although he had himself proclaimed king of Babylon, he acknowledged Merodach-baladan as king of the Yakin tribe. Merodach-baladan evidently took up residence in Elam at that time. In the year that Sargon’s son Sennacherib (705–681 <span>BC<\/span>) succeeded to the Assyrian throne, Merodach-baladan, assisted by Elamite officers and troops, reappeared. He raised the whole Aramean and Chaldean population of Babylonia against the Assyrians, took Babylon, and had himself proclaimed king again (705 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>During that brief period, Merodach-baladan sent an embassy to King Hezekiah of Judah (715–686 <span>BC<\/span>) “with letters and a present,” ostensibly to show sympathy for Hezekiah because of the king’s illness (2 Kgs 20:12). More likely, Merodach-baladan’s purpose was to secure another ally against Assyrian hegemony; the account of Hezekiah’s cordial reception of the Babylonian envoys shows his willingness to join the alliance. Evidently the king’s vanity overruled his political sense, and he treated the Babylonians to an extensive tour of his treasury. The proud gesture was rebuked by the prophet Isaiah, who predicted Babylonia’s later conquest of Judah, when the king’s storehouse would be sacked and his family carried off captive (2 Kgs 20:13-19; Is 39).<\/p>\n<p>Sennacherib was able to quickly dislodge Merodach-baladan from the Babylonian throne, force him into exile, and replace him with a king of his own choice, Bel-ibni.<\/p>\n<h6>War and Peace<\/h6>\n<p>Sennacherib’s successor and youngest son, Esarhaddon (681–669 <span>BC<\/span>), came to the throne of Assyria after a bloody war of succession with his brothers. One of his first acts was to rebuild and enlarge the city of Babylon. Esarhaddon thus won the friendship of many of his Babylonian subjects, who enabled him to enjoy a peaceful reign in that part of his empire. Three years before his death, Esarhaddon named his son Ashurbanipal as his successor (669–627 <span>BC<\/span>), and another son, Shamash-shum-ukin (668–648 <span>BC<\/span>), as viceroy in Babylonia.<\/p>\n<p>The empire was not divided by having two sons on two thrones. Ashurbanipal had precedence over his brother, bearing responsibility for the whole empire. Shamash-shum-ukin and his Babylonian subjects, on the other hand, enjoyed sovereignty; as viceroy, he was granted full authority within his realm. That arrangement lasted for 17 years until Shamash-shum-ukin, backed by the Elamites and numerous Arab tribes, rebelled against Ashurbanipal. The revolt was brutally suppressed by 648 <span>BC<\/span>, and a Chaldean noble, Kandalanu, was appointed Babylonian viceroy. Shortly afterward, Ashurbanipal launched a punitive expedition, devastating Babylonia and completely destroying Elam in the process.<\/p>\n<h4>Neo-Babylonian Empire: 614–539 <span>BC<\/span><\/h4>\n<p>Both Ashurbanipal and Kandalanu, his viceroy in Babylon, died in 627 <span>BC<\/span>. For a year, Babylonia had no recognized ruler. Then the throne was seized by the Chaldean prince Nabopolassar (625–605 <span>BC<\/span>), who established the 10th dynasty of Babylon, which has come to be called the Chaldean or Neo-Babylonian dynasty.<\/p>\n<p>Aided by Media, the kingdom of the Iranian Plateau, Nabopolassar put an end to the Assyrian Empire. By 612 <span>BC<\/span> Assyria’s chief cities had fallen: Asshur, then the religious center; Nineveh, the administrative center; and Nimrod, the military headquarters. The last light of Assyria was snuffed out by Nabopolassar in 609 <span>BC<\/span>. Under his son Nebuchadnezzar II (604–562 <span>BC<\/span>), Babylonia fell heir to the Assyrian Empire. For a moment in history, Babylonia was master of the whole Near East. Nebuchadnezzar brought about the end of the Hebrew kingdom of Judah and the destruction of Jerusalem in 586 <span>BC<\/span>, deporting part of its population to Babylonia in the event referred to as the exile (2 Kgs 24:1–25:21).<\/p>\n<p>Under Nebuchadnezzar, Babylon became the fabled city of luxury and splendor with which its name is commonly associated. Nebuchadnezzar was succeeded by his son, son-in-law, and grandson within the space of six years. Thereafter, one of his high diplomatic officials, Nabonidus, took the throne (555–539 <span>BC<\/span>). During his reign, the Medes, formerly allies of the Chaldeans, came under a new ruler, Cyrus II of Persia (559 <span>BC<\/span>), who over the next 10 years conquered an empire nearly 3,000 miles (4,827 kilometers) in extent, from the Aegean Sea to the Pamirs (mountains in central Asia).<\/p>\n<p>During Cyrus’s decade of conquest, Nabonidus was strangely absent from Babylon, residing in Arabia. Although the book of Daniel relates events occurring in the court of Babylon during Nabonidus’s reign, his name is never mentioned. Instead, Belshazzar, whom Nabonidus appointed regent in Babylon during his absence, is described as king (Dn 5:1). Perhaps because of his extended absence or perhaps because of his attachment to the moon god Sin and Sin’s city, Haran, rather than to the Babylonian national god Marduk and Marduk’s city, Babylon, Nabonidus lost the support of the Babylonians. When he finally returned to Babylon, it was on the eve of Cyrus’s attack on the city (Dn 5:30-31). Instead of offering resistance, however, the Babylonian army defected to Cyrus and the city gave itself up without a battle (October 539 <span>BC<\/span>). That surrender ended the Chaldean dynasty and the history of an independent Babylonia.<\/p>\n\n<p>The Babylon of Nebuchadnezzar’s time appears frequently at the end of 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles and in the early part of Daniel. Ezra and Nehemiah record the subsequent return of the remnant of Judah from their Babylonian exile.<\/p>\n<p>Among the prophetic books, Isaiah speaks of Babylon during the period of Assyrian dominance. A century later Jeremiah warns of the threat of Nebuchadnezzar, and Ezekiel and Daniel speak of Babylon from the later viewpoint of those exiled. There are as many references to Babylon in the last half of Jeremiah as in all the rest of the Bible.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Postexilic Period; Diaspora of the Jews; Chaldea, Chaldeans; Nebuchadnezzar, Nebuchadrezzar; Daniel, Book of.<\/p>","summary_ro":"BABYLON, BABYLONIA Land of southern Mesopotamia. Politically, Babylonia refers to the ancient kingdoms that flourished in southern Mesopotamia, especially in the seventh and sixth centuries BC, whose capital city was Babylon (or Bab-ilu, meaning “gate of god”). The term can also be used geographically to designate a whole region (in present-day southeast Iraq). The adjective “Babylonian” has an even looser meaning; it may refer to the land or its inhabitants, to the kingdom or its subjects, o...","summary_en":"BABYLON, BABYLONIA Land of southern Mesopotamia. Politically, Babylonia refers to the ancient kingdoms that flourished in southern Mesopotamia, especially in the seventh and sixth centuries BC, whose capital city was Babylon (or Bab-ilu, meaning “gate of god”). The term can also be used geographically to designate a whole region (in present-day southeast Iraq). The adjective “Babylonian” has an even looser meaning; it may refer to the land or its inhabitants, to the kingdom or its subjects, o...","source":"Articles\/B.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":17383,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Incense","title_en":"Incense","content_ro":"<h3>INCENSE<\/h3>\n<p>Fragrant spices and oils or sacrifice that sends up perfumed smoke to God in order to please him.<\/p>\n<p>People of every age have loved fragrant odors. In ancient times, sacrifices included sweet smells to make the deity happy. The aroma was a crucial factor in whether the god would accept the offering. Therefore, aromatic plants and exotic perfumes were precious for both secular and religious purposes.<\/p>\n<p>Spices and precious oils were valued along with silver and gold. The queen of Sheba brought spices to Solomon as a gift (1 Kgs 10:2). Incense was kept in the royal treasury (2 Kgs 20:13). The price of spices and oils was extremely inflated because of the difficult work of extracting the juices, transportation costs to import them from faraway places, and high profits for merchants who sold the perfumes.<\/p>\n<p>Consequently, lovers sometimes compared their beloved to “myrrh,” a “mountain of myrrh” and a “hill of frankincense” (Sg 1:13; 4:6). The fragrance of incense set the right mood (1:12). Every spice known to a merchant burned beside the couch of Solomon (3:6). A bridegroom delighted in the perfumes of his beloved. She was his own private garden of incense (4:10-14). Even a prostitute burned incense beside her bed (Ez 23:41). No wonder wise men said that “fragrant oil” makes the heart glad and the “sweetness of friendship” comforts the soul (e.g., Prv 27:9).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TypesofIncense\">Types of Incense<\/p>\n<p>Frankincense is mentioned most often in the Bible. It was imported from India, Somaliland, and Arabia Felix. Myrrh also came from Arabia Felix. Cinnamon was another important fragrance from Ceylon and China. Galbanum, tragacanth (gum), and laudanum all were grown in the mountains of Asia Minor. Galbanum was the most popular of these three, for it was also found in Turkestan, Persia, Syria, and Crete. Henna, saffron, and balsam came from aromatic plants native to Israel. In postexilic times other plants were introduced to Palestine and cultivated there: the rose, narcissus, and jasmine. Onycha seems to have been produced from the local fauna, and musk (muskin) may have been extracted from a gland of the musk deer.<\/p>\n<p>Incense itself came in many forms. It might be used as granules placed in a bag hung around the neck (Sg 1:13). In the main, however, perfumes were in a liquid form, dissolved in olive oil. A good example of this is the “holy anointing oil” (Ex 30:31). Such oils were used to anoint the priests and kings of Israel. Only priests were allowed to prepare and administer them. The incense contained raw spices beaten into a fine consistency and seasoned with salt to make them holy. Stacte, onycha, galbanum, and pure frankincense were mixed in equal proportions, all according to the art of the perfumer (Ex 30:34-37). The spices and incense for the sanctuary were donated as gifts (Nm 7:14-86; Jer 17:26; 41:5) and kept in the temple (Neh 13:5, 9). Josephus described the incense of his day as a much more complicated compound. He listed 13 ingredients in the best incense of the Herodian era.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"IncenseOffering\">Incense Offering<\/p>\n<p>Archaeology has demonstrated that incense offerings were common throughout the ancient Near East from the earliest times of organized worship. Egyptian paintings and reliefs from the New Kingdom occasionally show a man holding a censer of burning incense. Incense seems to have been used as well in the rituals of Assyria, Babylonia, and Arabia. Canaanite altars found at Megiddo and Tell Beit Mirsim have horned limestone altars (10th century <span>BC<\/span>) that may have been designed to hold a bowl of incense. Hence, it is safe to assume that incense offerings also played some part in the worship of Israel from the beginning.<\/p>\n<p>Incense offerings seem to have served a multitude of purposes. They may have been used to drive away evil spirits and thereby sanctify all the utensils of the place of worship (Ex 30:26-29). Undoubtedly, the sweet smell of incense provided an antidote to the putrid odor of the animal sacrifices. Therefore, if God was to receive a sweet savor and thereby be pleased with an offering, incense was necessary to compensate for the smell of the sacrifices. However, spices were never added to the flesh of the animals or birds.<\/p>\n<p>In some instances, incense itself became a sacrifice. As a supplement to other sacrifices, frankincense alone was burned. To alleviate a plague, Aaron performed a ritual of burning incense (Nm 16:46-47). On the Day of Atonement, the high priest carried burning incense and hot coals on a pan (censer) into the Holy of Holies (Lv 16:12-13). The burning incense was thought to protect the life of the high priest, perhaps because the smoke kept him from seeing the full glory of God.<\/p>\n<p>Frankincense was added to grain for offerings on the altar of burnt offering (Lv 2:1, 15-16; 6:15). It also accompanied the bread of the Presence (24:7) in two dishes. The bronze serpent destroyed by Hezekiah in his reform had become a profane object to which incense was burned (2 Kgs 18:4).<\/p>\n<p>Except on the Day of Atonement, the incense was offered on a special altar (Lv 4:7; cf. Ex 30:9), where it burned morning and evening and came to be called “perpetual incense” (Ex 30:7-8). Probably the altar of gold in Solomon’s temple (1 Kgs 6:20-22) was the incense altar.<\/p>\n<p>Offering incense was a holy ritual, and persons who offered it with disrespect for procedures were condemned (Lv 10:1-2; Nm 16:6-50). Uzziah, the king of Judah, became a leper because he dared to offer incense (2 Chr 26:16-21). The burning of incense at “high places” is often criticized (e.g., 1 Kgs 22:43), either because the sanctuaries were idolatrous or because their priests did not take proper care as did the priesthood in Jerusalem. Prophets who criticized the offering of incense (Is 1:13; 66:3; Jer 6:20) did so to condemn a formalism that was void of devotion to the God of Israel.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"MeaningofIncense\">Meaning of Incense<\/p>\n<p>Since incense was such a precious commodity, incense was a fitting offering to God (Mal 1:11). Incense offerings also provided a tangible sense of God’s holiness in which the people could experience atonement for sin (Nm 16:46-47). The smoke rising to the sky symbolized the prayers of the people (Ps 141:2; Lk 1:10; Rv 5:8; 8:3-4). At the same time, the smoke in the temple symbolized the presence of God as it had been portrayed by the cloud in the wilderness (Ex 19:18; 33:9-10; Nm 11:25). Together with the rising sun, the smoke provided a powerful symbol for the glory of the Lord (Is 6:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>The significance of incense is further enhanced by NT allusions. The Christian’s testimony about Christ is paralleled with the offering of incense (2 Cor 2:14-15). The sweet smell of the gospel is contrasted with the smell of death that leads to doom. Likewise, money from the Philippian Christians came to Paul in the spirit of an incense sacrifice (Phil 4:18), a costly expression of love and devotion. Finally, incense seems to sanctify and accompany the prayers of the saints into the presence of God (Rv 5:8; 8:3-4). None of the NT references call upon the Christian to offer incense, but rather to learn the devotion and dedication to holiness signified by the burning of this precious substance.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Plants (Aloe; Balm; Calamus; Cinnamon; Frankincense; Galbanum; Henna; Hyssop; Myrrh; Nard; Storax Tree); Perfume; Tabernacle; Temple.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>INCENSE<\/h3>\n<p>Fragrant spices and oils or sacrifice that sends up perfumed smoke to God in order to please him.<\/p>\n<p>People of every age have loved fragrant odors. In ancient times, sacrifices included sweet smells to make the deity happy. The aroma was a crucial factor in whether the god would accept the offering. Therefore, aromatic plants and exotic perfumes were precious for both secular and religious purposes.<\/p>\n<p>Spices and precious oils were valued along with silver and gold. The queen of Sheba brought spices to Solomon as a gift (1 Kgs 10:2). Incense was kept in the royal treasury (2 Kgs 20:13). The price of spices and oils was extremely inflated because of the difficult work of extracting the juices, transportation costs to import them from faraway places, and high profits for merchants who sold the perfumes.<\/p>\n<p>Consequently, lovers sometimes compared their beloved to “myrrh,” a “mountain of myrrh” and a “hill of frankincense” (Sg 1:13; 4:6). The fragrance of incense set the right mood (1:12). Every spice known to a merchant burned beside the couch of Solomon (3:6). A bridegroom delighted in the perfumes of his beloved. She was his own private garden of incense (4:10-14). Even a prostitute burned incense beside her bed (Ez 23:41). No wonder wise men said that “fragrant oil” makes the heart glad and the “sweetness of friendship” comforts the soul (e.g., Prv 27:9).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TypesofIncense\">Types of Incense<\/p>\n<p>Frankincense is mentioned most often in the Bible. It was imported from India, Somaliland, and Arabia Felix. Myrrh also came from Arabia Felix. Cinnamon was another important fragrance from Ceylon and China. Galbanum, tragacanth (gum), and laudanum all were grown in the mountains of Asia Minor. Galbanum was the most popular of these three, for it was also found in Turkestan, Persia, Syria, and Crete. Henna, saffron, and balsam came from aromatic plants native to Israel. In postexilic times other plants were introduced to Palestine and cultivated there: the rose, narcissus, and jasmine. Onycha seems to have been produced from the local fauna, and musk (muskin) may have been extracted from a gland of the musk deer.<\/p>\n<p>Incense itself came in many forms. It might be used as granules placed in a bag hung around the neck (Sg 1:13). In the main, however, perfumes were in a liquid form, dissolved in olive oil. A good example of this is the “holy anointing oil” (Ex 30:31). Such oils were used to anoint the priests and kings of Israel. Only priests were allowed to prepare and administer them. The incense contained raw spices beaten into a fine consistency and seasoned with salt to make them holy. Stacte, onycha, galbanum, and pure frankincense were mixed in equal proportions, all according to the art of the perfumer (Ex 30:34-37). The spices and incense for the sanctuary were donated as gifts (Nm 7:14-86; Jer 17:26; 41:5) and kept in the temple (Neh 13:5, 9). Josephus described the incense of his day as a much more complicated compound. He listed 13 ingredients in the best incense of the Herodian era.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"IncenseOffering\">Incense Offering<\/p>\n<p>Archaeology has demonstrated that incense offerings were common throughout the ancient Near East from the earliest times of organized worship. Egyptian paintings and reliefs from the New Kingdom occasionally show a man holding a censer of burning incense. Incense seems to have been used as well in the rituals of Assyria, Babylonia, and Arabia. Canaanite altars found at Megiddo and Tell Beit Mirsim have horned limestone altars (10th century <span>BC<\/span>) that may have been designed to hold a bowl of incense. Hence, it is safe to assume that incense offerings also played some part in the worship of Israel from the beginning.<\/p>\n<p>Incense offerings seem to have served a multitude of purposes. They may have been used to drive away evil spirits and thereby sanctify all the utensils of the place of worship (Ex 30:26-29). Undoubtedly, the sweet smell of incense provided an antidote to the putrid odor of the animal sacrifices. Therefore, if God was to receive a sweet savor and thereby be pleased with an offering, incense was necessary to compensate for the smell of the sacrifices. However, spices were never added to the flesh of the animals or birds.<\/p>\n<p>In some instances, incense itself became a sacrifice. As a supplement to other sacrifices, frankincense alone was burned. To alleviate a plague, Aaron performed a ritual of burning incense (Nm 16:46-47). On the Day of Atonement, the high priest carried burning incense and hot coals on a pan (censer) into the Holy of Holies (Lv 16:12-13). The burning incense was thought to protect the life of the high priest, perhaps because the smoke kept him from seeing the full glory of God.<\/p>\n<p>Frankincense was added to grain for offerings on the altar of burnt offering (Lv 2:1, 15-16; 6:15). It also accompanied the bread of the Presence (24:7) in two dishes. The bronze serpent destroyed by Hezekiah in his reform had become a profane object to which incense was burned (2 Kgs 18:4).<\/p>\n<p>Except on the Day of Atonement, the incense was offered on a special altar (Lv 4:7; cf. Ex 30:9), where it burned morning and evening and came to be called “perpetual incense” (Ex 30:7-8). Probably the altar of gold in Solomon’s temple (1 Kgs 6:20-22) was the incense altar.<\/p>\n<p>Offering incense was a holy ritual, and persons who offered it with disrespect for procedures were condemned (Lv 10:1-2; Nm 16:6-50). Uzziah, the king of Judah, became a leper because he dared to offer incense (2 Chr 26:16-21). The burning of incense at “high places” is often criticized (e.g., 1 Kgs 22:43), either because the sanctuaries were idolatrous or because their priests did not take proper care as did the priesthood in Jerusalem. Prophets who criticized the offering of incense (Is 1:13; 66:3; Jer 6:20) did so to condemn a formalism that was void of devotion to the God of Israel.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"MeaningofIncense\">Meaning of Incense<\/p>\n<p>Since incense was such a precious commodity, incense was a fitting offering to God (Mal 1:11). Incense offerings also provided a tangible sense of God’s holiness in which the people could experience atonement for sin (Nm 16:46-47). The smoke rising to the sky symbolized the prayers of the people (Ps 141:2; Lk 1:10; Rv 5:8; 8:3-4). At the same time, the smoke in the temple symbolized the presence of God as it had been portrayed by the cloud in the wilderness (Ex 19:18; 33:9-10; Nm 11:25). Together with the rising sun, the smoke provided a powerful symbol for the glory of the Lord (Is 6:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>The significance of incense is further enhanced by NT allusions. The Christian’s testimony about Christ is paralleled with the offering of incense (2 Cor 2:14-15). The sweet smell of the gospel is contrasted with the smell of death that leads to doom. Likewise, money from the Philippian Christians came to Paul in the spirit of an incense sacrifice (Phil 4:18), a costly expression of love and devotion. Finally, incense seems to sanctify and accompany the prayers of the saints into the presence of God (Rv 5:8; 8:3-4). None of the NT references call upon the Christian to offer incense, but rather to learn the devotion and dedication to holiness signified by the burning of this precious substance.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Plants (Aloe; Balm; Calamus; Cinnamon; Frankincense; Galbanum; Henna; Hyssop; Myrrh; Nard; Storax Tree); Perfume; Tabernacle; Temple.<\/p>","summary_ro":"INCENSE Fragrant spices and oils or sacrifice that sends up perfumed smoke to God in order to please him. People of every age have loved fragrant odors. In ancient times, sacrifices included sweet smells to make the deity happy. The aroma was a crucial factor in whether the god would accept the offering. Therefore, aromatic plants and exotic perfumes were precious for both secular and religious purposes. Spices and precious oils were valued along with silver and gold. The queen of Sheba broug...","summary_en":"INCENSE Fragrant spices and oils or sacrifice that sends up perfumed smoke to God in order to please him. People of every age have loved fragrant odors. In ancient times, sacrifices included sweet smells to make the deity happy. The aroma was a crucial factor in whether the god would accept the offering. Therefore, aromatic plants and exotic perfumes were precious for both secular and religious purposes. Spices and precious oils were valued along with silver and gold. The queen of Sheba broug...","source":"Articles\/I.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":29629,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Perfume","title_en":"Perfume","content_ro":"<h3>PERFUME<\/h3>\n<p>Term covering a wide range of materials prepared from ground-up minerals, vegetable oils, and roots, which were used from the earliest times to enhance one’s personal presentation or to produce pleasing fragrances both for secular and religious purposes. The Bible mentions a wide variety of perfumes, such as aloes, balm, balsam, bdellium, cassia, cinnamon, frankincense, gum, myrrh, nard, sweet cane, spice, ointment, and so on. There must have been a vigorous perfume trade with such lands as Arabia (frankincense, myrrh), India (aloes, nard), Ceylon (cinnamon), Persia (the spice galbanum), and Somaliland (frankincense). In the Bible there are several references to those who traded in these items; for example, the Arabian (Ishmaelite) merchants who took Joseph to Egypt (Gn 37:25), the caravans of the queen of Sheba (1 Kgs 10:10), and the traders of Sheba and Raamah who brought spices to Tyre (Ez 27:22).<\/p>\n<p>There are several biblical references to those who prepared perfumes. For example, Bezalel prepared holy anointing oil and sacred incense for the tabernacle (Ex 37:29). The holy anointing oil was a mixture of four constituents (30:22-25): myrrh, cinnamon, aromatic cane, and cassia mixed in olive oil. In postexilic times, some priests were given the responsibility of mixing perfumes for incense (1 Chr 9:30), and a perfumer is mentioned among those who built Nehemiah’s wall (Neh 3:8).<\/p>\n<p>Modern excavation has produced tangible evidence of a variety of cosmetic vessels and appliances, although, strangely enough, little is said in the Bible about these (Is 3:20; Mt 26:7; Mk 14:3; Lk 7:37). The reference to alabaster containers gains support from their use in Egypt and from archaeology. Some ancient sites in Palestine have yielded numerous small decorated cosmetic bowls, often made of alabaster; small bottles for scents and oils; and palettes for mixing cosmetics. Some of these items are imports from lands like Egypt.<\/p>\n<p>There was a wide range of uses for the various perfumes, whether powders or oils. Perfumed oils were regularly used to anoint the body in order to soothe sun-dried skin (2 Sm 12:20; Ru 3:3). On one occasion, King Ahaz clothed, fed, and anointed men who returned home from captivity (2 Chr 28:15). The rich in the land could afford the “finest oils” (Am 6:6), although such extravagance could be costly (Prv 21:17). This biblical picture is corroborated by evidence from Egypt and Mesopotamia. In particular, there was a lavish use of oils and ointments in the royal palaces of the East.<\/p>\n\n<p>Ointments and oils of various kinds that gave off a pleasing fragrance were regularly used. The Song of Songs has many references to such ointments (Sg 1:3), some of which are specifically named: spikenard (1:12; 4:13-14), myrrh (1:13; 3:6; 4:6; 5:1, 5, 13), frankincense (3:6; 4:6), spices (5:13; 6:2; 8:14), henna (1:14; 4:13), fragrant powders (3:6), saffron (4:14), calamus, and cinnamon (4:14). And there are references in other parts of the Bible to perfumes and ointments of various kinds (1 Kgs 10:2, 10; 2 Kgs 20:13; Prv 27:9; Is 3:24).<\/p>\n<p>Perfumes were put on clothes (Ps 45:8; Sg 4:11) and sprinkled on couches (Prv 7:17). Perfumes and spices also played an important role in the burial of the dead. They were used in embalming (Gn 50:2-3, 26) and were sprinkled on the bier or burned in the fire at some funerals (2 Chr 16:14). Nicodemus brought a mixture of myrrh and aloes to be used in wrapping the body of Jesus (Jn 19:39-40). In the funeral of Herod the Great, 500 slaves carried the spices (Josephus’s <em>Antiquities<\/em> 17.8.3).<\/p>\n<p>Besides the personal use of such materials, there was a wide range of oils, perfumes, and incense used in worship. A holy anointing oil was used to anoint the tabernacle and its furnishings and the Aaronic priests at their induction (Ex 30:22-25; Ps 133). An interesting prescription for the sacred incense to be prepared by the perfumer is given in Exodus 30:34-35. The items listed are well known both in Israel and in other parts of the ancient East.<\/p>\n<p>The NT contains a number of figurative references. Christ gave himself as a fragrant offering to God (Eph 5:2). The gifts of the Philippians to Paul were described as a fragrant offering (Phil 4:18) and the prayers of the saints are described as bowls of incense (Rv 5:8).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Cosmetics; Oil; Ointment; Perfumer.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>PERFUME<\/h3>\n<p>Term covering a wide range of materials prepared from ground-up minerals, vegetable oils, and roots, which were used from the earliest times to enhance one’s personal presentation or to produce pleasing fragrances both for secular and religious purposes. The Bible mentions a wide variety of perfumes, such as aloes, balm, balsam, bdellium, cassia, cinnamon, frankincense, gum, myrrh, nard, sweet cane, spice, ointment, and so on. There must have been a vigorous perfume trade with such lands as Arabia (frankincense, myrrh), India (aloes, nard), Ceylon (cinnamon), Persia (the spice galbanum), and Somaliland (frankincense). In the Bible there are several references to those who traded in these items; for example, the Arabian (Ishmaelite) merchants who took Joseph to Egypt (Gn 37:25), the caravans of the queen of Sheba (1 Kgs 10:10), and the traders of Sheba and Raamah who brought spices to Tyre (Ez 27:22).<\/p>\n<p>There are several biblical references to those who prepared perfumes. For example, Bezalel prepared holy anointing oil and sacred incense for the tabernacle (Ex 37:29). The holy anointing oil was a mixture of four constituents (30:22-25): myrrh, cinnamon, aromatic cane, and cassia mixed in olive oil. In postexilic times, some priests were given the responsibility of mixing perfumes for incense (1 Chr 9:30), and a perfumer is mentioned among those who built Nehemiah’s wall (Neh 3:8).<\/p>\n<p>Modern excavation has produced tangible evidence of a variety of cosmetic vessels and appliances, although, strangely enough, little is said in the Bible about these (Is 3:20; Mt 26:7; Mk 14:3; Lk 7:37). The reference to alabaster containers gains support from their use in Egypt and from archaeology. Some ancient sites in Palestine have yielded numerous small decorated cosmetic bowls, often made of alabaster; small bottles for scents and oils; and palettes for mixing cosmetics. Some of these items are imports from lands like Egypt.<\/p>\n<p>There was a wide range of uses for the various perfumes, whether powders or oils. Perfumed oils were regularly used to anoint the body in order to soothe sun-dried skin (2 Sm 12:20; Ru 3:3). On one occasion, King Ahaz clothed, fed, and anointed men who returned home from captivity (2 Chr 28:15). The rich in the land could afford the “finest oils” (Am 6:6), although such extravagance could be costly (Prv 21:17). This biblical picture is corroborated by evidence from Egypt and Mesopotamia. In particular, there was a lavish use of oils and ointments in the royal palaces of the East.<\/p>\n\n<p>Ointments and oils of various kinds that gave off a pleasing fragrance were regularly used. The Song of Songs has many references to such ointments (Sg 1:3), some of which are specifically named: spikenard (1:12; 4:13-14), myrrh (1:13; 3:6; 4:6; 5:1, 5, 13), frankincense (3:6; 4:6), spices (5:13; 6:2; 8:14), henna (1:14; 4:13), fragrant powders (3:6), saffron (4:14), calamus, and cinnamon (4:14). And there are references in other parts of the Bible to perfumes and ointments of various kinds (1 Kgs 10:2, 10; 2 Kgs 20:13; Prv 27:9; Is 3:24).<\/p>\n<p>Perfumes were put on clothes (Ps 45:8; Sg 4:11) and sprinkled on couches (Prv 7:17). Perfumes and spices also played an important role in the burial of the dead. They were used in embalming (Gn 50:2-3, 26) and were sprinkled on the bier or burned in the fire at some funerals (2 Chr 16:14). Nicodemus brought a mixture of myrrh and aloes to be used in wrapping the body of Jesus (Jn 19:39-40). In the funeral of Herod the Great, 500 slaves carried the spices (Josephus’s <em>Antiquities<\/em> 17.8.3).<\/p>\n<p>Besides the personal use of such materials, there was a wide range of oils, perfumes, and incense used in worship. A holy anointing oil was used to anoint the tabernacle and its furnishings and the Aaronic priests at their induction (Ex 30:22-25; Ps 133). An interesting prescription for the sacred incense to be prepared by the perfumer is given in Exodus 30:34-35. The items listed are well known both in Israel and in other parts of the ancient East.<\/p>\n<p>The NT contains a number of figurative references. Christ gave himself as a fragrant offering to God (Eph 5:2). The gifts of the Philippians to Paul were described as a fragrant offering (Phil 4:18) and the prayers of the saints are described as bowls of incense (Rv 5:8).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Cosmetics; Oil; Ointment; Perfumer.<\/p>","summary_ro":"PERFUME Term covering a wide range of materials prepared from ground-up minerals, vegetable oils, and roots, which were used from the earliest times to enhance one’s personal presentation or to produce pleasing fragrances both for secular and religious purposes. The Bible mentions a wide variety of perfumes, such as aloes, balm, balsam, bdellium, cassia, cinnamon, frankincense, gum, myrrh, nard, sweet cane, spice, ointment, and so on. There must have been a vigorous perfume trade with such la...","summary_en":"PERFUME Term covering a wide range of materials prepared from ground-up minerals, vegetable oils, and roots, which were used from the earliest times to enhance one’s personal presentation or to produce pleasing fragrances both for secular and religious purposes. The Bible mentions a wide variety of perfumes, such as aloes, balm, balsam, bdellium, cassia, cinnamon, frankincense, gum, myrrh, nard, sweet cane, spice, ointment, and so on. There must have been a vigorous perfume trade with such la...","source":"Articles\/P.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":30551,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Plants","title_en":"Plants","content_ro":"<h3>PLANTS<\/h3>\n<p>Identifying biblical plants has always been a difficult task, partly because people continue to identify the biblical elm, sycamore, lily, rose, and vine with modern plants, and also because they assume that all the plants now growing in the Holy Land were there in ancient biblical days, or that the plants referred to in the Bible are still to be found there today. Unfortunately, many plants now quite common in the Holy Land were not there in biblical days. Many plants that once grew in abundance in the Holy Land are now extinct. Some have been driven out by foreign invaders; others have been exterminated or nearly exterminated by overcultivation of the land, the destruction of forests, and the resulting changes in climatic and other environmental conditions. At one time the Holy Land was a land of palm trees, with the date palm as abundant and characteristic there as it was in Egypt, but today the date palm is much less common. Similarly, in antiquity, the towering cedars clothed the slopes of Lebanon and other mountain ranges. Now the few remaining specimens must be carefully fenced in to protect them against trampling and the ravages of goats.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Acacia<\/p>\n<p>• Acanthus<\/p>\n<p>• Algum<\/p>\n<p>• Almond<\/p>\n<p>• Almug<\/p>\n<p>• Aloe<\/p>\n<p>• Apple<\/p>\n<p>• Apricot<\/p>\n<p>• Ash<\/p>\n<p>• Aspen<\/p>\n<p>• Balm<\/p>\n<p>• Barley<\/p>\n<p>• Bdellium<\/p>\n<p>• Bean<\/p>\n<p>• Bitter Herbs<\/p>\n<p>• Boxthorn, European<\/p>\n<p>• Box Tree<\/p>\n<p>• Bramble<\/p>\n<p>• Broom<\/p>\n<p>• Buckthorn<\/p>\n<p>• Bush<\/p>\n<p>• Buttercup<\/p>\n<p>• Calamus<\/p>\n<p>• Cane<\/p>\n<p>• Caper Plant<\/p>\n<p>• Carob Tree<\/p>\n<p>• Cassia<\/p>\n<p>• Castor Oil Plant<\/p>\n<p>• Cedar<\/p>\n<p>• Chicory<\/p>\n<p>• Cinnamon<\/p>\n<p>• Citron Tree<\/p>\n<p>• Coriander<\/p>\n<p>• Cotton<\/p>\n<p>• Cucumber<\/p>\n<p>• Cummin<\/p>\n<p>• Cypress<\/p>\n<p>• Dandelion<\/p>\n<p>• Darnel Grass<\/p>\n<p>• Dill<\/p>\n<p>• Ebony<\/p>\n<p>• Endive<\/p>\n<p>• Fig, Fig Tree<\/p>\n<p>• Fir Tree<\/p>\n<p>• Flax<\/p>\n<p>• Frankincense<\/p>\n<p>• Galbanum<\/p>\n<p>• Garlic<\/p>\n<p>• Gourd, Wild<\/p>\n<p>• Hedge<\/p>\n<p>• Henna<\/p>\n<p>• Hyacinth<\/p>\n<p>• Hyssop<\/p>\n<p>• Juniper<\/p>\n<p>• Laurel or Sweet Bay<\/p>\n<p>• Leek<\/p>\n<p>• Lentil<\/p>\n<p>• Lettuce<\/p>\n<p>• Lily<\/p>\n<p>• Lotus Bush<\/p>\n<p>• Mallow<\/p>\n<p>• Mandrake<\/p>\n<p>• Melon<\/p>\n<p>• Millet<\/p>\n<p>• Mint<\/p>\n<p>• Mulberry<\/p>\n<p>• Mustard<\/p>\n<p>• Myrrh<\/p>\n<p>• Myrtle<\/p>\n<p>• Narcissus<\/p>\n<p>• Nard<\/p>\n<p>• Nettle<\/p>\n<p>• Nutmeg Flower<\/p>\n<p>• Oak<\/p>\n<p>• Oil Tree, Oleaster<\/p>\n<p>• Oleander<\/p>\n<p>• Olive, Olive Tree<\/p>\n<p>• Onion<\/p>\n<p>• Palm<\/p>\n<p>• Papyrus<\/p>\n<p>• Pine Tree<\/p>\n<p>• Pistachio<\/p>\n<p>• Plane Tree<\/p>\n<p>• Pomegranate<\/p>\n<p>• Poplar<\/p>\n<p>• Quince<\/p>\n<p>• Reed<\/p>\n<p>• Rue<\/p>\n<p>• Rush<\/p>\n<p>• Saffron<\/p>\n<p>• Sage<\/p>\n<p>• Spelt<\/p>\n<p>• Storax Tree<\/p>\n<p>• Sycamore<\/p>\n<p>• Tamarisk<\/p>\n<p>• Terebinth<\/p>\n<p>• Thistle, Thorn<\/p>\n<p>• Tulip<\/p>\n<p>• Tumbleweed<\/p>\n<p>• Vegetable<\/p>\n<p>• Vine<\/p>\n<p>• Walnut<\/p>\n<p>• Water Lily<\/p>\n<p>• Wheat<\/p>\n<p>• Wormwood<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Acacia\">Acacia <em>(Acacia tortilis<\/em> and <em>A. seyal)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Any tree or shrub of the mimosa family of plants growing in warm regions. The plant referred to in the <span>kjv<\/span> as “shittah” (singular) or “shittim” (plural) is undoubtedly the acacia tree, the only timber tree of any considerable size in the Arabian desert. <em>Acacia tortilis<\/em> is by far the largest and most common tree in the desert in which the Israelites wandered for 40 years. It is especially conspicuous on Mt Sinai and was probably the species used for the tabernacle furnishings. <em>A. seyal<\/em> is less common, at least today. It can grow as high as 25 feet (7.6 meters), and bears yellow flowers on twisted branches. The wood is close grained, heavy and hard, orange-brown in color, and much valued in cabinetwork. The ancient Egyptians clamped shut mummy coffins with acacia wood.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Acanthus\">Acanthus <em>(Acanthus syriacus)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The acanthus, perhaps referred to in Job 30:7 and Zephaniah 2:9, is a perennial thistlelike herb or small shrub about three feet (.9 meter) tall, and is a common weed in all Eastern countries. It has been used since time immemorial as a model for the leaf or scroll decorations in art.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Algum\">Algum <em>(Juniperus excelsa Bieb)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The timber from Lebanon referred to in 2 Chronicles 2:8 is probably the juniper. Some translators hold, however, that algum and almug are Hebrew variants for the same tree (see <span>nlt<\/span> mg, 2 Chr 2:8).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Almug (below).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Almond\">Almond <em>(Amygdalus communis)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The almond is a peachlike tree with saw-toothed pointed leaves and gray bark. It grows to a height of from 10 to 25 feet (3 to 7.6 meters). It blooms very early in the year; its Hebrew name has its roots in “watch for.” To the Jews it was a welcome harbinger of spring (Jer 1:11).<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Almug\">Almug <em>(Pterocarpus santalinus)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The precious wood imported by King Solomon and used in making the pillars for the temple and for making harps and psalteries (1 Kgs 10:11-12). This timber was brought by sea from Ophir to Ezion-geber, near Elath. Modern authorities suggest that Ophir was either in Arabia, India, or East Africa near Mozambique. The reference to “algum“ in 2 Chronicles 2:8 is possibly to this tree. <em>See<\/em> Algum (above).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Aloe\">Aloe <em>(Aloe succotrina, Aquilaria agallocha)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Chiefly African, lilylike plant of the genus <em>Aloes,<\/em> certain species of which yield a drug and a fiber. Aloe is an aromatic substance mentioned in the Bible, together with myrrh, balm, and other fragrant plants (Ps 45:8; Prv 7:17; Sg 4:14; Jn 19:39). Most scholars think these passages refer to two different plants. The OT plant is likely to have been <em>Aquilaria agallocha,<\/em> the eaglewood, a large tree growing up to 120 feet (36.6 meters) tall with a trunk 12 feet (3.7 meters) in circumference. It is native to northern India, Malaya, and Indochina. The decaying wood is highly fragrant, and as such is highly valued as perfume and incense and for fumigation.<\/p>\n<p>The aloe of John 19:39 is thought to be the true aloe <em>(Aloe succotrina),<\/em> the juice of which was used by the Egyptians in embalming. Its smell, however, is not very agreeable, and it has a bitter taste. It is sometimes used by veterinarians as a horse medicine.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Apple\">Apple <em>(Malus sylvestris)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The identity of the fruit identified by the Hebrew word <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">tappuach<\/span> (Prv 25:11; Sg 2:3, 5; 7:8; 8:5) continues to be debated. In most English translations it has been rendered “apple” because of its close linguistic tie to the Arabic word <em>tuffah.<\/em> Many scholars identify this tree as the apricot, questioning whether apples fit the biblical description “apples of gold” and whether the apple tree was cultivated in ancient Palestine. Recent excavations at Kadesh-barnea, however, have uncovered carbonized apples, probably a crab apple <em>(Malus sylvestris),<\/em> dating to the ninth century <span>BC<\/span>. This would certainly allow for this ornamental apple’s cultivation in Solomon’s gardens.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Apricot (below).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Apricot\">Apricot <em>(Prunus armeniaca)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The identification of the Hebrew word <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">tappuach<\/span> with the apricot continues to be debated. The apricot tree produces yellow-orange peachlike edible fruit and is native to western Asia and Africa. It is abundant in the Holy Land and probably has been so since early biblical times. The tree is a round-headed reddish-barked tree growing 30 feet (9.1 meters) tall. Most translations render this Hebrew word “apple,” though many scholars identify it with the apricot because of its descriptions in the biblical text (see Prv 25:11; Sg 2:3, 5; 7:8; 8:5; Jl 1:12).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Apple (above).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Ash\">Ash <em>(Alhagi maurorum, Fraxinus ornus, Tamarix mannifera)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>There are several ash trees found in the Near East. One of these, the prickly alhagi <em>(Alhagi maurorum),<\/em> is a member of the pea family. It is a low, many-stemmed, much-branched shrub growing about three feet (.9 meter) tall with somewhat hairy twigs and pealike flowers. During the heat of the day, leaves exude a sweet, gummy substance that hardens in the air and is collected by shaking the bushes over a spread-out cloth.<\/p>\n<p>The manna tamarisk <em>(Tamarix mannifera)<\/em> is a multibranched shrub or a small tree 9 to 15 feet (2.7 to 4.6 meters) tall with rigid branches that have tiny pink flowers. It is found on deserts from the Holy Land to Arabia and the Sinai.<\/p>\n<p>The flowering or manna ash <em>(Fraxinus ornus)<\/em> is a tree that grows from 15 to 50 feet (4.6 to 15.2 meters) tall. The fruits are very similar to those produced by our species of ash. The ash of Isaiah 44:14 (<span>kjv<\/span>) is believed to be the Aleppo pine.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Aspen\">Aspen <em>(Populus euphratica<\/em> or <em>P. tremula)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Any of several trees of the genus <em>Populus<\/em> with leaves attached by flattened leafstalks so that they tremble or “quake” in the wind.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Balm\">Balm <em>(Balanites aegyptiaca, Pistacia lentiscus, Commiphora opobalsamum<\/em><em>)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>An oily aromatic resin exuded by chiefly tropical trees and shrubs and used medicinally; trees and shrubs producing this substance. References in Genesis 37:25, Jeremiah 8:22, 46:11, and 51:8 are thought to be either the Jericho balsam <em>(Balanites aegyptiaca)<\/em> or the lentisk or mastic tree <em>(Pistacia lentiscus).<\/em> The Jericho balsam is very common in Egypt, North Africa, the plains of Jericho, and the hot plains bordering on the Dead Sea. It is a small desert-loving plant, 9 to 15 feet (2.7 to 4.6 meters) tall, with slender, thorny branches and small clusters of green flowers.<\/p>\n<p>The lentisk or mastic tree is native to the Holy Land, and the reference in Genesis 43:11 is probably to this plant, since the implication is that this is a native product of the Holy Land unknown in Egypt at the time. This tree is a shrubby or bushy tree 3 to 10 feet (.9 to 3 meters) tall with evergreen leaves. The “balm” is a fragrant gummy exudation of the sap secured by making incisions in the stems and branches, usually in August. The best grades are in the form of yellow-white translucent tears or drops; they are employed in medicine as an astringent. The poorer grades are used extensively as a varnish. Children in the East use it as chewing gum.<\/p>\n<p>References to spices in 1 Kings 10:10, 2 Kings 20:13, Song of Songs 3:6, Isaiah 39:2, and Ezekiel 27:17 are thought to be the balm of Gilead <em>(Commiphora opobalsamum),<\/em> which in spite of its name is not a native of Gilead or even of the Holy Land but is indigenous to Arabia, especially the mountainous regions of Yemen. The trees were still in existence on the plain of Jericho at the time of the Roman conquest. The Roman conquerors carried branches to Rome as trophies of their victory over the Jews.<\/p>\n<p>This tree is a small, stiff-branched evergreen tree seldom more than 15 feet (4.6 meters) high with straggling branches. The “balm” is obtained by making incisions in the stem and branches of the tree. The sap soon hardens into small irregular nodules that are collected. Gum is also procured from green and ripe fruit.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Myrrh (below).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Barley\">Barley <em>(Hordeum distichon)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>A cereal grass bearing bearded flower spikes and edible seeds. The common barley <em>(Hordeum distichon),<\/em> the winter barley <em>(H. hex<\/em><em>astichon),<\/em> and the spring barley <em>(H. vulgare)<\/em> have been cultivated in temperate regions of the world since time immemorial and today still constitute one of the principal grain foods. Barley and wheat were the two staple cereal crops of Egypt and the Holy Land. Being less expensive, barley was mostly used for feeding cattle, although it was also used by itself or mixed with wheat and other seed as food for man (Ez 4:9-12). Barley is mentioned in the Bible over 30 times, either as a plant growing in the fields or in reference to products made from it, such as barley meal, barley bread, barley cakes, and barley loaves. As the common food of the poor, barley was also regarded as a symbol of poverty and cheapness or worthlessness (Hos 3:2).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Bdellium\">Bdellium <em>(Commiphora africana)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Aromatic gum resin similar to myrrh, produced by various trees of the genus <em>Commiphora<\/em> of Africa and western Asia. The reference in Genesis 2:12 and Numbers 11:7 to bdellium is thought by most scholars today to refer to a gum resin, obtained from a shrub, <em>Commiphora africana<\/em>, that grows in south Arabia and northeastern Africa. The resin is yellowish, transparent, and fragrant, and looks like a pearl.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Bean\">Bean <em>(Faba vulgaris)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The references in 2 Samuel 17:27-28 and Ezekiel 4:9 are generally regarded as referring to the broad bean. This species, an annual plant, is thought originally to have grown in northern Persia, but it was extensively cultivated in western Asia in very early times as a food plant. Beans have been found in the mummy coffins of Egyptian tombs, and they were also cultivated by the Greeks and Romans.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"BitterHerbs\">Bitter Herbs <em>(Cichorium endivia, Taraxacum officinale, Lactuca sativa)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The “bitter herbs” of Exodus 12:8 and Numbers 9:11 seem to have been plants like endive <em>(Cichorium endivia),<\/em> the common chicory <em>(Cichorium intybus),<\/em> lettuce <em>(Lactuca sativa),<\/em> or the common dandelion <em>(Taraxacum officinale).<\/em> These are all weedy plants common in modern Egypt and western Asia and are still eaten by people living there. The leaves of the ordinary garden lettuce are intensely bitter when bleached. This is also true of the common dandelion. Others suggest that the bitter herbs were derived from thorns and thistles.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"BoxthornEuropean\">Boxthorn, European <em>(Lycium europaeum)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Various thorny shrubs, some species of which bear purplish flowers and brightly colored berries. The reference in Judges 9:14-15 is thought to be to the European boxthorn or desert-thorn. It is a thorny shrub 6 to 12 feet (1.8 to 3.7 meters) tall with clustered leaves and small violet flowers eventually producing small globular red berries. It is native to and common throughout the Holy Land, especially in the region from Lebanon to the Dead Sea.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"BoxTree\">Box Tree <em>(Buxus longifolia)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The long-leaved box tree is a hardy evergreen tree found in the mountainous regions of the northern part of the Holy Land, the Galilean hills, and Lebanon. It grows to a height of about 20 feet (6.1 meters) with a slender trunk seldom more than six to eight inches (15.2 to 20.3 centimeters) in diameter. Its wood is very hard and takes a fine polish. It was cultivated by the Romans for its hard wood, which they inlaid with ivory for cabinets and jewel caskets. Scriptural references include Isaiah 41:19 and 60:13.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Bramble\">Bramble <em>(Rubus sanctus, R. ulmifolius)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The Palestinian bramble <em>(Rubus sanctus)<\/em> and the closely related elm-leaf bramble <em>(R. ulmifolius)<\/em> are prickly evergreen shrubs that spread by means of suckers. The stems and young shoots are covered with a characteristic bloom or whitish powder and short hairs. The prickles are strong, erect, and hairy. The flowers are white, pink, rose, or purple in color, and the fruit is round and black.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Thistle, Thorn (below).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Broom\">Broom <em>(Retama raetam)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>A shrub native to Eurasia. The word translated “juniper” in the <span>kjv<\/span> has nothing to do with the true junipers but refers rather to a species of broom, known as the white broom <em>(Retama raetam).<\/em> Its branches are longer and flexible, forming an erect, dense bush 3 to 12 feet (.9 to 3.7 meters) tall. The leaves are small and sparse, yet it forms an agreeable shade in a desert region. The white pealike flowers are sweet and very fragrant and are borne in clusters along the twigs. It is a beautiful shrub that grows in the desert regions of Palestine, Syria, and Persia. In many desert areas it is the only bush that affords any shade (1 Kgs 19:4-5).<\/p>\n<p>The “juniper roots” of Job 30:4 are not the roots of either the juniper or white broom. The roots of the latter are very nauseating and could not be eaten in the manner described by Job. Job’s “juniper roots” were probably an edible parasitic plant <em>(Cynomorium coccineum).<\/em> This plant grows in salt marshes and maritime sands. It is frequently eaten in times of food scarcity and at one time was highly prized for its supposed medicinal value in the treatment of dysentery.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Buckthorn\">Buckthorn <em>(Rhamnus palaestina)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The Palestinian buckthorn is a shrub or small tree attaining a height of three to six feet (.9 to 1.8 meters) with velvety, thorny branches, evergreen leaves, and clusters of small flowers blooming in March or April. It grows in thickets and on hillsides from Syria and Lebanon through the Holy Land to Arabia and the Sinai.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Bush\">Bush <em>(Acacia nilotica, Loranthus acaciae)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Low, branching, woody plant, usually smaller than a tree. There are differences of opinion in regard to the bush out of which the Lord appeared to Moses (Ex 3:2-4). From the biblical account, it seems most likely that the event was a miraculous one. However, some seek a natural explanation and believe that the burning bush may have been the crimson-flowered mistletoe or acacia strap flower <em>(Loranthus acaciae),<\/em> which grows in great profusion as a partial parasite on the various acacia shrubs, such as the thorny acacia <em>(Acacia nilotica),<\/em> in the Holy Land and Sinai. When in full bloom, the mistletoe imparts to the shrub or tree the appearance of being on fire because its brilliant flame-colored blossoms stand out against the green foliage and yellow flowers of the host plants.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Buttercup\">Buttercup <em>(Ranunculus asiaticus)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The Persian buttercup is one of the flowers or grasses of the field (Mt 6:28-30). It is a showy plant blooming in all brilliant colors except blue, with double flowers sometimes measuring two inches (5.1 centimeters) across.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Calamus\">Calamus <em>(Acorus calamus, Andropogon aroma<\/em><em>ticus)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>A plant, or its aromatic root; any of a variety of tropical Asiatic palms. One of the plants that grew in Solomon’s garden (Sg 4:14). The sweet flag <em>(Acorus<\/em> <em>calamus)<\/em> and the beardgrass <em>(Andropogon aromaticus)<\/em> have been suggested as the plants from which calamus came. The sweet flag is highly aromatic and grows in Europe and Asia, but it is not known in the Holy Land. Indigenous to India, beardgrass is highly odoriferous when bruised and is thought to have furnished the calamus of the Bible. It yields an oil known as ginger-grass oil.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Cane\">Cane <em>(Saccharum officinarum)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>It is thought that there were two species of sugarcane indigenous to and growing wild in the Holy Land. One of these, <em>Saccharum sara,<\/em> is known to be only from Lebanon. The other native species is <em>S. biflorum,<\/em> which grows on the banks of ditches and streams from Syria and Lebanon through the Holy Land south to Stony Arabia and the Sinai. This may be the wild cane familiar to the Jews. Most authorities, however, think that the “sweet cane” of Isaiah 43:24 was the true sugarcane <em>(S. officinarum).<\/em> This plant is thought to have originated in the tropics of the eastern hemisphere. It has been cultivated by people since time immemorial and is not now known in the wild state anywhere. It is a tall, stout perennial grass, maizelike in aspect with many jointed stems and a large plumelike terminal cluster of flowers.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"CaperPlant\">Caper Plant <em>(Capparis sincula)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Spiny, trailing shrub of Mediterranean region; the flower bud of this shrub. The word “desire” in Ecclesiastes 12:5 may actually refer to the caper berry. The common caper or caper berry grows profusely in Syria, Lebanon, the Holy Land, and in the mountain valleys of Sinai. The plant may sometimes grow upright but more generally spreads itself weakly over the ground like a vine, covering rocks, ruins, and old walls like ivy. The young flower buds, pickled in vinegar, were used by the ancients as a condiment for meat. The berries were also used in cooking.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"CarobTree\">Carob Tree <em>(Ceratonia siliqua)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Evergreen of the Mediterranean region having edible pods. Scholars generally agree that the pods of the carob or locust tree were the “husks” of Jesus’ parable of the prodigal son (Lk 15:16). The carob is an attractive evergreen leguminous tree that is very common throughout the Holy Land, Syria, and Egypt. The pods are most abundant in April and May and contain numerous pealike seeds embedded in an agreeably flavored mucilaginous sweetish pulp. The pods are also used abundantly now as they were in antiquity for feeding cattle, horses, and pigs. In time of scarcity, they are used as human food and perhaps even regularly by the very poor. The carob is frequently mentioned in the Talmud as a source of good food for domestic animals. The seeds of the carob were formerly employed as a standard of weight and are the source of the term “carat.” Some commentators suggest that the “locusts” eaten by John the Baptist (Mt 3:4) were not insects but the fruit of the carob tree.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Cassia\">Cassia <em>(Cinnamomum cassia, Saussurea lappa)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Tree of tropical Asia with bark similar but inferior to cinnamon. The “cassia” of Exodus 30:24 and Ezekiel 27:19 is the cassia bark tree, <em>Cinnamomum cassia.<\/em> In Psalm 45:8 the reference seems to be to the Indian orris, <em>Saussurea lappa.<\/em><\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"CastorOilPlant\">Castor Oil Plant <em>(Ricinus communis)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Large plant, native to tropical Africa and Asia, cultivated for ornamental reasons and for extraction of oil from its seeds. The gourd of Jonah 4:6-7 was probably the ordinary castor bean. The castor bean is a tender shrub, growing 3 to 12 or more feet (.9 to 3.7 meters) tall with huge leaves that resemble the outstretched human hand. The castor bean plant is found in waste places, especially near water, in both Lebanon and the Holy Land and often is cultivated. In hot climates it becomes treelike and affords a dense shade by the abundance of its huge, umbrella-like leaves. It is known in the Orient for the rapidity of its growth. The oil extracted from the seeds of the castor bean was used by the Jews in ceremonial rites and is mentioned among the five kinds of oil that rabbinical tradition sanctioned for such use. The seeds themselves are poisonous when eaten.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Cedar\">Cedar <em>(Cedrus libani)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Any of several coniferous evergreen trees of the genus native to the Old World. With few exceptions, the references to “cedar” are to the well-known cedar of Lebanon. This is a noble tree, the tallest and most massive with which the Israelites were acquainted. It grows quite rapidly, attaining a height of up to 120 feet (36.6 meters) with a trunk diameter of as much as 8 feet (2.4 meters). In Solomon’s day these trees were obviously abundant on the mountains of Lebanon, but now, because of excessive lumbering, they are very rare. The cedar of Lebanon was held in high esteem not only for its vigor, beauty, and age but also for the fragrance and remarkable lasting qualities of the wood. It symbolizes grandeur, might, majesty, dignity, lofty stature, and wide expansion. References in Ezekiel 17:3, 22-24, and 31:3-18 beautifully illustrate how these lofty kings of the forest symbolize and typify worldly strength, power, and glory.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Chicory\">Chicory <em>(Cichorium intybus)<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>See<\/em> Bitter Herbs (above).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Cinnamon\">Cinnamon <em>(Cinnamomum zeylanicum)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Two varieties of trees of this genus, native to tropical Asia, with aromatic bark that, when ground, is used as a spice. The cinnamon of Exodus 30:23, Proverbs 7:17, Song of Songs 4:14, and Revelation 18:13 is undoubtedly <em>Cinnamomum zeylanicum.<\/em> The tree is a rather low-growing one, never getting more than 30 feet (9.1 meters) high, with a smooth, ash-colored bark and widespread branches and white flowers. Its shiny, beautifully veined evergreen leaves grow about nine inches (22.9 centimeters) long and two inches (5.1 centimeters) wide.<\/p>\n<p>The Jews always regarded cinnamon as a deliciously fragrant substance and valued it highly as a spice and a perfume. It was one of the principal ingredients used in the manufacture of the precious ointments, or “holy oil,” that Moses was commanded to use in the tabernacle for anointing the sacred vessels and officiating priests. It was undoubtedly very costly and precious.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"CitronTree\">Citron Tree <em>(Tetraclinis articulata)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Tree native to Asia bearing lemonlike fruit with a thick, fragrant rind. It seldom exceeds a height of 30 feet (9.1 meters) and has hard, dark-colored, durable, fragrant wood that takes a fine polish. The wood was one of the most highly prized woods of the ancients, who employed it extensively for cabinetwork. It was commonly referred to as being worth its weight in gold. The wood, owing to its resinous properties, is slow to decay and remains practically uninjured by insects.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Coriander\">Coriander <em>(Coriandrum sativum)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The references in Exodus 16:31 and Numbers 11:7 are clearly to the common coriander plant. The coriander was found quite commonly growing along with grain in cultivated fields throughout the Holy Land. It grows wild in Egypt and was used by the ancients both as condiment and as a medicine. The leaves are quite aromatic and are used in soups and for flavoring puddings, curries, and wines. The coriander is still used today as a spice by the Arabs. In Scripture it is mentioned only in connection with manna, which was said to resemble coriander seeds in size, shape, and color.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Cotton\">Cotton <em>(Gossypium herbaceum)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Any of various plants or shrubs of this genus grown in warm climates for the soft white fiber attached to their seeds and the oil from these seeds. The “green” of the <span>kjv<\/span> in Esther 1:6 is undoubtedly a reference to the Levant cotton <em>(Gossypium herbaceum)<\/em> that was cultivated since time immemorial in the Far East. Alexander the Great brought it back from India. It is probable that the Jews became acquainted with cotton during the period of their Persian captivity under King Ahasuerus.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Cucumber\">Cucumber <em>(Cucumis chate, C. sativus)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The cucumber is an annual climbing or trailing vine, the origin of which is unknown. It has been cultivated in all the warm countries of the Old World since prehistoric times. Cucumbers are usually eaten raw; a cucumber and a barley cake or some other kind of bread often constitute a meal. The reference to “a lodge in a garden of cucumbers” (Is 1:8) refers to the crudely built small house or lodge often set up in Palestinian cucumber fields and vineyards.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Cummin\">Cummin <em>(Cuminum cyminum)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The references in Isaiah 28:25-27 and Matthew 23:23 are clearly to the cummin—a common, annual plant of the carrot family said to be native to Egypt and the region of the eastern Mediterranean. It has long been cultivated for its powerfully aromatic and pungent seeds, which are similar to caraway seeds but larger. They do not have as agreeable a taste as caraway seeds but nevertheless were used extensively as a flavor or spice and sometimes were even mixed with flour in making bread. Cummin was also used medicinally and as a condiment with fish and meats.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Cypress\">Cypress <em>(Cupressus sempervirens horizontalis)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The cypress is a massive, tall-growing evergreen with scalelike leaves and is widely distributed in the mountainous regions of the Holy Land. On Mt Lebanon and Mt Hermon it grows together with the cedar and oak. Its usual height is 50 to 60 feet (15.2 to 18.3 meters), but it may grow as tall as 80 feet (24.2 meters). It is said to have been used extensively in shipbuilding by the Phoenicians, Cretans, and Greeks. There is general agreement that the “gopher wood” of Genesis 6:14 is cypress because the wood is very durable.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Dandelion\">Dandelion <em>(Taraxacum officinale)<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>See<\/em> Bitter Herbs (above).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"DarnelGrass\">Darnel Grass <em>(Lolium temulentum)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>It is generally agreed that the “tares” of the <span>kjv<\/span> (Mt 13:24-30) are the annual or bearded darnel grass. It is a strong grass closely resembling wheat or rye in appearance. The seeds are much smaller than those of wheat or rye, but it is extremely difficult to distinguish it from wheat or rye in its early stages. If it is not eradicated early but is left until the time of harvest, it is cut down with the wheat and the two are subsequently very difficult to separate. The seeds are poisonous, either due to some chemicals naturally present or because of a fungus that grows within the seeds.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Dill\">Dill <em>(Anethum graveolens)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Dill is a weedy annual plant resembling parsley and fennel, 12 to 20 inches (30.5 to 50.8 centimeters) tall with yellow flowers. The reference in Matthew 23:23 (<span>kjv<\/span>) to anise is probably a reference to dill. This plant is widely cultivated for seeds that are aromatic and carminative.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Ebony\">Ebony <em>(Diospyros ebenaster, D. ebenum, D. mela<\/em><em>noxylon)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Chiefly tropical tree of southern Asia with hard, dark-colored heartwood. Ebony comes from the date plum or date tree <em>(Diospyros ebenaster<\/em> and <em>D. melanoxylon)<\/em> of India and is quite different from the date palm. It was sent by Phoenician ships across the Arabian Sea and up the Red Sea to the market in Tyre, from which it was carried overland by camel caravans. The outer wood of these trees is white and soft, but when old, the interior wood becomes hard, black, heavy, and durable and still constitutes most of the costly ebony of commerce. Ebony takes on a fine polish and is highly valued for cabinetwork, for turnery, for the manufacture of fancy ornamental articles and instruments, and as a veneer for other woods.<\/p>\n<p>Ezekiel mentions ivory and ebony together (Ez 27:15). Ebony was and still is frequently inlaid with ivory, with which it contrasts so strikingly in color.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Endive\">Endive <em>(Cichorium endivia)<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>See<\/em> Bitter Herbs (above).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"FigFigTree\">Fig, Fig Tree <em>(Ficus carica)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Any of several trees or shrubs of this genus, native to the Mediterranean region; its edible fruit. The common fig, mentioned some 60 times in the Bible, is one of the most important Bible plants. Its leaves are spoken of first in Genesis 3:7. The fig is generally regarded as native to southwestern Asia and Syria, but already in early times it was also cultivated extensively in Egypt and the Holy Land, where it was one of the principal foods. First Samuel 25:18 states that a part of the gift sent by Abigail to David consisted of 200 cakes of figs.<\/p>\n<p>The fig tree has a very peculiar type of fruit called a syconium, which is actually a very much enlarged and fleshy receptacle. It is pollinated by a wasp, without which it cannot get its fruit; this was discovered when it was first transplanted to California.<\/p>\n<p>The fig puts out its earliest fruit buds before its leaves, the former in February and the latter in April or May. When the leaves are out, the fruit ought to be ripe (Mt 21:19).<\/p>\n<p>Whenever the prophets of old berated the people for their wickedness, they often threatened that the vine and the fig crops would be destroyed. And when they held out the promise of great rewards, they said that the vine and fig crop would be restored (Jer 8:13; Hos 2:12; Jl 1:7, 12; Mi 4:4; Zec 3:10).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"FirTree\">Fir Tree <em>(Abies cilicica)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>This a generic term for various evergreen trees having flat needles and erect cones. In all probability, most of the references in Scripture to the fir are references to the pine, cypress, or juniper. The only true fir in the Holy Land grows in the higher parts of Lebanon and the mountains northward. It attains a height of 30 to 75 feet (9.1 to 22.9 meters) and is widely cultivated.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Flax\">Flax <em>(Linum usitatissimum)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Any of several plants of this genus, one particularly being widely cultivated for the linseed oil from its seeds and the fine textile fibers from its stems. Flax is the oldest known of the textile fibers. Cotton is identified only once in the Bible (Est 1:6). There is no mention of any other fiber plant being cultivated in Egypt or the Holy Land in biblical days, and for that reason it is thought that linen was the material out of which clothes other than woolen ones were made. Linen was also used for domestic purposes such as towels (Jn 13:4-5), napkins (11:44), girdles and undergarments (Is 3:23; Mk 14:51), nets (Is 19:8-9), and measuring lines (Ez 40:3). The priests serving in the temple were to wear nothing but linen clothes; a mixed cloth of wool and flax together was strictly forbidden to the Jews (Lv 19:19; Dt 22:11).<\/p>\n<p>At least three kinds of linen were used in biblical times, and apparently there were particular uses for each kind. Ordinary linen of coarsest texture is mentioned in Leviticus 6:10, Ezekiel 9:2, Daniel 10:5, and Revelation 15:6. The second type of linen of superior quality is mentioned in Exodus 26:1 and 39:27. A third type of linen of finest texture and high cost is mentioned in 1 Chronicles 15:27, Esther 8:15, and Revelation 19:8.<\/p>\n<p>The common flax plant grows from one to four feet (.3 to 1.2 meters) tall with a simple, slender, wirelike stem and numerous small, pale, lancelike green leaves. The failure of the flax crop is listed as one of God’s punishments (Hos 2:9). The manufacture of linen from flax fibers was a domestic industry of Jewish women (Prv 31:13, 19), ranging from ordinary clothing to the robes and aprons worn by the priest and temple attendants. Linen was also used for wicks in lamps (Is 42:3).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Frankincense\">Frankincense <em>(Boswellia)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Aromatic genus resin used chiefly as incense. Frankincense is obtained from three species of a single genus of plants that grow in southern Arabia, Ethiopia, Somaliland, India, and the East Indies. The trees are large in size, related to the turpentine or terebinth tree and to those that produce balsam and myrrh. The gum has a bitter taste and gives off a strong odor in the form of a volatile oil when warmed or burned. It is obtained by successive incisions in the bark of the trunk and in the branches of living trees. It is thought that the Hebrews imported all their frankincense from Arabia, especially from the region about Sheba.<\/p>\n<p>Frankincense is mentioned 21 times in the Bible (e.g., Ex 30:34; 1 Chr 9:29; Neh 13:9; Sg 3:6; 4:6, 14; Mt 2:11; Rv 18:13) and was probably employed almost exclusively in the sacrificial services of the tabernacle and temple until the time of Solomon. It has always been the most important incense resin in the world.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Galbanum\">Galbanum <em>(Ferula galbaniflua)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Galbanum is a malodorous yellowish or brownish gum resin containing the chemical substance umbelliferone, obtained from several species of plants related to the fennel, native to Syria and Persia. The gum is a natural exudation of the stem or is obtained by making a transverse incision in the young stem a few inches above the ground. The milky juice soon hardens and forms one of the kinds of commercial galbanum. Its odor is strongly balsamic, pungent, and disagreeable when burned. Galbanum was one of the ingredients used to form the “holy incense” (Ex 30:34).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Garlic\">Garlic <em>(Allium sativum)<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>See<\/em> Onion (below).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"GourdWild\">Gourd, Wild <em>(Citrullus colocynthis)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>There has been considerable difference of opinion regarding the meaning of the words translated “wild gourds” (2 Kgs 4:39) or “gall” (Dt 29:18; 32:32; Ps 69:21; Jer 8:14; 9:15; 23:15; Lam 3:5, 19; Am 6:12; Mt 27:34; Acts 8:23). Most scholars today believe the plant referred to was the colocynth, a cucumber-like vine that trails on the ground or climbs over shrubs and fences. The fruit contains a soft spongy pulp, which is intensely bitter, strongly cathartic, and sometimes poisonous.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Hedge\">Hedge <em>(Rhamnus palaestina, Balanites aegyptiaca, Lycium europaeum)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Row of closely planted shrubs or low-growing trees forming a fence or boundary. A number of plants were used to provide hedges in Bible times. One of these was the Palestine buckthorn, <em>Rhamnus palaestina.<\/em> This plant is a shrub or a small tree growing from three to six feet (.9 to 1.8 meters) tall with velvety, thorny branches, evergreen leaves, and clusters of small flowers blooming in March and April. It grows in thickets and on hillsides from Syria through the Holy Land to Arabia and the Sinai. The Jericho balsam <em>(Balanites aegyptiaca)<\/em> and the European boxthorn <em>(Lycium europaeum)<\/em> are also prickly shrubs widely used as hedges in the Holy Land and may be the plants referred to in Proverbs 15:19 and Hosea 2:6.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Henna\">Henna <em>(Lawsonia inermis)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Tree or shrub of Asia and northern Africa with fragrant reddish or white flowers and leaves from which a reddish dye is made. The plant referred to in Song of Songs 1:14 and 4:13 and translated as “camphire” (<span>kjv<\/span>) is thought by scholars today to refer to the henna plant. It is a native of northern India and grows wild in the Sudan, Egypt, Arabia, Syria, Lebanon, and the Holy Land. It grows from 4 to 12 feet (1.2 to 3.7 meters) tall, and its scent is similar to that of roses.<\/p>\n<p>Henna leaves are dried, crushed into a powder, mixed with water, and made into a paste that has been used since time immemorial as a cosmetic. A number of mummies have been found decorated with henna. Henna was used to provide a bright yellow, orange, or red color to the fingernails, toenails, the tips of the fingers, the palms of the hand, and the soles of the feet of young girls. Men also used it for coloring their beards and the manes and tails of horses. The dye had to be renewed once every two or three weeks. This use of henna as a cosmetic was common in Egypt at the time the children of Israel were there as slaves; they were undoubtedly familiar with it.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Hyacinth\">Hyacinth <em>(Hyacinthus orientalis)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The lily referred to in Song of Songs 2:1-2, 16; 4:5; and 6:2-4 may well be the garden hyacinth. It is native to, and very common in, the fields and rocky places in the Holy Land, Lebanon, and northward. Its flowers in the wild form are always deep blue and very fragrant.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Lily (below).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Hyssop\">Hyssop <em>(Origanum maru)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Woody plant native to Asia with spikes of small blue flowers and aromatic leaves used as a condiment and in perfumery. There is little agreement among botanists as to the exact identity of the biblical “hyssop.” Some have suggested <em>Hyssopus offici<\/em><em>nalis,<\/em> the well-known garden herb now called hyssop. However, this plant is not native either to the Holy Land or Egypt, being found only in southern Europe. Moreover, it does not fit the requirements of the biblical plant.<\/p>\n<p>The “hyssop” of the OT is likely the Syrian or Egyptian marjoram <em>(Origanum maru).<\/em> It is referred to in Exodus 12:22; Leviticus 14:4-6, 52; Numbers 19:6, 18; 1 Kings 4:33; Psalm 51:7; and Hebrews 9:19. The marjorams are mints growing (under favorable conditions) about two or three feet (.6 to .9 meter) tall, but more often are dwarfed when growing in rock crevices and walls (cf. 1 Kgs 4:33). An aromatic substance is obtained from the crushed and dried leaves. If gathered together in a bunch with leaves and flowers, the hairy stems of the marjoram would hold liquid very well and would make an excellent sprinkler.<\/p>\n\n<p>The hyssop of the crucifixion passage in the NT (Jn 19:29) is probably the sorghum, a tall cereal plant grown primarily for food but also used for brushes and mops.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Juniper\">Juniper <em>(Juniperus)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Variety of evergreen tree or shrub. The plant referred to in Jeremiah 17:6 and 48:6 and translated in the <span>kjv<\/span> “heath” is probably the savin or Phoenician juniper. The Phoenician juniper, <em>Juniperus phoenicia,<\/em> is found in the hills and rocky places of Arabia. The savin juniper, <em>J. sabina,<\/em> is common throughout the deserts, plains, and rocky places of Syria and Palestine. These references are to the brown-berried cedar, or sharp cedar.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LaurelorSweetBay\">Laurel or Sweet Bay <em>(Laurus nobilis)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Shrub or tree native to the Mediterranean region. While the reference in Psalm 37:35 may be to the cedar of Lebanon, most scholars refer the “green bay tree” (<span>kjv<\/span>) of the psalmist to the sweet bay, a native of the Holy Land, inhabiting thickets and woods from the coast to the middle montane zone. It is an evergreen tree attaining a height from 40 to 60 feet (12.2 to 18.3 meters).<\/p>\n<p>Even though the tree is abundant on Mt Carmel and around Hebron, it is generally not common in the Holy Land. Its leaves are still used as a condiment, and its fruit, leaves, and bark have long been used in medicine.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Leek\">Leek <em>(Allium porrum)<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>See<\/em> Onion (below).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Lentil\">Lentil <em>(Lens esculenta)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The lentil plant to which Genesis 25:29-34, 2 Samuel 17:27-29, 23:11, and Ezekiel 4:9 refer is a small, erect, annual, vetchlike plant with slender stems and tendril-bearing leaves. It produces small, white, violet-striped flowers with flat, pealike pods in which the lentils are borne.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Lettuce\">Lettuce <em>(Lactuca sativa)<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>See<\/em> Bitter Herbs (above).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Lily\">Lily <em>(Lilium)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Any of various plants of the genus <em>Lilium<\/em> having large, variously colored, trumpet-shaped flowers; and related plants. The lily is one of the most famous of all the plants in the Bible, but it is also one about which there has been considerable difference of opinion. It seems probable that several kinds of plants, perhaps five or six, are called lilies in the <span>kjv<\/span>. Most authorities regard the Palestine anemone or wind flower, <em>Anemone coronaria,<\/em> as the “lily of the field” (Mt 6:28, <span>kjv<\/span>) that surpassed Solomon in all his glory. These flowers are found in every part of the Holy Land in profusion; the most common forms are scarlet or yellow, but the Palestine anemone may also be blue, purple, rose, or white in color. The flower attains a diameter of two and three-quarter inches (7 centimeters).<\/p>\n<p>An alternative suggestion is the Palestinian chamomile, <em>Anthemis palaestina,<\/em> a common, white, daisylike plant. The chamomile is gathered like dry grass and thrown into the furnace when it dries up.<\/p>\n<p>Another proposed plant is <em>Lilium chalcedonicum,<\/em> the scarlet or Martagon lily. The statement in Song of Songs 5:13—“his lips like lilies”—would better fit this plant than the Palestine anemone. The reference is apparently to a rare plant of exceptional beauty. The scarlet lily is rare in the Holy Land; indeed, some botanists doubt that it lives there.<\/p>\n<p>The references in 1 Kings 7:19, 22, 26 and 2 Chronicles 4:5 are probably to the water lily, <em>Nymphaea alba,<\/em> which served as the pattern. The water lily is quite common in Europe and also in the Holy Land and northern Africa.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LotusBush\">Lotus Bush <em>(Zizyphus lotus)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The “shady trees” of Job 40:21-22 (<span>kjv<\/span>; cf. <span>nlt<\/span> “lotus plants”) may refer to the lotus bush of the Middle East, <em>Zizyphus lotus,<\/em> a shrub or low tree that grows to a height of about five feet (1.5 meters) with smooth, zigzag, whitish branches.<\/p>\n<p>Other commentators believe that the shady trees of Job are large-leafed trees such as the plane tree, <em>Platanus orientalis,<\/em> or the oleander, <em>Nerium oleander.<\/em> This suggestion is based on the assumption that the animal described in Job 40 is the hippopotamus, and it seems unlikely that the hippopotamus would live under a lotus bush or even be found in places where this shrub grows. These individuals regard the plane tree or the oleander as more likely.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Mallow\">Mallow <em>(Atriplex)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The Hebrew word used in Job 30:4 implies saltiness, and for this reason botanists believe that it refers to one of the species of the saltwort or orach. Twenty-one species of saltwort occur in the Holy Land, almost all of which are common and could well meet the requirements of the text. <em>Atriplex halimus<\/em> is the species usually suggested, a strong-growing bushy shrub related to the spinach.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Mandrake\">Mandrake <em>(Mandragora officinarum)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The mandrake or love apple is a stemless herbaceous perennial related to the nightshade, potato, and tomato. It has a large, beetlike, often forked taproot from the top of which arise many dark leaves about a foot (30.5 centimeters) long and four inches (10.2 centimeters) wide. The plant is slightly poisonous, and the thick taproots have some resemblance in shape to the lower parts of the human body. For this reason certain aphrodisiac properties were ascribed to it (cf. Gn 30:14-16).<\/p>\n<p>The love apple was a common plant in deserted fields throughout the Holy Land. It is native to the entire Mediterranean region, southern Europe, and Asia Minor. The mandrake is mentioned in Song of Songs 7:13, though some scholars believe the writer may actually have been referring to the citron or to the common edible field mushroom, <em>Agaricus campestris.<\/em><\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Melon\">Melon <em>(Cucumis melo, Citrullus vulgaris)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Any of several varieties of these two related vines having a hard rind and juicy flesh. The melons of Numbers 11:5 may be either the muskmelon <em>(Cucumis melo)<\/em> or the watermelon <em>(Citrullus vulgaris).<\/em> It may be that both fruits are referred to.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Millet\">Millet <em>(Panicum miliaceum)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>A grass grown in Eurasia for its edible seed. Millet seeds are the smallest of all the grass seeds cultivated as food but are produced profusely. Millet is an annual grass seldom more that two feet (.6 meter) tall. The small seeds of the millet are used on cakes and eaten uncooked by the poor of the land.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Mint\">Mint <em>(Mentha)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Any of various plants of this family with aromatic foliage that is processed for flavoring. Quite a few mints are common in the Holy Land, but the horse mint <em>(Mentha longifolia)<\/em> is probably the one referred to in Matthew 23:23 and Luke 11:42. Mints were employed by the ancient Hebrews, Greeks, and Romans for flavoring, as a carminative in medicine, and as a condiment in cooking.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Mulberry\">Mulberry <em>(Morus nigra)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Any tree of this family, some bearing dark-purple fruit and one bearing white fruit, having leaves used as food for silkworms. The sycamine tree of Luke 17:6 (<span>kjv<\/span>) is evidently the black mulberry, <em>Morus nigra.<\/em> It is a low-growing, thick-crowned, stiff-branched tree standing from 24 to 35 feet (7.3 to 10.7 meters) tall, though rarely more than 30 feet (9.1 meters) tall. Originally native to northern Persia, it is now cultivated throughout the Middle East for its fruit. The Chinese or Indian species, <em>M. alba,<\/em> was until recently widely cultivated in Syria and the Holy Land but is not indigenous.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Mustard\">Mustard <em>(Brassica nigra, B. arvensis)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Various plants of this genus are native to Eurasia, some of which are cultivated for their edible seeds. While there is disagreement about the identity of the “mustard” of Matthew 13:31-32, 17:20, Mark 4:31, Luke 13:19, and 17:6, it is generally thought to be the ordinary black mustard, <em>Brassica nigra.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The mustard Jesus referred to may be the charlock or wild mustard, <em>B. arvensis,<\/em> which normally grows from one to three feet (.3 to .9 meter) tall. Some have suggested that it was actually <em>Salvadora persica,<\/em> found in thickets around the Dead Sea. The plant has a pleasant aromatic taste resembling that of mustard, and if taken in considerable quantity, it will produce an irritation of the nose and eyes similar to that of mustard. However, this plant does not grow as far north as Galilee, and the fruits are rather large and stony, thus hardly fitting the description of the parable.<\/p>\n<p>While the seeds of the mustard are not the smallest known, they were probably the smallest familiar to the common people who comprised Jesus’ audience in Galilee.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Myrrh\">Myrrh <em>(Commiphora myrrha, C. kataf)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Shrub or tree exuding an aromatic gum resin used in perfume and incense. Most of the references in Scripture to myrrh are to <em>Commiphora myrrha,<\/em> although <em>C. kataf<\/em> may also be involved since it grows in the same region and is similar. The two trees are native to Arabia, Ethiopia, and the Somali coast of east Africa. They yield a gummy exudation that constitutes most of the myrrh of commerce. Both species are low, scrubby, thick- and stiff-branched thorny shrubs or small trees that grow in rocky places, especially on limestone hills. In the East it is highly regarded as an aromatic substance, perfume, and medicine. The ancient Egyptians burned it in their temples and embalmed their dead with it; the Jews also used it for embalming (Jn 19:39). The Hebrews held it in high regard as a perfume (Ps 45:8).<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Myrtle\">Myrtle <em>(Myrtus communis)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The myrtle tree is common in the Holy Land, especially around Bethlehem, Lebanon, Hebron, and the slopes of Mt Carmel and Mt Tabor. It is native to western Asia and in good environments grows into a small evergreen tree 20 to 30 feet (6.2 to 9.1 meters) tall. More often, however, it is a straggling bush 1½ to 4 feet (.5 to 1.2 meters) tall.<\/p>\n<p>In the Bible, myrtle is referred to chiefly as a symbol of God’s generosity. Branches of myrtle trees were included among those that Nehemiah ordered to be gathered for the Feast of Tabernacles (Neh 8:15). The myrtle was symbolic not only of peace but also of justice.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Narcissus\">Narcissus <em>(Narcissus tazetta)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Widely cultivated plant of this family with narrow leaves and usually white or yellow flowers with a cup-crown or trumpet-shaped crown. The polyanthus narcissus <em>(Narcissus tazetta)<\/em> appears to be the plant referred to in Isaiah 35:1. This narcissus grows abundantly on the plains of Sharon and elsewhere in Palestine. Being sweet-smelling, it is a great favorite.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Nard\">Nard <em>(Nardostachys jatamansi)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The nard is a perennial herb with strong, pleasantly scented roots. It is native to high altitudes in the Himalayas, and its range extends from there into western Asia. The roots and spikelike wooly young stems are dried before the leaves unfold and are used for making perfume. It is still used in India as a perfume for the hair, and there is every reason to believe that the spikenard of Scripture (Sg 1:12; 4:13-14; Mk 14:3; Jn 12:3) came originally from India.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Nettle\">Nettle <em>(Urtica)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Plant of this genus having toothed leaves covered with hairs that exude a stinging flush. Four species of nettle are found in the Holy Land: the common or great nettle, <em>Urtica dioica;<\/em> the Roman nettle, <em>U. pilulifera;<\/em> the small nettle, <em>U. urens;<\/em> and <em>U. caudata,<\/em> which is similar to the small nettle. Some nettles attain a height of five to six feet (1.5 to 1.8 meters). They are common pests of waste places and fields. They are often seen occupying ground that was once cultivated but has since been neglected (Is 34:13; Hos 9:6).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"NutmegFlower\">Nutmeg Flower <em>(Nigella sativa)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The “fitches” of Isaiah 28:25-27 (<span>kjv<\/span>) are probably the nutmeg flower, an annual plant of the buttercup family. The plant grows wild in southern Europe, Syria, Egypt, north Africa, and other Mediterranean lands, where it is extensively cultivated for its strongly pungent, pepperlike aromatic seeds. These are sprinkled over some kinds of bread and cakes in the East and are used for flavoring curries and other dishes in the Holy Land and Egypt. Cummin and nutmeg flowers are still gathered in the Holy Land in the same way described by Isaiah.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Oak\">Oak <em>(Quercus)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>At least five species of oaks are found in Palestine. One of these is the kermes oak <em>(Quercus coccifera),<\/em> the host of the insect <em>Coccus ilicis,<\/em> which produces the scarlet dye used in coloring linen and wool (Gn 38:28-30; Ex 25:4; 26:1; 28:33; 35:23; 39:24; Lv 14:4-6, 51-52; Nm 19:6; 2 Chr 2:7, 14; 3:14; Is 1:18; Heb 9:19; Rv 18:12). The kermes oak grows from 6 to 35 feet (1.8 to 10.7 meters) tall and is found in the mountainous regions of Syria, Lebanon, and the Holy Land. When it grows alone, the kermes oak often becomes a large tree. It was regularly planted by tombs in the East. The oak was always respected and even venerated in biblical times for its large size and strength, and great men were usually buried in its shade. Abraham’s oak in Hebron is an example.<\/p>\n<p>A second oak is the valonia oak <em>(Q. aegilops),<\/em> perhaps the oak of Isaiah 2:13 and 44:14. It is common in the middle montane zones and probably was abundant in the area around Bashan. The oak of Genesis 35:4, 8 is thought to have been the holm oak <em>(Q. ilex),<\/em> an evergreen oak that grows to a height of 60 feet (18.3 meters). Still another oak is <em>Q. lusitanica,<\/em> the cypress oak, a small deciduous tree seldom more than 20 feet (6.1 meters) tall. The very large acorns of this tree were sometimes eaten.<\/p>\n<p>The word translated “plain” (<span>kjv<\/span>) in Genesis 12:6, 13:18, 14:13, and 18:1 should probably be translated “oak.”<\/p>\n<p>The many references to “groves” in the OT, usually in connection with the worship of Baal or other heathen gods (Ex 34:13; Dt 16:21; Jgs 3:7; 1 Kgs 14:23; 18:19; 2 Kgs 17:16—all <span>kjv<\/span>), were probably groves of sacred oak trees.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"OilTreeOleaster\">Oil Tree, Oleaster <em>(Elaeagnus angustifolia)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Small Eurasian tree with oblong silvery leaves, greenish flowers, and olivelike fruit. There is question as to which tree is referred to when 1 Kings 6:23, 31-33 and 1 Chronicles 27:28 refer to “olive trees.” The same word occurs in Isaiah 41:19 and Micah 6:7. The plant referred to is probably the narrow-leaved oleaster <em>(Elaeagnus angustifolia),<\/em> a small stiff-branched tree or graceful shrub growing from 15 to 20 feet (4.6 to 6.1 meters) tall, common in all parts of the Holy Land except in the Jordan Valley. At one time it was particularly common on Mt Tabor and at Hebron and Samaria. The wood is hard and fine-grained and therefore well suited for carving of images and figures. The oil that it yields is a rather inferior type used in medication but not for food; this may be the oil of Micah 6:7.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Oleander\">Oleander <em>(Nerium oleander)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Any poisonous evergreen shrub of this genus growing in warm climates. One of the suggestions for the plants identified as “roses” in various translations (Ecclus 24:14, <span>kjv<\/span>) is the oleander. This plant, originally native to the East Indies, has been cultivated throughout the warm regions of the world for centuries. It flourishes in the Holy Land today and forms dense thickets in some parts of the Jordan Valley. It is usually a shrub from 3 to 12 feet (.9 to 3.7 meters) tall. Every part of the plant is dangerously poisonous.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"OliveOliveTree\">Olive, Olive Tree <em>(Olea europaea)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Old world semitropical evergreen tree bearing edible fruit. The olive, <em>Olea europaea,<\/em> was unquestionably one of the most valuable trees known to the Jews. There are innumerable references to it in Scripture, as well as to olive oil, which was used for anointing. The tree is quite common in the Holy Land, and in many places it is the only tree of any substantial size. The branches of the wild olive are rather stiff and spinescent, and the typical cultivated tree is a multi-branched evergreen, 20 or more feet (6.1 meters) tall, with a gnarled trunk and smooth, ash-colored bark. The leaves are leathery and the flowers are small, yellow or white. The fruits are large, black or violet, ripening in September, and it is the outer fleshy parts of the fruit that yield the valuable olive oil of commerce. Thirty-one percent of the ripe fruit is oil. The ripe fruit is eaten raw, as is the green, unripe fruit. The wood of the trunk and limbs is hard, rich yellow or amber in color, and fine-grained, often handsomely variegated. It is still used today for the finest cabinetwork and turnery. The tree grows very slowly, but it attains a great age. It is difficult to kill the olive tree by cutting it down, because new sprouts are sent up from the root and all around the margins of the old stump, often forming a grove of two to five trunks, all from a single root that originally supported only one tree.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h3\" id=\"Onion\">Onion <em>(Allium)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The onions referred to in Numbers 11:5 are undoubtedly <em>Allium cepa,<\/em> the Egyptian onion, which is made up of a compact coated bulb formed of layers consisting of broad fleshy bases of closely overlapping leaves. The leaves are slender and hollow. The entire plant has a characteristic pungent taste and odor.<\/p>\n\n<p>Closely related to the onion is the garlic, <em>A. sativum.<\/em> The common garlic is a hardy, bulbous perennial plant that is cultivated in Europe, western Asia, and Egypt. The leaves are narrow, flat, and ribbonlike. It is extremely popular with people of the Mediterranean region.<\/p>\n<p>Still another one of the onions is the leek, <em>A. porrum.<\/em> The bulb of the leek differs from that of the onion and garlic in that it is slender, cylindrical, and more than six inches (15.2 centimeters) in length. The flavor resembles that of the onion but is more pungent. The leaves are eaten as a relish or are cooked in soups. The bulbs are cut into small pieces and employed as seasoning for meat.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Palm\">Palm <em>(Phoenix dactylifera)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The palm tree of the Bible is undoubtedly the date palm. At one time it was as characteristic of the Holy Land as it is still today of Egypt. It is characterized by a branchless, tapering stem of up to 80 feet (24.2 meters) or more in height and a large terminal cluster of feathery leaves, each six to nine feet (1.8 to 2.7 meters) or more long. Because of its height and unusual structure, it was natural that it should be used as a form of ornamentation in Eastern architecture. The stem and leaves were favorite subjects of architectural embellishment. The immense, branchlike leaves that are referred to as branches in the Bible were symbols of triumph and were used on occasions of great rejoicing (Jn 12:13; Rv 7:9). The large leaves are still used to cover the roofs and sides of houses and to give solidity to reed fences. Mats, baskets, and even dishes are made of them. Small leaves are used as dusters, and the wood of the trunk is used for timber. Rope is made from the weblike integument in the crown. The fruit, borne in an immense drooping cluster, which may weigh from 30 to 50 pounds (13.6 to 22.7 kilograms), is the chief food of many natives of Arabia and north Africa. A single tree may yield up to 200 pounds (90.7 kilograms) of dates a year. They may be dried for future use.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Papyrus\">Papyrus <em>(Cyperus papyrus)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The Egyptian bulrush or papyrus (Ex 2:3-5; Jb 8:11; Is 18:2; 19:6-7; 35:7; 58:5) has smooth three-sided stems ordinarily attaining a height of 8 to 10 feet (2.4 to 3 meters), but sometimes even 16 feet (4.9 meters), and a thickness of two to three inches (5.1 to 7.6 centimeters) at the base with a large tuft of florets at the end. The papyrus formerly grew in great abundance along the banks of the Nile, forming what was almost a dense jungle. Today it is practically extinct in lower Egypt, although it is still found along the White Nile and in the Sudan. The papyrus still grows in parts of the Holy Land, especially around the north end of the plain of Galilee and the Huleh swamps.<\/p>\n\n<p>In addition to being used for making small vessels to float in water (Ex 2:3), for mats, and for various other domestic purposes, it is best known as the source of ancient paper. In manufacturing paper from papyrus, the stems of the plant were first peeled and the pitch then cut longitudinally into thin slices that were laid side by side. These were then sprinkled with water and pressed to unite the whole into one piece. The sheet was then dried and cut into pieces of the required size. In the better grades of papyrus paper, several layers of stem slices were laid crosswise on each other.<\/p>\n<p>The pale, fawn-colored, tassel-like inflorescences at the summit of the stems were used to adorn Egyptian temples and to crown the statues of gods. They were also worn as crowns by famous men and national heroes.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PineTree\">Pine Tree <em>(Pinus brutia, P. halepensis)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Various evergreen trees of this family with needle-shaped leaves in clusters and seed-bearing cones. While there is considerable confusion concerning the conifers of the Bible, it seems apparent that pines are referred to in such passages as Leviticus 23:40; Nehemiah 8:15; Isaiah 41:19; and 60:13. One of the Holy Land’s pines is the Brutian pine <em>(Pinus brutia),<\/em> a mountain-inhabiting species of the northern regions of Palestine. It attains a height of 10 to 35 feet (3 to 10.7 meters) with a rather diffuse growth and branches in whorls.<\/p>\n<p>Another of the pines is the Aleppo pine, <em>Pinus halepensis.<\/em> Most of the instances of the occurrence of “fir” or “fir tree” in the <span>kjv<\/span> probably refer to the Aleppo pine (2 Sm 6:5; 1 Kgs 5:8, 10; 6:34; 2 Kgs 19:23; 2 Chr 2:8; Ps 104:17; Sg 1:17; Is 14:8; 37:24; 55:13; 60:13; Ez 27:5; 31:8; Hos 14:8; Na 2:3; Zec 11:2). It grows from 9 to 60 feet (2.7 to 18.3 meters) tall with diffuse ascending branches and yellowish or brownish branchlets.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Pistachio\">Pistachio <em>(Pistacia terebinthus, P. vera)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The Palestine terebinth or turpentine tree is a large deciduous tree with straggling boughs. In the winter, without its leaves, it looks much like the oak. It grows from 12 to 25 feet (3.7 to 7.6 meters) tall. Every part of the tree contains a fragrant, resinous juice. It is common on the lower slopes of the hills throughout Syria, Lebanon, Palestine, and Arabia, generally growing as a solitary tree and found mostly in localities too warm or too dry for the oak that it generally replaces. Since it is native to Gilead, it is quite probable that its resinous juice formed part of the spicery that the Israelites carried to Egypt from Gilead (Gn 37:25).<\/p>\n<p>The nuts of Genesis 43:11 are apparently pistachio nuts from the pistachio tree, <em>Pistacia vera,<\/em> closely related to the terebinth. It attains a height of 10 to 30 feet (3 to 9.1 meters) with a spreading top. It is found wild in many rocky parts of Lebanon and the Holy Land. The nut has a light-colored shell and the kernel has a sweet delicate flavor much relished wherever it grows.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PlaneTree\">Plane Tree <em>(Platanus orientalis)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Any of several trees of this family with bell-shaped fruit clusters and usually an outer bark that flakes off in patches or strips. The references in Genesis 30:37 and Ezekiel 31:8 are apparently not to the chestnut tree, which is not indigenous to Palestine, but to the oriental plane tree, <em>Platanus orientalis.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The plane tree is a massive tree 60 feet (18.3 meters) or more tall with a trunk often of vast circumference, sometimes as much as 40 feet (12.2 meters). The outer bark peels off in sheets or scales, thus exposing a smooth whitish or yellowish inner bark. The tree is common throughout Lebanon, Syria, and the Holy Land, growing even in subalpine regions. However, it is primarily a tree of the plains and lowlands, growing on the edges of streams and lakes and in marshy places.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Pomegranate\">Pomegranate <em>(Punica granatum)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The pomegranate is usually a small, bushlike tree but may occasionally become a large, branching shrub or small tree reaching a height of 20 to 30 feet (6.1 to 9.1 meters). The branches are often thorny. The showy bell-like flowers are usually scarlet, though sometimes yellow or white. The globular fruit is as large as an orange or medium-size apple. It has a hard rind of a bright red or yellowish color when ripe and is surmounted by the dry sepals that resemble a crown. The fruit itself is a crimson juicy pulp in which many red seeds are imbedded. The flowers of the pomegranate undoubtedly served as a pattern for the golden bells referred to in Exodus 28:33-34 and 39:24-26, and the open flowers of 1 Kings 6:32. The erect calyx lobes on the fruit served as a model for crowns of kings.<\/p>\n<p>The pomegranate is native to Asia, but it has been cultivated since prehistoric times and is now quite common in the Holy Land, in Egypt, and along the shores of the Mediterranean. It is listed as one of the pleasant fruits of Egypt (Nm 20:5) and one of the promised blessings of the Holy Land (Dt 8:8).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Poplar\">Poplar <em>(Populus euphratica, P. alba)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Fast-growing deciduous tree of the same genus as the aspen and cottonwood. The <span>kjv<\/span> references in 2 Samuel 5:23-24 and 1 Chronicles 14:14-15 to mulberry trees are more probably to the Euphrates poplar or aspen, <em>Populus euphratica.<\/em> This tree grows to a height of 30 to 45 feet (9.1 to 13.7 meters) with spreading branches. The Euphrates aspen is found only on rivers and stream banks throughout the area from Syria through the Holy Land to Stony Arabia. It is especially common in the Jordan Valley.<\/p>\n<p>The white poplar <em>(Populus alba)<\/em> is common in wet places in Syria, Lebanon, the Holy Land, and Sinai. It attains a height of 30 to 60 feet (9.1 to 18.3 meters) with spreading branches. Some suggest that the altars of various pagan religions were usually erected on the top of a hill and in the shade of a poplar grove.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Quince\">Quince <em>(Cydonia oblonga)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Tree native to western Asia, having white flowers and applelike fruit that is edible when cooked. Some believe that the “apples” of the OT were quinces, <em>Cydonia oblonga.<\/em> The quince tree is quite common in the Holy Land, though chiefly as a cultivated tree. It may occur wild in the northern parts of Syria. It is native to northern Persia and Asia Minor. The fruit is yellowish and highly fragrant, and it is the fragrance that caused it to be held in high regard by the ancients.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Reed\">Reed <em>(Juncus, Scirpus, Typha angustata, Arundo donax)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Numerous species of the rush and bulrush grow in the Holy Land. There are at least 21 varieties of rushes. The common soft rush or bog rush <em>(Juncus effusus)<\/em> is found in wet places, even in the Sinai and other deserts. The sea or hard rush <em>(J. maritimus)<\/em> is found in damp places throughout the Holy Land and even in Sinai.<\/p>\n<p>At least 15 kinds of bulrushes <em>(Scirpus)<\/em> are known in the Holy Land. The cluster-headed club rush <em>(Scirpus holoschoenus)<\/em> is common in damp places throughout the Holy Land to the Sinai. The lake club rush or tall bulrush <em>(S. lacustris)<\/em> is found in swamps and ditches throughout northern Africa to the Dead Sea. The sea club rush or salt marsh club rush <em>(S. maritimus)<\/em> is found in ditches and swamps in many places of the Holy Land. Any of these species may be the one referred to in Job 8:11; Isaiah 9:14; 19:6, 15.<\/p>\n<p>The reference in Genesis 41:2 to the feeding of cattle in the meadow seems to be to the tall reed <em>(Arundo donax),<\/em> which grows 18 feet (5.5 meters) or more in height. This plant is also known as the Persian reed and is common throughout the Holy Land, Syria, and the Sinai peninsula. It is a gigantic grass that may have a stem diameter of two or three inches (5.1 to 7.6 centimeters) at the base and is terminated by a plume of white flowers similar to those of the sugarcane or pampas grass. The plant was used for many purposes by the ancients: for walking sticks, fishing rods, measuring rods, and musical pipes. It is, therefore, quite possible that the “reed” of Matthew 27:48 and Mark 15:36 was a carpenter’s reed or measuring rod.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Papyrus.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Rue\">Rue <em>(Ruta chalepensis, R. graveolens)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Aromatic Eurasian plant with evergreen leaves that yield an acrid, volatile oil once used in medicine. There is little question as to the correctness of the translation of “rue” in Luke 11:42, but there is some doubt as to the exact species. Most writers think that it was the common rue <em>(Rue graveolens),<\/em> a perennial shrubby plant with erect stems two to three feet (.6 to .9 meter) tall and deeply cut leaves. A very strong odor emanates from the foliage. This species is native to the Mediterranean region and grows wild in the Holy Land, especially on Mt Tabor.<\/p>\n<p>Rue was highly thought of by the ancients as a medicinal, supposed to prevent dizziness, dumbness, epilepsy, eye inflammations, insanity, and the “evil eye.” Rue was also used for seasoning dishes.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Rush\">Rush <em>(Butomus umbellatus)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Generic term for any of various grasslike marsh plants having pliant, hollow, or pithy stems. There is considerable uncertainty about the identification of the plant referred to in Genesis 41:2 translated in the <span>kjv<\/span> as “meadow,” and in Job 8:11 as “flag.” Since it is mentioned along with the papyrus in the Job passage, it seems that it refers to a specific kind of plant rather than to an aggregate of plants in a meadow. From the description in Genesis as being a plant on which Pharaoh’s cattle might feed along the banks of the Nile and yet not the papyrus, it may refer to the flowering rush or water gladiola <em>(Butomus umbellatus),<\/em> which flourishes both in Egypt and in the Holy Land, along with the papyrus.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Reed.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Saffron\">Saffron <em>(Crocus sativus)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Saffron, referred to in Song of Songs 4:14, is the product of several species of <em>Crocus,<\/em> especially of the blue-flowered saffron crocus <em>(C. sativus),<\/em> which is native to Greece and Asia Minor. The commercial product consists of the stigma and upper portions of the style, the top parts of the flower ovary, which are collected shortly after the flower opens. It requires at least 4,000 stigmas to make an ounce of saffron. After being gathered, the stigmas are dried in the sun, pounded, and made into small cakes. Saffron is used principally as a yellow dye and also as a fruit coloring for curries and stews.<\/p>\n<p>Another, entirely different kind of dye-producing plant <em>(Carthamus tinctorius)<\/em> called carthamine, bastard saffron, or safflower is a member of the thistle family. Its red florets yield a dye used extensively for coloring silk, in cooking, and for adulterating genuine saffron. It is an annual spiny plant three to four and a half feet (1.4 meters) tall, native to Syria and Egypt. In Egypt the grave clothes of mummies were dyed with this material, and it is quite possible that this plant may also have been the saffron of the Bible.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Sage\">Sage <em>(Salvia judaica)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The Judean sage grows to three feet (.9 meter) tall in the mountains and hills of Palestine. Its stems are four-angled, stiff, and rough. The plant grows from Syria south through Nazareth, Hebron, Tiberius, Samaria, and Judea.<\/p>\n<p>This plant is the origin of the design of the seven-branched lampstand of Exodus 37:17-18, which is known as the menorah, the traditional Jewish symbol. The inflorescence of the plant, when pressed flat, has almost exactly the same shape and form as the seven-branched candlestick, with its central spike and three pairs of side branches each bending upward and inward in a symmetrical fashion. On each branch of the plant’s inflorescence are whorls or buds that perhaps give the idea for the “knops” (<span>kjv<\/span>) or “knobs” on the biblical golden candlesticks.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Spelt\">Spelt <em>(Triticum aestivum)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Hardy member of the wheat family. The rye of Exodus 9:32 and Isaiah 28:25, as well as the fitches of Ezekiel 4:9 (all <span>kjv<\/span>) are thought to be spelt. It is a hard-grained species of wheat with loose ears and grains triangular in cross-section, and was the most common form of wheat in early times. It has a stouter stem than wheat and strong spikes of grain. Bread made of its flour is much inferior to that made from wheat, but spelt will thrive in almost any kind of soil and will yield a crop on land that is unfit for wheat. The ancients preferred it to barley for bread.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"StoraxTree\">Storax Tree <em>(Styrax officinalis)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Various trees of this genus yielding an aromatic resin. Today it is thought that the stacte of Exodus 30:34 was derived from the storax tree. It is an irregularly stiff-branched shrub or small tree 9 to 20 feet (2.7 to 6.1 meters) tall. This tree is abundant on low hills and rocky places from Lebanon through the Holy Land. Its gum is obtained by making incisions in the stems and branches. It is highly perfumed and is still prized today as a perfume.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Sycamore\">Sycamore-fig <em>(Ficus sycomorus)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Tree of northeastern Africa and adjacent Asia, related to the fig. The word translated “sycamore” in 1 Kings 10:27; 1 Chronicles 27:28; 2 Chronicles 1:15; 9:27; Psalm 78:47; Isaiah 9:10; Amos 7:14; and Luke 19:4 undoubtedly refers to the well-known sycamore-fig, which is also known as the mulberry-fig or fig-mulberry. It should not be confused with the common sycamore of the North American continent, which is actually a plane tree. The sycamore-fig of the Bible is a strong-growing, robust, wide-spreading tree growing 30 to 40 feet (9.1 to 12.2 meters) tall and sometimes attaining a trunk circumference of 20 feet (6.1 meters) or more with a crown 120 feet (36.6 meters) in diameter. It is a tree that is easily climbed and is frequently planted along roadsides, which accounts for the reference in Luke 19:4. It produces an abundant amount of fruit in clusters on all parts of the tree, on both young and old branches and even on the trunk itself. It is very similar to the common fig, only smaller and much inferior in quality. In David’s day it was so valuable that he appointed a special overseer for the sycamore trees (1 Chr 27:28). It is thought that Amos was not a gatherer of sycamore fruit but rather a dresser of sycamore trees.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Tamarisk\">Tamarisk <em>(Tamarix)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The references in Genesis 21:33 and 1 Samuel 22:6 and 31:13 seem to be to the tamarisk. These trees or shrubs are small and fast-growing with a durable wood. They are abundant in deserts, dunes, and salt marshes. <em>Tamarix aphylla<\/em> is leafless and has small white flowers. These trees or shrubs often provide a soothing touch of green foliage and a promise of cooling shade to the traveler. Tamarisks are able to survive because they either have small, scalelike leaves, which lose little moisture by transpiration, or no leaves at all. The larger of the tamarisks are valued for their wood in a region where wood is scarce. The wood was used for building and also as a source of an excellent type of charcoal.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Terebinth\">Terebinth <em>(Pistacia terebinthus)<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>See<\/em> Pistachio (above).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"ThistleThorn\">Thistle, Thorn <em>(Lycium europaeum, Solanum incanum, Centaurea, Silybum marianum, Ruscus aculeatus, Agrostemma githago, Paliurus spina-christi, Zizyphus spina-christi)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>There are 22 different Hebrew and Greek words used in Scripture to refer to spiny or prickly shrubs or weeds, and these are translated as “bramble,” “brier,” “cockle,” “thorn,” and “thistle.” At present, there are about 125 species of thorns and thistles that grow in the Holy Land.<\/p>\n<p>The bramble in the allegory of Judges 9:14-15 is believed to refer to the European boxthorn or desert-thorn, <em>Lycium europaeum.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The general consensus is that the “briers” of Isaiah 10:17, 55:13, Micah 7:4, and Hebrews 6:8 are the Palestine nightshade <em>(Solanum incanum),<\/em> or “Jericho potato.”<\/p>\n<p>The thistles of Genesis 3:17-18, 2 Kings 14:9, 2 Chronicles 25:18, Hosea 10:8, and Matthew 7:16, as well as the thorns of Matthew 13:7 and Hebrews 6:8, are thought to be one of the species of the thistle, <em>Centaurea.<\/em> Among the more common thistles in the Holy Land are the true star-thistle <em>(Centaurea calcitrapa),<\/em> the dwarf centaury <em>(C. verutum),<\/em> the Iberian centaury <em>(C. iberica),<\/em> and the lady’s thistle <em>(Silybum marianum).<\/em> Some thistles attain a height of five to six feet (.9 to 1.8 meters). Thistles are characteristic of an area that is uncultivated and neglected. Many have beautiful flowers, but all are covered with sharp spines.<\/p>\n<p>The references in Ezekiel 2:6 to “briers” and Ezekiel 28:24 to a “pricking brier” may be to the prickly butchers-broom or knee-holly, <em>Ruscus aculeatus.<\/em> The plant is common in rocky woods in the northern regions of the Holy Land, especially around Mt Tabor and Mt Carmel.<\/p>\n<p>The cockle of Job 31:40 (<span>nlt<\/span> “weeds”) perhaps refers to the corn cockle, <em>Agrostemma githago.<\/em> This plant is common in grainfields throughout the Holy Land. It is a strong-growing and troublesome weed in grainfields, growing from one to three feet (.3 to .9 meter) tall.<\/p>\n<p>Many commentators think that the “thorns” out of which the crown of thorns (Mt 27:29; Jn 19:2) was made were from the Christ-thorn <em>(Paliurus spina-christi).<\/em> This belief has led to its specific name; the Christ-thorn is a spiny plant that ordinarily grows as a straggling shrub three to nine feet (.9 to 2.7 meters) tall. The flexible branches are armed at the base of each leaf with a pair of unequal, stiff, sharp spines. The unusual pliable texture of the young branches renders it particularly easy to plait into a crownlike wreath.<\/p>\n<p>The thorns of Judges 8:7, Isaiah 7:19, 9:18, 55:13, and Matthew 7:16 may refer to the Syrian Christ-thorn <em>(Zizyphus spina-christi),<\/em> a shrub or small tree 9 to 15 feet (2.7 to 4.6 meters) tall, sometimes growing into a 40-foot (12.2-meter) tree with smooth white branches bearing a pair of stout, unequal, recurved spines at the back of each leaf.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Bramble; Buckthorn (above).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Tulip\">Tulip <em>(Tulipa montana, T. sharonensis)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Any of several bulbous plants of this family native to Asia. The rose of Sharon in Song of Songs 2:1 may be the mountain tulip, <em>Tulipa montana,<\/em> or the closely related Sharon tulip, <em>T. sharonensis.<\/em> The former is an attractive plant that grows from a bulb and has leaves that are often wavy-margined. The species is common in the mountainous regions of Syria, Lebanon, and the Anti-Lebanon. It is primarily a mountainous species. The Sharon tulip <em>(T. sharonensis)<\/em> is found in sandy places on the Sharon coastal plains.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Tumbleweed\">Tumbleweed <em>(Gundelia tournefortii, Anastatica hierochuntica)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The references in Psalm 83:13 to “whirling dust” and in Isaiah 17:13 to “wheel” or “rolling thing” (<span>niv<\/span> “tumbleweed”) seem to be to the Palestinian tumbleweed <em>(Gundelia tournefortii),<\/em> a member of the thistle family. It is a prickly herb with milky juice. It rolls over the land and gathers in tremendous heaps in hollows.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Vegetable\">Vegetable<\/p>\n<p>Scriptural references to vegetables are probably, in most cases, to the dried leguminous seeds of beans and lentils.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Vine\">Vine <em>(Vitis vinifera)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Any plant with a flexible stem that climbs, twines, or creeps along a surface or support. The common grapevine <em>(Vitis vinifera)<\/em> is mentioned throughout the Bible. The fruitful vine (Ez 17:5-10) and the vine brought out of Egypt (Ps 80:8) were symbolic of the Jewish people. Jesus compares himself to the true vine, of which his disciples were the branches (Jn 15:1-6).<\/p>\n<p>The grapevine of the Old World sometimes assumes the characteristics of a tree, with stems up to a foot and a half (45.7 centimeters) in diameter, the branches then being trained on a trellis and bearing bunches of grapes 10 to 12 pounds (4.5 to 5.4 kilograms) in weight, with the individual grapes the size of small plums. Bunches have been produced weighing as much as 26 pounds (11.8 kilograms). The vines of the Holy Land were always renowned both for the luxuriance of their growth and for the immense clusters of grapes they produced. Thus it does not seem improbable that the spies sent to the Promised Land should have employed a pole to transport some of the clusters home (Nm 13:23-24).<\/p>\n<p>The wild grape <em>(Vitis orientalis)<\/em> is referred to in Isaiah 5:2-4, Jeremiah 2:21, and Ezekiel 15:2-6. It is known as the native wild fox grape and has small, black, acidic berries about the size of currants with little juice.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Walnut\">Walnut <em>(Juglans regia)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Any of several trees of this genus having round, sticky fruit enclosing an edible nut. The reference in Song of Songs 6:11 to “nuts” is thought to refer to the Persian or common walnut, <em>Juglans regia.<\/em> The tree is believed to have been indigenous to northern Persia, but it is actually found wild in many parts of northern India, eastward as far as China, and westward through Persia. At the time of Solomon, it was widely cultivated for its fruit throughout the East. Perhaps Solomon’s garden of nuts was a part of his extensive gardens at Etham, six miles (9.7 kilometers) from Jerusalem.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"WaterLily\">Water Lily <em>(Nymphaea)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Any of numerous aquatic plants of this genus with floating leaves and showy flowers. The carved lily ornamentation of 1 Kings 7:19-26 and 2 Chronicles 4:5 was probably patterned after the flowers of the water lily. Few flowers can equal the Egyptian lotus or water lily <em>(Nymphaea lotus)<\/em> in beauty. It looks very much like a large white rose and at one time floated in profusion on the waters of the Nile.<\/p>\n<p>The common European white water lily <em>(N. alba)<\/em> was also familiar to the children of Israel. It grows not only in Europe but also in the Holy Land and North Africa. It is, however, not as common in Egypt as is the white lotus.<\/p>\n<p>Another water lily with which the Israelites were probably familiar is the blue lotus, <em>N. caerulea.<\/em> Its leaves are 12 to 16 inches (30.5 to 40.6 centimeters) across and it has light-blue flowers that are three to six inches (7.6 to 15.2 centimeters) in diameter.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Wheat\">Wheat <em>(Triticum aestivum, T. compositum)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Various cereal grasses of this family widely cultivated for its edible grain. Five kinds of wheat are native to—and still wild in—the Holy Land, and at least eight others are cultivated there today; probably most, if not all, were known in Bible times. The wild varieties were probably more abundant then than they are today. Among these are the einkorn <em>(T. monococcum),<\/em> the thaoudar <em>(T. thaoudar),<\/em> and the wild emmer <em>(T. dicoccoides).<\/em> The composite wheat <em>(T. compositum),<\/em> with its branched spikes, often bearing as many as seven heads per stalk, is definitely referred to in Genesis 41:5-57. It is depicted on numerous Egyptian monuments and on inscriptions and is still commonly seen in the Nile Delta, where it is known as “mummy wheat.” It is also cultivated in the Holy Land.<\/p>\n<p>The most frequently mentioned wheat of the Bible is undoubtedly the commonly cultivated summer and winter wheat, <em>Triticum aestivum.<\/em> It is an abundant annual grass cultivated in Egypt and other Eastern lands since earliest times. The exact place of its origin is unknown. Grains of wheat have been found in the most ancient Egyptian tombs and in the remains of prehistoric lake dwellings in Switzerland. It was certainly the chief grain of Mesopotamia in Jacob’s time (Gn 30:14).<\/p>\n<p>Corn in biblical days often included a mixture of peas, beans, lentils, cummin, barley, millet, and spelt, but wheat was always its main constituent. Egypt was a great grain-producing country, and Abram (Gn 12:10) and Joseph’s brothers (ch 42) naturally turned to Egypt for wheat when famine visited Canaan.<\/p>\n<p>The mills, millstones, granaries, and threshing floors mentioned in the Bible all refer to equipment employed in processing grain to produce flour. The fine flour of which the showbread loaves were made (Lv 24:5) was unquestionably wheat flour. Wheat intended for home consumption was often stored in the central part of the house; this explains the story told in 2 Samuel 4:6. It was also sometimes stored in dry wells (2 Sm 17:19).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Wormwood\">Wormwood <em>(Artemisia judaica, A. herba-alba)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Wormwood is a general name given to a group of woody plants with a strong aromatic odor. Wormwood plants have a strong, bitter taste, and their young shoots and branch tips furnish the “wormwood” of commerce. Its bitter taste accounts for its being spoken of with gall—as being symbolic of bitter calamity and sorrow (Prv 5:4; Jer 9:15; 23:15; Lam 3:15, 19). <em>Artemisia herba-alba<\/em> is the common species of wormwood in the Holy Land today. It is strongly aromatic, smelling like camphor, and bitter. <em>A. judaica<\/em> occurs only in the Sinai.<\/p>\n<p>Absinthe is made from species of this group. It first leads to greater activity and pleasant sensations and fills the mind with grandiose ideas (Lam 3:15). The habitual use of it, however, brings on a stupor and gradual diminution of intellectual faculties, ending in delirium and even death. Perhaps the hemlock of Amos 6:12 was wormwood.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>PLANTS<\/h3>\n<p>Identifying biblical plants has always been a difficult task, partly because people continue to identify the biblical elm, sycamore, lily, rose, and vine with modern plants, and also because they assume that all the plants now growing in the Holy Land were there in ancient biblical days, or that the plants referred to in the Bible are still to be found there today. Unfortunately, many plants now quite common in the Holy Land were not there in biblical days. Many plants that once grew in abundance in the Holy Land are now extinct. Some have been driven out by foreign invaders; others have been exterminated or nearly exterminated by overcultivation of the land, the destruction of forests, and the resulting changes in climatic and other environmental conditions. At one time the Holy Land was a land of palm trees, with the date palm as abundant and characteristic there as it was in Egypt, but today the date palm is much less common. Similarly, in antiquity, the towering cedars clothed the slopes of Lebanon and other mountain ranges. Now the few remaining specimens must be carefully fenced in to protect them against trampling and the ravages of goats.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Acacia<\/p>\n<p>• Acanthus<\/p>\n<p>• Algum<\/p>\n<p>• Almond<\/p>\n<p>• Almug<\/p>\n<p>• Aloe<\/p>\n<p>• Apple<\/p>\n<p>• Apricot<\/p>\n<p>• Ash<\/p>\n<p>• Aspen<\/p>\n<p>• Balm<\/p>\n<p>• Barley<\/p>\n<p>• Bdellium<\/p>\n<p>• Bean<\/p>\n<p>• Bitter Herbs<\/p>\n<p>• Boxthorn, European<\/p>\n<p>• Box Tree<\/p>\n<p>• Bramble<\/p>\n<p>• Broom<\/p>\n<p>• Buckthorn<\/p>\n<p>• Bush<\/p>\n<p>• Buttercup<\/p>\n<p>• Calamus<\/p>\n<p>• Cane<\/p>\n<p>• Caper Plant<\/p>\n<p>• Carob Tree<\/p>\n<p>• Cassia<\/p>\n<p>• Castor Oil Plant<\/p>\n<p>• Cedar<\/p>\n<p>• Chicory<\/p>\n<p>• Cinnamon<\/p>\n<p>• Citron Tree<\/p>\n<p>• Coriander<\/p>\n<p>• Cotton<\/p>\n<p>• Cucumber<\/p>\n<p>• Cummin<\/p>\n<p>• Cypress<\/p>\n<p>• Dandelion<\/p>\n<p>• Darnel Grass<\/p>\n<p>• Dill<\/p>\n<p>• Ebony<\/p>\n<p>• Endive<\/p>\n<p>• Fig, Fig Tree<\/p>\n<p>• Fir Tree<\/p>\n<p>• Flax<\/p>\n<p>• Frankincense<\/p>\n<p>• Galbanum<\/p>\n<p>• Garlic<\/p>\n<p>• Gourd, Wild<\/p>\n<p>• Hedge<\/p>\n<p>• Henna<\/p>\n<p>• Hyacinth<\/p>\n<p>• Hyssop<\/p>\n<p>• Juniper<\/p>\n<p>• Laurel or Sweet Bay<\/p>\n<p>• Leek<\/p>\n<p>• Lentil<\/p>\n<p>• Lettuce<\/p>\n<p>• Lily<\/p>\n<p>• Lotus Bush<\/p>\n<p>• Mallow<\/p>\n<p>• Mandrake<\/p>\n<p>• Melon<\/p>\n<p>• Millet<\/p>\n<p>• Mint<\/p>\n<p>• Mulberry<\/p>\n<p>• Mustard<\/p>\n<p>• Myrrh<\/p>\n<p>• Myrtle<\/p>\n<p>• Narcissus<\/p>\n<p>• Nard<\/p>\n<p>• Nettle<\/p>\n<p>• Nutmeg Flower<\/p>\n<p>• Oak<\/p>\n<p>• Oil Tree, Oleaster<\/p>\n<p>• Oleander<\/p>\n<p>• Olive, Olive Tree<\/p>\n<p>• Onion<\/p>\n<p>• Palm<\/p>\n<p>• Papyrus<\/p>\n<p>• Pine Tree<\/p>\n<p>• Pistachio<\/p>\n<p>• Plane Tree<\/p>\n<p>• Pomegranate<\/p>\n<p>• Poplar<\/p>\n<p>• Quince<\/p>\n<p>• Reed<\/p>\n<p>• Rue<\/p>\n<p>• Rush<\/p>\n<p>• Saffron<\/p>\n<p>• Sage<\/p>\n<p>• Spelt<\/p>\n<p>• Storax Tree<\/p>\n<p>• Sycamore<\/p>\n<p>• Tamarisk<\/p>\n<p>• Terebinth<\/p>\n<p>• Thistle, Thorn<\/p>\n<p>• Tulip<\/p>\n<p>• Tumbleweed<\/p>\n<p>• Vegetable<\/p>\n<p>• Vine<\/p>\n<p>• Walnut<\/p>\n<p>• Water Lily<\/p>\n<p>• Wheat<\/p>\n<p>• Wormwood<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Acacia\">Acacia <em>(Acacia tortilis<\/em> and <em>A. seyal)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Any tree or shrub of the mimosa family of plants growing in warm regions. The plant referred to in the <span>kjv<\/span> as “shittah” (singular) or “shittim” (plural) is undoubtedly the acacia tree, the only timber tree of any considerable size in the Arabian desert. <em>Acacia tortilis<\/em> is by far the largest and most common tree in the desert in which the Israelites wandered for 40 years. It is especially conspicuous on Mt Sinai and was probably the species used for the tabernacle furnishings. <em>A. seyal<\/em> is less common, at least today. It can grow as high as 25 feet (7.6 meters), and bears yellow flowers on twisted branches. The wood is close grained, heavy and hard, orange-brown in color, and much valued in cabinetwork. The ancient Egyptians clamped shut mummy coffins with acacia wood.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Acanthus\">Acanthus <em>(Acanthus syriacus)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The acanthus, perhaps referred to in Job 30:7 and Zephaniah 2:9, is a perennial thistlelike herb or small shrub about three feet (.9 meter) tall, and is a common weed in all Eastern countries. It has been used since time immemorial as a model for the leaf or scroll decorations in art.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Algum\">Algum <em>(Juniperus excelsa Bieb)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The timber from Lebanon referred to in 2 Chronicles 2:8 is probably the juniper. Some translators hold, however, that algum and almug are Hebrew variants for the same tree (see <span>nlt<\/span> mg, 2 Chr 2:8).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Almug (below).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Almond\">Almond <em>(Amygdalus communis)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The almond is a peachlike tree with saw-toothed pointed leaves and gray bark. It grows to a height of from 10 to 25 feet (3 to 7.6 meters). It blooms very early in the year; its Hebrew name has its roots in “watch for.” To the Jews it was a welcome harbinger of spring (Jer 1:11).<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Almug\">Almug <em>(Pterocarpus santalinus)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The precious wood imported by King Solomon and used in making the pillars for the temple and for making harps and psalteries (1 Kgs 10:11-12). This timber was brought by sea from Ophir to Ezion-geber, near Elath. Modern authorities suggest that Ophir was either in Arabia, India, or East Africa near Mozambique. The reference to “algum“ in 2 Chronicles 2:8 is possibly to this tree. <em>See<\/em> Algum (above).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Aloe\">Aloe <em>(Aloe succotrina, Aquilaria agallocha)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Chiefly African, lilylike plant of the genus <em>Aloes,<\/em> certain species of which yield a drug and a fiber. Aloe is an aromatic substance mentioned in the Bible, together with myrrh, balm, and other fragrant plants (Ps 45:8; Prv 7:17; Sg 4:14; Jn 19:39). Most scholars think these passages refer to two different plants. The OT plant is likely to have been <em>Aquilaria agallocha,<\/em> the eaglewood, a large tree growing up to 120 feet (36.6 meters) tall with a trunk 12 feet (3.7 meters) in circumference. It is native to northern India, Malaya, and Indochina. The decaying wood is highly fragrant, and as such is highly valued as perfume and incense and for fumigation.<\/p>\n<p>The aloe of John 19:39 is thought to be the true aloe <em>(Aloe succotrina),<\/em> the juice of which was used by the Egyptians in embalming. Its smell, however, is not very agreeable, and it has a bitter taste. It is sometimes used by veterinarians as a horse medicine.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Apple\">Apple <em>(Malus sylvestris)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The identity of the fruit identified by the Hebrew word <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">tappuach<\/span> (Prv 25:11; Sg 2:3, 5; 7:8; 8:5) continues to be debated. In most English translations it has been rendered “apple” because of its close linguistic tie to the Arabic word <em>tuffah.<\/em> Many scholars identify this tree as the apricot, questioning whether apples fit the biblical description “apples of gold” and whether the apple tree was cultivated in ancient Palestine. Recent excavations at Kadesh-barnea, however, have uncovered carbonized apples, probably a crab apple <em>(Malus sylvestris),<\/em> dating to the ninth century <span>BC<\/span>. This would certainly allow for this ornamental apple’s cultivation in Solomon’s gardens.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Apricot (below).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Apricot\">Apricot <em>(Prunus armeniaca)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The identification of the Hebrew word <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">tappuach<\/span> with the apricot continues to be debated. The apricot tree produces yellow-orange peachlike edible fruit and is native to western Asia and Africa. It is abundant in the Holy Land and probably has been so since early biblical times. The tree is a round-headed reddish-barked tree growing 30 feet (9.1 meters) tall. Most translations render this Hebrew word “apple,” though many scholars identify it with the apricot because of its descriptions in the biblical text (see Prv 25:11; Sg 2:3, 5; 7:8; 8:5; Jl 1:12).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Apple (above).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Ash\">Ash <em>(Alhagi maurorum, Fraxinus ornus, Tamarix mannifera)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>There are several ash trees found in the Near East. One of these, the prickly alhagi <em>(Alhagi maurorum),<\/em> is a member of the pea family. It is a low, many-stemmed, much-branched shrub growing about three feet (.9 meter) tall with somewhat hairy twigs and pealike flowers. During the heat of the day, leaves exude a sweet, gummy substance that hardens in the air and is collected by shaking the bushes over a spread-out cloth.<\/p>\n<p>The manna tamarisk <em>(Tamarix mannifera)<\/em> is a multibranched shrub or a small tree 9 to 15 feet (2.7 to 4.6 meters) tall with rigid branches that have tiny pink flowers. It is found on deserts from the Holy Land to Arabia and the Sinai.<\/p>\n<p>The flowering or manna ash <em>(Fraxinus ornus)<\/em> is a tree that grows from 15 to 50 feet (4.6 to 15.2 meters) tall. The fruits are very similar to those produced by our species of ash. The ash of Isaiah 44:14 (<span>kjv<\/span>) is believed to be the Aleppo pine.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Aspen\">Aspen <em>(Populus euphratica<\/em> or <em>P. tremula)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Any of several trees of the genus <em>Populus<\/em> with leaves attached by flattened leafstalks so that they tremble or “quake” in the wind.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Balm\">Balm <em>(Balanites aegyptiaca, Pistacia lentiscus, Commiphora opobalsamum<\/em><em>)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>An oily aromatic resin exuded by chiefly tropical trees and shrubs and used medicinally; trees and shrubs producing this substance. References in Genesis 37:25, Jeremiah 8:22, 46:11, and 51:8 are thought to be either the Jericho balsam <em>(Balanites aegyptiaca)<\/em> or the lentisk or mastic tree <em>(Pistacia lentiscus).<\/em> The Jericho balsam is very common in Egypt, North Africa, the plains of Jericho, and the hot plains bordering on the Dead Sea. It is a small desert-loving plant, 9 to 15 feet (2.7 to 4.6 meters) tall, with slender, thorny branches and small clusters of green flowers.<\/p>\n<p>The lentisk or mastic tree is native to the Holy Land, and the reference in Genesis 43:11 is probably to this plant, since the implication is that this is a native product of the Holy Land unknown in Egypt at the time. This tree is a shrubby or bushy tree 3 to 10 feet (.9 to 3 meters) tall with evergreen leaves. The “balm” is a fragrant gummy exudation of the sap secured by making incisions in the stems and branches, usually in August. The best grades are in the form of yellow-white translucent tears or drops; they are employed in medicine as an astringent. The poorer grades are used extensively as a varnish. Children in the East use it as chewing gum.<\/p>\n<p>References to spices in 1 Kings 10:10, 2 Kings 20:13, Song of Songs 3:6, Isaiah 39:2, and Ezekiel 27:17 are thought to be the balm of Gilead <em>(Commiphora opobalsamum),<\/em> which in spite of its name is not a native of Gilead or even of the Holy Land but is indigenous to Arabia, especially the mountainous regions of Yemen. The trees were still in existence on the plain of Jericho at the time of the Roman conquest. The Roman conquerors carried branches to Rome as trophies of their victory over the Jews.<\/p>\n<p>This tree is a small, stiff-branched evergreen tree seldom more than 15 feet (4.6 meters) high with straggling branches. The “balm” is obtained by making incisions in the stem and branches of the tree. The sap soon hardens into small irregular nodules that are collected. Gum is also procured from green and ripe fruit.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Myrrh (below).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Barley\">Barley <em>(Hordeum distichon)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>A cereal grass bearing bearded flower spikes and edible seeds. The common barley <em>(Hordeum distichon),<\/em> the winter barley <em>(H. hex<\/em><em>astichon),<\/em> and the spring barley <em>(H. vulgare)<\/em> have been cultivated in temperate regions of the world since time immemorial and today still constitute one of the principal grain foods. Barley and wheat were the two staple cereal crops of Egypt and the Holy Land. Being less expensive, barley was mostly used for feeding cattle, although it was also used by itself or mixed with wheat and other seed as food for man (Ez 4:9-12). Barley is mentioned in the Bible over 30 times, either as a plant growing in the fields or in reference to products made from it, such as barley meal, barley bread, barley cakes, and barley loaves. As the common food of the poor, barley was also regarded as a symbol of poverty and cheapness or worthlessness (Hos 3:2).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Bdellium\">Bdellium <em>(Commiphora africana)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Aromatic gum resin similar to myrrh, produced by various trees of the genus <em>Commiphora<\/em> of Africa and western Asia. The reference in Genesis 2:12 and Numbers 11:7 to bdellium is thought by most scholars today to refer to a gum resin, obtained from a shrub, <em>Commiphora africana<\/em>, that grows in south Arabia and northeastern Africa. The resin is yellowish, transparent, and fragrant, and looks like a pearl.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Bean\">Bean <em>(Faba vulgaris)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The references in 2 Samuel 17:27-28 and Ezekiel 4:9 are generally regarded as referring to the broad bean. This species, an annual plant, is thought originally to have grown in northern Persia, but it was extensively cultivated in western Asia in very early times as a food plant. Beans have been found in the mummy coffins of Egyptian tombs, and they were also cultivated by the Greeks and Romans.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"BitterHerbs\">Bitter Herbs <em>(Cichorium endivia, Taraxacum officinale, Lactuca sativa)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The “bitter herbs” of Exodus 12:8 and Numbers 9:11 seem to have been plants like endive <em>(Cichorium endivia),<\/em> the common chicory <em>(Cichorium intybus),<\/em> lettuce <em>(Lactuca sativa),<\/em> or the common dandelion <em>(Taraxacum officinale).<\/em> These are all weedy plants common in modern Egypt and western Asia and are still eaten by people living there. The leaves of the ordinary garden lettuce are intensely bitter when bleached. This is also true of the common dandelion. Others suggest that the bitter herbs were derived from thorns and thistles.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"BoxthornEuropean\">Boxthorn, European <em>(Lycium europaeum)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Various thorny shrubs, some species of which bear purplish flowers and brightly colored berries. The reference in Judges 9:14-15 is thought to be to the European boxthorn or desert-thorn. It is a thorny shrub 6 to 12 feet (1.8 to 3.7 meters) tall with clustered leaves and small violet flowers eventually producing small globular red berries. It is native to and common throughout the Holy Land, especially in the region from Lebanon to the Dead Sea.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"BoxTree\">Box Tree <em>(Buxus longifolia)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The long-leaved box tree is a hardy evergreen tree found in the mountainous regions of the northern part of the Holy Land, the Galilean hills, and Lebanon. It grows to a height of about 20 feet (6.1 meters) with a slender trunk seldom more than six to eight inches (15.2 to 20.3 centimeters) in diameter. Its wood is very hard and takes a fine polish. It was cultivated by the Romans for its hard wood, which they inlaid with ivory for cabinets and jewel caskets. Scriptural references include Isaiah 41:19 and 60:13.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Bramble\">Bramble <em>(Rubus sanctus, R. ulmifolius)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The Palestinian bramble <em>(Rubus sanctus)<\/em> and the closely related elm-leaf bramble <em>(R. ulmifolius)<\/em> are prickly evergreen shrubs that spread by means of suckers. The stems and young shoots are covered with a characteristic bloom or whitish powder and short hairs. The prickles are strong, erect, and hairy. The flowers are white, pink, rose, or purple in color, and the fruit is round and black.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Thistle, Thorn (below).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Broom\">Broom <em>(Retama raetam)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>A shrub native to Eurasia. The word translated “juniper” in the <span>kjv<\/span> has nothing to do with the true junipers but refers rather to a species of broom, known as the white broom <em>(Retama raetam).<\/em> Its branches are longer and flexible, forming an erect, dense bush 3 to 12 feet (.9 to 3.7 meters) tall. The leaves are small and sparse, yet it forms an agreeable shade in a desert region. The white pealike flowers are sweet and very fragrant and are borne in clusters along the twigs. It is a beautiful shrub that grows in the desert regions of Palestine, Syria, and Persia. In many desert areas it is the only bush that affords any shade (1 Kgs 19:4-5).<\/p>\n<p>The “juniper roots” of Job 30:4 are not the roots of either the juniper or white broom. The roots of the latter are very nauseating and could not be eaten in the manner described by Job. Job’s “juniper roots” were probably an edible parasitic plant <em>(Cynomorium coccineum).<\/em> This plant grows in salt marshes and maritime sands. It is frequently eaten in times of food scarcity and at one time was highly prized for its supposed medicinal value in the treatment of dysentery.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Buckthorn\">Buckthorn <em>(Rhamnus palaestina)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The Palestinian buckthorn is a shrub or small tree attaining a height of three to six feet (.9 to 1.8 meters) with velvety, thorny branches, evergreen leaves, and clusters of small flowers blooming in March or April. It grows in thickets and on hillsides from Syria and Lebanon through the Holy Land to Arabia and the Sinai.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Bush\">Bush <em>(Acacia nilotica, Loranthus acaciae)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Low, branching, woody plant, usually smaller than a tree. There are differences of opinion in regard to the bush out of which the Lord appeared to Moses (Ex 3:2-4). From the biblical account, it seems most likely that the event was a miraculous one. However, some seek a natural explanation and believe that the burning bush may have been the crimson-flowered mistletoe or acacia strap flower <em>(Loranthus acaciae),<\/em> which grows in great profusion as a partial parasite on the various acacia shrubs, such as the thorny acacia <em>(Acacia nilotica),<\/em> in the Holy Land and Sinai. When in full bloom, the mistletoe imparts to the shrub or tree the appearance of being on fire because its brilliant flame-colored blossoms stand out against the green foliage and yellow flowers of the host plants.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Buttercup\">Buttercup <em>(Ranunculus asiaticus)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The Persian buttercup is one of the flowers or grasses of the field (Mt 6:28-30). It is a showy plant blooming in all brilliant colors except blue, with double flowers sometimes measuring two inches (5.1 centimeters) across.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Calamus\">Calamus <em>(Acorus calamus, Andropogon aroma<\/em><em>ticus)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>A plant, or its aromatic root; any of a variety of tropical Asiatic palms. One of the plants that grew in Solomon’s garden (Sg 4:14). The sweet flag <em>(Acorus<\/em> <em>calamus)<\/em> and the beardgrass <em>(Andropogon aromaticus)<\/em> have been suggested as the plants from which calamus came. The sweet flag is highly aromatic and grows in Europe and Asia, but it is not known in the Holy Land. Indigenous to India, beardgrass is highly odoriferous when bruised and is thought to have furnished the calamus of the Bible. It yields an oil known as ginger-grass oil.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Cane\">Cane <em>(Saccharum officinarum)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>It is thought that there were two species of sugarcane indigenous to and growing wild in the Holy Land. One of these, <em>Saccharum sara,<\/em> is known to be only from Lebanon. The other native species is <em>S. biflorum,<\/em> which grows on the banks of ditches and streams from Syria and Lebanon through the Holy Land south to Stony Arabia and the Sinai. This may be the wild cane familiar to the Jews. Most authorities, however, think that the “sweet cane” of Isaiah 43:24 was the true sugarcane <em>(S. officinarum).<\/em> This plant is thought to have originated in the tropics of the eastern hemisphere. It has been cultivated by people since time immemorial and is not now known in the wild state anywhere. It is a tall, stout perennial grass, maizelike in aspect with many jointed stems and a large plumelike terminal cluster of flowers.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"CaperPlant\">Caper Plant <em>(Capparis sincula)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Spiny, trailing shrub of Mediterranean region; the flower bud of this shrub. The word “desire” in Ecclesiastes 12:5 may actually refer to the caper berry. The common caper or caper berry grows profusely in Syria, Lebanon, the Holy Land, and in the mountain valleys of Sinai. The plant may sometimes grow upright but more generally spreads itself weakly over the ground like a vine, covering rocks, ruins, and old walls like ivy. The young flower buds, pickled in vinegar, were used by the ancients as a condiment for meat. The berries were also used in cooking.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"CarobTree\">Carob Tree <em>(Ceratonia siliqua)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Evergreen of the Mediterranean region having edible pods. Scholars generally agree that the pods of the carob or locust tree were the “husks” of Jesus’ parable of the prodigal son (Lk 15:16). The carob is an attractive evergreen leguminous tree that is very common throughout the Holy Land, Syria, and Egypt. The pods are most abundant in April and May and contain numerous pealike seeds embedded in an agreeably flavored mucilaginous sweetish pulp. The pods are also used abundantly now as they were in antiquity for feeding cattle, horses, and pigs. In time of scarcity, they are used as human food and perhaps even regularly by the very poor. The carob is frequently mentioned in the Talmud as a source of good food for domestic animals. The seeds of the carob were formerly employed as a standard of weight and are the source of the term “carat.” Some commentators suggest that the “locusts” eaten by John the Baptist (Mt 3:4) were not insects but the fruit of the carob tree.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Cassia\">Cassia <em>(Cinnamomum cassia, Saussurea lappa)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Tree of tropical Asia with bark similar but inferior to cinnamon. The “cassia” of Exodus 30:24 and Ezekiel 27:19 is the cassia bark tree, <em>Cinnamomum cassia.<\/em> In Psalm 45:8 the reference seems to be to the Indian orris, <em>Saussurea lappa.<\/em><\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"CastorOilPlant\">Castor Oil Plant <em>(Ricinus communis)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Large plant, native to tropical Africa and Asia, cultivated for ornamental reasons and for extraction of oil from its seeds. The gourd of Jonah 4:6-7 was probably the ordinary castor bean. The castor bean is a tender shrub, growing 3 to 12 or more feet (.9 to 3.7 meters) tall with huge leaves that resemble the outstretched human hand. The castor bean plant is found in waste places, especially near water, in both Lebanon and the Holy Land and often is cultivated. In hot climates it becomes treelike and affords a dense shade by the abundance of its huge, umbrella-like leaves. It is known in the Orient for the rapidity of its growth. The oil extracted from the seeds of the castor bean was used by the Jews in ceremonial rites and is mentioned among the five kinds of oil that rabbinical tradition sanctioned for such use. The seeds themselves are poisonous when eaten.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Cedar\">Cedar <em>(Cedrus libani)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Any of several coniferous evergreen trees of the genus native to the Old World. With few exceptions, the references to “cedar” are to the well-known cedar of Lebanon. This is a noble tree, the tallest and most massive with which the Israelites were acquainted. It grows quite rapidly, attaining a height of up to 120 feet (36.6 meters) with a trunk diameter of as much as 8 feet (2.4 meters). In Solomon’s day these trees were obviously abundant on the mountains of Lebanon, but now, because of excessive lumbering, they are very rare. The cedar of Lebanon was held in high esteem not only for its vigor, beauty, and age but also for the fragrance and remarkable lasting qualities of the wood. It symbolizes grandeur, might, majesty, dignity, lofty stature, and wide expansion. References in Ezekiel 17:3, 22-24, and 31:3-18 beautifully illustrate how these lofty kings of the forest symbolize and typify worldly strength, power, and glory.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Chicory\">Chicory <em>(Cichorium intybus)<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>See<\/em> Bitter Herbs (above).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Cinnamon\">Cinnamon <em>(Cinnamomum zeylanicum)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Two varieties of trees of this genus, native to tropical Asia, with aromatic bark that, when ground, is used as a spice. The cinnamon of Exodus 30:23, Proverbs 7:17, Song of Songs 4:14, and Revelation 18:13 is undoubtedly <em>Cinnamomum zeylanicum.<\/em> The tree is a rather low-growing one, never getting more than 30 feet (9.1 meters) high, with a smooth, ash-colored bark and widespread branches and white flowers. Its shiny, beautifully veined evergreen leaves grow about nine inches (22.9 centimeters) long and two inches (5.1 centimeters) wide.<\/p>\n<p>The Jews always regarded cinnamon as a deliciously fragrant substance and valued it highly as a spice and a perfume. It was one of the principal ingredients used in the manufacture of the precious ointments, or “holy oil,” that Moses was commanded to use in the tabernacle for anointing the sacred vessels and officiating priests. It was undoubtedly very costly and precious.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"CitronTree\">Citron Tree <em>(Tetraclinis articulata)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Tree native to Asia bearing lemonlike fruit with a thick, fragrant rind. It seldom exceeds a height of 30 feet (9.1 meters) and has hard, dark-colored, durable, fragrant wood that takes a fine polish. The wood was one of the most highly prized woods of the ancients, who employed it extensively for cabinetwork. It was commonly referred to as being worth its weight in gold. The wood, owing to its resinous properties, is slow to decay and remains practically uninjured by insects.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Coriander\">Coriander <em>(Coriandrum sativum)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The references in Exodus 16:31 and Numbers 11:7 are clearly to the common coriander plant. The coriander was found quite commonly growing along with grain in cultivated fields throughout the Holy Land. It grows wild in Egypt and was used by the ancients both as condiment and as a medicine. The leaves are quite aromatic and are used in soups and for flavoring puddings, curries, and wines. The coriander is still used today as a spice by the Arabs. In Scripture it is mentioned only in connection with manna, which was said to resemble coriander seeds in size, shape, and color.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Cotton\">Cotton <em>(Gossypium herbaceum)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Any of various plants or shrubs of this genus grown in warm climates for the soft white fiber attached to their seeds and the oil from these seeds. The “green” of the <span>kjv<\/span> in Esther 1:6 is undoubtedly a reference to the Levant cotton <em>(Gossypium herbaceum)<\/em> that was cultivated since time immemorial in the Far East. Alexander the Great brought it back from India. It is probable that the Jews became acquainted with cotton during the period of their Persian captivity under King Ahasuerus.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Cucumber\">Cucumber <em>(Cucumis chate, C. sativus)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The cucumber is an annual climbing or trailing vine, the origin of which is unknown. It has been cultivated in all the warm countries of the Old World since prehistoric times. Cucumbers are usually eaten raw; a cucumber and a barley cake or some other kind of bread often constitute a meal. The reference to “a lodge in a garden of cucumbers” (Is 1:8) refers to the crudely built small house or lodge often set up in Palestinian cucumber fields and vineyards.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Cummin\">Cummin <em>(Cuminum cyminum)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The references in Isaiah 28:25-27 and Matthew 23:23 are clearly to the cummin—a common, annual plant of the carrot family said to be native to Egypt and the region of the eastern Mediterranean. It has long been cultivated for its powerfully aromatic and pungent seeds, which are similar to caraway seeds but larger. They do not have as agreeable a taste as caraway seeds but nevertheless were used extensively as a flavor or spice and sometimes were even mixed with flour in making bread. Cummin was also used medicinally and as a condiment with fish and meats.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Cypress\">Cypress <em>(Cupressus sempervirens horizontalis)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The cypress is a massive, tall-growing evergreen with scalelike leaves and is widely distributed in the mountainous regions of the Holy Land. On Mt Lebanon and Mt Hermon it grows together with the cedar and oak. Its usual height is 50 to 60 feet (15.2 to 18.3 meters), but it may grow as tall as 80 feet (24.2 meters). It is said to have been used extensively in shipbuilding by the Phoenicians, Cretans, and Greeks. There is general agreement that the “gopher wood” of Genesis 6:14 is cypress because the wood is very durable.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Dandelion\">Dandelion <em>(Taraxacum officinale)<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>See<\/em> Bitter Herbs (above).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"DarnelGrass\">Darnel Grass <em>(Lolium temulentum)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>It is generally agreed that the “tares” of the <span>kjv<\/span> (Mt 13:24-30) are the annual or bearded darnel grass. It is a strong grass closely resembling wheat or rye in appearance. The seeds are much smaller than those of wheat or rye, but it is extremely difficult to distinguish it from wheat or rye in its early stages. If it is not eradicated early but is left until the time of harvest, it is cut down with the wheat and the two are subsequently very difficult to separate. The seeds are poisonous, either due to some chemicals naturally present or because of a fungus that grows within the seeds.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Dill\">Dill <em>(Anethum graveolens)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Dill is a weedy annual plant resembling parsley and fennel, 12 to 20 inches (30.5 to 50.8 centimeters) tall with yellow flowers. The reference in Matthew 23:23 (<span>kjv<\/span>) to anise is probably a reference to dill. This plant is widely cultivated for seeds that are aromatic and carminative.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Ebony\">Ebony <em>(Diospyros ebenaster, D. ebenum, D. mela<\/em><em>noxylon)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Chiefly tropical tree of southern Asia with hard, dark-colored heartwood. Ebony comes from the date plum or date tree <em>(Diospyros ebenaster<\/em> and <em>D. melanoxylon)<\/em> of India and is quite different from the date palm. It was sent by Phoenician ships across the Arabian Sea and up the Red Sea to the market in Tyre, from which it was carried overland by camel caravans. The outer wood of these trees is white and soft, but when old, the interior wood becomes hard, black, heavy, and durable and still constitutes most of the costly ebony of commerce. Ebony takes on a fine polish and is highly valued for cabinetwork, for turnery, for the manufacture of fancy ornamental articles and instruments, and as a veneer for other woods.<\/p>\n<p>Ezekiel mentions ivory and ebony together (Ez 27:15). Ebony was and still is frequently inlaid with ivory, with which it contrasts so strikingly in color.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Endive\">Endive <em>(Cichorium endivia)<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>See<\/em> Bitter Herbs (above).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"FigFigTree\">Fig, Fig Tree <em>(Ficus carica)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Any of several trees or shrubs of this genus, native to the Mediterranean region; its edible fruit. The common fig, mentioned some 60 times in the Bible, is one of the most important Bible plants. Its leaves are spoken of first in Genesis 3:7. The fig is generally regarded as native to southwestern Asia and Syria, but already in early times it was also cultivated extensively in Egypt and the Holy Land, where it was one of the principal foods. First Samuel 25:18 states that a part of the gift sent by Abigail to David consisted of 200 cakes of figs.<\/p>\n<p>The fig tree has a very peculiar type of fruit called a syconium, which is actually a very much enlarged and fleshy receptacle. It is pollinated by a wasp, without which it cannot get its fruit; this was discovered when it was first transplanted to California.<\/p>\n<p>The fig puts out its earliest fruit buds before its leaves, the former in February and the latter in April or May. When the leaves are out, the fruit ought to be ripe (Mt 21:19).<\/p>\n<p>Whenever the prophets of old berated the people for their wickedness, they often threatened that the vine and the fig crops would be destroyed. And when they held out the promise of great rewards, they said that the vine and fig crop would be restored (Jer 8:13; Hos 2:12; Jl 1:7, 12; Mi 4:4; Zec 3:10).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"FirTree\">Fir Tree <em>(Abies cilicica)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>This a generic term for various evergreen trees having flat needles and erect cones. In all probability, most of the references in Scripture to the fir are references to the pine, cypress, or juniper. The only true fir in the Holy Land grows in the higher parts of Lebanon and the mountains northward. It attains a height of 30 to 75 feet (9.1 to 22.9 meters) and is widely cultivated.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Flax\">Flax <em>(Linum usitatissimum)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Any of several plants of this genus, one particularly being widely cultivated for the linseed oil from its seeds and the fine textile fibers from its stems. Flax is the oldest known of the textile fibers. Cotton is identified only once in the Bible (Est 1:6). There is no mention of any other fiber plant being cultivated in Egypt or the Holy Land in biblical days, and for that reason it is thought that linen was the material out of which clothes other than woolen ones were made. Linen was also used for domestic purposes such as towels (Jn 13:4-5), napkins (11:44), girdles and undergarments (Is 3:23; Mk 14:51), nets (Is 19:8-9), and measuring lines (Ez 40:3). The priests serving in the temple were to wear nothing but linen clothes; a mixed cloth of wool and flax together was strictly forbidden to the Jews (Lv 19:19; Dt 22:11).<\/p>\n<p>At least three kinds of linen were used in biblical times, and apparently there were particular uses for each kind. Ordinary linen of coarsest texture is mentioned in Leviticus 6:10, Ezekiel 9:2, Daniel 10:5, and Revelation 15:6. The second type of linen of superior quality is mentioned in Exodus 26:1 and 39:27. A third type of linen of finest texture and high cost is mentioned in 1 Chronicles 15:27, Esther 8:15, and Revelation 19:8.<\/p>\n<p>The common flax plant grows from one to four feet (.3 to 1.2 meters) tall with a simple, slender, wirelike stem and numerous small, pale, lancelike green leaves. The failure of the flax crop is listed as one of God’s punishments (Hos 2:9). The manufacture of linen from flax fibers was a domestic industry of Jewish women (Prv 31:13, 19), ranging from ordinary clothing to the robes and aprons worn by the priest and temple attendants. Linen was also used for wicks in lamps (Is 42:3).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Frankincense\">Frankincense <em>(Boswellia)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Aromatic genus resin used chiefly as incense. Frankincense is obtained from three species of a single genus of plants that grow in southern Arabia, Ethiopia, Somaliland, India, and the East Indies. The trees are large in size, related to the turpentine or terebinth tree and to those that produce balsam and myrrh. The gum has a bitter taste and gives off a strong odor in the form of a volatile oil when warmed or burned. It is obtained by successive incisions in the bark of the trunk and in the branches of living trees. It is thought that the Hebrews imported all their frankincense from Arabia, especially from the region about Sheba.<\/p>\n<p>Frankincense is mentioned 21 times in the Bible (e.g., Ex 30:34; 1 Chr 9:29; Neh 13:9; Sg 3:6; 4:6, 14; Mt 2:11; Rv 18:13) and was probably employed almost exclusively in the sacrificial services of the tabernacle and temple until the time of Solomon. It has always been the most important incense resin in the world.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Galbanum\">Galbanum <em>(Ferula galbaniflua)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Galbanum is a malodorous yellowish or brownish gum resin containing the chemical substance umbelliferone, obtained from several species of plants related to the fennel, native to Syria and Persia. The gum is a natural exudation of the stem or is obtained by making a transverse incision in the young stem a few inches above the ground. The milky juice soon hardens and forms one of the kinds of commercial galbanum. Its odor is strongly balsamic, pungent, and disagreeable when burned. Galbanum was one of the ingredients used to form the “holy incense” (Ex 30:34).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Garlic\">Garlic <em>(Allium sativum)<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>See<\/em> Onion (below).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"GourdWild\">Gourd, Wild <em>(Citrullus colocynthis)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>There has been considerable difference of opinion regarding the meaning of the words translated “wild gourds” (2 Kgs 4:39) or “gall” (Dt 29:18; 32:32; Ps 69:21; Jer 8:14; 9:15; 23:15; Lam 3:5, 19; Am 6:12; Mt 27:34; Acts 8:23). Most scholars today believe the plant referred to was the colocynth, a cucumber-like vine that trails on the ground or climbs over shrubs and fences. The fruit contains a soft spongy pulp, which is intensely bitter, strongly cathartic, and sometimes poisonous.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Hedge\">Hedge <em>(Rhamnus palaestina, Balanites aegyptiaca, Lycium europaeum)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Row of closely planted shrubs or low-growing trees forming a fence or boundary. A number of plants were used to provide hedges in Bible times. One of these was the Palestine buckthorn, <em>Rhamnus palaestina.<\/em> This plant is a shrub or a small tree growing from three to six feet (.9 to 1.8 meters) tall with velvety, thorny branches, evergreen leaves, and clusters of small flowers blooming in March and April. It grows in thickets and on hillsides from Syria through the Holy Land to Arabia and the Sinai. The Jericho balsam <em>(Balanites aegyptiaca)<\/em> and the European boxthorn <em>(Lycium europaeum)<\/em> are also prickly shrubs widely used as hedges in the Holy Land and may be the plants referred to in Proverbs 15:19 and Hosea 2:6.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Henna\">Henna <em>(Lawsonia inermis)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Tree or shrub of Asia and northern Africa with fragrant reddish or white flowers and leaves from which a reddish dye is made. The plant referred to in Song of Songs 1:14 and 4:13 and translated as “camphire” (<span>kjv<\/span>) is thought by scholars today to refer to the henna plant. It is a native of northern India and grows wild in the Sudan, Egypt, Arabia, Syria, Lebanon, and the Holy Land. It grows from 4 to 12 feet (1.2 to 3.7 meters) tall, and its scent is similar to that of roses.<\/p>\n<p>Henna leaves are dried, crushed into a powder, mixed with water, and made into a paste that has been used since time immemorial as a cosmetic. A number of mummies have been found decorated with henna. Henna was used to provide a bright yellow, orange, or red color to the fingernails, toenails, the tips of the fingers, the palms of the hand, and the soles of the feet of young girls. Men also used it for coloring their beards and the manes and tails of horses. The dye had to be renewed once every two or three weeks. This use of henna as a cosmetic was common in Egypt at the time the children of Israel were there as slaves; they were undoubtedly familiar with it.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Hyacinth\">Hyacinth <em>(Hyacinthus orientalis)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The lily referred to in Song of Songs 2:1-2, 16; 4:5; and 6:2-4 may well be the garden hyacinth. It is native to, and very common in, the fields and rocky places in the Holy Land, Lebanon, and northward. Its flowers in the wild form are always deep blue and very fragrant.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Lily (below).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Hyssop\">Hyssop <em>(Origanum maru)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Woody plant native to Asia with spikes of small blue flowers and aromatic leaves used as a condiment and in perfumery. There is little agreement among botanists as to the exact identity of the biblical “hyssop.” Some have suggested <em>Hyssopus offici<\/em><em>nalis,<\/em> the well-known garden herb now called hyssop. However, this plant is not native either to the Holy Land or Egypt, being found only in southern Europe. Moreover, it does not fit the requirements of the biblical plant.<\/p>\n<p>The “hyssop” of the OT is likely the Syrian or Egyptian marjoram <em>(Origanum maru).<\/em> It is referred to in Exodus 12:22; Leviticus 14:4-6, 52; Numbers 19:6, 18; 1 Kings 4:33; Psalm 51:7; and Hebrews 9:19. The marjorams are mints growing (under favorable conditions) about two or three feet (.6 to .9 meter) tall, but more often are dwarfed when growing in rock crevices and walls (cf. 1 Kgs 4:33). An aromatic substance is obtained from the crushed and dried leaves. If gathered together in a bunch with leaves and flowers, the hairy stems of the marjoram would hold liquid very well and would make an excellent sprinkler.<\/p>\n\n<p>The hyssop of the crucifixion passage in the NT (Jn 19:29) is probably the sorghum, a tall cereal plant grown primarily for food but also used for brushes and mops.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Juniper\">Juniper <em>(Juniperus)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Variety of evergreen tree or shrub. The plant referred to in Jeremiah 17:6 and 48:6 and translated in the <span>kjv<\/span> “heath” is probably the savin or Phoenician juniper. The Phoenician juniper, <em>Juniperus phoenicia,<\/em> is found in the hills and rocky places of Arabia. The savin juniper, <em>J. sabina,<\/em> is common throughout the deserts, plains, and rocky places of Syria and Palestine. These references are to the brown-berried cedar, or sharp cedar.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LaurelorSweetBay\">Laurel or Sweet Bay <em>(Laurus nobilis)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Shrub or tree native to the Mediterranean region. While the reference in Psalm 37:35 may be to the cedar of Lebanon, most scholars refer the “green bay tree” (<span>kjv<\/span>) of the psalmist to the sweet bay, a native of the Holy Land, inhabiting thickets and woods from the coast to the middle montane zone. It is an evergreen tree attaining a height from 40 to 60 feet (12.2 to 18.3 meters).<\/p>\n<p>Even though the tree is abundant on Mt Carmel and around Hebron, it is generally not common in the Holy Land. Its leaves are still used as a condiment, and its fruit, leaves, and bark have long been used in medicine.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Leek\">Leek <em>(Allium porrum)<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>See<\/em> Onion (below).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Lentil\">Lentil <em>(Lens esculenta)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The lentil plant to which Genesis 25:29-34, 2 Samuel 17:27-29, 23:11, and Ezekiel 4:9 refer is a small, erect, annual, vetchlike plant with slender stems and tendril-bearing leaves. It produces small, white, violet-striped flowers with flat, pealike pods in which the lentils are borne.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Lettuce\">Lettuce <em>(Lactuca sativa)<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>See<\/em> Bitter Herbs (above).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Lily\">Lily <em>(Lilium)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Any of various plants of the genus <em>Lilium<\/em> having large, variously colored, trumpet-shaped flowers; and related plants. The lily is one of the most famous of all the plants in the Bible, but it is also one about which there has been considerable difference of opinion. It seems probable that several kinds of plants, perhaps five or six, are called lilies in the <span>kjv<\/span>. Most authorities regard the Palestine anemone or wind flower, <em>Anemone coronaria,<\/em> as the “lily of the field” (Mt 6:28, <span>kjv<\/span>) that surpassed Solomon in all his glory. These flowers are found in every part of the Holy Land in profusion; the most common forms are scarlet or yellow, but the Palestine anemone may also be blue, purple, rose, or white in color. The flower attains a diameter of two and three-quarter inches (7 centimeters).<\/p>\n<p>An alternative suggestion is the Palestinian chamomile, <em>Anthemis palaestina,<\/em> a common, white, daisylike plant. The chamomile is gathered like dry grass and thrown into the furnace when it dries up.<\/p>\n<p>Another proposed plant is <em>Lilium chalcedonicum,<\/em> the scarlet or Martagon lily. The statement in Song of Songs 5:13—“his lips like lilies”—would better fit this plant than the Palestine anemone. The reference is apparently to a rare plant of exceptional beauty. The scarlet lily is rare in the Holy Land; indeed, some botanists doubt that it lives there.<\/p>\n<p>The references in 1 Kings 7:19, 22, 26 and 2 Chronicles 4:5 are probably to the water lily, <em>Nymphaea alba,<\/em> which served as the pattern. The water lily is quite common in Europe and also in the Holy Land and northern Africa.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LotusBush\">Lotus Bush <em>(Zizyphus lotus)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The “shady trees” of Job 40:21-22 (<span>kjv<\/span>; cf. <span>nlt<\/span> “lotus plants”) may refer to the lotus bush of the Middle East, <em>Zizyphus lotus,<\/em> a shrub or low tree that grows to a height of about five feet (1.5 meters) with smooth, zigzag, whitish branches.<\/p>\n<p>Other commentators believe that the shady trees of Job are large-leafed trees such as the plane tree, <em>Platanus orientalis,<\/em> or the oleander, <em>Nerium oleander.<\/em> This suggestion is based on the assumption that the animal described in Job 40 is the hippopotamus, and it seems unlikely that the hippopotamus would live under a lotus bush or even be found in places where this shrub grows. These individuals regard the plane tree or the oleander as more likely.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Mallow\">Mallow <em>(Atriplex)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The Hebrew word used in Job 30:4 implies saltiness, and for this reason botanists believe that it refers to one of the species of the saltwort or orach. Twenty-one species of saltwort occur in the Holy Land, almost all of which are common and could well meet the requirements of the text. <em>Atriplex halimus<\/em> is the species usually suggested, a strong-growing bushy shrub related to the spinach.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Mandrake\">Mandrake <em>(Mandragora officinarum)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The mandrake or love apple is a stemless herbaceous perennial related to the nightshade, potato, and tomato. It has a large, beetlike, often forked taproot from the top of which arise many dark leaves about a foot (30.5 centimeters) long and four inches (10.2 centimeters) wide. The plant is slightly poisonous, and the thick taproots have some resemblance in shape to the lower parts of the human body. For this reason certain aphrodisiac properties were ascribed to it (cf. Gn 30:14-16).<\/p>\n<p>The love apple was a common plant in deserted fields throughout the Holy Land. It is native to the entire Mediterranean region, southern Europe, and Asia Minor. The mandrake is mentioned in Song of Songs 7:13, though some scholars believe the writer may actually have been referring to the citron or to the common edible field mushroom, <em>Agaricus campestris.<\/em><\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Melon\">Melon <em>(Cucumis melo, Citrullus vulgaris)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Any of several varieties of these two related vines having a hard rind and juicy flesh. The melons of Numbers 11:5 may be either the muskmelon <em>(Cucumis melo)<\/em> or the watermelon <em>(Citrullus vulgaris).<\/em> It may be that both fruits are referred to.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Millet\">Millet <em>(Panicum miliaceum)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>A grass grown in Eurasia for its edible seed. Millet seeds are the smallest of all the grass seeds cultivated as food but are produced profusely. Millet is an annual grass seldom more that two feet (.6 meter) tall. The small seeds of the millet are used on cakes and eaten uncooked by the poor of the land.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Mint\">Mint <em>(Mentha)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Any of various plants of this family with aromatic foliage that is processed for flavoring. Quite a few mints are common in the Holy Land, but the horse mint <em>(Mentha longifolia)<\/em> is probably the one referred to in Matthew 23:23 and Luke 11:42. Mints were employed by the ancient Hebrews, Greeks, and Romans for flavoring, as a carminative in medicine, and as a condiment in cooking.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Mulberry\">Mulberry <em>(Morus nigra)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Any tree of this family, some bearing dark-purple fruit and one bearing white fruit, having leaves used as food for silkworms. The sycamine tree of Luke 17:6 (<span>kjv<\/span>) is evidently the black mulberry, <em>Morus nigra.<\/em> It is a low-growing, thick-crowned, stiff-branched tree standing from 24 to 35 feet (7.3 to 10.7 meters) tall, though rarely more than 30 feet (9.1 meters) tall. Originally native to northern Persia, it is now cultivated throughout the Middle East for its fruit. The Chinese or Indian species, <em>M. alba,<\/em> was until recently widely cultivated in Syria and the Holy Land but is not indigenous.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Mustard\">Mustard <em>(Brassica nigra, B. arvensis)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Various plants of this genus are native to Eurasia, some of which are cultivated for their edible seeds. While there is disagreement about the identity of the “mustard” of Matthew 13:31-32, 17:20, Mark 4:31, Luke 13:19, and 17:6, it is generally thought to be the ordinary black mustard, <em>Brassica nigra.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The mustard Jesus referred to may be the charlock or wild mustard, <em>B. arvensis,<\/em> which normally grows from one to three feet (.3 to .9 meter) tall. Some have suggested that it was actually <em>Salvadora persica,<\/em> found in thickets around the Dead Sea. The plant has a pleasant aromatic taste resembling that of mustard, and if taken in considerable quantity, it will produce an irritation of the nose and eyes similar to that of mustard. However, this plant does not grow as far north as Galilee, and the fruits are rather large and stony, thus hardly fitting the description of the parable.<\/p>\n<p>While the seeds of the mustard are not the smallest known, they were probably the smallest familiar to the common people who comprised Jesus’ audience in Galilee.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Myrrh\">Myrrh <em>(Commiphora myrrha, C. kataf)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Shrub or tree exuding an aromatic gum resin used in perfume and incense. Most of the references in Scripture to myrrh are to <em>Commiphora myrrha,<\/em> although <em>C. kataf<\/em> may also be involved since it grows in the same region and is similar. The two trees are native to Arabia, Ethiopia, and the Somali coast of east Africa. They yield a gummy exudation that constitutes most of the myrrh of commerce. Both species are low, scrubby, thick- and stiff-branched thorny shrubs or small trees that grow in rocky places, especially on limestone hills. In the East it is highly regarded as an aromatic substance, perfume, and medicine. The ancient Egyptians burned it in their temples and embalmed their dead with it; the Jews also used it for embalming (Jn 19:39). The Hebrews held it in high regard as a perfume (Ps 45:8).<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Myrtle\">Myrtle <em>(Myrtus communis)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The myrtle tree is common in the Holy Land, especially around Bethlehem, Lebanon, Hebron, and the slopes of Mt Carmel and Mt Tabor. It is native to western Asia and in good environments grows into a small evergreen tree 20 to 30 feet (6.2 to 9.1 meters) tall. More often, however, it is a straggling bush 1½ to 4 feet (.5 to 1.2 meters) tall.<\/p>\n<p>In the Bible, myrtle is referred to chiefly as a symbol of God’s generosity. Branches of myrtle trees were included among those that Nehemiah ordered to be gathered for the Feast of Tabernacles (Neh 8:15). The myrtle was symbolic not only of peace but also of justice.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Narcissus\">Narcissus <em>(Narcissus tazetta)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Widely cultivated plant of this family with narrow leaves and usually white or yellow flowers with a cup-crown or trumpet-shaped crown. The polyanthus narcissus <em>(Narcissus tazetta)<\/em> appears to be the plant referred to in Isaiah 35:1. This narcissus grows abundantly on the plains of Sharon and elsewhere in Palestine. Being sweet-smelling, it is a great favorite.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Nard\">Nard <em>(Nardostachys jatamansi)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The nard is a perennial herb with strong, pleasantly scented roots. It is native to high altitudes in the Himalayas, and its range extends from there into western Asia. The roots and spikelike wooly young stems are dried before the leaves unfold and are used for making perfume. It is still used in India as a perfume for the hair, and there is every reason to believe that the spikenard of Scripture (Sg 1:12; 4:13-14; Mk 14:3; Jn 12:3) came originally from India.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Nettle\">Nettle <em>(Urtica)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Plant of this genus having toothed leaves covered with hairs that exude a stinging flush. Four species of nettle are found in the Holy Land: the common or great nettle, <em>Urtica dioica;<\/em> the Roman nettle, <em>U. pilulifera;<\/em> the small nettle, <em>U. urens;<\/em> and <em>U. caudata,<\/em> which is similar to the small nettle. Some nettles attain a height of five to six feet (1.5 to 1.8 meters). They are common pests of waste places and fields. They are often seen occupying ground that was once cultivated but has since been neglected (Is 34:13; Hos 9:6).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"NutmegFlower\">Nutmeg Flower <em>(Nigella sativa)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The “fitches” of Isaiah 28:25-27 (<span>kjv<\/span>) are probably the nutmeg flower, an annual plant of the buttercup family. The plant grows wild in southern Europe, Syria, Egypt, north Africa, and other Mediterranean lands, where it is extensively cultivated for its strongly pungent, pepperlike aromatic seeds. These are sprinkled over some kinds of bread and cakes in the East and are used for flavoring curries and other dishes in the Holy Land and Egypt. Cummin and nutmeg flowers are still gathered in the Holy Land in the same way described by Isaiah.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Oak\">Oak <em>(Quercus)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>At least five species of oaks are found in Palestine. One of these is the kermes oak <em>(Quercus coccifera),<\/em> the host of the insect <em>Coccus ilicis,<\/em> which produces the scarlet dye used in coloring linen and wool (Gn 38:28-30; Ex 25:4; 26:1; 28:33; 35:23; 39:24; Lv 14:4-6, 51-52; Nm 19:6; 2 Chr 2:7, 14; 3:14; Is 1:18; Heb 9:19; Rv 18:12). The kermes oak grows from 6 to 35 feet (1.8 to 10.7 meters) tall and is found in the mountainous regions of Syria, Lebanon, and the Holy Land. When it grows alone, the kermes oak often becomes a large tree. It was regularly planted by tombs in the East. The oak was always respected and even venerated in biblical times for its large size and strength, and great men were usually buried in its shade. Abraham’s oak in Hebron is an example.<\/p>\n<p>A second oak is the valonia oak <em>(Q. aegilops),<\/em> perhaps the oak of Isaiah 2:13 and 44:14. It is common in the middle montane zones and probably was abundant in the area around Bashan. The oak of Genesis 35:4, 8 is thought to have been the holm oak <em>(Q. ilex),<\/em> an evergreen oak that grows to a height of 60 feet (18.3 meters). Still another oak is <em>Q. lusitanica,<\/em> the cypress oak, a small deciduous tree seldom more than 20 feet (6.1 meters) tall. The very large acorns of this tree were sometimes eaten.<\/p>\n<p>The word translated “plain” (<span>kjv<\/span>) in Genesis 12:6, 13:18, 14:13, and 18:1 should probably be translated “oak.”<\/p>\n<p>The many references to “groves” in the OT, usually in connection with the worship of Baal or other heathen gods (Ex 34:13; Dt 16:21; Jgs 3:7; 1 Kgs 14:23; 18:19; 2 Kgs 17:16—all <span>kjv<\/span>), were probably groves of sacred oak trees.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"OilTreeOleaster\">Oil Tree, Oleaster <em>(Elaeagnus angustifolia)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Small Eurasian tree with oblong silvery leaves, greenish flowers, and olivelike fruit. There is question as to which tree is referred to when 1 Kings 6:23, 31-33 and 1 Chronicles 27:28 refer to “olive trees.” The same word occurs in Isaiah 41:19 and Micah 6:7. The plant referred to is probably the narrow-leaved oleaster <em>(Elaeagnus angustifolia),<\/em> a small stiff-branched tree or graceful shrub growing from 15 to 20 feet (4.6 to 6.1 meters) tall, common in all parts of the Holy Land except in the Jordan Valley. At one time it was particularly common on Mt Tabor and at Hebron and Samaria. The wood is hard and fine-grained and therefore well suited for carving of images and figures. The oil that it yields is a rather inferior type used in medication but not for food; this may be the oil of Micah 6:7.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Oleander\">Oleander <em>(Nerium oleander)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Any poisonous evergreen shrub of this genus growing in warm climates. One of the suggestions for the plants identified as “roses” in various translations (Ecclus 24:14, <span>kjv<\/span>) is the oleander. This plant, originally native to the East Indies, has been cultivated throughout the warm regions of the world for centuries. It flourishes in the Holy Land today and forms dense thickets in some parts of the Jordan Valley. It is usually a shrub from 3 to 12 feet (.9 to 3.7 meters) tall. Every part of the plant is dangerously poisonous.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"OliveOliveTree\">Olive, Olive Tree <em>(Olea europaea)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Old world semitropical evergreen tree bearing edible fruit. The olive, <em>Olea europaea,<\/em> was unquestionably one of the most valuable trees known to the Jews. There are innumerable references to it in Scripture, as well as to olive oil, which was used for anointing. The tree is quite common in the Holy Land, and in many places it is the only tree of any substantial size. The branches of the wild olive are rather stiff and spinescent, and the typical cultivated tree is a multi-branched evergreen, 20 or more feet (6.1 meters) tall, with a gnarled trunk and smooth, ash-colored bark. The leaves are leathery and the flowers are small, yellow or white. The fruits are large, black or violet, ripening in September, and it is the outer fleshy parts of the fruit that yield the valuable olive oil of commerce. Thirty-one percent of the ripe fruit is oil. The ripe fruit is eaten raw, as is the green, unripe fruit. The wood of the trunk and limbs is hard, rich yellow or amber in color, and fine-grained, often handsomely variegated. It is still used today for the finest cabinetwork and turnery. The tree grows very slowly, but it attains a great age. It is difficult to kill the olive tree by cutting it down, because new sprouts are sent up from the root and all around the margins of the old stump, often forming a grove of two to five trunks, all from a single root that originally supported only one tree.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h3\" id=\"Onion\">Onion <em>(Allium)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The onions referred to in Numbers 11:5 are undoubtedly <em>Allium cepa,<\/em> the Egyptian onion, which is made up of a compact coated bulb formed of layers consisting of broad fleshy bases of closely overlapping leaves. The leaves are slender and hollow. The entire plant has a characteristic pungent taste and odor.<\/p>\n\n<p>Closely related to the onion is the garlic, <em>A. sativum.<\/em> The common garlic is a hardy, bulbous perennial plant that is cultivated in Europe, western Asia, and Egypt. The leaves are narrow, flat, and ribbonlike. It is extremely popular with people of the Mediterranean region.<\/p>\n<p>Still another one of the onions is the leek, <em>A. porrum.<\/em> The bulb of the leek differs from that of the onion and garlic in that it is slender, cylindrical, and more than six inches (15.2 centimeters) in length. The flavor resembles that of the onion but is more pungent. The leaves are eaten as a relish or are cooked in soups. The bulbs are cut into small pieces and employed as seasoning for meat.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Palm\">Palm <em>(Phoenix dactylifera)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The palm tree of the Bible is undoubtedly the date palm. At one time it was as characteristic of the Holy Land as it is still today of Egypt. It is characterized by a branchless, tapering stem of up to 80 feet (24.2 meters) or more in height and a large terminal cluster of feathery leaves, each six to nine feet (1.8 to 2.7 meters) or more long. Because of its height and unusual structure, it was natural that it should be used as a form of ornamentation in Eastern architecture. The stem and leaves were favorite subjects of architectural embellishment. The immense, branchlike leaves that are referred to as branches in the Bible were symbols of triumph and were used on occasions of great rejoicing (Jn 12:13; Rv 7:9). The large leaves are still used to cover the roofs and sides of houses and to give solidity to reed fences. Mats, baskets, and even dishes are made of them. Small leaves are used as dusters, and the wood of the trunk is used for timber. Rope is made from the weblike integument in the crown. The fruit, borne in an immense drooping cluster, which may weigh from 30 to 50 pounds (13.6 to 22.7 kilograms), is the chief food of many natives of Arabia and north Africa. A single tree may yield up to 200 pounds (90.7 kilograms) of dates a year. They may be dried for future use.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Papyrus\">Papyrus <em>(Cyperus papyrus)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The Egyptian bulrush or papyrus (Ex 2:3-5; Jb 8:11; Is 18:2; 19:6-7; 35:7; 58:5) has smooth three-sided stems ordinarily attaining a height of 8 to 10 feet (2.4 to 3 meters), but sometimes even 16 feet (4.9 meters), and a thickness of two to three inches (5.1 to 7.6 centimeters) at the base with a large tuft of florets at the end. The papyrus formerly grew in great abundance along the banks of the Nile, forming what was almost a dense jungle. Today it is practically extinct in lower Egypt, although it is still found along the White Nile and in the Sudan. The papyrus still grows in parts of the Holy Land, especially around the north end of the plain of Galilee and the Huleh swamps.<\/p>\n\n<p>In addition to being used for making small vessels to float in water (Ex 2:3), for mats, and for various other domestic purposes, it is best known as the source of ancient paper. In manufacturing paper from papyrus, the stems of the plant were first peeled and the pitch then cut longitudinally into thin slices that were laid side by side. These were then sprinkled with water and pressed to unite the whole into one piece. The sheet was then dried and cut into pieces of the required size. In the better grades of papyrus paper, several layers of stem slices were laid crosswise on each other.<\/p>\n<p>The pale, fawn-colored, tassel-like inflorescences at the summit of the stems were used to adorn Egyptian temples and to crown the statues of gods. They were also worn as crowns by famous men and national heroes.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PineTree\">Pine Tree <em>(Pinus brutia, P. halepensis)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Various evergreen trees of this family with needle-shaped leaves in clusters and seed-bearing cones. While there is considerable confusion concerning the conifers of the Bible, it seems apparent that pines are referred to in such passages as Leviticus 23:40; Nehemiah 8:15; Isaiah 41:19; and 60:13. One of the Holy Land’s pines is the Brutian pine <em>(Pinus brutia),<\/em> a mountain-inhabiting species of the northern regions of Palestine. It attains a height of 10 to 35 feet (3 to 10.7 meters) with a rather diffuse growth and branches in whorls.<\/p>\n<p>Another of the pines is the Aleppo pine, <em>Pinus halepensis.<\/em> Most of the instances of the occurrence of “fir” or “fir tree” in the <span>kjv<\/span> probably refer to the Aleppo pine (2 Sm 6:5; 1 Kgs 5:8, 10; 6:34; 2 Kgs 19:23; 2 Chr 2:8; Ps 104:17; Sg 1:17; Is 14:8; 37:24; 55:13; 60:13; Ez 27:5; 31:8; Hos 14:8; Na 2:3; Zec 11:2). It grows from 9 to 60 feet (2.7 to 18.3 meters) tall with diffuse ascending branches and yellowish or brownish branchlets.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Pistachio\">Pistachio <em>(Pistacia terebinthus, P. vera)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The Palestine terebinth or turpentine tree is a large deciduous tree with straggling boughs. In the winter, without its leaves, it looks much like the oak. It grows from 12 to 25 feet (3.7 to 7.6 meters) tall. Every part of the tree contains a fragrant, resinous juice. It is common on the lower slopes of the hills throughout Syria, Lebanon, Palestine, and Arabia, generally growing as a solitary tree and found mostly in localities too warm or too dry for the oak that it generally replaces. Since it is native to Gilead, it is quite probable that its resinous juice formed part of the spicery that the Israelites carried to Egypt from Gilead (Gn 37:25).<\/p>\n<p>The nuts of Genesis 43:11 are apparently pistachio nuts from the pistachio tree, <em>Pistacia vera,<\/em> closely related to the terebinth. It attains a height of 10 to 30 feet (3 to 9.1 meters) with a spreading top. It is found wild in many rocky parts of Lebanon and the Holy Land. The nut has a light-colored shell and the kernel has a sweet delicate flavor much relished wherever it grows.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PlaneTree\">Plane Tree <em>(Platanus orientalis)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Any of several trees of this family with bell-shaped fruit clusters and usually an outer bark that flakes off in patches or strips. The references in Genesis 30:37 and Ezekiel 31:8 are apparently not to the chestnut tree, which is not indigenous to Palestine, but to the oriental plane tree, <em>Platanus orientalis.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The plane tree is a massive tree 60 feet (18.3 meters) or more tall with a trunk often of vast circumference, sometimes as much as 40 feet (12.2 meters). The outer bark peels off in sheets or scales, thus exposing a smooth whitish or yellowish inner bark. The tree is common throughout Lebanon, Syria, and the Holy Land, growing even in subalpine regions. However, it is primarily a tree of the plains and lowlands, growing on the edges of streams and lakes and in marshy places.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Pomegranate\">Pomegranate <em>(Punica granatum)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The pomegranate is usually a small, bushlike tree but may occasionally become a large, branching shrub or small tree reaching a height of 20 to 30 feet (6.1 to 9.1 meters). The branches are often thorny. The showy bell-like flowers are usually scarlet, though sometimes yellow or white. The globular fruit is as large as an orange or medium-size apple. It has a hard rind of a bright red or yellowish color when ripe and is surmounted by the dry sepals that resemble a crown. The fruit itself is a crimson juicy pulp in which many red seeds are imbedded. The flowers of the pomegranate undoubtedly served as a pattern for the golden bells referred to in Exodus 28:33-34 and 39:24-26, and the open flowers of 1 Kings 6:32. The erect calyx lobes on the fruit served as a model for crowns of kings.<\/p>\n<p>The pomegranate is native to Asia, but it has been cultivated since prehistoric times and is now quite common in the Holy Land, in Egypt, and along the shores of the Mediterranean. It is listed as one of the pleasant fruits of Egypt (Nm 20:5) and one of the promised blessings of the Holy Land (Dt 8:8).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Poplar\">Poplar <em>(Populus euphratica, P. alba)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Fast-growing deciduous tree of the same genus as the aspen and cottonwood. The <span>kjv<\/span> references in 2 Samuel 5:23-24 and 1 Chronicles 14:14-15 to mulberry trees are more probably to the Euphrates poplar or aspen, <em>Populus euphratica.<\/em> This tree grows to a height of 30 to 45 feet (9.1 to 13.7 meters) with spreading branches. The Euphrates aspen is found only on rivers and stream banks throughout the area from Syria through the Holy Land to Stony Arabia. It is especially common in the Jordan Valley.<\/p>\n<p>The white poplar <em>(Populus alba)<\/em> is common in wet places in Syria, Lebanon, the Holy Land, and Sinai. It attains a height of 30 to 60 feet (9.1 to 18.3 meters) with spreading branches. Some suggest that the altars of various pagan religions were usually erected on the top of a hill and in the shade of a poplar grove.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Quince\">Quince <em>(Cydonia oblonga)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Tree native to western Asia, having white flowers and applelike fruit that is edible when cooked. Some believe that the “apples” of the OT were quinces, <em>Cydonia oblonga.<\/em> The quince tree is quite common in the Holy Land, though chiefly as a cultivated tree. It may occur wild in the northern parts of Syria. It is native to northern Persia and Asia Minor. The fruit is yellowish and highly fragrant, and it is the fragrance that caused it to be held in high regard by the ancients.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Reed\">Reed <em>(Juncus, Scirpus, Typha angustata, Arundo donax)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Numerous species of the rush and bulrush grow in the Holy Land. There are at least 21 varieties of rushes. The common soft rush or bog rush <em>(Juncus effusus)<\/em> is found in wet places, even in the Sinai and other deserts. The sea or hard rush <em>(J. maritimus)<\/em> is found in damp places throughout the Holy Land and even in Sinai.<\/p>\n<p>At least 15 kinds of bulrushes <em>(Scirpus)<\/em> are known in the Holy Land. The cluster-headed club rush <em>(Scirpus holoschoenus)<\/em> is common in damp places throughout the Holy Land to the Sinai. The lake club rush or tall bulrush <em>(S. lacustris)<\/em> is found in swamps and ditches throughout northern Africa to the Dead Sea. The sea club rush or salt marsh club rush <em>(S. maritimus)<\/em> is found in ditches and swamps in many places of the Holy Land. Any of these species may be the one referred to in Job 8:11; Isaiah 9:14; 19:6, 15.<\/p>\n<p>The reference in Genesis 41:2 to the feeding of cattle in the meadow seems to be to the tall reed <em>(Arundo donax),<\/em> which grows 18 feet (5.5 meters) or more in height. This plant is also known as the Persian reed and is common throughout the Holy Land, Syria, and the Sinai peninsula. It is a gigantic grass that may have a stem diameter of two or three inches (5.1 to 7.6 centimeters) at the base and is terminated by a plume of white flowers similar to those of the sugarcane or pampas grass. The plant was used for many purposes by the ancients: for walking sticks, fishing rods, measuring rods, and musical pipes. It is, therefore, quite possible that the “reed” of Matthew 27:48 and Mark 15:36 was a carpenter’s reed or measuring rod.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Papyrus.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Rue\">Rue <em>(Ruta chalepensis, R. graveolens)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Aromatic Eurasian plant with evergreen leaves that yield an acrid, volatile oil once used in medicine. There is little question as to the correctness of the translation of “rue” in Luke 11:42, but there is some doubt as to the exact species. Most writers think that it was the common rue <em>(Rue graveolens),<\/em> a perennial shrubby plant with erect stems two to three feet (.6 to .9 meter) tall and deeply cut leaves. A very strong odor emanates from the foliage. This species is native to the Mediterranean region and grows wild in the Holy Land, especially on Mt Tabor.<\/p>\n<p>Rue was highly thought of by the ancients as a medicinal, supposed to prevent dizziness, dumbness, epilepsy, eye inflammations, insanity, and the “evil eye.” Rue was also used for seasoning dishes.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Rush\">Rush <em>(Butomus umbellatus)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Generic term for any of various grasslike marsh plants having pliant, hollow, or pithy stems. There is considerable uncertainty about the identification of the plant referred to in Genesis 41:2 translated in the <span>kjv<\/span> as “meadow,” and in Job 8:11 as “flag.” Since it is mentioned along with the papyrus in the Job passage, it seems that it refers to a specific kind of plant rather than to an aggregate of plants in a meadow. From the description in Genesis as being a plant on which Pharaoh’s cattle might feed along the banks of the Nile and yet not the papyrus, it may refer to the flowering rush or water gladiola <em>(Butomus umbellatus),<\/em> which flourishes both in Egypt and in the Holy Land, along with the papyrus.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Reed.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Saffron\">Saffron <em>(Crocus sativus)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Saffron, referred to in Song of Songs 4:14, is the product of several species of <em>Crocus,<\/em> especially of the blue-flowered saffron crocus <em>(C. sativus),<\/em> which is native to Greece and Asia Minor. The commercial product consists of the stigma and upper portions of the style, the top parts of the flower ovary, which are collected shortly after the flower opens. It requires at least 4,000 stigmas to make an ounce of saffron. After being gathered, the stigmas are dried in the sun, pounded, and made into small cakes. Saffron is used principally as a yellow dye and also as a fruit coloring for curries and stews.<\/p>\n<p>Another, entirely different kind of dye-producing plant <em>(Carthamus tinctorius)<\/em> called carthamine, bastard saffron, or safflower is a member of the thistle family. Its red florets yield a dye used extensively for coloring silk, in cooking, and for adulterating genuine saffron. It is an annual spiny plant three to four and a half feet (1.4 meters) tall, native to Syria and Egypt. In Egypt the grave clothes of mummies were dyed with this material, and it is quite possible that this plant may also have been the saffron of the Bible.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Sage\">Sage <em>(Salvia judaica)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The Judean sage grows to three feet (.9 meter) tall in the mountains and hills of Palestine. Its stems are four-angled, stiff, and rough. The plant grows from Syria south through Nazareth, Hebron, Tiberius, Samaria, and Judea.<\/p>\n<p>This plant is the origin of the design of the seven-branched lampstand of Exodus 37:17-18, which is known as the menorah, the traditional Jewish symbol. The inflorescence of the plant, when pressed flat, has almost exactly the same shape and form as the seven-branched candlestick, with its central spike and three pairs of side branches each bending upward and inward in a symmetrical fashion. On each branch of the plant’s inflorescence are whorls or buds that perhaps give the idea for the “knops” (<span>kjv<\/span>) or “knobs” on the biblical golden candlesticks.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Spelt\">Spelt <em>(Triticum aestivum)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Hardy member of the wheat family. The rye of Exodus 9:32 and Isaiah 28:25, as well as the fitches of Ezekiel 4:9 (all <span>kjv<\/span>) are thought to be spelt. It is a hard-grained species of wheat with loose ears and grains triangular in cross-section, and was the most common form of wheat in early times. It has a stouter stem than wheat and strong spikes of grain. Bread made of its flour is much inferior to that made from wheat, but spelt will thrive in almost any kind of soil and will yield a crop on land that is unfit for wheat. The ancients preferred it to barley for bread.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"StoraxTree\">Storax Tree <em>(Styrax officinalis)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Various trees of this genus yielding an aromatic resin. Today it is thought that the stacte of Exodus 30:34 was derived from the storax tree. It is an irregularly stiff-branched shrub or small tree 9 to 20 feet (2.7 to 6.1 meters) tall. This tree is abundant on low hills and rocky places from Lebanon through the Holy Land. Its gum is obtained by making incisions in the stems and branches. It is highly perfumed and is still prized today as a perfume.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Sycamore\">Sycamore-fig <em>(Ficus sycomorus)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Tree of northeastern Africa and adjacent Asia, related to the fig. The word translated “sycamore” in 1 Kings 10:27; 1 Chronicles 27:28; 2 Chronicles 1:15; 9:27; Psalm 78:47; Isaiah 9:10; Amos 7:14; and Luke 19:4 undoubtedly refers to the well-known sycamore-fig, which is also known as the mulberry-fig or fig-mulberry. It should not be confused with the common sycamore of the North American continent, which is actually a plane tree. The sycamore-fig of the Bible is a strong-growing, robust, wide-spreading tree growing 30 to 40 feet (9.1 to 12.2 meters) tall and sometimes attaining a trunk circumference of 20 feet (6.1 meters) or more with a crown 120 feet (36.6 meters) in diameter. It is a tree that is easily climbed and is frequently planted along roadsides, which accounts for the reference in Luke 19:4. It produces an abundant amount of fruit in clusters on all parts of the tree, on both young and old branches and even on the trunk itself. It is very similar to the common fig, only smaller and much inferior in quality. In David’s day it was so valuable that he appointed a special overseer for the sycamore trees (1 Chr 27:28). It is thought that Amos was not a gatherer of sycamore fruit but rather a dresser of sycamore trees.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Tamarisk\">Tamarisk <em>(Tamarix)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The references in Genesis 21:33 and 1 Samuel 22:6 and 31:13 seem to be to the tamarisk. These trees or shrubs are small and fast-growing with a durable wood. They are abundant in deserts, dunes, and salt marshes. <em>Tamarix aphylla<\/em> is leafless and has small white flowers. These trees or shrubs often provide a soothing touch of green foliage and a promise of cooling shade to the traveler. Tamarisks are able to survive because they either have small, scalelike leaves, which lose little moisture by transpiration, or no leaves at all. The larger of the tamarisks are valued for their wood in a region where wood is scarce. The wood was used for building and also as a source of an excellent type of charcoal.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Terebinth\">Terebinth <em>(Pistacia terebinthus)<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>See<\/em> Pistachio (above).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"ThistleThorn\">Thistle, Thorn <em>(Lycium europaeum, Solanum incanum, Centaurea, Silybum marianum, Ruscus aculeatus, Agrostemma githago, Paliurus spina-christi, Zizyphus spina-christi)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>There are 22 different Hebrew and Greek words used in Scripture to refer to spiny or prickly shrubs or weeds, and these are translated as “bramble,” “brier,” “cockle,” “thorn,” and “thistle.” At present, there are about 125 species of thorns and thistles that grow in the Holy Land.<\/p>\n<p>The bramble in the allegory of Judges 9:14-15 is believed to refer to the European boxthorn or desert-thorn, <em>Lycium europaeum.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The general consensus is that the “briers” of Isaiah 10:17, 55:13, Micah 7:4, and Hebrews 6:8 are the Palestine nightshade <em>(Solanum incanum),<\/em> or “Jericho potato.”<\/p>\n<p>The thistles of Genesis 3:17-18, 2 Kings 14:9, 2 Chronicles 25:18, Hosea 10:8, and Matthew 7:16, as well as the thorns of Matthew 13:7 and Hebrews 6:8, are thought to be one of the species of the thistle, <em>Centaurea.<\/em> Among the more common thistles in the Holy Land are the true star-thistle <em>(Centaurea calcitrapa),<\/em> the dwarf centaury <em>(C. verutum),<\/em> the Iberian centaury <em>(C. iberica),<\/em> and the lady’s thistle <em>(Silybum marianum).<\/em> Some thistles attain a height of five to six feet (.9 to 1.8 meters). Thistles are characteristic of an area that is uncultivated and neglected. Many have beautiful flowers, but all are covered with sharp spines.<\/p>\n<p>The references in Ezekiel 2:6 to “briers” and Ezekiel 28:24 to a “pricking brier” may be to the prickly butchers-broom or knee-holly, <em>Ruscus aculeatus.<\/em> The plant is common in rocky woods in the northern regions of the Holy Land, especially around Mt Tabor and Mt Carmel.<\/p>\n<p>The cockle of Job 31:40 (<span>nlt<\/span> “weeds”) perhaps refers to the corn cockle, <em>Agrostemma githago.<\/em> This plant is common in grainfields throughout the Holy Land. It is a strong-growing and troublesome weed in grainfields, growing from one to three feet (.3 to .9 meter) tall.<\/p>\n<p>Many commentators think that the “thorns” out of which the crown of thorns (Mt 27:29; Jn 19:2) was made were from the Christ-thorn <em>(Paliurus spina-christi).<\/em> This belief has led to its specific name; the Christ-thorn is a spiny plant that ordinarily grows as a straggling shrub three to nine feet (.9 to 2.7 meters) tall. The flexible branches are armed at the base of each leaf with a pair of unequal, stiff, sharp spines. The unusual pliable texture of the young branches renders it particularly easy to plait into a crownlike wreath.<\/p>\n<p>The thorns of Judges 8:7, Isaiah 7:19, 9:18, 55:13, and Matthew 7:16 may refer to the Syrian Christ-thorn <em>(Zizyphus spina-christi),<\/em> a shrub or small tree 9 to 15 feet (2.7 to 4.6 meters) tall, sometimes growing into a 40-foot (12.2-meter) tree with smooth white branches bearing a pair of stout, unequal, recurved spines at the back of each leaf.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Bramble; Buckthorn (above).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Tulip\">Tulip <em>(Tulipa montana, T. sharonensis)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Any of several bulbous plants of this family native to Asia. The rose of Sharon in Song of Songs 2:1 may be the mountain tulip, <em>Tulipa montana,<\/em> or the closely related Sharon tulip, <em>T. sharonensis.<\/em> The former is an attractive plant that grows from a bulb and has leaves that are often wavy-margined. The species is common in the mountainous regions of Syria, Lebanon, and the Anti-Lebanon. It is primarily a mountainous species. The Sharon tulip <em>(T. sharonensis)<\/em> is found in sandy places on the Sharon coastal plains.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Tumbleweed\">Tumbleweed <em>(Gundelia tournefortii, Anastatica hierochuntica)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The references in Psalm 83:13 to “whirling dust” and in Isaiah 17:13 to “wheel” or “rolling thing” (<span>niv<\/span> “tumbleweed”) seem to be to the Palestinian tumbleweed <em>(Gundelia tournefortii),<\/em> a member of the thistle family. It is a prickly herb with milky juice. It rolls over the land and gathers in tremendous heaps in hollows.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Vegetable\">Vegetable<\/p>\n<p>Scriptural references to vegetables are probably, in most cases, to the dried leguminous seeds of beans and lentils.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Vine\">Vine <em>(Vitis vinifera)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Any plant with a flexible stem that climbs, twines, or creeps along a surface or support. The common grapevine <em>(Vitis vinifera)<\/em> is mentioned throughout the Bible. The fruitful vine (Ez 17:5-10) and the vine brought out of Egypt (Ps 80:8) were symbolic of the Jewish people. Jesus compares himself to the true vine, of which his disciples were the branches (Jn 15:1-6).<\/p>\n<p>The grapevine of the Old World sometimes assumes the characteristics of a tree, with stems up to a foot and a half (45.7 centimeters) in diameter, the branches then being trained on a trellis and bearing bunches of grapes 10 to 12 pounds (4.5 to 5.4 kilograms) in weight, with the individual grapes the size of small plums. Bunches have been produced weighing as much as 26 pounds (11.8 kilograms). The vines of the Holy Land were always renowned both for the luxuriance of their growth and for the immense clusters of grapes they produced. Thus it does not seem improbable that the spies sent to the Promised Land should have employed a pole to transport some of the clusters home (Nm 13:23-24).<\/p>\n<p>The wild grape <em>(Vitis orientalis)<\/em> is referred to in Isaiah 5:2-4, Jeremiah 2:21, and Ezekiel 15:2-6. It is known as the native wild fox grape and has small, black, acidic berries about the size of currants with little juice.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Walnut\">Walnut <em>(Juglans regia)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Any of several trees of this genus having round, sticky fruit enclosing an edible nut. The reference in Song of Songs 6:11 to “nuts” is thought to refer to the Persian or common walnut, <em>Juglans regia.<\/em> The tree is believed to have been indigenous to northern Persia, but it is actually found wild in many parts of northern India, eastward as far as China, and westward through Persia. At the time of Solomon, it was widely cultivated for its fruit throughout the East. Perhaps Solomon’s garden of nuts was a part of his extensive gardens at Etham, six miles (9.7 kilometers) from Jerusalem.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"WaterLily\">Water Lily <em>(Nymphaea)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Any of numerous aquatic plants of this genus with floating leaves and showy flowers. The carved lily ornamentation of 1 Kings 7:19-26 and 2 Chronicles 4:5 was probably patterned after the flowers of the water lily. Few flowers can equal the Egyptian lotus or water lily <em>(Nymphaea lotus)<\/em> in beauty. It looks very much like a large white rose and at one time floated in profusion on the waters of the Nile.<\/p>\n<p>The common European white water lily <em>(N. alba)<\/em> was also familiar to the children of Israel. It grows not only in Europe but also in the Holy Land and North Africa. It is, however, not as common in Egypt as is the white lotus.<\/p>\n<p>Another water lily with which the Israelites were probably familiar is the blue lotus, <em>N. caerulea.<\/em> Its leaves are 12 to 16 inches (30.5 to 40.6 centimeters) across and it has light-blue flowers that are three to six inches (7.6 to 15.2 centimeters) in diameter.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Wheat\">Wheat <em>(Triticum aestivum, T. compositum)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Various cereal grasses of this family widely cultivated for its edible grain. Five kinds of wheat are native to—and still wild in—the Holy Land, and at least eight others are cultivated there today; probably most, if not all, were known in Bible times. The wild varieties were probably more abundant then than they are today. Among these are the einkorn <em>(T. monococcum),<\/em> the thaoudar <em>(T. thaoudar),<\/em> and the wild emmer <em>(T. dicoccoides).<\/em> The composite wheat <em>(T. compositum),<\/em> with its branched spikes, often bearing as many as seven heads per stalk, is definitely referred to in Genesis 41:5-57. It is depicted on numerous Egyptian monuments and on inscriptions and is still commonly seen in the Nile Delta, where it is known as “mummy wheat.” It is also cultivated in the Holy Land.<\/p>\n<p>The most frequently mentioned wheat of the Bible is undoubtedly the commonly cultivated summer and winter wheat, <em>Triticum aestivum.<\/em> It is an abundant annual grass cultivated in Egypt and other Eastern lands since earliest times. The exact place of its origin is unknown. Grains of wheat have been found in the most ancient Egyptian tombs and in the remains of prehistoric lake dwellings in Switzerland. It was certainly the chief grain of Mesopotamia in Jacob’s time (Gn 30:14).<\/p>\n<p>Corn in biblical days often included a mixture of peas, beans, lentils, cummin, barley, millet, and spelt, but wheat was always its main constituent. Egypt was a great grain-producing country, and Abram (Gn 12:10) and Joseph’s brothers (ch 42) naturally turned to Egypt for wheat when famine visited Canaan.<\/p>\n<p>The mills, millstones, granaries, and threshing floors mentioned in the Bible all refer to equipment employed in processing grain to produce flour. The fine flour of which the showbread loaves were made (Lv 24:5) was unquestionably wheat flour. Wheat intended for home consumption was often stored in the central part of the house; this explains the story told in 2 Samuel 4:6. It was also sometimes stored in dry wells (2 Sm 17:19).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Wormwood\">Wormwood <em>(Artemisia judaica, A. herba-alba)<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Wormwood is a general name given to a group of woody plants with a strong aromatic odor. Wormwood plants have a strong, bitter taste, and their young shoots and branch tips furnish the “wormwood” of commerce. Its bitter taste accounts for its being spoken of with gall—as being symbolic of bitter calamity and sorrow (Prv 5:4; Jer 9:15; 23:15; Lam 3:15, 19). <em>Artemisia herba-alba<\/em> is the common species of wormwood in the Holy Land today. It is strongly aromatic, smelling like camphor, and bitter. <em>A. judaica<\/em> occurs only in the Sinai.<\/p>\n<p>Absinthe is made from species of this group. It first leads to greater activity and pleasant sensations and fills the mind with grandiose ideas (Lam 3:15). The habitual use of it, however, brings on a stupor and gradual diminution of intellectual faculties, ending in delirium and even death. Perhaps the hemlock of Amos 6:12 was wormwood.<\/p>","summary_ro":"PLANTS Identifying biblical plants has always been a difficult task, partly because people continue to identify the biblical elm, sycamore, lily, rose, and vine with modern plants, and also because they assume that all the plants now growing in the Holy Land were there in ancient biblical days, or that the plants referred to in the Bible are still to be found there today. Unfortunately, many plants now quite common in the Holy Land were not there in biblical days. Many plants that once grew i...","summary_en":"PLANTS Identifying biblical plants has always been a difficult task, partly because people continue to identify the biblical elm, sycamore, lily, rose, and vine with modern plants, and also because they assume that all the plants now growing in the Holy Land were there in ancient biblical days, or that the plants referred to in the Bible are still to be found there today. Unfortunately, many plants now quite common in the Holy Land were not there in biblical days. Many plants that once grew i...","source":"Articles\/P.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"14":[{"id":28351,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Oholah and Oholibah","title_en":"Oholah and Oholibah","content_ro":"<h3>OHOLAH AND OHOLIBAH<\/h3>\n<p>Names given to the northern kingdom (<span>kjv<\/span> “Aholah”), with its capital at Samaria, and to the southern kingdom (<span>kjv<\/span> “Aholibah”), with its capital at Jerusalem, respectively, by Ezekiel in his allegory depicting the unfaithfulness of God’s people (Ez 23). The names characterized the basic attitude of each of the twin kingdoms toward God and his worship. Samaria (Oholah) had “her own tent” (the literal meaning of the name) and had invented her own centers of worship; Jerusalem (Oholibah, literally “my tent is in her”) prided herself in being the custodian of the temple.<\/p>\n<p>Rather than being true to the Lord, Samaria had committed spiritual adultery. Not being content with her spiritual infidelity in wooing the gods of Egypt, she had lusted after the idols of Assyria and the worldly attractions that the Neo-Assyrian culture held out before her. Both courses of action are adequately documented by archaeological discoveries from the ancient Near East, such as Jehu’s act of homage as portrayed on the Black Obelisk of King Shalmaneser III of Assyria (859–824 <span>BC<\/span>). Samaria’s conduct had been judged by God; her newfound desire had proved to be her destruction, God giving her over into the hands of the Assyrian conqueror.<\/p>\n<p>Far from learning from Israel’s example, Judah had not only courted Assyria and its idolatry (e.g., 2 Kgs 16:10-18) but also had added to her affections the Neo-Babylonian Empire (e.g., 20:14-18) and then had turned once again to Egypt (e.g., Jer 37; 46), her earlier lover (Ez 23:11-21). Therefore, God would sorely punish her at the hands of the Babylonians, and she would know the just judgment of God.<\/p>\n<p>Ezekiel closes his allegory with a rehearsal of God’s charges against the two kingdoms. God’s people were doubly guilty. Not being content with their apostasy, they had gone so far as to profane the sanctuary of God and his Sabbath by entering the temple with hands bloodied in the sacrifice of their own children in pagan rites.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>OHOLAH AND OHOLIBAH<\/h3>\n<p>Names given to the northern kingdom (<span>kjv<\/span> “Aholah”), with its capital at Samaria, and to the southern kingdom (<span>kjv<\/span> “Aholibah”), with its capital at Jerusalem, respectively, by Ezekiel in his allegory depicting the unfaithfulness of God’s people (Ez 23). The names characterized the basic attitude of each of the twin kingdoms toward God and his worship. Samaria (Oholah) had “her own tent” (the literal meaning of the name) and had invented her own centers of worship; Jerusalem (Oholibah, literally “my tent is in her”) prided herself in being the custodian of the temple.<\/p>\n<p>Rather than being true to the Lord, Samaria had committed spiritual adultery. Not being content with her spiritual infidelity in wooing the gods of Egypt, she had lusted after the idols of Assyria and the worldly attractions that the Neo-Assyrian culture held out before her. Both courses of action are adequately documented by archaeological discoveries from the ancient Near East, such as Jehu’s act of homage as portrayed on the Black Obelisk of King Shalmaneser III of Assyria (859–824 <span>BC<\/span>). Samaria’s conduct had been judged by God; her newfound desire had proved to be her destruction, God giving her over into the hands of the Assyrian conqueror.<\/p>\n<p>Far from learning from Israel’s example, Judah had not only courted Assyria and its idolatry (e.g., 2 Kgs 16:10-18) but also had added to her affections the Neo-Babylonian Empire (e.g., 20:14-18) and then had turned once again to Egypt (e.g., Jer 37; 46), her earlier lover (Ez 23:11-21). Therefore, God would sorely punish her at the hands of the Babylonians, and she would know the just judgment of God.<\/p>\n<p>Ezekiel closes his allegory with a rehearsal of God’s charges against the two kingdoms. God’s people were doubly guilty. Not being content with their apostasy, they had gone so far as to profane the sanctuary of God and his Sabbath by entering the temple with hands bloodied in the sacrifice of their own children in pagan rites.<\/p>","summary_ro":"OHOLAH AND OHOLIBAH Names given to the northern kingdom (kjv “Aholah”), with its capital at Samaria, and to the southern kingdom (kjv “Aholibah”), with its capital at Jerusalem, respectively, by Ezekiel in his allegory depicting the unfaithfulness of God’s people (Ez 23). The names characterized the basic attitude of each of the twin kingdoms toward God and his worship. Samaria (Oholah) had “her own tent” (the literal meaning of the name) and had invented her own centers of worship; Jerusalem...","summary_en":"OHOLAH AND OHOLIBAH Names given to the northern kingdom (kjv “Aholah”), with its capital at Samaria, and to the southern kingdom (kjv “Aholibah”), with its capital at Jerusalem, respectively, by Ezekiel in his allegory depicting the unfaithfulness of God’s people (Ez 23). The names characterized the basic attitude of each of the twin kingdoms toward God and his worship. Samaria (Oholah) had “her own tent” (the literal meaning of the name) and had invented her own centers of worship; Jerusalem...","source":"Articles\/O.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"17":[{"id":47460,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 20:17","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 20:17","content_ro":"<p><strong>20:17<\/strong> <em>everything . . . will be carried off to Babylon:<\/em> The Lord’s message through Isaiah predicted the taking of the <em>palace . . . treasures<\/em> in Jerusalem to <em>Babylon<\/em><em>,<\/em> an event that took place in 597–586 <span>BC<\/span> (24:10-17; 25:1-21).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>20:17<\/strong> <em>everything . . . will be carried off to Babylon:<\/em> The Lord’s message through Isaiah predicted the taking of the <em>palace . . . treasures<\/em> in Jerusalem to <em>Babylon<\/em><em>,<\/em> an event that took place in 597–586 <span>BC<\/span> (24:10-17; 25:1-21).<\/p>","summary_ro":"20:17 everything . . . will be carried off to Babylon: The Lord’s message through Isaiah predicted the taking of the palace . . . treasures in Jerusalem to Babylon, an event that took place in 597–586 BC (24:10-17; 25:1-21).","summary_en":"20:17 everything . . . will be carried off to Babylon: The Lord’s message through Isaiah predicted the taking of the palace . . . treasures in Jerusalem to Babylon, an event that took place in 597–586 BC (24:10-17; 25:1-21).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":75086,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 20:17","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 20:17","content_ro":"<p><strong>20:17<\/strong> <em>everything . . . will be carried off to Babylon:<\/em> The Lord’s message through Isaiah predicted the taking of the <em>palace . . . treasures<\/em> in Jerusalem to <em>Babylon<\/em><em>,<\/em> an event that took place in 597–586 <span>BC<\/span> (24:10-17; 25:1-21).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>20:17<\/strong> <em>everything . . . will be carried off to Babylon:<\/em> The Lord’s message through Isaiah predicted the taking of the <em>palace . . . treasures<\/em> in Jerusalem to <em>Babylon<\/em><em>,<\/em> an event that took place in 597–586 <span>BC<\/span> (24:10-17; 25:1-21).<\/p>","summary_ro":"20:17 everything . . . will be carried off to Babylon: The Lord’s message through Isaiah predicted the taking of the palace . . . treasures in Jerusalem to Babylon, an event that took place in 597–586 BC (24:10-17; 25:1-21).","summary_en":"20:17 everything . . . will be carried off to Babylon: The Lord’s message through Isaiah predicted the taking of the palace . . . treasures in Jerusalem to Babylon, an event that took place in 597–586 BC (24:10-17; 25:1-21).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":102712,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 20:17","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 20:17","content_ro":"<p><strong>20:17<\/strong> <em>everything . . . will be carried off to Babylon:<\/em> The Lord’s message through Isaiah predicted the taking of the <em>palace . . . treasures<\/em> in Jerusalem to <em>Babylon<\/em><em>,<\/em> an event that took place in 597–586 <span>BC<\/span> (24:10-17; 25:1-21).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>20:17<\/strong> <em>everything . . . will be carried off to Babylon:<\/em> The Lord’s message through Isaiah predicted the taking of the <em>palace . . . treasures<\/em> in Jerusalem to <em>Babylon<\/em><em>,<\/em> an event that took place in 597–586 <span>BC<\/span> (24:10-17; 25:1-21).<\/p>","summary_ro":"20:17 everything . . . will be carried off to Babylon: The Lord’s message through Isaiah predicted the taking of the palace . . . treasures in Jerusalem to Babylon, an event that took place in 597–586 BC (24:10-17; 25:1-21).","summary_en":"20:17 everything . . . will be carried off to Babylon: The Lord’s message through Isaiah predicted the taking of the palace . . . treasures in Jerusalem to Babylon, an event that took place in 597–586 BC (24:10-17; 25:1-21).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":130338,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 20:17","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 20:17","content_ro":"<p><strong>20:17<\/strong> <em>everything . . . will be carried off to Babylon:<\/em> The Lord’s message through Isaiah predicted the taking of the <em>palace . . . treasures<\/em> in Jerusalem to <em>Babylon<\/em><em>,<\/em> an event that took place in 597–586 <span>BC<\/span> (24:10-17; 25:1-21).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>20:17<\/strong> <em>everything . . . will be carried off to Babylon:<\/em> The Lord’s message through Isaiah predicted the taking of the <em>palace . . . treasures<\/em> in Jerusalem to <em>Babylon<\/em><em>,<\/em> an event that took place in 597–586 <span>BC<\/span> (24:10-17; 25:1-21).<\/p>","summary_ro":"20:17 everything . . . will be carried off to Babylon: The Lord’s message through Isaiah predicted the taking of the palace . . . treasures in Jerusalem to Babylon, an event that took place in 597–586 BC (24:10-17; 25:1-21).","summary_en":"20:17 everything . . . will be carried off to Babylon: The Lord’s message through Isaiah predicted the taking of the palace . . . treasures in Jerusalem to Babylon, an event that took place in 597–586 BC (24:10-17; 25:1-21).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"18":[{"id":34565,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego","title_en":"Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego","content_ro":"<h3>SHADRACH, MESHACH, AND ABEDNEGO<\/h3>\n<p>Babylonian names of three Hebrew youths, Hananiah, Mishael, and Azariah, who along with Daniel and others were taken to Babylon as hostages by Nebuchadnezzar in 605 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 24:1; Dn 1:1-4). They may have been of royal descent (2 Kgs 20:18; Is 39:7), and thus their presence in Babylon would be thought to guarantee the good behavior of the Judean king Jehoiakim. Nebuchadnezzar, desiring to grace his court with intelligent and handsome men and provide able administrators for his kingdom, directed that certain of the Judean hostages be selected for special training. Among those chosen were Daniel and his three friends. Their Hebrew names, each of which exalted Yahweh, were changed to Babylonian names whose meanings are not clear but may have been intended to honor a Babylonian god. Thus, Hananiah (“The Lord is gracious”) was changed to Shadrach (“Command of Aku”—the Sumerian moon god), Mishael (“Who is what God is”) was changed to Meshach (“Who is what Aku is”), and Azariah (“The Lord has helped”) was changed to Abednego (“Servant of Nabu”—the Babylonian god of wisdom). Also Daniel (“My judge is God”) was changed to Belteshazzar (“Bel protects”—the chief Babylonian god). These young men underwent a three-year course of instruction in the languages and literature of the Chaldeans, the learned men of Babylon. This instruction no doubt included the Aramaic, Akkadian, and Sumerian languages; cuneiform writing; and perhaps also astronomy, mathematics, history, and agriculture.<\/p>\n<p>Nebuchadnezzar provided food for this academy. The four Hebrew youths refused to defile themselves with it because it likely had been sacrificed to one or more of the pagan gods. It had not been properly prepared, therefore, and was unfit for Jewish consumption (cf. Ex 34:15; Lv 17:10-14). Fearing the king’s displeasure should the young scholars appear undernourished, the chief eunuch expressed his concern to Daniel. Daniel proposed a substitute diet of vegetables to be tested for ten days. At the end of that period, the four Hebrew youths appeared healthier than their colleagues and were allowed to continue their diet. When the course of their instruction was completed, the four stood out from the rest because of their academic excellence and superior competence in every area of knowledge. Their intellectual superiority had been bestowed upon them by God.<\/p>\n<p>Apparently, these four young men joined the ranks of the “wise men of Babylon” (Dn 2:12-49). When the others (the enchanters, sorcerers, and wise men) were unable to tell Nebuchadnezzar the nature and interpretation of a dream, he lashed out at them in a fitful rage and ordered them all put to death. Daniel appealed to the king, and their lives were spared when the dream and its interpretation were made known to him in a vision. Later, Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego refused to comply with the king’s command to prostrate themselves before an enormous golden image that Nebuchadnezzar had erected (ch 3). Confronted by Nebuchadnezzar and threatened with terrible punishment for their intransigence, they replied that their trust was fully in the Lord. A blazing furnace was stoked for the immediate execution of the faithful Hebrews. The Lord was with his faithful servants and preserved their lives by sending his angel to protect them in the furnace. In the end it was Nebuchadnezzar who had to acknowledge that his own kingdom and power could not compare to that of the true God.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Daniel, Book of; Daniel, Additions to (Prayer of Azariah and the Song of the Three Young Men).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>SHADRACH, MESHACH, AND ABEDNEGO<\/h3>\n<p>Babylonian names of three Hebrew youths, Hananiah, Mishael, and Azariah, who along with Daniel and others were taken to Babylon as hostages by Nebuchadnezzar in 605 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 24:1; Dn 1:1-4). They may have been of royal descent (2 Kgs 20:18; Is 39:7), and thus their presence in Babylon would be thought to guarantee the good behavior of the Judean king Jehoiakim. Nebuchadnezzar, desiring to grace his court with intelligent and handsome men and provide able administrators for his kingdom, directed that certain of the Judean hostages be selected for special training. Among those chosen were Daniel and his three friends. Their Hebrew names, each of which exalted Yahweh, were changed to Babylonian names whose meanings are not clear but may have been intended to honor a Babylonian god. Thus, Hananiah (“The Lord is gracious”) was changed to Shadrach (“Command of Aku”—the Sumerian moon god), Mishael (“Who is what God is”) was changed to Meshach (“Who is what Aku is”), and Azariah (“The Lord has helped”) was changed to Abednego (“Servant of Nabu”—the Babylonian god of wisdom). Also Daniel (“My judge is God”) was changed to Belteshazzar (“Bel protects”—the chief Babylonian god). These young men underwent a three-year course of instruction in the languages and literature of the Chaldeans, the learned men of Babylon. This instruction no doubt included the Aramaic, Akkadian, and Sumerian languages; cuneiform writing; and perhaps also astronomy, mathematics, history, and agriculture.<\/p>\n<p>Nebuchadnezzar provided food for this academy. The four Hebrew youths refused to defile themselves with it because it likely had been sacrificed to one or more of the pagan gods. It had not been properly prepared, therefore, and was unfit for Jewish consumption (cf. Ex 34:15; Lv 17:10-14). Fearing the king’s displeasure should the young scholars appear undernourished, the chief eunuch expressed his concern to Daniel. Daniel proposed a substitute diet of vegetables to be tested for ten days. At the end of that period, the four Hebrew youths appeared healthier than their colleagues and were allowed to continue their diet. When the course of their instruction was completed, the four stood out from the rest because of their academic excellence and superior competence in every area of knowledge. Their intellectual superiority had been bestowed upon them by God.<\/p>\n<p>Apparently, these four young men joined the ranks of the “wise men of Babylon” (Dn 2:12-49). When the others (the enchanters, sorcerers, and wise men) were unable to tell Nebuchadnezzar the nature and interpretation of a dream, he lashed out at them in a fitful rage and ordered them all put to death. Daniel appealed to the king, and their lives were spared when the dream and its interpretation were made known to him in a vision. Later, Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego refused to comply with the king’s command to prostrate themselves before an enormous golden image that Nebuchadnezzar had erected (ch 3). Confronted by Nebuchadnezzar and threatened with terrible punishment for their intransigence, they replied that their trust was fully in the Lord. A blazing furnace was stoked for the immediate execution of the faithful Hebrews. The Lord was with his faithful servants and preserved their lives by sending his angel to protect them in the furnace. In the end it was Nebuchadnezzar who had to acknowledge that his own kingdom and power could not compare to that of the true God.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Daniel, Book of; Daniel, Additions to (Prayer of Azariah and the Song of the Three Young Men).<\/p>","summary_ro":"SHADRACH, MESHACH, AND ABEDNEGO Babylonian names of three Hebrew youths, Hananiah, Mishael, and Azariah, who along with Daniel and others were taken to Babylon as hostages by Nebuchadnezzar in 605 BC (2 Kgs 24:1; Dn 1:1-4). They may have been of royal descent (2 Kgs 20:18; Is 39:7), and thus their presence in Babylon would be thought to guarantee the good behavior of the Judean king Jehoiakim. Nebuchadnezzar, desiring to grace his court with intelligent and handsome men and provide able admin...","summary_en":"SHADRACH, MESHACH, AND ABEDNEGO Babylonian names of three Hebrew youths, Hananiah, Mishael, and Azariah, who along with Daniel and others were taken to Babylon as hostages by Nebuchadnezzar in 605 BC (2 Kgs 24:1; Dn 1:1-4). They may have been of royal descent (2 Kgs 20:18; Is 39:7), and thus their presence in Babylon would be thought to guarantee the good behavior of the Judean king Jehoiakim. Nebuchadnezzar, desiring to grace his court with intelligent and handsome men and provide able admin...","source":"Articles\/S.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":47461,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 20:18","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 20:18","content_ro":"<p><strong>20:18<\/strong> <em>Some of your very own sons will be taken:<\/em> Hezekiah’s son Manasseh was taken as a prisoner to Babylon (2 Chr 33:11-13). This prophecy found ultimate fulfillment in Hezekiah’s descendants during the Babylonian deportations of 605 <span>BC<\/span> (see 2 Kgs 24:1 and corresponding study note; Dan 1:1-7), 597 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 24:10-12; 2 Chr 36:10), and 586 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 25:5-7; 2 Chr 36:20; Jer 39:1-7; 52:4-15).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>20:18<\/strong> <em>Some of your very own sons will be taken:<\/em> Hezekiah’s son Manasseh was taken as a prisoner to Babylon (2 Chr 33:11-13). This prophecy found ultimate fulfillment in Hezekiah’s descendants during the Babylonian deportations of 605 <span>BC<\/span> (see 2 Kgs 24:1 and corresponding study note; Dan 1:1-7), 597 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 24:10-12; 2 Chr 36:10), and 586 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 25:5-7; 2 Chr 36:20; Jer 39:1-7; 52:4-15).<\/p>","summary_ro":"20:18 Some of your very own sons will be taken: Hezekiah’s son Manasseh was taken as a prisoner to Babylon (2 Chr 33:11-13). This prophecy found ultimate fulfillment in Hezekiah’s descendants during the Babylonian deportations of 605 BC (see 2 Kgs 24:1 and corresponding study note; Dan 1:1-7), 597 BC (2 Kgs 24:10-12; 2 Chr 36:10), and 586 BC (2 Kgs 25:5-7; 2 Chr 36:20; Jer 39:1-7; 52:4-15).","summary_en":"20:18 Some of your very own sons will be taken: Hezekiah’s son Manasseh was taken as a prisoner to Babylon (2 Chr 33:11-13). This prophecy found ultimate fulfillment in Hezekiah’s descendants during the Babylonian deportations of 605 BC (see 2 Kgs 24:1 and corresponding study note; Dan 1:1-7), 597 BC (2 Kgs 24:10-12; 2 Chr 36:10), and 586 BC (2 Kgs 25:5-7; 2 Chr 36:20; Jer 39:1-7; 52:4-15).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":75087,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 20:18","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 20:18","content_ro":"<p><strong>20:18<\/strong> <em>Some of your very own sons will be taken:<\/em> Hezekiah’s son Manasseh was taken as a prisoner to Babylon (2 Chr 33:11-13). This prophecy found ultimate fulfillment in Hezekiah’s descendants during the Babylonian deportations of 605 <span>BC<\/span> (see 2 Kgs 24:1 and corresponding study note; Dan 1:1-7), 597 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 24:10-12; 2 Chr 36:10), and 586 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 25:5-7; 2 Chr 36:20; Jer 39:1-7; 52:4-15).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>20:18<\/strong> <em>Some of your very own sons will be taken:<\/em> Hezekiah’s son Manasseh was taken as a prisoner to Babylon (2 Chr 33:11-13). This prophecy found ultimate fulfillment in Hezekiah’s descendants during the Babylonian deportations of 605 <span>BC<\/span> (see 2 Kgs 24:1 and corresponding study note; Dan 1:1-7), 597 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 24:10-12; 2 Chr 36:10), and 586 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 25:5-7; 2 Chr 36:20; Jer 39:1-7; 52:4-15).<\/p>","summary_ro":"20:18 Some of your very own sons will be taken: Hezekiah’s son Manasseh was taken as a prisoner to Babylon (2 Chr 33:11-13). This prophecy found ultimate fulfillment in Hezekiah’s descendants during the Babylonian deportations of 605 BC (see 2 Kgs 24:1 and corresponding study note; Dan 1:1-7), 597 BC (2 Kgs 24:10-12; 2 Chr 36:10), and 586 BC (2 Kgs 25:5-7; 2 Chr 36:20; Jer 39:1-7; 52:4-15).","summary_en":"20:18 Some of your very own sons will be taken: Hezekiah’s son Manasseh was taken as a prisoner to Babylon (2 Chr 33:11-13). This prophecy found ultimate fulfillment in Hezekiah’s descendants during the Babylonian deportations of 605 BC (see 2 Kgs 24:1 and corresponding study note; Dan 1:1-7), 597 BC (2 Kgs 24:10-12; 2 Chr 36:10), and 586 BC (2 Kgs 25:5-7; 2 Chr 36:20; Jer 39:1-7; 52:4-15).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":102713,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 20:18","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 20:18","content_ro":"<p><strong>20:18<\/strong> <em>Some of your very own sons will be taken:<\/em> Hezekiah’s son Manasseh was taken as a prisoner to Babylon (2 Chr 33:11-13). This prophecy found ultimate fulfillment in Hezekiah’s descendants during the Babylonian deportations of 605 <span>BC<\/span> (see 2 Kgs 24:1 and corresponding study note; Dan 1:1-7), 597 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 24:10-12; 2 Chr 36:10), and 586 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 25:5-7; 2 Chr 36:20; Jer 39:1-7; 52:4-15).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>20:18<\/strong> <em>Some of your very own sons will be taken:<\/em> Hezekiah’s son Manasseh was taken as a prisoner to Babylon (2 Chr 33:11-13). This prophecy found ultimate fulfillment in Hezekiah’s descendants during the Babylonian deportations of 605 <span>BC<\/span> (see 2 Kgs 24:1 and corresponding study note; Dan 1:1-7), 597 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 24:10-12; 2 Chr 36:10), and 586 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 25:5-7; 2 Chr 36:20; Jer 39:1-7; 52:4-15).<\/p>","summary_ro":"20:18 Some of your very own sons will be taken: Hezekiah’s son Manasseh was taken as a prisoner to Babylon (2 Chr 33:11-13). This prophecy found ultimate fulfillment in Hezekiah’s descendants during the Babylonian deportations of 605 BC (see 2 Kgs 24:1 and corresponding study note; Dan 1:1-7), 597 BC (2 Kgs 24:10-12; 2 Chr 36:10), and 586 BC (2 Kgs 25:5-7; 2 Chr 36:20; Jer 39:1-7; 52:4-15).","summary_en":"20:18 Some of your very own sons will be taken: Hezekiah’s son Manasseh was taken as a prisoner to Babylon (2 Chr 33:11-13). This prophecy found ultimate fulfillment in Hezekiah’s descendants during the Babylonian deportations of 605 BC (see 2 Kgs 24:1 and corresponding study note; Dan 1:1-7), 597 BC (2 Kgs 24:10-12; 2 Chr 36:10), and 586 BC (2 Kgs 25:5-7; 2 Chr 36:20; Jer 39:1-7; 52:4-15).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":130339,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 20:18","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 20:18","content_ro":"<p><strong>20:18<\/strong> <em>Some of your very own sons will be taken:<\/em> Hezekiah’s son Manasseh was taken as a prisoner to Babylon (2 Chr 33:11-13). This prophecy found ultimate fulfillment in Hezekiah’s descendants during the Babylonian deportations of 605 <span>BC<\/span> (see 2 Kgs 24:1 and corresponding study note; Dan 1:1-7), 597 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 24:10-12; 2 Chr 36:10), and 586 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 25:5-7; 2 Chr 36:20; Jer 39:1-7; 52:4-15).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>20:18<\/strong> <em>Some of your very own sons will be taken:<\/em> Hezekiah’s son Manasseh was taken as a prisoner to Babylon (2 Chr 33:11-13). This prophecy found ultimate fulfillment in Hezekiah’s descendants during the Babylonian deportations of 605 <span>BC<\/span> (see 2 Kgs 24:1 and corresponding study note; Dan 1:1-7), 597 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 24:10-12; 2 Chr 36:10), and 586 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 25:5-7; 2 Chr 36:20; Jer 39:1-7; 52:4-15).<\/p>","summary_ro":"20:18 Some of your very own sons will be taken: Hezekiah’s son Manasseh was taken as a prisoner to Babylon (2 Chr 33:11-13). This prophecy found ultimate fulfillment in Hezekiah’s descendants during the Babylonian deportations of 605 BC (see 2 Kgs 24:1 and corresponding study note; Dan 1:1-7), 597 BC (2 Kgs 24:10-12; 2 Chr 36:10), and 586 BC (2 Kgs 25:5-7; 2 Chr 36:20; Jer 39:1-7; 52:4-15).","summary_en":"20:18 Some of your very own sons will be taken: Hezekiah’s son Manasseh was taken as a prisoner to Babylon (2 Chr 33:11-13). This prophecy found ultimate fulfillment in Hezekiah’s descendants during the Babylonian deportations of 605 BC (see 2 Kgs 24:1 and corresponding study note; Dan 1:1-7), 597 BC (2 Kgs 24:10-12; 2 Chr 36:10), and 586 BC (2 Kgs 25:5-7; 2 Chr 36:20; Jer 39:1-7; 52:4-15).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"19":[{"id":25276,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Merodach-Baladan","title_en":"Merodach-Baladan","content_ro":"<h3>MERODACH-BALADAN<\/h3>\n<p>Name meaning “Marduk has given a son!” Second Kings 20:12-19 and Isaiah 39 present a parallel account of Merodach-baladan, son of Baladan, king of Babylon, sending envoys to King Hezekiah of Judah.<\/p>\n<p>Shalmaneser V, king of Assyria, captured Samaria in 722 <span>BC<\/span> and threatened King Hezekiah in Jerusalem but then died within a year’s time. Sargon II succeeded him in 722 <span>BC<\/span>. At that time Merodach-baladan, living south of Babylon in the land called Bit-Yakin, formed an alliance with the Elamites and seized the throne of Babylon, referred to as the second jewel of the Assyrian crown. Sargon II immediately made efforts to regain Babylon as a province in the Assyrian Empire. He must not have been successful initially, for Merodach-baladan reigned over Babylon for 10 years. In 710 <span>BC<\/span> Sargon succeeded in defeating him and captured the Babylonian fortresses. Merodach-baladan escaped. After Sargon died in 705 <span>BC<\/span>, Merodach-baladan, in 703 <span>BC<\/span>, was able to recapture and hold the throne of Babylon for a short period. It is considered most plausible that during this short reign Merodach-baladan sent envoys to Hezekiah in Jerusalem, as he also is thought to have sent them to Edom, Moab, Ammon, and others, seeking to form an alliance against Assyria. The Arabian desert between Babylon and Palestine made such an alliance ineffective, and the new king of Assyria, Sennacherib, thoroughly destroyed Merodach-baladan and then turned to the nations on Palestinian soil.<\/p>\n<p>Isaiah rebuked Hezekiah for receiving the envoys from Babylon, the province that had broken away from the Assyrian Empire and that in a very short time was again forced into the Assyrian Empire. In Isaiah’s rebuke lies the prediction that Babylon would become the invading and despoiling nation in the future. Hezekiah, knowing Assyria’s power and Babylon’s inability to cope with it at that time, felt quite safe as far as Babylon was concerned (2 Kgs 20:19).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>MERODACH-BALADAN<\/h3>\n<p>Name meaning “Marduk has given a son!” Second Kings 20:12-19 and Isaiah 39 present a parallel account of Merodach-baladan, son of Baladan, king of Babylon, sending envoys to King Hezekiah of Judah.<\/p>\n<p>Shalmaneser V, king of Assyria, captured Samaria in 722 <span>BC<\/span> and threatened King Hezekiah in Jerusalem but then died within a year’s time. Sargon II succeeded him in 722 <span>BC<\/span>. At that time Merodach-baladan, living south of Babylon in the land called Bit-Yakin, formed an alliance with the Elamites and seized the throne of Babylon, referred to as the second jewel of the Assyrian crown. Sargon II immediately made efforts to regain Babylon as a province in the Assyrian Empire. He must not have been successful initially, for Merodach-baladan reigned over Babylon for 10 years. In 710 <span>BC<\/span> Sargon succeeded in defeating him and captured the Babylonian fortresses. Merodach-baladan escaped. After Sargon died in 705 <span>BC<\/span>, Merodach-baladan, in 703 <span>BC<\/span>, was able to recapture and hold the throne of Babylon for a short period. It is considered most plausible that during this short reign Merodach-baladan sent envoys to Hezekiah in Jerusalem, as he also is thought to have sent them to Edom, Moab, Ammon, and others, seeking to form an alliance against Assyria. The Arabian desert between Babylon and Palestine made such an alliance ineffective, and the new king of Assyria, Sennacherib, thoroughly destroyed Merodach-baladan and then turned to the nations on Palestinian soil.<\/p>\n<p>Isaiah rebuked Hezekiah for receiving the envoys from Babylon, the province that had broken away from the Assyrian Empire and that in a very short time was again forced into the Assyrian Empire. In Isaiah’s rebuke lies the prediction that Babylon would become the invading and despoiling nation in the future. Hezekiah, knowing Assyria’s power and Babylon’s inability to cope with it at that time, felt quite safe as far as Babylon was concerned (2 Kgs 20:19).<\/p>","summary_ro":"MERODACH-BALADAN Name meaning “Marduk has given a son!” Second Kings 20:12-19 and Isaiah 39 present a parallel account of Merodach-baladan, son of Baladan, king of Babylon, sending envoys to King Hezekiah of Judah. Shalmaneser V, king of Assyria, captured Samaria in 722 BC and threatened King Hezekiah in Jerusalem but then died within a year’s time. Sargon II succeeded him in 722 BC. At that time Merodach-baladan, living south of Babylon in the land called Bit-Yakin, formed an alliance with t...","summary_en":"MERODACH-BALADAN Name meaning “Marduk has given a son!” Second Kings 20:12-19 and Isaiah 39 present a parallel account of Merodach-baladan, son of Baladan, king of Babylon, sending envoys to King Hezekiah of Judah. Shalmaneser V, king of Assyria, captured Samaria in 722 BC and threatened King Hezekiah in Jerusalem but then died within a year’s time. Sargon II succeeded him in 722 BC. At that time Merodach-baladan, living south of Babylon in the land called Bit-Yakin, formed an alliance with t...","source":"Articles\/M.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"20":[{"id":3094,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Assyrians Assyria","title_en":"Assyrians Assyria","content_ro":"<h3>ASSYRIA, ASSYRIANS<\/h3>\n<p>Ancient empire considered the symbol of terror and tyranny in the Near East for more than three centuries. Assyria received its name from the tiny city-state Asshur, on the western bank of the Tigris River in northern Mesopotamia (modern Iraq). The city was the seat of worship of the sun god Asshur (also spelled Ashur). The Hebrew name occurs frequently in the Bible and is translated Assyria (Gn 2:14), Assur (Ezr 4:2; Ps 83:8), or left as Asshur (Gn 10:11, <span>kjv<\/span>). The form of the name comes originally from the Akkadian language.<\/p>\n<p>Originally, Assyria was a small district in northern Mesopotamia, lying in a rough triangle between the Tigris River and the Upper Zab, a tributary of the Tigris. Eventually Assyria gained control of northern Syria, securing an outlet to the Mediterranean Sea, and took possession of the fertile Mesopotamian plain, extending Assyrian domain over all of Babylonia to the Persian Gulf.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"History\">History<\/p>\n<h5>Before the Eighth Century <span>BC<\/span><\/h5>\n<p>By the end of the third millennium <span>BC<\/span>, the Sumerians were trading with Assyria and influencing its people culturally. Periodically Sumerian kings would claim political control over Assyria. Sargon of Agade (c. 2350 <span>BC<\/span>) brought Assyria within the sphere of his political and commercial activities, and when the Amorites overthrew the third dynasty of Ur and established their own states, one of them incorporated Assyria into its territory. During the period of Hammurabi, one of the last great kings of the first Babylonian dynasty (c. 2360–1600 <span>BC<\/span>), the Assyrians supplied building materials and other goods for the Babylonian kingdom.<\/p>\n<p>Trade between Asshur and the Assyrian colony of Kanish in Anatolia began at a very early time in Assyrian history. Goods were transported by caravans of up to 200 donkeys at a time. The wealth pouring in from such a trade put Assyria in a very strong position economically.<\/p>\n<p>The early phase of Assyrian commercial development was followed by a long period of decline, culminating in the 15th century <span>BC<\/span>. At that time Assyria was reduced to a state of vassalage by a non-Semitic people, the Hurrians (biblical Horites) of the state of Mitanni. In the 14th century another non-Semitic people, the Hittites, overthrew the power of Mitanni. Assyria was gradually able to rise again and assume the role of a great power in the ancient Near East, largely through the policies of a shrewd prince, Asshur-uballit. His reign marked the beginning of a long process by which Assyria ultimately rose to supremacy.<\/p>\n<p>Enlil-nirari (1329–1320 <span>BC<\/span>), son and successor of Asshur-uballit, attacked Babylon and defeated Kurigalzu II, the Kassite king of Babylon (1345–1324 <span>BC<\/span>). Adad-nirari I (1307–1275 <span>BC<\/span>) extended Assyria’s influence by winning victories over the Kassites in Babylonia. He also added territory to the northwest.<\/p>\n<p>The period of consolidation and expansion in the first Assyrian Empire culminated in the capture of Babylon by Tukulti-ninurta I (1244–1208 <span>BC<\/span>), which for the first time placed Babylon under Assyrian rule. After that climax, however, Assyrian power declined.<\/p>\n<p>The three centuries from about 1200 to 900 <span>BC<\/span> were marked by movements of different peoples such as the Greeks, Philistines, Arameans, and Hebrews. Under pressure of people migrating from Europe, the Hittite Empire, which formerly had given political stability to Asia Minor and protected the trade routes, crumbled rapidly. By 1200 <span>BC<\/span> it fell to attacks by the Sea Peoples from the Greek mainland.<\/p>\n<p>During the tenth century <span>BC<\/span>, Assyria began to make a slow recovery. In the reign of Adad-nirari II (911–891 <span>BC<\/span>), Assyria again launched upon a period of conspicuous economic and military expansion. For the next 60 years Assyrian kings followed a consistent policy of consolidating the work of Adad-nirari II. Ashurnasirpal II (885–860 <span>BC<\/span>) is considered the first great monarch of that new era in Assyrian history. He possessed all the qualities and defects of his successors to the extreme. He had the ambition, energy, courage, vanity, and magnificence of a ruthless, indefatigable empire builder. Ashurnasirpal’s first activities were directed to the mountain area to the east, where he extended Assyria’s control among the mountain people. In the west he subdued the Arameans with characteristic cruelty and did likewise in Asia Minor.<\/p>\n<p>Shalmaneser III is well known to historians of the biblical world for the battle of Qarqar (853 <span>BC<\/span>), considered the most fully documented event from the ancient world. He launched an invasion of Syria that was met by a coalition led by Ben-hadad of Damascus and supported by King Ahab of Israel and several other states. Since Shalmaneser was unable to rout the 60,000 troops opposing him, it was many years before the Assyrians were able to conquer Damascus and Samaria. King Jehu of Israel (841–814 <span>BC<\/span>), who later chose to pay tribute rather than fight, is represented, perhaps by an envoy, on the Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III, excavated at Shalmaneser’s capital city, Calah (now called Nimrud). Jehu is depicted as kissing the ground at the Assyrian monarch’s feet and offering a tribute of silver, gold, and lead vessels.<\/p>\n<p>Toward the end of his reign Shalmaneser had to put down a rebellion by some of the principal Assyrian cities. He was succeeded by his heir, Shamshi-adad V (823–811 <span>BC<\/span>). Shamshi-adad’s son Adad-nirari III (810–782 <span>BC<\/span>) built a new palace at Calah and attacked King Hazael of Damascus (Syria) in 804 <span>BC<\/span>. Assyrian pressure on the Syrians undoubtedly was a relief to Israel, which had been oppressed by Hazael (2 Kgs 13:22-25).<\/p>\n<h5>From the Eighth Century to the Battle of Carchemish (605 <span>BC<\/span>)<\/h5>\n<p>Beginning about 800 <span>BC<\/span> the influence of Urartu (Ararat) began to expand, especially in north Syria, at the expense of Assyria. The next half century saw a drastic decline in Assyria’s fortunes. In 746 <span>BC<\/span>, during a revolt in the city of Calah, the entire royal family was murdered.<\/p>\n<p>The final phase of Assyrian power was instituted by the usurper Tiglath-pileser III (745–727 <span>BC<\/span>), known also by his adopted Babylonian throne-name Pul (2 Kgs 15:19; 1 Chr 5:26). His reign began the process by which Assyria recovered and consolidated control of all its territories and established itself firmly as the dominant military and economic power in the Near East. Tiglath-pileser first secured control of the mountain passes in the north in order to eliminate the threat of invasion from that direction. Next he subjected Syria and Palestine in the west and took control of the road to Egypt and the Mediterranean Sea. Finally, through diplomacy, he gained the throne of Babylonia also. Under the name of Pul he governed Babylonia, creating the remarkable situation of two crowns united in one ruler bearing two different names. His political prudence was not usually found in the ruthless Assyrian monarchs.<\/p>\n<p>From the year 743 <span>BC<\/span> Tiglath-pileser III waged a number of campaigns in Syria and Palestine. King Menahem of Israel (752–742 <span>BC<\/span>) paid him tribute (2 Kgs 15:19-20), as did Tyre, Byblos, and Damascus. In 738 he subjugated the north central state of Hamath. Responding to an appeal from King Ahaz of Judah (735–715 <span>BC<\/span>) to help resist the pressures of a proposed anti-Assyrian coalition, Tiglath-pileser conquered Damascus in 732 and Samaria, capital of the northern kingdom of Israel, a decade later. On both occasions deportations of people to Assyria took place. The fall of Samaria in 722 <span>BC<\/span> marked the end of the kingdom of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>Sargon II (722–705 <span>BC<\/span>) claimed to be the Assyrian ruler who captured Samaria, but the biblical record attributed the capture to Shalmaneser (2 Kgs 17:2-6). To the policy of deportation, Sargon and his successors added that of colonization. To replace the peoples carried into captivity, these Assyrian kings brought tribes from Babylonia, Elam, Syria, and Arabia and settled them in Samaria and surrounding territory. The new arrivals intermingled with the indigenous people remaining in the land after the deportation and became the Samaritans.<\/p>\n<p>After 10 years of warfare against his enemies to the west in Syria and Asia Minor, and to the north in Urartu, Sargon concentrated his efforts on Babylonia. He chased Merodach-baladan II (721–710 <span>BC<\/span>; cf. 2 Kgs 20:12-19; Is 39:1) to Elam and made himself king of Babylon in 709. He started building a new capital city for himself, Dur-Sharrukin (Khorsabad) near Nineveh but was killed in battle before it was finished.<\/p>\n<p>Sargon was succeeded by his son Sennacherib (705–681 <span>BC<\/span>), who was occupied throughout his reign in a series of bitter wars. He is especially known in biblical studies for his campaign against Judah and siege of Jerusalem during the reign of King Hezekiah (715–686 <span>BC<\/span>) and the ministry of the prophet Isaiah (2 Kgs 18:13–19:37; Is 36–37). It was during that crisis that the celebrated Siloam Tunnel was constructed to bring water into the beleaguered capital from the spring of Gihon, outside the city wall, to the pool of Siloam (2 Kgs 20:20).<\/p>\n<p>Sennacherib was murdered in 681 <span>BC<\/span> and was succeeded by Esarhaddon, who tried unsuccessfully to establish Assyrian control over Egypt. Esarhaddon was succeeded by Ashurbanipal (669–626? <span>BC<\/span>), who managed to capture No-amon (Thebes), thereby realizing the greatest victory in Assyrian history (cf. Na 3:3-10). Ashurbanipal established a great library in Nineveh, which was excavated in 1860. Many tablets made of the finest clay and ranging in size from 1 to 15 inches (2.5 to 38 centimeters) were found, containing a vast selection of Akkadian material. Some of the tablets contain historical records; others, astronomical reports, mathematical calculations, and private or public letters. A considerable part of the collection deals with astrology and medicine. Many of the tablets contain prayers, incantations, psalms, and religious texts in general. A copy of the Babylonian account of creation was also found. This library is now one of the principal treasures of the British Museum in London.<\/p>\n<p>Very little is known about Ashurbanipal’s reign after 639 <span>BC<\/span> since his annals do not extend beyond that year. However, some information on events of his last 13 years can be gleaned from allusions in state correspondence, commercial documents, and prayers addressed to the gods. Evidently the situation in Assyria was becoming increasingly serious, and when Ashurbanipal died in 626 his empire declined quickly.<\/p>\n<p>The Medes had entered the Assyrian annals during the reign of Esarhaddon, when they still consisted of a large number of associated but separate tribes. Later those tribes began to be welded into a single kingdom. Herodotus states that Phraortes, their king, attacked Assyria but lost his life on the battlefield and was succeeded by his son Cyaxeres.<\/p>\n<p>The year 626 <span>BC<\/span> marked several important events in the ancient world. Nabopolassar, a Chaldean prince, became king of Babylon (626–605 <span>BC<\/span>) toward the end of that year. An alliance between the Medes and Nabopolassar was concluded, and from that time on, the success of Nabopolassar against Assyria was almost inevitable. By the year 617 <span>BC<\/span> he had cleared Babylonia of all Assyrian garrisons. He then marched up the Euphrates to the Aramean districts that had been part of the Assyrian Empire for two and a half centuries. The plan was for Nabopolassar to attack Nineveh from the west and the Medes to attack it at the same time from the east; however, the combined forces of the Assyrians and Egyptians, now allies, compelled Nabopolassar to withdraw to Babylon.<\/p>\n<p>In 614 <span>BC<\/span> the Medes carried out a massive attack on Assyria. Although Nineveh was too strong to yield to the attack, the Medes captured some of the neighboring cities, including Asshur, the ancient capital. At that point Nabopolassar arrived with the Babylonian forces. He met Cyaxeres at Asshur, and they established mutual friendship and peace. Their alliance was later confirmed by the marriage of Nebuchadnezzar, Nabopolassar’s son, to Amytis, daughter of Cyaxeres. In 612 <span>BC<\/span> their combined forces launched a final assault against Nineveh, and after three months of siege the mighty city fell (Na 1:8).<\/p>\n<p>Despite the loss of their capital, a weakened Assyrian kingdom survived for three more years. The Assyrian troops who could escape from Nineveh fled westward to Haran, where an Assyrian prince, Asshur-uballit, was made king and sought Egypt’s help to restore the kingship of Assyria. Necho II (609–593 <span>BC<\/span>), known in the Bible as Neco, responded and set off with his Egyptian troops to Haran to fight against the Babylonians, who by now had annihilated Assyria. King Josiah of Judah (640–609 <span>BC<\/span>), who evidently considered himself a vassal of Assyria’s heir, Neo-Babylonia, marched to oppose the Egyptian advance and was mortally wounded by an arrow on the battlefield of Megiddo (2 Kgs 23:29-30; 2 Chr 35:20-24).<\/p>\n<p>When Nabopolassar and his allies attacked Haran in 610 <span>BC<\/span>, Asshur-uballit did not attempt to defend it but fled southwest to await Necho and his troops. The joint forces of the Egyptians and the Assyrians returned to mount an assault upon Haran with some initial success. But Nabopolassar’s army compelled the Assyrian-Egyptian forces to abandon the siege and withdraw to Carchemish (present-day Jarablus). There, under the leadership of Nebuchadnezzar, the Babylonians made a direct attack on the powerful army. The resultant carnage on both sides was graphically depicted by the prophet Jeremiah (46:1-12). Nebuchadnezzar emerged victorious in the battle of Carchemish (605 <span>BC<\/span>). However, because of the death of his father, he did not pursue his victory but returned to Babylon to assume the throne.<\/p>\n<p>There is a tradition in the Assyrian Christian church that after the collapse of the Assyrian Empire under the onslaught of the Medes and Neo-Babylonians, a remnant of the Assyrian people—chiefly princes, noblemen, and warriors—took refuge in the mountains of Kurdistan. There they built a number of armed fortresses. Alexander the Great (336–323 <span>BC<\/span>), his successors, and the Roman legions made no attempt to conquer these tribes. Trajan (<span>AD<\/span> 98–117) marched at the head of the Roman armies through Armenia, touching the northern region of Kurdistan, on his way to Persia. It is asserted that the wise men, or magi, who visited the newly born king in Bethlehem, the baby Jesus, came from Edessa. According to this tradition, the magi, on returning from Bethlehem, proclaimed the amazing things they had heard and seen on their visit to the king. A Christian church was founded among the Assyrians that has survived throughout the centuries.<\/p>\n<p>The region that was Assyria, including all of Mesopotamia, is within present-day Iraq, an Arabic-speaking country predominantly Muslim in religion.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Israel, History of; Kings, Books of First and Second; Mesopotamia.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>ASSYRIA, ASSYRIANS<\/h3>\n<p>Ancient empire considered the symbol of terror and tyranny in the Near East for more than three centuries. Assyria received its name from the tiny city-state Asshur, on the western bank of the Tigris River in northern Mesopotamia (modern Iraq). The city was the seat of worship of the sun god Asshur (also spelled Ashur). The Hebrew name occurs frequently in the Bible and is translated Assyria (Gn 2:14), Assur (Ezr 4:2; Ps 83:8), or left as Asshur (Gn 10:11, <span>kjv<\/span>). The form of the name comes originally from the Akkadian language.<\/p>\n<p>Originally, Assyria was a small district in northern Mesopotamia, lying in a rough triangle between the Tigris River and the Upper Zab, a tributary of the Tigris. Eventually Assyria gained control of northern Syria, securing an outlet to the Mediterranean Sea, and took possession of the fertile Mesopotamian plain, extending Assyrian domain over all of Babylonia to the Persian Gulf.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"History\">History<\/p>\n<h5>Before the Eighth Century <span>BC<\/span><\/h5>\n<p>By the end of the third millennium <span>BC<\/span>, the Sumerians were trading with Assyria and influencing its people culturally. Periodically Sumerian kings would claim political control over Assyria. Sargon of Agade (c. 2350 <span>BC<\/span>) brought Assyria within the sphere of his political and commercial activities, and when the Amorites overthrew the third dynasty of Ur and established their own states, one of them incorporated Assyria into its territory. During the period of Hammurabi, one of the last great kings of the first Babylonian dynasty (c. 2360–1600 <span>BC<\/span>), the Assyrians supplied building materials and other goods for the Babylonian kingdom.<\/p>\n<p>Trade between Asshur and the Assyrian colony of Kanish in Anatolia began at a very early time in Assyrian history. Goods were transported by caravans of up to 200 donkeys at a time. The wealth pouring in from such a trade put Assyria in a very strong position economically.<\/p>\n<p>The early phase of Assyrian commercial development was followed by a long period of decline, culminating in the 15th century <span>BC<\/span>. At that time Assyria was reduced to a state of vassalage by a non-Semitic people, the Hurrians (biblical Horites) of the state of Mitanni. In the 14th century another non-Semitic people, the Hittites, overthrew the power of Mitanni. Assyria was gradually able to rise again and assume the role of a great power in the ancient Near East, largely through the policies of a shrewd prince, Asshur-uballit. His reign marked the beginning of a long process by which Assyria ultimately rose to supremacy.<\/p>\n<p>Enlil-nirari (1329–1320 <span>BC<\/span>), son and successor of Asshur-uballit, attacked Babylon and defeated Kurigalzu II, the Kassite king of Babylon (1345–1324 <span>BC<\/span>). Adad-nirari I (1307–1275 <span>BC<\/span>) extended Assyria’s influence by winning victories over the Kassites in Babylonia. He also added territory to the northwest.<\/p>\n<p>The period of consolidation and expansion in the first Assyrian Empire culminated in the capture of Babylon by Tukulti-ninurta I (1244–1208 <span>BC<\/span>), which for the first time placed Babylon under Assyrian rule. After that climax, however, Assyrian power declined.<\/p>\n<p>The three centuries from about 1200 to 900 <span>BC<\/span> were marked by movements of different peoples such as the Greeks, Philistines, Arameans, and Hebrews. Under pressure of people migrating from Europe, the Hittite Empire, which formerly had given political stability to Asia Minor and protected the trade routes, crumbled rapidly. By 1200 <span>BC<\/span> it fell to attacks by the Sea Peoples from the Greek mainland.<\/p>\n<p>During the tenth century <span>BC<\/span>, Assyria began to make a slow recovery. In the reign of Adad-nirari II (911–891 <span>BC<\/span>), Assyria again launched upon a period of conspicuous economic and military expansion. For the next 60 years Assyrian kings followed a consistent policy of consolidating the work of Adad-nirari II. Ashurnasirpal II (885–860 <span>BC<\/span>) is considered the first great monarch of that new era in Assyrian history. He possessed all the qualities and defects of his successors to the extreme. He had the ambition, energy, courage, vanity, and magnificence of a ruthless, indefatigable empire builder. Ashurnasirpal’s first activities were directed to the mountain area to the east, where he extended Assyria’s control among the mountain people. In the west he subdued the Arameans with characteristic cruelty and did likewise in Asia Minor.<\/p>\n<p>Shalmaneser III is well known to historians of the biblical world for the battle of Qarqar (853 <span>BC<\/span>), considered the most fully documented event from the ancient world. He launched an invasion of Syria that was met by a coalition led by Ben-hadad of Damascus and supported by King Ahab of Israel and several other states. Since Shalmaneser was unable to rout the 60,000 troops opposing him, it was many years before the Assyrians were able to conquer Damascus and Samaria. King Jehu of Israel (841–814 <span>BC<\/span>), who later chose to pay tribute rather than fight, is represented, perhaps by an envoy, on the Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III, excavated at Shalmaneser’s capital city, Calah (now called Nimrud). Jehu is depicted as kissing the ground at the Assyrian monarch’s feet and offering a tribute of silver, gold, and lead vessels.<\/p>\n<p>Toward the end of his reign Shalmaneser had to put down a rebellion by some of the principal Assyrian cities. He was succeeded by his heir, Shamshi-adad V (823–811 <span>BC<\/span>). Shamshi-adad’s son Adad-nirari III (810–782 <span>BC<\/span>) built a new palace at Calah and attacked King Hazael of Damascus (Syria) in 804 <span>BC<\/span>. Assyrian pressure on the Syrians undoubtedly was a relief to Israel, which had been oppressed by Hazael (2 Kgs 13:22-25).<\/p>\n<h5>From the Eighth Century to the Battle of Carchemish (605 <span>BC<\/span>)<\/h5>\n<p>Beginning about 800 <span>BC<\/span> the influence of Urartu (Ararat) began to expand, especially in north Syria, at the expense of Assyria. The next half century saw a drastic decline in Assyria’s fortunes. In 746 <span>BC<\/span>, during a revolt in the city of Calah, the entire royal family was murdered.<\/p>\n<p>The final phase of Assyrian power was instituted by the usurper Tiglath-pileser III (745–727 <span>BC<\/span>), known also by his adopted Babylonian throne-name Pul (2 Kgs 15:19; 1 Chr 5:26). His reign began the process by which Assyria recovered and consolidated control of all its territories and established itself firmly as the dominant military and economic power in the Near East. Tiglath-pileser first secured control of the mountain passes in the north in order to eliminate the threat of invasion from that direction. Next he subjected Syria and Palestine in the west and took control of the road to Egypt and the Mediterranean Sea. Finally, through diplomacy, he gained the throne of Babylonia also. Under the name of Pul he governed Babylonia, creating the remarkable situation of two crowns united in one ruler bearing two different names. His political prudence was not usually found in the ruthless Assyrian monarchs.<\/p>\n<p>From the year 743 <span>BC<\/span> Tiglath-pileser III waged a number of campaigns in Syria and Palestine. King Menahem of Israel (752–742 <span>BC<\/span>) paid him tribute (2 Kgs 15:19-20), as did Tyre, Byblos, and Damascus. In 738 he subjugated the north central state of Hamath. Responding to an appeal from King Ahaz of Judah (735–715 <span>BC<\/span>) to help resist the pressures of a proposed anti-Assyrian coalition, Tiglath-pileser conquered Damascus in 732 and Samaria, capital of the northern kingdom of Israel, a decade later. On both occasions deportations of people to Assyria took place. The fall of Samaria in 722 <span>BC<\/span> marked the end of the kingdom of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>Sargon II (722–705 <span>BC<\/span>) claimed to be the Assyrian ruler who captured Samaria, but the biblical record attributed the capture to Shalmaneser (2 Kgs 17:2-6). To the policy of deportation, Sargon and his successors added that of colonization. To replace the peoples carried into captivity, these Assyrian kings brought tribes from Babylonia, Elam, Syria, and Arabia and settled them in Samaria and surrounding territory. The new arrivals intermingled with the indigenous people remaining in the land after the deportation and became the Samaritans.<\/p>\n<p>After 10 years of warfare against his enemies to the west in Syria and Asia Minor, and to the north in Urartu, Sargon concentrated his efforts on Babylonia. He chased Merodach-baladan II (721–710 <span>BC<\/span>; cf. 2 Kgs 20:12-19; Is 39:1) to Elam and made himself king of Babylon in 709. He started building a new capital city for himself, Dur-Sharrukin (Khorsabad) near Nineveh but was killed in battle before it was finished.<\/p>\n<p>Sargon was succeeded by his son Sennacherib (705–681 <span>BC<\/span>), who was occupied throughout his reign in a series of bitter wars. He is especially known in biblical studies for his campaign against Judah and siege of Jerusalem during the reign of King Hezekiah (715–686 <span>BC<\/span>) and the ministry of the prophet Isaiah (2 Kgs 18:13–19:37; Is 36–37). It was during that crisis that the celebrated Siloam Tunnel was constructed to bring water into the beleaguered capital from the spring of Gihon, outside the city wall, to the pool of Siloam (2 Kgs 20:20).<\/p>\n<p>Sennacherib was murdered in 681 <span>BC<\/span> and was succeeded by Esarhaddon, who tried unsuccessfully to establish Assyrian control over Egypt. Esarhaddon was succeeded by Ashurbanipal (669–626? <span>BC<\/span>), who managed to capture No-amon (Thebes), thereby realizing the greatest victory in Assyrian history (cf. Na 3:3-10). Ashurbanipal established a great library in Nineveh, which was excavated in 1860. Many tablets made of the finest clay and ranging in size from 1 to 15 inches (2.5 to 38 centimeters) were found, containing a vast selection of Akkadian material. Some of the tablets contain historical records; others, astronomical reports, mathematical calculations, and private or public letters. A considerable part of the collection deals with astrology and medicine. Many of the tablets contain prayers, incantations, psalms, and religious texts in general. A copy of the Babylonian account of creation was also found. This library is now one of the principal treasures of the British Museum in London.<\/p>\n<p>Very little is known about Ashurbanipal’s reign after 639 <span>BC<\/span> since his annals do not extend beyond that year. However, some information on events of his last 13 years can be gleaned from allusions in state correspondence, commercial documents, and prayers addressed to the gods. Evidently the situation in Assyria was becoming increasingly serious, and when Ashurbanipal died in 626 his empire declined quickly.<\/p>\n<p>The Medes had entered the Assyrian annals during the reign of Esarhaddon, when they still consisted of a large number of associated but separate tribes. Later those tribes began to be welded into a single kingdom. Herodotus states that Phraortes, their king, attacked Assyria but lost his life on the battlefield and was succeeded by his son Cyaxeres.<\/p>\n<p>The year 626 <span>BC<\/span> marked several important events in the ancient world. Nabopolassar, a Chaldean prince, became king of Babylon (626–605 <span>BC<\/span>) toward the end of that year. An alliance between the Medes and Nabopolassar was concluded, and from that time on, the success of Nabopolassar against Assyria was almost inevitable. By the year 617 <span>BC<\/span> he had cleared Babylonia of all Assyrian garrisons. He then marched up the Euphrates to the Aramean districts that had been part of the Assyrian Empire for two and a half centuries. The plan was for Nabopolassar to attack Nineveh from the west and the Medes to attack it at the same time from the east; however, the combined forces of the Assyrians and Egyptians, now allies, compelled Nabopolassar to withdraw to Babylon.<\/p>\n<p>In 614 <span>BC<\/span> the Medes carried out a massive attack on Assyria. Although Nineveh was too strong to yield to the attack, the Medes captured some of the neighboring cities, including Asshur, the ancient capital. At that point Nabopolassar arrived with the Babylonian forces. He met Cyaxeres at Asshur, and they established mutual friendship and peace. Their alliance was later confirmed by the marriage of Nebuchadnezzar, Nabopolassar’s son, to Amytis, daughter of Cyaxeres. In 612 <span>BC<\/span> their combined forces launched a final assault against Nineveh, and after three months of siege the mighty city fell (Na 1:8).<\/p>\n<p>Despite the loss of their capital, a weakened Assyrian kingdom survived for three more years. The Assyrian troops who could escape from Nineveh fled westward to Haran, where an Assyrian prince, Asshur-uballit, was made king and sought Egypt’s help to restore the kingship of Assyria. Necho II (609–593 <span>BC<\/span>), known in the Bible as Neco, responded and set off with his Egyptian troops to Haran to fight against the Babylonians, who by now had annihilated Assyria. King Josiah of Judah (640–609 <span>BC<\/span>), who evidently considered himself a vassal of Assyria’s heir, Neo-Babylonia, marched to oppose the Egyptian advance and was mortally wounded by an arrow on the battlefield of Megiddo (2 Kgs 23:29-30; 2 Chr 35:20-24).<\/p>\n<p>When Nabopolassar and his allies attacked Haran in 610 <span>BC<\/span>, Asshur-uballit did not attempt to defend it but fled southwest to await Necho and his troops. The joint forces of the Egyptians and the Assyrians returned to mount an assault upon Haran with some initial success. But Nabopolassar’s army compelled the Assyrian-Egyptian forces to abandon the siege and withdraw to Carchemish (present-day Jarablus). There, under the leadership of Nebuchadnezzar, the Babylonians made a direct attack on the powerful army. The resultant carnage on both sides was graphically depicted by the prophet Jeremiah (46:1-12). Nebuchadnezzar emerged victorious in the battle of Carchemish (605 <span>BC<\/span>). However, because of the death of his father, he did not pursue his victory but returned to Babylon to assume the throne.<\/p>\n<p>There is a tradition in the Assyrian Christian church that after the collapse of the Assyrian Empire under the onslaught of the Medes and Neo-Babylonians, a remnant of the Assyrian people—chiefly princes, noblemen, and warriors—took refuge in the mountains of Kurdistan. There they built a number of armed fortresses. Alexander the Great (336–323 <span>BC<\/span>), his successors, and the Roman legions made no attempt to conquer these tribes. Trajan (<span>AD<\/span> 98–117) marched at the head of the Roman armies through Armenia, touching the northern region of Kurdistan, on his way to Persia. It is asserted that the wise men, or magi, who visited the newly born king in Bethlehem, the baby Jesus, came from Edessa. According to this tradition, the magi, on returning from Bethlehem, proclaimed the amazing things they had heard and seen on their visit to the king. A Christian church was founded among the Assyrians that has survived throughout the centuries.<\/p>\n<p>The region that was Assyria, including all of Mesopotamia, is within present-day Iraq, an Arabic-speaking country predominantly Muslim in religion.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Israel, History of; Kings, Books of First and Second; Mesopotamia.<\/p>","summary_ro":"ASSYRIA, ASSYRIANS Ancient empire considered the symbol of terror and tyranny in the Near East for more than three centuries. Assyria received its name from the tiny city-state Asshur, on the western bank of the Tigris River in northern Mesopotamia (modern Iraq). The city was the seat of worship of the sun god Asshur (also spelled Ashur). The Hebrew name occurs frequently in the Bible and is translated Assyria (Gn 2:14), Assur (Ezr 4:2; Ps 83:8), or left as Asshur (Gn 10:11, kjv). The form of...","summary_en":"ASSYRIA, ASSYRIANS Ancient empire considered the symbol of terror and tyranny in the Near East for more than three centuries. Assyria received its name from the tiny city-state Asshur, on the western bank of the Tigris River in northern Mesopotamia (modern Iraq). The city was the seat of worship of the sun god Asshur (also spelled Ashur). The Hebrew name occurs frequently in the Bible and is translated Assyria (Gn 2:14), Assur (Ezr 4:2; Ps 83:8), or left as Asshur (Gn 10:11, kjv). The form of...","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":6777,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"City","title_en":"City","content_ro":"<h3>CITY<\/h3>\n<p>The Bible does not generally distinguish between city, town, and village. The emphasis upon walls (Lv 25:29-31) and fortifications (Jos 19:35), with repeated references to towers, gates, and sieges, indicates that cities provided the primary security for the surrounding towns and villages.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"OriginandAntiquity\">Origin and Antiquity<\/p>\n<h5>Practical Prerequisites<\/h5>\n<p>The existence of settled communities depended upon a controlled food supply. In contrast to the city dweller, the nomad lived in a portable tent, appropriate for a never-ceasing search for food. The contrast between settled city life and the nomadic experience is illustrated by a NT reference to the seminomadic Abraham: “He looked forward to the city which has foundations, whose builder and maker is God” (Heb 11:10, <span>rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\n<h5>The First Biblical City<\/h5>\n<p>The first biblical reference to a city is in Genesis 4:17. The Hebrew verb indicates that Cain “was building” the city. Probably he did not complete it, nor did he permanently reside there; he had earlier been condemned to a vagabond’s existence (v 12).<\/p>\n<p>The Genesis account, affirming that city life came early in human existence, is internally consistent. The first human offspring, Cain and Abel, were involved in food production (Gn 4:2). Cain was an agriculturist, and Abel tended domesticated flocks. Genesis 4 shows both the prerequisite of food production and the resulting specialization. With Jabal, tentmaking was associated (v 20); with Jubal, music (v 21); and with Tubal-Cain, metalworking (v 22).<\/p>\n<h5>Archaeological Evidence<\/h5>\n<p>The testimony of archaeology generally agrees with an early date for the origin of cities. The oldest city thus far discovered in Canaan was Jericho. Using carbon-14 analysis of wood materials from the site, Kathleen Kenyon assigned a date prior to 7000 <span>BC<\/span>. Although less than 10 acres (4 hectares), it was a well-developed city with an impressive wall 6 feet (1.8 meters) thick and a round stone tower almost 30 feet (9 meters) high equipped with an inside staircase from top to bottom.<\/p>\n<p>Jericho seems to be 3,000 years older than other Canaanite cities. Most of the great Sumerian cities such as Ur, Ish, Lagah, and Uruk were founded later, in the fourth or early third millennium <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LocationandName\">Location and Name<\/p>\n<h5>Topographical Prerequisites<\/h5>\n<p>There were four primary considerations in the selection of a site for a city.<\/p>\n<p>1. The topographical situation of the ancient city had to contribute to its defense. A city built on a natural hill tended to be less vulnerable than one in the valley. Substantial advantage was given to the defenders if an enemy was forced to attack up an incline.<\/p>\n<p>The topography of Jerusalem illustrates the factor of security in the selection of a site. Although surrounded by higher mountains (Ps 125:2), Jerusalem originally was established on a limestone ridge protected on the east by the deep Kidron Valley and on the west by the equally formidable Tyropoean Valley. The two valleys met, thus affording Jerusalem protection from the south. To complete the security, walls were constructed around the city, with special emphasis on the northern side, where Jerusalem was otherwise exposed (cf. 2 Sm 5:6).<\/p>\n<li>2. A water source conveniently located was an absolute necessity for a city’s existence. The city spring or well became the center of social intercourse, particularly for the women, who were traditionally the water carriers. Biblical examples of socializing at the village well are numerous (Gn 29:1-12; 1 Kgs 1:38-39).<\/li>\n<p>In general, water sources were located in valleys, so the nearest spring to a city was frequently outside the walls. If an attacking enemy seized the water source, a city could be forced to surrender when the water supply stored within the walls ran dry. In Jerusalem, King Hezekiah constructed a water tunnel to neutralize the impending attack of the Assyrian king Sennacherib (2 Kgs 20:20; 2 Chr 32:30). His amazing engineering feat, more than 1,700 feet (518 meters) long and over 2,500 years old, can still be seen by visitors to Jerusalem.<\/p>\n<li>3. Every city needed adequate food for its inhabitants. Ancient agriculturalists lived in a village or city and walked each day to their fields. The existence of a city, therefore, depended upon nearby cultivable fields adequate to meet the needs of the population.<\/li>\n<li>4. To facilitate importation of raw materials and exportation of finished products, proximity to local and international roads was desirable if not imperative. The important cities of the Bible were located along primary arteries of commerce.<\/li>\n<p>The relative importance of these four factors has changed over the centuries. With the appearance of strong nation-states such as Rome, cities could depend upon standing armies and thus give up their inconvenient hilltop sites. Development of plastered cisterns and aqueducts made possible the founding of cities some distance from water sources; for example, Caesarea, built by Herod the Great, was 12 miles (19.3 kilometers) from Mt Carmel’s springs. Trade routes shifted with changing international conditions, causing the demise of some cities and the development of others.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Archaeology and the Bible.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>CITY<\/h3>\n<p>The Bible does not generally distinguish between city, town, and village. The emphasis upon walls (Lv 25:29-31) and fortifications (Jos 19:35), with repeated references to towers, gates, and sieges, indicates that cities provided the primary security for the surrounding towns and villages.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"OriginandAntiquity\">Origin and Antiquity<\/p>\n<h5>Practical Prerequisites<\/h5>\n<p>The existence of settled communities depended upon a controlled food supply. In contrast to the city dweller, the nomad lived in a portable tent, appropriate for a never-ceasing search for food. The contrast between settled city life and the nomadic experience is illustrated by a NT reference to the seminomadic Abraham: “He looked forward to the city which has foundations, whose builder and maker is God” (Heb 11:10, <span>rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\n<h5>The First Biblical City<\/h5>\n<p>The first biblical reference to a city is in Genesis 4:17. The Hebrew verb indicates that Cain “was building” the city. Probably he did not complete it, nor did he permanently reside there; he had earlier been condemned to a vagabond’s existence (v 12).<\/p>\n<p>The Genesis account, affirming that city life came early in human existence, is internally consistent. The first human offspring, Cain and Abel, were involved in food production (Gn 4:2). Cain was an agriculturist, and Abel tended domesticated flocks. Genesis 4 shows both the prerequisite of food production and the resulting specialization. With Jabal, tentmaking was associated (v 20); with Jubal, music (v 21); and with Tubal-Cain, metalworking (v 22).<\/p>\n<h5>Archaeological Evidence<\/h5>\n<p>The testimony of archaeology generally agrees with an early date for the origin of cities. The oldest city thus far discovered in Canaan was Jericho. Using carbon-14 analysis of wood materials from the site, Kathleen Kenyon assigned a date prior to 7000 <span>BC<\/span>. Although less than 10 acres (4 hectares), it was a well-developed city with an impressive wall 6 feet (1.8 meters) thick and a round stone tower almost 30 feet (9 meters) high equipped with an inside staircase from top to bottom.<\/p>\n<p>Jericho seems to be 3,000 years older than other Canaanite cities. Most of the great Sumerian cities such as Ur, Ish, Lagah, and Uruk were founded later, in the fourth or early third millennium <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LocationandName\">Location and Name<\/p>\n<h5>Topographical Prerequisites<\/h5>\n<p>There were four primary considerations in the selection of a site for a city.<\/p>\n<p>1. The topographical situation of the ancient city had to contribute to its defense. A city built on a natural hill tended to be less vulnerable than one in the valley. Substantial advantage was given to the defenders if an enemy was forced to attack up an incline.<\/p>\n<p>The topography of Jerusalem illustrates the factor of security in the selection of a site. Although surrounded by higher mountains (Ps 125:2), Jerusalem originally was established on a limestone ridge protected on the east by the deep Kidron Valley and on the west by the equally formidable Tyropoean Valley. The two valleys met, thus affording Jerusalem protection from the south. To complete the security, walls were constructed around the city, with special emphasis on the northern side, where Jerusalem was otherwise exposed (cf. 2 Sm 5:6).<\/p>\n<li>2. A water source conveniently located was an absolute necessity for a city’s existence. The city spring or well became the center of social intercourse, particularly for the women, who were traditionally the water carriers. Biblical examples of socializing at the village well are numerous (Gn 29:1-12; 1 Kgs 1:38-39).<\/li>\n<p>In general, water sources were located in valleys, so the nearest spring to a city was frequently outside the walls. If an attacking enemy seized the water source, a city could be forced to surrender when the water supply stored within the walls ran dry. In Jerusalem, King Hezekiah constructed a water tunnel to neutralize the impending attack of the Assyrian king Sennacherib (2 Kgs 20:20; 2 Chr 32:30). His amazing engineering feat, more than 1,700 feet (518 meters) long and over 2,500 years old, can still be seen by visitors to Jerusalem.<\/p>\n<li>3. Every city needed adequate food for its inhabitants. Ancient agriculturalists lived in a village or city and walked each day to their fields. The existence of a city, therefore, depended upon nearby cultivable fields adequate to meet the needs of the population.<\/li>\n<li>4. To facilitate importation of raw materials and exportation of finished products, proximity to local and international roads was desirable if not imperative. The important cities of the Bible were located along primary arteries of commerce.<\/li>\n<p>The relative importance of these four factors has changed over the centuries. With the appearance of strong nation-states such as Rome, cities could depend upon standing armies and thus give up their inconvenient hilltop sites. Development of plastered cisterns and aqueducts made possible the founding of cities some distance from water sources; for example, Caesarea, built by Herod the Great, was 12 miles (19.3 kilometers) from Mt Carmel’s springs. Trade routes shifted with changing international conditions, causing the demise of some cities and the development of others.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Archaeology and the Bible.<\/p>","summary_ro":"CITY The Bible does not generally distinguish between city, town, and village. The emphasis upon walls (Lv 25:29-31) and fortifications (Jos 19:35), with repeated references to towers, gates, and sieges, indicates that cities provided the primary security for the surrounding towns and villages. Origin and Antiquity Practical Prerequisites The existence of settled communities depended upon a controlled food supply. In contrast to the city dweller, the nomad lived in a portable tent, appropriat...","summary_en":"CITY The Bible does not generally distinguish between city, town, and village. The emphasis upon walls (Lv 25:29-31) and fortifications (Jos 19:35), with repeated references to towers, gates, and sieges, indicates that cities provided the primary security for the surrounding towns and villages. Origin and Antiquity Practical Prerequisites The existence of settled communities depended upon a controlled food supply. In contrast to the city dweller, the nomad lived in a portable tent, appropriat...","source":"Articles\/C.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":7378,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Conduit*","title_en":"Conduit*","content_ro":"<h3>CONDUIT*<\/h3>\n<p>Water tunnel or channel. In the OT the Hebrew word can mean rivulets in the ground made by rain (Jb 38:25, “channel”; Ez 31:4, “stream”) or a simple trench such as Elijah dug around the altar in his encounter with the prophets of Baal, a Canaanite fertility god (1 Kgs 18:31-38).<\/p>\n<p>A water tunnel was constructed during King Hezekiah’s reign to bring water from the Gihon Spring, once located outside the walls of Jerusalem, to inside the city proper (“pool,” 2 Kgs 18:17; 20:20; Neh 2:14; Is 7:3; 22:9-11; 36:2). The mouth of the spring was sealed and its water diverted into the city through the conduit to keep Israel’s enemies from using the spring during a siege of the city. That tunnel expanded a tunnel begun by earlier inhabitants of the city, the Jebusites. David and his men may have entered Jerusalem through that first tunnel to overthrow the Jebusites (2 Sm 5:8).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Architecture; Siloam, Pool of.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>CONDUIT*<\/h3>\n<p>Water tunnel or channel. In the OT the Hebrew word can mean rivulets in the ground made by rain (Jb 38:25, “channel”; Ez 31:4, “stream”) or a simple trench such as Elijah dug around the altar in his encounter with the prophets of Baal, a Canaanite fertility god (1 Kgs 18:31-38).<\/p>\n<p>A water tunnel was constructed during King Hezekiah’s reign to bring water from the Gihon Spring, once located outside the walls of Jerusalem, to inside the city proper (“pool,” 2 Kgs 18:17; 20:20; Neh 2:14; Is 7:3; 22:9-11; 36:2). The mouth of the spring was sealed and its water diverted into the city through the conduit to keep Israel’s enemies from using the spring during a siege of the city. That tunnel expanded a tunnel begun by earlier inhabitants of the city, the Jebusites. David and his men may have entered Jerusalem through that first tunnel to overthrow the Jebusites (2 Sm 5:8).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Architecture; Siloam, Pool of.<\/p>","summary_ro":"CONDUIT* Water tunnel or channel. In the OT the Hebrew word can mean rivulets in the ground made by rain (Jb 38:25, “channel”; Ez 31:4, “stream”) or a simple trench such as Elijah dug around the altar in his encounter with the prophets of Baal, a Canaanite fertility god (1 Kgs 18:31-38). A water tunnel was constructed during King Hezekiah’s reign to bring water from the Gihon Spring, once located outside the walls of Jerusalem, to inside the city proper (“pool,” 2 Kgs 18:17; 20:20; Neh 2:14; ...","summary_en":"CONDUIT* Water tunnel or channel. In the OT the Hebrew word can mean rivulets in the ground made by rain (Jb 38:25, “channel”; Ez 31:4, “stream”) or a simple trench such as Elijah dug around the altar in his encounter with the prophets of Baal, a Canaanite fertility god (1 Kgs 18:31-38). A water tunnel was constructed during King Hezekiah’s reign to bring water from the Gihon Spring, once located outside the walls of Jerusalem, to inside the city proper (“pool,” 2 Kgs 18:17; 20:20; Neh 2:14; ...","source":"Articles\/C.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":13831,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Spring of Gihon","title_en":"Spring of Gihon","content_ro":"<h3>GIHON, Spring of<\/h3>\n<p>Site in Jerusalem where Solomon was anointed as king (1 Kgs 1:33, 38, 45). There are two sources of running water in Jerusalem: The first is the Ain Umm el Daraj’ (also known as the spring of the Mother of Steps, in the OT as Gihon, and to Christians as the Virgin’s Fountain), which lies at the eastern ridge. The second is Bir ’Ayub, or the well of Job. The importance of the spring of Gihon for the defense of Jerusalem in time of siege is emphasized by Hezekiah’s measures to deny his enemies access to the water supply and provide access for those who defended the city (2 Kgs 20:20; 2 Chr 32:30; cf. 2 Kgs 25:4; 2 Chr 32:3-4; Is 7:3). Hezekiah’s tunnel brought the waters from the spring of Gihon in the Kidron Valley (eastern) into the central valley where the present-day pool of Siloam is located. The spring was unable to supply all of Jerusalem’s needs after the exile, and in the Roman period aqueducts were built to bring additional water.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Siloam, Pool of.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>GIHON, Spring of<\/h3>\n<p>Site in Jerusalem where Solomon was anointed as king (1 Kgs 1:33, 38, 45). There are two sources of running water in Jerusalem: The first is the Ain Umm el Daraj’ (also known as the spring of the Mother of Steps, in the OT as Gihon, and to Christians as the Virgin’s Fountain), which lies at the eastern ridge. The second is Bir ’Ayub, or the well of Job. The importance of the spring of Gihon for the defense of Jerusalem in time of siege is emphasized by Hezekiah’s measures to deny his enemies access to the water supply and provide access for those who defended the city (2 Kgs 20:20; 2 Chr 32:30; cf. 2 Kgs 25:4; 2 Chr 32:3-4; Is 7:3). Hezekiah’s tunnel brought the waters from the spring of Gihon in the Kidron Valley (eastern) into the central valley where the present-day pool of Siloam is located. The spring was unable to supply all of Jerusalem’s needs after the exile, and in the Roman period aqueducts were built to bring additional water.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Siloam, Pool of.<\/p>","summary_ro":"GIHON, Spring of Site in Jerusalem where Solomon was anointed as king (1 Kgs 1:33, 38, 45). There are two sources of running water in Jerusalem: The first is the Ain Umm el Daraj’ (also known as the spring of the Mother of Steps, in the OT as Gihon, and to Christians as the Virgin’s Fountain), which lies at the eastern ridge. The second is Bir ’Ayub, or the well of Job. The importance of the spring of Gihon for the defense of Jerusalem in time of siege is emphasized by Hezekiah’s measures to ...","summary_en":"GIHON, Spring of Site in Jerusalem where Solomon was anointed as king (1 Kgs 1:33, 38, 45). There are two sources of running water in Jerusalem: The first is the Ain Umm el Daraj’ (also known as the spring of the Mother of Steps, in the OT as Gihon, and to Christians as the Virgin’s Fountain), which lies at the eastern ridge. The second is Bir ’Ayub, or the well of Job. The importance of the spring of Gihon for the defense of Jerusalem in time of siege is emphasized by Hezekiah’s measures to ...","source":"Articles\/G.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":16339,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Hezekiah","title_en":"Hezekiah","content_ro":"<h3>HEZEKIAH<\/h3>\n<li>1. King of Judah from 715–686 <span>BC<\/span>. The account of Hezekiah’s reign is in 2 Kings 18:1–20:21, 2 Chronicles 29:1–32:33, and Isaiah 36:1–39:8.<\/li>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Chronology\">Chronology<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah succeeded to Judah’s throne at 25 and ruled for 29 years (2 Kgs 18:2; 2 Chr 29:1). His mother was Abi (2 Kgs 18:2; 2 Chr 29:1; “Abijah,” a longer form), a daughter of Zechariah. The chronology of Hezekiah’s reign is difficult to establish with certainty. The Bible says the Assyrian siege of Samaria, capital of the northern kingdom of Israel, began in the fourth year of his reign and that Samaria fell in the sixth year (2 Kgs 18:9-10), which would make his reign begin about 728 <span>BC<\/span> and end about 699 <span>BC<\/span>. Assyrian king Sennacherib besieged the fortified Judean cities during Hezekiah’s 14th year (2 Kgs 18:13), which would have been 714 <span>BC<\/span>. Assyrian records, however, indicate that Sennacherib came to the Assyrian throne in 705 <span>BC<\/span> and that his Judean campaign took place in 701 <span>BC<\/span>. The most generally accepted solution to the discrepancy is that Hezekiah came to the throne in 715 <span>BC<\/span>, probably after a co-regency with his father, Ahaz, that began in 728 <span>BC<\/span>. That solution harmonizes with the statement that Sennacherib’s siege took place in the 14th year of Hezekiah’s reign, or 701 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"HezekiahsReligiousReforms\">Hezekiah’s Religious Reforms<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah came to the throne at a critical juncture in Judah’s history. Sargon II had taken Samaria in 722 <span>BC<\/span>, and Judah was militarily weakened from wars and raids by surrounding nations during the reign of Ahaz. Perhaps motivated by warnings to the northern kingdom delivered by the prophets Amos and Hosea that punishment would come if Israel did not turn back to God, Hezekiah began his religious reforms soon after becoming king.<\/p>\n<p>In the first month of his reign, Hezekiah opened the temple doors and repaired them. He brought the Levites together and ordered them to sanctify themselves and the temple and to reinstate the religious ceremonies that had long been neglected. Hezekiah brought sacrifices, and the priestly temple service was restored (2 Chr 29).<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah then sent invitations throughout Judah and Israel for the Passover celebration in Jerusalem (held a month later than the prescribed time because the priests and people could not be ready earlier). It was hoped that religious unification would be a prelude to political reunification of the northern kingdom of Israel and the southern kingdom of Judah. However, most of the northern tribes mocked the Judean messengers who brought the invitations, and only a few persons from the tribes of Asher, Manasseh, and Zebulun went to Jerusalem for the celebration (2 Chr 30).<\/p>\n<p>After the Passover observance, the worshipers set about destroying the high places and altars. They broke the pillars and cut down the Asherim throughout Judah and Benjamin, and also went into Ephraim and Manasseh (2 Chr 31:1). Hezekiah even smashed the bronze serpent that Moses had made (Nm 21:6-9), for it had become an object of worship and was identified with a serpent deity, Nehushtan (2 Kgs 18:4). Because of his sweeping reforms, later generations said of Hezekiah, “There was never another king like him in the land of Judah, either before or after his time” (2 Kgs 18:5, <span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheAssyrianThreat\">The Assyrian Threat<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah knew that Assyria’s growing international dominance was a serious threat to his kingdom, but following his father’s policy of submission, Hezekiah did not attempt any resistance at first.<\/p>\n<p>The inscriptions of the Assyrian king Sargon II record his victorious campaign in 711 <span>BC<\/span> against a revolt by Aziru, king of Ashdod, who requested help from Egypt and Judah. Perhaps a prophecy received by Isaiah warned Hezekiah not to interfere with the Ashdod siege (Is 20), and so no punitive action was taken against Judah by Assyria. Sargon died in 705, and his son Sennacherib came to the throne. This triggered widespread rebellion throughout the Assyrian provinces. Hezekiah withheld tribute from the new Assyrian ruler and, taking advantage of the confused situation, made raids against the Philistines (2 Kgs 18:8). After subduing rebellious elements in the East, Sennacherib began his campaign against the “land of Hatti” (the Assyrian name for the western countries) in 701 <span>BC<\/span>. In preparation Hezekiah repaired Jerusalem’s city wall, raised towers on it, built another wall outside it, and strengthened the Millo in the City of David. He also stockpiled abundant quantities of weapons and shields (2 Chr 32:5). Knowing the necessity of an adequate water supply for a city under siege, Hezekiah had a 1,777-foot (542-meter) tunnel cut through solid rock from the spring of Gihon to the Siloam Pool to bring water into the city and to prevent the Assyrians from gaining access to the spring water outside the city (2 Kgs 20:20; 2 Chr 32:3-4). The Siloam inscription, carved inside the tunnel itself, records the completion of that remarkable conduit and is one of the oldest preserved examples of the Hebrew language.<\/p>\n<p>Sennacherib invaded Palestine and, after an extensive campaign, put down the rebellion there. That campaign is well documented in Assyrian records, including a description of his siege on Jerusalem in 701, and this documentation is supplemented by the biblical account (2 Kgs 18:13–19:37; 2 Chr 32:1-22; Is 36–37). Sidon, the cities of Phoenicia, and the immediate neighbors of Judah (including Byblos, Arnon, Moab, Edom, and Ashdod) submitted to the Assyrians. Resistant Philistine cities were also taken. Sennacherib laid siege against Ekron, whose king, Padi (a loyal subject of Sennacherib), had been taken prisoner by his own subjects and turned over in chains to Hezekiah. A large Egyptian and Ethiopian army failed to relieve the Ekronites, who were defeated by the Assyrians in the vicinity of Eltekah. Ekron was captured, and Padi was recalled to his throne by Sennacherib.<\/p>\n<p>Sennacherib then turned his attention to the fortified cities of Judah and took them one by one (2 Kgs 18:13). Assyrian records claim that he captured 46 walled cities and countless villages, including Lachish and Debir (southwest of Jerusalem), 200,150 people, homes, cattle, and flocks without number. While Lachish was still under siege, Hezekiah saw that it was hopeless to resist and sent word to Sennacherib offering to surrender and pay whatever tribute he would impose. The Assyrian ruler demanded an enormous tribute of 300 talents of silver (800 talents according to Assyrian records, either an exaggerated figure or computed by a different standard) and 30 talents of gold. In order to pay that tribute, Hezekiah took all the silver in the temple and the royal treasuries, and stripped the gold from the temple doors and doorposts (2 Kgs 18:14-16). This treasure was sent to Sennacherib along with other gifts that, according to the Assyrian account, included some of Hezekiah’s own daughters as concubines.<\/p>\n<p>The account in 2 Kings 18:17–19:37 raises the question of whether there was another invasion of Judah at a later date, or whether this passage gives additional details about the invasion of 701. Although Hezekiah had already submitted and paid tribute, these verses describe further Assyrian demands. Those who believe it was a single invasion suggest that this is an account of the Assyrian deputation sent by Sennacherib to demand Jerusalem’s surrender while Lachish was still under siege. The deputation included the Tartan, Rabsaris, and Rabshakeh (titles of court officials rather than personal names). They warned the citizens that their God was no more able to save them than the gods of other cities defeated by the Assyrians. In distress Hezekiah sent word to the prophet Isaiah, who assured the king that Sennacherib would hear a rumor and return to his own land and there die by the sword (2 Kgs 19:1-7). Shortly afterward Sennacherib received word of Babylon’s revolt in his eastern provinces, so he departed at once without taking Jerusalem. Assyrian records do not claim that Jerusalem was taken but only say that Hezekiah was “shut up in Jerusalem like a bird in a cage.” Judah’s surrounding neighbors celebrated their deliverance and brought gifts of gratitude to Hezekiah (2 Chr 32:23).<\/p>\n<p>Later, the Assyrian king heard that Tirhakah, king of Ethiopia, was advancing against him, so he sent another threatening message to Hezekiah, probably to warn him against making an alliance with Tirhakah. Hezekiah took the matter before the Lord and received word from Isaiah that the Assyrian king would return the same way he came and that Jerusalem would be untouched. Soon afterward, in a miraculous intervention by God, 185,000 Assyrian troops were killed, and the Assyrian monarch abandoned his plans to conquer Hezekiah. That embarrassing calamity understandably is not mentioned by the Assyrian records. In 681 Sennacherib was killed by two of his sons as Isaiah had predicted (2 Kgs 19:7, 37).<\/p>\n<p>Sometime prior to 701, Hezekiah became seriously ill, and Isaiah told him to prepare for death. The king earnestly prayed for an extension of life, and God promised him 15 more years as well as deliverance from the Assyrians. Hezekiah asked Isaiah for a sign that he would be healed, and a shadow cast by the sun moved backward 10 steps contrary to its normal direction (2 Kgs 20:1-11).<\/p>\n<p>Sometime after his recovery Hezekiah received a delegation with presents from Merodach-baladan of Babylon, ostensibly to congratulate Hezekiah on his return to health. The real object of the visit was probably to enlist Hezekiah as an ally in a conspiracy being formed against Assyria. The king showed the Babylonian envoys all the gold, silver, and other valuables he possessed. This act brought a warning from Isaiah that the day would come when all those treasures would be carried away to Babylon (2 Kgs 20:12-19).<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah lived the remainder of his life in peace and prosperity. It may have been during this time that he encouraged literary efforts in Judah, which included copying some of Solomon’s proverbs (Prv 25–29). Upon his death in 686, he was succeeded by his son Manasseh, who probably had become co-regent 10 years earlier.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Chronology of the Bible (Old Testament); Israel, History of; King.<\/p>\n<li>2. KJV form of Hizkiah, Neariah’s son, in 1 Chronicles 3:23. <em>See<\/em> Hizkiah #1.<\/li>\n<li>3. Head of a family of exiles (the sons of Ater), 98 of whose descendants returned from the Babylonian exile with Zerubbabel (Ezr 2:16; Neh 7:21; 10:17).<\/li>\n<li>4. Ancestor of the prophet Zephaniah, possibly King Hezekiah himself (Zep 1:1).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>HEZEKIAH<\/h3>\n<li>1. King of Judah from 715–686 <span>BC<\/span>. The account of Hezekiah’s reign is in 2 Kings 18:1–20:21, 2 Chronicles 29:1–32:33, and Isaiah 36:1–39:8.<\/li>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Chronology\">Chronology<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah succeeded to Judah’s throne at 25 and ruled for 29 years (2 Kgs 18:2; 2 Chr 29:1). His mother was Abi (2 Kgs 18:2; 2 Chr 29:1; “Abijah,” a longer form), a daughter of Zechariah. The chronology of Hezekiah’s reign is difficult to establish with certainty. The Bible says the Assyrian siege of Samaria, capital of the northern kingdom of Israel, began in the fourth year of his reign and that Samaria fell in the sixth year (2 Kgs 18:9-10), which would make his reign begin about 728 <span>BC<\/span> and end about 699 <span>BC<\/span>. Assyrian king Sennacherib besieged the fortified Judean cities during Hezekiah’s 14th year (2 Kgs 18:13), which would have been 714 <span>BC<\/span>. Assyrian records, however, indicate that Sennacherib came to the Assyrian throne in 705 <span>BC<\/span> and that his Judean campaign took place in 701 <span>BC<\/span>. The most generally accepted solution to the discrepancy is that Hezekiah came to the throne in 715 <span>BC<\/span>, probably after a co-regency with his father, Ahaz, that began in 728 <span>BC<\/span>. That solution harmonizes with the statement that Sennacherib’s siege took place in the 14th year of Hezekiah’s reign, or 701 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"HezekiahsReligiousReforms\">Hezekiah’s Religious Reforms<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah came to the throne at a critical juncture in Judah’s history. Sargon II had taken Samaria in 722 <span>BC<\/span>, and Judah was militarily weakened from wars and raids by surrounding nations during the reign of Ahaz. Perhaps motivated by warnings to the northern kingdom delivered by the prophets Amos and Hosea that punishment would come if Israel did not turn back to God, Hezekiah began his religious reforms soon after becoming king.<\/p>\n<p>In the first month of his reign, Hezekiah opened the temple doors and repaired them. He brought the Levites together and ordered them to sanctify themselves and the temple and to reinstate the religious ceremonies that had long been neglected. Hezekiah brought sacrifices, and the priestly temple service was restored (2 Chr 29).<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah then sent invitations throughout Judah and Israel for the Passover celebration in Jerusalem (held a month later than the prescribed time because the priests and people could not be ready earlier). It was hoped that religious unification would be a prelude to political reunification of the northern kingdom of Israel and the southern kingdom of Judah. However, most of the northern tribes mocked the Judean messengers who brought the invitations, and only a few persons from the tribes of Asher, Manasseh, and Zebulun went to Jerusalem for the celebration (2 Chr 30).<\/p>\n<p>After the Passover observance, the worshipers set about destroying the high places and altars. They broke the pillars and cut down the Asherim throughout Judah and Benjamin, and also went into Ephraim and Manasseh (2 Chr 31:1). Hezekiah even smashed the bronze serpent that Moses had made (Nm 21:6-9), for it had become an object of worship and was identified with a serpent deity, Nehushtan (2 Kgs 18:4). Because of his sweeping reforms, later generations said of Hezekiah, “There was never another king like him in the land of Judah, either before or after his time” (2 Kgs 18:5, <span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheAssyrianThreat\">The Assyrian Threat<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah knew that Assyria’s growing international dominance was a serious threat to his kingdom, but following his father’s policy of submission, Hezekiah did not attempt any resistance at first.<\/p>\n<p>The inscriptions of the Assyrian king Sargon II record his victorious campaign in 711 <span>BC<\/span> against a revolt by Aziru, king of Ashdod, who requested help from Egypt and Judah. Perhaps a prophecy received by Isaiah warned Hezekiah not to interfere with the Ashdod siege (Is 20), and so no punitive action was taken against Judah by Assyria. Sargon died in 705, and his son Sennacherib came to the throne. This triggered widespread rebellion throughout the Assyrian provinces. Hezekiah withheld tribute from the new Assyrian ruler and, taking advantage of the confused situation, made raids against the Philistines (2 Kgs 18:8). After subduing rebellious elements in the East, Sennacherib began his campaign against the “land of Hatti” (the Assyrian name for the western countries) in 701 <span>BC<\/span>. In preparation Hezekiah repaired Jerusalem’s city wall, raised towers on it, built another wall outside it, and strengthened the Millo in the City of David. He also stockpiled abundant quantities of weapons and shields (2 Chr 32:5). Knowing the necessity of an adequate water supply for a city under siege, Hezekiah had a 1,777-foot (542-meter) tunnel cut through solid rock from the spring of Gihon to the Siloam Pool to bring water into the city and to prevent the Assyrians from gaining access to the spring water outside the city (2 Kgs 20:20; 2 Chr 32:3-4). The Siloam inscription, carved inside the tunnel itself, records the completion of that remarkable conduit and is one of the oldest preserved examples of the Hebrew language.<\/p>\n<p>Sennacherib invaded Palestine and, after an extensive campaign, put down the rebellion there. That campaign is well documented in Assyrian records, including a description of his siege on Jerusalem in 701, and this documentation is supplemented by the biblical account (2 Kgs 18:13–19:37; 2 Chr 32:1-22; Is 36–37). Sidon, the cities of Phoenicia, and the immediate neighbors of Judah (including Byblos, Arnon, Moab, Edom, and Ashdod) submitted to the Assyrians. Resistant Philistine cities were also taken. Sennacherib laid siege against Ekron, whose king, Padi (a loyal subject of Sennacherib), had been taken prisoner by his own subjects and turned over in chains to Hezekiah. A large Egyptian and Ethiopian army failed to relieve the Ekronites, who were defeated by the Assyrians in the vicinity of Eltekah. Ekron was captured, and Padi was recalled to his throne by Sennacherib.<\/p>\n<p>Sennacherib then turned his attention to the fortified cities of Judah and took them one by one (2 Kgs 18:13). Assyrian records claim that he captured 46 walled cities and countless villages, including Lachish and Debir (southwest of Jerusalem), 200,150 people, homes, cattle, and flocks without number. While Lachish was still under siege, Hezekiah saw that it was hopeless to resist and sent word to Sennacherib offering to surrender and pay whatever tribute he would impose. The Assyrian ruler demanded an enormous tribute of 300 talents of silver (800 talents according to Assyrian records, either an exaggerated figure or computed by a different standard) and 30 talents of gold. In order to pay that tribute, Hezekiah took all the silver in the temple and the royal treasuries, and stripped the gold from the temple doors and doorposts (2 Kgs 18:14-16). This treasure was sent to Sennacherib along with other gifts that, according to the Assyrian account, included some of Hezekiah’s own daughters as concubines.<\/p>\n<p>The account in 2 Kings 18:17–19:37 raises the question of whether there was another invasion of Judah at a later date, or whether this passage gives additional details about the invasion of 701. Although Hezekiah had already submitted and paid tribute, these verses describe further Assyrian demands. Those who believe it was a single invasion suggest that this is an account of the Assyrian deputation sent by Sennacherib to demand Jerusalem’s surrender while Lachish was still under siege. The deputation included the Tartan, Rabsaris, and Rabshakeh (titles of court officials rather than personal names). They warned the citizens that their God was no more able to save them than the gods of other cities defeated by the Assyrians. In distress Hezekiah sent word to the prophet Isaiah, who assured the king that Sennacherib would hear a rumor and return to his own land and there die by the sword (2 Kgs 19:1-7). Shortly afterward Sennacherib received word of Babylon’s revolt in his eastern provinces, so he departed at once without taking Jerusalem. Assyrian records do not claim that Jerusalem was taken but only say that Hezekiah was “shut up in Jerusalem like a bird in a cage.” Judah’s surrounding neighbors celebrated their deliverance and brought gifts of gratitude to Hezekiah (2 Chr 32:23).<\/p>\n<p>Later, the Assyrian king heard that Tirhakah, king of Ethiopia, was advancing against him, so he sent another threatening message to Hezekiah, probably to warn him against making an alliance with Tirhakah. Hezekiah took the matter before the Lord and received word from Isaiah that the Assyrian king would return the same way he came and that Jerusalem would be untouched. Soon afterward, in a miraculous intervention by God, 185,000 Assyrian troops were killed, and the Assyrian monarch abandoned his plans to conquer Hezekiah. That embarrassing calamity understandably is not mentioned by the Assyrian records. In 681 Sennacherib was killed by two of his sons as Isaiah had predicted (2 Kgs 19:7, 37).<\/p>\n<p>Sometime prior to 701, Hezekiah became seriously ill, and Isaiah told him to prepare for death. The king earnestly prayed for an extension of life, and God promised him 15 more years as well as deliverance from the Assyrians. Hezekiah asked Isaiah for a sign that he would be healed, and a shadow cast by the sun moved backward 10 steps contrary to its normal direction (2 Kgs 20:1-11).<\/p>\n<p>Sometime after his recovery Hezekiah received a delegation with presents from Merodach-baladan of Babylon, ostensibly to congratulate Hezekiah on his return to health. The real object of the visit was probably to enlist Hezekiah as an ally in a conspiracy being formed against Assyria. The king showed the Babylonian envoys all the gold, silver, and other valuables he possessed. This act brought a warning from Isaiah that the day would come when all those treasures would be carried away to Babylon (2 Kgs 20:12-19).<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah lived the remainder of his life in peace and prosperity. It may have been during this time that he encouraged literary efforts in Judah, which included copying some of Solomon’s proverbs (Prv 25–29). Upon his death in 686, he was succeeded by his son Manasseh, who probably had become co-regent 10 years earlier.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Chronology of the Bible (Old Testament); Israel, History of; King.<\/p>\n<li>2. KJV form of Hizkiah, Neariah’s son, in 1 Chronicles 3:23. <em>See<\/em> Hizkiah #1.<\/li>\n<li>3. Head of a family of exiles (the sons of Ater), 98 of whose descendants returned from the Babylonian exile with Zerubbabel (Ezr 2:16; Neh 7:21; 10:17).<\/li>\n<li>4. Ancestor of the prophet Zephaniah, possibly King Hezekiah himself (Zep 1:1).<\/li>","summary_ro":"HEZEKIAH 1. King of Judah from 715–686 BC. The account of Hezekiah’s reign is in 2 Kings 18:1–20:21, 2 Chronicles 29:1–32:33, and Isaiah 36:1–39:8. Chronology Hezekiah succeeded to Judah’s throne at 25 and ruled for 29 years (2 Kgs 18:2; 2 Chr 29:1). His mother was Abi (2 Kgs 18:2; 2 Chr 29:1; “Abijah,” a longer form), a daughter of Zechariah. The chronology of Hezekiah’s reign is difficult to establish with certainty. The Bible says the Assyrian siege of Samaria, capital of the northern king...","summary_en":"HEZEKIAH 1. King of Judah from 715–686 BC. The account of Hezekiah’s reign is in 2 Kings 18:1–20:21, 2 Chronicles 29:1–32:33, and Isaiah 36:1–39:8. Chronology Hezekiah succeeded to Judah’s throne at 25 and ruled for 29 years (2 Kgs 18:2; 2 Chr 29:1). His mother was Abi (2 Kgs 18:2; 2 Chr 29:1; “Abijah,” a longer form), a daughter of Zechariah. The chronology of Hezekiah’s reign is difficult to establish with certainty. The Bible says the Assyrian siege of Samaria, capital of the northern king...","source":"Articles\/H.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":17590,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Inscriptions","title_en":"Inscriptions","content_ro":"<h3>INSCRIPTIONS<\/h3>\n<p>Term used to refer to writing in the ancient world that was done on a material of a permanent nature, such as stone or clay, rather than on ordinary and impermanent substances, such as papyri or parchment.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Introduction<\/p>\n<p>• Inscriptions on Monuments<\/p>\n<p>• Historical Records<\/p>\n<p>• Official Announcements<\/p>\n<p>• Dedications<\/p>\n<p>• Correspondence<\/p>\n<p>• Mosaic Floor Decorations<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Introduction\">Introduction<\/p>\n<p>There are occasional references to inscriptions in the Bible; for example, the Ten Commandments were inscribed on stone (Ex 31:18) and given to Moses, and later written by Joshua on stone and set up at Mt Ebal near Shechem (Jos 8:32). In the excavations at Shechem, G. E. Wright found a large stone prepared to receive an inscription that he dated to the time of Joshua on stratigraphic grounds. It may still be seen at the site. A message from the hand of God to the Babylonian king Belshazzar was inscribed on the walls of his palace (Dn 5:5, 24). Paul observed an altar with the inscription “To an unknown god” in the marketplace of Athens (Acts 17:23). The book of Revelation speaks of the names of the 12 tribes of the sons of Israel being inscribed on the gates of the heavenly city (Rv 21:12).<\/p>\n<p>Inscriptions in the ancient world can be found in almost any language and from any period of history: Egyptian, Babylonian, Persian, Greek, Latin, Hebrew, Aramaic, Nabatean, Moabite, and so on. It was once popular to argue that Moses could not have written the Pentateuch because writing had not been invented that early. Inscriptions found at the turquoise mines of Serabit el-Khadim dating to the 15th century <span>BC<\/span> have disproven this allegation. In addition, it might be noted that clay tablets found at Ras Shamra by Claude Schaeffer and dated to about 1400 <span>BC<\/span> demonstrate a considerable period of literary activity, as do the tablets at Ebla from approximately 1,000 years earlier.<\/p>\n<p>Inscriptions may be found in almost any position or place, but the most common locations are in the floors of synagogues, church buildings, and mosques; the pavements of forums; the walls of public buildings; dedicatory stones and statues; stelae and monumental plaques; tombs and sarcophagi; and Roman milestones. An exhaustive list is impossible, but a few representative samples will illustrate the various kinds of extant inscriptional material.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"InscriptionsonMonuments\">Inscriptions on Monuments<\/p>\n<p>The Egyptian pharaoh Merneptah commemorated his victory over the Sea Peoples in the 13th century <span>BC<\/span> by inscribing a black granite stele with a record of his victory. It contains the earliest known reference to Israel outside the land of Palestine: “Israel lies desolate.”<\/p>\n<p>The Israelite king Omri (1 Kgs 16:16-30) is referred to in a text carved in the Moabite language on a stone dating near the end of the reign of the Moabite king Mesha, about 830 <span>BC<\/span>. It was found at Diban (OT Dibon) in 1868 and contains a record of the successful rebellion of the king against Israelite oppression.<\/p>\n<p>Another monumental inscription was found in Persia carved into the steep slope of Mt Behistun. It is a trilingual (Old Persian, Elamite, Akkadian) record of the exploits of Darius I, providing the key to unlocking the mystery of the cuneiform script in which several of these ancient languages were written.<\/p>\n<p>The Assyrian king Shalmaneser III left a record of his first six campaigns of conquest inscribed on a monolith found in 1861 at Kurkh on the Tigris. The stone is carved front and back in cuneiform that is written over a bas-relief of the king. This same king left a black stone obelisk, six and a half feet (2 meters) high, depicting his triumphs over several other kings, among whom is Jehu, king of Israel, depicted in the second panel from the top, prostrating himself before the Assyrian monarch. This is the earliest picture available of an Israelite and the only known representation of an Israelite king by a contemporary. The inscription above the picture reads, “The tribute of Jehu, son [descendant] of Omri . . .” It dates to the mid-ninth century <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"HistoricalRecords\">Historical Records<\/p>\n<p>Frequently in the region of Mesopotamia, ancient kings recorded important events or proclamations in stone or clay. A notable example is the clay prism containing the final edition of Sennacherib’s Annals dated to 691 <span>BC<\/span>. It is hexagonal, 15 inches (38.1 centimeters) high and 6 inches (15.2 centimeters) wide, and written on all sides in cuneiform script. The inscription speaks of “Hezekiah the Jew (king of Judah), who did not submit to my yoke. . . . Like a caged bird, I shut him up in Jerusalem, his royal city” (cf. 2 Kgs 18; Is 36–39).<\/p>\n<p>Even though no annals comparable to those produced by the Assyrian kings have survived among the Babylonians, we do have some chronicles written on clay tablets covering the years from 626 <span>BC<\/span> to the fall of Babylon to Cyrus in 539. One of these, the Babylonian Chronicle, provides an exact date of March 16, 597 <span>BC<\/span>, for the fall of Jerusalem to the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar (cf. 2 Kgs 24:10-17).<\/p>\n<p>Babylon itself fell to Cyrus the Mede, king of Persia, in 539. The event is not only referred to in the Bible (Ezr 1:1-3) but is also described on a clay barrel-shaped cylinder nine inches (22.9 centimeters) in length, written in cuneiform script, during the reign of Cyrus. It refers to his policy that allowed captive nations to rebuild their cities and temples. This provides an explanation of his encouragement and financial help to the Jews in returning to Jerusalem to rebuild the temple of Solomon that Nebuchadnezzar had destroyed (Ezr 1:2-4).<\/p>\n<p>Egyptian pharaohs were fond of publishing records of their exploits in hieroglyphic script on the walls of temples and tombs. These were usually incised into the stone and then painted. One of the most interesting is Shishak’s description of his invasion of the land of Israel incised on the southern wall of a court of the temple of Amon at Karnak. The inclusion of Megiddo, as well as other cities in Israel, among the more than 75 cities whose names can still be read adds historical interest to the biblical account of Shishak’s invasion and conquest of Jerusalem and “Judah’s fortified cities” (1 Kgs 14:25-26; 2 Chr 12:2-10). Archaeological finds confirm a destruction and burning of the city at this time.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"OfficialAnnouncements\">Official Announcements<\/p>\n<p>When an ancient monarch or public official wanted to publish an announcement with some degree of permanency, it would be carved in stone or set in mosaic. An inscription on a marble slab dating to the reign of Claudius (<span>AD<\/span> 41–54) was found in 1878, originating in the city of Nazareth. It contains a warning against grave robbing or any other desecration of cemeteries. The penalty for such violation was declared to be death. The inscription may reflect some of the troubles Claudius had in Rome over the person of Christ (Suetonius, <em>Claudius<\/em> 25) which led to the expulsion of Jews from the capital city (Acts 18). At issue must have been the resurrection of Christ as proclaimed in Rome.<\/p>\n<p>Announcements were placed even in temples. Josephus referred to a small wall surrounding the Jewish temple in Jerusalem that contained slabs of stone at regular intervals giving warning in Greek and Latin to Gentiles entering the temple (<em>War<\/em> 5.193-34; 6.125-26; <em>Antiquities<\/em> 15.417). Two fragmentary examples have been found. One discovered by Clermont-Ganneau in 1871 reads: “No foreigner is to enter within the balustrade and embankment around the sanctuary. Whoever is caught will have himself to blame for his death which follows.” The Romans allowed the Jews to put anyone to death, even a Roman, who went beyond this barrier (<em>War<\/em> 6.126).<\/p>\n<p>An important inscription commissioned by the emperor Claudius, was found at the beginning of the 20th century in Delphi, Greece. It was written in Greek and mentions Gallio as proconsul with a date that can be established as <span>AD<\/span> 51–52 for his term of office. This Gallio is the proconsul before whom Paul was brought by the Jews of Corinth (Acts 18:12-17). It is therefore extremely important for establishing the date of Paul’s 18-month stay in Corinth, and an important pivotal date for Pauline chronology in general. The inscription is an imperial announcement to the citizens of Delphi regarding the need for increasing the population of the city with eminent people.<\/p>\n<p>The name Pontius Pilate has appeared in a Latin inscription carved into a stone found in the Roman theater at Caesarea Maritima on the coast of Israel. It refers to him, in partially mutilated words, as prefect and contains the name Tiberium, which designates a structure built in honor of the emperor Tiberius.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Dedications\">Dedications<\/p>\n<p>Inscriptions were commonly placed on walls or floors of buildings or attached to some other structure dedicating the completed edifice. An inscription was cut into the wall of a long tunnel built by the Jewish king Hezekiah in Jerusalem when the tunnel was finished (2 Kgs 20:20). It is in Hebrew and is now in the Istanbul museum. One of the oldest inscriptions we have in that language, it describes the construction of the Siloam tunnel.<\/p>\n<p>In the city of Corinth in Greece there is a dedicatory inscription cut into the pavement of a plaza on the north side of the large theater. The abbreviated Latin inscription reads: <em>Erastus pro aedilitate sua pecunia stravit<\/em> (“Erastus, in return for his aedileship, laid the pavement at his own expense”). The bronze has long since been removed from the letters deeply cut into the gray Acrocorinthian limestone. This is probably the same “Erastus, the city treasurer” mentioned by Paul in Romans 16:23. A similar inscription from the Corinthian agora of Paul’s day reads: “Gnaeus Babbius Philinus, aedile and pontifex, had this monument erected at his own expense, and he approved it in his official capacity as duovir.”<\/p>\n<p>A monumental dedicatory inscription in Greek was found in Jerusalem during excavations in 1913–14, which once stood on the wall of a first-century <span>AD<\/span> synagogue on Mt Ophel. It refers to a Theodotus, the son of a ruler of the synagogue named Vettenos, who built the synagogue. Since the name Vettenos is Roman, it may be that Theodotus was a Jewish slave who had been freed and given the Roman name of his master. If so, this inscription may have hung on the “synagogue of the Freedmen” in Jerusalem (Acts 6:9).<\/p>\n<p>The British Museum contains a portion of a broken arch that stood over an entrance into the Greek city of Thessalonica from the first century <span>AD<\/span> until 1867, when it was torn down to provide stone for the repair of the vast city wall. The inscription begins: “In the time of the politarchs . . .” This is a rare word referring to Roman officials and is used in the book of Acts (Acts 17:6) in reference to city authorities of Thessalonica. This word is found nowhere else in Greek literature.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Correspondence\">Correspondence<\/p>\n<p>In the second millennium before Christ, it was common practice to write correspondence on small clay tablets. More than half a million have been found in Mari, Nuzi, Nineveh, Ebla, and elsewhere. Interesting examples of such correspondence may be found in a great number of clay tablets found at Tell el-Amarna in Upper Egypt. They were written in the Babylonian language using the cuneiform script during the time when Akhenaton was captivated with his reformation of Egyptian art and religion at his new capital Tell el-Amarna (Akhetaten), and Palestine and Syria were left to the mercy of marauders called Habiru in the documents. Many of these are written from cities in Canaan under attack and ask for help from the pharaoh, whose vassals they are at this time (late 14th century <span>BC<\/span>). Some think that these Habiru were the ancient Hebrews who invaded the land under the direction of Joshua.<\/p>\n<p>Sometimes correspondence was written in ink on broken pieces of ceramic pottery (potsherds) called ostraca. In 1935, 18 of these were found in the excavations at Lachish in southern Israel. They are written in Hebrew and provide examples of the kind of script used by the Judeans in the time of Jeremiah. The language is essentially identical with the Hebrew of the OT. The letters were sent by Hosha’yahu, an officer in charge of a nearby town, to Ya’osh, the military governor of Lachish, during the invasion of Judea by the Babylonians, which ended in the destruction of the temple in Jerusalem in 586 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>Eleven such potsherds were found in Masada, on the western shore of the Dead Sea, in excavations conducted by Yigael Yadin from 1963 to 1965. Masada was destroyed by the Roman army under the command of Flavius Silva in <span>AD<\/span> 73. Nine hundred and sixty men, women, and children committed suicide rather than surrender to the Romans. Ten men were chosen to cut the throats of those who remained. They drew lots for the heartbreaking task, according to Josephus (<em>War<\/em> 7.395), and Professor Yadin thinks the ostraca he found were the ones used in the drawing. One of them contained the name of Ben Yair, who was probably Eleazer ben Yair, the commander of the fortress.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"MosaicFloorDecorations\">Mosaic Floor Decorations<\/p>\n<p>In the Roman and Byzantine periods it was popular to decorate the floors of basilicas, baths, synagogues, churches, and other public buildings with elaborate tesselation containing inscriptions and artwork. Excavation in 1972 disclosed a building in Caesarea Maritima with mosaic inscriptions in six floors throughout the structure. Two of them are the Greek text of Romans 13:3 set in a circular border. Another is a blessing on the one who enters and exits the room: “May the Lord bless your entry and your exit.” Two of them invoke the aid of Christ for people associated with the function and construction of the building. These were a part of a building that was destroyed in the seventh century <span>AD<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>The floors of the synagogues at Tiberias-hamath, Beth Shan, Beth Alpha, Eshtemoa, Susiya, Hamath-gader, En-gedi, and others in Israel have inscriptions in Greek and Aramaic that usually refer to benefactors of the synagogue. A synagogue floor has been found in Naro, Tunisia, which contains a Latin inscription. In the Tiberias synagogue, Hebrew was used only for defining the astrological symbols that appear in the zodiac. Aramaic was used primarily for Halakah (religious rule or law), and Greek was principally used in honoring donors.<\/p>\n<p>One of the best-known mosaic floor inscriptions in churches was in Madaba, Jordan, where the oldest known map of Israel and Jordan was set into the floor in the sixth century <span>AD<\/span>. The place-names of cities, geographical features, and passages of Scripture are given in Greek. Church floors typically contain dated or undated dedications, blessings, and Scripture quotations that appear in Aramaic, Coptic, Syriac, Latin, and Greek. Symbolism often accompanies the inscriptions, but in <span>AD<\/span> 427 an edict was issued forbidding the use of crosses and other religious symbols on pavements so that they might not be stepped on. It is not clear how widespread this prohibition was.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Archaeology and the Bible; Pottery.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>INSCRIPTIONS<\/h3>\n<p>Term used to refer to writing in the ancient world that was done on a material of a permanent nature, such as stone or clay, rather than on ordinary and impermanent substances, such as papyri or parchment.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Introduction<\/p>\n<p>• Inscriptions on Monuments<\/p>\n<p>• Historical Records<\/p>\n<p>• Official Announcements<\/p>\n<p>• Dedications<\/p>\n<p>• Correspondence<\/p>\n<p>• Mosaic Floor Decorations<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Introduction\">Introduction<\/p>\n<p>There are occasional references to inscriptions in the Bible; for example, the Ten Commandments were inscribed on stone (Ex 31:18) and given to Moses, and later written by Joshua on stone and set up at Mt Ebal near Shechem (Jos 8:32). In the excavations at Shechem, G. E. Wright found a large stone prepared to receive an inscription that he dated to the time of Joshua on stratigraphic grounds. It may still be seen at the site. A message from the hand of God to the Babylonian king Belshazzar was inscribed on the walls of his palace (Dn 5:5, 24). Paul observed an altar with the inscription “To an unknown god” in the marketplace of Athens (Acts 17:23). The book of Revelation speaks of the names of the 12 tribes of the sons of Israel being inscribed on the gates of the heavenly city (Rv 21:12).<\/p>\n<p>Inscriptions in the ancient world can be found in almost any language and from any period of history: Egyptian, Babylonian, Persian, Greek, Latin, Hebrew, Aramaic, Nabatean, Moabite, and so on. It was once popular to argue that Moses could not have written the Pentateuch because writing had not been invented that early. Inscriptions found at the turquoise mines of Serabit el-Khadim dating to the 15th century <span>BC<\/span> have disproven this allegation. In addition, it might be noted that clay tablets found at Ras Shamra by Claude Schaeffer and dated to about 1400 <span>BC<\/span> demonstrate a considerable period of literary activity, as do the tablets at Ebla from approximately 1,000 years earlier.<\/p>\n<p>Inscriptions may be found in almost any position or place, but the most common locations are in the floors of synagogues, church buildings, and mosques; the pavements of forums; the walls of public buildings; dedicatory stones and statues; stelae and monumental plaques; tombs and sarcophagi; and Roman milestones. An exhaustive list is impossible, but a few representative samples will illustrate the various kinds of extant inscriptional material.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"InscriptionsonMonuments\">Inscriptions on Monuments<\/p>\n<p>The Egyptian pharaoh Merneptah commemorated his victory over the Sea Peoples in the 13th century <span>BC<\/span> by inscribing a black granite stele with a record of his victory. It contains the earliest known reference to Israel outside the land of Palestine: “Israel lies desolate.”<\/p>\n<p>The Israelite king Omri (1 Kgs 16:16-30) is referred to in a text carved in the Moabite language on a stone dating near the end of the reign of the Moabite king Mesha, about 830 <span>BC<\/span>. It was found at Diban (OT Dibon) in 1868 and contains a record of the successful rebellion of the king against Israelite oppression.<\/p>\n<p>Another monumental inscription was found in Persia carved into the steep slope of Mt Behistun. It is a trilingual (Old Persian, Elamite, Akkadian) record of the exploits of Darius I, providing the key to unlocking the mystery of the cuneiform script in which several of these ancient languages were written.<\/p>\n<p>The Assyrian king Shalmaneser III left a record of his first six campaigns of conquest inscribed on a monolith found in 1861 at Kurkh on the Tigris. The stone is carved front and back in cuneiform that is written over a bas-relief of the king. This same king left a black stone obelisk, six and a half feet (2 meters) high, depicting his triumphs over several other kings, among whom is Jehu, king of Israel, depicted in the second panel from the top, prostrating himself before the Assyrian monarch. This is the earliest picture available of an Israelite and the only known representation of an Israelite king by a contemporary. The inscription above the picture reads, “The tribute of Jehu, son [descendant] of Omri . . .” It dates to the mid-ninth century <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"HistoricalRecords\">Historical Records<\/p>\n<p>Frequently in the region of Mesopotamia, ancient kings recorded important events or proclamations in stone or clay. A notable example is the clay prism containing the final edition of Sennacherib’s Annals dated to 691 <span>BC<\/span>. It is hexagonal, 15 inches (38.1 centimeters) high and 6 inches (15.2 centimeters) wide, and written on all sides in cuneiform script. The inscription speaks of “Hezekiah the Jew (king of Judah), who did not submit to my yoke. . . . Like a caged bird, I shut him up in Jerusalem, his royal city” (cf. 2 Kgs 18; Is 36–39).<\/p>\n<p>Even though no annals comparable to those produced by the Assyrian kings have survived among the Babylonians, we do have some chronicles written on clay tablets covering the years from 626 <span>BC<\/span> to the fall of Babylon to Cyrus in 539. One of these, the Babylonian Chronicle, provides an exact date of March 16, 597 <span>BC<\/span>, for the fall of Jerusalem to the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar (cf. 2 Kgs 24:10-17).<\/p>\n<p>Babylon itself fell to Cyrus the Mede, king of Persia, in 539. The event is not only referred to in the Bible (Ezr 1:1-3) but is also described on a clay barrel-shaped cylinder nine inches (22.9 centimeters) in length, written in cuneiform script, during the reign of Cyrus. It refers to his policy that allowed captive nations to rebuild their cities and temples. This provides an explanation of his encouragement and financial help to the Jews in returning to Jerusalem to rebuild the temple of Solomon that Nebuchadnezzar had destroyed (Ezr 1:2-4).<\/p>\n<p>Egyptian pharaohs were fond of publishing records of their exploits in hieroglyphic script on the walls of temples and tombs. These were usually incised into the stone and then painted. One of the most interesting is Shishak’s description of his invasion of the land of Israel incised on the southern wall of a court of the temple of Amon at Karnak. The inclusion of Megiddo, as well as other cities in Israel, among the more than 75 cities whose names can still be read adds historical interest to the biblical account of Shishak’s invasion and conquest of Jerusalem and “Judah’s fortified cities” (1 Kgs 14:25-26; 2 Chr 12:2-10). Archaeological finds confirm a destruction and burning of the city at this time.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"OfficialAnnouncements\">Official Announcements<\/p>\n<p>When an ancient monarch or public official wanted to publish an announcement with some degree of permanency, it would be carved in stone or set in mosaic. An inscription on a marble slab dating to the reign of Claudius (<span>AD<\/span> 41–54) was found in 1878, originating in the city of Nazareth. It contains a warning against grave robbing or any other desecration of cemeteries. The penalty for such violation was declared to be death. The inscription may reflect some of the troubles Claudius had in Rome over the person of Christ (Suetonius, <em>Claudius<\/em> 25) which led to the expulsion of Jews from the capital city (Acts 18). At issue must have been the resurrection of Christ as proclaimed in Rome.<\/p>\n<p>Announcements were placed even in temples. Josephus referred to a small wall surrounding the Jewish temple in Jerusalem that contained slabs of stone at regular intervals giving warning in Greek and Latin to Gentiles entering the temple (<em>War<\/em> 5.193-34; 6.125-26; <em>Antiquities<\/em> 15.417). Two fragmentary examples have been found. One discovered by Clermont-Ganneau in 1871 reads: “No foreigner is to enter within the balustrade and embankment around the sanctuary. Whoever is caught will have himself to blame for his death which follows.” The Romans allowed the Jews to put anyone to death, even a Roman, who went beyond this barrier (<em>War<\/em> 6.126).<\/p>\n<p>An important inscription commissioned by the emperor Claudius, was found at the beginning of the 20th century in Delphi, Greece. It was written in Greek and mentions Gallio as proconsul with a date that can be established as <span>AD<\/span> 51–52 for his term of office. This Gallio is the proconsul before whom Paul was brought by the Jews of Corinth (Acts 18:12-17). It is therefore extremely important for establishing the date of Paul’s 18-month stay in Corinth, and an important pivotal date for Pauline chronology in general. The inscription is an imperial announcement to the citizens of Delphi regarding the need for increasing the population of the city with eminent people.<\/p>\n<p>The name Pontius Pilate has appeared in a Latin inscription carved into a stone found in the Roman theater at Caesarea Maritima on the coast of Israel. It refers to him, in partially mutilated words, as prefect and contains the name Tiberium, which designates a structure built in honor of the emperor Tiberius.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Dedications\">Dedications<\/p>\n<p>Inscriptions were commonly placed on walls or floors of buildings or attached to some other structure dedicating the completed edifice. An inscription was cut into the wall of a long tunnel built by the Jewish king Hezekiah in Jerusalem when the tunnel was finished (2 Kgs 20:20). It is in Hebrew and is now in the Istanbul museum. One of the oldest inscriptions we have in that language, it describes the construction of the Siloam tunnel.<\/p>\n<p>In the city of Corinth in Greece there is a dedicatory inscription cut into the pavement of a plaza on the north side of the large theater. The abbreviated Latin inscription reads: <em>Erastus pro aedilitate sua pecunia stravit<\/em> (“Erastus, in return for his aedileship, laid the pavement at his own expense”). The bronze has long since been removed from the letters deeply cut into the gray Acrocorinthian limestone. This is probably the same “Erastus, the city treasurer” mentioned by Paul in Romans 16:23. A similar inscription from the Corinthian agora of Paul’s day reads: “Gnaeus Babbius Philinus, aedile and pontifex, had this monument erected at his own expense, and he approved it in his official capacity as duovir.”<\/p>\n<p>A monumental dedicatory inscription in Greek was found in Jerusalem during excavations in 1913–14, which once stood on the wall of a first-century <span>AD<\/span> synagogue on Mt Ophel. It refers to a Theodotus, the son of a ruler of the synagogue named Vettenos, who built the synagogue. Since the name Vettenos is Roman, it may be that Theodotus was a Jewish slave who had been freed and given the Roman name of his master. If so, this inscription may have hung on the “synagogue of the Freedmen” in Jerusalem (Acts 6:9).<\/p>\n<p>The British Museum contains a portion of a broken arch that stood over an entrance into the Greek city of Thessalonica from the first century <span>AD<\/span> until 1867, when it was torn down to provide stone for the repair of the vast city wall. The inscription begins: “In the time of the politarchs . . .” This is a rare word referring to Roman officials and is used in the book of Acts (Acts 17:6) in reference to city authorities of Thessalonica. This word is found nowhere else in Greek literature.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Correspondence\">Correspondence<\/p>\n<p>In the second millennium before Christ, it was common practice to write correspondence on small clay tablets. More than half a million have been found in Mari, Nuzi, Nineveh, Ebla, and elsewhere. Interesting examples of such correspondence may be found in a great number of clay tablets found at Tell el-Amarna in Upper Egypt. They were written in the Babylonian language using the cuneiform script during the time when Akhenaton was captivated with his reformation of Egyptian art and religion at his new capital Tell el-Amarna (Akhetaten), and Palestine and Syria were left to the mercy of marauders called Habiru in the documents. Many of these are written from cities in Canaan under attack and ask for help from the pharaoh, whose vassals they are at this time (late 14th century <span>BC<\/span>). Some think that these Habiru were the ancient Hebrews who invaded the land under the direction of Joshua.<\/p>\n<p>Sometimes correspondence was written in ink on broken pieces of ceramic pottery (potsherds) called ostraca. In 1935, 18 of these were found in the excavations at Lachish in southern Israel. They are written in Hebrew and provide examples of the kind of script used by the Judeans in the time of Jeremiah. The language is essentially identical with the Hebrew of the OT. The letters were sent by Hosha’yahu, an officer in charge of a nearby town, to Ya’osh, the military governor of Lachish, during the invasion of Judea by the Babylonians, which ended in the destruction of the temple in Jerusalem in 586 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>Eleven such potsherds were found in Masada, on the western shore of the Dead Sea, in excavations conducted by Yigael Yadin from 1963 to 1965. Masada was destroyed by the Roman army under the command of Flavius Silva in <span>AD<\/span> 73. Nine hundred and sixty men, women, and children committed suicide rather than surrender to the Romans. Ten men were chosen to cut the throats of those who remained. They drew lots for the heartbreaking task, according to Josephus (<em>War<\/em> 7.395), and Professor Yadin thinks the ostraca he found were the ones used in the drawing. One of them contained the name of Ben Yair, who was probably Eleazer ben Yair, the commander of the fortress.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"MosaicFloorDecorations\">Mosaic Floor Decorations<\/p>\n<p>In the Roman and Byzantine periods it was popular to decorate the floors of basilicas, baths, synagogues, churches, and other public buildings with elaborate tesselation containing inscriptions and artwork. Excavation in 1972 disclosed a building in Caesarea Maritima with mosaic inscriptions in six floors throughout the structure. Two of them are the Greek text of Romans 13:3 set in a circular border. Another is a blessing on the one who enters and exits the room: “May the Lord bless your entry and your exit.” Two of them invoke the aid of Christ for people associated with the function and construction of the building. These were a part of a building that was destroyed in the seventh century <span>AD<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>The floors of the synagogues at Tiberias-hamath, Beth Shan, Beth Alpha, Eshtemoa, Susiya, Hamath-gader, En-gedi, and others in Israel have inscriptions in Greek and Aramaic that usually refer to benefactors of the synagogue. A synagogue floor has been found in Naro, Tunisia, which contains a Latin inscription. In the Tiberias synagogue, Hebrew was used only for defining the astrological symbols that appear in the zodiac. Aramaic was used primarily for Halakah (religious rule or law), and Greek was principally used in honoring donors.<\/p>\n<p>One of the best-known mosaic floor inscriptions in churches was in Madaba, Jordan, where the oldest known map of Israel and Jordan was set into the floor in the sixth century <span>AD<\/span>. The place-names of cities, geographical features, and passages of Scripture are given in Greek. Church floors typically contain dated or undated dedications, blessings, and Scripture quotations that appear in Aramaic, Coptic, Syriac, Latin, and Greek. Symbolism often accompanies the inscriptions, but in <span>AD<\/span> 427 an edict was issued forbidding the use of crosses and other religious symbols on pavements so that they might not be stepped on. It is not clear how widespread this prohibition was.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Archaeology and the Bible; Pottery.<\/p>","summary_ro":"INSCRIPTIONS Term used to refer to writing in the ancient world that was done on a material of a permanent nature, such as stone or clay, rather than on ordinary and impermanent substances, such as papyri or parchment. Preview • Introduction • Inscriptions on Monuments • Historical Records • Official Announcements • Dedications • Correspondence • Mosaic Floor Decorations Introduction There are occasional references to inscriptions in the Bible; for example, the Ten Commandments were inscribed...","summary_en":"INSCRIPTIONS Term used to refer to writing in the ancient world that was done on a material of a permanent nature, such as stone or clay, rather than on ordinary and impermanent substances, such as papyri or parchment. Preview • Introduction • Inscriptions on Monuments • Historical Records • Official Announcements • Dedications • Correspondence • Mosaic Floor Decorations Introduction There are occasional references to inscriptions in the Bible; for example, the Ten Commandments were inscribed...","source":"Articles\/I.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":21970,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Books of First and Second Kings","title_en":"Books of First and Second Kings","content_ro":"<h3>KINGS, Books of First and Second<\/h3>\n<p>Books continuing the history of the covenant people as recorded in Joshua, Judges, and the books of Samuel. The record in Kings begins with the events at the end of David’s reign (1 Kgs 1–2). It continues through the reign of Solomon (chs 3–11); the histories of the divided kingdoms (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17); and the history of the surviving kingdom in the south, through its fall in 586 <span>BC<\/span> and the subsequent kindness shown Jehoiachin by Evil-merodach, king of Babylon, around 561 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 18–25).<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Authorship and Date<\/p>\n<p>• Sources<\/p>\n<p>• Theology and Purpose<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"AuthorshipandDate\">Authorship and Date<\/p>\n<p>Kings was originally regarded as one book in the Hebrew canon; the division into two books of approximately equal length appeared first in the Septuagint and finally entered the Hebrew Bible in the 15th century <span>AD<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>The book itself is anonymous, and information about its author can only be deduced by examining the concerns and perspectives of the work. The Babylonian Talmud (<em>Baba Bathra<\/em> 15a) attributes Kings to Jeremiah. Although this identification could have arisen from the tendency of later Jewish tradition to assign biblical books to prophetic authors, the theory of origin in prophetic circles fits the evidence quite well. Substantial portions are given to the lives of the prophets; 16 of 47 chapters are devoted to the lives of Elijah and Elisha (1 Kgs 17—2 Kgs 10), and there is considerable interest in other prophetic figures such as Ahijah (1 Kgs 11:29-39; 14:1-16), an unnamed man of God (13:1-10), and Micaiah (22:13-28). Possible dependence on Isaiah (2 Kgs 18–20; cf. Is 36–39) and Jeremiah (2 Kgs 24–25; cf. Jer 52) also suggest prophetic origin. The author-compiler also shows intense concern with the efficacy of the prophetic word, frequently calling attention to the fulfillment of words spoken earlier by the prophets.<\/p>\n<p>One might initially think that such a history would be unlikely for a prophet, but the evidence is to the contrary. The prophets were the guardians of the covenant relationship and are known to have produced accounts used as sources by other biblical historians. The following are among such sources: the acts of Samuel the seer, the acts of Nathan the prophet, the acts of Gad the seer (1 Chr 29:29); the acts of Nathan the prophet, the prophecy of Ahijah the Shilonite, the visions of Iddo the seer (2 Chr 9:29); the chronicles of Shemaiah the prophet and of Iddo the seer (12:15); the annotations of the prophet Iddo (13:22); and the acts of Uzziah by Isaiah the prophet (26:22). Add to this the fact that Kings is positioned in the Hebrew canon in the Former Prophets (Joshua to 2 Kings), and a consistent picture of prophetic origin emerges.<\/p>\n<p>The date of the final part of the book must be after the last events recorded. Evil-merodach’s kindness toward Jehoiachin (c. 561 <span>BC<\/span>) is the terminus of the book and therefore fixes the earliest date. Since the work shows no knowledge of the restoration period, a date before 539 <span>BC<\/span> is probable. The author’s selection of his data to answer the burning theological questions of the exilic community also suggests a date between 561 and 539 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Sources\">Sources<\/p>\n<p>The compiler of Kings specifically names three of the sources that he used in his work, and biblical scholars have suggested the presence of a number of other sources that may have been cited. Of course, the sources not mentioned specifically by the compiler are only the speculations of those who have studied his work and can have only varying degrees of probability. The sources both specified and alleged are as follows.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the Acts of Solomon<\/h5>\n<p>As 1 Kings 11:41 says, “The rest of the events in Solomon’s reign, including his wisdom, are recorded in <em>The Book of the Acts of Solomon”<\/em> (<span>nlt<\/span>). Presumably additional materials of a biographical nature were included, specifically accounts similar to the judgment between the two mothers (3:16-28) or the visit of the queen of Sheba (10:1-10). There has been debate as to whether these materials were official court records or nonofficial documents. Some scholars have attempted to isolate further materials within this section by identifying descriptions of the buildings as from temple archives (chs 6–7) and lists of administrators as from administrative documents (chs 4–5), but this must remain speculative.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the History of the Kings of Israel<\/h5>\n<p>This source is mentioned 17 times in Kings, usually in the closing formulas at the end of the account of the reign of a northern king. Some idea of the nature of these chronicles can be derived from looking at the type of information to which the compiler refers his readers (see 1 Kgs 14:19; 16:27; 22:39; 2 Kgs 13:12; 14:28). These passages suggest that this source was the official annals covering the reigns of the kings.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the History of the Kings of Judah<\/h5>\n<p>This source is mentioned in 15 passages, and as with the kings of Israel, is found in the concluding formulas to the accounts of the reigns. This source was to be consulted for additional details on individuals’ reigns (for example, see 1 Kgs 15:23; 22:45; 2 Kgs 20:20; 21:17). These sources for the histories of the two kingdoms were probably similar to the annals known from the surrounding cultures, particularly from the reigns of Assyrian kings. They were likely official court histories kept in Samaria and Jerusalem.<\/p>\n<p>In addition to these explicitly mentioned sources, scholars have suggested the compiler drew on other sources that he does not name.<\/p>\n<h5>Davidic Court History<\/h5>\n<p>Second Samuel 9–20 is often identified as a unit of material in the composition of the books of Samuel; it is variously called “the court history” or “the succession narrative.” Because of similar vocabulary and outlook, 1 Kings 1–2 are often associated with this material from Samuel. The statement of 1 Kings 2:46, “so the kingdom was now firmly in Solomon’s grip,” is taken to be the end of this record.<\/p>\n<h5>Sources for the House of Ahab<\/h5>\n<p>The reigns of individual kings are ordinarily given only brief notices; for example, the father of Ahab, Omri, is given eight verses, even though when judged by political and economic significance, he was among the greatest of the northern kings (1 Kgs 16:21-28). However, beginning with the reign of Ahab, the record becomes quite expansive, and extensive coverage is given the dynasty of Ahab through the coup by Jehu (1 Kgs 16—2 Kgs 12). The use of the stereotyped formulas for the reigns is suspended in this material, and the existence of other literature used by the compiler is probable. This material is commonly subdivided into further sources for the lives of Elijah and Elisha and the reign of Ahab.<\/p>\n<p>The Elijah section covers material in the following chapters: 1 Kings 17–19, including the feeding by the ravens, the incidents with the widow of Zarephath, the drought, the fire on Carmel, and the revelation of God at Sinai; 1 Kings 21, the affair of Naboth’s vineyard; and 2 Kings 1, the death of Ahaziah’s messengers. The reign of Ahab, which gets so much attention in Kings, is primarily a backdrop for the accounts concerning Elijah.<\/p>\n<p>The Elisha material found in 2 Kings 2–13 may have had an independent literary development from that of the Elijah accounts. It includes the following: chapter 2 (Elisha’s succession to the prophetic office, the purification of a spring, the death of mocking children); chapter 3 (on the campaign against Moab); chapter 4 (the widow’s oil, the Shunammite woman); chapter 5 (Naaman’s leprosy); chapter 6 (the Aramean attempt to capture Elisha); chapter 7 (the famine in Samaria); chapter 8 (the Shunammite’s property, the coup of Hazael); chapter 9 (the anointing of Jehu); and chapter 13 (the death of Elisha). No other portion of the OT takes the sheer delight in the miraculous that is seen in the Elisha narratives.<\/p>\n<p>In 1 Kings 16 to 2 Kings 13 there are additional incidents not directly related to the biographies of Elijah and Elisha; accounts such as the military campaigns of 1 Kings 20:1-34 and further details of Jehu’s coup (2 Kgs 9:11–10:36) are often attributed to a third source containing accounts of the dynasty of Ahab and his successors. In all three of these possible sources the orientation is toward affairs in the northern kingdom.<\/p>\n<h5>Isaiah Source<\/h5>\n<p>The account of the reign of Hezekiah contains a section (2 Kgs 18:13–20:19) that is nearly a verbatim citation of material also found in Isaiah (Is 36:1–39:8). The section records the invasion of Sennacherib, the mission of the Rabshakeh, Hezekiah’s prayer, Isaiah’s prophecy, Hezekiah’s illness, the regression of the sun, and the envoys from Merodach-baladan. The material must be regarded as based on the book of Isaiah or some other source used in both Isaiah and Kings.<\/p>\n<h5>A Prophetic Source<\/h5>\n<p>Because Kings shows great interest in the prophets and their ministries, various scholars have suggested that yet another source was used by the compiler; this would be an independent literary unit containing accounts of the prophets. This source would have contained the records for the material on Ahijah (1 Kgs 11:29-39; 14:1-16), unnamed prophets (ch 12; 20:35-43), Micaiah (22:13-28), and other references.<\/p>\n<p>Apart from the sources explicitly mentioned and inferences about their character, the remainder of the sources suggested have only varying degrees of probability. Considerable scholarly effort has gone into identifying and characterizing such sources, but it remains speculative. When considering the sources the compiler may have used, one important caution must be kept in mind. Even if such sources did exist, one cannot have confidence in a reconstruction of the compositional history. Which sources had already been integrated into a larger composition before they were used by the compiler of Kings? We cannot be certain that the life situation out of which these other sources grew has been correctly identified, nor can we know that even the compiler himself was aware of the past history of his sources. Biblical scholarship has expended considerable energy in trying to delineate the past history of the book of Kings, but it has often been at the neglect of the unity of perspective that is the product of the final compiler(s) in whose hands the book received its canonical form.<\/p>\n<p>What is important to understanding the book is not the perspective of its various sources (of which the compiler himself may have been unaware), but the perspective of the book as a whole on the history of the kingdoms. It is the outline that the compiler has imposed on the sources that establishes the teaching of the book; his sources are used in accord with his own purposes, a fact that makes the purposes for which the sources had been prepared largely irrelevant to the teaching of the book in its present form. Exploring possible sources, worthwhile in itself, must not eclipse the message of the book as a whole. This is not to imply that the books of Kings are simply a compilation of unaltered sources. The writer(s) undoubtedly exercised a measure of selectivity and literary skill in composing the historical narrative.<\/p>\n<p>One compositional technique of the compiler is quite prominent in the histories of the divided kingdoms: this is the use of formulaic introductions and conclusions to the various reigns. The formulas for both kingdoms are quite similar, differing only in minor details. For the kings of Judah, the full introductory formula is as follows: (1) year of accession synchronized with the regnal year of the northern king; (2) age of the king at his accession; (3) length of his reign; (4) name of his mother; (5) judgment on the character of the reign. The account of a Judean king’s reign is concluded as follows: (1) a reference to the chronicles of the kings of Judah for further information; (2) a statement regarding the death of the king, including the place of burial; (3) successor: “And his son reigned in his stead” (<span>rsv<\/span>). The full formula for a Judean king can be seen, for example, in the reign of Rehoboam (1 Kgs 14:21-22, 29-31).<\/p>\n<p>The formulas differ slightly for the kings of Israel; the introduction is as follows: (1) year of succession synchronized with the regnal year of the southern king; (2) length of his reign; (3) location of the royal residence; (4) condemnation for idolatry; (5) name of the king’s father. The account of an Israelite king’s reign ends as follows: (1) a reference to the chronicles of the kings of Israel for further information; (2) a statement regarding his death; (3) a statement of the succession of his son, unless a usurper follows. The full formula for an Israelite king can be seen, for example, in the reign of Baasha (1 Kgs 15:33-34; 16:5-6).<\/p>\n<p>There is some variation in the use of these patterns, but on the whole, they are consistently followed and provide the basic framework for the history of the divided kingdom. The synchronisms of the reigns provide data for constructing the chronology of the period. The variations in the formulas may reflect the characteristics of the sources the compiler was using or may reflect his own interests. The name of the mother of a Judean king is recorded, but not of an Israelite king, perhaps reflecting concern with a more exact and fuller record of the Davidic succession. The royal residence is presumed to be Jerusalem for the southern kings (though it may be mentioned) but is recorded for the northern kings since it moved several times, from Shechem to Penuel to Tirzah to Samaria. The mention of the king’s father for a northern ruler also reflects the frequent change in dynasties there, as opposed to the dynastic stability of Judah, which is reinforced by mentioning the burial of almost all its kings in the city of David.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheologyandPurpose\">Theology and Purpose<\/p>\n<p>The books of Kings record the history of the covenant people from the end of the reign of David (961 <span>BC<\/span>) through the fall of the southern kingdom (586 <span>BC<\/span>). Yet it is not history written in accord with modern expectations for history textbooks. Rather than concentrating on economic, political, and military themes as they shaped the history of the period, the compiler of Kings is motivated by theological concerns.<\/p>\n<p>Evaluation of the theology and purpose of the books of Kings is made easier by the fact that there is a parallel history for much of Kings found in the books of Chronicles. By comparing the two accounts, especially where the later Chronicler adds or deletes material found in Kings, the interests of both histories are thrown into clearer relief.<\/p>\n<p>The books of Kings were composed during the exile, likely between 560 and 539 <span>BC<\/span>. Jerusalem had been turned into rubble, and there was no longer a throne of David. Those two pillars of the popular theology—the inviolability of the temple and the throne of David (Jer 7:4; 13:13-14; 22:1-9; see 1 Kgs 8:16, 29)—had tumbled. If Israel’s faith was to survive, the burning questions that had to be answered were “How did it all happen? Can’t God keep his promises to David and to Zion? Have the promises failed?” The writer of Kings aims to deal with the bewilderment of the chosen people in response to the disasters of 722 <span>BC<\/span> (fall of Samaria) and 586 <span>BC<\/span> (fall of Jerusalem). Kings, like the book of Job, is a theodicy, a justification of the ways of God to men.<\/p>\n<p>In order to answer the question “How did it happen?” the compiler adopts the procedure of recounting the history of the covenant people in light of standards propounded in the Law. For this reason Kings could be called Pentateuchal history, or even more pointedly, Deuteronomic history, for standards propounded only in the book of Deuteronomy in the Pentateuch are used by the compiler to measure the kingdoms. Among the prominent themes selected from Deuteronomy and applied to the kingdoms are the centralization of worship, the institution of the monarchy, the efficacy of the prophetic word, and the outworking of the covenant curses on disobedience.<\/p>\n<h5>Centralization of Worship<\/h5>\n<p>The primary concern of the writer is the purity of the worship of the Lord. His major criterion for measuring this purity is the attitude of the kings toward centralization of worship in the Jerusalem temple as opposed to the worship of the Lord elsewhere and the continuation of Canaanite cults mingled with Yahwism at the high places. Centralization of worship at the central shrine is called for in Deuteronomy 12. Perhaps “centralization of worship” is a misnomer, for worship was always centered around the tabernacle in the periods prior to the temple; the change that is envisaged in Deuteronomy is not the centralizing of worship but rather the fact that the shrine would no longer be mobile but stationary. For the kings of the northern kingdom, this criterion becomes virtually a stereotyped formula that “he did that which was evil in the sight of the Lord and walked in the way of Jeroboam son of Nebat, who sinned and made all Israel sin along with him” (see 1 Kgs 14:16; 15:30; 16:31; 2 Kgs 3:3; 10:31; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:22). The compiler of Kings sees the rival altars with the golden calves at Dan and Bethel as the great sin of which the northern kings never repented (1 Kgs 12:25–13:34). Rejecting the primacy of Jerusalem, these altars became the rod with which to measure the northern kings. All the kings of Israel are condemned by this standard (except for Shallum, who reigned but a month, and Hoshea, the last of the northern kings)—even Zimri, the murderer of Elah, who ruled only one week before committing suicide in the flames of his own palace (16:9-20). For the kings of Judah, a different standard is used: what their attitude was to the high places where heterodox worship was allowed to flourish in the environs of Jerusalem. Only Hezekiah and Josiah receive the compiler’s unqualified endorsement for following the ways of David (2 Kgs 18:3; 22:2). Six others are commended for their zeal in suppressing idolatry, though they did not remove the high places (Asa, 1 Kgs 15:9-15; Jehoshaphat, 22:43; Jehoash, 2 Kgs 12:2-3; Amaziah, 14:3-4; Azariah, 15:3-4; Jotham, 15:34-35). The remainder of the Judean kings are condemned for their participation in the high places and their desecration of the temple itself. This one theme is the preeminent motif in the book.<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Monarchy<\/h5>\n<p>A second prominent interest for the compiler was to trace the history of the monarchy. Deuteronomy 17:14-20 provides for the day when Israel would ask for a king and charges that king with the basic religious responsibility for the people. This provision for a king, again a feature found only in Deuteronomy, becomes the basis for the compiler’s intense interest in the history of the monarchy, and particularly the religious fidelity of the kings. David becomes the model of the ideal king, the one by whom the others are measured, the one whose sons “continue long in his kingdom in the midst of Israel” (17:20; see also 1 Kgs 15:11; 2 Kgs 18:3; 22:2 for following in the ways of David, and 1 Kgs 14:8; 15:3-5; 2 Kgs 14:3; 16:2 for the reverse). The compiler wanted to show that God had been faithful to David even though David’s sons were not faithful. While both kingdoms had about the same number of kings, the northern kingdom is marked by repeated dynastic changes and regicide through its 200 years, while the dynasty of David is maintained as a lamp in the south through 350 years (1 Kgs 11:13, 32, 36; 15:4-5; 2 Kgs 8:19; 19:34; 20:6). It is the disaster that had befallen the house of David, and the consequent doubts about the promises of God, that prompted the compiler to write.<\/p>\n<h5>Efficacy of the Prophetic Word<\/h5>\n<p>Another reason why Kings can be called Deuteronomic history is its concern with the efficacy of the prophetic word. There are three passages in the Pentateuch that deal with the institution of the prophetic order: Numbers 12:1-8; Deuteronomy 13:1-5; and Deuteronomy 18:14-22. It is only in Deuteronomy 18 that the test of a true prophet is given: that what he has spoken comes about, that his words are fulfilled. Notice the number of instances where the writer calls attention to the fulfillment of the words of the prophets: 2 Samuel 7:13 in 1 Kings 8:20; 1 Kings 11:29-36 in 12:15; 1 Kings 13:1-3 in 2 Kings 23:16-18; 1 Kings 14:6-12 in 14:17-18 and 15:29; 1 Kings 16:1-4 in 16:7, 11-12; Joshua 6:26 in 1 Kings 16:34; 1 Kings 22:17 in 22:35-38; 1 Kings 21:21-29 in 2 Kings 9:7-10, 30-37 and 10:10-11, 30; 2 Kings 1:6 in 1:17; 2 Kings 21:10-15 in 24:2; 2 Kings 22:15-20 in 23:30. The writer is concerned to show that the words of the prophets were efficacious, powerful words. His concern with the prophetic order is also seen in the material devoted to Elijah and Elisha and to other prophetic figures.<\/p>\n<h5>Fulfillment of the Curses<\/h5>\n<p>Another aspect of the compiler’s interest in Deuteronomy is seen in his concern to trace the fulfillment of the covenant curses on disobedience. God’s covenant with Israel would issue in curses or blessings depending on the obedience of the people; the compiler of Kings sees the curses inflicted on the two kingdoms because of their failure to meet the demands of the covenant. He takes care to show that most of the curses of Deuteronomy 28:15-68 had some historical realization in the life of the people. Moses had warned that disobedience would “bring a nation against you from afar, from the end of the earth, as the eagle swoops down” (Dt 28:49, <span>nasb<\/span>), and the Assyrians came to Samaria and the Babylonians to Jerusalem (28:52). The siege of Samaria lasted from 724 to 722 <span>BC<\/span>, and the siege of Jerusalem from 588 to 586 <span>BC<\/span>. The dire conditions of the siege would drive the people to devouring their own children; women would feed on their afterbirths. It happened to Israel in the siege of Ben-hadad (2 Kgs 6:24-30). Just as the Lord had delighted to prosper and multiply his people, so he would not refrain from destroying them and scattering them among the peoples of the earth (Dt 28:63-67).<\/p>\n<p>In these and other ways the writer of Kings set out to write the history of Israel and Judah to solve a theological dilemma. How was one to reconcile the exile with God’s promises to the nation and David? His answer is twofold: (1) the problem was not with God but with the people’s disobedience—God remains just; (2) the end of the state does not equal the end of the people or the house of David. Here the ending of the book is instructive: Evil-merodach releases Jehoiachin from prison, elevates him above the other kings, and provides his rations (2 Kgs 25:27-30). Even during the exile, though cut down to almost nothing, the house of David still enjoys the favor and blessing of God. God has not abandoned his promises; the people should keep hope.<\/p>\n<p>Other themes in Kings also show the theological motivations underlying the compiler’s selection and arrangement of the data, particularly his use of Deuteronomy as a framework for examining the history of the people. Compare the laws governing the observance of Passover in Exodus 12:1-20 and Deuteronomy 16:1-8: whereas the Passover is centered in the family in Exodus, it is celebrated at the sanctuary in Deuteronomy. The writer of Kings is careful to show that the Passover during the reign of Josiah was celebrated in accordance with the requirements of Deuteronomy (2 Kgs 23:21-23). A passage in Deuteronomy is explicitly cited with reference to Amaziah’s keeping the law (Dt 24:16 in 2 Kgs 14:6).<\/p>\n<h5>Contrast with Chronicles<\/h5>\n<p>The interests of Kings are further highlighted when compared with the parallel accounts in Chronicles. While the writer of Kings worked in the aftermath of the destruction of Jerusalem and had to answer the “how?” and “why?” questions, the Chronicler is part of the restoration community. Here the burning theological questions were not “how?” and “why?” but rather “What continuity do we have with David? Is God still interested in us?” The need is not to account for the exile but rather to relate the postexilic and the preexilic. The building of the second temple and the ordering of worship there show up in increased detail in Chronicles in any matter pertaining to the former temple. Chronicles is a history of Judah and of the Davidic line, reflecting the fact that it alone survives after the exile. Interesting, too, are the things omitted from the account by the Chronicler. Since he is not building a case for an indictment, as was done in Samuel and Kings, he is free to omit references to David’s sin with Bathsheba (2 Sm 11) or to Solomon’s difficulties in gaining the throne (1 Kgs 1–2). Since in his day the northern kingdom had not survived, the Chronicler did not go into detail about the sins of Jeroboam (chs 13–14). Chronicles is interested more in the affairs of the temple and does not show the marked interest in prophetic matters found in Kings, so that the lives of Elijah and Elisha are omitted (1 Kgs 16—2 Kgs 10). Nor does the Chronicler recite the sins that led to the demise of the northern kingdom (2 Kgs 17:1–18:12). In all these examples one can see the interplay of the historical moment and theological concerns of the people and the compilers. Each compiler has selected and arranged the data in accordance with the concerns and needs of the community in which he was a member; comparing the two accounts throws the interests of each into sharp relief.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n\n<p>The books of Kings fall into three parts: (1) the reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 1–11); (2) the history of the divided kingdom (1 Kgs 12–2 Kgs 17); (3) the history of the surviving kingdom in Judah (2 Kgs 18–25).<\/p>\n<h5>The Reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 1–11)<\/h5>\n<p>The record begins with an account of the court intrigue surrounding Solomon’s accession to the throne, set against the backdrop of the abortive coup by Adonijah (ch 1). The dying David charges Solomon to obey the commandments of God (2:1-4) and also to take vengeance on his enemies (vv 5-9). After David’s death Solomon orders the deaths of Adonijah, Joab, and Shimei, and the banishment of Abiathar, the priest who had supported Adonijah in his bid for the throne (vv 13-46). Enemies eliminated, the kingdom was firmly established by Solomon (v 46).<\/p>\n<p>The remainder of Solomon’s reign is divided into two parts: Solomon the good, who follows in the ways of his father, David (chs 3–10); and Solomon the bad, whose heart is led astray (ch 11). While sacrificing at Gibeon, Solomon asks God to give him the gift of wisdom to rule—wisdom promptly demonstrated in the quarrel of two prostitutes about a child (ch 3). An account is given of the administrative organization of the kingdom and the incomparable wisdom of Solomon (ch 4). The compiler of Kings gives extensive coverage to the preparations (ch 5), building (chs 6–7), and dedication (ch 8) of the temple. God appeared to Solomon a second time, reminding him to keep his commandments as David had done (9:1-9). Details are given of the king’s building and commercial activities (vv 10-27). The account of the visit by the queen of Sheba is followed with elaboration of Solomon’s splendor (ch 10). But Solomon did not keep God’s commands; seduced to pagan worship by his foreign wives, he was not fully devoted to the Lord as David had been (11:4), and God determined to take away the northern tribes from the rule of his son (vv 11-13). As punishment from the hand of God, Solomon faced rebellion among conquered peoples (vv 14-25) and within Israel in the person of Jeroboam (vv 26-40).<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Divided Kingdom (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17)<\/h5>\n\n<p>The united monarchy dissolved after the death of Solomon. The northern kingdom (Israel) would exist for about two centuries, would be ruled by 20 kings from nine different dynasties, and would show a history of internal weakness riddled with regicide and usurpation. In contrast, the southern kingdom would last for three and a half centuries and would be ruled by 19 kings of Davidic descent (apart from a short period under the dynastic interloper Athaliah).<\/p>\n<p>There had been a long history of independent action and even warfare between the northern and southern tribes prior to David and Solomon, so it is no surprise that the division would take place along the lines that it did. The immediate cause, however, was the unwise severity with which Rehoboam replied to the representatives of the northern tribes while negotiating for the kingship. Jeroboam, the popular hero of the earlier insurrection against Solomon, became king in the north. He immediately erected the rival sanctuaries at Dan and Bethel (1 Kgs 12); these rival altars became the measure by which the kings of Israel were condemned for following in the sins of Jeroboam.<\/p>\n<p>For two generations there would be warfare between Israel and Judah over the border areas in Benjamin claimed by both sides. Fifty years of sporadic fighting on their mutual frontier, interlaced with invasions from the Arameans in the north or the Egyptians in the south, would consume the reigns of Jeroboam, Nadab, Baasha, Elah, and Zimri in Israel and of Rehoboam, Abijam, and Asa in Judah (1 Kgs 13:1–16:20).<\/p>\n<p>The accession of Omri in Israel introduced a ruling house that would last for a total of four generations and end the dynastic instability of the northern kingdom. Though Kings gives Omri a scant eight verses (1 Kgs 16:21-28), he was among the greatest of the northern kings, forging alliances with the Phoenicians and Judah; for over a century, the Assyrians would call Israel “the house of Omri.”<\/p>\n<p>The reigns of Omri’s successors, Ahab, Ahaziah, and Jehoram, are treated at disproportionate length, taking almost a third of the total book, 16 of 47 chapters (1 Kgs 17—2 Kgs 10). This is due to the fact that the compiler of Kings incorporated extensive coverage of the lives of Elijah and Elisha, weaving a contrast between good and evil by paralleling the dynasty of Omri with these prophets. Ahab and Jezebel were used as foils for the account of Elijah, so that Ahab became a paradigm of the evil king (e.g., 2 Kgs 21:3).<\/p>\n<p>Because of this preoccupation with the dynasty of Omri and the lives of Elijah and Elisha, the equivalent period in Judah is not given as extensive coverage. During this period, the northern kingdom appears to have exercised some hegemony over Judah, as attested by the marriage of an Omride (Athaliah, 2 Kgs 8:18, 26) to Jehoram of Judah and the subservient role of Jehoshaphat to Ahab at the battle of Ramoth-gilead (1 Kgs 22). Judah’s fortunes declined in this period when Edom revolted against Jehoram (2 Kgs 8:20-22), costing Judah control over the port at Ezion-geber and consequent economic losses.<\/p>\n<p>In 842 <span>BC<\/span> Jehu, after being anointed king by a prophet (2 Kgs 9:1-13), led a coup ending the house of Omri and also killing Ahaziah of Judah (vv 14-29). Jehu’s purge also brought the death of Jezebel, Ahab’s family, members of the family of Ahaziah, and the ministers of Baal (9:30–10:36). The consequences were severe politically: the murder of the Phoenician princess Jezebel and the king of Judah cost Israel its allies to the north and south.<\/p>\n<p>Jehu’s dynasty had the longest succession of any in Israel, including Jehoahaz, Jehoash, Jeroboam II, and Zechariah, a period spanning 90 years. Jehu’s murder of Ahaziah of Judah set the stage for the one threat to the continuity of the Davidic dynasty. Queen Athaliah, herself an Omride, seized the throne and attempted a purge of Davidic pretenders. She ruled for six years, until the faithful priest Jehoiada staged a countercoup to place the child Joash on the throne of David (ch 11).<\/p>\n<p>Israel endured a half century of weakness as a result of Jehu’s coup, during which the Arameans had a free hand, reducing the forces of Jehu’s son Jehoahaz to a small army and bodyguard (2 Kgs 13:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>The reemergence of Assyria early in the ninth century <span>BC<\/span> gave relief to Israel and Judah. Assyrian armies conquered the Arameans; with that threat removed, Israel and Judah enjoyed a dramatic resurgence. Jehoash of Israel, grandson of Jehu, reconquered cities lost to the Arameans (2 Kgs 13:25); Elisha died during his reign (v 20). In the south Amaziah reconquered the Edomites (14:7). Amaziah and Jehoash renewed the warfare between the kingdoms, with the north again victorious (vv 8-14).<\/p>\n<p>Under Jeroboam II, Israel enjoyed a period of prosperity when the borders of the kingdom reached the same extent as they had under Solomon (2 Kgs 14:23-28). Uzziah (Azariah), his contemporary in Judah, also fortified Jerusalem and undertook a program of offensive operations extending Judah’s sway to the south (14:21-22; 15:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>Yet this resurgence was but a brilliant sunset in the history of the two kingdoms. After the death of Jeroboam II, the history is one of successive disasters, culminating in the fall of Israel and the subjugation of Judah to the might of Assyria. The next 30 years in Israel would see four dynasties, three represented by only one king, and repeated regicides as the northern kingdom hastened to its demise. A period of civil war and anarchy would see five kings in just over ten years (2 Kgs 15). Heavy tribute was paid to Tiglath-pileser III in both the north and south (15:19-20; 16:7-10). Israel and the Arameans forged a coalition to throw back the Assyrians and sought to press Ahaz of Judah into the fight; Ahaz appealed to Tiglath-pileser III for help. The coalition was destroyed, and Israel and Judah became vassals. Hoshea defected as soon as he felt safe, looking to Egypt for help, but it was suicide for the northern kingdom. Shalmaneser V retaliated, and the political history of the state of Israel came to an end (17:1-23). The area was resettled with other displaced populations (vv 24-41).<\/p>\n<p>Israel had faced the Arameans and survived, only to fall to Assyria. And now, similarly, Judah would outlast Assyria, only to fall to Babylon.<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Surviving Kingdom of Judah (2 Kgs 18–25)<\/h5>\n<p>Ahaz’s appeal for Assyrian aid cost him his liberty, and Judah became a vassal of the Assyrian Empire. Illegitimate worship flourished under his rule (2 Kgs 16:1-19). Ahaz was succeeded by the first of the outstanding reform kings of Judah: Hezekiah. Much of the account of his reign is given to his rebellion against Sennacherib of Assyria: the rebellion, the Assyrian envoys and threats, Isaiah’s assurances of deliverance, and the destruction of the Assyrian armies (18:9–19:37). Hezekiah’s illness was averted after a sign and oracle from Isaiah (20:1-11). As part of what appears to be negotiations toward an anti-Assyrian alliance, Hezekiah also entertained envoys from Babylon, a decision that the prophet announced would be costly (vv 12-21).<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah was followed by Manasseh, who ruled longer than any other king of Judah (a total of 55 years). His reign was marked by great apostasy—apostasy so severe that the compiler of Kings regarded his reign as sufficient reason for the exile that was unavoidable (2 Kgs 21:1-18; cf. 23:26; 24:3-4; Jer 15:1-4). Manasseh was followed by his son Amon, a carbon copy of his father, who ruled only two years before he was deposed by the people (2 Kings 21:19-26).<\/p>\n<p>The second great reform king of Judah, Josiah, followed. In his reign the Book of the Law was found while the temple was being refurbished; he led the people in a renewal of the covenant and suppressed illegitimate worship (2 Kgs 22:1–23:14). The Assyrian Empire was in rapid decline, so Josiah extended his borders to the north, destroying the altar at Bethel and the high places throughout Samaria (23:15-20). A great Passover celebration was convened in Jerusalem, and further measures were taken to rectify worship (vv 21-25). Josiah tried to block Pharaoh Neco’s foray to assist Assyria, and he lost his life at Megiddo (vv 26-30).<\/p>\n<p>Josiah was the only king of Judah to have three of his sons succeed him. At his death the people put Jehoahaz on the throne, but Neco removed him three months later and took him to Egypt in chains (2 Kgs 23:31-33), replacing him with another son of Josiah, Eliakim, whose name was changed to Jehoiakim (vv 34-37). During his reign, Nebuchadnezzar conquered Judah, and Jehoiakim became his vassal. Late in his life Jehoiakim rebelled against Nebuchadnezzar. Jehoiakim died, leaving his son Jehoiachin to face retaliation from Babylon (24:1-10). Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem; when the city fell, Jehoiachin, the queen mother, the army, and the leaders of the land were carried away captive. Nebuchadnezzar put Mattaniah (uncle of Jehoiachin and third son of Josiah) on the throne, changing his name to Zedekiah (vv 11-17). Nine years later Zedekiah, too, would rebel against Babylon. Nebuchadnezzar besieged the city for two years and, when it fell, utterly destroyed it. Zedekiah’s sons were killed before his eyes, and then his own eyes were put out, and he was taken to Babylon (24:18–25:21). Nebuchadnezzar appointed Gedaliah to rule as governor from nearby Mizpah; he was assassinated, and the conspirators fled to Egypt (25:22-26).<\/p>\n<p>The book concludes by showing that God had not forgotten his promise to David, mentioning that in captivity Jehoiachin enjoyed favor from the hand of Evil-merodach, successor of Nebuchadnezzar (2 Kgs 25:27-30).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Chronicles, Books of First and Second.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>KINGS, Books of First and Second<\/h3>\n<p>Books continuing the history of the covenant people as recorded in Joshua, Judges, and the books of Samuel. The record in Kings begins with the events at the end of David’s reign (1 Kgs 1–2). It continues through the reign of Solomon (chs 3–11); the histories of the divided kingdoms (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17); and the history of the surviving kingdom in the south, through its fall in 586 <span>BC<\/span> and the subsequent kindness shown Jehoiachin by Evil-merodach, king of Babylon, around 561 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 18–25).<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Authorship and Date<\/p>\n<p>• Sources<\/p>\n<p>• Theology and Purpose<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"AuthorshipandDate\">Authorship and Date<\/p>\n<p>Kings was originally regarded as one book in the Hebrew canon; the division into two books of approximately equal length appeared first in the Septuagint and finally entered the Hebrew Bible in the 15th century <span>AD<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>The book itself is anonymous, and information about its author can only be deduced by examining the concerns and perspectives of the work. The Babylonian Talmud (<em>Baba Bathra<\/em> 15a) attributes Kings to Jeremiah. Although this identification could have arisen from the tendency of later Jewish tradition to assign biblical books to prophetic authors, the theory of origin in prophetic circles fits the evidence quite well. Substantial portions are given to the lives of the prophets; 16 of 47 chapters are devoted to the lives of Elijah and Elisha (1 Kgs 17—2 Kgs 10), and there is considerable interest in other prophetic figures such as Ahijah (1 Kgs 11:29-39; 14:1-16), an unnamed man of God (13:1-10), and Micaiah (22:13-28). Possible dependence on Isaiah (2 Kgs 18–20; cf. Is 36–39) and Jeremiah (2 Kgs 24–25; cf. Jer 52) also suggest prophetic origin. The author-compiler also shows intense concern with the efficacy of the prophetic word, frequently calling attention to the fulfillment of words spoken earlier by the prophets.<\/p>\n<p>One might initially think that such a history would be unlikely for a prophet, but the evidence is to the contrary. The prophets were the guardians of the covenant relationship and are known to have produced accounts used as sources by other biblical historians. The following are among such sources: the acts of Samuel the seer, the acts of Nathan the prophet, the acts of Gad the seer (1 Chr 29:29); the acts of Nathan the prophet, the prophecy of Ahijah the Shilonite, the visions of Iddo the seer (2 Chr 9:29); the chronicles of Shemaiah the prophet and of Iddo the seer (12:15); the annotations of the prophet Iddo (13:22); and the acts of Uzziah by Isaiah the prophet (26:22). Add to this the fact that Kings is positioned in the Hebrew canon in the Former Prophets (Joshua to 2 Kings), and a consistent picture of prophetic origin emerges.<\/p>\n<p>The date of the final part of the book must be after the last events recorded. Evil-merodach’s kindness toward Jehoiachin (c. 561 <span>BC<\/span>) is the terminus of the book and therefore fixes the earliest date. Since the work shows no knowledge of the restoration period, a date before 539 <span>BC<\/span> is probable. The author’s selection of his data to answer the burning theological questions of the exilic community also suggests a date between 561 and 539 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Sources\">Sources<\/p>\n<p>The compiler of Kings specifically names three of the sources that he used in his work, and biblical scholars have suggested the presence of a number of other sources that may have been cited. Of course, the sources not mentioned specifically by the compiler are only the speculations of those who have studied his work and can have only varying degrees of probability. The sources both specified and alleged are as follows.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the Acts of Solomon<\/h5>\n<p>As 1 Kings 11:41 says, “The rest of the events in Solomon’s reign, including his wisdom, are recorded in <em>The Book of the Acts of Solomon”<\/em> (<span>nlt<\/span>). Presumably additional materials of a biographical nature were included, specifically accounts similar to the judgment between the two mothers (3:16-28) or the visit of the queen of Sheba (10:1-10). There has been debate as to whether these materials were official court records or nonofficial documents. Some scholars have attempted to isolate further materials within this section by identifying descriptions of the buildings as from temple archives (chs 6–7) and lists of administrators as from administrative documents (chs 4–5), but this must remain speculative.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the History of the Kings of Israel<\/h5>\n<p>This source is mentioned 17 times in Kings, usually in the closing formulas at the end of the account of the reign of a northern king. Some idea of the nature of these chronicles can be derived from looking at the type of information to which the compiler refers his readers (see 1 Kgs 14:19; 16:27; 22:39; 2 Kgs 13:12; 14:28). These passages suggest that this source was the official annals covering the reigns of the kings.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the History of the Kings of Judah<\/h5>\n<p>This source is mentioned in 15 passages, and as with the kings of Israel, is found in the concluding formulas to the accounts of the reigns. This source was to be consulted for additional details on individuals’ reigns (for example, see 1 Kgs 15:23; 22:45; 2 Kgs 20:20; 21:17). These sources for the histories of the two kingdoms were probably similar to the annals known from the surrounding cultures, particularly from the reigns of Assyrian kings. They were likely official court histories kept in Samaria and Jerusalem.<\/p>\n<p>In addition to these explicitly mentioned sources, scholars have suggested the compiler drew on other sources that he does not name.<\/p>\n<h5>Davidic Court History<\/h5>\n<p>Second Samuel 9–20 is often identified as a unit of material in the composition of the books of Samuel; it is variously called “the court history” or “the succession narrative.” Because of similar vocabulary and outlook, 1 Kings 1–2 are often associated with this material from Samuel. The statement of 1 Kings 2:46, “so the kingdom was now firmly in Solomon’s grip,” is taken to be the end of this record.<\/p>\n<h5>Sources for the House of Ahab<\/h5>\n<p>The reigns of individual kings are ordinarily given only brief notices; for example, the father of Ahab, Omri, is given eight verses, even though when judged by political and economic significance, he was among the greatest of the northern kings (1 Kgs 16:21-28). However, beginning with the reign of Ahab, the record becomes quite expansive, and extensive coverage is given the dynasty of Ahab through the coup by Jehu (1 Kgs 16—2 Kgs 12). The use of the stereotyped formulas for the reigns is suspended in this material, and the existence of other literature used by the compiler is probable. This material is commonly subdivided into further sources for the lives of Elijah and Elisha and the reign of Ahab.<\/p>\n<p>The Elijah section covers material in the following chapters: 1 Kings 17–19, including the feeding by the ravens, the incidents with the widow of Zarephath, the drought, the fire on Carmel, and the revelation of God at Sinai; 1 Kings 21, the affair of Naboth’s vineyard; and 2 Kings 1, the death of Ahaziah’s messengers. The reign of Ahab, which gets so much attention in Kings, is primarily a backdrop for the accounts concerning Elijah.<\/p>\n<p>The Elisha material found in 2 Kings 2–13 may have had an independent literary development from that of the Elijah accounts. It includes the following: chapter 2 (Elisha’s succession to the prophetic office, the purification of a spring, the death of mocking children); chapter 3 (on the campaign against Moab); chapter 4 (the widow’s oil, the Shunammite woman); chapter 5 (Naaman’s leprosy); chapter 6 (the Aramean attempt to capture Elisha); chapter 7 (the famine in Samaria); chapter 8 (the Shunammite’s property, the coup of Hazael); chapter 9 (the anointing of Jehu); and chapter 13 (the death of Elisha). No other portion of the OT takes the sheer delight in the miraculous that is seen in the Elisha narratives.<\/p>\n<p>In 1 Kings 16 to 2 Kings 13 there are additional incidents not directly related to the biographies of Elijah and Elisha; accounts such as the military campaigns of 1 Kings 20:1-34 and further details of Jehu’s coup (2 Kgs 9:11–10:36) are often attributed to a third source containing accounts of the dynasty of Ahab and his successors. In all three of these possible sources the orientation is toward affairs in the northern kingdom.<\/p>\n<h5>Isaiah Source<\/h5>\n<p>The account of the reign of Hezekiah contains a section (2 Kgs 18:13–20:19) that is nearly a verbatim citation of material also found in Isaiah (Is 36:1–39:8). The section records the invasion of Sennacherib, the mission of the Rabshakeh, Hezekiah’s prayer, Isaiah’s prophecy, Hezekiah’s illness, the regression of the sun, and the envoys from Merodach-baladan. The material must be regarded as based on the book of Isaiah or some other source used in both Isaiah and Kings.<\/p>\n<h5>A Prophetic Source<\/h5>\n<p>Because Kings shows great interest in the prophets and their ministries, various scholars have suggested that yet another source was used by the compiler; this would be an independent literary unit containing accounts of the prophets. This source would have contained the records for the material on Ahijah (1 Kgs 11:29-39; 14:1-16), unnamed prophets (ch 12; 20:35-43), Micaiah (22:13-28), and other references.<\/p>\n<p>Apart from the sources explicitly mentioned and inferences about their character, the remainder of the sources suggested have only varying degrees of probability. Considerable scholarly effort has gone into identifying and characterizing such sources, but it remains speculative. When considering the sources the compiler may have used, one important caution must be kept in mind. Even if such sources did exist, one cannot have confidence in a reconstruction of the compositional history. Which sources had already been integrated into a larger composition before they were used by the compiler of Kings? We cannot be certain that the life situation out of which these other sources grew has been correctly identified, nor can we know that even the compiler himself was aware of the past history of his sources. Biblical scholarship has expended considerable energy in trying to delineate the past history of the book of Kings, but it has often been at the neglect of the unity of perspective that is the product of the final compiler(s) in whose hands the book received its canonical form.<\/p>\n<p>What is important to understanding the book is not the perspective of its various sources (of which the compiler himself may have been unaware), but the perspective of the book as a whole on the history of the kingdoms. It is the outline that the compiler has imposed on the sources that establishes the teaching of the book; his sources are used in accord with his own purposes, a fact that makes the purposes for which the sources had been prepared largely irrelevant to the teaching of the book in its present form. Exploring possible sources, worthwhile in itself, must not eclipse the message of the book as a whole. This is not to imply that the books of Kings are simply a compilation of unaltered sources. The writer(s) undoubtedly exercised a measure of selectivity and literary skill in composing the historical narrative.<\/p>\n<p>One compositional technique of the compiler is quite prominent in the histories of the divided kingdoms: this is the use of formulaic introductions and conclusions to the various reigns. The formulas for both kingdoms are quite similar, differing only in minor details. For the kings of Judah, the full introductory formula is as follows: (1) year of accession synchronized with the regnal year of the northern king; (2) age of the king at his accession; (3) length of his reign; (4) name of his mother; (5) judgment on the character of the reign. The account of a Judean king’s reign is concluded as follows: (1) a reference to the chronicles of the kings of Judah for further information; (2) a statement regarding the death of the king, including the place of burial; (3) successor: “And his son reigned in his stead” (<span>rsv<\/span>). The full formula for a Judean king can be seen, for example, in the reign of Rehoboam (1 Kgs 14:21-22, 29-31).<\/p>\n<p>The formulas differ slightly for the kings of Israel; the introduction is as follows: (1) year of succession synchronized with the regnal year of the southern king; (2) length of his reign; (3) location of the royal residence; (4) condemnation for idolatry; (5) name of the king’s father. The account of an Israelite king’s reign ends as follows: (1) a reference to the chronicles of the kings of Israel for further information; (2) a statement regarding his death; (3) a statement of the succession of his son, unless a usurper follows. The full formula for an Israelite king can be seen, for example, in the reign of Baasha (1 Kgs 15:33-34; 16:5-6).<\/p>\n<p>There is some variation in the use of these patterns, but on the whole, they are consistently followed and provide the basic framework for the history of the divided kingdom. The synchronisms of the reigns provide data for constructing the chronology of the period. The variations in the formulas may reflect the characteristics of the sources the compiler was using or may reflect his own interests. The name of the mother of a Judean king is recorded, but not of an Israelite king, perhaps reflecting concern with a more exact and fuller record of the Davidic succession. The royal residence is presumed to be Jerusalem for the southern kings (though it may be mentioned) but is recorded for the northern kings since it moved several times, from Shechem to Penuel to Tirzah to Samaria. The mention of the king’s father for a northern ruler also reflects the frequent change in dynasties there, as opposed to the dynastic stability of Judah, which is reinforced by mentioning the burial of almost all its kings in the city of David.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheologyandPurpose\">Theology and Purpose<\/p>\n<p>The books of Kings record the history of the covenant people from the end of the reign of David (961 <span>BC<\/span>) through the fall of the southern kingdom (586 <span>BC<\/span>). Yet it is not history written in accord with modern expectations for history textbooks. Rather than concentrating on economic, political, and military themes as they shaped the history of the period, the compiler of Kings is motivated by theological concerns.<\/p>\n<p>Evaluation of the theology and purpose of the books of Kings is made easier by the fact that there is a parallel history for much of Kings found in the books of Chronicles. By comparing the two accounts, especially where the later Chronicler adds or deletes material found in Kings, the interests of both histories are thrown into clearer relief.<\/p>\n<p>The books of Kings were composed during the exile, likely between 560 and 539 <span>BC<\/span>. Jerusalem had been turned into rubble, and there was no longer a throne of David. Those two pillars of the popular theology—the inviolability of the temple and the throne of David (Jer 7:4; 13:13-14; 22:1-9; see 1 Kgs 8:16, 29)—had tumbled. If Israel’s faith was to survive, the burning questions that had to be answered were “How did it all happen? Can’t God keep his promises to David and to Zion? Have the promises failed?” The writer of Kings aims to deal with the bewilderment of the chosen people in response to the disasters of 722 <span>BC<\/span> (fall of Samaria) and 586 <span>BC<\/span> (fall of Jerusalem). Kings, like the book of Job, is a theodicy, a justification of the ways of God to men.<\/p>\n<p>In order to answer the question “How did it happen?” the compiler adopts the procedure of recounting the history of the covenant people in light of standards propounded in the Law. For this reason Kings could be called Pentateuchal history, or even more pointedly, Deuteronomic history, for standards propounded only in the book of Deuteronomy in the Pentateuch are used by the compiler to measure the kingdoms. Among the prominent themes selected from Deuteronomy and applied to the kingdoms are the centralization of worship, the institution of the monarchy, the efficacy of the prophetic word, and the outworking of the covenant curses on disobedience.<\/p>\n<h5>Centralization of Worship<\/h5>\n<p>The primary concern of the writer is the purity of the worship of the Lord. His major criterion for measuring this purity is the attitude of the kings toward centralization of worship in the Jerusalem temple as opposed to the worship of the Lord elsewhere and the continuation of Canaanite cults mingled with Yahwism at the high places. Centralization of worship at the central shrine is called for in Deuteronomy 12. Perhaps “centralization of worship” is a misnomer, for worship was always centered around the tabernacle in the periods prior to the temple; the change that is envisaged in Deuteronomy is not the centralizing of worship but rather the fact that the shrine would no longer be mobile but stationary. For the kings of the northern kingdom, this criterion becomes virtually a stereotyped formula that “he did that which was evil in the sight of the Lord and walked in the way of Jeroboam son of Nebat, who sinned and made all Israel sin along with him” (see 1 Kgs 14:16; 15:30; 16:31; 2 Kgs 3:3; 10:31; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:22). The compiler of Kings sees the rival altars with the golden calves at Dan and Bethel as the great sin of which the northern kings never repented (1 Kgs 12:25–13:34). Rejecting the primacy of Jerusalem, these altars became the rod with which to measure the northern kings. All the kings of Israel are condemned by this standard (except for Shallum, who reigned but a month, and Hoshea, the last of the northern kings)—even Zimri, the murderer of Elah, who ruled only one week before committing suicide in the flames of his own palace (16:9-20). For the kings of Judah, a different standard is used: what their attitude was to the high places where heterodox worship was allowed to flourish in the environs of Jerusalem. Only Hezekiah and Josiah receive the compiler’s unqualified endorsement for following the ways of David (2 Kgs 18:3; 22:2). Six others are commended for their zeal in suppressing idolatry, though they did not remove the high places (Asa, 1 Kgs 15:9-15; Jehoshaphat, 22:43; Jehoash, 2 Kgs 12:2-3; Amaziah, 14:3-4; Azariah, 15:3-4; Jotham, 15:34-35). The remainder of the Judean kings are condemned for their participation in the high places and their desecration of the temple itself. This one theme is the preeminent motif in the book.<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Monarchy<\/h5>\n<p>A second prominent interest for the compiler was to trace the history of the monarchy. Deuteronomy 17:14-20 provides for the day when Israel would ask for a king and charges that king with the basic religious responsibility for the people. This provision for a king, again a feature found only in Deuteronomy, becomes the basis for the compiler’s intense interest in the history of the monarchy, and particularly the religious fidelity of the kings. David becomes the model of the ideal king, the one by whom the others are measured, the one whose sons “continue long in his kingdom in the midst of Israel” (17:20; see also 1 Kgs 15:11; 2 Kgs 18:3; 22:2 for following in the ways of David, and 1 Kgs 14:8; 15:3-5; 2 Kgs 14:3; 16:2 for the reverse). The compiler wanted to show that God had been faithful to David even though David’s sons were not faithful. While both kingdoms had about the same number of kings, the northern kingdom is marked by repeated dynastic changes and regicide through its 200 years, while the dynasty of David is maintained as a lamp in the south through 350 years (1 Kgs 11:13, 32, 36; 15:4-5; 2 Kgs 8:19; 19:34; 20:6). It is the disaster that had befallen the house of David, and the consequent doubts about the promises of God, that prompted the compiler to write.<\/p>\n<h5>Efficacy of the Prophetic Word<\/h5>\n<p>Another reason why Kings can be called Deuteronomic history is its concern with the efficacy of the prophetic word. There are three passages in the Pentateuch that deal with the institution of the prophetic order: Numbers 12:1-8; Deuteronomy 13:1-5; and Deuteronomy 18:14-22. It is only in Deuteronomy 18 that the test of a true prophet is given: that what he has spoken comes about, that his words are fulfilled. Notice the number of instances where the writer calls attention to the fulfillment of the words of the prophets: 2 Samuel 7:13 in 1 Kings 8:20; 1 Kings 11:29-36 in 12:15; 1 Kings 13:1-3 in 2 Kings 23:16-18; 1 Kings 14:6-12 in 14:17-18 and 15:29; 1 Kings 16:1-4 in 16:7, 11-12; Joshua 6:26 in 1 Kings 16:34; 1 Kings 22:17 in 22:35-38; 1 Kings 21:21-29 in 2 Kings 9:7-10, 30-37 and 10:10-11, 30; 2 Kings 1:6 in 1:17; 2 Kings 21:10-15 in 24:2; 2 Kings 22:15-20 in 23:30. The writer is concerned to show that the words of the prophets were efficacious, powerful words. His concern with the prophetic order is also seen in the material devoted to Elijah and Elisha and to other prophetic figures.<\/p>\n<h5>Fulfillment of the Curses<\/h5>\n<p>Another aspect of the compiler’s interest in Deuteronomy is seen in his concern to trace the fulfillment of the covenant curses on disobedience. God’s covenant with Israel would issue in curses or blessings depending on the obedience of the people; the compiler of Kings sees the curses inflicted on the two kingdoms because of their failure to meet the demands of the covenant. He takes care to show that most of the curses of Deuteronomy 28:15-68 had some historical realization in the life of the people. Moses had warned that disobedience would “bring a nation against you from afar, from the end of the earth, as the eagle swoops down” (Dt 28:49, <span>nasb<\/span>), and the Assyrians came to Samaria and the Babylonians to Jerusalem (28:52). The siege of Samaria lasted from 724 to 722 <span>BC<\/span>, and the siege of Jerusalem from 588 to 586 <span>BC<\/span>. The dire conditions of the siege would drive the people to devouring their own children; women would feed on their afterbirths. It happened to Israel in the siege of Ben-hadad (2 Kgs 6:24-30). Just as the Lord had delighted to prosper and multiply his people, so he would not refrain from destroying them and scattering them among the peoples of the earth (Dt 28:63-67).<\/p>\n<p>In these and other ways the writer of Kings set out to write the history of Israel and Judah to solve a theological dilemma. How was one to reconcile the exile with God’s promises to the nation and David? His answer is twofold: (1) the problem was not with God but with the people’s disobedience—God remains just; (2) the end of the state does not equal the end of the people or the house of David. Here the ending of the book is instructive: Evil-merodach releases Jehoiachin from prison, elevates him above the other kings, and provides his rations (2 Kgs 25:27-30). Even during the exile, though cut down to almost nothing, the house of David still enjoys the favor and blessing of God. God has not abandoned his promises; the people should keep hope.<\/p>\n<p>Other themes in Kings also show the theological motivations underlying the compiler’s selection and arrangement of the data, particularly his use of Deuteronomy as a framework for examining the history of the people. Compare the laws governing the observance of Passover in Exodus 12:1-20 and Deuteronomy 16:1-8: whereas the Passover is centered in the family in Exodus, it is celebrated at the sanctuary in Deuteronomy. The writer of Kings is careful to show that the Passover during the reign of Josiah was celebrated in accordance with the requirements of Deuteronomy (2 Kgs 23:21-23). A passage in Deuteronomy is explicitly cited with reference to Amaziah’s keeping the law (Dt 24:16 in 2 Kgs 14:6).<\/p>\n<h5>Contrast with Chronicles<\/h5>\n<p>The interests of Kings are further highlighted when compared with the parallel accounts in Chronicles. While the writer of Kings worked in the aftermath of the destruction of Jerusalem and had to answer the “how?” and “why?” questions, the Chronicler is part of the restoration community. Here the burning theological questions were not “how?” and “why?” but rather “What continuity do we have with David? Is God still interested in us?” The need is not to account for the exile but rather to relate the postexilic and the preexilic. The building of the second temple and the ordering of worship there show up in increased detail in Chronicles in any matter pertaining to the former temple. Chronicles is a history of Judah and of the Davidic line, reflecting the fact that it alone survives after the exile. Interesting, too, are the things omitted from the account by the Chronicler. Since he is not building a case for an indictment, as was done in Samuel and Kings, he is free to omit references to David’s sin with Bathsheba (2 Sm 11) or to Solomon’s difficulties in gaining the throne (1 Kgs 1–2). Since in his day the northern kingdom had not survived, the Chronicler did not go into detail about the sins of Jeroboam (chs 13–14). Chronicles is interested more in the affairs of the temple and does not show the marked interest in prophetic matters found in Kings, so that the lives of Elijah and Elisha are omitted (1 Kgs 16—2 Kgs 10). Nor does the Chronicler recite the sins that led to the demise of the northern kingdom (2 Kgs 17:1–18:12). In all these examples one can see the interplay of the historical moment and theological concerns of the people and the compilers. Each compiler has selected and arranged the data in accordance with the concerns and needs of the community in which he was a member; comparing the two accounts throws the interests of each into sharp relief.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n\n<p>The books of Kings fall into three parts: (1) the reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 1–11); (2) the history of the divided kingdom (1 Kgs 12–2 Kgs 17); (3) the history of the surviving kingdom in Judah (2 Kgs 18–25).<\/p>\n<h5>The Reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 1–11)<\/h5>\n<p>The record begins with an account of the court intrigue surrounding Solomon’s accession to the throne, set against the backdrop of the abortive coup by Adonijah (ch 1). The dying David charges Solomon to obey the commandments of God (2:1-4) and also to take vengeance on his enemies (vv 5-9). After David’s death Solomon orders the deaths of Adonijah, Joab, and Shimei, and the banishment of Abiathar, the priest who had supported Adonijah in his bid for the throne (vv 13-46). Enemies eliminated, the kingdom was firmly established by Solomon (v 46).<\/p>\n<p>The remainder of Solomon’s reign is divided into two parts: Solomon the good, who follows in the ways of his father, David (chs 3–10); and Solomon the bad, whose heart is led astray (ch 11). While sacrificing at Gibeon, Solomon asks God to give him the gift of wisdom to rule—wisdom promptly demonstrated in the quarrel of two prostitutes about a child (ch 3). An account is given of the administrative organization of the kingdom and the incomparable wisdom of Solomon (ch 4). The compiler of Kings gives extensive coverage to the preparations (ch 5), building (chs 6–7), and dedication (ch 8) of the temple. God appeared to Solomon a second time, reminding him to keep his commandments as David had done (9:1-9). Details are given of the king’s building and commercial activities (vv 10-27). The account of the visit by the queen of Sheba is followed with elaboration of Solomon’s splendor (ch 10). But Solomon did not keep God’s commands; seduced to pagan worship by his foreign wives, he was not fully devoted to the Lord as David had been (11:4), and God determined to take away the northern tribes from the rule of his son (vv 11-13). As punishment from the hand of God, Solomon faced rebellion among conquered peoples (vv 14-25) and within Israel in the person of Jeroboam (vv 26-40).<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Divided Kingdom (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17)<\/h5>\n\n<p>The united monarchy dissolved after the death of Solomon. The northern kingdom (Israel) would exist for about two centuries, would be ruled by 20 kings from nine different dynasties, and would show a history of internal weakness riddled with regicide and usurpation. In contrast, the southern kingdom would last for three and a half centuries and would be ruled by 19 kings of Davidic descent (apart from a short period under the dynastic interloper Athaliah).<\/p>\n<p>There had been a long history of independent action and even warfare between the northern and southern tribes prior to David and Solomon, so it is no surprise that the division would take place along the lines that it did. The immediate cause, however, was the unwise severity with which Rehoboam replied to the representatives of the northern tribes while negotiating for the kingship. Jeroboam, the popular hero of the earlier insurrection against Solomon, became king in the north. He immediately erected the rival sanctuaries at Dan and Bethel (1 Kgs 12); these rival altars became the measure by which the kings of Israel were condemned for following in the sins of Jeroboam.<\/p>\n<p>For two generations there would be warfare between Israel and Judah over the border areas in Benjamin claimed by both sides. Fifty years of sporadic fighting on their mutual frontier, interlaced with invasions from the Arameans in the north or the Egyptians in the south, would consume the reigns of Jeroboam, Nadab, Baasha, Elah, and Zimri in Israel and of Rehoboam, Abijam, and Asa in Judah (1 Kgs 13:1–16:20).<\/p>\n<p>The accession of Omri in Israel introduced a ruling house that would last for a total of four generations and end the dynastic instability of the northern kingdom. Though Kings gives Omri a scant eight verses (1 Kgs 16:21-28), he was among the greatest of the northern kings, forging alliances with the Phoenicians and Judah; for over a century, the Assyrians would call Israel “the house of Omri.”<\/p>\n<p>The reigns of Omri’s successors, Ahab, Ahaziah, and Jehoram, are treated at disproportionate length, taking almost a third of the total book, 16 of 47 chapters (1 Kgs 17—2 Kgs 10). This is due to the fact that the compiler of Kings incorporated extensive coverage of the lives of Elijah and Elisha, weaving a contrast between good and evil by paralleling the dynasty of Omri with these prophets. Ahab and Jezebel were used as foils for the account of Elijah, so that Ahab became a paradigm of the evil king (e.g., 2 Kgs 21:3).<\/p>\n<p>Because of this preoccupation with the dynasty of Omri and the lives of Elijah and Elisha, the equivalent period in Judah is not given as extensive coverage. During this period, the northern kingdom appears to have exercised some hegemony over Judah, as attested by the marriage of an Omride (Athaliah, 2 Kgs 8:18, 26) to Jehoram of Judah and the subservient role of Jehoshaphat to Ahab at the battle of Ramoth-gilead (1 Kgs 22). Judah’s fortunes declined in this period when Edom revolted against Jehoram (2 Kgs 8:20-22), costing Judah control over the port at Ezion-geber and consequent economic losses.<\/p>\n<p>In 842 <span>BC<\/span> Jehu, after being anointed king by a prophet (2 Kgs 9:1-13), led a coup ending the house of Omri and also killing Ahaziah of Judah (vv 14-29). Jehu’s purge also brought the death of Jezebel, Ahab’s family, members of the family of Ahaziah, and the ministers of Baal (9:30–10:36). The consequences were severe politically: the murder of the Phoenician princess Jezebel and the king of Judah cost Israel its allies to the north and south.<\/p>\n<p>Jehu’s dynasty had the longest succession of any in Israel, including Jehoahaz, Jehoash, Jeroboam II, and Zechariah, a period spanning 90 years. Jehu’s murder of Ahaziah of Judah set the stage for the one threat to the continuity of the Davidic dynasty. Queen Athaliah, herself an Omride, seized the throne and attempted a purge of Davidic pretenders. She ruled for six years, until the faithful priest Jehoiada staged a countercoup to place the child Joash on the throne of David (ch 11).<\/p>\n<p>Israel endured a half century of weakness as a result of Jehu’s coup, during which the Arameans had a free hand, reducing the forces of Jehu’s son Jehoahaz to a small army and bodyguard (2 Kgs 13:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>The reemergence of Assyria early in the ninth century <span>BC<\/span> gave relief to Israel and Judah. Assyrian armies conquered the Arameans; with that threat removed, Israel and Judah enjoyed a dramatic resurgence. Jehoash of Israel, grandson of Jehu, reconquered cities lost to the Arameans (2 Kgs 13:25); Elisha died during his reign (v 20). In the south Amaziah reconquered the Edomites (14:7). Amaziah and Jehoash renewed the warfare between the kingdoms, with the north again victorious (vv 8-14).<\/p>\n<p>Under Jeroboam II, Israel enjoyed a period of prosperity when the borders of the kingdom reached the same extent as they had under Solomon (2 Kgs 14:23-28). Uzziah (Azariah), his contemporary in Judah, also fortified Jerusalem and undertook a program of offensive operations extending Judah’s sway to the south (14:21-22; 15:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>Yet this resurgence was but a brilliant sunset in the history of the two kingdoms. After the death of Jeroboam II, the history is one of successive disasters, culminating in the fall of Israel and the subjugation of Judah to the might of Assyria. The next 30 years in Israel would see four dynasties, three represented by only one king, and repeated regicides as the northern kingdom hastened to its demise. A period of civil war and anarchy would see five kings in just over ten years (2 Kgs 15). Heavy tribute was paid to Tiglath-pileser III in both the north and south (15:19-20; 16:7-10). Israel and the Arameans forged a coalition to throw back the Assyrians and sought to press Ahaz of Judah into the fight; Ahaz appealed to Tiglath-pileser III for help. The coalition was destroyed, and Israel and Judah became vassals. Hoshea defected as soon as he felt safe, looking to Egypt for help, but it was suicide for the northern kingdom. Shalmaneser V retaliated, and the political history of the state of Israel came to an end (17:1-23). The area was resettled with other displaced populations (vv 24-41).<\/p>\n<p>Israel had faced the Arameans and survived, only to fall to Assyria. And now, similarly, Judah would outlast Assyria, only to fall to Babylon.<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Surviving Kingdom of Judah (2 Kgs 18–25)<\/h5>\n<p>Ahaz’s appeal for Assyrian aid cost him his liberty, and Judah became a vassal of the Assyrian Empire. Illegitimate worship flourished under his rule (2 Kgs 16:1-19). Ahaz was succeeded by the first of the outstanding reform kings of Judah: Hezekiah. Much of the account of his reign is given to his rebellion against Sennacherib of Assyria: the rebellion, the Assyrian envoys and threats, Isaiah’s assurances of deliverance, and the destruction of the Assyrian armies (18:9–19:37). Hezekiah’s illness was averted after a sign and oracle from Isaiah (20:1-11). As part of what appears to be negotiations toward an anti-Assyrian alliance, Hezekiah also entertained envoys from Babylon, a decision that the prophet announced would be costly (vv 12-21).<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah was followed by Manasseh, who ruled longer than any other king of Judah (a total of 55 years). His reign was marked by great apostasy—apostasy so severe that the compiler of Kings regarded his reign as sufficient reason for the exile that was unavoidable (2 Kgs 21:1-18; cf. 23:26; 24:3-4; Jer 15:1-4). Manasseh was followed by his son Amon, a carbon copy of his father, who ruled only two years before he was deposed by the people (2 Kings 21:19-26).<\/p>\n<p>The second great reform king of Judah, Josiah, followed. In his reign the Book of the Law was found while the temple was being refurbished; he led the people in a renewal of the covenant and suppressed illegitimate worship (2 Kgs 22:1–23:14). The Assyrian Empire was in rapid decline, so Josiah extended his borders to the north, destroying the altar at Bethel and the high places throughout Samaria (23:15-20). A great Passover celebration was convened in Jerusalem, and further measures were taken to rectify worship (vv 21-25). Josiah tried to block Pharaoh Neco’s foray to assist Assyria, and he lost his life at Megiddo (vv 26-30).<\/p>\n<p>Josiah was the only king of Judah to have three of his sons succeed him. At his death the people put Jehoahaz on the throne, but Neco removed him three months later and took him to Egypt in chains (2 Kgs 23:31-33), replacing him with another son of Josiah, Eliakim, whose name was changed to Jehoiakim (vv 34-37). During his reign, Nebuchadnezzar conquered Judah, and Jehoiakim became his vassal. Late in his life Jehoiakim rebelled against Nebuchadnezzar. Jehoiakim died, leaving his son Jehoiachin to face retaliation from Babylon (24:1-10). Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem; when the city fell, Jehoiachin, the queen mother, the army, and the leaders of the land were carried away captive. Nebuchadnezzar put Mattaniah (uncle of Jehoiachin and third son of Josiah) on the throne, changing his name to Zedekiah (vv 11-17). Nine years later Zedekiah, too, would rebel against Babylon. Nebuchadnezzar besieged the city for two years and, when it fell, utterly destroyed it. Zedekiah’s sons were killed before his eyes, and then his own eyes were put out, and he was taken to Babylon (24:18–25:21). Nebuchadnezzar appointed Gedaliah to rule as governor from nearby Mizpah; he was assassinated, and the conspirators fled to Egypt (25:22-26).<\/p>\n<p>The book concludes by showing that God had not forgotten his promise to David, mentioning that in captivity Jehoiachin enjoyed favor from the hand of Evil-merodach, successor of Nebuchadnezzar (2 Kgs 25:27-30).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Chronicles, Books of First and Second.<\/p>","summary_ro":"KINGS, Books of First and Second Books continuing the history of the covenant people as recorded in Joshua, Judges, and the books of Samuel. The record in Kings begins with the events at the end of David’s reign (1 Kgs 1–2). It continues through the reign of Solomon (chs 3–11); the histories of the divided kingdoms (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17); and the history of the surviving kingdom in the south, through its fall in 586 BC and the subsequent kindness shown Jehoiachin by Evil-merodach, king of Babylo...","summary_en":"KINGS, Books of First and Second Books continuing the history of the covenant people as recorded in Joshua, Judges, and the books of Samuel. The record in Kings begins with the events at the end of David’s reign (1 Kgs 1–2). It continues through the reign of Solomon (chs 3–11); the histories of the divided kingdoms (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17); and the history of the surviving kingdom in the south, through its fall in 586 BC and the subsequent kindness shown Jehoiachin by Evil-merodach, king of Babylo...","source":"Articles\/K.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":35381,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Pool of Siloam","title_en":"Pool of Siloam","content_ro":"<h3>SILOAM, Pool of<\/h3>\n<p>Pool mentioned in John 9. Jesus, after anointing with clay the eyes of a blind man, directed him to go and wash in the pool. The man obeyed. He washed and came back with his sight fully restored.<\/p>\n<p>The pool of Siloam of NT days marked the emergence of Hezekiah’s tunnel, dug during the threat of the Assyrian invasion about 700 <span>BC<\/span>. This tunnel is S-shaped and is described both in 2 Kings 20:20 and 2 Chronicles 32:2-4. Archaeologists found an inscription in the tunnel consisting of Hebrew letters chiseled into the side of the tunnel indicating the progress and the meeting place of the two groups of workmen (each of which had started on one side and worked their way to the middle). This inscription has since been removed and is now in the museum in Istanbul. The ancient Hebrew reads:<\/p>\n<p>When the tunnel was driven through . . . each man toward his fellow, and while there were still three cubits to be cut through—the voice of a man calling to his fellow. . . . And when the tunnel was driven through, the quarrymen hewed, each toward his fellow, axe against axe; and the water flowed from the spring toward the reservoir for 1200 cubits, and the height of the rock above the heads of the quarrymen was 100 cubits.<\/p>\n<p>The purpose of the pool originally was to bring water inside the city walls and deny it to invaders of Jerusalem. It flowed through the temple mount to the inner part of the city, where it was accessible to the residents. Water from Gihon Spring flows through the tunnel, emerges at the pool (also called the King’s Pool in Neh 2:14 and the pool of Shelah in 3:15), continues down the valley through the ancient area of the king’s gardens, reenters the Kidron Valley, and makes its way toward the Dead Sea south of the Essene site at Qumran. The Gihon Spring, the only natural source of water in Jerusalem, is a copious perennial stream. This, together with a rugged terrain, explains the strength of Jerusalem and the reason why it had been chosen for a place of habitation since the early Bronze Age.<\/p>\n<p>Siloam now lies outside the old city of Jerusalem. The pool today measures 50 feet (15.2 meters) long and 5 feet (1.5 meters) wide and lies 16 steps below street level. A Byzantine church stood over the pool until it was destroyed by the Persians in <span>AD<\/span> 614.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Aqueduct.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>SILOAM, Pool of<\/h3>\n<p>Pool mentioned in John 9. Jesus, after anointing with clay the eyes of a blind man, directed him to go and wash in the pool. The man obeyed. He washed and came back with his sight fully restored.<\/p>\n<p>The pool of Siloam of NT days marked the emergence of Hezekiah’s tunnel, dug during the threat of the Assyrian invasion about 700 <span>BC<\/span>. This tunnel is S-shaped and is described both in 2 Kings 20:20 and 2 Chronicles 32:2-4. Archaeologists found an inscription in the tunnel consisting of Hebrew letters chiseled into the side of the tunnel indicating the progress and the meeting place of the two groups of workmen (each of which had started on one side and worked their way to the middle). This inscription has since been removed and is now in the museum in Istanbul. The ancient Hebrew reads:<\/p>\n<p>When the tunnel was driven through . . . each man toward his fellow, and while there were still three cubits to be cut through—the voice of a man calling to his fellow. . . . And when the tunnel was driven through, the quarrymen hewed, each toward his fellow, axe against axe; and the water flowed from the spring toward the reservoir for 1200 cubits, and the height of the rock above the heads of the quarrymen was 100 cubits.<\/p>\n<p>The purpose of the pool originally was to bring water inside the city walls and deny it to invaders of Jerusalem. It flowed through the temple mount to the inner part of the city, where it was accessible to the residents. Water from Gihon Spring flows through the tunnel, emerges at the pool (also called the King’s Pool in Neh 2:14 and the pool of Shelah in 3:15), continues down the valley through the ancient area of the king’s gardens, reenters the Kidron Valley, and makes its way toward the Dead Sea south of the Essene site at Qumran. The Gihon Spring, the only natural source of water in Jerusalem, is a copious perennial stream. This, together with a rugged terrain, explains the strength of Jerusalem and the reason why it had been chosen for a place of habitation since the early Bronze Age.<\/p>\n<p>Siloam now lies outside the old city of Jerusalem. The pool today measures 50 feet (15.2 meters) long and 5 feet (1.5 meters) wide and lies 16 steps below street level. A Byzantine church stood over the pool until it was destroyed by the Persians in <span>AD<\/span> 614.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Aqueduct.<\/p>","summary_ro":"SILOAM, Pool of Pool mentioned in John 9. Jesus, after anointing with clay the eyes of a blind man, directed him to go and wash in the pool. The man obeyed. He washed and came back with his sight fully restored. The pool of Siloam of NT days marked the emergence of Hezekiah’s tunnel, dug during the threat of the Assyrian invasion about 700 BC. This tunnel is S-shaped and is described both in 2 Kings 20:20 and 2 Chronicles 32:2-4. Archaeologists found an inscription in the tunnel consisting of...","summary_en":"SILOAM, Pool of Pool mentioned in John 9. Jesus, after anointing with clay the eyes of a blind man, directed him to go and wash in the pool. The man obeyed. He washed and came back with his sight fully restored. The pool of Siloam of NT days marked the emergence of Hezekiah’s tunnel, dug during the threat of the Assyrian invasion about 700 BC. This tunnel is S-shaped and is described both in 2 Kings 20:20 and 2 Chronicles 32:2-4. Archaeologists found an inscription in the tunnel consisting of...","source":"Articles\/S.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":35388,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Tunnel*, Siloam","title_en":"Tunnel*, Siloam","content_ro":"<h3>SILOAM TUNNEL*<\/h3>\n<p>Conduit, also known as Hezekiah’s tunnel, built by Hezekiah at the time of the Assyrian invasion to bring water into Jerusalem (2 Kgs 20:20; 2 Chr 32:2-4). <em>See<\/em> Siloam, Pool of.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>SILOAM TUNNEL*<\/h3>\n<p>Conduit, also known as Hezekiah’s tunnel, built by Hezekiah at the time of the Assyrian invasion to bring water into Jerusalem (2 Kgs 20:20; 2 Chr 32:2-4). <em>See<\/em> Siloam, Pool of.<\/p>","summary_ro":"SILOAM TUNNEL* Conduit, also known as Hezekiah’s tunnel, built by Hezekiah at the time of the Assyrian invasion to bring water into Jerusalem (2 Kgs 20:20; 2 Chr 32:2-4). See Siloam, Pool of.","summary_en":"SILOAM TUNNEL* Conduit, also known as Hezekiah’s tunnel, built by Hezekiah at the time of the Assyrian invasion to bring water into Jerusalem (2 Kgs 20:20; 2 Chr 32:2-4). See Siloam, Pool of.","source":"Articles\/S.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":38157,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Warfare","title_en":"Warfare","content_ro":"<h3>WARFARE<\/h3>\n<p>The means by which one nation seeks to impose its will upon another by force. An index to the importance of warfare in antiquity is provided by the amount of technical skill directed to perfecting devices for destruction and defense.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"MethodsofWarfare\">Methods of Warfare<\/p>\n<h5>Standard Combat<\/h5>\n<p>Cavalry units were introduced at the close of the second millennium <span>BC<\/span> and the beginning of the first. The cavalry charge provided a shock force to the great armies, and the cavalry’s mobility permitted concentration of firepower at decisive points. When the Assyrians coordinated their infantry, cavalry, and chariot corps into a powerful battle machine, smaller neighboring nations were more and more compelled to retreat behind their fortifications. They could not hope to engage the massive Assyrian army in standard combat in open terrain. No period is richer in illustrated monuments than Iron Age II; the Assyrian war reliefs present detailed illustrations of their conquests and the size of fortified cities. The few scenes depicting standard combat in open terrain show chariots charging from all directions and engaging the enemy at all stages of a battle. Other formations carry out mopping-up operations, finishing off pockets of enemy resistance remaining after the chariot charge.<\/p>\n<p>The factor of terrain was always very important. In standard combat on open terrain it became conventional to place the best troops on the right side of the line. A Greek commander, Epaminodas (d. 362 <span>BC<\/span>), introduced the variant of a slanting attack by a strengthened left wing, taking the Spartan army completely by surprise. Philip of Macedon and his son Alexander continued to surprise their enemies with variations on a plan of attack based on the phalanx.<\/p>\n\n<h5>Battle in Open Terrain: The Duel<\/h5>\n<p>During certain periods in the ancient Near East, the duel presented an alternative to standard combat. The duel was a contest between two champions who represented the contending forces. The two armies would agree in advance to abide by the outcome of the fight. The duel was meant to avoid the heavy casualties of full-scale warfare. The earliest detailed written account of this unique form of warfare occurs in the Tale of Sinuhe. A chamberlain in the royal court of the 12th dynasty, Sinuhe voluntarily went into exile and traveled to northern Palestine and Syria, where he lived among Semitic tribes. There he was challenged to a duel by a local champion, whom he defeated and whose goods he then plundered.<\/p>\n<p>Although the duel was common among other armies in subsequent periods, it was evidently unknown to Israel before the encounter between David and Goliath (1 Sm 17). The Philistine army had penetrated Judah as far as Socoh and were arrayed on one hill. Drawn up against them on an opposite hill was the army of Saul. The valley of Elah separated the two camps. The Israelites were challenged daily by the Philistine champion, Goliath, who proposed that the battle be decided through combat between two warriors. David accepted his proposal, but when he killed Goliath, the Philistines fled, unwilling to honor the terms of the prior agreement. The Israelite army then entered the contest, pursuing the Philistines and inflicting heavy casualties.<\/p>\n<h5>Assaults on Fortified Cities<\/h5>\n<p>Most cities in the ancient Near East were located at sites that could be defended against attack and that possessed economic advantages. An assault on a fortified city presented opposite problems for attacker and defender. The actions of one were a direct response to the actions of the other. Systems of defense were intended to thwart methods of attack, which in turn were designed to penetrate systems of defense.<\/p>\n<p>There were five possible ways of conquering a fortified city: penetration from above the fortifications; direct penetration through the fortifications; penetration from below the fortifications; siege; and penetration by ruse. On many occasions, a combination of two or more methods was necessary to breach the defensive network.<\/p>\n<p>The biblical narrative of the conquest of Shechem by Abimelech (Jgs 9) gives an account of an assault on a fortified city in the period of the judges (Iron Age I). When the people of Shechem and their allies rebelled against Abimelech, he retaliated by attacking the city, advancing his army of mercenaries by night and launching an assault from ambush positions at dawn (9:32-35). The men of Shechem engaged in open battle outside the city gates but were forced to retreat behind the security of the city walls. The next day Abimelech directed his assault against the city itself. Dividing his forces into three groups, he assumed direct command of one, which he committed to an attack on the city gates at the decisive moment of battle (vv 43-44). The gate was breached and the main walls seized, but the city’s surviving defenders fled to an inner citadel, the temple of Baal-berith.<\/p>\n<p>Many reliefs depict groups of soldiers defending an inner citadel after a city’s wall was breached. Archaeological excavations at Shechem confirm that its temple, like those in other Canaanite cities, was built in the form of a fortified tower, supported by stout bastions near the entrance. The tower of Shechem was thus strongly fortified and occupied only a small area, enabling its defenders to concentrate their firepower on Abimelech’s troops. Since it could not be taken by storm, Abimelech ordered his soldiers to use their battle-axes to cut brushwood, which was piled against the stronghold and set on fire (Jgs 9:48-49). All of the defenders within the tower died.<\/p>\n<p>An assault on an inner citadel was always a hazardous undertaking for an attacking army, as shown in the sequel to the capture of Shechem’s tower. Abimelech turned his attention next to the city of Thebez and followed the same plan of assault that had proved successful at Shechem. But as he was preparing to burn the door of the tower to which the defenders had fled, his skull was crushed by a piece of millstone dropped on him by a woman (Jgs 9:50-53). The incident was remembered and became proverbial for the danger of approaching too closely the walls of a fortified tower (2 Sm 11:19-21).<\/p>\n<h5>Communications and Intelligence<\/h5>\n<p>From the patriarchal period (middle Bronze period), we have detailed written information on the use of communications systems in wartime. The documents from Mari on the Euphrates provide evidence for a well-developed communications system based on signaling. Signals were flashed by torches or firebrands at night in accordance with a prearranged code. The system was widely used in Mesopotamia and elsewhere to call for immediate help when a city was under attack.<\/p>\n<p>In the late Bronze period horsemen were sometimes employed for isolated communication functions. Intelligence services played a role in planning and executing military operations. The importance of intelligence and the use of spies or scouts is stressed in the biblical accounts of the conquest of the land of Canaan. Before entering the land, Moses sent men on an espionage mission. He instructed them to gather information on the topography of the land, to observe the relative strength of its inhabitants, to determine whether the land was fertile, to survey the cities and see if they were fortified, and to report on the character of the land—whether it was capable of sustaining a large population (Nm 13:17-20).<\/p>\n<p>Tactical intelligence was very important. Joshua dispatched spies to Jericho and to Ai before beginning military operations against them (Jos 2:1; 7:2). The reports he received about the offensive spirit and strength of the Canaanites enabled him to formulate an attack plan. In the period of the judges the conquest of Bethel (Jgs 1:22-26) was due directly to intelligence gathered by a reconnaissance patrol. The tribes of Joseph sent out scouts to keep the city under observation. It was strongly fortified and seemed impregnable. The scouts captured a man who emerged from the city—presumably not through the main gate, which was shut tight, but through a concealed postern or tunnel. In exchange for his own life and the safety of his family, he disclosed the location of the passage leading beneath the walls. The city was penetrated through the tunnel and captured.<\/p>\n<h5>Attack and Penetration: The Breach<\/h5>\n<p>Direct penetration through the fortifications of an ancient city meant breaching the gate or the main walls by using hammers, axes, pikes, spears, swords, or a battering ram. Illustrated monuments and written documents indicate that early in the middle Bronze period fortified cities were being attacked with battering rams. The earliest known illustration of a ram appears in a siege scene in the wall paintings from Beni Hasan (20th century <span>BC<\/span>). The ram pictured is a relatively simple device, consisting of a hutlike structure with a slightly pointed roof, which could be moved near a fortress with the help of two parallel crossbars. The structure provided cover for two or three soldiers who operated by hand a very long pole with a sharp tip, presumably of metal.<\/p>\n<p>The Mari documents provide information for the period 200 years later. They mention the effectiveness of battering rams constructed largely of wood. Although very heavy, the siege weapon could be moved over long distances. One document speaks of the use of a wagon drawn by draft animals and of a boat to transport a battering ram to the site of a besieged city.<\/p>\n<p>Moving a battering ram into position always exposed the demolition unit to heavy fire from defenders on the walls above them. Its heaviness made it cumbersome to move. Moreover, the ground adjacent to the walls was usually rough, rocky, and steep. When the chosen point of penetration was a section of the wall, an assault force had to construct an earthen ramp, occasionally strengthened on the top surface and sides with wooden planks or stones. The ramp provided a track along which the battering ram could be moved from the foot of the slope to the outer wall. Once moved into operational position, the ram had to be braked to prevent it from rolling back. The building of such a ramp was evidently necessary in Joab’s campaign against the fortified city of Abel in Beth-maacah (2 Sm 20:15). The biblical account indicates that some sort of battering ram was in use in Israel under King David during the early monarchy.<\/p>\n<p>The earliest Assyrian reliefs show that protection of the penetration units was a major consideration. High, mobile assault towers constructed of wood operated in tandem with a battering ram. Such towers, moved into position near a breach operation and manned by archers, provided covering fire directed against the defenders on the wall. Siege towers neutralized the defenders’ advantage in firepower and drew fire away from the crew engaged in breaching the walls.<\/p>\n<p>The details of the Assyrian reliefs make it possible to visualize clearly the fate of Jerusalem, as announced to the prophet Ezekiel (Ez 4:1-3; 21:22). The gate was the focal point of attack because it was the weakest point in the wall. Moreover, the path leading up to the gate made construction of a special ramp unnecessary. In the demolition of a gate, swords were sometimes used to pry the doors loose and to tear down hinges. Wooden doors unprotected by metal were often set on fire.<\/p>\n<p>The battering ram continued to be used as an engine for breaching walls in the Hellenistic-Roman period. In 63 <span>BC<\/span> the Roman commander Pompey brought up battering rams from Tyre against the defenders of Jerusalem, and with them penetrated the fortified wall that enclosed the temple. The siege machine shown on Trajan’s column had a beam with an iron head shaped like a ram. It was moved up to a wall in a frame protected by a wooden roof covered with clay or hides. A variation equipped for boring into a wall was used by Titus when besieging Jerusalem in <span>AD<\/span> 70.<\/p>\n<p>The battering ram was not the only device used to effect a breach in a wall. Troops trained as sappers would tear down a section of the wall by using sharp-headed levers (pikes, swords, spears) or even sledgehammers (cf. Ez 26:8-9). In Ashurnasirpal’s army such men were issued full-length coats of mail to cover their whole bodies. Under later Assyrian kings, they were protected by both round and rectangular shields, which they carried on their backs when engaged in demolition. Later, Ashurbanipal relied exclusively on such sappers for direct penetration of a fortified city. He designed for their protection a huge shield, the curved head of which could be propped against the wall, screening the sapper from missiles while he worked beneath it.<\/p>\n<h5>Scaling the Walls<\/h5>\n<p>A battle scene depicted on limestone in the tomb of Anta at Dashashe in Upper Egypt (24th century <span>BC<\/span>) provides the earliest known representation of siege activities. It shows the Egyptians raising a scaling ladder against the walls of a fortified city. By the time of Sargon, the thickness of walls was increased considerably, which permitted construction of much higher walls, more resistant to scaling. Such solid, massive walls also tended to blunt the effectiveness of a battering ram. Sargon, and especially his successor Ashurbanipal, responded by constructing longer scaling ladders, some of which could reach a height of from 25 to 30 feet (7.6 to 9.1 meters), judging from the number of rungs.<\/p>\n<h5>Penetration beneath the Walls<\/h5>\n<p>A tunneling operation could be started beyond the range of any weapons at the disposal of the defenders. Once underground, the penetration unit was shielded from enemy fire. The tunneling could be accomplished under cover of night, so that the element of surprise could be exploited to the maximum. It was, however, a lengthy process requiring considerable technical skill. Moreover, if the operation was detected by the defenders before its completion, they could destroy the penetration unit as it emerged from the tunnel. Attempts to penetrate fortified cities by tunneling beneath the walls was a characteristic feature of warfare in Iron Age II. That is confirmed by reliefs, written documents, and archaeological excavation of sites dating to this period, where the remains of attack tunnels have been discovered.<\/p>\n<h5>Siege<\/h5>\n<p>Particularly when a walled city was situated on a high hill, an extended siege provided an alternate method of conquering it. By encircling the city and preventing aid or supplies from reaching its defenders, the attacking army could starve the inhabitants out. That procedure minimized the element of risk for the attacking army. Its success depended upon their capacity to prevent outside assistance from reaching the city and the defenders from leaving it. An army would generally resort to siege when a city’s fortifications were too powerful for direct penetration. The siege of Samaria by the Assyrians lasted for three years (2 Kgs 18:9-10).<\/p>\n<p>The peculiar conditions of siege produced the catapult, a major innovation of Greek artillery and a logical improvement on the bow and the sling. Designed originally as a strengthened bow mounted on a stand and used to fire arrows only, it was introduced around 400 <span>BC<\/span> by Demetrius I. He may have borrowed the idea from the Phoenicians at Carthage.<\/p>\n<p>In the course of time the instrument was improved. The perfect weapon, called the torsion catapult, derived its power from many tightly twisted strands of elastic material, frequently supplied by women’s hair, which could be tightened with a windlass and then released suddenly. Firing arrows, large stones, or fire-baskets with an effective range of 200 yards (182.9 meters), a catapult could clear a wall of its defenders while a battering ram breached it or a boarding party attacked from a mobile tower.<\/p>\n<p>For those in a besieged city, the critical problems were food and water supplies. The horror of famine is stressed in the biblical account of the siege of Samaria by the Syrian Ben-hadad in the days of the prophet Elisha. On that occasion women were reduced to eating their children (2 Kgs 6:26-29). A besieging army would do everything in its power to aggravate such conditions. In one of the siege reliefs of Ashurnasirpal II, a defender has lowered a bucket from the wall to draw water from a stream below; an Assyrian soldier is shown cutting the rope with his dagger.<\/p>\n<h5>Ruses and Stratagems<\/h5>\n<p>Various ruses and stratagems could draw the defenders out of a city or infiltrate troops into the city. If a small force could enter a city by a cunning stratagem, it could overpower the guards and open the city gates to an attacking army. A city’s fortifications were of little value once an enemy had entered the city. Moreover, penetrating a city’s defenses at any one point frequently caused the entire defense system to collapse. The story of the Trojan horse is probably the most celebrated account of a stratagem circumventing the defense of a strongly fortified ancient city.<\/p>\n<p>In the biblical account of the siege of Samaria by Ben-hadad, a sudden lifting of the Syrian siege led Joram, the king of Israel, to suspect a ruse. He refused to believe the report of four lepers that the Syrians had gone, leaving behind large food supplies (2 Kgs 7:12). That was the same kind of tactic that Joshua had employed at Ai (Jos 8:3-8).<\/p>\n<p>On other occasions, powerful armies sought to break down resistance by psychological warfare, as in the unsuccessful attempt by Sennacherib to capture Jerusalem in the time of Hezekiah (2 Kgs 18–19). The dialogue between the Assyrian general and Hezekiah’s delegates reveals that the Assyrian was trying to shake the confidence of the city’s defenders.<\/p>\n<p>The ambush was a type of ruse used to trap and destroy an enemy at a moment when he was least able to counter a sudden, unexpected blow. Its effectiveness depended almost entirely on the element of surprise. By taking advantage of good intelligence, knowledge of the terrain, and the cover of night, a small force could stage a devastating ambush against vastly superior numbers.<\/p>\n<p>The ambush was a standard method of combat during the period of the conquest of Canaan. The fall of Ai, for example, was due directly to the tactical success of an ambush (Jos 8:1-23). Under cover of night, Joshua was able to move a large force to a concealed position behind the city. He then led the remainder of the Israelite army to the edge of a valley north of the fortified city, giving the appearance of a planned assault on the city. The diversion, as calculated, drew the main force of Ai away from the city to engage Israel on the plain of Arabah. When the Israelites fell back, appearing to be badly beaten, the remaining defenders of the city were summoned to pursue Joshua’s fleeing army. With the city left undefended, the main Israelite strike force rose from its ambush position, poured into the city, and set it on fire. Too late, the men of Ai saw the smoke from their burning city and realized the stratagem. Joshua’s army turned to counterattack their pursuers, who found themselves trapped between two bodies of Israelite forces. Assaulted from both front and rear, the king of Ai’s army was annihilated, victim of an effectively laid ambush.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"FortificationsandDefense\">Fortifications and Defense<\/p>\n<p>The earliest known fortifications in the world, dated by some to about 7000 <span>BC<\/span>, were discovered in 1954 at Jericho. They were impressive in conception and construction. The core of the defense system was a wall, part of which, bordering the western edge of the ancient city, was still standing to a height of 21 feet (6.4 meters). Further excavation uncovered a large moat that had been carved out of solid rock at the base of the wall, 27 feet (8.2 meters) wide and 9 feet (2.7 meters) deep. How that feat was accomplished when the only tools assumed to have been available were made of stone is a complete mystery. A third component of Jericho’s defense system was a huge stone circular tower 30 feet (9.1 meters) high, once evidently attached to the inner side of the western part of the wall. The exact purpose of the tower has not yet been determined, but Neolithic Jericho provides the earliest evidence of a fortified city supported by a wall, tower, and moat.<\/p>\n<p>By the middle Bronze period, there were four components in a standard defense system: a moat, an advance (outer) wall, the main (inner) wall, and a well-fortified gate structure. The moat, advance wall, and subsidiary fortifications protecting the steep slope and lower portion of the main wall were intended to prevent breaching by a battering ram.<\/p>\n<h5>City Walls<\/h5>\n<p>Erection of a simple wall could halt a hostile advance only temporarily, since walls could be scaled or breached. Walls therefore provided a firing platform so defenders could repel attacks. The wall system consisted of three principal components: the wall itself, constituting the barrier; an upper structure, which provided the firing platform and cover for the defenders; and a series of obstacles and traps erected in front of the wall to keep archers at a distance and to prevent operation of a battering ram.<\/p>\n<p>The battlement—a parapet built along the outer top edge of the wall—provided the defenders with a measure of security, freedom for mobility, and openings through which fire could be directed. From a distance the square notches looked like a row of teeth with gaps between them. The teeth, called merlons, provided a protective barrier against hostile missiles. The gaps, called embrasures or crenels, supplied openings through which the defenders could discharge their weapons. Special towers protruded from the outer face of the wall, spaced at a distance no greater than the double range of a bow. Such towers enabled the defenders to fire at troops who managed to reach the walls. One way of protecting the main wall was to construct an outer or advance wall that could be breached or climbed only under heavy fire from defending units on the battlements of the main wall. Another method was to dig a wide, deep moat around the base of the main wall. A moat kept the enemy from using a battering ram unless they could bridge the moat or fill it up at certain points, under concentrated fire from the defenders.<\/p>\n<p>Casemate fortifications, introduced in the middle Bronze period, were developed from double walls built of dressed stones. The space between the walls was divided into chambers, or casemates, used for storage or dwellings. The Hittite casemate system, introduced into Palestine at least as early as the time of Saul, was widely adopted in Syria and Palestine. A fine example has been discovered at Gibeah, where Saul’s citadel was located, dating to the end of the 11th century <span>BC<\/span>. The overall thickness of the double walls, including the casemates, reaches 15 feet (4.6 meters). The same type of construction has been found in excavations of three Solomonic cities—Hazor, Gezer, and Megiddo (cf. 1 Kgs 9:15)—where the casemate walls have an overall thickness of 18 feet (5.5 meters).<\/p>\n<p>Although the divided kingdoms of Judah and Israel were not noted for technical advancements in offensive warfare, a number of their kings worked at improving fortifications and means of defense. Uzziah was especially remembered for his accomplishments in defensive warfare. Along with other measures, “he produced machines mounted on the walls of Jerusalem, designed by brilliant men to shoot arrows and hurl stones from the towers and the corners of the wall” (2 Chr 26:15, <span>nlt<\/span>). Those “machines” were special protective structures built to facilitate the task of the archers and to permit huge stones to be dropped on the heads of assaulting troops.<\/p>\n<h5>Gate<\/h5>\n<p>It was inevitable that the gate would be the focus of action in any assault on a fortified city. City gates were therefore designed to expose an attacking army to the greatest risk while providing maximum security to the defenders. The road approaching a city on a hill would wind up the slope, climbing obliquely to the left or the right. Such roads were usually laid out to reach the gate from the right, so an attacker would have to expose the right side of his body to the defenders on the wall. Since he carried his shield in his left hand, that made him more vulnerable.<\/p>\n<p>To prevent the heavy wooden doors of the gate from being set on fire, they were usually plated with metal. A gate wide enough for chariots required double doors, making the line at the center where the two doors met the weakest point in the barrier. Double doors were therefore fitted with huge bolts and fortified with a heavy beam running across the back of both door panels and held in place by sockets set in the doorposts.<\/p>\n<p>Another component in the defense complex at a gate consisted of towers erected on either side of the gate and protruding from the outer face of the wall. Enemy soldiers trying to smash the doors with axes or set them on fire with torches were thus exposed to heavy flanking fire from defensive units on the towers. From a roof over the gate having a balcony, concentrated firepower could be poured down on attackers’ heads. The addition of such auxiliary structures transformed a gate into a small fortress.<\/p>\n<h5>Inner Citadel<\/h5>\n<p>A major weakness of a city’s walls and gate was the magnitude of the circumference. An average-size city might have a perimeter of half a mile (.8 kilometer); a larger city, a perimeter of over a mile (1.6 kilometers). Yet the entire wall had to be defended against breaching, scaling, or tunneling. An attacking army would use diversionary tactics to keep defenders dispersed along the entire perimeter but concentrate their primary assault at one point in the wall. Once the wall was breached, perimeter fortifications served no further defensive purpose. Therefore, internal walls were often added to subdivide a city into several sections, each capable of independent defense. Also, on the highest point of land within the city a citadel would be constructed as a self-contained defensive unit.<\/p>\n<p>The earliest examples of such fortifications, called migdols, are found in the late Bronze Age. They were originally small citadels built to guard important military targets such as sources of water, strategic routes, cultivated farmlands, or frontiers. A migdol of that type was discovered in Israel, not far from Ashdod, in 1960. It was square in plan, with rectangular bastions, and was two stories high, just like structures depicted in Egyptian reliefs from the same period. The same design was used to fortify temples inside of cities. Such fortified temples served as places of refuge and as a city’s final defense once its walls had been breached (cf. Jgs 9:45-51).<\/p>\n<p>In a later period an inner citadel could embrace a complex consisting of the fortified palace of the governor, dwellings of his chief ministers, and sometimes the temple. Such citadels resembled fortified cities, possessing a main wall, a gateway, an outer wall, and occasionally a moat. Being small in area and heavily fortified, citadels could be defended in a final effort by the governor and remaining inhabitants. Presumably Zimri could have held out against Omri’s army for an extended period in the citadel of Tirzah, had he not committed suicide by setting it on fire (1 Kgs 16:17-18).<\/p>\n<h5>Water Supply under Siege<\/h5>\n<p>Unless provision was made to keep a city’s inhabitants supplied with food and water during a protracted siege, no defense system could be effective. Several Judean kings made efforts to solve the food-storage problem. Rehoboam, for example, fortified a number of cities located on the western, eastern, and southern borders of his kingdom and made them centers for the storage of food, oil, and wine (2 Chr 11:5-11).<\/p>\n<p>Storage of food was easier than storage of water. Cisterns built to collect rainwater were a partial answer, but cisterns often ran dry, particularly in times of drought. Cities were sometimes built on the banks of a stream or river, using the stream as part of the city’s defense system. But for a city built on a hill, the source of water might be a spring located at the foot of the slope and outside the city walls. Sometimes the mouth of the spring could be blocked and its location concealed from the enemy while still allowing access by the inhabitants. At Megiddo a vertical shaft 100 feet (274.3 meters) deep was connected by a horizontal tunnel about 200 feet (548.6 meters) long to the water supply at the western end of the city, beyond the fortifications. The work was undertaken in the time of either Solomon or Ahab.<\/p>\n<p>The most celebrated measures to guarantee a supply of fresh water in a time of siege were those taken by Hezekiah at Jerusalem. That engineering achievement is recalled in all the summaries of his reign, both in the Bible and in the “Praise of Famous Men” in the apocryphal book of Ecclesiasticus (2 Kgs 20:20; 2 Chr 32:30; Ecclus 48:17). The prodigious feat commemorated in those references was the sealing of the spring of Gihon and the cutting of an 1,800-foot (548.6-meter) channel through solid rock in order to bring water into a reservoir in the city. How it was accomplished was reported by Hezekiah himself in the famous Siloam inscription. Two crews, working with hammers, wedges, and pickaxes, began at opposite ends. The crew that began at the spring was able to take advantage of the older tunnel (cf. Is 22:11). They turned due south, in the direction of the city. The other crew, starting from the reservoir, began in a northeasterly direction. They then turned southeast until they reached the north-south line followed by the crew tunneling from the spring, when they turned due north to meet them. The two crews almost passed each other, being about five feet (1.5 meters) apart, but a shout from one was heard through a crevice in the rock by the other. Both parties turned sharply right, and the tunnel was completed. Hezekiah’s precautionary step, taken before Sennacherib’s invasion of Judah, helps to explain why the Assyrians were unable to subdue Jerusalem by the siege tactics that had earlier subdued Samaria in the time of Sargon.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"HebrewMilitaryOrganization\">Hebrew Military Organization<\/p>\n<h5>Tribal Army<\/h5>\n<p>In their exodus from Egypt the Israelites were organized by tribes and divisions. That systematic arrangement for their trek through the wilderness provided a precedent for military organization. After the sojourn at Mt Sinai, the 12 tribes were divided into divisions or army corps, and certain grades in military rank began to appear. The “officers of the army” (Nm 31:14) had command over units of 1,000 or 100 men, which suggests that the tribal army was divided into decimal units. At a later period there is reference to units of 1,000 (the division), 100 (the company), 50 (the platoon), and 10 (the section). Except for the Levites, who were assigned as a tribe to the care of the tabernacle (Nm 2:33), men from 20 years of age who were physically able to fight were assigned to a unit in the tribal army. Certain individuals, however, were exempted from military service (cf. Dt 20:5-9; 24:5; Jgs 7:3).<\/p>\n<p>Until after the conquest of Canaan, the tribal army was essentially a militia recruited in an emergency. Internal organization of the militia was the responsibility of the tribe; each clan and family sent their quota of warriors when summoned to battle by tribal leaders. Because the clan formed the basic unit, recruits were under the command of their own leaders. David’s brothers, for example, served in a division composed of the fighting men from their clan under the command of a captain (1 Sm 17:18; 18:13). When the emergency passed, the militia was disbanded and the soldiers returned to their home districts.<\/p>\n<p>Because the land was divided among the tribes, no tribal or clan leader before Saul commanded the entire tribal confederation (cf. 1 Sm 11:1-11). In fact, tribal jealousies and rivalries threatened national solidarity and jeopardized united action even in a critical period. On some occasions, however, the severity of a crisis caused the armies of the various tribes to unite in common action. The multitribal armies were divided into companies of 1,000, 100, and 50, and still further into families under appointed officers. There is evidence of organization into units according to weaponry (1 Chr 12:24-38). Benjamin’s tribe specialized in the bow and sling. The tribes of Gad, Judah, and Naphtali were expert with the spear and shield.<\/p>\n<p>Provisioning the tribal army was the responsibility of each tribe (Jgs 20:9-10). One out of every ten soldiers was appointed to secure food for the others, either from wealthy landowners (cf. 1 Sm 25) or from the natural resources of the land. In that early stage of military organization, a soldier’s pay generally consisted only of supplies and a portion of the spoils of battle (cf. 30:21-25).<\/p>\n<h5>Professional Army<\/h5>\n<p>Not until the time of the united monarchy did Israel have a regular army. Transition from a people’s militia to a professional army took place under Saul, whose reign changed the tribal confederacy into a monarchy (1 Sm 13:2). Philistine harassment of Israel encouraged establishment of a strong standing army. The army, however, was not large; it consisted of 3,000 men organized in three formations of 1,000 each (1 Sm 13:2; 24:2). Pay for those career soldiers was sometimes in the form of a land grant (8:14) as well as a share of booty. In the organization of Saul’s army, Abner, Jonathan, and David were given particular responsibilities. Abner was named commander of the army (17:55) and was probably also given direct command of one of the divisions. David’s band of valorous men, “the thirty,” provided the leadership core for his own military organization when he became king.<\/p>\n<p>David continued the practice of maintaining a professional army. But he also developed a national militia of 12 regiments, each being called up for duty for one month of the year under professional officers (1 Chr 27:1-15). Each regiment, recruited across tribal lines, consisted of 24,000 soldiers. David’s innovation provided him with a large reserve force that could be mustered for war in times of emergency. The reserves, and presumably the professional army as well, were organized into units of 1,000, 100, 50, and 10. Joab, a specialist in siege warfare (2 Sm 20:15), commanded the professional army, and Amasa was over the citizens’ militia. David, however, remained commander-in-chief of the military organization.<\/p>\n<p>The Israelite group in King David’s professional army was an outgrowth of the small band of fighting men who had served with him during the period of conflict with Saul. That veteran group consisted of David’s family and clansmen, and others who felt themselves oppressed by the central authority under Saul (1 Sm 22:1-2). It ranged in size between 400 and 600 men (1 Sm 22:2; 23:13; 27:2). The presence of mercenaries in David’s army is clearly recorded. Uriah the Hittite and Ittai of Gath are conspicuous examples, along with many career soldiers of Philistine origin, such as the Cherethites and the Pelethites under Benaiah (2 Sm 8:18; 15:19-22; 23:22-23).<\/p>\n<p>The Davidic dynasty maintained a permanent mercenary army until 701 <span>BC<\/span>, after which it was considered too costly. The oppressive cost of maintaining a professional army, financed by burdensome taxes and forced labor, was in fact a major factor contributing to the disruption of the monarchy after Solomon’s death (cf. 1 Kgs 10:26-29; 12:4-19). After Sennacherib’s invasion in 701 <span>BC<\/span>, the southern kingdom of Judah depended entirely on a citizens’ militia for its defense. It is commonly held that the northern kingdom of Israel did not employ a professional army, but it is evident that King Ahab used at least some mercenary soldiers in his defense against Ben-hadad of Syria (1 Kgs 20:15-20).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Armor and Weapons.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>WARFARE<\/h3>\n<p>The means by which one nation seeks to impose its will upon another by force. An index to the importance of warfare in antiquity is provided by the amount of technical skill directed to perfecting devices for destruction and defense.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"MethodsofWarfare\">Methods of Warfare<\/p>\n<h5>Standard Combat<\/h5>\n<p>Cavalry units were introduced at the close of the second millennium <span>BC<\/span> and the beginning of the first. The cavalry charge provided a shock force to the great armies, and the cavalry’s mobility permitted concentration of firepower at decisive points. When the Assyrians coordinated their infantry, cavalry, and chariot corps into a powerful battle machine, smaller neighboring nations were more and more compelled to retreat behind their fortifications. They could not hope to engage the massive Assyrian army in standard combat in open terrain. No period is richer in illustrated monuments than Iron Age II; the Assyrian war reliefs present detailed illustrations of their conquests and the size of fortified cities. The few scenes depicting standard combat in open terrain show chariots charging from all directions and engaging the enemy at all stages of a battle. Other formations carry out mopping-up operations, finishing off pockets of enemy resistance remaining after the chariot charge.<\/p>\n<p>The factor of terrain was always very important. In standard combat on open terrain it became conventional to place the best troops on the right side of the line. A Greek commander, Epaminodas (d. 362 <span>BC<\/span>), introduced the variant of a slanting attack by a strengthened left wing, taking the Spartan army completely by surprise. Philip of Macedon and his son Alexander continued to surprise their enemies with variations on a plan of attack based on the phalanx.<\/p>\n\n<h5>Battle in Open Terrain: The Duel<\/h5>\n<p>During certain periods in the ancient Near East, the duel presented an alternative to standard combat. The duel was a contest between two champions who represented the contending forces. The two armies would agree in advance to abide by the outcome of the fight. The duel was meant to avoid the heavy casualties of full-scale warfare. The earliest detailed written account of this unique form of warfare occurs in the Tale of Sinuhe. A chamberlain in the royal court of the 12th dynasty, Sinuhe voluntarily went into exile and traveled to northern Palestine and Syria, where he lived among Semitic tribes. There he was challenged to a duel by a local champion, whom he defeated and whose goods he then plundered.<\/p>\n<p>Although the duel was common among other armies in subsequent periods, it was evidently unknown to Israel before the encounter between David and Goliath (1 Sm 17). The Philistine army had penetrated Judah as far as Socoh and were arrayed on one hill. Drawn up against them on an opposite hill was the army of Saul. The valley of Elah separated the two camps. The Israelites were challenged daily by the Philistine champion, Goliath, who proposed that the battle be decided through combat between two warriors. David accepted his proposal, but when he killed Goliath, the Philistines fled, unwilling to honor the terms of the prior agreement. The Israelite army then entered the contest, pursuing the Philistines and inflicting heavy casualties.<\/p>\n<h5>Assaults on Fortified Cities<\/h5>\n<p>Most cities in the ancient Near East were located at sites that could be defended against attack and that possessed economic advantages. An assault on a fortified city presented opposite problems for attacker and defender. The actions of one were a direct response to the actions of the other. Systems of defense were intended to thwart methods of attack, which in turn were designed to penetrate systems of defense.<\/p>\n<p>There were five possible ways of conquering a fortified city: penetration from above the fortifications; direct penetration through the fortifications; penetration from below the fortifications; siege; and penetration by ruse. On many occasions, a combination of two or more methods was necessary to breach the defensive network.<\/p>\n<p>The biblical narrative of the conquest of Shechem by Abimelech (Jgs 9) gives an account of an assault on a fortified city in the period of the judges (Iron Age I). When the people of Shechem and their allies rebelled against Abimelech, he retaliated by attacking the city, advancing his army of mercenaries by night and launching an assault from ambush positions at dawn (9:32-35). The men of Shechem engaged in open battle outside the city gates but were forced to retreat behind the security of the city walls. The next day Abimelech directed his assault against the city itself. Dividing his forces into three groups, he assumed direct command of one, which he committed to an attack on the city gates at the decisive moment of battle (vv 43-44). The gate was breached and the main walls seized, but the city’s surviving defenders fled to an inner citadel, the temple of Baal-berith.<\/p>\n<p>Many reliefs depict groups of soldiers defending an inner citadel after a city’s wall was breached. Archaeological excavations at Shechem confirm that its temple, like those in other Canaanite cities, was built in the form of a fortified tower, supported by stout bastions near the entrance. The tower of Shechem was thus strongly fortified and occupied only a small area, enabling its defenders to concentrate their firepower on Abimelech’s troops. Since it could not be taken by storm, Abimelech ordered his soldiers to use their battle-axes to cut brushwood, which was piled against the stronghold and set on fire (Jgs 9:48-49). All of the defenders within the tower died.<\/p>\n<p>An assault on an inner citadel was always a hazardous undertaking for an attacking army, as shown in the sequel to the capture of Shechem’s tower. Abimelech turned his attention next to the city of Thebez and followed the same plan of assault that had proved successful at Shechem. But as he was preparing to burn the door of the tower to which the defenders had fled, his skull was crushed by a piece of millstone dropped on him by a woman (Jgs 9:50-53). The incident was remembered and became proverbial for the danger of approaching too closely the walls of a fortified tower (2 Sm 11:19-21).<\/p>\n<h5>Communications and Intelligence<\/h5>\n<p>From the patriarchal period (middle Bronze period), we have detailed written information on the use of communications systems in wartime. The documents from Mari on the Euphrates provide evidence for a well-developed communications system based on signaling. Signals were flashed by torches or firebrands at night in accordance with a prearranged code. The system was widely used in Mesopotamia and elsewhere to call for immediate help when a city was under attack.<\/p>\n<p>In the late Bronze period horsemen were sometimes employed for isolated communication functions. Intelligence services played a role in planning and executing military operations. The importance of intelligence and the use of spies or scouts is stressed in the biblical accounts of the conquest of the land of Canaan. Before entering the land, Moses sent men on an espionage mission. He instructed them to gather information on the topography of the land, to observe the relative strength of its inhabitants, to determine whether the land was fertile, to survey the cities and see if they were fortified, and to report on the character of the land—whether it was capable of sustaining a large population (Nm 13:17-20).<\/p>\n<p>Tactical intelligence was very important. Joshua dispatched spies to Jericho and to Ai before beginning military operations against them (Jos 2:1; 7:2). The reports he received about the offensive spirit and strength of the Canaanites enabled him to formulate an attack plan. In the period of the judges the conquest of Bethel (Jgs 1:22-26) was due directly to intelligence gathered by a reconnaissance patrol. The tribes of Joseph sent out scouts to keep the city under observation. It was strongly fortified and seemed impregnable. The scouts captured a man who emerged from the city—presumably not through the main gate, which was shut tight, but through a concealed postern or tunnel. In exchange for his own life and the safety of his family, he disclosed the location of the passage leading beneath the walls. The city was penetrated through the tunnel and captured.<\/p>\n<h5>Attack and Penetration: The Breach<\/h5>\n<p>Direct penetration through the fortifications of an ancient city meant breaching the gate or the main walls by using hammers, axes, pikes, spears, swords, or a battering ram. Illustrated monuments and written documents indicate that early in the middle Bronze period fortified cities were being attacked with battering rams. The earliest known illustration of a ram appears in a siege scene in the wall paintings from Beni Hasan (20th century <span>BC<\/span>). The ram pictured is a relatively simple device, consisting of a hutlike structure with a slightly pointed roof, which could be moved near a fortress with the help of two parallel crossbars. The structure provided cover for two or three soldiers who operated by hand a very long pole with a sharp tip, presumably of metal.<\/p>\n<p>The Mari documents provide information for the period 200 years later. They mention the effectiveness of battering rams constructed largely of wood. Although very heavy, the siege weapon could be moved over long distances. One document speaks of the use of a wagon drawn by draft animals and of a boat to transport a battering ram to the site of a besieged city.<\/p>\n<p>Moving a battering ram into position always exposed the demolition unit to heavy fire from defenders on the walls above them. Its heaviness made it cumbersome to move. Moreover, the ground adjacent to the walls was usually rough, rocky, and steep. When the chosen point of penetration was a section of the wall, an assault force had to construct an earthen ramp, occasionally strengthened on the top surface and sides with wooden planks or stones. The ramp provided a track along which the battering ram could be moved from the foot of the slope to the outer wall. Once moved into operational position, the ram had to be braked to prevent it from rolling back. The building of such a ramp was evidently necessary in Joab’s campaign against the fortified city of Abel in Beth-maacah (2 Sm 20:15). The biblical account indicates that some sort of battering ram was in use in Israel under King David during the early monarchy.<\/p>\n<p>The earliest Assyrian reliefs show that protection of the penetration units was a major consideration. High, mobile assault towers constructed of wood operated in tandem with a battering ram. Such towers, moved into position near a breach operation and manned by archers, provided covering fire directed against the defenders on the wall. Siege towers neutralized the defenders’ advantage in firepower and drew fire away from the crew engaged in breaching the walls.<\/p>\n<p>The details of the Assyrian reliefs make it possible to visualize clearly the fate of Jerusalem, as announced to the prophet Ezekiel (Ez 4:1-3; 21:22). The gate was the focal point of attack because it was the weakest point in the wall. Moreover, the path leading up to the gate made construction of a special ramp unnecessary. In the demolition of a gate, swords were sometimes used to pry the doors loose and to tear down hinges. Wooden doors unprotected by metal were often set on fire.<\/p>\n<p>The battering ram continued to be used as an engine for breaching walls in the Hellenistic-Roman period. In 63 <span>BC<\/span> the Roman commander Pompey brought up battering rams from Tyre against the defenders of Jerusalem, and with them penetrated the fortified wall that enclosed the temple. The siege machine shown on Trajan’s column had a beam with an iron head shaped like a ram. It was moved up to a wall in a frame protected by a wooden roof covered with clay or hides. A variation equipped for boring into a wall was used by Titus when besieging Jerusalem in <span>AD<\/span> 70.<\/p>\n<p>The battering ram was not the only device used to effect a breach in a wall. Troops trained as sappers would tear down a section of the wall by using sharp-headed levers (pikes, swords, spears) or even sledgehammers (cf. Ez 26:8-9). In Ashurnasirpal’s army such men were issued full-length coats of mail to cover their whole bodies. Under later Assyrian kings, they were protected by both round and rectangular shields, which they carried on their backs when engaged in demolition. Later, Ashurbanipal relied exclusively on such sappers for direct penetration of a fortified city. He designed for their protection a huge shield, the curved head of which could be propped against the wall, screening the sapper from missiles while he worked beneath it.<\/p>\n<h5>Scaling the Walls<\/h5>\n<p>A battle scene depicted on limestone in the tomb of Anta at Dashashe in Upper Egypt (24th century <span>BC<\/span>) provides the earliest known representation of siege activities. It shows the Egyptians raising a scaling ladder against the walls of a fortified city. By the time of Sargon, the thickness of walls was increased considerably, which permitted construction of much higher walls, more resistant to scaling. Such solid, massive walls also tended to blunt the effectiveness of a battering ram. Sargon, and especially his successor Ashurbanipal, responded by constructing longer scaling ladders, some of which could reach a height of from 25 to 30 feet (7.6 to 9.1 meters), judging from the number of rungs.<\/p>\n<h5>Penetration beneath the Walls<\/h5>\n<p>A tunneling operation could be started beyond the range of any weapons at the disposal of the defenders. Once underground, the penetration unit was shielded from enemy fire. The tunneling could be accomplished under cover of night, so that the element of surprise could be exploited to the maximum. It was, however, a lengthy process requiring considerable technical skill. Moreover, if the operation was detected by the defenders before its completion, they could destroy the penetration unit as it emerged from the tunnel. Attempts to penetrate fortified cities by tunneling beneath the walls was a characteristic feature of warfare in Iron Age II. That is confirmed by reliefs, written documents, and archaeological excavation of sites dating to this period, where the remains of attack tunnels have been discovered.<\/p>\n<h5>Siege<\/h5>\n<p>Particularly when a walled city was situated on a high hill, an extended siege provided an alternate method of conquering it. By encircling the city and preventing aid or supplies from reaching its defenders, the attacking army could starve the inhabitants out. That procedure minimized the element of risk for the attacking army. Its success depended upon their capacity to prevent outside assistance from reaching the city and the defenders from leaving it. An army would generally resort to siege when a city’s fortifications were too powerful for direct penetration. The siege of Samaria by the Assyrians lasted for three years (2 Kgs 18:9-10).<\/p>\n<p>The peculiar conditions of siege produced the catapult, a major innovation of Greek artillery and a logical improvement on the bow and the sling. Designed originally as a strengthened bow mounted on a stand and used to fire arrows only, it was introduced around 400 <span>BC<\/span> by Demetrius I. He may have borrowed the idea from the Phoenicians at Carthage.<\/p>\n<p>In the course of time the instrument was improved. The perfect weapon, called the torsion catapult, derived its power from many tightly twisted strands of elastic material, frequently supplied by women’s hair, which could be tightened with a windlass and then released suddenly. Firing arrows, large stones, or fire-baskets with an effective range of 200 yards (182.9 meters), a catapult could clear a wall of its defenders while a battering ram breached it or a boarding party attacked from a mobile tower.<\/p>\n<p>For those in a besieged city, the critical problems were food and water supplies. The horror of famine is stressed in the biblical account of the siege of Samaria by the Syrian Ben-hadad in the days of the prophet Elisha. On that occasion women were reduced to eating their children (2 Kgs 6:26-29). A besieging army would do everything in its power to aggravate such conditions. In one of the siege reliefs of Ashurnasirpal II, a defender has lowered a bucket from the wall to draw water from a stream below; an Assyrian soldier is shown cutting the rope with his dagger.<\/p>\n<h5>Ruses and Stratagems<\/h5>\n<p>Various ruses and stratagems could draw the defenders out of a city or infiltrate troops into the city. If a small force could enter a city by a cunning stratagem, it could overpower the guards and open the city gates to an attacking army. A city’s fortifications were of little value once an enemy had entered the city. Moreover, penetrating a city’s defenses at any one point frequently caused the entire defense system to collapse. The story of the Trojan horse is probably the most celebrated account of a stratagem circumventing the defense of a strongly fortified ancient city.<\/p>\n<p>In the biblical account of the siege of Samaria by Ben-hadad, a sudden lifting of the Syrian siege led Joram, the king of Israel, to suspect a ruse. He refused to believe the report of four lepers that the Syrians had gone, leaving behind large food supplies (2 Kgs 7:12). That was the same kind of tactic that Joshua had employed at Ai (Jos 8:3-8).<\/p>\n<p>On other occasions, powerful armies sought to break down resistance by psychological warfare, as in the unsuccessful attempt by Sennacherib to capture Jerusalem in the time of Hezekiah (2 Kgs 18–19). The dialogue between the Assyrian general and Hezekiah’s delegates reveals that the Assyrian was trying to shake the confidence of the city’s defenders.<\/p>\n<p>The ambush was a type of ruse used to trap and destroy an enemy at a moment when he was least able to counter a sudden, unexpected blow. Its effectiveness depended almost entirely on the element of surprise. By taking advantage of good intelligence, knowledge of the terrain, and the cover of night, a small force could stage a devastating ambush against vastly superior numbers.<\/p>\n<p>The ambush was a standard method of combat during the period of the conquest of Canaan. The fall of Ai, for example, was due directly to the tactical success of an ambush (Jos 8:1-23). Under cover of night, Joshua was able to move a large force to a concealed position behind the city. He then led the remainder of the Israelite army to the edge of a valley north of the fortified city, giving the appearance of a planned assault on the city. The diversion, as calculated, drew the main force of Ai away from the city to engage Israel on the plain of Arabah. When the Israelites fell back, appearing to be badly beaten, the remaining defenders of the city were summoned to pursue Joshua’s fleeing army. With the city left undefended, the main Israelite strike force rose from its ambush position, poured into the city, and set it on fire. Too late, the men of Ai saw the smoke from their burning city and realized the stratagem. Joshua’s army turned to counterattack their pursuers, who found themselves trapped between two bodies of Israelite forces. Assaulted from both front and rear, the king of Ai’s army was annihilated, victim of an effectively laid ambush.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"FortificationsandDefense\">Fortifications and Defense<\/p>\n<p>The earliest known fortifications in the world, dated by some to about 7000 <span>BC<\/span>, were discovered in 1954 at Jericho. They were impressive in conception and construction. The core of the defense system was a wall, part of which, bordering the western edge of the ancient city, was still standing to a height of 21 feet (6.4 meters). Further excavation uncovered a large moat that had been carved out of solid rock at the base of the wall, 27 feet (8.2 meters) wide and 9 feet (2.7 meters) deep. How that feat was accomplished when the only tools assumed to have been available were made of stone is a complete mystery. A third component of Jericho’s defense system was a huge stone circular tower 30 feet (9.1 meters) high, once evidently attached to the inner side of the western part of the wall. The exact purpose of the tower has not yet been determined, but Neolithic Jericho provides the earliest evidence of a fortified city supported by a wall, tower, and moat.<\/p>\n<p>By the middle Bronze period, there were four components in a standard defense system: a moat, an advance (outer) wall, the main (inner) wall, and a well-fortified gate structure. The moat, advance wall, and subsidiary fortifications protecting the steep slope and lower portion of the main wall were intended to prevent breaching by a battering ram.<\/p>\n<h5>City Walls<\/h5>\n<p>Erection of a simple wall could halt a hostile advance only temporarily, since walls could be scaled or breached. Walls therefore provided a firing platform so defenders could repel attacks. The wall system consisted of three principal components: the wall itself, constituting the barrier; an upper structure, which provided the firing platform and cover for the defenders; and a series of obstacles and traps erected in front of the wall to keep archers at a distance and to prevent operation of a battering ram.<\/p>\n<p>The battlement—a parapet built along the outer top edge of the wall—provided the defenders with a measure of security, freedom for mobility, and openings through which fire could be directed. From a distance the square notches looked like a row of teeth with gaps between them. The teeth, called merlons, provided a protective barrier against hostile missiles. The gaps, called embrasures or crenels, supplied openings through which the defenders could discharge their weapons. Special towers protruded from the outer face of the wall, spaced at a distance no greater than the double range of a bow. Such towers enabled the defenders to fire at troops who managed to reach the walls. One way of protecting the main wall was to construct an outer or advance wall that could be breached or climbed only under heavy fire from defending units on the battlements of the main wall. Another method was to dig a wide, deep moat around the base of the main wall. A moat kept the enemy from using a battering ram unless they could bridge the moat or fill it up at certain points, under concentrated fire from the defenders.<\/p>\n<p>Casemate fortifications, introduced in the middle Bronze period, were developed from double walls built of dressed stones. The space between the walls was divided into chambers, or casemates, used for storage or dwellings. The Hittite casemate system, introduced into Palestine at least as early as the time of Saul, was widely adopted in Syria and Palestine. A fine example has been discovered at Gibeah, where Saul’s citadel was located, dating to the end of the 11th century <span>BC<\/span>. The overall thickness of the double walls, including the casemates, reaches 15 feet (4.6 meters). The same type of construction has been found in excavations of three Solomonic cities—Hazor, Gezer, and Megiddo (cf. 1 Kgs 9:15)—where the casemate walls have an overall thickness of 18 feet (5.5 meters).<\/p>\n<p>Although the divided kingdoms of Judah and Israel were not noted for technical advancements in offensive warfare, a number of their kings worked at improving fortifications and means of defense. Uzziah was especially remembered for his accomplishments in defensive warfare. Along with other measures, “he produced machines mounted on the walls of Jerusalem, designed by brilliant men to shoot arrows and hurl stones from the towers and the corners of the wall” (2 Chr 26:15, <span>nlt<\/span>). Those “machines” were special protective structures built to facilitate the task of the archers and to permit huge stones to be dropped on the heads of assaulting troops.<\/p>\n<h5>Gate<\/h5>\n<p>It was inevitable that the gate would be the focus of action in any assault on a fortified city. City gates were therefore designed to expose an attacking army to the greatest risk while providing maximum security to the defenders. The road approaching a city on a hill would wind up the slope, climbing obliquely to the left or the right. Such roads were usually laid out to reach the gate from the right, so an attacker would have to expose the right side of his body to the defenders on the wall. Since he carried his shield in his left hand, that made him more vulnerable.<\/p>\n<p>To prevent the heavy wooden doors of the gate from being set on fire, they were usually plated with metal. A gate wide enough for chariots required double doors, making the line at the center where the two doors met the weakest point in the barrier. Double doors were therefore fitted with huge bolts and fortified with a heavy beam running across the back of both door panels and held in place by sockets set in the doorposts.<\/p>\n<p>Another component in the defense complex at a gate consisted of towers erected on either side of the gate and protruding from the outer face of the wall. Enemy soldiers trying to smash the doors with axes or set them on fire with torches were thus exposed to heavy flanking fire from defensive units on the towers. From a roof over the gate having a balcony, concentrated firepower could be poured down on attackers’ heads. The addition of such auxiliary structures transformed a gate into a small fortress.<\/p>\n<h5>Inner Citadel<\/h5>\n<p>A major weakness of a city’s walls and gate was the magnitude of the circumference. An average-size city might have a perimeter of half a mile (.8 kilometer); a larger city, a perimeter of over a mile (1.6 kilometers). Yet the entire wall had to be defended against breaching, scaling, or tunneling. An attacking army would use diversionary tactics to keep defenders dispersed along the entire perimeter but concentrate their primary assault at one point in the wall. Once the wall was breached, perimeter fortifications served no further defensive purpose. Therefore, internal walls were often added to subdivide a city into several sections, each capable of independent defense. Also, on the highest point of land within the city a citadel would be constructed as a self-contained defensive unit.<\/p>\n<p>The earliest examples of such fortifications, called migdols, are found in the late Bronze Age. They were originally small citadels built to guard important military targets such as sources of water, strategic routes, cultivated farmlands, or frontiers. A migdol of that type was discovered in Israel, not far from Ashdod, in 1960. It was square in plan, with rectangular bastions, and was two stories high, just like structures depicted in Egyptian reliefs from the same period. The same design was used to fortify temples inside of cities. Such fortified temples served as places of refuge and as a city’s final defense once its walls had been breached (cf. Jgs 9:45-51).<\/p>\n<p>In a later period an inner citadel could embrace a complex consisting of the fortified palace of the governor, dwellings of his chief ministers, and sometimes the temple. Such citadels resembled fortified cities, possessing a main wall, a gateway, an outer wall, and occasionally a moat. Being small in area and heavily fortified, citadels could be defended in a final effort by the governor and remaining inhabitants. Presumably Zimri could have held out against Omri’s army for an extended period in the citadel of Tirzah, had he not committed suicide by setting it on fire (1 Kgs 16:17-18).<\/p>\n<h5>Water Supply under Siege<\/h5>\n<p>Unless provision was made to keep a city’s inhabitants supplied with food and water during a protracted siege, no defense system could be effective. Several Judean kings made efforts to solve the food-storage problem. Rehoboam, for example, fortified a number of cities located on the western, eastern, and southern borders of his kingdom and made them centers for the storage of food, oil, and wine (2 Chr 11:5-11).<\/p>\n<p>Storage of food was easier than storage of water. Cisterns built to collect rainwater were a partial answer, but cisterns often ran dry, particularly in times of drought. Cities were sometimes built on the banks of a stream or river, using the stream as part of the city’s defense system. But for a city built on a hill, the source of water might be a spring located at the foot of the slope and outside the city walls. Sometimes the mouth of the spring could be blocked and its location concealed from the enemy while still allowing access by the inhabitants. At Megiddo a vertical shaft 100 feet (274.3 meters) deep was connected by a horizontal tunnel about 200 feet (548.6 meters) long to the water supply at the western end of the city, beyond the fortifications. The work was undertaken in the time of either Solomon or Ahab.<\/p>\n<p>The most celebrated measures to guarantee a supply of fresh water in a time of siege were those taken by Hezekiah at Jerusalem. That engineering achievement is recalled in all the summaries of his reign, both in the Bible and in the “Praise of Famous Men” in the apocryphal book of Ecclesiasticus (2 Kgs 20:20; 2 Chr 32:30; Ecclus 48:17). The prodigious feat commemorated in those references was the sealing of the spring of Gihon and the cutting of an 1,800-foot (548.6-meter) channel through solid rock in order to bring water into a reservoir in the city. How it was accomplished was reported by Hezekiah himself in the famous Siloam inscription. Two crews, working with hammers, wedges, and pickaxes, began at opposite ends. The crew that began at the spring was able to take advantage of the older tunnel (cf. Is 22:11). They turned due south, in the direction of the city. The other crew, starting from the reservoir, began in a northeasterly direction. They then turned southeast until they reached the north-south line followed by the crew tunneling from the spring, when they turned due north to meet them. The two crews almost passed each other, being about five feet (1.5 meters) apart, but a shout from one was heard through a crevice in the rock by the other. Both parties turned sharply right, and the tunnel was completed. Hezekiah’s precautionary step, taken before Sennacherib’s invasion of Judah, helps to explain why the Assyrians were unable to subdue Jerusalem by the siege tactics that had earlier subdued Samaria in the time of Sargon.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"HebrewMilitaryOrganization\">Hebrew Military Organization<\/p>\n<h5>Tribal Army<\/h5>\n<p>In their exodus from Egypt the Israelites were organized by tribes and divisions. That systematic arrangement for their trek through the wilderness provided a precedent for military organization. After the sojourn at Mt Sinai, the 12 tribes were divided into divisions or army corps, and certain grades in military rank began to appear. The “officers of the army” (Nm 31:14) had command over units of 1,000 or 100 men, which suggests that the tribal army was divided into decimal units. At a later period there is reference to units of 1,000 (the division), 100 (the company), 50 (the platoon), and 10 (the section). Except for the Levites, who were assigned as a tribe to the care of the tabernacle (Nm 2:33), men from 20 years of age who were physically able to fight were assigned to a unit in the tribal army. Certain individuals, however, were exempted from military service (cf. Dt 20:5-9; 24:5; Jgs 7:3).<\/p>\n<p>Until after the conquest of Canaan, the tribal army was essentially a militia recruited in an emergency. Internal organization of the militia was the responsibility of the tribe; each clan and family sent their quota of warriors when summoned to battle by tribal leaders. Because the clan formed the basic unit, recruits were under the command of their own leaders. David’s brothers, for example, served in a division composed of the fighting men from their clan under the command of a captain (1 Sm 17:18; 18:13). When the emergency passed, the militia was disbanded and the soldiers returned to their home districts.<\/p>\n<p>Because the land was divided among the tribes, no tribal or clan leader before Saul commanded the entire tribal confederation (cf. 1 Sm 11:1-11). In fact, tribal jealousies and rivalries threatened national solidarity and jeopardized united action even in a critical period. On some occasions, however, the severity of a crisis caused the armies of the various tribes to unite in common action. The multitribal armies were divided into companies of 1,000, 100, and 50, and still further into families under appointed officers. There is evidence of organization into units according to weaponry (1 Chr 12:24-38). Benjamin’s tribe specialized in the bow and sling. The tribes of Gad, Judah, and Naphtali were expert with the spear and shield.<\/p>\n<p>Provisioning the tribal army was the responsibility of each tribe (Jgs 20:9-10). One out of every ten soldiers was appointed to secure food for the others, either from wealthy landowners (cf. 1 Sm 25) or from the natural resources of the land. In that early stage of military organization, a soldier’s pay generally consisted only of supplies and a portion of the spoils of battle (cf. 30:21-25).<\/p>\n<h5>Professional Army<\/h5>\n<p>Not until the time of the united monarchy did Israel have a regular army. Transition from a people’s militia to a professional army took place under Saul, whose reign changed the tribal confederacy into a monarchy (1 Sm 13:2). Philistine harassment of Israel encouraged establishment of a strong standing army. The army, however, was not large; it consisted of 3,000 men organized in three formations of 1,000 each (1 Sm 13:2; 24:2). Pay for those career soldiers was sometimes in the form of a land grant (8:14) as well as a share of booty. In the organization of Saul’s army, Abner, Jonathan, and David were given particular responsibilities. Abner was named commander of the army (17:55) and was probably also given direct command of one of the divisions. David’s band of valorous men, “the thirty,” provided the leadership core for his own military organization when he became king.<\/p>\n<p>David continued the practice of maintaining a professional army. But he also developed a national militia of 12 regiments, each being called up for duty for one month of the year under professional officers (1 Chr 27:1-15). Each regiment, recruited across tribal lines, consisted of 24,000 soldiers. David’s innovation provided him with a large reserve force that could be mustered for war in times of emergency. The reserves, and presumably the professional army as well, were organized into units of 1,000, 100, 50, and 10. Joab, a specialist in siege warfare (2 Sm 20:15), commanded the professional army, and Amasa was over the citizens’ militia. David, however, remained commander-in-chief of the military organization.<\/p>\n<p>The Israelite group in King David’s professional army was an outgrowth of the small band of fighting men who had served with him during the period of conflict with Saul. That veteran group consisted of David’s family and clansmen, and others who felt themselves oppressed by the central authority under Saul (1 Sm 22:1-2). It ranged in size between 400 and 600 men (1 Sm 22:2; 23:13; 27:2). The presence of mercenaries in David’s army is clearly recorded. Uriah the Hittite and Ittai of Gath are conspicuous examples, along with many career soldiers of Philistine origin, such as the Cherethites and the Pelethites under Benaiah (2 Sm 8:18; 15:19-22; 23:22-23).<\/p>\n<p>The Davidic dynasty maintained a permanent mercenary army until 701 <span>BC<\/span>, after which it was considered too costly. The oppressive cost of maintaining a professional army, financed by burdensome taxes and forced labor, was in fact a major factor contributing to the disruption of the monarchy after Solomon’s death (cf. 1 Kgs 10:26-29; 12:4-19). After Sennacherib’s invasion in 701 <span>BC<\/span>, the southern kingdom of Judah depended entirely on a citizens’ militia for its defense. It is commonly held that the northern kingdom of Israel did not employ a professional army, but it is evident that King Ahab used at least some mercenary soldiers in his defense against Ben-hadad of Syria (1 Kgs 20:15-20).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Armor and Weapons.<\/p>","summary_ro":"WARFARE The means by which one nation seeks to impose its will upon another by force. An index to the importance of warfare in antiquity is provided by the amount of technical skill directed to perfecting devices for destruction and defense. Methods of Warfare Standard Combat Cavalry units were introduced at the close of the second millennium BC and the beginning of the first. The cavalry charge provided a shock force to the great armies, and the cavalry’s mobility permitted concentration of ...","summary_en":"WARFARE The means by which one nation seeks to impose its will upon another by force. An index to the importance of warfare in antiquity is provided by the amount of technical skill directed to perfecting devices for destruction and defense. Methods of Warfare Standard Combat Cavalry units were introduced at the close of the second millennium BC and the beginning of the first. The cavalry charge provided a shock force to the great armies, and the cavalry’s mobility permitted concentration of ...","source":"Articles\/W.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":47462,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 20:20","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 20:20","content_ro":"<p><strong>20:20<\/strong> For more on <em>the extent of his power<\/em><em>,<\/em> see 18:7-8; 2 Chr 32:27-29. • In the face of Sennacherib’s threat, Hezekiah constructed a 1,777-foot <em>tunnel<\/em> that brought water from outside the city walls into Jerusalem (2 Chr 32:1-5, 30) to a <em>pool<\/em> called the Pool of Siloam. An inscription discovered in <span>AD<\/span> 1880 commemorates this engineering feat.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>20:20<\/strong> For more on <em>the extent of his power<\/em><em>,<\/em> see 18:7-8; 2 Chr 32:27-29. • In the face of Sennacherib’s threat, Hezekiah constructed a 1,777-foot <em>tunnel<\/em> that brought water from outside the city walls into Jerusalem (2 Chr 32:1-5, 30) to a <em>pool<\/em> called the Pool of Siloam. An inscription discovered in <span>AD<\/span> 1880 commemorates this engineering feat.<\/p>","summary_ro":"20:20 For more on the extent of his power, see 18:7-8; 2 Chr 32:27-29. • In the face of Sennacherib’s threat, Hezekiah constructed a 1,777-foot tunnel that brought water from outside the city walls into Jerusalem (2 Chr 32:1-5, 30) to a pool called the Pool of Siloam. An inscription discovered in AD 1880 commemorates this engineering feat.","summary_en":"20:20 For more on the extent of his power, see 18:7-8; 2 Chr 32:27-29. • In the face of Sennacherib’s threat, Hezekiah constructed a 1,777-foot tunnel that brought water from outside the city walls into Jerusalem (2 Chr 32:1-5, 30) to a pool called the Pool of Siloam. An inscription discovered in AD 1880 commemorates this engineering feat.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":75088,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 20:20","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 20:20","content_ro":"<p><strong>20:20<\/strong> For more on <em>the extent of his power<\/em><em>,<\/em> see 18:7-8; 2 Chr 32:27-29. • In the face of Sennacherib’s threat, Hezekiah constructed a 1,777-foot <em>tunnel<\/em> that brought water from outside the city walls into Jerusalem (2 Chr 32:1-5, 30) to a <em>pool<\/em> called the Pool of Siloam. An inscription discovered in <span>AD<\/span> 1880 commemorates this engineering feat.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>20:20<\/strong> For more on <em>the extent of his power<\/em><em>,<\/em> see 18:7-8; 2 Chr 32:27-29. • In the face of Sennacherib’s threat, Hezekiah constructed a 1,777-foot <em>tunnel<\/em> that brought water from outside the city walls into Jerusalem (2 Chr 32:1-5, 30) to a <em>pool<\/em> called the Pool of Siloam. An inscription discovered in <span>AD<\/span> 1880 commemorates this engineering feat.<\/p>","summary_ro":"20:20 For more on the extent of his power, see 18:7-8; 2 Chr 32:27-29. • In the face of Sennacherib’s threat, Hezekiah constructed a 1,777-foot tunnel that brought water from outside the city walls into Jerusalem (2 Chr 32:1-5, 30) to a pool called the Pool of Siloam. An inscription discovered in AD 1880 commemorates this engineering feat.","summary_en":"20:20 For more on the extent of his power, see 18:7-8; 2 Chr 32:27-29. • In the face of Sennacherib’s threat, Hezekiah constructed a 1,777-foot tunnel that brought water from outside the city walls into Jerusalem (2 Chr 32:1-5, 30) to a pool called the Pool of Siloam. An inscription discovered in AD 1880 commemorates this engineering feat.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":102714,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 20:20","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 20:20","content_ro":"<p><strong>20:20<\/strong> For more on <em>the extent of his power<\/em><em>,<\/em> see 18:7-8; 2 Chr 32:27-29. • In the face of Sennacherib’s threat, Hezekiah constructed a 1,777-foot <em>tunnel<\/em> that brought water from outside the city walls into Jerusalem (2 Chr 32:1-5, 30) to a <em>pool<\/em> called the Pool of Siloam. An inscription discovered in <span>AD<\/span> 1880 commemorates this engineering feat.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>20:20<\/strong> For more on <em>the extent of his power<\/em><em>,<\/em> see 18:7-8; 2 Chr 32:27-29. • In the face of Sennacherib’s threat, Hezekiah constructed a 1,777-foot <em>tunnel<\/em> that brought water from outside the city walls into Jerusalem (2 Chr 32:1-5, 30) to a <em>pool<\/em> called the Pool of Siloam. An inscription discovered in <span>AD<\/span> 1880 commemorates this engineering feat.<\/p>","summary_ro":"20:20 For more on the extent of his power, see 18:7-8; 2 Chr 32:27-29. • In the face of Sennacherib’s threat, Hezekiah constructed a 1,777-foot tunnel that brought water from outside the city walls into Jerusalem (2 Chr 32:1-5, 30) to a pool called the Pool of Siloam. An inscription discovered in AD 1880 commemorates this engineering feat.","summary_en":"20:20 For more on the extent of his power, see 18:7-8; 2 Chr 32:27-29. • In the face of Sennacherib’s threat, Hezekiah constructed a 1,777-foot tunnel that brought water from outside the city walls into Jerusalem (2 Chr 32:1-5, 30) to a pool called the Pool of Siloam. An inscription discovered in AD 1880 commemorates this engineering feat.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":130340,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 20:20","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 20:20","content_ro":"<p><strong>20:20<\/strong> For more on <em>the extent of his power<\/em><em>,<\/em> see 18:7-8; 2 Chr 32:27-29. • In the face of Sennacherib’s threat, Hezekiah constructed a 1,777-foot <em>tunnel<\/em> that brought water from outside the city walls into Jerusalem (2 Chr 32:1-5, 30) to a <em>pool<\/em> called the Pool of Siloam. An inscription discovered in <span>AD<\/span> 1880 commemorates this engineering feat.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>20:20<\/strong> For more on <em>the extent of his power<\/em><em>,<\/em> see 18:7-8; 2 Chr 32:27-29. • In the face of Sennacherib’s threat, Hezekiah constructed a 1,777-foot <em>tunnel<\/em> that brought water from outside the city walls into Jerusalem (2 Chr 32:1-5, 30) to a <em>pool<\/em> called the Pool of Siloam. An inscription discovered in <span>AD<\/span> 1880 commemorates this engineering feat.<\/p>","summary_ro":"20:20 For more on the extent of his power, see 18:7-8; 2 Chr 32:27-29. • In the face of Sennacherib’s threat, Hezekiah constructed a 1,777-foot tunnel that brought water from outside the city walls into Jerusalem (2 Chr 32:1-5, 30) to a pool called the Pool of Siloam. An inscription discovered in AD 1880 commemorates this engineering feat.","summary_en":"20:20 For more on the extent of his power, see 18:7-8; 2 Chr 32:27-29. • In the face of Sennacherib’s threat, Hezekiah constructed a 1,777-foot tunnel that brought water from outside the city walls into Jerusalem (2 Chr 32:1-5, 30) to a pool called the Pool of Siloam. An inscription discovered in AD 1880 commemorates this engineering feat.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"21":[{"id":41742,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Manasseh","title_en":"Manasseh","content_ro":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","summary_ro":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","summary_en":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":69368,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Manasseh","title_en":"Manasseh","content_ro":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","summary_ro":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","summary_en":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":96994,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Manasseh","title_en":"Manasseh","content_ro":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","summary_ro":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","summary_en":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":124620,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Manasseh","title_en":"Manasseh","content_ro":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Manasseh<\/h3>\n<p>Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 <span>BC<\/span>), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21).<\/p>\n<p>In 697 <span>BC<\/span>, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 <span>BC<\/span>, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the kings of Judah. He rebuilt the high places for pagan worship; he encouraged the worship of Baal, the sun, the moon, and the stars; and he even burnt his son as a child sacrifice (2 Kgs 21:2-9; see 2 Kgs 23:10; Jer 7:31). He allowed divination and sorcery in Judah and “murdered many innocent people until Jerusalem was filled . . . with innocent blood” (2 Kgs 21:16; 24:3-4).<\/p>\n<p>Surviving Assyrian records note that Manasseh provided men to transport timber from Lebanon to Nineveh for the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (680–669 <span>BC<\/span>), and he paid tribute to King Ashurbanipal (668–626 <span>BC<\/span>) after an Assyrian military campaign in Egypt in 667 <span>BC<\/span>. Manasseh served Assyria more faithfully than he served the Lord.<\/p>\n<p>Because of Manasseh’s tremendous sin, God determined to “wipe away the people of Jerusalem as one wipes a dish and turns it upside down” (2 Kgs 21:13). However, Manasseh repented late in life. The Assyrian army captured him, put a hook through his nose, and exiled him to Babylon (2 Chr 33:10-13). There Manasseh turned to the Lord. God heard his prayers, restored him as king, and blessed the rest of his reign as Manasseh sought to restore proper worship of God alone (33:14-17).<\/p>\n<p>Sadly, Manasseh’s sins had infected the people of Judah (33:17), and God did not reverse his determination to judge the kingdom (2 Kgs 23:26; 24:3-4). This indicates just how seriously Manasseh had sinned. Even Jeremiah, one hundred years later, announced: “Because of the wicked things Manasseh son of Hezekiah, king of Judah, did in Jerusalem, I will make my people an object of horror to all the kingdoms of the earth” (Jer 15:4). The destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple and the exile of Judah’s people followed.<\/p>\n<p>When Manasseh died in 642 <span>BC<\/span> at age 67, he was buried in his own garden (2 Kgs 21:18), rather than with highly regarded leaders such as Jehoiada and Hezekiah (2 Chr 24:15-16; 32:33).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 20:21–21:18; 23:26; 24:3; 2 Chr 32:33–33:20; Jer 15:4<\/p>","summary_ro":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","summary_en":"Manasseh Manasseh, the thirteenth king of Judah (697–642 BC), had a long but notoriously wicked reign (2 Kgs 21:1-18; 2 Chr 33:1-9)—even though his father was the godly king Hezekiah (2 Kgs 20:21). In 697 BC, Manasseh became co-ruler with his father Hezekiah at age twelve (2 Chr 33:1). In 686 BC, Hezekiah died and Manasseh became sole monarch. He reigned a total of fifty-five years (2 Kgs 21:1), longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Regrettably, he was the most wicked of all the king...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}]},"labels":{"article":"Articol","map":"Hartă","chart":"Diagramă","textbox":"Notă explicativă","picture":"Imagine","profile":"Profil","study_note":"Notă de studiu","theme_note":"Temă biblică"},"icons":{"article":"📖","map":"🗺️","chart":"📊","textbox":"💡","picture":"🖼️","profile":"👤","study_note":"📝","theme_note":"🎯"},"typeColors":{"article":"#d4af37","map":"#2d7d46","chart":"#3b82f6","textbox":"#8b5cf6","picture":"#ec4899","profile":"#f59e0b","study_note":"#06b6d4","theme_note":"#ef4444"}}
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