1
Elisei a zis: ,,Ascultaţi cuvântul Domnului! Aşa vorbeşte Domnul: ,,Mâne, la ceasul acesta, se va vinde la poarta Samariei o măsuţă de floare de făină cu un siclu şi două măsuri de orz cu un siclu.``
2
Călăreţul pe braţul căruia se rezema împăratul a răspuns omului lui Dumnezeu: ,,Chiar dacă ar face Domnul ferestre în cer, cum s-ar putea întâmpla un asemenea lucru?`` Şi Elisei a zis: ,,Vei vedea cu ochii tăi: dar tu nu vei mânca din ele.``
3
La intrarea porţii erau patru leproşi, cari au zis unul către altul: ,,La ce să şedem aici până vom muri?
4
Dacă ne vom gândi să intrăm în cetate, în cetate este foamete, şi vom muri; şi dacă vom sta aici, deasemenea vom muri. Haidem dar să ne aruncăm în tabăra Sirienilor; dacă ne vor lăsa cu viaţă, vom trăi, iar dacă ne vor omorî, vom muri.``
5
Au plecat dar în amurg, să se ducă în tabăra Sirienilor. Şi când au ajuns la intrarea taberii Sirienilor, iată că nu era nimeni.
6
Domnul făcuse să se audă în tabăra Sirienilor un vuiet de cară şi un vuiet de cai, vuietul unei mari oştiri, şi îşi ziseseră unul către altul: ,,Împăratul lui Israel a tocmit împotriva noastră pe împăraţii Hetiţilor şi pe împăraţii Egiptenilor, ca să vină să lupte împotriva noastră.``
7
Şi s-au sculat şi au luat-o la fugă în amurg. Şi-au lăsat corturile, caii şi măgarii, tabăra aşa cum era şi au fugit ca să-şi scape viaţa.
8
Leproşii, ajungând la intrarea taberii, au pătruns într-un cort, au mâncat şi au băut, au luat din el argint, aur şi haine, şi s-au dus şi le-au ascuns. S-au întors iarăş, au pătruns într-un alt cort şi au luat şi de acolo lucruri pe cari s-au dus şi le-au ascuns.
9
Apoi, şi-au zis unul altuia: ,,Nu facem bine! Ziua aceasta este o zi de veste bună. Dacă vom tăcea şi dacă vom aştepta până la lumina zilei de mâne, vom fie pedepsiţi. Veniţi acum şi haidem să dăm de ştire casei împăratului.``
10
Au plecat, şi au chemat pe străjerii de la poarta cetăţii, şi le-au spus aşa: ,,Am intrat în tabăra Sirienilor, şi iată că nu este nimeni, nu se aude niciun glas de om; n-am găsit decât cai legaţi şi măgari legaţi, şi corturile aşa cum erau.``
11
Străjerii dela poartă au strigat, şi au trimes vestea aceasta înlăuntrul casei împăratului.
12
Împăratul s-a sculat noaptea, şi a zis slujitorilor săi: ,,Vreau să vă spun ce ne fac Sirienii. Fiindcă ştiu că sântem flămânzi, au părăsit tabăra ca să se ascundă în ogoare, şi şi-au zis: ,,Când vor ieşi din cetate, îi vom prinde vii, şi vom intra în cetate.``
13
Unul din slujitorii împăratului a răspuns: ,,Să se ia cinci din caii cari au mai rămas în cetate, -li se va întâmpla doar cum s-a întâmplat la toată mulţimea lui Israel care a mai rămas, toată mulţimea lui Israel care se istoveşte, -şi să trimetem să vedem ce se petrece.``
14
Au luat două cară cu caii lor, şi împăratul a trimes nişte soli pe urmele oştirii Sirienilor, zicând: ,,Duceţi-vă şi vedeţi.``
15
S-au dus după ei până la Iordan; şi iată că tot drumul era plin cu haine şi lucruri pe cari le aruncaseră Sirienii în goana lor. Solii s-au întors, şi au spus împăratului.
16
Poporul a ieşit, şi a jăfuit tabăra Sirienilor. Şi s-a vândut o măsură de floare de făină cu un siclu şi două măsuri de orz cu un siclu, după cuvântul Domnului.
17
Împăratul încredinţase paza porţii în mâna călăreţului pe braţul căruia se rezemase atunci. Dar călăreţul acesta a fost călcat în picioare de popor la poartă şi a murit, după cuvântul pe care-l rostise omul lui Dumnezeu, când se pogorâse împăratul la el.
18
Omul lui Dumnezeu spusese atunci împăratului: ,,Mâne, la ceasul acesta, se vor vinde la poarta Samariei două măsuri de orz cu un siclu şi o măsura de floare de făină cu un siclu.``
19
Iar călăreţul răspunsese omului lui Dumnezeu: ,,Chiar dacă ar face Domnul ferestre în cer, cum s-ar putea întâmpla un asemenea lucru?`` Şi Elisei zisese: ,,Vei vedea cu ochii tăi; dar tu nu vei mânca din ele.``
20
În adevăr aşa i s-a şi întâmplat: a fost călcat în picioare la poartă de popor, şi a murit.
{"verseMap":{"1":[{"id":5620,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Bread","title_en":"Bread","content_ro":"<h3>BREAD<\/h3>\n<p>Food made from the dough of flour or meal from grain.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"KindsofSeedUsedinMakingBread\">Kinds of Seed Used in Making Bread<\/p>\n<p>The Bible tells us that wheat, barley, rye, beans, lentils, millet, and manna were used in making bread.<\/p>\n<h5>Wheat<\/h5>\n<p>Wheat is mentioned frequently in Scripture (about 48 uses of four Hebrew words in the OT; 14 uses of one Greek word in the NT). The hard winter grain <em>(Triticum aestivuum)<\/em> remains the most popular with farmers of Palestine, who still sow in the fall and reap in the following summer.<\/p>\n<h5>Barley<\/h5>\n<p>Barley matures faster and produces more prolifically than wheat. The hail plague in Egypt destroyed the barley crop because it had ripened; at the same time wheat and rye had not matured (Ex 9:31-32). Barley is mentioned 32 times in the OT. Barley produced a crop even in time of famine (Ru 1:22; 2:17, 23; 3:2, 15, 17) and sold cheaper than wheat (2 Kgs 7:1, 16). Poorer people depended on barley. The boy who contributed his lunch to Jesus to feed 5,000 had barley bread (Jn 6:9, 13). Palestinians fed barley to cattle (1 Kgs 4:28). Barley on the stalk carries a larger husk with a long, wiry hair (thus the name in Hebrew means “long hair”), making chaff separation more difficult. The greater likelihood of extraneous matter in the flour, combined with the less-liked flavor, made barley cheaper.<\/p>\n<h5>Rye<\/h5>\n<p>“Rye” translates a Hebrew word appearing in various versions as “vetch,” “fitches,” or “spelt” (Ex 9:32; Is 28:25; Ez 4:9). A hardy grass, it produces a crop even on poor soil. Rye bread gained popularity in northern Europe and to some degree in Egypt (Ex 9:32). Isaiah 28:24-28 summarizes the farmers’ work in growing and threshing various seed crops. Jews occasionally made bread from rye (Ez 4:9), but normally used it for cattle feed.<\/p>\n<h5>Other Seeds<\/h5>\n<p>Beans, lentils, and millet were ground and mixed to make a bread, along with wheat, barley, and spelt (Ez 4:9). The prophet Ezekiel ate this concoction as a sign of the “defiled bread” the Jews would eat in captivity among the Gentiles.<\/p>\n<h5>Manna<\/h5>\n<p>Numbers 11:8 tells us that the people ground the manna in mills or beat it in a mortar and baked it in pans and made loaves of bread. However, in its prime state God called it bread (see Ex 16:4-32). It appeared as coriander seed (Ex 16:31; Nm 11:7); therefore, the dull white grains were smaller than wheat. The Hebrews complained they had not bread, and their souls hated “this light bread” (Nm 21:5, <span>kjv<\/span>). The psalmist called it “the bread of the angels” (Ps 78:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"EquipmentUsedinMakingBread\">Equipment Used in Making Bread<\/p>\n<p>Bas-reliefs in Egyptian mastaba tombs illustrate most of the equipment used in ancient Near Eastern bakeries.<\/p>\n<h5>Sieve<\/h5>\n<p>A wicker strainerlike device helped separate small impurities from the grain.<\/p>\n<h5>Grindstones<\/h5>\n<p>A pair of stones were shaped so that a top stone turned against the bottom stone, crushing grain into flour.<\/p>\n<h5>Jars<\/h5>\n<p>Clay jars contained olive oil, water, and liquid leaven to be mixed with the flour to make dough (Lv 2:4; 1 Kgs 17:12-16).<\/p>\n<h5>Bowls<\/h5>\n<p>Kneading bowls (Ex 8:3; 12:34; Dt 28:5, 17), boards or tables made of wood, provided space for a thorough mixing of ingredients.<\/p>\n<h5>Pans<\/h5>\n<p>The poor used heated flat stones or the inside walls of their ovens as baking pans. Most people used iron griddles, plates, or pans (Lv 2:5; 6:21; 7:9; Nm 11:8; 1 Chr 9:31; 23:29; 2 Chr 35:13; Ez 4:3). These were often flat, with handles up to five feet (1.5 meters) long. The dough placed on the griddle was ready for the heat.<\/p>\n<h5>Ovens<\/h5>\n<p>Sometimes ovens had a chamber separated from the fire, but usually not. A fire of wood, dried grass (Mt 6:30), or dung (Ez 4:12, 15) heated the oven (Lv 2:4; 7:9; 11:35; 26:26; Hos 7:4-7). While the coals and oven walls retained their heat, the plate carrying bread was inserted. Flat, hard unleavened cakes, or small leavened cakes (Mt 14:17; Mk 6:38; Lk 9:13) were done in a few minutes. Large loaves about one foot in diameter would swell to more than three inches (7.6 centimeters) thick, would weigh more than two pounds (.9 kilogram), and required about 45 minutes for baking (1 Sm 17:17; 2 Sm 16:1).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Food and Food Preparation; Meals, Significance of; Bread of the Presence; Leaven; Unleavened Bread.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>BREAD<\/h3>\n<p>Food made from the dough of flour or meal from grain.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"KindsofSeedUsedinMakingBread\">Kinds of Seed Used in Making Bread<\/p>\n<p>The Bible tells us that wheat, barley, rye, beans, lentils, millet, and manna were used in making bread.<\/p>\n<h5>Wheat<\/h5>\n<p>Wheat is mentioned frequently in Scripture (about 48 uses of four Hebrew words in the OT; 14 uses of one Greek word in the NT). The hard winter grain <em>(Triticum aestivuum)<\/em> remains the most popular with farmers of Palestine, who still sow in the fall and reap in the following summer.<\/p>\n<h5>Barley<\/h5>\n<p>Barley matures faster and produces more prolifically than wheat. The hail plague in Egypt destroyed the barley crop because it had ripened; at the same time wheat and rye had not matured (Ex 9:31-32). Barley is mentioned 32 times in the OT. Barley produced a crop even in time of famine (Ru 1:22; 2:17, 23; 3:2, 15, 17) and sold cheaper than wheat (2 Kgs 7:1, 16). Poorer people depended on barley. The boy who contributed his lunch to Jesus to feed 5,000 had barley bread (Jn 6:9, 13). Palestinians fed barley to cattle (1 Kgs 4:28). Barley on the stalk carries a larger husk with a long, wiry hair (thus the name in Hebrew means “long hair”), making chaff separation more difficult. The greater likelihood of extraneous matter in the flour, combined with the less-liked flavor, made barley cheaper.<\/p>\n<h5>Rye<\/h5>\n<p>“Rye” translates a Hebrew word appearing in various versions as “vetch,” “fitches,” or “spelt” (Ex 9:32; Is 28:25; Ez 4:9). A hardy grass, it produces a crop even on poor soil. Rye bread gained popularity in northern Europe and to some degree in Egypt (Ex 9:32). Isaiah 28:24-28 summarizes the farmers’ work in growing and threshing various seed crops. Jews occasionally made bread from rye (Ez 4:9), but normally used it for cattle feed.<\/p>\n<h5>Other Seeds<\/h5>\n<p>Beans, lentils, and millet were ground and mixed to make a bread, along with wheat, barley, and spelt (Ez 4:9). The prophet Ezekiel ate this concoction as a sign of the “defiled bread” the Jews would eat in captivity among the Gentiles.<\/p>\n<h5>Manna<\/h5>\n<p>Numbers 11:8 tells us that the people ground the manna in mills or beat it in a mortar and baked it in pans and made loaves of bread. However, in its prime state God called it bread (see Ex 16:4-32). It appeared as coriander seed (Ex 16:31; Nm 11:7); therefore, the dull white grains were smaller than wheat. The Hebrews complained they had not bread, and their souls hated “this light bread” (Nm 21:5, <span>kjv<\/span>). The psalmist called it “the bread of the angels” (Ps 78:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"EquipmentUsedinMakingBread\">Equipment Used in Making Bread<\/p>\n<p>Bas-reliefs in Egyptian mastaba tombs illustrate most of the equipment used in ancient Near Eastern bakeries.<\/p>\n<h5>Sieve<\/h5>\n<p>A wicker strainerlike device helped separate small impurities from the grain.<\/p>\n<h5>Grindstones<\/h5>\n<p>A pair of stones were shaped so that a top stone turned against the bottom stone, crushing grain into flour.<\/p>\n<h5>Jars<\/h5>\n<p>Clay jars contained olive oil, water, and liquid leaven to be mixed with the flour to make dough (Lv 2:4; 1 Kgs 17:12-16).<\/p>\n<h5>Bowls<\/h5>\n<p>Kneading bowls (Ex 8:3; 12:34; Dt 28:5, 17), boards or tables made of wood, provided space for a thorough mixing of ingredients.<\/p>\n<h5>Pans<\/h5>\n<p>The poor used heated flat stones or the inside walls of their ovens as baking pans. Most people used iron griddles, plates, or pans (Lv 2:5; 6:21; 7:9; Nm 11:8; 1 Chr 9:31; 23:29; 2 Chr 35:13; Ez 4:3). These were often flat, with handles up to five feet (1.5 meters) long. The dough placed on the griddle was ready for the heat.<\/p>\n<h5>Ovens<\/h5>\n<p>Sometimes ovens had a chamber separated from the fire, but usually not. A fire of wood, dried grass (Mt 6:30), or dung (Ez 4:12, 15) heated the oven (Lv 2:4; 7:9; 11:35; 26:26; Hos 7:4-7). While the coals and oven walls retained their heat, the plate carrying bread was inserted. Flat, hard unleavened cakes, or small leavened cakes (Mt 14:17; Mk 6:38; Lk 9:13) were done in a few minutes. Large loaves about one foot in diameter would swell to more than three inches (7.6 centimeters) thick, would weigh more than two pounds (.9 kilogram), and required about 45 minutes for baking (1 Sm 17:17; 2 Sm 16:1).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Food and Food Preparation; Meals, Significance of; Bread of the Presence; Leaven; Unleavened Bread.<\/p>","summary_ro":"BREAD Food made from the dough of flour or meal from grain. Kinds of Seed Used in Making Bread The Bible tells us that wheat, barley, rye, beans, lentils, millet, and manna were used in making bread. Wheat Wheat is mentioned frequently in Scripture (about 48 uses of four Hebrew words in the OT; 14 uses of one Greek word in the NT). The hard winter grain (Triticum aestivuum) remains the most popular with farmers of Palestine, who still sow in the fall and reap in the following summer. Barley B...","summary_en":"BREAD Food made from the dough of flour or meal from grain. Kinds of Seed Used in Making Bread The Bible tells us that wheat, barley, rye, beans, lentils, millet, and manna were used in making bread. Wheat Wheat is mentioned frequently in Scripture (about 48 uses of four Hebrew words in the OT; 14 uses of one Greek word in the NT). The hard winter grain (Triticum aestivuum) remains the most popular with farmers of Palestine, who still sow in the fall and reap in the following summer. Barley B...","source":"Articles\/B.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":47266,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 7:1","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 7:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:1<\/strong> <em>This is what the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span><em> says:<\/em> Despite Joram’s pessimism and hostility, Elisha brought a message of hope. <em>Tomorrow<\/em> would bring a complete change in conditions, with good products again available. • <em>twelve quarts . . . only one piece of silver:<\/em> Cp. with the prices in 6:25.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:1<\/strong> <em>This is what the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span><em> says:<\/em> Despite Joram’s pessimism and hostility, Elisha brought a message of hope. <em>Tomorrow<\/em> would bring a complete change in conditions, with good products again available. • <em>twelve quarts . . . only one piece of silver:<\/em> Cp. with the prices in 6:25.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:1 This is what the Lord says: Despite Joram’s pessimism and hostility, Elisha brought a message of hope. Tomorrow would bring a complete change in conditions, with good products again available. • twelve quarts . . . only one piece of silver: Cp. with the prices in 6:25.","summary_en":"7:1 This is what the Lord says: Despite Joram’s pessimism and hostility, Elisha brought a message of hope. Tomorrow would bring a complete change in conditions, with good products again available. • twelve quarts . . . only one piece of silver: Cp. with the prices in 6:25.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":74892,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 7:1","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 7:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:1<\/strong> <em>This is what the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span><em> says:<\/em> Despite Joram’s pessimism and hostility, Elisha brought a message of hope. <em>Tomorrow<\/em> would bring a complete change in conditions, with good products again available. • <em>twelve quarts . . . only one piece of silver:<\/em> Cp. with the prices in 6:25.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:1<\/strong> <em>This is what the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span><em> says:<\/em> Despite Joram’s pessimism and hostility, Elisha brought a message of hope. <em>Tomorrow<\/em> would bring a complete change in conditions, with good products again available. • <em>twelve quarts . . . only one piece of silver:<\/em> Cp. with the prices in 6:25.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:1 This is what the Lord says: Despite Joram’s pessimism and hostility, Elisha brought a message of hope. Tomorrow would bring a complete change in conditions, with good products again available. • twelve quarts . . . only one piece of silver: Cp. with the prices in 6:25.","summary_en":"7:1 This is what the Lord says: Despite Joram’s pessimism and hostility, Elisha brought a message of hope. Tomorrow would bring a complete change in conditions, with good products again available. • twelve quarts . . . only one piece of silver: Cp. with the prices in 6:25.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":102518,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 7:1","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 7:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:1<\/strong> <em>This is what the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span><em> says:<\/em> Despite Joram’s pessimism and hostility, Elisha brought a message of hope. <em>Tomorrow<\/em> would bring a complete change in conditions, with good products again available. • <em>twelve quarts . . . only one piece of silver:<\/em> Cp. with the prices in 6:25.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:1<\/strong> <em>This is what the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span><em> says:<\/em> Despite Joram’s pessimism and hostility, Elisha brought a message of hope. <em>Tomorrow<\/em> would bring a complete change in conditions, with good products again available. • <em>twelve quarts . . . only one piece of silver:<\/em> Cp. with the prices in 6:25.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:1 This is what the Lord says: Despite Joram’s pessimism and hostility, Elisha brought a message of hope. Tomorrow would bring a complete change in conditions, with good products again available. • twelve quarts . . . only one piece of silver: Cp. with the prices in 6:25.","summary_en":"7:1 This is what the Lord says: Despite Joram’s pessimism and hostility, Elisha brought a message of hope. Tomorrow would bring a complete change in conditions, with good products again available. • twelve quarts . . . only one piece of silver: Cp. with the prices in 6:25.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":130144,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 7:1","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 7:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:1<\/strong> <em>This is what the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span><em> says:<\/em> Despite Joram’s pessimism and hostility, Elisha brought a message of hope. <em>Tomorrow<\/em> would bring a complete change in conditions, with good products again available. • <em>twelve quarts . . . only one piece of silver:<\/em> Cp. with the prices in 6:25.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:1<\/strong> <em>This is what the<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span><em> says:<\/em> Despite Joram’s pessimism and hostility, Elisha brought a message of hope. <em>Tomorrow<\/em> would bring a complete change in conditions, with good products again available. • <em>twelve quarts . . . only one piece of silver:<\/em> Cp. with the prices in 6:25.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:1 This is what the Lord says: Despite Joram’s pessimism and hostility, Elisha brought a message of hope. Tomorrow would bring a complete change in conditions, with good products again available. • twelve quarts . . . only one piece of silver: Cp. with the prices in 6:25.","summary_en":"7:1 This is what the Lord says: Despite Joram’s pessimism and hostility, Elisha brought a message of hope. Tomorrow would bring a complete change in conditions, with good products again available. • twelve quarts . . . only one piece of silver: Cp. with the prices in 6:25.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"2":[{"id":24063,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Book of Malachi","title_en":"Book of Malachi","content_ro":"<h3>MALACHI, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Last prophetic book of the Jewish canon; last book of the Old Testament.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Background<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Theology<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>The name Malachi means “my messenger” or “messenger of the Lord.” Since the word appears in 3:1, some scholars think that it is not a proper name at all and does not provide the name of the author of the book. According to one ancient tradition, the “messenger” was Ezra, the priest responsible for the books of Ezra and Nehemiah. Yet it would be most unusual for the Jews to preserve a prophetic book without explicitly attaching to it the name of the author. All of the other major and minor prophets—including Obadiah—are named after a particular prophet. Moreover, “messenger of the Lord” would be a most appropriate name for a prophet (cf. 2 Chr 36:15-16; Hg 1:13).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Background\">Background<\/p>\n<p>During the fifth century <span>BC<\/span>, the struggling Jewish community in Judah was greatly assisted by the return of Ezra and Nehemiah. In 458 <span>BC<\/span> Ezra was encouraged by King Artaxerxes of Persia to lead a group of exiles back to Jerusalem and to institute religious reform. About 13 years later, in 445 <span>BC<\/span>, a high-ranking government official named Nehemiah was allowed to go to Jerusalem to rebuild the city walls, a task he accomplished in 52 days (Neh 6:15). As governor, Nehemiah led the people in a financial reform that provided for the poor and encouraged tithing to support the priests and Levites (5:2-13; 10:35-39). Like Ezra, Nehemiah urged the people to keep the Sabbath and avoid intermarrying with pagan neighbors. After a 12-year term, Nehemiah returned to Persia and the spiritual condition of Judah deteriorated. Perhaps discouraged by their lack of political power, tithing became sporadic, the Sabbath was not kept, intermarriage was common, and even the priests could not be trusted. When Nehemiah came back to Jerusalem sometime later, he had to take firm action to straighten out the situation (13:6-31).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>Since Malachi had to deal with the same sins mentioned in Nehemiah 13 (see Mal 1:6-14; 2:14-16; 3:8-11), it is likely that the prophet ministered either during Nehemiah’s second term as governor or in the years just before his return. The reference to “the governor” in Malachi 1:8 implies that someone other than Nehemiah was in office, so it may be best to place Malachi just after 433 <span>BC<\/span>, the year Nehemiah had returned to Persia.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTheology\">Purpose and Theology<\/p>\n<p>Malachi was written to shake the people of Judah from their spiritual lethargy and to warn them that judgment was coming unless they repented. The people doubted God’s love (1:2) and justice (2:17) and did not take his commands seriously (1:6; 3:14-18). Yet God was “a great King” (1:14) with a great name that was to be feared even beyond the border of Israel (vv 5, 11). Malachi repeatedly urged both the priests and the people to revere God and give him the honor he deserved. God was Israel’s Father and Creator (2:10), but the nation showed contempt for his name (1:6; 3:5). In response to this contempt, God would send his messenger to announce the Day of the Lord (3:1). John the Baptist did call the nation to repentance, and Christ came to cleanse the temple (Jn 2:14-15) and to establish the covenant (Mal 3:1-2). Most of the work of refining and purifying will take place at the Second Coming, when Christ returns to purify his people (cf. vv 2-4) and judge the wicked (4:1).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>God’s Great Love for Israel (1:1-5)<\/h5>\n<p>To introduce the book, Malachi presents a contrast between God’s love for Israel and his hatred for Edom. Yet the assertion of God’s love is greeted with a strange question: “How have you loved us?” God loved Israel by entering into a covenant with the nation at Mt Sinai, just after he had freed them from the prison of Egypt. He had chosen them as his special people (cf. Gn 12:1-3; Ex 19:5-6), whereas the descendants of Esau were not chosen (cf. Rom 9:10-13). Both Israel and Edom endured invasion and destruction, but only Israel was restored and rebuilt after the exile. The people of Edom were driven from their homeland by the Nabateans between 550 and 400 <span>BC<\/span>, and they never regained their territory. Through the judgment of Edom, God demonstrated that he is the great Ruler over the nations (Mal 1:5) and that he will not forget Israel.<\/p>\n<h5>The Unacceptable Sacrifices of the Priests (1:6-14)<\/h5>\n<p>Although God deserved the honor and reverence of the Israelites, both the people and the priests openly disdained his laws and regulations. Strangely, it was the priests who led the way into disobedience. Sacrifices and offerings were supposed to atone for sin, but the animals offered by the priests only served to pollute or defile the altar (1:7, 12). According to Leviticus, animals with defects were unacceptable as sacrifices, but Malachi mentions that the priests were offering to the Lord animals that were stolen and mutilated, crippled and sick (v 13; cf. v 8). To emphasize their contempt, the Lord challenged the priests to bring comparable presents to the governor. Would they dare to insult him in this fashion and face sure rejection? Rather than having the priests continue to bring unfit sacrifices to the altar, the Lord asked them to close the temple doors entirely (v 10). Going through the motions never pleased God, either in ancient times (cf. Is 1:12-13) or modern. By calling the altar and its sacrifices “contemptible” (Mal 1:7, 12), the priests were no better than the wicked sons of Eli, whose disregard of the rules for sacrifices sent them to a premature death (cf. 1 Sm 2:15-17).<\/p>\n<p>In sharp contrast to the attitude of the priests stands the emphasis upon God’s greatness in Malachi 1:11 and 14. God is more powerful than the gods of other nations, and even if Israel’s priests and people dishonor the Lord, eventually pure offerings will be brought to God by believing Gentiles. Perhaps these offerings refer to prayer and praise (cf. Ps 19:14; Heb 13:15; Rv 5:8), but others interpret the reference more literally (cf. Is 56:7; 60:7). Peter may be alluding to this verse in connection with the conversion of Cornelius (Acts 10:35).<\/p>\n<h5>The Punishment of the Priests (2:1-9)<\/h5>\n<p>One of the functions of the priests was to pronounce blessings upon the people in the name of God, but their disgraceful behavior turned the blessings into curses (Mal 2:2). Because of the priests’ sinfulness and the poor condition of the animals, their sacrifices were also worthless, and the entrails of the animals will be spread on their faces as a sign that God holds them in contempt. The disgrace heaped upon the priests differs sharply from the honor enjoyed by Aaron and his descendants. Malachi refers to a covenant of life and peace (v 5) made with Levi and more particularly with Aaron’s grandson Phinehas, who courageously took action against the Jews involved in idolatry and immorality (Nm 25:10-13). In those days the priests revered the Lord and turned many from sin (Mal 2:6).<\/p>\n<p>Another responsibility of the priests was to teach the nation the law handed down by Moses (cf. Lv 10:11). Like prophets, they were messengers of the Lord (Mal 2:7) who were supposed to walk close to the Lord, but now the priests disregarded the law and were dishonest in handing down judicial decisions (Mal 2:9; cf. Lv 19:15).<\/p>\n<h5>The Unfaithfulness of the People (2:10-16)<\/h5>\n<p>In light of the attitude of the priests, it is not surprising to discover that the people at large were unfaithful to the Lord. God had formed Israel to be his special people, but the people had broken faith with him. A major factor in their unfaithfulness was intermarriage with foreigners, a sin mentioned in Ezra 9:1-2 and Nehemiah 13:23-29. By marrying pagan women, the men of Israel invariably began to worship pagan gods and turn from the Lord. When such intermarriage occurred, it sometimes followed the divorce of an Israelite wife. In Malachi 2:14-15 God underscores the sacred commitment that he himself witnesses when two people marry. If that marriage covenant is shattered by divorce, God is deeply displeased. And it is even more tragic if divorce became an excuse to marry a more attractive or appealing foreigner.<\/p>\n<h5>The Coming of the Messenger of the Covenant (2:17–3:5)<\/h5>\n<p>The sins of the priests and the people did not go unnoticed, even though the nation doubted that God would take action (2:17). But the third chapter opens with the announcement that the messenger of the covenant will indeed come to his temple. His way will be prepared by another messenger—a prophecy of John the Baptist, who prepared the way for the ministry of Christ (cf. Mt 11:10; Mk 1:2-3). When Christ came, he revealed his anger when he cleansed the temple (cf. Jn 2:13-17) and denounced the scribes and Pharisees (cf. 9:39), but most of his purifying and refining work awaits the Second Coming. Someday the priests and Levites will bring acceptable sacrifices, as they did in the days of Moses and Phinehas (cf. Mal 3:3-4 and 2:4-5). Verse 5 of chapter 3 broadens the scope of the judgment to include the whole nation, as sorcerers, adulterers, and those who oppress the poor are condemned.<\/p>\n<h5>The Benefits of Faithful Tithing (3:6-12)<\/h5>\n<p>Another specific weakness of postexilic Judah was the failure of the people to bring their tithes to the Lord. Encouraged by Nehemiah, the nation promised to tithe faithfully (cf. Neh 10:37-39), but apparently their good intentions were short-lived (cf. 13:10-11). According to Malachi 3:8-9, the tithes of the nation were so dismal that the people were, in effect, robbing God and were therefore under a curse. In verses 10-12 Malachi challenges the nation to bring their tithes; then God would pour out his blessing upon them. Just as the opening of the “windows in heaven” meant the end of a famine in 2 Kings 7:2, 19, so God promises that their crops will be so abundant that they will run out of storage space. The hope of “blessing” in Malachi 3:10 and 12 provides welcome relief from the curses mentioned in 1:14, 2:2, 3:9, and 4:6.<\/p>\n<h5>The Day of the Lord (3:13–4:6)<\/h5>\n<p>Faced with the challenge of Malachi 3:10-12, the people of Israel responded in two different ways. One group denied that serving God brought any benefit (3:13-15), while another segment of the nation bowed low before him with deep reverence (vv 16-18). The unbelievers argued that obeying the Lord was useless and that arrogant and evil people were the ones who prospered. In response to their charge, Malachi noted that God would remember who the righteous were in the Day of Judgment. Although all of Israel was included in the promise made to Abraham, only those who genuinely believed would be God’s treasured possession (3:17; cf. Ex 19:5), with their names written in the Book of Life (cf. Mal 3:16). As for the arrogant and evildoers, the Day of the Lord will consume them and they will have no survivors (4:1). Those who revere the Lord will enjoy spiritual and physical health under the blessing and protection of God, who is called the “sun of righteousness” (v 2). Like calves just released from confinement, the righteous will trample down the wicked and triumph over them (v 3).<\/p>\n<p>In view of the judgment associated with the Day of the Lord, Malachi urged the people to repent. To do this they needed to heed the law of Moses and take seriously the decrees and commands given at Mt Sinai (4:4; cf. 3:7). Just as Elijah called on Israel to turn back to God, so a new “Elijah” will preach repentance to a rebellious nation. When John the Baptist prepared the way for Christ (cf. Mal 3:1), he ministered “in the spirit and power of Elijah” and begged the Jews to turn from their sin and humble themselves before God (Lk 1:17). If they refused to listen, the nation faced the prospect of total destruction, the curse placed upon the people of Canaan (cf. Jos 6:17-19) and upon the nation of Edom, whose collapse was described in Malachi 1:2-5.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Israel, History of; Postexilic Period; Prophecy; Prophet, Prophetess.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>MALACHI, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Last prophetic book of the Jewish canon; last book of the Old Testament.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Background<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Theology<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>The name Malachi means “my messenger” or “messenger of the Lord.” Since the word appears in 3:1, some scholars think that it is not a proper name at all and does not provide the name of the author of the book. According to one ancient tradition, the “messenger” was Ezra, the priest responsible for the books of Ezra and Nehemiah. Yet it would be most unusual for the Jews to preserve a prophetic book without explicitly attaching to it the name of the author. All of the other major and minor prophets—including Obadiah—are named after a particular prophet. Moreover, “messenger of the Lord” would be a most appropriate name for a prophet (cf. 2 Chr 36:15-16; Hg 1:13).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Background\">Background<\/p>\n<p>During the fifth century <span>BC<\/span>, the struggling Jewish community in Judah was greatly assisted by the return of Ezra and Nehemiah. In 458 <span>BC<\/span> Ezra was encouraged by King Artaxerxes of Persia to lead a group of exiles back to Jerusalem and to institute religious reform. About 13 years later, in 445 <span>BC<\/span>, a high-ranking government official named Nehemiah was allowed to go to Jerusalem to rebuild the city walls, a task he accomplished in 52 days (Neh 6:15). As governor, Nehemiah led the people in a financial reform that provided for the poor and encouraged tithing to support the priests and Levites (5:2-13; 10:35-39). Like Ezra, Nehemiah urged the people to keep the Sabbath and avoid intermarrying with pagan neighbors. After a 12-year term, Nehemiah returned to Persia and the spiritual condition of Judah deteriorated. Perhaps discouraged by their lack of political power, tithing became sporadic, the Sabbath was not kept, intermarriage was common, and even the priests could not be trusted. When Nehemiah came back to Jerusalem sometime later, he had to take firm action to straighten out the situation (13:6-31).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>Since Malachi had to deal with the same sins mentioned in Nehemiah 13 (see Mal 1:6-14; 2:14-16; 3:8-11), it is likely that the prophet ministered either during Nehemiah’s second term as governor or in the years just before his return. The reference to “the governor” in Malachi 1:8 implies that someone other than Nehemiah was in office, so it may be best to place Malachi just after 433 <span>BC<\/span>, the year Nehemiah had returned to Persia.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTheology\">Purpose and Theology<\/p>\n<p>Malachi was written to shake the people of Judah from their spiritual lethargy and to warn them that judgment was coming unless they repented. The people doubted God’s love (1:2) and justice (2:17) and did not take his commands seriously (1:6; 3:14-18). Yet God was “a great King” (1:14) with a great name that was to be feared even beyond the border of Israel (vv 5, 11). Malachi repeatedly urged both the priests and the people to revere God and give him the honor he deserved. God was Israel’s Father and Creator (2:10), but the nation showed contempt for his name (1:6; 3:5). In response to this contempt, God would send his messenger to announce the Day of the Lord (3:1). John the Baptist did call the nation to repentance, and Christ came to cleanse the temple (Jn 2:14-15) and to establish the covenant (Mal 3:1-2). Most of the work of refining and purifying will take place at the Second Coming, when Christ returns to purify his people (cf. vv 2-4) and judge the wicked (4:1).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>God’s Great Love for Israel (1:1-5)<\/h5>\n<p>To introduce the book, Malachi presents a contrast between God’s love for Israel and his hatred for Edom. Yet the assertion of God’s love is greeted with a strange question: “How have you loved us?” God loved Israel by entering into a covenant with the nation at Mt Sinai, just after he had freed them from the prison of Egypt. He had chosen them as his special people (cf. Gn 12:1-3; Ex 19:5-6), whereas the descendants of Esau were not chosen (cf. Rom 9:10-13). Both Israel and Edom endured invasion and destruction, but only Israel was restored and rebuilt after the exile. The people of Edom were driven from their homeland by the Nabateans between 550 and 400 <span>BC<\/span>, and they never regained their territory. Through the judgment of Edom, God demonstrated that he is the great Ruler over the nations (Mal 1:5) and that he will not forget Israel.<\/p>\n<h5>The Unacceptable Sacrifices of the Priests (1:6-14)<\/h5>\n<p>Although God deserved the honor and reverence of the Israelites, both the people and the priests openly disdained his laws and regulations. Strangely, it was the priests who led the way into disobedience. Sacrifices and offerings were supposed to atone for sin, but the animals offered by the priests only served to pollute or defile the altar (1:7, 12). According to Leviticus, animals with defects were unacceptable as sacrifices, but Malachi mentions that the priests were offering to the Lord animals that were stolen and mutilated, crippled and sick (v 13; cf. v 8). To emphasize their contempt, the Lord challenged the priests to bring comparable presents to the governor. Would they dare to insult him in this fashion and face sure rejection? Rather than having the priests continue to bring unfit sacrifices to the altar, the Lord asked them to close the temple doors entirely (v 10). Going through the motions never pleased God, either in ancient times (cf. Is 1:12-13) or modern. By calling the altar and its sacrifices “contemptible” (Mal 1:7, 12), the priests were no better than the wicked sons of Eli, whose disregard of the rules for sacrifices sent them to a premature death (cf. 1 Sm 2:15-17).<\/p>\n<p>In sharp contrast to the attitude of the priests stands the emphasis upon God’s greatness in Malachi 1:11 and 14. God is more powerful than the gods of other nations, and even if Israel’s priests and people dishonor the Lord, eventually pure offerings will be brought to God by believing Gentiles. Perhaps these offerings refer to prayer and praise (cf. Ps 19:14; Heb 13:15; Rv 5:8), but others interpret the reference more literally (cf. Is 56:7; 60:7). Peter may be alluding to this verse in connection with the conversion of Cornelius (Acts 10:35).<\/p>\n<h5>The Punishment of the Priests (2:1-9)<\/h5>\n<p>One of the functions of the priests was to pronounce blessings upon the people in the name of God, but their disgraceful behavior turned the blessings into curses (Mal 2:2). Because of the priests’ sinfulness and the poor condition of the animals, their sacrifices were also worthless, and the entrails of the animals will be spread on their faces as a sign that God holds them in contempt. The disgrace heaped upon the priests differs sharply from the honor enjoyed by Aaron and his descendants. Malachi refers to a covenant of life and peace (v 5) made with Levi and more particularly with Aaron’s grandson Phinehas, who courageously took action against the Jews involved in idolatry and immorality (Nm 25:10-13). In those days the priests revered the Lord and turned many from sin (Mal 2:6).<\/p>\n<p>Another responsibility of the priests was to teach the nation the law handed down by Moses (cf. Lv 10:11). Like prophets, they were messengers of the Lord (Mal 2:7) who were supposed to walk close to the Lord, but now the priests disregarded the law and were dishonest in handing down judicial decisions (Mal 2:9; cf. Lv 19:15).<\/p>\n<h5>The Unfaithfulness of the People (2:10-16)<\/h5>\n<p>In light of the attitude of the priests, it is not surprising to discover that the people at large were unfaithful to the Lord. God had formed Israel to be his special people, but the people had broken faith with him. A major factor in their unfaithfulness was intermarriage with foreigners, a sin mentioned in Ezra 9:1-2 and Nehemiah 13:23-29. By marrying pagan women, the men of Israel invariably began to worship pagan gods and turn from the Lord. When such intermarriage occurred, it sometimes followed the divorce of an Israelite wife. In Malachi 2:14-15 God underscores the sacred commitment that he himself witnesses when two people marry. If that marriage covenant is shattered by divorce, God is deeply displeased. And it is even more tragic if divorce became an excuse to marry a more attractive or appealing foreigner.<\/p>\n<h5>The Coming of the Messenger of the Covenant (2:17–3:5)<\/h5>\n<p>The sins of the priests and the people did not go unnoticed, even though the nation doubted that God would take action (2:17). But the third chapter opens with the announcement that the messenger of the covenant will indeed come to his temple. His way will be prepared by another messenger—a prophecy of John the Baptist, who prepared the way for the ministry of Christ (cf. Mt 11:10; Mk 1:2-3). When Christ came, he revealed his anger when he cleansed the temple (cf. Jn 2:13-17) and denounced the scribes and Pharisees (cf. 9:39), but most of his purifying and refining work awaits the Second Coming. Someday the priests and Levites will bring acceptable sacrifices, as they did in the days of Moses and Phinehas (cf. Mal 3:3-4 and 2:4-5). Verse 5 of chapter 3 broadens the scope of the judgment to include the whole nation, as sorcerers, adulterers, and those who oppress the poor are condemned.<\/p>\n<h5>The Benefits of Faithful Tithing (3:6-12)<\/h5>\n<p>Another specific weakness of postexilic Judah was the failure of the people to bring their tithes to the Lord. Encouraged by Nehemiah, the nation promised to tithe faithfully (cf. Neh 10:37-39), but apparently their good intentions were short-lived (cf. 13:10-11). According to Malachi 3:8-9, the tithes of the nation were so dismal that the people were, in effect, robbing God and were therefore under a curse. In verses 10-12 Malachi challenges the nation to bring their tithes; then God would pour out his blessing upon them. Just as the opening of the “windows in heaven” meant the end of a famine in 2 Kings 7:2, 19, so God promises that their crops will be so abundant that they will run out of storage space. The hope of “blessing” in Malachi 3:10 and 12 provides welcome relief from the curses mentioned in 1:14, 2:2, 3:9, and 4:6.<\/p>\n<h5>The Day of the Lord (3:13–4:6)<\/h5>\n<p>Faced with the challenge of Malachi 3:10-12, the people of Israel responded in two different ways. One group denied that serving God brought any benefit (3:13-15), while another segment of the nation bowed low before him with deep reverence (vv 16-18). The unbelievers argued that obeying the Lord was useless and that arrogant and evil people were the ones who prospered. In response to their charge, Malachi noted that God would remember who the righteous were in the Day of Judgment. Although all of Israel was included in the promise made to Abraham, only those who genuinely believed would be God’s treasured possession (3:17; cf. Ex 19:5), with their names written in the Book of Life (cf. Mal 3:16). As for the arrogant and evildoers, the Day of the Lord will consume them and they will have no survivors (4:1). Those who revere the Lord will enjoy spiritual and physical health under the blessing and protection of God, who is called the “sun of righteousness” (v 2). Like calves just released from confinement, the righteous will trample down the wicked and triumph over them (v 3).<\/p>\n<p>In view of the judgment associated with the Day of the Lord, Malachi urged the people to repent. To do this they needed to heed the law of Moses and take seriously the decrees and commands given at Mt Sinai (4:4; cf. 3:7). Just as Elijah called on Israel to turn back to God, so a new “Elijah” will preach repentance to a rebellious nation. When John the Baptist prepared the way for Christ (cf. Mal 3:1), he ministered “in the spirit and power of Elijah” and begged the Jews to turn from their sin and humble themselves before God (Lk 1:17). If they refused to listen, the nation faced the prospect of total destruction, the curse placed upon the people of Canaan (cf. Jos 6:17-19) and upon the nation of Edom, whose collapse was described in Malachi 1:2-5.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Israel, History of; Postexilic Period; Prophecy; Prophet, Prophetess.<\/p>","summary_ro":"MALACHI, Book of Last prophetic book of the Jewish canon; last book of the Old Testament. Preview • Author • Background • Date • Purpose and Theology • Content Author The name Malachi means “my messenger” or “messenger of the Lord.” Since the word appears in 3:1, some scholars think that it is not a proper name at all and does not provide the name of the author of the book. According to one ancient tradition, the “messenger” was Ezra, the priest responsible for the books of Ezra and Nehemiah....","summary_en":"MALACHI, Book of Last prophetic book of the Jewish canon; last book of the Old Testament. Preview • Author • Background • Date • Purpose and Theology • Content Author The name Malachi means “my messenger” or “messenger of the Lord.” Since the word appears in 3:1, some scholars think that it is not a proper name at all and does not provide the name of the author of the book. According to one ancient tradition, the “messenger” was Ezra, the priest responsible for the books of Ezra and Nehemiah....","source":"Articles\/M.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":47267,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 7:2","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 7:2","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:2<\/strong> The disbelief of Joram’s <em>officer<\/em> would cause him to miss God’s blessings.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:2<\/strong> The disbelief of Joram’s <em>officer<\/em> would cause him to miss God’s blessings.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:2 The disbelief of Joram’s officer would cause him to miss God’s blessings.","summary_en":"7:2 The disbelief of Joram’s officer would cause him to miss God’s blessings.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":74893,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 7:2","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 7:2","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:2<\/strong> The disbelief of Joram’s <em>officer<\/em> would cause him to miss God’s blessings.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:2<\/strong> The disbelief of Joram’s <em>officer<\/em> would cause him to miss God’s blessings.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:2 The disbelief of Joram’s officer would cause him to miss God’s blessings.","summary_en":"7:2 The disbelief of Joram’s officer would cause him to miss God’s blessings.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":102519,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 7:2","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 7:2","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:2<\/strong> The disbelief of Joram’s <em>officer<\/em> would cause him to miss God’s blessings.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:2<\/strong> The disbelief of Joram’s <em>officer<\/em> would cause him to miss God’s blessings.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:2 The disbelief of Joram’s officer would cause him to miss God’s blessings.","summary_en":"7:2 The disbelief of Joram’s officer would cause him to miss God’s blessings.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":130145,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 7:2","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 7:2","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:2<\/strong> The disbelief of Joram’s <em>officer<\/em> would cause him to miss God’s blessings.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:2<\/strong> The disbelief of Joram’s <em>officer<\/em> would cause him to miss God’s blessings.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:2 The disbelief of Joram’s officer would cause him to miss God’s blessings.","summary_en":"7:2 The disbelief of Joram’s officer would cause him to miss God’s blessings.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"3":[{"id":47268,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 7:3","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 7:3","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:3<\/strong> These <em>four men<\/em> were outcasts because of their condition and remained outside <em>the city gates<\/em> (Lev 13:45-46; see Luke 17:11-13).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:3<\/strong> These <em>four men<\/em> were outcasts because of their condition and remained outside <em>the city gates<\/em> (Lev 13:45-46; see Luke 17:11-13).<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:3 These four men were outcasts because of their condition and remained outside the city gates (Lev 13:45-46; see Luke 17:11-13).","summary_en":"7:3 These four men were outcasts because of their condition and remained outside the city gates (Lev 13:45-46; see Luke 17:11-13).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":74894,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 7:3","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 7:3","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:3<\/strong> These <em>four men<\/em> were outcasts because of their condition and remained outside <em>the city gates<\/em> (Lev 13:45-46; see Luke 17:11-13).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:3<\/strong> These <em>four men<\/em> were outcasts because of their condition and remained outside <em>the city gates<\/em> (Lev 13:45-46; see Luke 17:11-13).<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:3 These four men were outcasts because of their condition and remained outside the city gates (Lev 13:45-46; see Luke 17:11-13).","summary_en":"7:3 These four men were outcasts because of their condition and remained outside the city gates (Lev 13:45-46; see Luke 17:11-13).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":102520,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 7:3","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 7:3","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:3<\/strong> These <em>four men<\/em> were outcasts because of their condition and remained outside <em>the city gates<\/em> (Lev 13:45-46; see Luke 17:11-13).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:3<\/strong> These <em>four men<\/em> were outcasts because of their condition and remained outside <em>the city gates<\/em> (Lev 13:45-46; see Luke 17:11-13).<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:3 These four men were outcasts because of their condition and remained outside the city gates (Lev 13:45-46; see Luke 17:11-13).","summary_en":"7:3 These four men were outcasts because of their condition and remained outside the city gates (Lev 13:45-46; see Luke 17:11-13).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":130146,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 7:3","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 7:3","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:3<\/strong> These <em>four men<\/em> were outcasts because of their condition and remained outside <em>the city gates<\/em> (Lev 13:45-46; see Luke 17:11-13).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:3<\/strong> These <em>four men<\/em> were outcasts because of their condition and remained outside <em>the city gates<\/em> (Lev 13:45-46; see Luke 17:11-13).<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:3 These four men were outcasts because of their condition and remained outside the city gates (Lev 13:45-46; see Luke 17:11-13).","summary_en":"7:3 These four men were outcasts because of their condition and remained outside the city gates (Lev 13:45-46; see Luke 17:11-13).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"5":[{"id":47269,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 7:5","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 7:5","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:5-7<\/strong> <em>The Hittites<\/em> had settled in the areas just north of Aram and were often in conflict with the Arameans.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:5-7<\/strong> <em>The Hittites<\/em> had settled in the areas just north of Aram and were often in conflict with the Arameans.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:5-7 The Hittites had settled in the areas just north of Aram and were often in conflict with the Arameans.","summary_en":"7:5-7 The Hittites had settled in the areas just north of Aram and were often in conflict with the Arameans.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":74895,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 7:5","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 7:5","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:5-7<\/strong> <em>The Hittites<\/em> had settled in the areas just north of Aram and were often in conflict with the Arameans.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:5-7<\/strong> <em>The Hittites<\/em> had settled in the areas just north of Aram and were often in conflict with the Arameans.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:5-7 The Hittites had settled in the areas just north of Aram and were often in conflict with the Arameans.","summary_en":"7:5-7 The Hittites had settled in the areas just north of Aram and were often in conflict with the Arameans.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":102521,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 7:5","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 7:5","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:5-7<\/strong> <em>The Hittites<\/em> had settled in the areas just north of Aram and were often in conflict with the Arameans.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:5-7<\/strong> <em>The Hittites<\/em> had settled in the areas just north of Aram and were often in conflict with the Arameans.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:5-7 The Hittites had settled in the areas just north of Aram and were often in conflict with the Arameans.","summary_en":"7:5-7 The Hittites had settled in the areas just north of Aram and were often in conflict with the Arameans.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":130147,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 7:5","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 7:5","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:5-7<\/strong> <em>The Hittites<\/em> had settled in the areas just north of Aram and were often in conflict with the Arameans.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:5-7<\/strong> <em>The Hittites<\/em> had settled in the areas just north of Aram and were often in conflict with the Arameans.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:5-7 The Hittites had settled in the areas just north of Aram and were often in conflict with the Arameans.","summary_en":"7:5-7 The Hittites had settled in the areas just north of Aram and were often in conflict with the Arameans.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"8":[{"id":47270,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 7:8","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 7:8","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:8-9<\/strong> The men realized that they needed to share their good fortune with the people in Samaria.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:8-9<\/strong> The men realized that they needed to share their good fortune with the people in Samaria.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:8-9 The men realized that they needed to share their good fortune with the people in Samaria.","summary_en":"7:8-9 The men realized that they needed to share their good fortune with the people in Samaria.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":74896,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 7:8","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 7:8","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:8-9<\/strong> The men realized that they needed to share their good fortune with the people in Samaria.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:8-9<\/strong> The men realized that they needed to share their good fortune with the people in Samaria.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:8-9 The men realized that they needed to share their good fortune with the people in Samaria.","summary_en":"7:8-9 The men realized that they needed to share their good fortune with the people in Samaria.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":102522,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 7:8","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 7:8","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:8-9<\/strong> The men realized that they needed to share their good fortune with the people in Samaria.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:8-9<\/strong> The men realized that they needed to share their good fortune with the people in Samaria.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:8-9 The men realized that they needed to share their good fortune with the people in Samaria.","summary_en":"7:8-9 The men realized that they needed to share their good fortune with the people in Samaria.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":130148,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 7:8","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 7:8","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:8-9<\/strong> The men realized that they needed to share their good fortune with the people in Samaria.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:8-9<\/strong> The men realized that they needed to share their good fortune with the people in Samaria.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:8-9 The men realized that they needed to share their good fortune with the people in Samaria.","summary_en":"7:8-9 The men realized that they needed to share their good fortune with the people in Samaria.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"10":[{"id":13235,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Gatekeepers","title_en":"Gatekeepers","content_ro":"<h3>GATEKEEPERS<\/h3>\n<p>Those who guarded gates of the cities and doors of palaces, temples, and other large buildings. Their task was to admit or reject visitors (2 Kgs 7:10-11; 11:4-9). In the Bible these men are variously named as gatekeepers, porters, doorkeepers, and guards.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>GATEKEEPERS<\/h3>\n<p>Those who guarded gates of the cities and doors of palaces, temples, and other large buildings. Their task was to admit or reject visitors (2 Kgs 7:10-11; 11:4-9). In the Bible these men are variously named as gatekeepers, porters, doorkeepers, and guards.<\/p>","summary_ro":"GATEKEEPERS Those who guarded gates of the cities and doors of palaces, temples, and other large buildings. Their task was to admit or reject visitors (2 Kgs 7:10-11; 11:4-9). In the Bible these men are variously named as gatekeepers, porters, doorkeepers, and guards.","summary_en":"GATEKEEPERS Those who guarded gates of the cities and doors of palaces, temples, and other large buildings. Their task was to admit or reject visitors (2 Kgs 7:10-11; 11:4-9). In the Bible these men are variously named as gatekeepers, porters, doorkeepers, and guards.","source":"Articles\/G.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":47271,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 7:10","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 7:10","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:10-12<\/strong> Joram suspected that the Arameans had set a trap, perhaps attempting to lure the Israelites into an ambush. Joshua had used a similar battle tactic in taking the city of Ai (Josh 8:3-23).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:10-12<\/strong> Joram suspected that the Arameans had set a trap, perhaps attempting to lure the Israelites into an ambush. Joshua had used a similar battle tactic in taking the city of Ai (Josh 8:3-23).<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:10-12 Joram suspected that the Arameans had set a trap, perhaps attempting to lure the Israelites into an ambush. Joshua had used a similar battle tactic in taking the city of Ai (Josh 8:3-23).","summary_en":"7:10-12 Joram suspected that the Arameans had set a trap, perhaps attempting to lure the Israelites into an ambush. Joshua had used a similar battle tactic in taking the city of Ai (Josh 8:3-23).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":74897,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 7:10","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 7:10","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:10-12<\/strong> Joram suspected that the Arameans had set a trap, perhaps attempting to lure the Israelites into an ambush. Joshua had used a similar battle tactic in taking the city of Ai (Josh 8:3-23).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:10-12<\/strong> Joram suspected that the Arameans had set a trap, perhaps attempting to lure the Israelites into an ambush. Joshua had used a similar battle tactic in taking the city of Ai (Josh 8:3-23).<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:10-12 Joram suspected that the Arameans had set a trap, perhaps attempting to lure the Israelites into an ambush. Joshua had used a similar battle tactic in taking the city of Ai (Josh 8:3-23).","summary_en":"7:10-12 Joram suspected that the Arameans had set a trap, perhaps attempting to lure the Israelites into an ambush. Joshua had used a similar battle tactic in taking the city of Ai (Josh 8:3-23).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":102523,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 7:10","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 7:10","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:10-12<\/strong> Joram suspected that the Arameans had set a trap, perhaps attempting to lure the Israelites into an ambush. Joshua had used a similar battle tactic in taking the city of Ai (Josh 8:3-23).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:10-12<\/strong> Joram suspected that the Arameans had set a trap, perhaps attempting to lure the Israelites into an ambush. Joshua had used a similar battle tactic in taking the city of Ai (Josh 8:3-23).<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:10-12 Joram suspected that the Arameans had set a trap, perhaps attempting to lure the Israelites into an ambush. Joshua had used a similar battle tactic in taking the city of Ai (Josh 8:3-23).","summary_en":"7:10-12 Joram suspected that the Arameans had set a trap, perhaps attempting to lure the Israelites into an ambush. Joshua had used a similar battle tactic in taking the city of Ai (Josh 8:3-23).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":130149,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 7:10","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 7:10","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:10-12<\/strong> Joram suspected that the Arameans had set a trap, perhaps attempting to lure the Israelites into an ambush. Joshua had used a similar battle tactic in taking the city of Ai (Josh 8:3-23).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:10-12<\/strong> Joram suspected that the Arameans had set a trap, perhaps attempting to lure the Israelites into an ambush. Joshua had used a similar battle tactic in taking the city of Ai (Josh 8:3-23).<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:10-12 Joram suspected that the Arameans had set a trap, perhaps attempting to lure the Israelites into an ambush. Joshua had used a similar battle tactic in taking the city of Ai (Josh 8:3-23).","summary_en":"7:10-12 Joram suspected that the Arameans had set a trap, perhaps attempting to lure the Israelites into an ambush. Joshua had used a similar battle tactic in taking the city of Ai (Josh 8:3-23).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"12":[{"id":38148,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Warfare","title_en":"Warfare","content_ro":"<h3>WARFARE<\/h3>\n<p>The means by which one nation seeks to impose its will upon another by force. An index to the importance of warfare in antiquity is provided by the amount of technical skill directed to perfecting devices for destruction and defense.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"MethodsofWarfare\">Methods of Warfare<\/p>\n<h5>Standard Combat<\/h5>\n<p>Cavalry units were introduced at the close of the second millennium <span>BC<\/span> and the beginning of the first. The cavalry charge provided a shock force to the great armies, and the cavalry’s mobility permitted concentration of firepower at decisive points. When the Assyrians coordinated their infantry, cavalry, and chariot corps into a powerful battle machine, smaller neighboring nations were more and more compelled to retreat behind their fortifications. They could not hope to engage the massive Assyrian army in standard combat in open terrain. No period is richer in illustrated monuments than Iron Age II; the Assyrian war reliefs present detailed illustrations of their conquests and the size of fortified cities. The few scenes depicting standard combat in open terrain show chariots charging from all directions and engaging the enemy at all stages of a battle. Other formations carry out mopping-up operations, finishing off pockets of enemy resistance remaining after the chariot charge.<\/p>\n<p>The factor of terrain was always very important. In standard combat on open terrain it became conventional to place the best troops on the right side of the line. A Greek commander, Epaminodas (d. 362 <span>BC<\/span>), introduced the variant of a slanting attack by a strengthened left wing, taking the Spartan army completely by surprise. Philip of Macedon and his son Alexander continued to surprise their enemies with variations on a plan of attack based on the phalanx.<\/p>\n\n<h5>Battle in Open Terrain: The Duel<\/h5>\n<p>During certain periods in the ancient Near East, the duel presented an alternative to standard combat. The duel was a contest between two champions who represented the contending forces. The two armies would agree in advance to abide by the outcome of the fight. The duel was meant to avoid the heavy casualties of full-scale warfare. The earliest detailed written account of this unique form of warfare occurs in the Tale of Sinuhe. A chamberlain in the royal court of the 12th dynasty, Sinuhe voluntarily went into exile and traveled to northern Palestine and Syria, where he lived among Semitic tribes. There he was challenged to a duel by a local champion, whom he defeated and whose goods he then plundered.<\/p>\n<p>Although the duel was common among other armies in subsequent periods, it was evidently unknown to Israel before the encounter between David and Goliath (1 Sm 17). The Philistine army had penetrated Judah as far as Socoh and were arrayed on one hill. Drawn up against them on an opposite hill was the army of Saul. The valley of Elah separated the two camps. The Israelites were challenged daily by the Philistine champion, Goliath, who proposed that the battle be decided through combat between two warriors. David accepted his proposal, but when he killed Goliath, the Philistines fled, unwilling to honor the terms of the prior agreement. The Israelite army then entered the contest, pursuing the Philistines and inflicting heavy casualties.<\/p>\n<h5>Assaults on Fortified Cities<\/h5>\n<p>Most cities in the ancient Near East were located at sites that could be defended against attack and that possessed economic advantages. An assault on a fortified city presented opposite problems for attacker and defender. The actions of one were a direct response to the actions of the other. Systems of defense were intended to thwart methods of attack, which in turn were designed to penetrate systems of defense.<\/p>\n<p>There were five possible ways of conquering a fortified city: penetration from above the fortifications; direct penetration through the fortifications; penetration from below the fortifications; siege; and penetration by ruse. On many occasions, a combination of two or more methods was necessary to breach the defensive network.<\/p>\n<p>The biblical narrative of the conquest of Shechem by Abimelech (Jgs 9) gives an account of an assault on a fortified city in the period of the judges (Iron Age I). When the people of Shechem and their allies rebelled against Abimelech, he retaliated by attacking the city, advancing his army of mercenaries by night and launching an assault from ambush positions at dawn (9:32-35). The men of Shechem engaged in open battle outside the city gates but were forced to retreat behind the security of the city walls. The next day Abimelech directed his assault against the city itself. Dividing his forces into three groups, he assumed direct command of one, which he committed to an attack on the city gates at the decisive moment of battle (vv 43-44). The gate was breached and the main walls seized, but the city’s surviving defenders fled to an inner citadel, the temple of Baal-berith.<\/p>\n<p>Many reliefs depict groups of soldiers defending an inner citadel after a city’s wall was breached. Archaeological excavations at Shechem confirm that its temple, like those in other Canaanite cities, was built in the form of a fortified tower, supported by stout bastions near the entrance. The tower of Shechem was thus strongly fortified and occupied only a small area, enabling its defenders to concentrate their firepower on Abimelech’s troops. Since it could not be taken by storm, Abimelech ordered his soldiers to use their battle-axes to cut brushwood, which was piled against the stronghold and set on fire (Jgs 9:48-49). All of the defenders within the tower died.<\/p>\n<p>An assault on an inner citadel was always a hazardous undertaking for an attacking army, as shown in the sequel to the capture of Shechem’s tower. Abimelech turned his attention next to the city of Thebez and followed the same plan of assault that had proved successful at Shechem. But as he was preparing to burn the door of the tower to which the defenders had fled, his skull was crushed by a piece of millstone dropped on him by a woman (Jgs 9:50-53). The incident was remembered and became proverbial for the danger of approaching too closely the walls of a fortified tower (2 Sm 11:19-21).<\/p>\n<h5>Communications and Intelligence<\/h5>\n<p>From the patriarchal period (middle Bronze period), we have detailed written information on the use of communications systems in wartime. The documents from Mari on the Euphrates provide evidence for a well-developed communications system based on signaling. Signals were flashed by torches or firebrands at night in accordance with a prearranged code. The system was widely used in Mesopotamia and elsewhere to call for immediate help when a city was under attack.<\/p>\n<p>In the late Bronze period horsemen were sometimes employed for isolated communication functions. Intelligence services played a role in planning and executing military operations. The importance of intelligence and the use of spies or scouts is stressed in the biblical accounts of the conquest of the land of Canaan. Before entering the land, Moses sent men on an espionage mission. He instructed them to gather information on the topography of the land, to observe the relative strength of its inhabitants, to determine whether the land was fertile, to survey the cities and see if they were fortified, and to report on the character of the land—whether it was capable of sustaining a large population (Nm 13:17-20).<\/p>\n<p>Tactical intelligence was very important. Joshua dispatched spies to Jericho and to Ai before beginning military operations against them (Jos 2:1; 7:2). The reports he received about the offensive spirit and strength of the Canaanites enabled him to formulate an attack plan. In the period of the judges the conquest of Bethel (Jgs 1:22-26) was due directly to intelligence gathered by a reconnaissance patrol. The tribes of Joseph sent out scouts to keep the city under observation. It was strongly fortified and seemed impregnable. The scouts captured a man who emerged from the city—presumably not through the main gate, which was shut tight, but through a concealed postern or tunnel. In exchange for his own life and the safety of his family, he disclosed the location of the passage leading beneath the walls. The city was penetrated through the tunnel and captured.<\/p>\n<h5>Attack and Penetration: The Breach<\/h5>\n<p>Direct penetration through the fortifications of an ancient city meant breaching the gate or the main walls by using hammers, axes, pikes, spears, swords, or a battering ram. Illustrated monuments and written documents indicate that early in the middle Bronze period fortified cities were being attacked with battering rams. The earliest known illustration of a ram appears in a siege scene in the wall paintings from Beni Hasan (20th century <span>BC<\/span>). The ram pictured is a relatively simple device, consisting of a hutlike structure with a slightly pointed roof, which could be moved near a fortress with the help of two parallel crossbars. The structure provided cover for two or three soldiers who operated by hand a very long pole with a sharp tip, presumably of metal.<\/p>\n<p>The Mari documents provide information for the period 200 years later. They mention the effectiveness of battering rams constructed largely of wood. Although very heavy, the siege weapon could be moved over long distances. One document speaks of the use of a wagon drawn by draft animals and of a boat to transport a battering ram to the site of a besieged city.<\/p>\n<p>Moving a battering ram into position always exposed the demolition unit to heavy fire from defenders on the walls above them. Its heaviness made it cumbersome to move. Moreover, the ground adjacent to the walls was usually rough, rocky, and steep. When the chosen point of penetration was a section of the wall, an assault force had to construct an earthen ramp, occasionally strengthened on the top surface and sides with wooden planks or stones. The ramp provided a track along which the battering ram could be moved from the foot of the slope to the outer wall. Once moved into operational position, the ram had to be braked to prevent it from rolling back. The building of such a ramp was evidently necessary in Joab’s campaign against the fortified city of Abel in Beth-maacah (2 Sm 20:15). The biblical account indicates that some sort of battering ram was in use in Israel under King David during the early monarchy.<\/p>\n<p>The earliest Assyrian reliefs show that protection of the penetration units was a major consideration. High, mobile assault towers constructed of wood operated in tandem with a battering ram. Such towers, moved into position near a breach operation and manned by archers, provided covering fire directed against the defenders on the wall. Siege towers neutralized the defenders’ advantage in firepower and drew fire away from the crew engaged in breaching the walls.<\/p>\n<p>The details of the Assyrian reliefs make it possible to visualize clearly the fate of Jerusalem, as announced to the prophet Ezekiel (Ez 4:1-3; 21:22). The gate was the focal point of attack because it was the weakest point in the wall. Moreover, the path leading up to the gate made construction of a special ramp unnecessary. In the demolition of a gate, swords were sometimes used to pry the doors loose and to tear down hinges. Wooden doors unprotected by metal were often set on fire.<\/p>\n<p>The battering ram continued to be used as an engine for breaching walls in the Hellenistic-Roman period. In 63 <span>BC<\/span> the Roman commander Pompey brought up battering rams from Tyre against the defenders of Jerusalem, and with them penetrated the fortified wall that enclosed the temple. The siege machine shown on Trajan’s column had a beam with an iron head shaped like a ram. It was moved up to a wall in a frame protected by a wooden roof covered with clay or hides. A variation equipped for boring into a wall was used by Titus when besieging Jerusalem in <span>AD<\/span> 70.<\/p>\n<p>The battering ram was not the only device used to effect a breach in a wall. Troops trained as sappers would tear down a section of the wall by using sharp-headed levers (pikes, swords, spears) or even sledgehammers (cf. Ez 26:8-9). In Ashurnasirpal’s army such men were issued full-length coats of mail to cover their whole bodies. Under later Assyrian kings, they were protected by both round and rectangular shields, which they carried on their backs when engaged in demolition. Later, Ashurbanipal relied exclusively on such sappers for direct penetration of a fortified city. He designed for their protection a huge shield, the curved head of which could be propped against the wall, screening the sapper from missiles while he worked beneath it.<\/p>\n<h5>Scaling the Walls<\/h5>\n<p>A battle scene depicted on limestone in the tomb of Anta at Dashashe in Upper Egypt (24th century <span>BC<\/span>) provides the earliest known representation of siege activities. It shows the Egyptians raising a scaling ladder against the walls of a fortified city. By the time of Sargon, the thickness of walls was increased considerably, which permitted construction of much higher walls, more resistant to scaling. Such solid, massive walls also tended to blunt the effectiveness of a battering ram. Sargon, and especially his successor Ashurbanipal, responded by constructing longer scaling ladders, some of which could reach a height of from 25 to 30 feet (7.6 to 9.1 meters), judging from the number of rungs.<\/p>\n<h5>Penetration beneath the Walls<\/h5>\n<p>A tunneling operation could be started beyond the range of any weapons at the disposal of the defenders. Once underground, the penetration unit was shielded from enemy fire. The tunneling could be accomplished under cover of night, so that the element of surprise could be exploited to the maximum. It was, however, a lengthy process requiring considerable technical skill. Moreover, if the operation was detected by the defenders before its completion, they could destroy the penetration unit as it emerged from the tunnel. Attempts to penetrate fortified cities by tunneling beneath the walls was a characteristic feature of warfare in Iron Age II. That is confirmed by reliefs, written documents, and archaeological excavation of sites dating to this period, where the remains of attack tunnels have been discovered.<\/p>\n<h5>Siege<\/h5>\n<p>Particularly when a walled city was situated on a high hill, an extended siege provided an alternate method of conquering it. By encircling the city and preventing aid or supplies from reaching its defenders, the attacking army could starve the inhabitants out. That procedure minimized the element of risk for the attacking army. Its success depended upon their capacity to prevent outside assistance from reaching the city and the defenders from leaving it. An army would generally resort to siege when a city’s fortifications were too powerful for direct penetration. The siege of Samaria by the Assyrians lasted for three years (2 Kgs 18:9-10).<\/p>\n<p>The peculiar conditions of siege produced the catapult, a major innovation of Greek artillery and a logical improvement on the bow and the sling. Designed originally as a strengthened bow mounted on a stand and used to fire arrows only, it was introduced around 400 <span>BC<\/span> by Demetrius I. He may have borrowed the idea from the Phoenicians at Carthage.<\/p>\n<p>In the course of time the instrument was improved. The perfect weapon, called the torsion catapult, derived its power from many tightly twisted strands of elastic material, frequently supplied by women’s hair, which could be tightened with a windlass and then released suddenly. Firing arrows, large stones, or fire-baskets with an effective range of 200 yards (182.9 meters), a catapult could clear a wall of its defenders while a battering ram breached it or a boarding party attacked from a mobile tower.<\/p>\n<p>For those in a besieged city, the critical problems were food and water supplies. The horror of famine is stressed in the biblical account of the siege of Samaria by the Syrian Ben-hadad in the days of the prophet Elisha. On that occasion women were reduced to eating their children (2 Kgs 6:26-29). A besieging army would do everything in its power to aggravate such conditions. In one of the siege reliefs of Ashurnasirpal II, a defender has lowered a bucket from the wall to draw water from a stream below; an Assyrian soldier is shown cutting the rope with his dagger.<\/p>\n<h5>Ruses and Stratagems<\/h5>\n<p>Various ruses and stratagems could draw the defenders out of a city or infiltrate troops into the city. If a small force could enter a city by a cunning stratagem, it could overpower the guards and open the city gates to an attacking army. A city’s fortifications were of little value once an enemy had entered the city. Moreover, penetrating a city’s defenses at any one point frequently caused the entire defense system to collapse. The story of the Trojan horse is probably the most celebrated account of a stratagem circumventing the defense of a strongly fortified ancient city.<\/p>\n<p>In the biblical account of the siege of Samaria by Ben-hadad, a sudden lifting of the Syrian siege led Joram, the king of Israel, to suspect a ruse. He refused to believe the report of four lepers that the Syrians had gone, leaving behind large food supplies (2 Kgs 7:12). That was the same kind of tactic that Joshua had employed at Ai (Jos 8:3-8).<\/p>\n<p>On other occasions, powerful armies sought to break down resistance by psychological warfare, as in the unsuccessful attempt by Sennacherib to capture Jerusalem in the time of Hezekiah (2 Kgs 18–19). The dialogue between the Assyrian general and Hezekiah’s delegates reveals that the Assyrian was trying to shake the confidence of the city’s defenders.<\/p>\n<p>The ambush was a type of ruse used to trap and destroy an enemy at a moment when he was least able to counter a sudden, unexpected blow. Its effectiveness depended almost entirely on the element of surprise. By taking advantage of good intelligence, knowledge of the terrain, and the cover of night, a small force could stage a devastating ambush against vastly superior numbers.<\/p>\n<p>The ambush was a standard method of combat during the period of the conquest of Canaan. The fall of Ai, for example, was due directly to the tactical success of an ambush (Jos 8:1-23). Under cover of night, Joshua was able to move a large force to a concealed position behind the city. He then led the remainder of the Israelite army to the edge of a valley north of the fortified city, giving the appearance of a planned assault on the city. The diversion, as calculated, drew the main force of Ai away from the city to engage Israel on the plain of Arabah. When the Israelites fell back, appearing to be badly beaten, the remaining defenders of the city were summoned to pursue Joshua’s fleeing army. With the city left undefended, the main Israelite strike force rose from its ambush position, poured into the city, and set it on fire. Too late, the men of Ai saw the smoke from their burning city and realized the stratagem. Joshua’s army turned to counterattack their pursuers, who found themselves trapped between two bodies of Israelite forces. Assaulted from both front and rear, the king of Ai’s army was annihilated, victim of an effectively laid ambush.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"FortificationsandDefense\">Fortifications and Defense<\/p>\n<p>The earliest known fortifications in the world, dated by some to about 7000 <span>BC<\/span>, were discovered in 1954 at Jericho. They were impressive in conception and construction. The core of the defense system was a wall, part of which, bordering the western edge of the ancient city, was still standing to a height of 21 feet (6.4 meters). Further excavation uncovered a large moat that had been carved out of solid rock at the base of the wall, 27 feet (8.2 meters) wide and 9 feet (2.7 meters) deep. How that feat was accomplished when the only tools assumed to have been available were made of stone is a complete mystery. A third component of Jericho’s defense system was a huge stone circular tower 30 feet (9.1 meters) high, once evidently attached to the inner side of the western part of the wall. The exact purpose of the tower has not yet been determined, but Neolithic Jericho provides the earliest evidence of a fortified city supported by a wall, tower, and moat.<\/p>\n<p>By the middle Bronze period, there were four components in a standard defense system: a moat, an advance (outer) wall, the main (inner) wall, and a well-fortified gate structure. The moat, advance wall, and subsidiary fortifications protecting the steep slope and lower portion of the main wall were intended to prevent breaching by a battering ram.<\/p>\n<h5>City Walls<\/h5>\n<p>Erection of a simple wall could halt a hostile advance only temporarily, since walls could be scaled or breached. Walls therefore provided a firing platform so defenders could repel attacks. The wall system consisted of three principal components: the wall itself, constituting the barrier; an upper structure, which provided the firing platform and cover for the defenders; and a series of obstacles and traps erected in front of the wall to keep archers at a distance and to prevent operation of a battering ram.<\/p>\n<p>The battlement—a parapet built along the outer top edge of the wall—provided the defenders with a measure of security, freedom for mobility, and openings through which fire could be directed. From a distance the square notches looked like a row of teeth with gaps between them. The teeth, called merlons, provided a protective barrier against hostile missiles. The gaps, called embrasures or crenels, supplied openings through which the defenders could discharge their weapons. Special towers protruded from the outer face of the wall, spaced at a distance no greater than the double range of a bow. Such towers enabled the defenders to fire at troops who managed to reach the walls. One way of protecting the main wall was to construct an outer or advance wall that could be breached or climbed only under heavy fire from defending units on the battlements of the main wall. Another method was to dig a wide, deep moat around the base of the main wall. A moat kept the enemy from using a battering ram unless they could bridge the moat or fill it up at certain points, under concentrated fire from the defenders.<\/p>\n<p>Casemate fortifications, introduced in the middle Bronze period, were developed from double walls built of dressed stones. The space between the walls was divided into chambers, or casemates, used for storage or dwellings. The Hittite casemate system, introduced into Palestine at least as early as the time of Saul, was widely adopted in Syria and Palestine. A fine example has been discovered at Gibeah, where Saul’s citadel was located, dating to the end of the 11th century <span>BC<\/span>. The overall thickness of the double walls, including the casemates, reaches 15 feet (4.6 meters). The same type of construction has been found in excavations of three Solomonic cities—Hazor, Gezer, and Megiddo (cf. 1 Kgs 9:15)—where the casemate walls have an overall thickness of 18 feet (5.5 meters).<\/p>\n<p>Although the divided kingdoms of Judah and Israel were not noted for technical advancements in offensive warfare, a number of their kings worked at improving fortifications and means of defense. Uzziah was especially remembered for his accomplishments in defensive warfare. Along with other measures, “he produced machines mounted on the walls of Jerusalem, designed by brilliant men to shoot arrows and hurl stones from the towers and the corners of the wall” (2 Chr 26:15, <span>nlt<\/span>). Those “machines” were special protective structures built to facilitate the task of the archers and to permit huge stones to be dropped on the heads of assaulting troops.<\/p>\n<h5>Gate<\/h5>\n<p>It was inevitable that the gate would be the focus of action in any assault on a fortified city. City gates were therefore designed to expose an attacking army to the greatest risk while providing maximum security to the defenders. The road approaching a city on a hill would wind up the slope, climbing obliquely to the left or the right. Such roads were usually laid out to reach the gate from the right, so an attacker would have to expose the right side of his body to the defenders on the wall. Since he carried his shield in his left hand, that made him more vulnerable.<\/p>\n<p>To prevent the heavy wooden doors of the gate from being set on fire, they were usually plated with metal. A gate wide enough for chariots required double doors, making the line at the center where the two doors met the weakest point in the barrier. Double doors were therefore fitted with huge bolts and fortified with a heavy beam running across the back of both door panels and held in place by sockets set in the doorposts.<\/p>\n<p>Another component in the defense complex at a gate consisted of towers erected on either side of the gate and protruding from the outer face of the wall. Enemy soldiers trying to smash the doors with axes or set them on fire with torches were thus exposed to heavy flanking fire from defensive units on the towers. From a roof over the gate having a balcony, concentrated firepower could be poured down on attackers’ heads. The addition of such auxiliary structures transformed a gate into a small fortress.<\/p>\n<h5>Inner Citadel<\/h5>\n<p>A major weakness of a city’s walls and gate was the magnitude of the circumference. An average-size city might have a perimeter of half a mile (.8 kilometer); a larger city, a perimeter of over a mile (1.6 kilometers). Yet the entire wall had to be defended against breaching, scaling, or tunneling. An attacking army would use diversionary tactics to keep defenders dispersed along the entire perimeter but concentrate their primary assault at one point in the wall. Once the wall was breached, perimeter fortifications served no further defensive purpose. Therefore, internal walls were often added to subdivide a city into several sections, each capable of independent defense. Also, on the highest point of land within the city a citadel would be constructed as a self-contained defensive unit.<\/p>\n<p>The earliest examples of such fortifications, called migdols, are found in the late Bronze Age. They were originally small citadels built to guard important military targets such as sources of water, strategic routes, cultivated farmlands, or frontiers. A migdol of that type was discovered in Israel, not far from Ashdod, in 1960. It was square in plan, with rectangular bastions, and was two stories high, just like structures depicted in Egyptian reliefs from the same period. The same design was used to fortify temples inside of cities. Such fortified temples served as places of refuge and as a city’s final defense once its walls had been breached (cf. Jgs 9:45-51).<\/p>\n<p>In a later period an inner citadel could embrace a complex consisting of the fortified palace of the governor, dwellings of his chief ministers, and sometimes the temple. Such citadels resembled fortified cities, possessing a main wall, a gateway, an outer wall, and occasionally a moat. Being small in area and heavily fortified, citadels could be defended in a final effort by the governor and remaining inhabitants. Presumably Zimri could have held out against Omri’s army for an extended period in the citadel of Tirzah, had he not committed suicide by setting it on fire (1 Kgs 16:17-18).<\/p>\n<h5>Water Supply under Siege<\/h5>\n<p>Unless provision was made to keep a city’s inhabitants supplied with food and water during a protracted siege, no defense system could be effective. Several Judean kings made efforts to solve the food-storage problem. Rehoboam, for example, fortified a number of cities located on the western, eastern, and southern borders of his kingdom and made them centers for the storage of food, oil, and wine (2 Chr 11:5-11).<\/p>\n<p>Storage of food was easier than storage of water. Cisterns built to collect rainwater were a partial answer, but cisterns often ran dry, particularly in times of drought. Cities were sometimes built on the banks of a stream or river, using the stream as part of the city’s defense system. But for a city built on a hill, the source of water might be a spring located at the foot of the slope and outside the city walls. Sometimes the mouth of the spring could be blocked and its location concealed from the enemy while still allowing access by the inhabitants. At Megiddo a vertical shaft 100 feet (274.3 meters) deep was connected by a horizontal tunnel about 200 feet (548.6 meters) long to the water supply at the western end of the city, beyond the fortifications. The work was undertaken in the time of either Solomon or Ahab.<\/p>\n<p>The most celebrated measures to guarantee a supply of fresh water in a time of siege were those taken by Hezekiah at Jerusalem. That engineering achievement is recalled in all the summaries of his reign, both in the Bible and in the “Praise of Famous Men” in the apocryphal book of Ecclesiasticus (2 Kgs 20:20; 2 Chr 32:30; Ecclus 48:17). The prodigious feat commemorated in those references was the sealing of the spring of Gihon and the cutting of an 1,800-foot (548.6-meter) channel through solid rock in order to bring water into a reservoir in the city. How it was accomplished was reported by Hezekiah himself in the famous Siloam inscription. Two crews, working with hammers, wedges, and pickaxes, began at opposite ends. The crew that began at the spring was able to take advantage of the older tunnel (cf. Is 22:11). They turned due south, in the direction of the city. The other crew, starting from the reservoir, began in a northeasterly direction. They then turned southeast until they reached the north-south line followed by the crew tunneling from the spring, when they turned due north to meet them. The two crews almost passed each other, being about five feet (1.5 meters) apart, but a shout from one was heard through a crevice in the rock by the other. Both parties turned sharply right, and the tunnel was completed. Hezekiah’s precautionary step, taken before Sennacherib’s invasion of Judah, helps to explain why the Assyrians were unable to subdue Jerusalem by the siege tactics that had earlier subdued Samaria in the time of Sargon.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"HebrewMilitaryOrganization\">Hebrew Military Organization<\/p>\n<h5>Tribal Army<\/h5>\n<p>In their exodus from Egypt the Israelites were organized by tribes and divisions. That systematic arrangement for their trek through the wilderness provided a precedent for military organization. After the sojourn at Mt Sinai, the 12 tribes were divided into divisions or army corps, and certain grades in military rank began to appear. The “officers of the army” (Nm 31:14) had command over units of 1,000 or 100 men, which suggests that the tribal army was divided into decimal units. At a later period there is reference to units of 1,000 (the division), 100 (the company), 50 (the platoon), and 10 (the section). Except for the Levites, who were assigned as a tribe to the care of the tabernacle (Nm 2:33), men from 20 years of age who were physically able to fight were assigned to a unit in the tribal army. Certain individuals, however, were exempted from military service (cf. Dt 20:5-9; 24:5; Jgs 7:3).<\/p>\n<p>Until after the conquest of Canaan, the tribal army was essentially a militia recruited in an emergency. Internal organization of the militia was the responsibility of the tribe; each clan and family sent their quota of warriors when summoned to battle by tribal leaders. Because the clan formed the basic unit, recruits were under the command of their own leaders. David’s brothers, for example, served in a division composed of the fighting men from their clan under the command of a captain (1 Sm 17:18; 18:13). When the emergency passed, the militia was disbanded and the soldiers returned to their home districts.<\/p>\n<p>Because the land was divided among the tribes, no tribal or clan leader before Saul commanded the entire tribal confederation (cf. 1 Sm 11:1-11). In fact, tribal jealousies and rivalries threatened national solidarity and jeopardized united action even in a critical period. On some occasions, however, the severity of a crisis caused the armies of the various tribes to unite in common action. The multitribal armies were divided into companies of 1,000, 100, and 50, and still further into families under appointed officers. There is evidence of organization into units according to weaponry (1 Chr 12:24-38). Benjamin’s tribe specialized in the bow and sling. The tribes of Gad, Judah, and Naphtali were expert with the spear and shield.<\/p>\n<p>Provisioning the tribal army was the responsibility of each tribe (Jgs 20:9-10). One out of every ten soldiers was appointed to secure food for the others, either from wealthy landowners (cf. 1 Sm 25) or from the natural resources of the land. In that early stage of military organization, a soldier’s pay generally consisted only of supplies and a portion of the spoils of battle (cf. 30:21-25).<\/p>\n<h5>Professional Army<\/h5>\n<p>Not until the time of the united monarchy did Israel have a regular army. Transition from a people’s militia to a professional army took place under Saul, whose reign changed the tribal confederacy into a monarchy (1 Sm 13:2). Philistine harassment of Israel encouraged establishment of a strong standing army. The army, however, was not large; it consisted of 3,000 men organized in three formations of 1,000 each (1 Sm 13:2; 24:2). Pay for those career soldiers was sometimes in the form of a land grant (8:14) as well as a share of booty. In the organization of Saul’s army, Abner, Jonathan, and David were given particular responsibilities. Abner was named commander of the army (17:55) and was probably also given direct command of one of the divisions. David’s band of valorous men, “the thirty,” provided the leadership core for his own military organization when he became king.<\/p>\n<p>David continued the practice of maintaining a professional army. But he also developed a national militia of 12 regiments, each being called up for duty for one month of the year under professional officers (1 Chr 27:1-15). Each regiment, recruited across tribal lines, consisted of 24,000 soldiers. David’s innovation provided him with a large reserve force that could be mustered for war in times of emergency. The reserves, and presumably the professional army as well, were organized into units of 1,000, 100, 50, and 10. Joab, a specialist in siege warfare (2 Sm 20:15), commanded the professional army, and Amasa was over the citizens’ militia. David, however, remained commander-in-chief of the military organization.<\/p>\n<p>The Israelite group in King David’s professional army was an outgrowth of the small band of fighting men who had served with him during the period of conflict with Saul. That veteran group consisted of David’s family and clansmen, and others who felt themselves oppressed by the central authority under Saul (1 Sm 22:1-2). It ranged in size between 400 and 600 men (1 Sm 22:2; 23:13; 27:2). The presence of mercenaries in David’s army is clearly recorded. Uriah the Hittite and Ittai of Gath are conspicuous examples, along with many career soldiers of Philistine origin, such as the Cherethites and the Pelethites under Benaiah (2 Sm 8:18; 15:19-22; 23:22-23).<\/p>\n<p>The Davidic dynasty maintained a permanent mercenary army until 701 <span>BC<\/span>, after which it was considered too costly. The oppressive cost of maintaining a professional army, financed by burdensome taxes and forced labor, was in fact a major factor contributing to the disruption of the monarchy after Solomon’s death (cf. 1 Kgs 10:26-29; 12:4-19). After Sennacherib’s invasion in 701 <span>BC<\/span>, the southern kingdom of Judah depended entirely on a citizens’ militia for its defense. It is commonly held that the northern kingdom of Israel did not employ a professional army, but it is evident that King Ahab used at least some mercenary soldiers in his defense against Ben-hadad of Syria (1 Kgs 20:15-20).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Armor and Weapons.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>WARFARE<\/h3>\n<p>The means by which one nation seeks to impose its will upon another by force. An index to the importance of warfare in antiquity is provided by the amount of technical skill directed to perfecting devices for destruction and defense.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"MethodsofWarfare\">Methods of Warfare<\/p>\n<h5>Standard Combat<\/h5>\n<p>Cavalry units were introduced at the close of the second millennium <span>BC<\/span> and the beginning of the first. The cavalry charge provided a shock force to the great armies, and the cavalry’s mobility permitted concentration of firepower at decisive points. When the Assyrians coordinated their infantry, cavalry, and chariot corps into a powerful battle machine, smaller neighboring nations were more and more compelled to retreat behind their fortifications. They could not hope to engage the massive Assyrian army in standard combat in open terrain. No period is richer in illustrated monuments than Iron Age II; the Assyrian war reliefs present detailed illustrations of their conquests and the size of fortified cities. The few scenes depicting standard combat in open terrain show chariots charging from all directions and engaging the enemy at all stages of a battle. Other formations carry out mopping-up operations, finishing off pockets of enemy resistance remaining after the chariot charge.<\/p>\n<p>The factor of terrain was always very important. In standard combat on open terrain it became conventional to place the best troops on the right side of the line. A Greek commander, Epaminodas (d. 362 <span>BC<\/span>), introduced the variant of a slanting attack by a strengthened left wing, taking the Spartan army completely by surprise. Philip of Macedon and his son Alexander continued to surprise their enemies with variations on a plan of attack based on the phalanx.<\/p>\n\n<h5>Battle in Open Terrain: The Duel<\/h5>\n<p>During certain periods in the ancient Near East, the duel presented an alternative to standard combat. The duel was a contest between two champions who represented the contending forces. The two armies would agree in advance to abide by the outcome of the fight. The duel was meant to avoid the heavy casualties of full-scale warfare. The earliest detailed written account of this unique form of warfare occurs in the Tale of Sinuhe. A chamberlain in the royal court of the 12th dynasty, Sinuhe voluntarily went into exile and traveled to northern Palestine and Syria, where he lived among Semitic tribes. There he was challenged to a duel by a local champion, whom he defeated and whose goods he then plundered.<\/p>\n<p>Although the duel was common among other armies in subsequent periods, it was evidently unknown to Israel before the encounter between David and Goliath (1 Sm 17). The Philistine army had penetrated Judah as far as Socoh and were arrayed on one hill. Drawn up against them on an opposite hill was the army of Saul. The valley of Elah separated the two camps. The Israelites were challenged daily by the Philistine champion, Goliath, who proposed that the battle be decided through combat between two warriors. David accepted his proposal, but when he killed Goliath, the Philistines fled, unwilling to honor the terms of the prior agreement. The Israelite army then entered the contest, pursuing the Philistines and inflicting heavy casualties.<\/p>\n<h5>Assaults on Fortified Cities<\/h5>\n<p>Most cities in the ancient Near East were located at sites that could be defended against attack and that possessed economic advantages. An assault on a fortified city presented opposite problems for attacker and defender. The actions of one were a direct response to the actions of the other. Systems of defense were intended to thwart methods of attack, which in turn were designed to penetrate systems of defense.<\/p>\n<p>There were five possible ways of conquering a fortified city: penetration from above the fortifications; direct penetration through the fortifications; penetration from below the fortifications; siege; and penetration by ruse. On many occasions, a combination of two or more methods was necessary to breach the defensive network.<\/p>\n<p>The biblical narrative of the conquest of Shechem by Abimelech (Jgs 9) gives an account of an assault on a fortified city in the period of the judges (Iron Age I). When the people of Shechem and their allies rebelled against Abimelech, he retaliated by attacking the city, advancing his army of mercenaries by night and launching an assault from ambush positions at dawn (9:32-35). The men of Shechem engaged in open battle outside the city gates but were forced to retreat behind the security of the city walls. The next day Abimelech directed his assault against the city itself. Dividing his forces into three groups, he assumed direct command of one, which he committed to an attack on the city gates at the decisive moment of battle (vv 43-44). The gate was breached and the main walls seized, but the city’s surviving defenders fled to an inner citadel, the temple of Baal-berith.<\/p>\n<p>Many reliefs depict groups of soldiers defending an inner citadel after a city’s wall was breached. Archaeological excavations at Shechem confirm that its temple, like those in other Canaanite cities, was built in the form of a fortified tower, supported by stout bastions near the entrance. The tower of Shechem was thus strongly fortified and occupied only a small area, enabling its defenders to concentrate their firepower on Abimelech’s troops. Since it could not be taken by storm, Abimelech ordered his soldiers to use their battle-axes to cut brushwood, which was piled against the stronghold and set on fire (Jgs 9:48-49). All of the defenders within the tower died.<\/p>\n<p>An assault on an inner citadel was always a hazardous undertaking for an attacking army, as shown in the sequel to the capture of Shechem’s tower. Abimelech turned his attention next to the city of Thebez and followed the same plan of assault that had proved successful at Shechem. But as he was preparing to burn the door of the tower to which the defenders had fled, his skull was crushed by a piece of millstone dropped on him by a woman (Jgs 9:50-53). The incident was remembered and became proverbial for the danger of approaching too closely the walls of a fortified tower (2 Sm 11:19-21).<\/p>\n<h5>Communications and Intelligence<\/h5>\n<p>From the patriarchal period (middle Bronze period), we have detailed written information on the use of communications systems in wartime. The documents from Mari on the Euphrates provide evidence for a well-developed communications system based on signaling. Signals were flashed by torches or firebrands at night in accordance with a prearranged code. The system was widely used in Mesopotamia and elsewhere to call for immediate help when a city was under attack.<\/p>\n<p>In the late Bronze period horsemen were sometimes employed for isolated communication functions. Intelligence services played a role in planning and executing military operations. The importance of intelligence and the use of spies or scouts is stressed in the biblical accounts of the conquest of the land of Canaan. Before entering the land, Moses sent men on an espionage mission. He instructed them to gather information on the topography of the land, to observe the relative strength of its inhabitants, to determine whether the land was fertile, to survey the cities and see if they were fortified, and to report on the character of the land—whether it was capable of sustaining a large population (Nm 13:17-20).<\/p>\n<p>Tactical intelligence was very important. Joshua dispatched spies to Jericho and to Ai before beginning military operations against them (Jos 2:1; 7:2). The reports he received about the offensive spirit and strength of the Canaanites enabled him to formulate an attack plan. In the period of the judges the conquest of Bethel (Jgs 1:22-26) was due directly to intelligence gathered by a reconnaissance patrol. The tribes of Joseph sent out scouts to keep the city under observation. It was strongly fortified and seemed impregnable. The scouts captured a man who emerged from the city—presumably not through the main gate, which was shut tight, but through a concealed postern or tunnel. In exchange for his own life and the safety of his family, he disclosed the location of the passage leading beneath the walls. The city was penetrated through the tunnel and captured.<\/p>\n<h5>Attack and Penetration: The Breach<\/h5>\n<p>Direct penetration through the fortifications of an ancient city meant breaching the gate or the main walls by using hammers, axes, pikes, spears, swords, or a battering ram. Illustrated monuments and written documents indicate that early in the middle Bronze period fortified cities were being attacked with battering rams. The earliest known illustration of a ram appears in a siege scene in the wall paintings from Beni Hasan (20th century <span>BC<\/span>). The ram pictured is a relatively simple device, consisting of a hutlike structure with a slightly pointed roof, which could be moved near a fortress with the help of two parallel crossbars. The structure provided cover for two or three soldiers who operated by hand a very long pole with a sharp tip, presumably of metal.<\/p>\n<p>The Mari documents provide information for the period 200 years later. They mention the effectiveness of battering rams constructed largely of wood. Although very heavy, the siege weapon could be moved over long distances. One document speaks of the use of a wagon drawn by draft animals and of a boat to transport a battering ram to the site of a besieged city.<\/p>\n<p>Moving a battering ram into position always exposed the demolition unit to heavy fire from defenders on the walls above them. Its heaviness made it cumbersome to move. Moreover, the ground adjacent to the walls was usually rough, rocky, and steep. When the chosen point of penetration was a section of the wall, an assault force had to construct an earthen ramp, occasionally strengthened on the top surface and sides with wooden planks or stones. The ramp provided a track along which the battering ram could be moved from the foot of the slope to the outer wall. Once moved into operational position, the ram had to be braked to prevent it from rolling back. The building of such a ramp was evidently necessary in Joab’s campaign against the fortified city of Abel in Beth-maacah (2 Sm 20:15). The biblical account indicates that some sort of battering ram was in use in Israel under King David during the early monarchy.<\/p>\n<p>The earliest Assyrian reliefs show that protection of the penetration units was a major consideration. High, mobile assault towers constructed of wood operated in tandem with a battering ram. Such towers, moved into position near a breach operation and manned by archers, provided covering fire directed against the defenders on the wall. Siege towers neutralized the defenders’ advantage in firepower and drew fire away from the crew engaged in breaching the walls.<\/p>\n<p>The details of the Assyrian reliefs make it possible to visualize clearly the fate of Jerusalem, as announced to the prophet Ezekiel (Ez 4:1-3; 21:22). The gate was the focal point of attack because it was the weakest point in the wall. Moreover, the path leading up to the gate made construction of a special ramp unnecessary. In the demolition of a gate, swords were sometimes used to pry the doors loose and to tear down hinges. Wooden doors unprotected by metal were often set on fire.<\/p>\n<p>The battering ram continued to be used as an engine for breaching walls in the Hellenistic-Roman period. In 63 <span>BC<\/span> the Roman commander Pompey brought up battering rams from Tyre against the defenders of Jerusalem, and with them penetrated the fortified wall that enclosed the temple. The siege machine shown on Trajan’s column had a beam with an iron head shaped like a ram. It was moved up to a wall in a frame protected by a wooden roof covered with clay or hides. A variation equipped for boring into a wall was used by Titus when besieging Jerusalem in <span>AD<\/span> 70.<\/p>\n<p>The battering ram was not the only device used to effect a breach in a wall. Troops trained as sappers would tear down a section of the wall by using sharp-headed levers (pikes, swords, spears) or even sledgehammers (cf. Ez 26:8-9). In Ashurnasirpal’s army such men were issued full-length coats of mail to cover their whole bodies. Under later Assyrian kings, they were protected by both round and rectangular shields, which they carried on their backs when engaged in demolition. Later, Ashurbanipal relied exclusively on such sappers for direct penetration of a fortified city. He designed for their protection a huge shield, the curved head of which could be propped against the wall, screening the sapper from missiles while he worked beneath it.<\/p>\n<h5>Scaling the Walls<\/h5>\n<p>A battle scene depicted on limestone in the tomb of Anta at Dashashe in Upper Egypt (24th century <span>BC<\/span>) provides the earliest known representation of siege activities. It shows the Egyptians raising a scaling ladder against the walls of a fortified city. By the time of Sargon, the thickness of walls was increased considerably, which permitted construction of much higher walls, more resistant to scaling. Such solid, massive walls also tended to blunt the effectiveness of a battering ram. Sargon, and especially his successor Ashurbanipal, responded by constructing longer scaling ladders, some of which could reach a height of from 25 to 30 feet (7.6 to 9.1 meters), judging from the number of rungs.<\/p>\n<h5>Penetration beneath the Walls<\/h5>\n<p>A tunneling operation could be started beyond the range of any weapons at the disposal of the defenders. Once underground, the penetration unit was shielded from enemy fire. The tunneling could be accomplished under cover of night, so that the element of surprise could be exploited to the maximum. It was, however, a lengthy process requiring considerable technical skill. Moreover, if the operation was detected by the defenders before its completion, they could destroy the penetration unit as it emerged from the tunnel. Attempts to penetrate fortified cities by tunneling beneath the walls was a characteristic feature of warfare in Iron Age II. That is confirmed by reliefs, written documents, and archaeological excavation of sites dating to this period, where the remains of attack tunnels have been discovered.<\/p>\n<h5>Siege<\/h5>\n<p>Particularly when a walled city was situated on a high hill, an extended siege provided an alternate method of conquering it. By encircling the city and preventing aid or supplies from reaching its defenders, the attacking army could starve the inhabitants out. That procedure minimized the element of risk for the attacking army. Its success depended upon their capacity to prevent outside assistance from reaching the city and the defenders from leaving it. An army would generally resort to siege when a city’s fortifications were too powerful for direct penetration. The siege of Samaria by the Assyrians lasted for three years (2 Kgs 18:9-10).<\/p>\n<p>The peculiar conditions of siege produced the catapult, a major innovation of Greek artillery and a logical improvement on the bow and the sling. Designed originally as a strengthened bow mounted on a stand and used to fire arrows only, it was introduced around 400 <span>BC<\/span> by Demetrius I. He may have borrowed the idea from the Phoenicians at Carthage.<\/p>\n<p>In the course of time the instrument was improved. The perfect weapon, called the torsion catapult, derived its power from many tightly twisted strands of elastic material, frequently supplied by women’s hair, which could be tightened with a windlass and then released suddenly. Firing arrows, large stones, or fire-baskets with an effective range of 200 yards (182.9 meters), a catapult could clear a wall of its defenders while a battering ram breached it or a boarding party attacked from a mobile tower.<\/p>\n<p>For those in a besieged city, the critical problems were food and water supplies. The horror of famine is stressed in the biblical account of the siege of Samaria by the Syrian Ben-hadad in the days of the prophet Elisha. On that occasion women were reduced to eating their children (2 Kgs 6:26-29). A besieging army would do everything in its power to aggravate such conditions. In one of the siege reliefs of Ashurnasirpal II, a defender has lowered a bucket from the wall to draw water from a stream below; an Assyrian soldier is shown cutting the rope with his dagger.<\/p>\n<h5>Ruses and Stratagems<\/h5>\n<p>Various ruses and stratagems could draw the defenders out of a city or infiltrate troops into the city. If a small force could enter a city by a cunning stratagem, it could overpower the guards and open the city gates to an attacking army. A city’s fortifications were of little value once an enemy had entered the city. Moreover, penetrating a city’s defenses at any one point frequently caused the entire defense system to collapse. The story of the Trojan horse is probably the most celebrated account of a stratagem circumventing the defense of a strongly fortified ancient city.<\/p>\n<p>In the biblical account of the siege of Samaria by Ben-hadad, a sudden lifting of the Syrian siege led Joram, the king of Israel, to suspect a ruse. He refused to believe the report of four lepers that the Syrians had gone, leaving behind large food supplies (2 Kgs 7:12). That was the same kind of tactic that Joshua had employed at Ai (Jos 8:3-8).<\/p>\n<p>On other occasions, powerful armies sought to break down resistance by psychological warfare, as in the unsuccessful attempt by Sennacherib to capture Jerusalem in the time of Hezekiah (2 Kgs 18–19). The dialogue between the Assyrian general and Hezekiah’s delegates reveals that the Assyrian was trying to shake the confidence of the city’s defenders.<\/p>\n<p>The ambush was a type of ruse used to trap and destroy an enemy at a moment when he was least able to counter a sudden, unexpected blow. Its effectiveness depended almost entirely on the element of surprise. By taking advantage of good intelligence, knowledge of the terrain, and the cover of night, a small force could stage a devastating ambush against vastly superior numbers.<\/p>\n<p>The ambush was a standard method of combat during the period of the conquest of Canaan. The fall of Ai, for example, was due directly to the tactical success of an ambush (Jos 8:1-23). Under cover of night, Joshua was able to move a large force to a concealed position behind the city. He then led the remainder of the Israelite army to the edge of a valley north of the fortified city, giving the appearance of a planned assault on the city. The diversion, as calculated, drew the main force of Ai away from the city to engage Israel on the plain of Arabah. When the Israelites fell back, appearing to be badly beaten, the remaining defenders of the city were summoned to pursue Joshua’s fleeing army. With the city left undefended, the main Israelite strike force rose from its ambush position, poured into the city, and set it on fire. Too late, the men of Ai saw the smoke from their burning city and realized the stratagem. Joshua’s army turned to counterattack their pursuers, who found themselves trapped between two bodies of Israelite forces. Assaulted from both front and rear, the king of Ai’s army was annihilated, victim of an effectively laid ambush.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"FortificationsandDefense\">Fortifications and Defense<\/p>\n<p>The earliest known fortifications in the world, dated by some to about 7000 <span>BC<\/span>, were discovered in 1954 at Jericho. They were impressive in conception and construction. The core of the defense system was a wall, part of which, bordering the western edge of the ancient city, was still standing to a height of 21 feet (6.4 meters). Further excavation uncovered a large moat that had been carved out of solid rock at the base of the wall, 27 feet (8.2 meters) wide and 9 feet (2.7 meters) deep. How that feat was accomplished when the only tools assumed to have been available were made of stone is a complete mystery. A third component of Jericho’s defense system was a huge stone circular tower 30 feet (9.1 meters) high, once evidently attached to the inner side of the western part of the wall. The exact purpose of the tower has not yet been determined, but Neolithic Jericho provides the earliest evidence of a fortified city supported by a wall, tower, and moat.<\/p>\n<p>By the middle Bronze period, there were four components in a standard defense system: a moat, an advance (outer) wall, the main (inner) wall, and a well-fortified gate structure. The moat, advance wall, and subsidiary fortifications protecting the steep slope and lower portion of the main wall were intended to prevent breaching by a battering ram.<\/p>\n<h5>City Walls<\/h5>\n<p>Erection of a simple wall could halt a hostile advance only temporarily, since walls could be scaled or breached. Walls therefore provided a firing platform so defenders could repel attacks. The wall system consisted of three principal components: the wall itself, constituting the barrier; an upper structure, which provided the firing platform and cover for the defenders; and a series of obstacles and traps erected in front of the wall to keep archers at a distance and to prevent operation of a battering ram.<\/p>\n<p>The battlement—a parapet built along the outer top edge of the wall—provided the defenders with a measure of security, freedom for mobility, and openings through which fire could be directed. From a distance the square notches looked like a row of teeth with gaps between them. The teeth, called merlons, provided a protective barrier against hostile missiles. The gaps, called embrasures or crenels, supplied openings through which the defenders could discharge their weapons. Special towers protruded from the outer face of the wall, spaced at a distance no greater than the double range of a bow. Such towers enabled the defenders to fire at troops who managed to reach the walls. One way of protecting the main wall was to construct an outer or advance wall that could be breached or climbed only under heavy fire from defending units on the battlements of the main wall. Another method was to dig a wide, deep moat around the base of the main wall. A moat kept the enemy from using a battering ram unless they could bridge the moat or fill it up at certain points, under concentrated fire from the defenders.<\/p>\n<p>Casemate fortifications, introduced in the middle Bronze period, were developed from double walls built of dressed stones. The space between the walls was divided into chambers, or casemates, used for storage or dwellings. The Hittite casemate system, introduced into Palestine at least as early as the time of Saul, was widely adopted in Syria and Palestine. A fine example has been discovered at Gibeah, where Saul’s citadel was located, dating to the end of the 11th century <span>BC<\/span>. The overall thickness of the double walls, including the casemates, reaches 15 feet (4.6 meters). The same type of construction has been found in excavations of three Solomonic cities—Hazor, Gezer, and Megiddo (cf. 1 Kgs 9:15)—where the casemate walls have an overall thickness of 18 feet (5.5 meters).<\/p>\n<p>Although the divided kingdoms of Judah and Israel were not noted for technical advancements in offensive warfare, a number of their kings worked at improving fortifications and means of defense. Uzziah was especially remembered for his accomplishments in defensive warfare. Along with other measures, “he produced machines mounted on the walls of Jerusalem, designed by brilliant men to shoot arrows and hurl stones from the towers and the corners of the wall” (2 Chr 26:15, <span>nlt<\/span>). Those “machines” were special protective structures built to facilitate the task of the archers and to permit huge stones to be dropped on the heads of assaulting troops.<\/p>\n<h5>Gate<\/h5>\n<p>It was inevitable that the gate would be the focus of action in any assault on a fortified city. City gates were therefore designed to expose an attacking army to the greatest risk while providing maximum security to the defenders. The road approaching a city on a hill would wind up the slope, climbing obliquely to the left or the right. Such roads were usually laid out to reach the gate from the right, so an attacker would have to expose the right side of his body to the defenders on the wall. Since he carried his shield in his left hand, that made him more vulnerable.<\/p>\n<p>To prevent the heavy wooden doors of the gate from being set on fire, they were usually plated with metal. A gate wide enough for chariots required double doors, making the line at the center where the two doors met the weakest point in the barrier. Double doors were therefore fitted with huge bolts and fortified with a heavy beam running across the back of both door panels and held in place by sockets set in the doorposts.<\/p>\n<p>Another component in the defense complex at a gate consisted of towers erected on either side of the gate and protruding from the outer face of the wall. Enemy soldiers trying to smash the doors with axes or set them on fire with torches were thus exposed to heavy flanking fire from defensive units on the towers. From a roof over the gate having a balcony, concentrated firepower could be poured down on attackers’ heads. The addition of such auxiliary structures transformed a gate into a small fortress.<\/p>\n<h5>Inner Citadel<\/h5>\n<p>A major weakness of a city’s walls and gate was the magnitude of the circumference. An average-size city might have a perimeter of half a mile (.8 kilometer); a larger city, a perimeter of over a mile (1.6 kilometers). Yet the entire wall had to be defended against breaching, scaling, or tunneling. An attacking army would use diversionary tactics to keep defenders dispersed along the entire perimeter but concentrate their primary assault at one point in the wall. Once the wall was breached, perimeter fortifications served no further defensive purpose. Therefore, internal walls were often added to subdivide a city into several sections, each capable of independent defense. Also, on the highest point of land within the city a citadel would be constructed as a self-contained defensive unit.<\/p>\n<p>The earliest examples of such fortifications, called migdols, are found in the late Bronze Age. They were originally small citadels built to guard important military targets such as sources of water, strategic routes, cultivated farmlands, or frontiers. A migdol of that type was discovered in Israel, not far from Ashdod, in 1960. It was square in plan, with rectangular bastions, and was two stories high, just like structures depicted in Egyptian reliefs from the same period. The same design was used to fortify temples inside of cities. Such fortified temples served as places of refuge and as a city’s final defense once its walls had been breached (cf. Jgs 9:45-51).<\/p>\n<p>In a later period an inner citadel could embrace a complex consisting of the fortified palace of the governor, dwellings of his chief ministers, and sometimes the temple. Such citadels resembled fortified cities, possessing a main wall, a gateway, an outer wall, and occasionally a moat. Being small in area and heavily fortified, citadels could be defended in a final effort by the governor and remaining inhabitants. Presumably Zimri could have held out against Omri’s army for an extended period in the citadel of Tirzah, had he not committed suicide by setting it on fire (1 Kgs 16:17-18).<\/p>\n<h5>Water Supply under Siege<\/h5>\n<p>Unless provision was made to keep a city’s inhabitants supplied with food and water during a protracted siege, no defense system could be effective. Several Judean kings made efforts to solve the food-storage problem. Rehoboam, for example, fortified a number of cities located on the western, eastern, and southern borders of his kingdom and made them centers for the storage of food, oil, and wine (2 Chr 11:5-11).<\/p>\n<p>Storage of food was easier than storage of water. Cisterns built to collect rainwater were a partial answer, but cisterns often ran dry, particularly in times of drought. Cities were sometimes built on the banks of a stream or river, using the stream as part of the city’s defense system. But for a city built on a hill, the source of water might be a spring located at the foot of the slope and outside the city walls. Sometimes the mouth of the spring could be blocked and its location concealed from the enemy while still allowing access by the inhabitants. At Megiddo a vertical shaft 100 feet (274.3 meters) deep was connected by a horizontal tunnel about 200 feet (548.6 meters) long to the water supply at the western end of the city, beyond the fortifications. The work was undertaken in the time of either Solomon or Ahab.<\/p>\n<p>The most celebrated measures to guarantee a supply of fresh water in a time of siege were those taken by Hezekiah at Jerusalem. That engineering achievement is recalled in all the summaries of his reign, both in the Bible and in the “Praise of Famous Men” in the apocryphal book of Ecclesiasticus (2 Kgs 20:20; 2 Chr 32:30; Ecclus 48:17). The prodigious feat commemorated in those references was the sealing of the spring of Gihon and the cutting of an 1,800-foot (548.6-meter) channel through solid rock in order to bring water into a reservoir in the city. How it was accomplished was reported by Hezekiah himself in the famous Siloam inscription. Two crews, working with hammers, wedges, and pickaxes, began at opposite ends. The crew that began at the spring was able to take advantage of the older tunnel (cf. Is 22:11). They turned due south, in the direction of the city. The other crew, starting from the reservoir, began in a northeasterly direction. They then turned southeast until they reached the north-south line followed by the crew tunneling from the spring, when they turned due north to meet them. The two crews almost passed each other, being about five feet (1.5 meters) apart, but a shout from one was heard through a crevice in the rock by the other. Both parties turned sharply right, and the tunnel was completed. Hezekiah’s precautionary step, taken before Sennacherib’s invasion of Judah, helps to explain why the Assyrians were unable to subdue Jerusalem by the siege tactics that had earlier subdued Samaria in the time of Sargon.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"HebrewMilitaryOrganization\">Hebrew Military Organization<\/p>\n<h5>Tribal Army<\/h5>\n<p>In their exodus from Egypt the Israelites were organized by tribes and divisions. That systematic arrangement for their trek through the wilderness provided a precedent for military organization. After the sojourn at Mt Sinai, the 12 tribes were divided into divisions or army corps, and certain grades in military rank began to appear. The “officers of the army” (Nm 31:14) had command over units of 1,000 or 100 men, which suggests that the tribal army was divided into decimal units. At a later period there is reference to units of 1,000 (the division), 100 (the company), 50 (the platoon), and 10 (the section). Except for the Levites, who were assigned as a tribe to the care of the tabernacle (Nm 2:33), men from 20 years of age who were physically able to fight were assigned to a unit in the tribal army. Certain individuals, however, were exempted from military service (cf. Dt 20:5-9; 24:5; Jgs 7:3).<\/p>\n<p>Until after the conquest of Canaan, the tribal army was essentially a militia recruited in an emergency. Internal organization of the militia was the responsibility of the tribe; each clan and family sent their quota of warriors when summoned to battle by tribal leaders. Because the clan formed the basic unit, recruits were under the command of their own leaders. David’s brothers, for example, served in a division composed of the fighting men from their clan under the command of a captain (1 Sm 17:18; 18:13). When the emergency passed, the militia was disbanded and the soldiers returned to their home districts.<\/p>\n<p>Because the land was divided among the tribes, no tribal or clan leader before Saul commanded the entire tribal confederation (cf. 1 Sm 11:1-11). In fact, tribal jealousies and rivalries threatened national solidarity and jeopardized united action even in a critical period. On some occasions, however, the severity of a crisis caused the armies of the various tribes to unite in common action. The multitribal armies were divided into companies of 1,000, 100, and 50, and still further into families under appointed officers. There is evidence of organization into units according to weaponry (1 Chr 12:24-38). Benjamin’s tribe specialized in the bow and sling. The tribes of Gad, Judah, and Naphtali were expert with the spear and shield.<\/p>\n<p>Provisioning the tribal army was the responsibility of each tribe (Jgs 20:9-10). One out of every ten soldiers was appointed to secure food for the others, either from wealthy landowners (cf. 1 Sm 25) or from the natural resources of the land. In that early stage of military organization, a soldier’s pay generally consisted only of supplies and a portion of the spoils of battle (cf. 30:21-25).<\/p>\n<h5>Professional Army<\/h5>\n<p>Not until the time of the united monarchy did Israel have a regular army. Transition from a people’s militia to a professional army took place under Saul, whose reign changed the tribal confederacy into a monarchy (1 Sm 13:2). Philistine harassment of Israel encouraged establishment of a strong standing army. The army, however, was not large; it consisted of 3,000 men organized in three formations of 1,000 each (1 Sm 13:2; 24:2). Pay for those career soldiers was sometimes in the form of a land grant (8:14) as well as a share of booty. In the organization of Saul’s army, Abner, Jonathan, and David were given particular responsibilities. Abner was named commander of the army (17:55) and was probably also given direct command of one of the divisions. David’s band of valorous men, “the thirty,” provided the leadership core for his own military organization when he became king.<\/p>\n<p>David continued the practice of maintaining a professional army. But he also developed a national militia of 12 regiments, each being called up for duty for one month of the year under professional officers (1 Chr 27:1-15). Each regiment, recruited across tribal lines, consisted of 24,000 soldiers. David’s innovation provided him with a large reserve force that could be mustered for war in times of emergency. The reserves, and presumably the professional army as well, were organized into units of 1,000, 100, 50, and 10. Joab, a specialist in siege warfare (2 Sm 20:15), commanded the professional army, and Amasa was over the citizens’ militia. David, however, remained commander-in-chief of the military organization.<\/p>\n<p>The Israelite group in King David’s professional army was an outgrowth of the small band of fighting men who had served with him during the period of conflict with Saul. That veteran group consisted of David’s family and clansmen, and others who felt themselves oppressed by the central authority under Saul (1 Sm 22:1-2). It ranged in size between 400 and 600 men (1 Sm 22:2; 23:13; 27:2). The presence of mercenaries in David’s army is clearly recorded. Uriah the Hittite and Ittai of Gath are conspicuous examples, along with many career soldiers of Philistine origin, such as the Cherethites and the Pelethites under Benaiah (2 Sm 8:18; 15:19-22; 23:22-23).<\/p>\n<p>The Davidic dynasty maintained a permanent mercenary army until 701 <span>BC<\/span>, after which it was considered too costly. The oppressive cost of maintaining a professional army, financed by burdensome taxes and forced labor, was in fact a major factor contributing to the disruption of the monarchy after Solomon’s death (cf. 1 Kgs 10:26-29; 12:4-19). After Sennacherib’s invasion in 701 <span>BC<\/span>, the southern kingdom of Judah depended entirely on a citizens’ militia for its defense. It is commonly held that the northern kingdom of Israel did not employ a professional army, but it is evident that King Ahab used at least some mercenary soldiers in his defense against Ben-hadad of Syria (1 Kgs 20:15-20).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Armor and Weapons.<\/p>","summary_ro":"WARFARE The means by which one nation seeks to impose its will upon another by force. An index to the importance of warfare in antiquity is provided by the amount of technical skill directed to perfecting devices for destruction and defense. Methods of Warfare Standard Combat Cavalry units were introduced at the close of the second millennium BC and the beginning of the first. The cavalry charge provided a shock force to the great armies, and the cavalry’s mobility permitted concentration of ...","summary_en":"WARFARE The means by which one nation seeks to impose its will upon another by force. An index to the importance of warfare in antiquity is provided by the amount of technical skill directed to perfecting devices for destruction and defense. Methods of Warfare Standard Combat Cavalry units were introduced at the close of the second millennium BC and the beginning of the first. The cavalry charge provided a shock force to the great armies, and the cavalry’s mobility permitted concentration of ...","source":"Articles\/W.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"13":[{"id":47272,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 7:13","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 7:13","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:13-17<\/strong> The trail of abandoned articles confirmed the Arameans’ <em>rush to escape<\/em>, and the Israelites <em>plundered the Aramean camp<\/em>. True to Elisha’s prophecy, food supplies were now readily available, and Joram’s doubting <em>officer<\/em> was <em>knocked down and trampled to death<\/em>.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:13-17<\/strong> The trail of abandoned articles confirmed the Arameans’ <em>rush to escape<\/em>, and the Israelites <em>plundered the Aramean camp<\/em>. True to Elisha’s prophecy, food supplies were now readily available, and Joram’s doubting <em>officer<\/em> was <em>knocked down and trampled to death<\/em>.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:13-17 The trail of abandoned articles confirmed the Arameans’ rush to escape, and the Israelites plundered the Aramean camp. True to Elisha’s prophecy, food supplies were now readily available, and Joram’s doubting officer was knocked down and trampled to death.","summary_en":"7:13-17 The trail of abandoned articles confirmed the Arameans’ rush to escape, and the Israelites plundered the Aramean camp. True to Elisha’s prophecy, food supplies were now readily available, and Joram’s doubting officer was knocked down and trampled to death.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":74898,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 7:13","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 7:13","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:13-17<\/strong> The trail of abandoned articles confirmed the Arameans’ <em>rush to escape<\/em>, and the Israelites <em>plundered the Aramean camp<\/em>. True to Elisha’s prophecy, food supplies were now readily available, and Joram’s doubting <em>officer<\/em> was <em>knocked down and trampled to death<\/em>.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:13-17<\/strong> The trail of abandoned articles confirmed the Arameans’ <em>rush to escape<\/em>, and the Israelites <em>plundered the Aramean camp<\/em>. True to Elisha’s prophecy, food supplies were now readily available, and Joram’s doubting <em>officer<\/em> was <em>knocked down and trampled to death<\/em>.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:13-17 The trail of abandoned articles confirmed the Arameans’ rush to escape, and the Israelites plundered the Aramean camp. True to Elisha’s prophecy, food supplies were now readily available, and Joram’s doubting officer was knocked down and trampled to death.","summary_en":"7:13-17 The trail of abandoned articles confirmed the Arameans’ rush to escape, and the Israelites plundered the Aramean camp. True to Elisha’s prophecy, food supplies were now readily available, and Joram’s doubting officer was knocked down and trampled to death.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":102524,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 7:13","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 7:13","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:13-17<\/strong> The trail of abandoned articles confirmed the Arameans’ <em>rush to escape<\/em>, and the Israelites <em>plundered the Aramean camp<\/em>. True to Elisha’s prophecy, food supplies were now readily available, and Joram’s doubting <em>officer<\/em> was <em>knocked down and trampled to death<\/em>.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:13-17<\/strong> The trail of abandoned articles confirmed the Arameans’ <em>rush to escape<\/em>, and the Israelites <em>plundered the Aramean camp<\/em>. True to Elisha’s prophecy, food supplies were now readily available, and Joram’s doubting <em>officer<\/em> was <em>knocked down and trampled to death<\/em>.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:13-17 The trail of abandoned articles confirmed the Arameans’ rush to escape, and the Israelites plundered the Aramean camp. True to Elisha’s prophecy, food supplies were now readily available, and Joram’s doubting officer was knocked down and trampled to death.","summary_en":"7:13-17 The trail of abandoned articles confirmed the Arameans’ rush to escape, and the Israelites plundered the Aramean camp. True to Elisha’s prophecy, food supplies were now readily available, and Joram’s doubting officer was knocked down and trampled to death.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":130150,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 7:13","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 7:13","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:13-17<\/strong> The trail of abandoned articles confirmed the Arameans’ <em>rush to escape<\/em>, and the Israelites <em>plundered the Aramean camp<\/em>. True to Elisha’s prophecy, food supplies were now readily available, and Joram’s doubting <em>officer<\/em> was <em>knocked down and trampled to death<\/em>.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:13-17<\/strong> The trail of abandoned articles confirmed the Arameans’ <em>rush to escape<\/em>, and the Israelites <em>plundered the Aramean camp<\/em>. True to Elisha’s prophecy, food supplies were now readily available, and Joram’s doubting <em>officer<\/em> was <em>knocked down and trampled to death<\/em>.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:13-17 The trail of abandoned articles confirmed the Arameans’ rush to escape, and the Israelites plundered the Aramean camp. True to Elisha’s prophecy, food supplies were now readily available, and Joram’s doubting officer was knocked down and trampled to death.","summary_en":"7:13-17 The trail of abandoned articles confirmed the Arameans’ rush to escape, and the Israelites plundered the Aramean camp. True to Elisha’s prophecy, food supplies were now readily available, and Joram’s doubting officer was knocked down and trampled to death.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"16":[{"id":26204,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Money","title_en":"Money","content_ro":"<h3>MONEY<\/h3>\n<p>Medium of exchange, measurement of value, means of payment.<\/p>\n<p>Money was developed as a convenient medium of exchange to supplement and later to replace bartering, although the two systems operated concurrently for many centuries. From the patriarchal period to the present day, wealth has been measured in terms of goods and precious metals, particularly gold and silver, which remain universally acceptable mediums of exchange. Genesis 13:2 describes Abraham as “very rich in cattle, in silver, and in gold.”<\/p>\n<p>Wealth in a nomadic or seminomadic society was frequently measured by the number of cattle a person possessed, and because of this, cattle were a readily acceptable and easily valued, if rather large, medium of exchange. The degree to which cattle were commonly recognized as the standard for value, wealth, and exchange is reflected in the Latin form for money, <em>pecunia,<\/em> which is derived directly from <em>pecus,<\/em> meaning “cattle.” For religious purposes, taxes or donations paid in cattle were most acceptable, and this not only increased the general recognition for this medium but also made the temple a repository for large herds of cattle, as well as smaller animals and produce, which, if they could not be used directly in the temple rituals, could be bartered for whatever commodities were required. Perishable foods were less popular for purposes of exchange than animals such as sheep and asses, although timber, wine, and honey were regularly used as a form of currency (1 Sm 8:15; 2 Kgs 3:4; Ez 45:13-16). Both public and private taxes, tribute, and debts of all kinds were settled by this means. Solomon paid Hiram, king of Tyre, in wheat and olive oil for his assistance in the construction of the temple (1 Kgs 5:11), and in the eighth century <span>BC<\/span> taxes were commonly paid in jars of wine or olive oil. Tribute in the form of sheep and wool is recorded in 2 Kings 3:4.<\/p>\n<p>All the means of exchange mentioned represented goods that could be measured or counted, and attempts were made to establish a standard rate of exchange for them in relation to each other.<\/p>\n<p>Silver was the precious metal most readily available in the ancient Near East and was therefore the one most frequently mentioned in connection with purchases by weight, and at a later period by coin. The first recorded instance in the Bible of silver being used as a medium of exchange occurs in Genesis 20:14-16, where Abraham received a payment of 1,000 shekels by weight of silver, as well as animals and slaves. Abraham also purchased the field and cave of Machpelah for 400 shekels of silver (Gn 23:15-16), which according to the custom of the day had to be weighed out in front of the vendor and checked by witnesses (cf. Jer 32:9-10).<\/p>\n<p>As these events occurred about the beginning of the second millennium <span>BC<\/span>, the term “shekel” would not represent the coin familiar from later periods but rather a certain weight of silver. At a later time the brothers of Joseph sold him to traveling merchants for 20 shekels of silver (Gn 37:28). Genesis 33:19 mentions another unit of weight for metal, <em>the kesitah<\/em> (<span>nlt<\/span> mg), in connection with the purchase of a field by Jacob; the term occurs again in Joshua 24:32 and Job 42:11. This unit may have represented an amount equivalent to the currency value for a lamb.<\/p>\n<p>In time large animals and material objects came to be considered extremely cumbersome as a means of exchange, and metal became increasingly popular. Transportation of large quantities of precious metal remained a problem, however, and a method had to be devised for easy recognition, accessibility, and storage of particular metals of value.<\/p>\n<p>Over the years, fairly uniform shapes were designed for metals used in transactions. Silver could be piled or tied in bundles, as shown in Egyptian bas-reliefs, and the sons of Jacob took advantage of a similar method in transporting the purchase price of the grain they were buying from Egypt (Gn 42:35). About 1500 <span>BC<\/span>, pieces of metal shaped in the form of ingots, bars, tongues, or heads of animals were in use, as well as gold discs and rings of gold wire. Perhaps the most popular pieces acceptable as currency were those that had also been designed as jewelry. The valuables listed among the spoil of the Midianites included gold chains, bracelets, signet rings, and earrings (Nm 31:50). The bracelets and rings in particular probably represented a standardized weight, and could therefore be used easily as currency. Rebekah received gifts from her fiancé that were in the form of jewelry of specific weight: a gold ring weighing half a shekel and two bracelets weighing ten gold shekels (Gn 24:22). Job was given a fine ring of gold by a number of relatives, and it is unlikely that they would all have given him the same gift if it did not in fact represent a certain monetary value (Jb 42:11).<\/p>\n<p>The requirement in Deuteronomy 14:25 to “bind up your money” would again imply either thin strips of silver that could be bundled together or rings that could be strung. In either event, transportation would be facilitated.<\/p>\n<p>The value for weights of silver mentioned in Mosaic times can best be understood in terms of purchasing power. A ram could be bought for two shekels, while fifty shekels was the price of about four bushels of barley (Lv 27:16). In the time of Elisha, during a good year, one and one-half pecks of fine flour or three pecks of barley could be bought for one shekel (2 Kgs 7:16). Needless to say, monetary valuations of this kind would be affected by such economic considerations as supply and demand.<\/p>\n<p>Estimation by eye was an inaccurate means of judging the value of currency, and there is no doubt that cheating was prevalent in the weighing and examination of metal. The weighing, an essential part of every major transaction, was also very time-consuming. In order to ensure the correct value of the weights, which were usually pieces of bronze, iron, or dressed stones, they carried some sort of stamp. Once this practice was generally established, it was a short step to the stamping of the individual pieces of metal, whether tongues, bars, or bracelets, being used as currency. The next logical development was stamping a piece of silver to authenticate its value for purposes of currency. This was the precursor of the coin, which was not known in the ancient Near East prior to the exilic period. Therefore, any reference to money before that time indicates bars, bracelets, rings, or other metal objects, stamped or unstamped.<\/p>\n<p>The earliest minted coins came from the kingdom of Lydia in Asia Minor, being credited traditionally to Croesus (560–546 <span>BC<\/span>), the fabulously wealthy ruler of that land. The coins from Lydia were made of electrum, a natural alloy of silver and gold, and they depicted a lion and a bull. Like most of the early coins, the reverse simply contained a punch mark.<\/p>\n<p>Originally a coin not only represented a value, but also its weight was worth the amount of silver or gold of its face value. Thus many of the early coins were slashed heavily by some ancient skeptics, who wished to be sure that the coin was of pure silver and not a less valuable metal coated with silver.<\/p>\n<p>The purity of silver or gold was also a factor in the popularity and acceptance of particular coins. Thus in Greek and Roman times the tetradrachma from Tyre was one of the most widely accepted silver coins because of the purity of its metal content.<\/p>\n<p>The use of coins did not eliminate the necessity for weighing, because the fraudulent clipping of the edges of coins was prevalent from their introduction in the sixth century <span>BC<\/span>. This particular problem plagued all subsequent issues of coinage, and it was only in the late 18th century in Britain that it was surmounted by a process involving the milling, or reeding, of the edges of the more valuable coins.<\/p>\n<p>In the sixth century <span>BC<\/span>, when the Jews returned from exile in Babylonia, coins were donated for the rebuilding of the temple in Jerusalem, as well as silver and gold in other forms. The gold coin mentioned is a “daric.” The term, apparently derived from the name of the great Persian king Darius I (521–486 <span>BC<\/span>), was in wide current use and even appears in biblical passages written at a later date but referring to a period before the reign of Darius (cf. 1 Chr 29:7).<\/p>\n<p>Few craftsmen with the skills required for the manufacture of coins would have been available before the sixth century <span>BC<\/span>, so the earliest gold darics were probably minted at Sardis. The mint itself was taken over by the Persians when they occupied the territory, with production continuing as before.<\/p>\n<p>Western sections of the Persian Empire probably used silver coins more frequently than gold. According to some traditions, coinage developed in Greece at Aegina about the time that the Lydians first adopted the concept. The earliest of these silver coins to be excavated so far dates from the sixth century <span>BC<\/span> and was minted in northern Greece.<\/p>\n<p>Also in current use were the popular fifth-century <span>BC<\/span> tetradrachmas from Athens, which had dies on both sides of the coin. These depicted the head of the goddess Athena and the sacred owl.<\/p>\n<p>Although the silver content of many coins in contemporary use was lowered, that of the Athenian tetradrachma remained consistently at its original high standard of purity. This circumstance naturally increased its acceptability, especially in areas caught up in political turmoil where the purity of the local currency was particularly questionable. Because of the stability of the silver content of the coin and the rapidity with which the Greek Empire was expanding, the Athenian tetradrachma was minted and used almost unchanged over a period of 200 years. Many of these coins have been found in hoards all over the eastern Mediterranean.<\/p>\n<p>There is no doubt that by the fourth century <span>BC<\/span> there was a local mint in Judea, for silver coins imitating the Athenian tetradrachma, but also bearing the legend “Jehud,” have been excavated there.<\/p>\n<p>Because of the extent of trade in Greek and Roman times, the coins from the larger centers had a general acceptance in all the Mediterranean coastal areas. They were also favored in the inland areas, especially in those traversed by trading routes or those that were part of a larger empire.<\/p>\n<p>Mints in Gaza, Joppa, and Tyre were established about the end of the fourth century <span>BC<\/span> to produce local currency. At this period Sidon continued to be an important supplier of silver coins, as it had been since the fifth century <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>As the Seleucids gained control of Judea in 198 <span>BC<\/span>, a period of political turmoil commenced when the Syrians tried to Hellenize the Jewish people. Resentment toward Greek culture and resistance to all tampering with the traditional Jewish faith increased steadily until it found an outlet in the leadership of Mattathias, father of the Maccabees, who began a guerrilla uprising in 167 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>When the fortunes of war shifted temporarily to the Maccabeans, King Antiochus of Syria granted Simon Maccabeus the right to mint his own coins (1 Macc 15:6), but before he could take advantage of this prime symbol of independence, the balance of power changed once more. Judea returned to its status as a tributary, and the permission to mint coinage was hastily withdrawn.<\/p>\n<p>Simon’s son, John Hyrcanus, succeeded in overcoming the weakened Syrians and declared independence in 129 <span>BC<\/span>. The small bronze coins minted about 110 <span>BC<\/span> showed a wreath on the obverse bearing the inscription “Johanan the high priest and the community of the Jews.” The reverse displayed a double cornucopia with a poppy head, both of which were Greek symbols of plenty. These were the first genuinely Jewish coins.<\/p>\n<p>With the lack of skilled craftsmen and of a good mint it is hardly surprising that the resulting coins were simple and unpretentious. In consequence they were quite unlike the elaborate, and often delicate, designs of many contemporary coins.<\/p>\n<p>Meanwhile, silver coins continued to be struck in the Phoenician cities of Tyre and Sidon on the orders of the Seleucids, and they remained the most popular silver coins in everyday use in Palestine until Roman times. Even then they continued to circulate side by side with the Roman coinage.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Banker, Banking; Coins; Money Changer.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>MONEY<\/h3>\n<p>Medium of exchange, measurement of value, means of payment.<\/p>\n<p>Money was developed as a convenient medium of exchange to supplement and later to replace bartering, although the two systems operated concurrently for many centuries. From the patriarchal period to the present day, wealth has been measured in terms of goods and precious metals, particularly gold and silver, which remain universally acceptable mediums of exchange. Genesis 13:2 describes Abraham as “very rich in cattle, in silver, and in gold.”<\/p>\n<p>Wealth in a nomadic or seminomadic society was frequently measured by the number of cattle a person possessed, and because of this, cattle were a readily acceptable and easily valued, if rather large, medium of exchange. The degree to which cattle were commonly recognized as the standard for value, wealth, and exchange is reflected in the Latin form for money, <em>pecunia,<\/em> which is derived directly from <em>pecus,<\/em> meaning “cattle.” For religious purposes, taxes or donations paid in cattle were most acceptable, and this not only increased the general recognition for this medium but also made the temple a repository for large herds of cattle, as well as smaller animals and produce, which, if they could not be used directly in the temple rituals, could be bartered for whatever commodities were required. Perishable foods were less popular for purposes of exchange than animals such as sheep and asses, although timber, wine, and honey were regularly used as a form of currency (1 Sm 8:15; 2 Kgs 3:4; Ez 45:13-16). Both public and private taxes, tribute, and debts of all kinds were settled by this means. Solomon paid Hiram, king of Tyre, in wheat and olive oil for his assistance in the construction of the temple (1 Kgs 5:11), and in the eighth century <span>BC<\/span> taxes were commonly paid in jars of wine or olive oil. Tribute in the form of sheep and wool is recorded in 2 Kings 3:4.<\/p>\n<p>All the means of exchange mentioned represented goods that could be measured or counted, and attempts were made to establish a standard rate of exchange for them in relation to each other.<\/p>\n<p>Silver was the precious metal most readily available in the ancient Near East and was therefore the one most frequently mentioned in connection with purchases by weight, and at a later period by coin. The first recorded instance in the Bible of silver being used as a medium of exchange occurs in Genesis 20:14-16, where Abraham received a payment of 1,000 shekels by weight of silver, as well as animals and slaves. Abraham also purchased the field and cave of Machpelah for 400 shekels of silver (Gn 23:15-16), which according to the custom of the day had to be weighed out in front of the vendor and checked by witnesses (cf. Jer 32:9-10).<\/p>\n<p>As these events occurred about the beginning of the second millennium <span>BC<\/span>, the term “shekel” would not represent the coin familiar from later periods but rather a certain weight of silver. At a later time the brothers of Joseph sold him to traveling merchants for 20 shekels of silver (Gn 37:28). Genesis 33:19 mentions another unit of weight for metal, <em>the kesitah<\/em> (<span>nlt<\/span> mg), in connection with the purchase of a field by Jacob; the term occurs again in Joshua 24:32 and Job 42:11. This unit may have represented an amount equivalent to the currency value for a lamb.<\/p>\n<p>In time large animals and material objects came to be considered extremely cumbersome as a means of exchange, and metal became increasingly popular. Transportation of large quantities of precious metal remained a problem, however, and a method had to be devised for easy recognition, accessibility, and storage of particular metals of value.<\/p>\n<p>Over the years, fairly uniform shapes were designed for metals used in transactions. Silver could be piled or tied in bundles, as shown in Egyptian bas-reliefs, and the sons of Jacob took advantage of a similar method in transporting the purchase price of the grain they were buying from Egypt (Gn 42:35). About 1500 <span>BC<\/span>, pieces of metal shaped in the form of ingots, bars, tongues, or heads of animals were in use, as well as gold discs and rings of gold wire. Perhaps the most popular pieces acceptable as currency were those that had also been designed as jewelry. The valuables listed among the spoil of the Midianites included gold chains, bracelets, signet rings, and earrings (Nm 31:50). The bracelets and rings in particular probably represented a standardized weight, and could therefore be used easily as currency. Rebekah received gifts from her fiancé that were in the form of jewelry of specific weight: a gold ring weighing half a shekel and two bracelets weighing ten gold shekels (Gn 24:22). Job was given a fine ring of gold by a number of relatives, and it is unlikely that they would all have given him the same gift if it did not in fact represent a certain monetary value (Jb 42:11).<\/p>\n<p>The requirement in Deuteronomy 14:25 to “bind up your money” would again imply either thin strips of silver that could be bundled together or rings that could be strung. In either event, transportation would be facilitated.<\/p>\n<p>The value for weights of silver mentioned in Mosaic times can best be understood in terms of purchasing power. A ram could be bought for two shekels, while fifty shekels was the price of about four bushels of barley (Lv 27:16). In the time of Elisha, during a good year, one and one-half pecks of fine flour or three pecks of barley could be bought for one shekel (2 Kgs 7:16). Needless to say, monetary valuations of this kind would be affected by such economic considerations as supply and demand.<\/p>\n<p>Estimation by eye was an inaccurate means of judging the value of currency, and there is no doubt that cheating was prevalent in the weighing and examination of metal. The weighing, an essential part of every major transaction, was also very time-consuming. In order to ensure the correct value of the weights, which were usually pieces of bronze, iron, or dressed stones, they carried some sort of stamp. Once this practice was generally established, it was a short step to the stamping of the individual pieces of metal, whether tongues, bars, or bracelets, being used as currency. The next logical development was stamping a piece of silver to authenticate its value for purposes of currency. This was the precursor of the coin, which was not known in the ancient Near East prior to the exilic period. Therefore, any reference to money before that time indicates bars, bracelets, rings, or other metal objects, stamped or unstamped.<\/p>\n<p>The earliest minted coins came from the kingdom of Lydia in Asia Minor, being credited traditionally to Croesus (560–546 <span>BC<\/span>), the fabulously wealthy ruler of that land. The coins from Lydia were made of electrum, a natural alloy of silver and gold, and they depicted a lion and a bull. Like most of the early coins, the reverse simply contained a punch mark.<\/p>\n<p>Originally a coin not only represented a value, but also its weight was worth the amount of silver or gold of its face value. Thus many of the early coins were slashed heavily by some ancient skeptics, who wished to be sure that the coin was of pure silver and not a less valuable metal coated with silver.<\/p>\n<p>The purity of silver or gold was also a factor in the popularity and acceptance of particular coins. Thus in Greek and Roman times the tetradrachma from Tyre was one of the most widely accepted silver coins because of the purity of its metal content.<\/p>\n<p>The use of coins did not eliminate the necessity for weighing, because the fraudulent clipping of the edges of coins was prevalent from their introduction in the sixth century <span>BC<\/span>. This particular problem plagued all subsequent issues of coinage, and it was only in the late 18th century in Britain that it was surmounted by a process involving the milling, or reeding, of the edges of the more valuable coins.<\/p>\n<p>In the sixth century <span>BC<\/span>, when the Jews returned from exile in Babylonia, coins were donated for the rebuilding of the temple in Jerusalem, as well as silver and gold in other forms. The gold coin mentioned is a “daric.” The term, apparently derived from the name of the great Persian king Darius I (521–486 <span>BC<\/span>), was in wide current use and even appears in biblical passages written at a later date but referring to a period before the reign of Darius (cf. 1 Chr 29:7).<\/p>\n<p>Few craftsmen with the skills required for the manufacture of coins would have been available before the sixth century <span>BC<\/span>, so the earliest gold darics were probably minted at Sardis. The mint itself was taken over by the Persians when they occupied the territory, with production continuing as before.<\/p>\n<p>Western sections of the Persian Empire probably used silver coins more frequently than gold. According to some traditions, coinage developed in Greece at Aegina about the time that the Lydians first adopted the concept. The earliest of these silver coins to be excavated so far dates from the sixth century <span>BC<\/span> and was minted in northern Greece.<\/p>\n<p>Also in current use were the popular fifth-century <span>BC<\/span> tetradrachmas from Athens, which had dies on both sides of the coin. These depicted the head of the goddess Athena and the sacred owl.<\/p>\n<p>Although the silver content of many coins in contemporary use was lowered, that of the Athenian tetradrachma remained consistently at its original high standard of purity. This circumstance naturally increased its acceptability, especially in areas caught up in political turmoil where the purity of the local currency was particularly questionable. Because of the stability of the silver content of the coin and the rapidity with which the Greek Empire was expanding, the Athenian tetradrachma was minted and used almost unchanged over a period of 200 years. Many of these coins have been found in hoards all over the eastern Mediterranean.<\/p>\n<p>There is no doubt that by the fourth century <span>BC<\/span> there was a local mint in Judea, for silver coins imitating the Athenian tetradrachma, but also bearing the legend “Jehud,” have been excavated there.<\/p>\n<p>Because of the extent of trade in Greek and Roman times, the coins from the larger centers had a general acceptance in all the Mediterranean coastal areas. They were also favored in the inland areas, especially in those traversed by trading routes or those that were part of a larger empire.<\/p>\n<p>Mints in Gaza, Joppa, and Tyre were established about the end of the fourth century <span>BC<\/span> to produce local currency. At this period Sidon continued to be an important supplier of silver coins, as it had been since the fifth century <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>As the Seleucids gained control of Judea in 198 <span>BC<\/span>, a period of political turmoil commenced when the Syrians tried to Hellenize the Jewish people. Resentment toward Greek culture and resistance to all tampering with the traditional Jewish faith increased steadily until it found an outlet in the leadership of Mattathias, father of the Maccabees, who began a guerrilla uprising in 167 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>When the fortunes of war shifted temporarily to the Maccabeans, King Antiochus of Syria granted Simon Maccabeus the right to mint his own coins (1 Macc 15:6), but before he could take advantage of this prime symbol of independence, the balance of power changed once more. Judea returned to its status as a tributary, and the permission to mint coinage was hastily withdrawn.<\/p>\n<p>Simon’s son, John Hyrcanus, succeeded in overcoming the weakened Syrians and declared independence in 129 <span>BC<\/span>. The small bronze coins minted about 110 <span>BC<\/span> showed a wreath on the obverse bearing the inscription “Johanan the high priest and the community of the Jews.” The reverse displayed a double cornucopia with a poppy head, both of which were Greek symbols of plenty. These were the first genuinely Jewish coins.<\/p>\n<p>With the lack of skilled craftsmen and of a good mint it is hardly surprising that the resulting coins were simple and unpretentious. In consequence they were quite unlike the elaborate, and often delicate, designs of many contemporary coins.<\/p>\n<p>Meanwhile, silver coins continued to be struck in the Phoenician cities of Tyre and Sidon on the orders of the Seleucids, and they remained the most popular silver coins in everyday use in Palestine until Roman times. Even then they continued to circulate side by side with the Roman coinage.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Banker, Banking; Coins; Money Changer.<\/p>","summary_ro":"MONEY Medium of exchange, measurement of value, means of payment. Money was developed as a convenient medium of exchange to supplement and later to replace bartering, although the two systems operated concurrently for many centuries. From the patriarchal period to the present day, wealth has been measured in terms of goods and precious metals, particularly gold and silver, which remain universally acceptable mediums of exchange. Genesis 13:2 describes Abraham as “very rich in cattle, in silve...","summary_en":"MONEY Medium of exchange, measurement of value, means of payment. Money was developed as a convenient medium of exchange to supplement and later to replace bartering, although the two systems operated concurrently for many centuries. From the patriarchal period to the present day, wealth has been measured in terms of goods and precious metals, particularly gold and silver, which remain universally acceptable mediums of exchange. Genesis 13:2 describes Abraham as “very rich in cattle, in silve...","source":"Articles\/M.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"18":[{"id":47273,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 7:18","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 7:18","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:18-20<\/strong> The repetition of Elisha’s previous conversation with Joram’s <em>officer<\/em> emphasizes the exact fulfillment of the prophecy.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:18-20<\/strong> The repetition of Elisha’s previous conversation with Joram’s <em>officer<\/em> emphasizes the exact fulfillment of the prophecy.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:18-20 The repetition of Elisha’s previous conversation with Joram’s officer emphasizes the exact fulfillment of the prophecy.","summary_en":"7:18-20 The repetition of Elisha’s previous conversation with Joram’s officer emphasizes the exact fulfillment of the prophecy.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":74899,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 7:18","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 7:18","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:18-20<\/strong> The repetition of Elisha’s previous conversation with Joram’s <em>officer<\/em> emphasizes the exact fulfillment of the prophecy.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:18-20<\/strong> The repetition of Elisha’s previous conversation with Joram’s <em>officer<\/em> emphasizes the exact fulfillment of the prophecy.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:18-20 The repetition of Elisha’s previous conversation with Joram’s officer emphasizes the exact fulfillment of the prophecy.","summary_en":"7:18-20 The repetition of Elisha’s previous conversation with Joram’s officer emphasizes the exact fulfillment of the prophecy.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":102525,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 7:18","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 7:18","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:18-20<\/strong> The repetition of Elisha’s previous conversation with Joram’s <em>officer<\/em> emphasizes the exact fulfillment of the prophecy.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:18-20<\/strong> The repetition of Elisha’s previous conversation with Joram’s <em>officer<\/em> emphasizes the exact fulfillment of the prophecy.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:18-20 The repetition of Elisha’s previous conversation with Joram’s officer emphasizes the exact fulfillment of the prophecy.","summary_en":"7:18-20 The repetition of Elisha’s previous conversation with Joram’s officer emphasizes the exact fulfillment of the prophecy.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":130151,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: 2 Împărați 7:18","title_en":"Study Note: 2 Împărați 7:18","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:18-20<\/strong> The repetition of Elisha’s previous conversation with Joram’s <em>officer<\/em> emphasizes the exact fulfillment of the prophecy.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:18-20<\/strong> The repetition of Elisha’s previous conversation with Joram’s <em>officer<\/em> emphasizes the exact fulfillment of the prophecy.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:18-20 The repetition of Elisha’s previous conversation with Joram’s officer emphasizes the exact fulfillment of the prophecy.","summary_en":"7:18-20 The repetition of Elisha’s previous conversation with Joram’s officer emphasizes the exact fulfillment of the prophecy.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}]},"labels":{"article":"Articol","map":"Hartă","chart":"Diagramă","textbox":"Notă explicativă","picture":"Imagine","profile":"Profil","study_note":"Notă de studiu","theme_note":"Temă biblică"},"icons":{"article":"📖","map":"🗺️","chart":"📊","textbox":"💡","picture":"🖼️","profile":"👤","study_note":"📝","theme_note":"🎯"},"typeColors":{"article":"#d4af37","map":"#2d7d46","chart":"#3b82f6","textbox":"#8b5cf6","picture":"#ec4899","profile":"#f59e0b","study_note":"#06b6d4","theme_note":"#ef4444"}}
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