Ieremia 41
1 În luna a şaptea, Ismael, fiul lui Netania, fiul lui Elişama, din neamul împăratului, a venit cu mai marii împăratului şi cu zece oameni la Ghedalia, fiul lui Ahicam, la Miţpa. Şi au mâncat împreună acolo, la Miţpa.
2 Atunci Ismael, fiul lui Netania, s-a sculat cu cei zece oameni de cari era însoţit, şi au lovit cu sabia pe Ghedalia, fiul lui Ahicam, fiul lui Şafan, şi au omorât astfel pe acela, pe care îl pusese împăratul Babilonului dregător peste ţară.
3 Ismael a mai omorât pe toţi Iudeii, cari erau cu Ghedalia la Miţpa, şi pe Haldeii, cari se aflau acolo, oameni de război.
4 A doua zi, după omorârea lui Ghedalia, pe când nimeni nu ştia nimic,
5 au venit din Sihem, din Silo şi din Samaria, optzeci de oameni, cu barba rasă şi cu haine sfîşiate, cari îşi făcuseră tăieturi în piele; aveau daruri de mâncare şi tămâie, ca să le aducă la Casa Domnului.
6 Ismael, fiul lui Netania, le-a ieşit înainte din Miţpa, şi mergea plângând. Când i-a întâlnit, le-a zis: ,,Veniţi la Ghedalia, fiul lui Ahicam!``
7 Şi când au ajuns ei în mijlocul cetăţii, Ismael, fiul lui Netania, i-a junghiat şi i-a aruncat în groapă, cu ajutorul oamenilor, cari-l însoţeau.
8 Dar s-au găsit printre ei zece oameni cari au zis lui Ismael: ,,Nu ne omorî, căci mai avem merinde ascunse în câmp: grâu, orz, untdelemn şi miere!`` Atunci el i-a cruţat, şi nu i-a omorât împreună cu fraţii lor.
9 Groapa în care a aruncat Ismael toate trupurile moarte ale oamenilor pe cari i-a ucis, afară de Ghedalia, este groapa aceea mare pe care o făcuse împăratul Asa, când se temea de Baeşa, împăratul lui Israel; groapa aceasta a umplut-o Ismael, fiul lui Netania, cu cei ucişi.
10 Ismael a luat prinşi de război pe toi ceice mai rămăseseră la Miţpa din popor, pe fiicele împăratului şi pe toţi aceia din popor, cari locuiau acolo, şi pe cari-i încredinţase Nebuzaradan, căpetenia străjerilor, lui Ghedalia, fiul lui Ahicam; Ismael fiul lui Netania, i-a luat prinşi de război, şi a plecat ca să treacă la Amoniţi.
11 Dar Iohanan, fiul lui Careah, şi toate căpeteniile oştirilor, cari erau cu el, au fost înştiinţaţi de tot răul, pe care-l făcuse Ismael, fiul lui Netania.
12 Au luat pe toţi oamenii, şi au pornit să bată pe Ismael, fiul lui Netania, pe care l-au găsit lângă apele cele mari ale Gabaonului.
13 Când a văzut tot poporul, care era cu Ismael, pe Iohanan, fiul lui Careah, şi pe toate căpeteniile oştirilor, cari erau cu el, s-a bucurat;
14 şi tot poporul, pe care-l luase Ismael din Miţpa, s-a întors şi a venit de s-a unit cu Iohanan, fiul lui Careah.
15 Dar Ismael, fiul lui Netania, a scăpat de Iohanan cu opt oameni, şi s-a dus la Amoniţi.
16 Iohanan, fiul lui Careah, şi toate căpeteniile oştirilor, cari erau cu el, au luat toată rămăşiţa poporului, pe care l-au izbăvit din mânile lui Ismael, fiul lui Netania, când îl ducea din Miţpa, după ce ucisese pe Ghedalia, fiul lui Ahicam. Şi anume pe oamenii de război, pe femei, pe copii, pe famenii-dregători, pe cari i-a adus Iohanan înapoi din Gabaon.
17 Au pornit, şi s-au oprit la hanul lui Chimham lângă Betleem, ca să plece apoi în Egipt,
18 departe de Haldei, de cari se temeau, pentrucă Ismael, fiul lui Netania, ucisese pe Ghedalia, fiul lui Ahicam, pe care-l pusese împăratul Babilonului dregător peste ţară.
{"verseMap":{"1":[{"id":896,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Ahikam","title_en":"Ahikam","content_ro":"<h3>AHIKAM<\/h3>\n<p>Shaphan’s son, an officer of the court of King Josiah of Judah (2 Kgs 22:12). Ahikam was among the group sent to the prophetess Huldah to ask about the Book of the Law (2 Kgs 22:14-20). Later, under King Jehoiakim, Ahikam was able to prevent the prophet Jeremiah from being killed (Jer 26:24). Ahikam’s son Gedaliah was left as governor of Judah after Nebuchadnezzar destroyed Jerusalem and took most of its citizens to Babylon in 586 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 25:22; Jer 39:14; 40:5-16; 41:1-18; 43:6).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>AHIKAM<\/h3>\n<p>Shaphan’s son, an officer of the court of King Josiah of Judah (2 Kgs 22:12). Ahikam was among the group sent to the prophetess Huldah to ask about the Book of the Law (2 Kgs 22:14-20). Later, under King Jehoiakim, Ahikam was able to prevent the prophet Jeremiah from being killed (Jer 26:24). Ahikam’s son Gedaliah was left as governor of Judah after Nebuchadnezzar destroyed Jerusalem and took most of its citizens to Babylon in 586 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 25:22; Jer 39:14; 40:5-16; 41:1-18; 43:6).<\/p>","summary_ro":"AHIKAM Shaphan’s son, an officer of the court of King Josiah of Judah (2 Kgs 22:12). Ahikam was among the group sent to the prophetess Huldah to ask about the Book of the Law (2 Kgs 22:14-20). Later, under King Jehoiakim, Ahikam was able to prevent the prophet Jeremiah from being killed (Jer 26:24). Ahikam’s son Gedaliah was left as governor of Judah after Nebuchadnezzar destroyed Jerusalem and took most of its citizens to Babylon in 586 BC (2 Kgs 25:22; Jer 39:14; 40:5-16; 41:1-18; 43:6).","summary_en":"AHIKAM Shaphan’s son, an officer of the court of King Josiah of Judah (2 Kgs 22:12). Ahikam was among the group sent to the prophetess Huldah to ask about the Book of the Law (2 Kgs 22:14-20). Later, under King Jehoiakim, Ahikam was able to prevent the prophet Jeremiah from being killed (Jer 26:24). Ahikam’s son Gedaliah was left as governor of Judah after Nebuchadnezzar destroyed Jerusalem and took most of its citizens to Babylon in 586 BC (2 Kgs 25:22; Jer 39:14; 40:5-16; 41:1-18; 43:6).","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":1378,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Ammonites Ammon","title_en":"Ammonites Ammon","content_ro":"<h3>AMMON, AMMONITES<\/h3>\n<p>A Semitic people who occupied a fertile area northeast of Moab in Transjordan between the Arnon and Jabbok Rivers and extending eastward to the Syrian Desert. The chief city was Rabbah (Rabbath-ammon), modern Amman, capital of Jordan.<\/p>\n<p>The Ammonites traced their ancestry to the younger daughter of Lot (Gn 19:38). Their name in Hebrew originally meant “son of my paternal clan,” preserving the remembrance of an actual clan and personal name, and suggesting a kinship between the Ammonites and Israelites. The name occurred frequently in the ancient Near East from the middle of the second millennium on. One form was found in Assyrian inscriptions; other forms are seen in Ugaritic texts of the 15th century <span>BC<\/span>, in the Mari texts, in the Amarna tablets, and in the Alalakh tablets.<\/p>\n<p>The Ammonites originated in the southern Transjordan region about the beginning of the second millennium <span>BC<\/span>. Though these people were of mixed ancestry, the languages they spoke were closely related to Hebrew. Ammonite was written in the old Canaanite-Phoenician script, which could probably be read and understood by Israelites. Ammonites intermarried with Hebrews (1 Kgs 14:21, 31; 2 Chr 12:13), and their personal names reflected early Arabic influences.<\/p>\n<p>In language, ethnic background, and physical characteristics the Ammonites were difficult to distinguish from Amorites and were probably closely related. Both may have entered the land at about the same time, for when Joshua led the Israelites into Canaan, both the Ammonite kingdom and the Amorite kingdom of Heshbon were already well established.<\/p>\n<p>The OT states that the territory of Ammon was once occupied by a race of giants called Rephaim or Zamzummim, about whom almost nothing is known (Dt 2:20-21; “Zuzim,” Gn 14:5). The Genesis Apocryphon found among the Dead Sea Scrolls mentions them as one of the people defeated by the alliance of four kings (Gn 14:1, 5). The expedition of Chedorlaomer, king of Elam (Gn 14), broke the power of those giants and probably made the occupation of the land by Esau, Ammon, and Moab much easier. King Og was “of the remnant of the Rephaim” known to the Ammonites (Dt 3:11). His bed was evidently an object of veneration because of its unusual size.<\/p>\n<p>When the Israelites arrived at Kadesh, they encountered the well-organized kingdom of Edom but were refused permission to pass through Edomite territory (Nm 20:14-21). They journeyed northward to Ammonite country, which was then occupied by the Amorite king Sihon. He also refused them permission to pass through his land, but the Israelites defeated him in battle and occupied his country (Nm 21:21-24). They were instructed by God through Moses not to try to occupy Ammonite territory, as it had already been given to the descendants of Lot (Dt 2:19, 37).<\/p>\n<p>Continuing northward, the Israelites defeated King Og of Bashan (Dt 3:1-11), then went down to the Jordan Valley, where they camped on the plains of Moab. There Balak, king of Moab, hired a soothsayer, Balaam, to pronounce a curse on the Israelites, but Balaam pronounced a blessing each time instead (Nm 22–24). For supporting the Moabites in their actions, the Ammonites were excluded from the congregation of the Lord to the tenth generation (Dt 23:3; Neh 13:1-2).<\/p>\n<p>The Israelite tribes of Gad and Reuben and the half-tribe of Manasseh were attracted to the fertile Transjordan region that had belonged to the Amorites and Bashan and decided to settle there on the Ammonite frontier (Nm 32; Dt 3:16; Jos 13:8-32). Subsequently they built an altar at the Jordan River, which the other tribes at first interpreted as an act of rebellion in that they appeared to be establishing a rival place of worship (Jos 22:10-34).<\/p>\n<p>Before the Israelite conquest of Canaan, the Ammonites evidently had not attained the same level of political organization and settled life as the neighboring Moabites and Edomites. Even as late as the seventh century <span>BC<\/span> the nation was essentially nomadic. Shortly after Israel settled in Canaan, the Ammonites allied with the Moabites and Amalekites when King Eglon of Moab tried to regain former Moabite territory at the north end of the Dead Sea (Jgs 3:12-13).<\/p>\n<p>By the end of the 12th century <span>BC<\/span> the Israelites, then securely established in the land of Canaan, angered God by their worship of the deities of the Syrians, Sidonians, Moabites, Ammonites, and Philistines (Jgs 10:6). The Ammonites, in their first recorded political expansion, launched an attack against Israel and were able to establish themselves in Gilead (Jgs 10:7-8). They then crossed the Jordan and attacked the tribes of Judah, Benjamin, and Ephraim (Jgs 10:9). In desperation the elders of Gilead turned for help to Jephthah, a social outcast but an able military leader (Jgs 11:1-11). He defeated the Ammonites so decisively that it was unnecessary for him to wage further campaigns against Ammonite settlements west of the Jordan (Jgs 11:12-33).<\/p>\n<p>Near the end of the 11th century an Ammonite king named Nahash came to power, determined to reestablish Ammonite dominion over Israelite settlements in Transjordan. He launched an aggressive military campaign around 1020 <span>BC<\/span> that took him as far north as Jabesh-gilead. The inhabitants of the town were willing to surrender to him but delayed their surrender to appeal for help from Saul, the recently consecrated Israelite king. Saul quickly organized an army and decisively defeated the Ammonites (1 Sm 11:1-11). The victory ensured freedom from Ammonite domination in the Jordan Valley for several centuries, although later in his reign Saul was forced to fight further battles with the enemies of Israel, including Ammonites (1 Sm 14:47-48).<\/p>\n<p>When David became king, he took silver and gold from the Ammonites, Philistines, and Amalekites, either as spoils or as tribute (2 Sm 8:11-12; 1 Chr 18:11). Soon thereafter, David sent Joab at the head of a strong army to devastate the Ammonite countryside and besiege the capital city of Rabbah (2 Sm 11:1; 1 Chr 20:2). The siege lasted many months, but Joab weakened the city and David then completed its capture (2 Sm 12:26-29). In a ceremony of capitulation the Ammonite king’s massive golden crown was placed on David’s head (2 Sm 12:30; 1 Chr 20:1). The conquered city was plundered, and its inhabitants were enslaved. Other Ammonite cities were taken, and the nation was added to the growing number of vassal states of Israel (2 Sm 12:31; 1 Chr 20:3). David appointed a governor over the Ammonites from the Ammonite royal family. Shobi, another son of Nahash (and therefore Hanun’s brother), became ruler of the Ammonites and aided David during his flight from Absalom’s rebellion (2 Sm 17:27). One of David’s best warriors was an Ammonite (2 Sm 23:37).<\/p>\n<p>Ammonite relations with Israel remained generally peaceful during the reign of Solomon, David’s successor, with the Ammonites undoubtedly sharing in the prosperity and wealth of that period. After the death of Solomon, the kingdom split apart under Rehoboam and was further weakened by a campaign of Shishak, king of Egypt, that swept through Palestine and also through Ammonite territory. Taking advantage of the situation, the Ammonites declared their independence from Israel and Judah. The Ammonites joined the Moabites and Meunites to make war against King Jehoshaphat of Judah (reigning 871–848 <span>BC<\/span>). In fear, Jehoshaphat sought help from God in prayer (2 Chr 20:1-12). The Ammonites and their allies began fighting among themselves and destroyed each other, leaving behind great spoils for Jehoshaphat and his people—which took three days to be carried away (2 Chr 20:22-25). Eventually the Ammonites recovered, so that by the end of the seventh century <span>BC<\/span>, Ammon had again become completely independent and was the dominant state of south Transjordan. Ammonite independence was short, however, for in 599 <span>BC<\/span>, according to the Babylonian Chronicle, Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar led his troops into Syria and began raiding southern Palestine. In 593 <span>BC<\/span>, the Ammonites met in Jerusalem with King Zedekiah of Judah and representatives from Edom, Moab, Tyre, and Sidon in a conspiracy to rebel against Babylon (Jer 27:1-3). The prophet Jeremiah warned them that God would cause their plan to fail (Jer 27:4-22). Nebuchadnezzar sent an army to crush the rebellion and attacked Jerusalem, which he destroyed after a lengthy and bitter siege (586 <span>BC<\/span>), deporting many Jews to Babylonia. Ammon was not immediately invaded, however, and many Judeans sought refuge there (Jer 40:11), including a man named Ishmael (Jer 40:13-16). Ishmael plotted with Baalis, king of Ammon, to assassinate Gedaliah, whom Nebuchadnezzar had appointed governor over Judea, now reduced to a province of Babylonia. After carrying out the assassination, Ishmael escaped to Ammon (Jer 41:1-15). Nebuchadnezzar then sent troops that sacked Rabbah and took captive many of the Ammonites. Though the city was not destroyed, the destruction of the countryside was thorough. In the third century <span>BC<\/span>, Arab invaders poured in and destroyed the remaining organized political structure, thus marking the end of Ammon as a semi-independent state.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>AMMON, AMMONITES<\/h3>\n<p>A Semitic people who occupied a fertile area northeast of Moab in Transjordan between the Arnon and Jabbok Rivers and extending eastward to the Syrian Desert. The chief city was Rabbah (Rabbath-ammon), modern Amman, capital of Jordan.<\/p>\n<p>The Ammonites traced their ancestry to the younger daughter of Lot (Gn 19:38). Their name in Hebrew originally meant “son of my paternal clan,” preserving the remembrance of an actual clan and personal name, and suggesting a kinship between the Ammonites and Israelites. The name occurred frequently in the ancient Near East from the middle of the second millennium on. One form was found in Assyrian inscriptions; other forms are seen in Ugaritic texts of the 15th century <span>BC<\/span>, in the Mari texts, in the Amarna tablets, and in the Alalakh tablets.<\/p>\n<p>The Ammonites originated in the southern Transjordan region about the beginning of the second millennium <span>BC<\/span>. Though these people were of mixed ancestry, the languages they spoke were closely related to Hebrew. Ammonite was written in the old Canaanite-Phoenician script, which could probably be read and understood by Israelites. Ammonites intermarried with Hebrews (1 Kgs 14:21, 31; 2 Chr 12:13), and their personal names reflected early Arabic influences.<\/p>\n<p>In language, ethnic background, and physical characteristics the Ammonites were difficult to distinguish from Amorites and were probably closely related. Both may have entered the land at about the same time, for when Joshua led the Israelites into Canaan, both the Ammonite kingdom and the Amorite kingdom of Heshbon were already well established.<\/p>\n<p>The OT states that the territory of Ammon was once occupied by a race of giants called Rephaim or Zamzummim, about whom almost nothing is known (Dt 2:20-21; “Zuzim,” Gn 14:5). The Genesis Apocryphon found among the Dead Sea Scrolls mentions them as one of the people defeated by the alliance of four kings (Gn 14:1, 5). The expedition of Chedorlaomer, king of Elam (Gn 14), broke the power of those giants and probably made the occupation of the land by Esau, Ammon, and Moab much easier. King Og was “of the remnant of the Rephaim” known to the Ammonites (Dt 3:11). His bed was evidently an object of veneration because of its unusual size.<\/p>\n<p>When the Israelites arrived at Kadesh, they encountered the well-organized kingdom of Edom but were refused permission to pass through Edomite territory (Nm 20:14-21). They journeyed northward to Ammonite country, which was then occupied by the Amorite king Sihon. He also refused them permission to pass through his land, but the Israelites defeated him in battle and occupied his country (Nm 21:21-24). They were instructed by God through Moses not to try to occupy Ammonite territory, as it had already been given to the descendants of Lot (Dt 2:19, 37).<\/p>\n<p>Continuing northward, the Israelites defeated King Og of Bashan (Dt 3:1-11), then went down to the Jordan Valley, where they camped on the plains of Moab. There Balak, king of Moab, hired a soothsayer, Balaam, to pronounce a curse on the Israelites, but Balaam pronounced a blessing each time instead (Nm 22–24). For supporting the Moabites in their actions, the Ammonites were excluded from the congregation of the Lord to the tenth generation (Dt 23:3; Neh 13:1-2).<\/p>\n<p>The Israelite tribes of Gad and Reuben and the half-tribe of Manasseh were attracted to the fertile Transjordan region that had belonged to the Amorites and Bashan and decided to settle there on the Ammonite frontier (Nm 32; Dt 3:16; Jos 13:8-32). Subsequently they built an altar at the Jordan River, which the other tribes at first interpreted as an act of rebellion in that they appeared to be establishing a rival place of worship (Jos 22:10-34).<\/p>\n<p>Before the Israelite conquest of Canaan, the Ammonites evidently had not attained the same level of political organization and settled life as the neighboring Moabites and Edomites. Even as late as the seventh century <span>BC<\/span> the nation was essentially nomadic. Shortly after Israel settled in Canaan, the Ammonites allied with the Moabites and Amalekites when King Eglon of Moab tried to regain former Moabite territory at the north end of the Dead Sea (Jgs 3:12-13).<\/p>\n<p>By the end of the 12th century <span>BC<\/span> the Israelites, then securely established in the land of Canaan, angered God by their worship of the deities of the Syrians, Sidonians, Moabites, Ammonites, and Philistines (Jgs 10:6). The Ammonites, in their first recorded political expansion, launched an attack against Israel and were able to establish themselves in Gilead (Jgs 10:7-8). They then crossed the Jordan and attacked the tribes of Judah, Benjamin, and Ephraim (Jgs 10:9). In desperation the elders of Gilead turned for help to Jephthah, a social outcast but an able military leader (Jgs 11:1-11). He defeated the Ammonites so decisively that it was unnecessary for him to wage further campaigns against Ammonite settlements west of the Jordan (Jgs 11:12-33).<\/p>\n<p>Near the end of the 11th century an Ammonite king named Nahash came to power, determined to reestablish Ammonite dominion over Israelite settlements in Transjordan. He launched an aggressive military campaign around 1020 <span>BC<\/span> that took him as far north as Jabesh-gilead. The inhabitants of the town were willing to surrender to him but delayed their surrender to appeal for help from Saul, the recently consecrated Israelite king. Saul quickly organized an army and decisively defeated the Ammonites (1 Sm 11:1-11). The victory ensured freedom from Ammonite domination in the Jordan Valley for several centuries, although later in his reign Saul was forced to fight further battles with the enemies of Israel, including Ammonites (1 Sm 14:47-48).<\/p>\n<p>When David became king, he took silver and gold from the Ammonites, Philistines, and Amalekites, either as spoils or as tribute (2 Sm 8:11-12; 1 Chr 18:11). Soon thereafter, David sent Joab at the head of a strong army to devastate the Ammonite countryside and besiege the capital city of Rabbah (2 Sm 11:1; 1 Chr 20:2). The siege lasted many months, but Joab weakened the city and David then completed its capture (2 Sm 12:26-29). In a ceremony of capitulation the Ammonite king’s massive golden crown was placed on David’s head (2 Sm 12:30; 1 Chr 20:1). The conquered city was plundered, and its inhabitants were enslaved. Other Ammonite cities were taken, and the nation was added to the growing number of vassal states of Israel (2 Sm 12:31; 1 Chr 20:3). David appointed a governor over the Ammonites from the Ammonite royal family. Shobi, another son of Nahash (and therefore Hanun’s brother), became ruler of the Ammonites and aided David during his flight from Absalom’s rebellion (2 Sm 17:27). One of David’s best warriors was an Ammonite (2 Sm 23:37).<\/p>\n<p>Ammonite relations with Israel remained generally peaceful during the reign of Solomon, David’s successor, with the Ammonites undoubtedly sharing in the prosperity and wealth of that period. After the death of Solomon, the kingdom split apart under Rehoboam and was further weakened by a campaign of Shishak, king of Egypt, that swept through Palestine and also through Ammonite territory. Taking advantage of the situation, the Ammonites declared their independence from Israel and Judah. The Ammonites joined the Moabites and Meunites to make war against King Jehoshaphat of Judah (reigning 871–848 <span>BC<\/span>). In fear, Jehoshaphat sought help from God in prayer (2 Chr 20:1-12). The Ammonites and their allies began fighting among themselves and destroyed each other, leaving behind great spoils for Jehoshaphat and his people—which took three days to be carried away (2 Chr 20:22-25). Eventually the Ammonites recovered, so that by the end of the seventh century <span>BC<\/span>, Ammon had again become completely independent and was the dominant state of south Transjordan. Ammonite independence was short, however, for in 599 <span>BC<\/span>, according to the Babylonian Chronicle, Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar led his troops into Syria and began raiding southern Palestine. In 593 <span>BC<\/span>, the Ammonites met in Jerusalem with King Zedekiah of Judah and representatives from Edom, Moab, Tyre, and Sidon in a conspiracy to rebel against Babylon (Jer 27:1-3). The prophet Jeremiah warned them that God would cause their plan to fail (Jer 27:4-22). Nebuchadnezzar sent an army to crush the rebellion and attacked Jerusalem, which he destroyed after a lengthy and bitter siege (586 <span>BC<\/span>), deporting many Jews to Babylonia. Ammon was not immediately invaded, however, and many Judeans sought refuge there (Jer 40:11), including a man named Ishmael (Jer 40:13-16). Ishmael plotted with Baalis, king of Ammon, to assassinate Gedaliah, whom Nebuchadnezzar had appointed governor over Judea, now reduced to a province of Babylonia. After carrying out the assassination, Ishmael escaped to Ammon (Jer 41:1-15). Nebuchadnezzar then sent troops that sacked Rabbah and took captive many of the Ammonites. Though the city was not destroyed, the destruction of the countryside was thorough. In the third century <span>BC<\/span>, Arab invaders poured in and destroyed the remaining organized political structure, thus marking the end of Ammon as a semi-independent state.<\/p>","summary_ro":"AMMON, AMMONITES A Semitic people who occupied a fertile area northeast of Moab in Transjordan between the Arnon and Jabbok Rivers and extending eastward to the Syrian Desert. The chief city was Rabbah (Rabbath-ammon), modern Amman, capital of Jordan. The Ammonites traced their ancestry to the younger daughter of Lot (Gn 19:38). Their name in Hebrew originally meant “son of my paternal clan,” preserving the remembrance of an actual clan and personal name, and suggesting a kinship between the ...","summary_en":"AMMON, AMMONITES A Semitic people who occupied a fertile area northeast of Moab in Transjordan between the Arnon and Jabbok Rivers and extending eastward to the Syrian Desert. The chief city was Rabbah (Rabbath-ammon), modern Amman, capital of Jordan. The Ammonites traced their ancestry to the younger daughter of Lot (Gn 19:38). Their name in Hebrew originally meant “son of my paternal clan,” preserving the remembrance of an actual clan and personal name, and suggesting a kinship between the ...","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":3398,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Baalis","title_en":"Baalis","content_ro":"<h3>BAALIS<\/h3>\n<p>Ammonite king who arranged for the murder of Gedaliah, governor of the “remnant” left behind after Nebuchadnezzar’s capture of Jerusalem and deportation of its inhabitants (Jer 40:14). Although warned by a guerrilla leader, Johanan, Gedaliah refused to take heed and was killed (Jer 41:1-3).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>BAALIS<\/h3>\n<p>Ammonite king who arranged for the murder of Gedaliah, governor of the “remnant” left behind after Nebuchadnezzar’s capture of Jerusalem and deportation of its inhabitants (Jer 40:14). Although warned by a guerrilla leader, Johanan, Gedaliah refused to take heed and was killed (Jer 41:1-3).<\/p>","summary_ro":"BAALIS Ammonite king who arranged for the murder of Gedaliah, governor of the “remnant” left behind after Nebuchadnezzar’s capture of Jerusalem and deportation of its inhabitants (Jer 40:14). Although warned by a guerrilla leader, Johanan, Gedaliah refused to take heed and was killed (Jer 41:1-3).","summary_en":"BAALIS Ammonite king who arranged for the murder of Gedaliah, governor of the “remnant” left behind after Nebuchadnezzar’s capture of Jerusalem and deportation of its inhabitants (Jer 40:14). Although warned by a guerrilla leader, Johanan, Gedaliah refused to take heed and was killed (Jer 41:1-3).","source":"Articles\/B.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":10676,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Elishama","title_en":"Elishama","content_ro":"<h3>ELISHAMA<\/h3>\n<li>1. Ammihud’s son and leader of the Ephraimites at the beginning of the journey in the wilderness (Nm 1:10; 2:18; 7:48, 53). His was the ninth tribe in line during the wilderness march (10:22). Elishama was the father of Nun and grandfather of Joshua (1 Chr 7:26).<\/li>\n<li>2. One of David’s 13 sons born in Jerusalem to a legitimate wife (2 Sm 5:16; 1 Chr 3:8; 14:7).<\/li>\n<li>3. Ishmael’s ancestor. Ishmael killed Gedaliah, the governor of Israel appointed by Nebuchadnezzar (2 Kgs 25:25; Jer 41:1).<\/li>\n<li>4. Man of Judah descended through Jerahmeel and Sheshan (1 Chr 2:41).<\/li>\n<li>5. Another of David’s sons (1 Chr 3:6); alternately called Elishua in 2 Samuel 5:15 and 1 Chronicles 14:5. <em>See<\/em> Elishua.<\/li>\n<li>6. Priest sent by Jehoshaphat to instruct the Judeans in the law of God (2 Chr 17:8).<\/li>\n<li>7. Prince and scribe in Jeremiah’s time (Jer 36:12). He heard Baruch read the words of God, and later the scroll of the Lord remained in Elishama’s chamber until the king requested it to be read (vv 20-21).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>ELISHAMA<\/h3>\n<li>1. Ammihud’s son and leader of the Ephraimites at the beginning of the journey in the wilderness (Nm 1:10; 2:18; 7:48, 53). His was the ninth tribe in line during the wilderness march (10:22). Elishama was the father of Nun and grandfather of Joshua (1 Chr 7:26).<\/li>\n<li>2. One of David’s 13 sons born in Jerusalem to a legitimate wife (2 Sm 5:16; 1 Chr 3:8; 14:7).<\/li>\n<li>3. Ishmael’s ancestor. Ishmael killed Gedaliah, the governor of Israel appointed by Nebuchadnezzar (2 Kgs 25:25; Jer 41:1).<\/li>\n<li>4. Man of Judah descended through Jerahmeel and Sheshan (1 Chr 2:41).<\/li>\n<li>5. Another of David’s sons (1 Chr 3:6); alternately called Elishua in 2 Samuel 5:15 and 1 Chronicles 14:5. <em>See<\/em> Elishua.<\/li>\n<li>6. Priest sent by Jehoshaphat to instruct the Judeans in the law of God (2 Chr 17:8).<\/li>\n<li>7. Prince and scribe in Jeremiah’s time (Jer 36:12). He heard Baruch read the words of God, and later the scroll of the Lord remained in Elishama’s chamber until the king requested it to be read (vv 20-21).<\/li>","summary_ro":"ELISHAMA 1. Ammihud’s son and leader of the Ephraimites at the beginning of the journey in the wilderness (Nm 1:10; 2:18; 7:48, 53). His was the ninth tribe in line during the wilderness march (10:22). Elishama was the father of Nun and grandfather of Joshua (1 Chr 7:26). 2. One of David’s 13 sons born in Jerusalem to a legitimate wife (2 Sm 5:16; 1 Chr 3:8; 14:7). 3. Ishmael’s ancestor. Ishmael killed Gedaliah, the governor of Israel appointed by Nebuchadnezzar (2 Kgs 25:25; Jer 41:1). 4. Ma...","summary_en":"ELISHAMA 1. Ammihud’s son and leader of the Ephraimites at the beginning of the journey in the wilderness (Nm 1:10; 2:18; 7:48, 53). His was the ninth tribe in line during the wilderness march (10:22). Elishama was the father of Nun and grandfather of Joshua (1 Chr 7:26). 2. One of David’s 13 sons born in Jerusalem to a legitimate wife (2 Sm 5:16; 1 Chr 3:8; 14:7). 3. Ishmael’s ancestor. Ishmael killed Gedaliah, the governor of Israel appointed by Nebuchadnezzar (2 Kgs 25:25; Jer 41:1). 4. Ma...","source":"Articles\/E.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":13319,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Gedaliah","title_en":"Gedaliah","content_ro":"<h3>GEDALIAH<\/h3>\n<li>1. Ahikam’s son, and grandson of Shaphan (King Josiah’s royal scribe). In 586 <span>BC<\/span> Nebuchadnezzar, the Babylonian king, appointed Gedaliah as governor over the Jews remaining in Israel to work the fields, vineyards, and orchards (2 Kgs 25:12, 22).<\/li>\n<p>Gedaliah established his headquarters at Mizpah, where he was joined by the prophet Jeremiah and the Jewish commanders and their guerrilla forces who had escaped capture during the fall of Jerusalem (Jer 40:6-8). Gedaliah assured them that if they would settle down and live in peaceful subjection to Babylon, all would be well (2 Kgs 25:23-24; Jer 40:9-10). On the basis of that assurance, many of the Jews who were dispersed in the Transjordan and other countries returned to Israel to work the land into great productivity (Jer 40:11-12).<\/p>\n<p>Though warned about a plot against him by Ishmael, Gedaliah entertained the schemer at a meal and was killed (2 Kgs 25:25; Jer 40:11-12; 41:1-3). Along with some pilgrims visiting the temple, Ishmael fled with hostages to Ammon, escaping the vengeance of Johanan (Jer 41:10-15).<\/p>\n<li>2. Temple musician in the time of King David (1 Chr 25:3, 9).<\/li>\n<li>3. Jeshua’s son and one called to divorce his foreign wife during Ezra’s reforms (Ezr 10:18).<\/li>\n<li>4. Pashhur’s son and one of the Jerusalem officials who urged King Zedekiah to put the prophet Jeremiah to death for his pro-Babylonian prophetic pronouncements (Jer 38:1).<\/li>\n<li>5. Amariah’s son, grandson of King Hezekiah, and grandfather of the prophet Zephaniah (Zep 1:1).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>GEDALIAH<\/h3>\n<li>1. Ahikam’s son, and grandson of Shaphan (King Josiah’s royal scribe). In 586 <span>BC<\/span> Nebuchadnezzar, the Babylonian king, appointed Gedaliah as governor over the Jews remaining in Israel to work the fields, vineyards, and orchards (2 Kgs 25:12, 22).<\/li>\n<p>Gedaliah established his headquarters at Mizpah, where he was joined by the prophet Jeremiah and the Jewish commanders and their guerrilla forces who had escaped capture during the fall of Jerusalem (Jer 40:6-8). Gedaliah assured them that if they would settle down and live in peaceful subjection to Babylon, all would be well (2 Kgs 25:23-24; Jer 40:9-10). On the basis of that assurance, many of the Jews who were dispersed in the Transjordan and other countries returned to Israel to work the land into great productivity (Jer 40:11-12).<\/p>\n<p>Though warned about a plot against him by Ishmael, Gedaliah entertained the schemer at a meal and was killed (2 Kgs 25:25; Jer 40:11-12; 41:1-3). Along with some pilgrims visiting the temple, Ishmael fled with hostages to Ammon, escaping the vengeance of Johanan (Jer 41:10-15).<\/p>\n<li>2. Temple musician in the time of King David (1 Chr 25:3, 9).<\/li>\n<li>3. Jeshua’s son and one called to divorce his foreign wife during Ezra’s reforms (Ezr 10:18).<\/li>\n<li>4. Pashhur’s son and one of the Jerusalem officials who urged King Zedekiah to put the prophet Jeremiah to death for his pro-Babylonian prophetic pronouncements (Jer 38:1).<\/li>\n<li>5. Amariah’s son, grandson of King Hezekiah, and grandfather of the prophet Zephaniah (Zep 1:1).<\/li>","summary_ro":"GEDALIAH 1. Ahikam’s son, and grandson of Shaphan (King Josiah’s royal scribe). In 586 BC Nebuchadnezzar, the Babylonian king, appointed Gedaliah as governor over the Jews remaining in Israel to work the fields, vineyards, and orchards (2 Kgs 25:12, 22). Gedaliah established his headquarters at Mizpah, where he was joined by the prophet Jeremiah and the Jewish commanders and their guerrilla forces who had escaped capture during the fall of Jerusalem (Jer 40:6-8). Gedaliah assured them that if...","summary_en":"GEDALIAH 1. Ahikam’s son, and grandson of Shaphan (King Josiah’s royal scribe). In 586 BC Nebuchadnezzar, the Babylonian king, appointed Gedaliah as governor over the Jews remaining in Israel to work the fields, vineyards, and orchards (2 Kgs 25:12, 22). Gedaliah established his headquarters at Mizpah, where he was joined by the prophet Jeremiah and the Jewish commanders and their guerrilla forces who had escaped capture during the fall of Jerusalem (Jer 40:6-8). Gedaliah assured them that if...","source":"Articles\/G.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":17945,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Ishmael","title_en":"Ishmael","content_ro":"<h3>ISHMAEL<\/h3>\n<li>1. Abraham’s first son, born of Hagar, Sarah’s Egyptian handmaid, at the instigation of Sarah herself. God promised to make a great nation of the childless Abraham (Gn 12:2), assuring him that his son would be his heir (15:4). But when Sarah was past 75 years old and still barren, she invoked the custom whereby a childless wife gave her maid to her husband as concubine and laid claim to the offspring of their union (16:1-2). When Hagar conceived, the reproach attendant on barrenness prompted the maid to behave contemptuously toward her mistress, and with Abraham’s consent Sarah dealt harshly with her and she fled. An angel sent Hagar back to submit to her mistress and promised her a son to be named Ishmael meaning “God hears” (16:9-11). The boy was born near Hebron when Abraham was 86 years old (13:18; 16:16).<\/li>\n<p>Abraham and Sarah received him as the son of God’s promise, as attested by their disbelief when the forthcoming birth of Isaac was announced (17:17; 18:12), and by Abraham’s subsequent wish that Ishmael should be accepted of God (17:18). At age 13 he participated in the institution of circumcision as a witness of God’s covenant with Abraham (17:9-14, 22-27), and the Lord promised to make Ishmael the father of 12 princes, from which would come a great nation, though the covenant was to be established with Isaac (17:20-21).<\/p>\n<p>There is no evidence that Ishmael was out of favor until Isaac’s weaning at about three years of age. When Sarah saw Ishmael “making fun” of her son Isaac, she determined that the son of a slave woman should not be heir with her son Isaac, and she demanded that Ishmael and Hagar be banished. Although vexed, Abraham received reassurance from the Lord and sent them away with some provisions. It was then clear to Abraham that Isaac, not Ishmael, was the son of God’s promise.<\/p>\n<p>Hagar survived in the wilderness with the guidance of an angel, and Ishmael became a hunter of wild animals. He settled in the wilderness of Paran and married an Egyptian woman (21:20-21). Little else is recorded of him, except that he lived to assist in the burial of Abraham (25:9-10), gave his daughter Mahalath in marriage (28:9), and died at the age of 137 (25:17). The names of his 12 sons and their settlements are recorded in Genesis 25:13-16. In subsequent history, a caravan of Ishmaelite traders (also called Midianites, cf. Jgs 8:22-24) bought Joseph from his brothers and sold him in Egypt (Gn 37:25-28; 39:1).<\/p>\n<p>Though Isaac, rather than Ishmael, inherited the covenantal blessings, it is clear that the covenant was not the only means whereby divine favor could be bestowed. Abraham and Sarah overestimated the importance of Ishmael in God’s plan by mistaking him for the heir of covenant promises, but they also underrated God’s intentions for him by excluding him altogether from inheritance with Isaac.<\/p>\n<p>In the NT, Paul alludes to Ishmael while urging the Galatians not to see the law as a yoke (Gal 4:22). He states that those who trust the law instead of putting their faith in God’s promises do not inherit the kingdom, just as the son of the slave woman did not receive inheritance with the son of the free woman (v 30).<\/p>\n<li>2. Son of Nethaniah, son of Elishama, of the royal family of Zedekiah (2 Kgs 25:25). He was prompted by Baalis, king of the Ammonites, to assassinate Gedaliah, Judean governor of the puppet regime, which Nebuchadnezzar left behind at Mizpah at the time of the Babylonian exile. Gedaliah ignored advance warning of the plot and refused to allow Johanan to assassinate Ishmael first (Jer 40:14-16). While sharing a meal with Gedaliah, Ishmael and ten companions killed him, along with the Babylonian troops accompanying him. The next day he persuaded a group of 80 pilgrims passing from the north to the temple at Jerusalem to enter Mizpah, where he killed all but 10 who ransomed their lives with stores of food. Hiding all the bodies in a cistern, Ishmael took captive the rest of the population of Mizpah, including Jeremiah and women of the royal family, and set out to join the Ammonites. But Johanan, with an armed force, overtook Ishmael at Gibeon and rescued the captives, whereupon Ishmael fled to Ammonite territory (Jer 41).<\/li>\n<li>3. Son of Azel, a Benjamite of the family of Saul (1 Chr 8:38; 9:44).<\/li>\n<li>4. Father of Zebadiah, the governor of the house of Judah under Jehoshaphat (2 Chr 19:11).<\/li>\n<li>5. Son of Jehohanan, and one of the commanders who allied with Jehoiada the priest to enthrone the child Joash and thus end the reign of Athaliah (2 Chr 23:1).<\/li>\n<li>6. Son of Pashhur, and one of the priests who put away foreign wives during Ezra’s reforms (Ezr 10:22).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>ISHMAEL<\/h3>\n<li>1. Abraham’s first son, born of Hagar, Sarah’s Egyptian handmaid, at the instigation of Sarah herself. God promised to make a great nation of the childless Abraham (Gn 12:2), assuring him that his son would be his heir (15:4). But when Sarah was past 75 years old and still barren, she invoked the custom whereby a childless wife gave her maid to her husband as concubine and laid claim to the offspring of their union (16:1-2). When Hagar conceived, the reproach attendant on barrenness prompted the maid to behave contemptuously toward her mistress, and with Abraham’s consent Sarah dealt harshly with her and she fled. An angel sent Hagar back to submit to her mistress and promised her a son to be named Ishmael meaning “God hears” (16:9-11). The boy was born near Hebron when Abraham was 86 years old (13:18; 16:16).<\/li>\n<p>Abraham and Sarah received him as the son of God’s promise, as attested by their disbelief when the forthcoming birth of Isaac was announced (17:17; 18:12), and by Abraham’s subsequent wish that Ishmael should be accepted of God (17:18). At age 13 he participated in the institution of circumcision as a witness of God’s covenant with Abraham (17:9-14, 22-27), and the Lord promised to make Ishmael the father of 12 princes, from which would come a great nation, though the covenant was to be established with Isaac (17:20-21).<\/p>\n<p>There is no evidence that Ishmael was out of favor until Isaac’s weaning at about three years of age. When Sarah saw Ishmael “making fun” of her son Isaac, she determined that the son of a slave woman should not be heir with her son Isaac, and she demanded that Ishmael and Hagar be banished. Although vexed, Abraham received reassurance from the Lord and sent them away with some provisions. It was then clear to Abraham that Isaac, not Ishmael, was the son of God’s promise.<\/p>\n<p>Hagar survived in the wilderness with the guidance of an angel, and Ishmael became a hunter of wild animals. He settled in the wilderness of Paran and married an Egyptian woman (21:20-21). Little else is recorded of him, except that he lived to assist in the burial of Abraham (25:9-10), gave his daughter Mahalath in marriage (28:9), and died at the age of 137 (25:17). The names of his 12 sons and their settlements are recorded in Genesis 25:13-16. In subsequent history, a caravan of Ishmaelite traders (also called Midianites, cf. Jgs 8:22-24) bought Joseph from his brothers and sold him in Egypt (Gn 37:25-28; 39:1).<\/p>\n<p>Though Isaac, rather than Ishmael, inherited the covenantal blessings, it is clear that the covenant was not the only means whereby divine favor could be bestowed. Abraham and Sarah overestimated the importance of Ishmael in God’s plan by mistaking him for the heir of covenant promises, but they also underrated God’s intentions for him by excluding him altogether from inheritance with Isaac.<\/p>\n<p>In the NT, Paul alludes to Ishmael while urging the Galatians not to see the law as a yoke (Gal 4:22). He states that those who trust the law instead of putting their faith in God’s promises do not inherit the kingdom, just as the son of the slave woman did not receive inheritance with the son of the free woman (v 30).<\/p>\n<li>2. Son of Nethaniah, son of Elishama, of the royal family of Zedekiah (2 Kgs 25:25). He was prompted by Baalis, king of the Ammonites, to assassinate Gedaliah, Judean governor of the puppet regime, which Nebuchadnezzar left behind at Mizpah at the time of the Babylonian exile. Gedaliah ignored advance warning of the plot and refused to allow Johanan to assassinate Ishmael first (Jer 40:14-16). While sharing a meal with Gedaliah, Ishmael and ten companions killed him, along with the Babylonian troops accompanying him. The next day he persuaded a group of 80 pilgrims passing from the north to the temple at Jerusalem to enter Mizpah, where he killed all but 10 who ransomed their lives with stores of food. Hiding all the bodies in a cistern, Ishmael took captive the rest of the population of Mizpah, including Jeremiah and women of the royal family, and set out to join the Ammonites. But Johanan, with an armed force, overtook Ishmael at Gibeon and rescued the captives, whereupon Ishmael fled to Ammonite territory (Jer 41).<\/li>\n<li>3. Son of Azel, a Benjamite of the family of Saul (1 Chr 8:38; 9:44).<\/li>\n<li>4. Father of Zebadiah, the governor of the house of Judah under Jehoshaphat (2 Chr 19:11).<\/li>\n<li>5. Son of Jehohanan, and one of the commanders who allied with Jehoiada the priest to enthrone the child Joash and thus end the reign of Athaliah (2 Chr 23:1).<\/li>\n<li>6. Son of Pashhur, and one of the priests who put away foreign wives during Ezra’s reforms (Ezr 10:22).<\/li>","summary_ro":"ISHMAEL 1. Abraham’s first son, born of Hagar, Sarah’s Egyptian handmaid, at the instigation of Sarah herself. God promised to make a great nation of the childless Abraham (Gn 12:2), assuring him that his son would be his heir (15:4). But when Sarah was past 75 years old and still barren, she invoked the custom whereby a childless wife gave her maid to her husband as concubine and laid claim to the offspring of their union (16:1-2). When Hagar conceived, the reproach attendant on barrenness p...","summary_en":"ISHMAEL 1. Abraham’s first son, born of Hagar, Sarah’s Egyptian handmaid, at the instigation of Sarah herself. God promised to make a great nation of the childless Abraham (Gn 12:2), assuring him that his son would be his heir (15:4). But when Sarah was past 75 years old and still barren, she invoked the custom whereby a childless wife gave her maid to her husband as concubine and laid claim to the offspring of their union (16:1-2). When Hagar conceived, the reproach attendant on barrenness p...","source":"Articles\/I.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":27363,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Nethaniah","title_en":"Nethaniah","content_ro":"<h3>NETHANIAH<\/h3>\n<li>1. Elishama’s son, father of Ishmael and a member of the royal family of Judah (2 Kgs 25:23-25; Jer 40:8-15; 41:1-18).<\/li>\n<li>2. One of Asaph’s four sons and the leader of the fifth of 24 divisions of musicians trained for service in the sanctuary during David’s reign (1 Chr 25:2, 12).<\/li>\n<li>3. One of the Levites sent by King Jehoshaphat of Judah to teach the law in the cities of Judah (2 Chr 17:8).<\/li>\n<li>4. Shelemiah’s son and the father of Jehudi. Jehudi served in the court of King Jehoiakim of Judah (Jer 36:14).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>NETHANIAH<\/h3>\n<li>1. Elishama’s son, father of Ishmael and a member of the royal family of Judah (2 Kgs 25:23-25; Jer 40:8-15; 41:1-18).<\/li>\n<li>2. One of Asaph’s four sons and the leader of the fifth of 24 divisions of musicians trained for service in the sanctuary during David’s reign (1 Chr 25:2, 12).<\/li>\n<li>3. One of the Levites sent by King Jehoshaphat of Judah to teach the law in the cities of Judah (2 Chr 17:8).<\/li>\n<li>4. Shelemiah’s son and the father of Jehudi. Jehudi served in the court of King Jehoiakim of Judah (Jer 36:14).<\/li>","summary_ro":"NETHANIAH 1. Elishama’s son, father of Ishmael and a member of the royal family of Judah (2 Kgs 25:23-25; Jer 40:8-15; 41:1-18). 2. One of Asaph’s four sons and the leader of the fifth of 24 divisions of musicians trained for service in the sanctuary during David’s reign (1 Chr 25:2, 12). 3. One of the Levites sent by King Jehoshaphat of Judah to teach the law in the cities of Judah (2 Chr 17:8). 4. Shelemiah’s son and the father of Jehudi. Jehudi served in the court of King Jehoiakim of Juda...","summary_en":"NETHANIAH 1. Elishama’s son, father of Ishmael and a member of the royal family of Judah (2 Kgs 25:23-25; Jer 40:8-15; 41:1-18). 2. One of Asaph’s four sons and the leader of the fifth of 24 divisions of musicians trained for service in the sanctuary during David’s reign (1 Chr 25:2, 12). 3. One of the Levites sent by King Jehoshaphat of Judah to teach the law in the cities of Judah (2 Chr 17:8). 4. Shelemiah’s son and the father of Jehudi. Jehudi served in the court of King Jehoiakim of Juda...","source":"Articles\/N.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":39647,"type":"chart","type_label":"Diagramă","type_icon":"📊","type_color":"#3b82f6","title_ro":"Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles","title_en":"Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles","content_ro":"<h3>Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles<\/h3>\n<p>This chart follows the order of passages as they occur in Jeremiah.<\/p>\n<table>\n <tr>\n <td><p><em>Order<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>Jeremiah<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>2 Kings<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>2 Chronicles<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>Content<\/em><\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>1<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>37:1-2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:10-12<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah made king<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>39:1-8<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:1-10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah rebels; siege begins<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>7<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>39:10 and 40:5b<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:12 and 25:22b<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah made governor<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>8<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>40:7-9<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:23-24<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah urges fidelity to Babylon<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>9<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>41:1-3<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:25<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah assassinated<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>43:5-7<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:26<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Jews flee to Egypt<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>1<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:1-2 (cf. 37:1-2)<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:10-12<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah made king<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:3-5 (cf. 39:1-3)<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:20 and 25:1-2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:13-16<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah rebels; siege begins<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>3<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:6-14<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:3-10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah captured; Jerusalem destroyed<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>6<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:15<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:11<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:20<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>People deported<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>5<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:17-23<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:13-17<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:18<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Booty taken<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>4<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:24-27<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:18-21<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Nobles slain<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>11<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:31-34<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:27-30<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Later events<\/p><\/td><\/tr><\/table>","content_en":"<h3>Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles<\/h3>\n<p>This chart follows the order of passages as they occur in Jeremiah.<\/p>\n<table>\n <tr>\n <td><p><em>Order<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>Jeremiah<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>2 Kings<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>2 Chronicles<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>Content<\/em><\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>1<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>37:1-2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:10-12<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah made king<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>39:1-8<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:1-10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah rebels; siege begins<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>7<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>39:10 and 40:5b<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:12 and 25:22b<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah made governor<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>8<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>40:7-9<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:23-24<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah urges fidelity to Babylon<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>9<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>41:1-3<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:25<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah assassinated<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>43:5-7<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:26<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Jews flee to Egypt<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>1<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:1-2 (cf. 37:1-2)<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:10-12<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah made king<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:3-5 (cf. 39:1-3)<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:20 and 25:1-2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:13-16<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah rebels; siege begins<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>3<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:6-14<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:3-10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah captured; Jerusalem destroyed<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>6<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:15<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:11<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:20<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>People deported<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>5<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:17-23<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:13-17<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:18<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Booty taken<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>4<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:24-27<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:18-21<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Nobles slain<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>11<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:31-34<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:27-30<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Later events<\/p><\/td><\/tr><\/table>","summary_ro":"Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles This chart follows the order of passages as they occur in Jeremiah. Order Jeremiah 2 Kings 2 Chronicles Content 1 37:1-2 24:17-19 36:10-12 Zedekiah made king 2 39:1-8 25:1-10 36:17-19 Zedekiah rebels; siege begins 7 39:10 and 40:5b 25:12 and 25:22b Gedaliah made governor 8 40:7-9 25:23-24 Gedaliah urges fidelity to Babylon 9 41:1-3 25:25 Gedaliah assassinated 10 43:5-7 25:26 Jews flee to Egypt 1 52:1-2 (cf. 37:1-2) 24:17-19 36:10-12 Zedekiah ...","summary_en":"Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles This chart follows the order of passages as they occur in Jeremiah. Order Jeremiah 2 Kings 2 Chronicles Content 1 37:1-2 24:17-19 36:10-12 Zedekiah made king 2 39:1-8 25:1-10 36:17-19 Zedekiah rebels; siege begins 7 39:10 and 40:5b 25:12 and 25:22b Gedaliah made governor 8 40:7-9 25:23-24 Gedaliah urges fidelity to Babylon 9 41:1-3 25:25 Gedaliah assassinated 10 43:5-7 25:26 Jews flee to Egypt 1 52:1-2 (cf. 37:1-2) 24:17-19 36:10-12 Zedekiah ...","source":"Charts\/Charts.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":52671,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 41:1","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 41:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>41:1-2<\/strong> <em>in midautumn:<\/em> These events took place three months after the fall of Jerusalem. • <em>While they were eating together:<\/em> With this attack, Ishmael viciously violated Gedaliah’s hospitality.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>41:1-2<\/strong> <em>in midautumn:<\/em> These events took place three months after the fall of Jerusalem. • <em>While they were eating together:<\/em> With this attack, Ishmael viciously violated Gedaliah’s hospitality.<\/p>","summary_ro":"41:1-2 in midautumn: These events took place three months after the fall of Jerusalem. • While they were eating together: With this attack, Ishmael viciously violated Gedaliah’s hospitality.","summary_en":"41:1-2 in midautumn: These events took place three months after the fall of Jerusalem. • While they were eating together: With this attack, Ishmael viciously violated Gedaliah’s hospitality.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":80297,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 41:1","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 41:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>41:1-2<\/strong> <em>in midautumn:<\/em> These events took place three months after the fall of Jerusalem. • <em>While they were eating together:<\/em> With this attack, Ishmael viciously violated Gedaliah’s hospitality.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>41:1-2<\/strong> <em>in midautumn:<\/em> These events took place three months after the fall of Jerusalem. • <em>While they were eating together:<\/em> With this attack, Ishmael viciously violated Gedaliah’s hospitality.<\/p>","summary_ro":"41:1-2 in midautumn: These events took place three months after the fall of Jerusalem. • While they were eating together: With this attack, Ishmael viciously violated Gedaliah’s hospitality.","summary_en":"41:1-2 in midautumn: These events took place three months after the fall of Jerusalem. • While they were eating together: With this attack, Ishmael viciously violated Gedaliah’s hospitality.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":107923,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 41:1","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 41:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>41:1-2<\/strong> <em>in midautumn:<\/em> These events took place three months after the fall of Jerusalem. • <em>While they were eating together:<\/em> With this attack, Ishmael viciously violated Gedaliah’s hospitality.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>41:1-2<\/strong> <em>in midautumn:<\/em> These events took place three months after the fall of Jerusalem. • <em>While they were eating together:<\/em> With this attack, Ishmael viciously violated Gedaliah’s hospitality.<\/p>","summary_ro":"41:1-2 in midautumn: These events took place three months after the fall of Jerusalem. • While they were eating together: With this attack, Ishmael viciously violated Gedaliah’s hospitality.","summary_en":"41:1-2 in midautumn: These events took place three months after the fall of Jerusalem. • While they were eating together: With this attack, Ishmael viciously violated Gedaliah’s hospitality.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":135549,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 41:1","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 41:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>41:1-2<\/strong> <em>in midautumn:<\/em> These events took place three months after the fall of Jerusalem. • <em>While they were eating together:<\/em> With this attack, Ishmael viciously violated Gedaliah’s hospitality.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>41:1-2<\/strong> <em>in midautumn:<\/em> These events took place three months after the fall of Jerusalem. • <em>While they were eating together:<\/em> With this attack, Ishmael viciously violated Gedaliah’s hospitality.<\/p>","summary_ro":"41:1-2 in midautumn: These events took place three months after the fall of Jerusalem. • While they were eating together: With this attack, Ishmael viciously violated Gedaliah’s hospitality.","summary_en":"41:1-2 in midautumn: These events took place three months after the fall of Jerusalem. • While they were eating together: With this attack, Ishmael viciously violated Gedaliah’s hospitality.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"2":[{"id":34656,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Shaphan","title_en":"Shaphan","content_ro":"<h3>SHAPHAN<\/h3>\n<li>1. Son of Azaliah and the father of Ahikam, Elasah, and Gemariah. He and his household favored Josiah’s reforms, supported the prophet Jeremiah, and complied with Babylonian hegemony.<\/li>\n<p>Shaphan served as the royal secretary to Josiah, king of Judah (640–609 <span>BC<\/span>). He read the Book of the Law to the king after it was found by the high priest Hilkiah in the sanctuary of Jerusalem. Later, Josiah sent him with a small delegation to hear the words of the prophetess Huldah (2 Kgs 22:3-14; 2 Chr 34:8-28).<\/p>\n<p>Shaphan’s sons were mentioned among the political leaders of Judah during the days of its desolation by Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon (605–586 <span>BC<\/span>). Ahikam assisted with the repair of the sanctuary and protected Jeremiah from the men who sought his death during the reign of King Jehoiakim (609–598 <span>BC<\/span>; 2 Kgs 22:12; Jer 26:24). Elasah delivered a message from King Zedekiah of Judah (597–586 <span>BC<\/span>) to Nebuchadnezzar in Babylon (Jer 29:3). Gemariah was the prince of Judah from whose chamber Baruch read the scroll of Jeremiah to the people (36:10-12).<\/p>\n<p>Shaphan was the grandfather of Micaiah (Jer 36:11-13) and Gedaliah. Gedaliah was appointed governor of Judah by Nebuchadnezzar (2 Kgs 25:22; Jer 40:5-11) and ordered to protect Jeremiah (Jer 39:14). Gedaliah was later murdered by a mob led by Ishmael (41:2).<\/p>\n<li>2. Father of Jaazaniah and, in Ezekiel’s vision, a leader of idolatrous practices in Israel (Ez 8:11).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>SHAPHAN<\/h3>\n<li>1. Son of Azaliah and the father of Ahikam, Elasah, and Gemariah. He and his household favored Josiah’s reforms, supported the prophet Jeremiah, and complied with Babylonian hegemony.<\/li>\n<p>Shaphan served as the royal secretary to Josiah, king of Judah (640–609 <span>BC<\/span>). He read the Book of the Law to the king after it was found by the high priest Hilkiah in the sanctuary of Jerusalem. Later, Josiah sent him with a small delegation to hear the words of the prophetess Huldah (2 Kgs 22:3-14; 2 Chr 34:8-28).<\/p>\n<p>Shaphan’s sons were mentioned among the political leaders of Judah during the days of its desolation by Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon (605–586 <span>BC<\/span>). Ahikam assisted with the repair of the sanctuary and protected Jeremiah from the men who sought his death during the reign of King Jehoiakim (609–598 <span>BC<\/span>; 2 Kgs 22:12; Jer 26:24). Elasah delivered a message from King Zedekiah of Judah (597–586 <span>BC<\/span>) to Nebuchadnezzar in Babylon (Jer 29:3). Gemariah was the prince of Judah from whose chamber Baruch read the scroll of Jeremiah to the people (36:10-12).<\/p>\n<p>Shaphan was the grandfather of Micaiah (Jer 36:11-13) and Gedaliah. Gedaliah was appointed governor of Judah by Nebuchadnezzar (2 Kgs 25:22; Jer 40:5-11) and ordered to protect Jeremiah (Jer 39:14). Gedaliah was later murdered by a mob led by Ishmael (41:2).<\/p>\n<li>2. Father of Jaazaniah and, in Ezekiel’s vision, a leader of idolatrous practices in Israel (Ez 8:11).<\/li>","summary_ro":"SHAPHAN 1. Son of Azaliah and the father of Ahikam, Elasah, and Gemariah. He and his household favored Josiah’s reforms, supported the prophet Jeremiah, and complied with Babylonian hegemony. Shaphan served as the royal secretary to Josiah, king of Judah (640–609 BC). He read the Book of the Law to the king after it was found by the high priest Hilkiah in the sanctuary of Jerusalem. Later, Josiah sent him with a small delegation to hear the words of the prophetess Huldah (2 Kgs 22:3-14; 2 Chr...","summary_en":"SHAPHAN 1. Son of Azaliah and the father of Ahikam, Elasah, and Gemariah. He and his household favored Josiah’s reforms, supported the prophet Jeremiah, and complied with Babylonian hegemony. Shaphan served as the royal secretary to Josiah, king of Judah (640–609 BC). He read the Book of the Law to the king after it was found by the high priest Hilkiah in the sanctuary of Jerusalem. Later, Josiah sent him with a small delegation to hear the words of the prophetess Huldah (2 Kgs 22:3-14; 2 Chr...","source":"Articles\/S.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"3":[{"id":10859,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Ephai","title_en":"Ephai","content_ro":"<h3>EPHAI<\/h3>\n<p>Netophathite (resident of the town Netophah, near Bethlehem) whose sons fought against the Babylonian army (Jer 40:8). They, with others, approached Gedaliah, the governor of Judah appointed by Babylon, and requested his protection. They died, along with Gedaliah, in an uprising led by Ishmael, the son of Nethaniah (41:3).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>EPHAI<\/h3>\n<p>Netophathite (resident of the town Netophah, near Bethlehem) whose sons fought against the Babylonian army (Jer 40:8). They, with others, approached Gedaliah, the governor of Judah appointed by Babylon, and requested his protection. They died, along with Gedaliah, in an uprising led by Ishmael, the son of Nethaniah (41:3).<\/p>","summary_ro":"EPHAI Netophathite (resident of the town Netophah, near Bethlehem) whose sons fought against the Babylonian army (Jer 40:8). They, with others, approached Gedaliah, the governor of Judah appointed by Babylon, and requested his protection. They died, along with Gedaliah, in an uprising led by Ishmael, the son of Nethaniah (41:3).","summary_en":"EPHAI Netophathite (resident of the town Netophah, near Bethlehem) whose sons fought against the Babylonian army (Jer 40:8). They, with others, approached Gedaliah, the governor of Judah appointed by Babylon, and requested his protection. They died, along with Gedaliah, in an uprising led by Ishmael, the son of Nethaniah (41:3).","source":"Articles\/E.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":26121,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Mizpah","title_en":"Mizpah","content_ro":"<h3>MIZPAH<\/h3>\n<p>Name meaning “watchtower” in Hebrew (alternately spelled Mizpeh) used to designate a number of different locations mentioned in the OT and Apocrypha.<\/p>\n<p>1. Place in Gilead where Jacob and Laban made a covenant (Gn 31:49) and set up a heap of stones to mark the borders between their territories.<\/p>\n<li>2. Place referred to as “the land of Mizpah” (Jos 11:3) or the “valley of Mizpah” (Jos 11:8) near Mt Hermon and inhabited by the Hivites.<\/li>\n<li>3. Town in Judah near Lachish referred to in Joshua 15:38.<\/li>\n<li>4. Place in the tribal area of Benjamin (Jos 18:26). It was here that the Israelites gathered to war against the tribe of Benjamin (Jgs 20:1; 21:1) after the men of Gibeah had abused and killed the concubine of a visiting Levite. It was here that Samuel called all Israel together to pray for victory over the Philistines (1 Sm 7:5-8). Later, Samuel called for an assembly at Mizpah to publicly designate Saul as king and to instruct the people and king in the ways of the kingdom (10:17-25). In the time of Asa, Mizpah was a fortified town on the border between Israel and Judah (1 Kgs 15:22). After the fall of Jerusalem in 586 <span>BC<\/span> to the Babylonians, Mizpah became the residence of Gedaliah the governor (2 Kgs 25:23-24; Jer 40:10), who was murdered there by Ishmael of the “royal seed” (Jer 41:3). Two days later Ishmael murdered a company of pilgrims who were going to Jerusalem to bring their offerings at the ruined temple, and he cast their bodies into a cistern that had been constructed centuries earlier by Asa.<\/li>\n<p>In the intertestamental period Mizpah continued to be an important religious center. Judas Maccabeus called the people together at Mizpah “because Israel formerly had a place of prayer in Mizpah” (1 Macc 3:46).<\/p>\n<li>5. Home of Jephthah, from which he led the Israelites in battle against the Ammonites, and to which he returned to carry out his vow (Jgs 10–11). This is possibly the same place as the Ramath-mizpeh of Joshua 13:26 and is thought by many to be identified with Khirbat Jal’ad just south of the Jabbok.<\/li>\n<li>6. Town in Moab to which David fled from Saul (1 Sm 22:3).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>MIZPAH<\/h3>\n<p>Name meaning “watchtower” in Hebrew (alternately spelled Mizpeh) used to designate a number of different locations mentioned in the OT and Apocrypha.<\/p>\n<p>1. Place in Gilead where Jacob and Laban made a covenant (Gn 31:49) and set up a heap of stones to mark the borders between their territories.<\/p>\n<li>2. Place referred to as “the land of Mizpah” (Jos 11:3) or the “valley of Mizpah” (Jos 11:8) near Mt Hermon and inhabited by the Hivites.<\/li>\n<li>3. Town in Judah near Lachish referred to in Joshua 15:38.<\/li>\n<li>4. Place in the tribal area of Benjamin (Jos 18:26). It was here that the Israelites gathered to war against the tribe of Benjamin (Jgs 20:1; 21:1) after the men of Gibeah had abused and killed the concubine of a visiting Levite. It was here that Samuel called all Israel together to pray for victory over the Philistines (1 Sm 7:5-8). Later, Samuel called for an assembly at Mizpah to publicly designate Saul as king and to instruct the people and king in the ways of the kingdom (10:17-25). In the time of Asa, Mizpah was a fortified town on the border between Israel and Judah (1 Kgs 15:22). After the fall of Jerusalem in 586 <span>BC<\/span> to the Babylonians, Mizpah became the residence of Gedaliah the governor (2 Kgs 25:23-24; Jer 40:10), who was murdered there by Ishmael of the “royal seed” (Jer 41:3). Two days later Ishmael murdered a company of pilgrims who were going to Jerusalem to bring their offerings at the ruined temple, and he cast their bodies into a cistern that had been constructed centuries earlier by Asa.<\/li>\n<p>In the intertestamental period Mizpah continued to be an important religious center. Judas Maccabeus called the people together at Mizpah “because Israel formerly had a place of prayer in Mizpah” (1 Macc 3:46).<\/p>\n<li>5. Home of Jephthah, from which he led the Israelites in battle against the Ammonites, and to which he returned to carry out his vow (Jgs 10–11). This is possibly the same place as the Ramath-mizpeh of Joshua 13:26 and is thought by many to be identified with Khirbat Jal’ad just south of the Jabbok.<\/li>\n<li>6. Town in Moab to which David fled from Saul (1 Sm 22:3).<\/li>","summary_ro":"MIZPAH Name meaning “watchtower” in Hebrew (alternately spelled Mizpeh) used to designate a number of different locations mentioned in the OT and Apocrypha. 1. Place in Gilead where Jacob and Laban made a covenant (Gn 31:49) and set up a heap of stones to mark the borders between their territories. 2. Place referred to as “the land of Mizpah” (Jos 11:3) or the “valley of Mizpah” (Jos 11:8) near Mt Hermon and inhabited by the Hivites. 3. Town in Judah near Lachish referred to in Joshua 15:38. ...","summary_en":"MIZPAH Name meaning “watchtower” in Hebrew (alternately spelled Mizpeh) used to designate a number of different locations mentioned in the OT and Apocrypha. 1. Place in Gilead where Jacob and Laban made a covenant (Gn 31:49) and set up a heap of stones to mark the borders between their territories. 2. Place referred to as “the land of Mizpah” (Jos 11:3) or the “valley of Mizpah” (Jos 11:8) near Mt Hermon and inhabited by the Hivites. 3. Town in Judah near Lachish referred to in Joshua 15:38. ...","source":"Articles\/M.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"4":[{"id":6724,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Cistern","title_en":"Cistern","content_ro":"<h3>CISTERN<\/h3>\n<p>Place to store water; a man-made catch basin or reservoir. Stone cisterns plastered with lime came into common use in Palestine in the 13th century <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>Leaky or abandoned cisterns were often used as burial, torture, or prison chambers. For example, the dungeon into which the prophet Jeremiah was lowered was an abandoned muddy cistern (Jer 38:6). Ishmael threw the bodies of 70 murdered men into a large cistern originally constructed by King Asa for a wartime water supply (41:4-9).<\/p>\n<p>Cisterns were vitally important in the arid Near East. King Uzziah of Judah is described as hewing out many cisterns in areas where springs or wells were lacking (2 Chr 26:10). An Assyrian general taunting King Hezekiah and his people promised that, if they would submit, everyone would drink the water of his own cistern (Is 36:16; cf. 2 Kgs 18:31). Much earlier, Moses had assured the Israelites that cisterns already hewn out would be among God’s blessing in the Promised Land (Dt 6:11).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>CISTERN<\/h3>\n<p>Place to store water; a man-made catch basin or reservoir. Stone cisterns plastered with lime came into common use in Palestine in the 13th century <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>Leaky or abandoned cisterns were often used as burial, torture, or prison chambers. For example, the dungeon into which the prophet Jeremiah was lowered was an abandoned muddy cistern (Jer 38:6). Ishmael threw the bodies of 70 murdered men into a large cistern originally constructed by King Asa for a wartime water supply (41:4-9).<\/p>\n<p>Cisterns were vitally important in the arid Near East. King Uzziah of Judah is described as hewing out many cisterns in areas where springs or wells were lacking (2 Chr 26:10). An Assyrian general taunting King Hezekiah and his people promised that, if they would submit, everyone would drink the water of his own cistern (Is 36:16; cf. 2 Kgs 18:31). Much earlier, Moses had assured the Israelites that cisterns already hewn out would be among God’s blessing in the Promised Land (Dt 6:11).<\/p>","summary_ro":"CISTERN Place to store water; a man-made catch basin or reservoir. Stone cisterns plastered with lime came into common use in Palestine in the 13th century BC. Leaky or abandoned cisterns were often used as burial, torture, or prison chambers. For example, the dungeon into which the prophet Jeremiah was lowered was an abandoned muddy cistern (Jer 38:6). Ishmael threw the bodies of 70 murdered men into a large cistern originally constructed by King Asa for a wartime water supply (41:4-9). Cist...","summary_en":"CISTERN Place to store water; a man-made catch basin or reservoir. Stone cisterns plastered with lime came into common use in Palestine in the 13th century BC. Leaky or abandoned cisterns were often used as burial, torture, or prison chambers. For example, the dungeon into which the prophet Jeremiah was lowered was an abandoned muddy cistern (Jer 38:6). Ishmael threw the bodies of 70 murdered men into a large cistern originally constructed by King Asa for a wartime water supply (41:4-9). Cist...","source":"Articles\/C.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":37012,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Temple","title_en":"Temple","content_ro":"<h3>TEMPLE<\/h3>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Background<\/p>\n<p>• Solomon’s Temple<\/p>\n<p>• Zerubbabel’s Temple<\/p>\n<p>• Herod’s Temple<\/p>\n<p>• Significance of the Temple in the Old Testament<\/p>\n<p>• Significance of the Temple in the New Testament<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Background\">Background<\/p>\n<p>David’s capture of Jerusalem (2 Sm 5:6-9) and his designation of it as the nation’s capital is one of the great masterstrokes of history. Occupied by the Jebusites, it was a pocket of neutral territory between the northern and southern sections of David’s united kingdom and was politically acceptable to both. Jerusalem was then established as the national religious center by the return of the ark, which had been largely neglected since its capture by the Philistines (2 Sm 6:1-17). Henceforth, God’s choices of both David and Jerusalem (“Mount Zion”) were indissolubly linked (Ps 78:67-72).<\/p>\n<p>David’s great impulse was to build an adequate dwelling place for Israel’s God. The idea was initially approved by Nathan the prophet (2 Sm 7:1-3), but God revealed otherwise to him, and he conveyed the divine purpose to David (vv 4-17). In a significant wordplay, David was informed that, while he was not to build a house (temple) for God, God would build a house (dynasty) for him. David was not the one to build a temple because of the numerous wars during his reign; the temple would instead be built by his son (1 Kgs 5:3; 1 Chr 22:7-8; 28:3). Nevertheless, David enthusiastically amassed most of the necessary finances and materials and drew up the blueprints for the temple (1 Chr 22:3-5, 14; 28:2, 11-19). He also purchased the temple site (21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"SolomonsTemple\">Solomon’s Temple<\/p>\n\n<h5>Date<\/h5>\n<p>Construction commenced in Solomon’s fourth year, about 966 <span>BC<\/span>, and took seven years to complete (1 Kgs 6:1, 38). Everything necessary for the temple, including the workers, had been prepared by David (1 Chr 28:21). The temple evidently had first priority among Solomon’s building schemes, as he built his own palace later (1 Kgs 7:1).<\/p>\n<h5>Superintendents and Workforce<\/h5>\n<p>The principal architect for the bronze furnishings was Huram (Hebrew “Hiram”), whose father was a metal craftsman from Tyre and whose mother was an Israelite (1 Kgs 7:13-14). Cedar for the temple came from Lebanon and was felled and transported by the skilled woodsmen of another Hiram—the king of Tyre, Solomon’s ally (5:5-9). Thirty thousand Israelites, divided into three groups, were drafted to assist at Lebanon. Each group was on duty for one month in three. For the stonework, Solomon conscripted 153,600 foreigners resident in Israel to provide a self-contained group of carriers, stone cutters, and supervisors (vv 15-17; 2 Chr 2:17-18). Possibly the “men of Gebal,” with their specialized skills, formed yet another group (1 Kgs 5:18). Building the temple was obviously a national project of immense size and effort. In order to preserve the sanctity of the site and to eliminate noise, the masonry and carpentry were not done at the temple site (6:7).<\/p>\n<h5>Description<\/h5>\n<p>The details given in the Bible are sufficiently clear for us to make a reasonably accurate description of the temple. The accounts in Kings and Chronicles are supplemented by Ezekiel’s depiction of the temple (see below), which was broadly based on his knowledge of the Jerusalem temple (Ez 40–48).<\/p>\n<p>The side rooms probably rested on a foundation or platform that was separate from the temple itself (1 Kgs 6:5, 10; cf. Ez 41:8-9) and were arranged in three stories, each seven and a half feet (2.3 meters) high, extending around the whole building except for the porch side. Each successive story was one and a half feet (.5 meter) wider than the one below, these dimensions coinciding with the thickness of the side wall of the Holy Place. The ground floor rooms were seven and a half feet (2.3 meters) wide; the first story was nine feet (2.7 meters), and the second was ten and a half feet (3.2 meters). Access to the upper stories was possibly by winding staircases (1 Kgs 6:8). There is some uncertainty concerning the location of the entrances; there may have been one on either side, but only one is mentioned (v 8). As in Ezekiel’s temple (Ez 40:17, 28), there were two adjacent courts, an inner and an outer (1 Kgs 6:36; 7:12), but no dimensions are given for these. The inner court, or “court of the priests,” being next to the temple itself, was also called “the upper court” (2 Chr 4:9; Jer 36:10). The wall of the inner court was made of three layers of hewn stone held together by a layer of cedar beams (1 Kgs 6:36), and the doors of both courts were sheathed in bronze (2 Chr 4:9). The palace buildings were within the outer court area, probably with a private passageway between the palace and the temple that was later closed during the reign of Ahaz (2 Chr 4:9, 12; 2 Kgs 16:18).<\/p>\n<p>The temple itself was 90 feet (27.4 meters) long, 30 feet (9.1 meters) wide, and 45 feet (13.7 meters) high (1 Kgs 6:2), with a porch or vestibule 15 feet (4.6 meters) deep stretching across the width. Probably the vestibule was on the east end of the temple, thus corresponding with the orientation of Ezekiel’s temple (Ez 43:1; 44:1). The larger part of the main sanctuary, next to the porch, formed the Holy Place, which was 60 feet (18.3 meters) long (1 Kgs 6:17). Beyond this was the innermost sanctuary, the Holy of Holies (or the “Most Holy Place“), which was a perfect cube of 30 feet (9.1 meters). All the interior walls were paneled with cedar decorated with flower patterns, cherubim, and palm trees, so that no masonry was visible. The walls of both inner and outer sanctuaries were “overlaid” (v 22) with pure gold. Actually the gold decoration may have been inlaid, on the basis that a solid sheath of gold would spoil the natural beauty of the wood carving. The floor was made of cypress planks (v 15). Narrow windows set high in the walls above the level of the three-storied outer chambers provided light in the Holy Place (v 4). The ceiling was paneled with beams and planks of cedar. No detail is given about the exterior roofing, but probably the contemporary technique was employed, using a wooden, latticelike framework into which a waterproof, limestone plaster was packed and rolled.<\/p>\n<p>The outer porch was apparently an open space, since no doors are mentioned. Access into the Holy Place was by double doors, both hinged to fold back on themselves, made of cypress and decorated in exactly the same way as the interior walls (vv 34-35). The doorposts were made of olive wood. Within the Holy Place was the altar of incense made of cedar overlaid with gold; it was placed centrally before the Holy of Holies. Also in the Holy Place were a table for the bread of the Presence of God, ten lampstands arranged in two groups of five on either side, and various utensils required for maintaining the priestly duties (1 Kgs 7:48-50). All these were made or overlaid with gold. The ten tables, arranged five on each side, were presumably for the utensils and accessories (2 Chr 4:8).<\/p>\n<p>Between the Holy Place and the Holy of Holies was a double door made of olive wood, carved with cherubim, palm trees, and flower patterns and overlaid with gold. Inside these doors, veiling still further the Holy of Holies, was a blue, purple, and crimson curtain, made of the finest fabrics and ornamented with cherubim (2 Chr 3:14).<\/p>\n<p>In the Holy of Holies were two cherubim, each 15 feet (4.6 meters) high and made of olive wood covered with gold (1 Kgs 6:23-28). Each wing measured seven and a half feet (2.3 meters). A wing of each touched the side walls; the other wings met at the center of the room. The divine throne had been considerably less impressive in the tabernacle, where a wing of each cherubim fused into the mercy seat above the ark (Ex 25:17-22). In Solomon’s temple, the ark of the covenant was placed below the forward-facing cherubim, the symbolic protectors. The ark, the only major item surviving from the Mosaic tabernacle, still contained the tablets of the law, but the pot of manna and Aaron’s rod were missing (1 Kgs 8:9).<\/p>\n<p>Immediately outside the temple and on either side of the vestibule were two hollow bronze pillars (1 Kgs 7:15-20; 2 Chr 3:15-17). According to the book of Kings, these pillars were 27 feet (8.2 meters) high, with a circumference of 18 feet (5.5 meters). The metal itself was about four inches (10.2 centimeters) thick. The pillars were surmounted by bronze, lily-shaped capitals seven and a half feet (2.3 meters) high and six feet (1.8 meters) wide, intricately adorned with a chain latticework that supported two rows of pomegranates. The total weight must have been enormous, and their size is attested to by Jeremiah, who notes that the Babylonians had to break them in pieces before transporting them to Babylon (Jer 52:17, 21-23).<\/p>\n<p>The bronze altar of sacrifice in front of the vestibule is not listed in the specifications of 1 Kings 7. However, it is mentioned in the temple dedication and subsequently (1 Kgs 8:22, 54, 64; 9:25) and clearly stood in the inner court. Its dimensions were 30 feet (9.1 meters) square and 15 feet (4.6 meters) high (2 Chr 4:1). In view of its weight, it was probably cast in sections at Solomon’s foundry in the Jordan Rift valley (vv 17-18) and then transported to the temple site for assembly.<\/p>\n<p>Probably the most striking article in the inner court was the “molten (bronze) sea,” a huge, round tank made of bronze 3 inches (8 centimeters) thick, 7½ feet (2.3 meters) high, and 15 feet (4.6 meters) in diameter (1 Kgs 7:23-26). Its rim flared out like a lily (2 Chr 4:2-5). The tank was supported on 12 bronze oxen, four on each side, and had two rows of decoration, possibly gourds or pomegranates, under the brim. Its capacity was between 10,000 and 12,000 gallons (37,850–45,420 liters). The bronze sea was used for priestly ablutions (v 6). Presumably this involved a platform of sorts, for the brim of this vast basin would have been about 15 feet (4.6 meters) above ground level.<\/p>\n<p>Hiram also constructed ten large lavers, mounted on moveable stands and placed in two groups of five, on the north and south sides of the inner court (1 Kgs 7:27-39). Basically the stands were bronze boxes, six feet (1.8 meters) square and four and a half feet (1.4 meters) high with a nine-inch (22.9-centimeter) rim around the top edge. Each corner was attached to braced posts to which the axles were fixed. The four-spoked wheels were 27 inches (68.6 centimeters) high. Into each stand there fitted a laver containing approximately 220 gallons (832.7 liters) of water, used for washing sacrificial animals (2 Chr 4:6). Probably each was adjacent to one of the ten tables that would be used to flay and otherwise prepare the sacrifices (v 8). Supplementary items, such as pots, shovels, and basins, all made of bronze, were also manufactured (1 Kgs 7:40, 45).<\/p>\n<h5>The Dedication<\/h5>\n<p>Eleven months elapsed between the completion of the temple and its dedication (1 Kgs 6:38; 8:2), during which time the major items of furniture were set in place. The dedication itself took place in the seventh month, presumably in connection with the Feast of Tabernacles and the Day of Atonement (Lv 23:23-36). The ark of the covenant was brought into its final resting place (1 Kgs 8:3-4), but the inner court proved inadequate for the vast numbers of beasts sacrificed (1 Kgs 8:62-64; 2 Chr 7:7).<\/p>\n<p>The temple employed the most sophisticated building techniques of the age, and no expense had been spared in construction, ornamentation, or equipment. Yet Solomon readily confessed its utter inadequacy to house the eternal God (1 Kgs 8:27). His prayer also underlined Israel’s propensity to forsake the Lord, contrasting the nation with God, who, though a just judge, was also merciful and faithful. The climax of the proceedings came when fire from heaven consumed the sacrifices and the shekinah glory filled the temple (2 Chr 7:1-3).<\/p>\n<h5>Later History<\/h5>\n<p>Like most ancient shrines, the temple became a treasury for national wealth and as such was often the target for attack. Shishak of Egypt plundered it within five years of Solomon’s death (1 Kgs 14:25-38). Shortly afterward, King Asa (910–869 <span>BC<\/span>) depleted its gold and silver treasures to buy Syrian help against his oppressor, Baasha (908–886 <span>BC<\/span>), king of Israel (15:16-19). Joash, the king of Judah (835–796 <span>BC<\/span>) who was concealed in the temple from the vicious Athaliah during his youth (2 Kgs 11), made provision for its repair after protesting the priests’ embezzlement of gifts (12:4-16). But after the death of Jehoiada, the high priest, Joash himself was adversely influenced by his nobles (2 Chr 24:15-19). As punishment for his apostasy, the Lord allowed the Syrians to attack, and Joash used the temple treasures to buy them off (2 Kgs 12:17-18). Hardly had provision for replacements been made, when Jehoash of Israel (798–782 <span>BC<\/span>), having shattered the arrogant pride of Amaziah of Judah (796–767 <span>BC<\/span>), again stripped the temple (14:8-14). Later, King Ahaz (735-715 <span>BC<\/span>) used the remaining resources of the temple to enlist support from the Assyrians (16:7-9), though he eventually became completely subservient to them.<\/p>\n<p> Then Hezekiah (715–686 <span>BC<\/span>), one of the great reforming kings, thoroughly renovated the temple and restored worship after it had fallen into disuse during theclosing years of Ahaz (2 Chr 29:1-19; 31:9-21). Manasseh (696–642 <span>BC<\/span>), however, completely reversed his father’s policy, bringing the practices of Canaanite and Mesopotamian worship into the temple (2 Kgs 21:3-7). His conversion experience, which probably occurred late in his reign and resulted in certain reform measures in the temple (2 Chr 33:12-19), was not far-reaching enough to escape the final judgment that his reign was the dark spot of Judah’s history (2 Kgs 21:10-16).<\/p>\n<p>Manasseh’s grandson Josiah (640–609 <span>BC<\/span>), was the second great reforming king. He organized the repair of the temple in 622 <span>BC<\/span>, during which the lost Book of the Law (almost certainly the book of Deuteronomy) was discovered (2 Kgs 22:3-13). As a result, Josiah’s reformation gained a new dimension and sense of urgency (22:14–23:3). The reformation included a thorough purge of all idolatrous elements from the temple (23:4-12) and the restoration of the traditional festivals. Sadly, however, Josiah’s reformation died with him, and Judah’s downward slide continued under the apostate Jehoiakim (609–598 <span>BC<\/span>). It was probably during this time that Jeremiah preached his famous temple sermon foretelling its destruction (Jer 7:1–8:3; 26:1-19), which alienated him from the religious leaders. In Nebuchadnezzar’s reprisal raid following Jehoiakim’s rebellion in 601 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 24:1-4), Jerusalem was captured (596 <span>BC<\/span>) and many of the temple treasures were transported to Babylon (2 Chr 36:7). The temple itself appears to have escaped damage, but when Judah again rebelled under Zedekiah (597–586 <span>BC<\/span>), the temple was demolished (2 Kgs 25:8-10). The remaining temple treasures were taken away.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"ZerubbabelsTemple\">Zerubbabel’s Temple<\/p>\n<h5>Construction<\/h5>\n<p>Although the temple was devastated, the site still remained as a place of pilgrimage during the exile (Jer 41:4-5). In 538 <span>BC<\/span> the Persian king, Cyrus, in pursuance of a liberal policy diametrically opposed to that of the earlier empires, permitted the Jews to return from exile. And he authorized the rebuilding of the temple, financing it from the Persian treasury.<\/p>\n<p>In the book of Ezra, the decree of authorization has been preserved in two forms: the general proclamation (Ezr 1:2-4) and a more prosaic memorandum in the national archives indicating the main temple specifications and the amount of promised Persian help (6:1-5). Probably only a minority of the Jews opted to leave the relative comforts of Mesopotamia for the dangers of a long journey to their desolated homeland. According to the book of Ezra, 42,360 dedicated individuals and their servants (2:64-65) responded under the leadership of Sheshbazzar (1:8-11; 5:14-16) and Zerubbabel (2:2; 3:2, 8; 4:2). With great enthusiasm, the altar was rebuilt on the temple site and the traditional pattern of worship reestablished (3:1-6). Utilizing the grant from Persia as well as their own freewill gifts (2:68-69; 3:7), the Jews began to plan the second temple and lay its foundations (3:7-13). The initial impetus quickly died as a result of local opposition (4:1-4, 24), selfish preoccupation, and crop failures (Hg 1:2-11). In 520 <span>BC<\/span> (Ezr 4:24; Hg 1:1; Zec 1:1), inspired by the prophets Haggai and Zechariah, the Jews under Zerubbabel and Joshua the high priest commenced rebuilding. Work continued in spite of official suspicion, if not direct opposition, and the temple was completed and dedicated in 515 <span>BC<\/span> (Ezr 5:1–6:22).<\/p>\n<p>Little is known of the physical features of Zerubbabel’s temple. The inference that it was vastly inferior to Solomon’s temple (Hg 2:3) probably relates to an early stage in the building operation. In fact, the second temple stood for over 500 years. The dimensions noted in Ezra 6:3 are incomplete; the new temple was no doubt about the same size as its predecessor and was probably built on the same foundation. The construction technique appears to have followed the method of the original, with layers of timber providing a framework for sections of masonry (v 4). Clearly, there was auxiliary accommodation, probably like the side rooms of Solomon’s temple (Ezr 8:29; Neh 12:44; 13:4-5). If Persian aid was forthcoming as promised (Ezr 6:8-12), the second temple was a more splendid, substantial structure than is generally supposed.<\/p>\n<h5>Later History<\/h5>\n<p>Several references in the Apocrypha, pseudepigrapha, rabbinic writings, and the historian Josephus help to illumine the history of the temple and give more detail on its structure and furnishings. Josephus, quoting from Hecateus of Abdera (fourth century <span>BC<\/span>), states that the temple was a large building in an enclosure about 500 feet by 150 feet (152.4 meters by 45.7 meters), surrounded by a stone wall, with an altar of unhewn stones the same size as Solomon’s bronze altar (cf. 2 Chr 4:1). Within the sanctuary was a golden altar of incense and a lampstand, the flame of which burned continually. Josephus also notes that Antiochus III (223–187 <span>BC<\/span>) financially supported the temple when the Seleucids displaced the Ptolemies as masters of Jerusalem.<\/p>\n<p>Ben Sirach, early in the second century <span>BC<\/span>, commended Simon, the son of Onias the high priest, for his work in fortifying and repairing the temple area. First Maccabees provides valuable evidence of the fate of the temple during the oppression under Antiochus IV Epiphanes (175–164 <span>BC<\/span>). The books of the Maccabees recount the defilement of the altar of burnt offering (1 Macc 1:54) and the plundering of the golden lampstand, altar of incense, table of offering, veil, and other treasures (2 Macc 5:15-16; 6:2-4). When the temple was recaptured and restored, the victorious Maccabees replaced the items taken by the Seleucids, except for the altar of sacrifice, which was considered so polluted that it was dismantled and replaced by a new one constructed of unhewn stone (1 Macc 4:36-61; 2 Macc 10:1-9). Clearly the temple area was used as a fortress, both in opposition to the Seleucid garrison that was maintained in Jerusalem in the Maccabean period and in the conflicts of the later Hasmonean period. When Pompey captured Jerusalem about 63 <span>BC<\/span>, he entered the temple to assert his authority but took no plunder, thus showing respect for it.<\/p>\n<p>The history of Zerubbabel’s temple closed when Herod, having carefully preserved it from any major damage when he gained control of Jerusalem with Roman aid in 37 <span>BC<\/span>, began to dismantle it about 21 <span>BC<\/span> in preparation for the construction of his own grand temple.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"HerodsTemple\">Herod’s Temple<\/p>\n<p>Apart from over 100 references in the NT, our main sources of information about Herod’s temple come from the Jewish historian Josephus and from the Middoth (a section of the Jewish rabbinic writings). There are considerable differences in detail between the two, which rules out any dogmatic interpretation in attempted reconstructions. Since Josephus was contemporary with the temple (he was born about <span>AD<\/span> 37 and died early in the second century), he is probably more reliable than the Middoth, which, dating from about <span>AD<\/span> 150, appears to exaggerate occasionally. Archaeological research has been helpful in determining the positions of the outer walls and gates.<\/p>\n<p>Herod’s motive in building his temple was political rather than religious. As an Idumean, he wished to placate his Jewish subjects by constructing a sanctuary as magnificent as Solomon’s. Possible fears that the site might be profaned, or that the existing temple might be demolished and never rebuilt, were allayed by the training of 1,000 priests as masons and the amassing of materials before the work commenced. Herod’s temple followed the tripartite plan of its predecessors, although its porch was much larger. It was built in the contemporary Greco-Roman architectural style and must therefore be regarded as distinct from Zerubbabel’s temple. Work began in 20 <span>BC<\/span>, and while the main sanctuary was quickly erected (it was in full operation within ten years), the total project was not completed until <span>AD<\/span> 64, only six years before it was destroyed by the Romans.<\/p>\n<p>Herod first prepared the site by clearing and leveling an area approximately 500 yards (457.2 meters) from north to south and about 325 yards (297.2 meters) from east to west. This involved cutting away sections of rock in some areas and building up with rubble in others. Considerable sections of the enclosing wall, constructed on stone blocks averaging about 15 feet (4.6 meters) long by 4 feet (1.2 meters) high, still survive. Some of the stones in the corners of the south wall weigh up to 70 tons (63.5 metric tons).<\/p>\n<p>The sanctuary itself seems to have been based on the same dimensions as Solomon’s temple. It was divided into the Holy Place, which was 60 feet (18.3 meters) long, 30 feet (9.1 meters) wide, and 60 feet high, and the Holy of Holies, which was 30 feet square. There was no furniture within the Holy of Holies, which was separated by a veil from the Holy Place. The Holy Place contained the seven-branch lampstand, the table for the bread of the Presence, and the incense altar. The main divergence from Solomon’s temple was the imposing porch, 150 feet (45.7 meters) in width and height. Outside was a doorway approximately 30 feet (9.1 meters) wide by 40 feet (12.2 meters) high, with an inner doorway about half that size leading into the sanctuary. By allowing empty rooms over the Holy of Holies and the Holy Place, there was a uniform roof height of 150 feet (45.7 meters). Golden spikes on the roof discouraged birds from alighting and defiling the structure. Like its predecessors, the temple was oriented toward the east and was surrounded on the other sides by three stories of rooms rising to a height of 60 feet (18.3 meters). The stone used was the local white stone, cut in huge blocks and highly polished.<\/p>\n<p>Access to the porch was by a flight of 12 steps from the Court of the Priests. Centrally placed before the porch and 33 feet (10.1 meters) away was the altar of sacrifice. Made of unhewn stone, it was a multilevel construction 15 feet (4.6 meters) high and about 48 feet (14.6 meters) square at its base. Male Israelites were allowed into this area once a year, during the Feast of the Tabernacles, to walk around the altar of sacrifice. Otherwise, they were restricted to the Court of Israel. To the east of the Court of Israel, and separated from it by a flight of 15 steps and by the ornate Great Gate, made of Corinthian bronze, was the Court of the Women. Here the offertory chests for temple expenses were located (Mk 12:41-44). The next court was the large, lower, outer Court of the Gentiles, which surrounded the inner courts and was separated from them by a balustrade and a series of warning notices. Two of these have been excavated, written in Latin and Greek and forbidding trespass by Gentiles into the inner areas, on pain of death. This outer court was widely used. Immediately inside its walls was a portico, supported by four rows of columns almost 40 feet (12.2 meters) high on the south side (the Royal Porch), and two rows on the other sides, the eastern portico known as “Solomon’s Porch” or “Solomon’s Colonnade.” Here is the area where the stalls of the money changers and merchants were set up, where the Sanhedrin met, and where Christ and the scribes taught and debated (Mk 11:27; Lk 2:46; 19:47; Jn 10:23). Here, too, the infant church met before it was rejected by a hostile Judaism (Acts 3:11; 5:12). Just to the northwest of the temple enclosure was the Fortress of Antonia, where the Roman governor resided while in Jerusalem, and where a Roman garrison was on hand to deal with disturbances (Acts 21:31-40). Overlooking the temple area, it was separated from it by a wide moat. The high priest’s vestments were stored in the fortress as a symbol of Roman authority. Access to the Court of the Gentiles was by four gates in the west wall; two in the south wall, where the ground fell away steeply into the valley, a site often identified as the pinnacle of the temple (Mt 4:5; Lk 4:9); and one gate in each of the east and north walls.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"SignificanceoftheTempleintheOldTestament\">Significance of the Temple in the Old Testament<\/p>\n<p>The temple in Jerusalem functioned as the focal point of the tribal confederation. In spite of the attempt of Jeroboam I, the first king of the northern kingdom, to divert attention from Jerusalem by establishing shrines at Bethel and Dan (1 Kgs 12:26-30), Jerusalem never lost its preeminence. Naturally, both Hezekiah and Josiah sought to extend their reformation into the area of the northern tribes (2 Chr 30:1-12; 34:6-7), and Jerusalem was a pilgrimage center for those areas even after its destruction (Jer 41:5). The prophets foretold its destiny as the focal point of universal worship (Is 2:1-4).<\/p>\n<p>The temple was God’s dwelling place among his people. God’s presence, symbolized in the shekinah glory and the pillar of cloud, was associated with the tent of meeting (Ex 33:9-11), with the tabernacle (40:34-38), and finally with the temple (1 Kgs 8:10-11). The paradox is that while God is completely unrestricted, the temple was considered a place for God to live forever (vv 13, 27). God had chosen Zion, as he had chosen David (Pss 68:15-18; 76:2; 78:67-72), so the temple was regarded as God’s house (27:4; 42:4; 84:1-4).<\/p>\n<h5>Ezekiel’s Temple<\/h5>\n<p>Ezekiel’s detailed description of the ideal temple (Ez 40–48) was not used as the blueprint for Zerubbabel’s temple. In fact, since Ezekiel must have been familiar with Solomon’s temple before his deportation in 597 <span>BC<\/span>, his description is of greater help in determining uncertain details of the first temple. Ezekiel’s concern was to show the nature of pure worship, safeguarded from all contamination. This worship would allow the glory of God, which had departed from corrupted Solomon’s temple (9:3; 10:4, 18-19: 11:22-23), to return so that Jerusalem could again be named “the Lord is there” (43:1-5; 48:35). This thought, linked with Ezekiel’s vital concept of God’s Spirit indwelling his faithful worshipers (36:24-28), anticipated the NT teaching of the believers becoming God’s temple.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"SignificanceoftheTempleintheNewTestament\">Significance of the Temple in the New Testament<\/p>\n<h5>Christ and the Temple<\/h5>\n<p>Christ showed considerable respect for the temple. When he was 12 years old, he entered into the rabbinic discussions in its porticoes and described it as his Father’s house (Lk 2:41-50). To him “the house of God” was indwelt by God (Mt 12:4; 23:21). Although he twice cleansed it in righteous anger (Mt 21:12-13; Jn 2:13-16), he wept over the impending destruction of the city and temple (Lk 19:41-44). He often taught there, but he was “greater than the temple” (Mt 12:6). When his presentation to Jerusalem as the predicted Messiah was rejected, in spite of attendant miracles, he foretold its inevitable destruction (Mt 21:9-15; 24:1-2). For a brief period after Pentecost, the early church used the temple as its meeting place, until mounting opposition drove believers from Jerusalem (Acts 5:12, 21, 42; 8:1).<\/p>\n<h5>The Church as the Temple<\/h5>\n<p>The NT writers used two different Greek words to describe the temple: <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span> and <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">hieron<\/span><em>.<\/em> <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">Naos<\/span> refers to the actual sanctuary of the temple, the place of God’s dwelling. <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">Hieron<\/span> refers to the temple precincts as well as to the sanctuary. Generally speaking, <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span> was used to designate the inner section of the temple known as the Holy Place and the Holy of Holies, whereas <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">hieron<\/span> included the outer court and the temple proper.<\/p>\n<p>In Paul’s epistles the word <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span> appears six times (1 Cor 3:16-17; 6:19; 2 Cor 6:16; Eph 2:21; 2 Thes 2:4) and <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">hieron<\/span> once (1 Cor 9:13). In these verses Paul maintains the distinction of definition noted above. When speaking of the actual physical temple, he used the word <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">hieron<\/span> to indicate the place where the priests offered up animal sacrifices on the altar (1 Cor 9:13), which was situated in the outer court (see Ex 27–29, 40). And when Paul referred to the abominable act of the lawless one in usurping God’s place in the temple, he used the word <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span>—the word that designates the place of deity’s presence (2 Thes 2:4).<\/p>\n<p>In all the other Pauline passages, <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span> is used metaphorically—to depict a human habitation for the divine Spirit. In one instance the sanctuary image is used to describe the individual believer’s body (1 Cor 6:19); in every other instance the sanctuary depicts Christ’s body, the church (1 Cor 3:16-17; 2 Cor 6:16; Eph 2:21). Mistakenly, many readers think 1 Corinthians 3:16-17 speaks of the individual, but according to the Greek text, it is unquestionably clear that Paul was speaking about the collective church (specifically, the church in Corinth).<\/p>\n<p>When Paul told the church in Corinth that it was God’s sanctuary, they would have understood the image from their knowledge of pagan temples. But Paul probably had in mind the one temple in Jerusalem. The Gentiles had many gods with many temples in one city; the Jews had one God with only one temple in all of Israel. This helped to preserve unity among the Israelites. The Corinthians needed spiritual unity; they were fragmented due to their individual preferences (see 1 Cor 1:10-13).<\/p>\n<p>In Ephesians, Paul’s masterpiece on the church, he speaks of the local churches as living, organic entities that are all (compositely speaking) growing into a holy sanctuary in the Lord (Eph 2:21). Paul pictured each local church as providing God with a spiritual habitation in that locality (v 22) and as growing together with all the other churches into one holy, universal sanctuary for the Lord’s indwelling.<\/p>\n<h5>The Temple in John’s Revelation<\/h5>\n<p>In John’s revelation there is no material temple, even though he continues to use the imagery of Jerusalem and Mt Zion (Rv 3:12; 14:1; 21:2, 10, 22). Three interrelated ideas dominate. First is the concept of the church made up of martyrs, whose faithful members are God’s temple (3:12; 14:1). This temple grows gradually as the number of martyrs increases (6:11). Another aspect is the temple as the place of judgment (11:19; 14:15; 15:5–16:1). Finally, any temple in the new age is unnecessary, “for its temple is the Lord God Almighty and the Lamb” (21:22). The ultimate state will be God’s dwelling with his people—the eternal, spritual temple.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Altar; Ark of the Covenant; Bread of the Presence; David; Feasts and Festivals of Israel; First Jewish Revolt; Judaism; Mercy Seat; Offerings and Sacrifices; Priests and Levites; Sanctuary; Singers in the Temple; Solomon (Person).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>TEMPLE<\/h3>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Background<\/p>\n<p>• Solomon’s Temple<\/p>\n<p>• Zerubbabel’s Temple<\/p>\n<p>• Herod’s Temple<\/p>\n<p>• Significance of the Temple in the Old Testament<\/p>\n<p>• Significance of the Temple in the New Testament<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Background\">Background<\/p>\n<p>David’s capture of Jerusalem (2 Sm 5:6-9) and his designation of it as the nation’s capital is one of the great masterstrokes of history. Occupied by the Jebusites, it was a pocket of neutral territory between the northern and southern sections of David’s united kingdom and was politically acceptable to both. Jerusalem was then established as the national religious center by the return of the ark, which had been largely neglected since its capture by the Philistines (2 Sm 6:1-17). Henceforth, God’s choices of both David and Jerusalem (“Mount Zion”) were indissolubly linked (Ps 78:67-72).<\/p>\n<p>David’s great impulse was to build an adequate dwelling place for Israel’s God. The idea was initially approved by Nathan the prophet (2 Sm 7:1-3), but God revealed otherwise to him, and he conveyed the divine purpose to David (vv 4-17). In a significant wordplay, David was informed that, while he was not to build a house (temple) for God, God would build a house (dynasty) for him. David was not the one to build a temple because of the numerous wars during his reign; the temple would instead be built by his son (1 Kgs 5:3; 1 Chr 22:7-8; 28:3). Nevertheless, David enthusiastically amassed most of the necessary finances and materials and drew up the blueprints for the temple (1 Chr 22:3-5, 14; 28:2, 11-19). He also purchased the temple site (21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"SolomonsTemple\">Solomon’s Temple<\/p>\n\n<h5>Date<\/h5>\n<p>Construction commenced in Solomon’s fourth year, about 966 <span>BC<\/span>, and took seven years to complete (1 Kgs 6:1, 38). Everything necessary for the temple, including the workers, had been prepared by David (1 Chr 28:21). The temple evidently had first priority among Solomon’s building schemes, as he built his own palace later (1 Kgs 7:1).<\/p>\n<h5>Superintendents and Workforce<\/h5>\n<p>The principal architect for the bronze furnishings was Huram (Hebrew “Hiram”), whose father was a metal craftsman from Tyre and whose mother was an Israelite (1 Kgs 7:13-14). Cedar for the temple came from Lebanon and was felled and transported by the skilled woodsmen of another Hiram—the king of Tyre, Solomon’s ally (5:5-9). Thirty thousand Israelites, divided into three groups, were drafted to assist at Lebanon. Each group was on duty for one month in three. For the stonework, Solomon conscripted 153,600 foreigners resident in Israel to provide a self-contained group of carriers, stone cutters, and supervisors (vv 15-17; 2 Chr 2:17-18). Possibly the “men of Gebal,” with their specialized skills, formed yet another group (1 Kgs 5:18). Building the temple was obviously a national project of immense size and effort. In order to preserve the sanctity of the site and to eliminate noise, the masonry and carpentry were not done at the temple site (6:7).<\/p>\n<h5>Description<\/h5>\n<p>The details given in the Bible are sufficiently clear for us to make a reasonably accurate description of the temple. The accounts in Kings and Chronicles are supplemented by Ezekiel’s depiction of the temple (see below), which was broadly based on his knowledge of the Jerusalem temple (Ez 40–48).<\/p>\n<p>The side rooms probably rested on a foundation or platform that was separate from the temple itself (1 Kgs 6:5, 10; cf. Ez 41:8-9) and were arranged in three stories, each seven and a half feet (2.3 meters) high, extending around the whole building except for the porch side. Each successive story was one and a half feet (.5 meter) wider than the one below, these dimensions coinciding with the thickness of the side wall of the Holy Place. The ground floor rooms were seven and a half feet (2.3 meters) wide; the first story was nine feet (2.7 meters), and the second was ten and a half feet (3.2 meters). Access to the upper stories was possibly by winding staircases (1 Kgs 6:8). There is some uncertainty concerning the location of the entrances; there may have been one on either side, but only one is mentioned (v 8). As in Ezekiel’s temple (Ez 40:17, 28), there were two adjacent courts, an inner and an outer (1 Kgs 6:36; 7:12), but no dimensions are given for these. The inner court, or “court of the priests,” being next to the temple itself, was also called “the upper court” (2 Chr 4:9; Jer 36:10). The wall of the inner court was made of three layers of hewn stone held together by a layer of cedar beams (1 Kgs 6:36), and the doors of both courts were sheathed in bronze (2 Chr 4:9). The palace buildings were within the outer court area, probably with a private passageway between the palace and the temple that was later closed during the reign of Ahaz (2 Chr 4:9, 12; 2 Kgs 16:18).<\/p>\n<p>The temple itself was 90 feet (27.4 meters) long, 30 feet (9.1 meters) wide, and 45 feet (13.7 meters) high (1 Kgs 6:2), with a porch or vestibule 15 feet (4.6 meters) deep stretching across the width. Probably the vestibule was on the east end of the temple, thus corresponding with the orientation of Ezekiel’s temple (Ez 43:1; 44:1). The larger part of the main sanctuary, next to the porch, formed the Holy Place, which was 60 feet (18.3 meters) long (1 Kgs 6:17). Beyond this was the innermost sanctuary, the Holy of Holies (or the “Most Holy Place“), which was a perfect cube of 30 feet (9.1 meters). All the interior walls were paneled with cedar decorated with flower patterns, cherubim, and palm trees, so that no masonry was visible. The walls of both inner and outer sanctuaries were “overlaid” (v 22) with pure gold. Actually the gold decoration may have been inlaid, on the basis that a solid sheath of gold would spoil the natural beauty of the wood carving. The floor was made of cypress planks (v 15). Narrow windows set high in the walls above the level of the three-storied outer chambers provided light in the Holy Place (v 4). The ceiling was paneled with beams and planks of cedar. No detail is given about the exterior roofing, but probably the contemporary technique was employed, using a wooden, latticelike framework into which a waterproof, limestone plaster was packed and rolled.<\/p>\n<p>The outer porch was apparently an open space, since no doors are mentioned. Access into the Holy Place was by double doors, both hinged to fold back on themselves, made of cypress and decorated in exactly the same way as the interior walls (vv 34-35). The doorposts were made of olive wood. Within the Holy Place was the altar of incense made of cedar overlaid with gold; it was placed centrally before the Holy of Holies. Also in the Holy Place were a table for the bread of the Presence of God, ten lampstands arranged in two groups of five on either side, and various utensils required for maintaining the priestly duties (1 Kgs 7:48-50). All these were made or overlaid with gold. The ten tables, arranged five on each side, were presumably for the utensils and accessories (2 Chr 4:8).<\/p>\n<p>Between the Holy Place and the Holy of Holies was a double door made of olive wood, carved with cherubim, palm trees, and flower patterns and overlaid with gold. Inside these doors, veiling still further the Holy of Holies, was a blue, purple, and crimson curtain, made of the finest fabrics and ornamented with cherubim (2 Chr 3:14).<\/p>\n<p>In the Holy of Holies were two cherubim, each 15 feet (4.6 meters) high and made of olive wood covered with gold (1 Kgs 6:23-28). Each wing measured seven and a half feet (2.3 meters). A wing of each touched the side walls; the other wings met at the center of the room. The divine throne had been considerably less impressive in the tabernacle, where a wing of each cherubim fused into the mercy seat above the ark (Ex 25:17-22). In Solomon’s temple, the ark of the covenant was placed below the forward-facing cherubim, the symbolic protectors. The ark, the only major item surviving from the Mosaic tabernacle, still contained the tablets of the law, but the pot of manna and Aaron’s rod were missing (1 Kgs 8:9).<\/p>\n<p>Immediately outside the temple and on either side of the vestibule were two hollow bronze pillars (1 Kgs 7:15-20; 2 Chr 3:15-17). According to the book of Kings, these pillars were 27 feet (8.2 meters) high, with a circumference of 18 feet (5.5 meters). The metal itself was about four inches (10.2 centimeters) thick. The pillars were surmounted by bronze, lily-shaped capitals seven and a half feet (2.3 meters) high and six feet (1.8 meters) wide, intricately adorned with a chain latticework that supported two rows of pomegranates. The total weight must have been enormous, and their size is attested to by Jeremiah, who notes that the Babylonians had to break them in pieces before transporting them to Babylon (Jer 52:17, 21-23).<\/p>\n<p>The bronze altar of sacrifice in front of the vestibule is not listed in the specifications of 1 Kings 7. However, it is mentioned in the temple dedication and subsequently (1 Kgs 8:22, 54, 64; 9:25) and clearly stood in the inner court. Its dimensions were 30 feet (9.1 meters) square and 15 feet (4.6 meters) high (2 Chr 4:1). In view of its weight, it was probably cast in sections at Solomon’s foundry in the Jordan Rift valley (vv 17-18) and then transported to the temple site for assembly.<\/p>\n<p>Probably the most striking article in the inner court was the “molten (bronze) sea,” a huge, round tank made of bronze 3 inches (8 centimeters) thick, 7½ feet (2.3 meters) high, and 15 feet (4.6 meters) in diameter (1 Kgs 7:23-26). Its rim flared out like a lily (2 Chr 4:2-5). The tank was supported on 12 bronze oxen, four on each side, and had two rows of decoration, possibly gourds or pomegranates, under the brim. Its capacity was between 10,000 and 12,000 gallons (37,850–45,420 liters). The bronze sea was used for priestly ablutions (v 6). Presumably this involved a platform of sorts, for the brim of this vast basin would have been about 15 feet (4.6 meters) above ground level.<\/p>\n<p>Hiram also constructed ten large lavers, mounted on moveable stands and placed in two groups of five, on the north and south sides of the inner court (1 Kgs 7:27-39). Basically the stands were bronze boxes, six feet (1.8 meters) square and four and a half feet (1.4 meters) high with a nine-inch (22.9-centimeter) rim around the top edge. Each corner was attached to braced posts to which the axles were fixed. The four-spoked wheels were 27 inches (68.6 centimeters) high. Into each stand there fitted a laver containing approximately 220 gallons (832.7 liters) of water, used for washing sacrificial animals (2 Chr 4:6). Probably each was adjacent to one of the ten tables that would be used to flay and otherwise prepare the sacrifices (v 8). Supplementary items, such as pots, shovels, and basins, all made of bronze, were also manufactured (1 Kgs 7:40, 45).<\/p>\n<h5>The Dedication<\/h5>\n<p>Eleven months elapsed between the completion of the temple and its dedication (1 Kgs 6:38; 8:2), during which time the major items of furniture were set in place. The dedication itself took place in the seventh month, presumably in connection with the Feast of Tabernacles and the Day of Atonement (Lv 23:23-36). The ark of the covenant was brought into its final resting place (1 Kgs 8:3-4), but the inner court proved inadequate for the vast numbers of beasts sacrificed (1 Kgs 8:62-64; 2 Chr 7:7).<\/p>\n<p>The temple employed the most sophisticated building techniques of the age, and no expense had been spared in construction, ornamentation, or equipment. Yet Solomon readily confessed its utter inadequacy to house the eternal God (1 Kgs 8:27). His prayer also underlined Israel’s propensity to forsake the Lord, contrasting the nation with God, who, though a just judge, was also merciful and faithful. The climax of the proceedings came when fire from heaven consumed the sacrifices and the shekinah glory filled the temple (2 Chr 7:1-3).<\/p>\n<h5>Later History<\/h5>\n<p>Like most ancient shrines, the temple became a treasury for national wealth and as such was often the target for attack. Shishak of Egypt plundered it within five years of Solomon’s death (1 Kgs 14:25-38). Shortly afterward, King Asa (910–869 <span>BC<\/span>) depleted its gold and silver treasures to buy Syrian help against his oppressor, Baasha (908–886 <span>BC<\/span>), king of Israel (15:16-19). Joash, the king of Judah (835–796 <span>BC<\/span>) who was concealed in the temple from the vicious Athaliah during his youth (2 Kgs 11), made provision for its repair after protesting the priests’ embezzlement of gifts (12:4-16). But after the death of Jehoiada, the high priest, Joash himself was adversely influenced by his nobles (2 Chr 24:15-19). As punishment for his apostasy, the Lord allowed the Syrians to attack, and Joash used the temple treasures to buy them off (2 Kgs 12:17-18). Hardly had provision for replacements been made, when Jehoash of Israel (798–782 <span>BC<\/span>), having shattered the arrogant pride of Amaziah of Judah (796–767 <span>BC<\/span>), again stripped the temple (14:8-14). Later, King Ahaz (735-715 <span>BC<\/span>) used the remaining resources of the temple to enlist support from the Assyrians (16:7-9), though he eventually became completely subservient to them.<\/p>\n<p> Then Hezekiah (715–686 <span>BC<\/span>), one of the great reforming kings, thoroughly renovated the temple and restored worship after it had fallen into disuse during theclosing years of Ahaz (2 Chr 29:1-19; 31:9-21). Manasseh (696–642 <span>BC<\/span>), however, completely reversed his father’s policy, bringing the practices of Canaanite and Mesopotamian worship into the temple (2 Kgs 21:3-7). His conversion experience, which probably occurred late in his reign and resulted in certain reform measures in the temple (2 Chr 33:12-19), was not far-reaching enough to escape the final judgment that his reign was the dark spot of Judah’s history (2 Kgs 21:10-16).<\/p>\n<p>Manasseh’s grandson Josiah (640–609 <span>BC<\/span>), was the second great reforming king. He organized the repair of the temple in 622 <span>BC<\/span>, during which the lost Book of the Law (almost certainly the book of Deuteronomy) was discovered (2 Kgs 22:3-13). As a result, Josiah’s reformation gained a new dimension and sense of urgency (22:14–23:3). The reformation included a thorough purge of all idolatrous elements from the temple (23:4-12) and the restoration of the traditional festivals. Sadly, however, Josiah’s reformation died with him, and Judah’s downward slide continued under the apostate Jehoiakim (609–598 <span>BC<\/span>). It was probably during this time that Jeremiah preached his famous temple sermon foretelling its destruction (Jer 7:1–8:3; 26:1-19), which alienated him from the religious leaders. In Nebuchadnezzar’s reprisal raid following Jehoiakim’s rebellion in 601 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 24:1-4), Jerusalem was captured (596 <span>BC<\/span>) and many of the temple treasures were transported to Babylon (2 Chr 36:7). The temple itself appears to have escaped damage, but when Judah again rebelled under Zedekiah (597–586 <span>BC<\/span>), the temple was demolished (2 Kgs 25:8-10). The remaining temple treasures were taken away.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"ZerubbabelsTemple\">Zerubbabel’s Temple<\/p>\n<h5>Construction<\/h5>\n<p>Although the temple was devastated, the site still remained as a place of pilgrimage during the exile (Jer 41:4-5). In 538 <span>BC<\/span> the Persian king, Cyrus, in pursuance of a liberal policy diametrically opposed to that of the earlier empires, permitted the Jews to return from exile. And he authorized the rebuilding of the temple, financing it from the Persian treasury.<\/p>\n<p>In the book of Ezra, the decree of authorization has been preserved in two forms: the general proclamation (Ezr 1:2-4) and a more prosaic memorandum in the national archives indicating the main temple specifications and the amount of promised Persian help (6:1-5). Probably only a minority of the Jews opted to leave the relative comforts of Mesopotamia for the dangers of a long journey to their desolated homeland. According to the book of Ezra, 42,360 dedicated individuals and their servants (2:64-65) responded under the leadership of Sheshbazzar (1:8-11; 5:14-16) and Zerubbabel (2:2; 3:2, 8; 4:2). With great enthusiasm, the altar was rebuilt on the temple site and the traditional pattern of worship reestablished (3:1-6). Utilizing the grant from Persia as well as their own freewill gifts (2:68-69; 3:7), the Jews began to plan the second temple and lay its foundations (3:7-13). The initial impetus quickly died as a result of local opposition (4:1-4, 24), selfish preoccupation, and crop failures (Hg 1:2-11). In 520 <span>BC<\/span> (Ezr 4:24; Hg 1:1; Zec 1:1), inspired by the prophets Haggai and Zechariah, the Jews under Zerubbabel and Joshua the high priest commenced rebuilding. Work continued in spite of official suspicion, if not direct opposition, and the temple was completed and dedicated in 515 <span>BC<\/span> (Ezr 5:1–6:22).<\/p>\n<p>Little is known of the physical features of Zerubbabel’s temple. The inference that it was vastly inferior to Solomon’s temple (Hg 2:3) probably relates to an early stage in the building operation. In fact, the second temple stood for over 500 years. The dimensions noted in Ezra 6:3 are incomplete; the new temple was no doubt about the same size as its predecessor and was probably built on the same foundation. The construction technique appears to have followed the method of the original, with layers of timber providing a framework for sections of masonry (v 4). Clearly, there was auxiliary accommodation, probably like the side rooms of Solomon’s temple (Ezr 8:29; Neh 12:44; 13:4-5). If Persian aid was forthcoming as promised (Ezr 6:8-12), the second temple was a more splendid, substantial structure than is generally supposed.<\/p>\n<h5>Later History<\/h5>\n<p>Several references in the Apocrypha, pseudepigrapha, rabbinic writings, and the historian Josephus help to illumine the history of the temple and give more detail on its structure and furnishings. Josephus, quoting from Hecateus of Abdera (fourth century <span>BC<\/span>), states that the temple was a large building in an enclosure about 500 feet by 150 feet (152.4 meters by 45.7 meters), surrounded by a stone wall, with an altar of unhewn stones the same size as Solomon’s bronze altar (cf. 2 Chr 4:1). Within the sanctuary was a golden altar of incense and a lampstand, the flame of which burned continually. Josephus also notes that Antiochus III (223–187 <span>BC<\/span>) financially supported the temple when the Seleucids displaced the Ptolemies as masters of Jerusalem.<\/p>\n<p>Ben Sirach, early in the second century <span>BC<\/span>, commended Simon, the son of Onias the high priest, for his work in fortifying and repairing the temple area. First Maccabees provides valuable evidence of the fate of the temple during the oppression under Antiochus IV Epiphanes (175–164 <span>BC<\/span>). The books of the Maccabees recount the defilement of the altar of burnt offering (1 Macc 1:54) and the plundering of the golden lampstand, altar of incense, table of offering, veil, and other treasures (2 Macc 5:15-16; 6:2-4). When the temple was recaptured and restored, the victorious Maccabees replaced the items taken by the Seleucids, except for the altar of sacrifice, which was considered so polluted that it was dismantled and replaced by a new one constructed of unhewn stone (1 Macc 4:36-61; 2 Macc 10:1-9). Clearly the temple area was used as a fortress, both in opposition to the Seleucid garrison that was maintained in Jerusalem in the Maccabean period and in the conflicts of the later Hasmonean period. When Pompey captured Jerusalem about 63 <span>BC<\/span>, he entered the temple to assert his authority but took no plunder, thus showing respect for it.<\/p>\n<p>The history of Zerubbabel’s temple closed when Herod, having carefully preserved it from any major damage when he gained control of Jerusalem with Roman aid in 37 <span>BC<\/span>, began to dismantle it about 21 <span>BC<\/span> in preparation for the construction of his own grand temple.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"HerodsTemple\">Herod’s Temple<\/p>\n<p>Apart from over 100 references in the NT, our main sources of information about Herod’s temple come from the Jewish historian Josephus and from the Middoth (a section of the Jewish rabbinic writings). There are considerable differences in detail between the two, which rules out any dogmatic interpretation in attempted reconstructions. Since Josephus was contemporary with the temple (he was born about <span>AD<\/span> 37 and died early in the second century), he is probably more reliable than the Middoth, which, dating from about <span>AD<\/span> 150, appears to exaggerate occasionally. Archaeological research has been helpful in determining the positions of the outer walls and gates.<\/p>\n<p>Herod’s motive in building his temple was political rather than religious. As an Idumean, he wished to placate his Jewish subjects by constructing a sanctuary as magnificent as Solomon’s. Possible fears that the site might be profaned, or that the existing temple might be demolished and never rebuilt, were allayed by the training of 1,000 priests as masons and the amassing of materials before the work commenced. Herod’s temple followed the tripartite plan of its predecessors, although its porch was much larger. It was built in the contemporary Greco-Roman architectural style and must therefore be regarded as distinct from Zerubbabel’s temple. Work began in 20 <span>BC<\/span>, and while the main sanctuary was quickly erected (it was in full operation within ten years), the total project was not completed until <span>AD<\/span> 64, only six years before it was destroyed by the Romans.<\/p>\n<p>Herod first prepared the site by clearing and leveling an area approximately 500 yards (457.2 meters) from north to south and about 325 yards (297.2 meters) from east to west. This involved cutting away sections of rock in some areas and building up with rubble in others. Considerable sections of the enclosing wall, constructed on stone blocks averaging about 15 feet (4.6 meters) long by 4 feet (1.2 meters) high, still survive. Some of the stones in the corners of the south wall weigh up to 70 tons (63.5 metric tons).<\/p>\n<p>The sanctuary itself seems to have been based on the same dimensions as Solomon’s temple. It was divided into the Holy Place, which was 60 feet (18.3 meters) long, 30 feet (9.1 meters) wide, and 60 feet high, and the Holy of Holies, which was 30 feet square. There was no furniture within the Holy of Holies, which was separated by a veil from the Holy Place. The Holy Place contained the seven-branch lampstand, the table for the bread of the Presence, and the incense altar. The main divergence from Solomon’s temple was the imposing porch, 150 feet (45.7 meters) in width and height. Outside was a doorway approximately 30 feet (9.1 meters) wide by 40 feet (12.2 meters) high, with an inner doorway about half that size leading into the sanctuary. By allowing empty rooms over the Holy of Holies and the Holy Place, there was a uniform roof height of 150 feet (45.7 meters). Golden spikes on the roof discouraged birds from alighting and defiling the structure. Like its predecessors, the temple was oriented toward the east and was surrounded on the other sides by three stories of rooms rising to a height of 60 feet (18.3 meters). The stone used was the local white stone, cut in huge blocks and highly polished.<\/p>\n<p>Access to the porch was by a flight of 12 steps from the Court of the Priests. Centrally placed before the porch and 33 feet (10.1 meters) away was the altar of sacrifice. Made of unhewn stone, it was a multilevel construction 15 feet (4.6 meters) high and about 48 feet (14.6 meters) square at its base. Male Israelites were allowed into this area once a year, during the Feast of the Tabernacles, to walk around the altar of sacrifice. Otherwise, they were restricted to the Court of Israel. To the east of the Court of Israel, and separated from it by a flight of 15 steps and by the ornate Great Gate, made of Corinthian bronze, was the Court of the Women. Here the offertory chests for temple expenses were located (Mk 12:41-44). The next court was the large, lower, outer Court of the Gentiles, which surrounded the inner courts and was separated from them by a balustrade and a series of warning notices. Two of these have been excavated, written in Latin and Greek and forbidding trespass by Gentiles into the inner areas, on pain of death. This outer court was widely used. Immediately inside its walls was a portico, supported by four rows of columns almost 40 feet (12.2 meters) high on the south side (the Royal Porch), and two rows on the other sides, the eastern portico known as “Solomon’s Porch” or “Solomon’s Colonnade.” Here is the area where the stalls of the money changers and merchants were set up, where the Sanhedrin met, and where Christ and the scribes taught and debated (Mk 11:27; Lk 2:46; 19:47; Jn 10:23). Here, too, the infant church met before it was rejected by a hostile Judaism (Acts 3:11; 5:12). Just to the northwest of the temple enclosure was the Fortress of Antonia, where the Roman governor resided while in Jerusalem, and where a Roman garrison was on hand to deal with disturbances (Acts 21:31-40). Overlooking the temple area, it was separated from it by a wide moat. The high priest’s vestments were stored in the fortress as a symbol of Roman authority. Access to the Court of the Gentiles was by four gates in the west wall; two in the south wall, where the ground fell away steeply into the valley, a site often identified as the pinnacle of the temple (Mt 4:5; Lk 4:9); and one gate in each of the east and north walls.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"SignificanceoftheTempleintheOldTestament\">Significance of the Temple in the Old Testament<\/p>\n<p>The temple in Jerusalem functioned as the focal point of the tribal confederation. In spite of the attempt of Jeroboam I, the first king of the northern kingdom, to divert attention from Jerusalem by establishing shrines at Bethel and Dan (1 Kgs 12:26-30), Jerusalem never lost its preeminence. Naturally, both Hezekiah and Josiah sought to extend their reformation into the area of the northern tribes (2 Chr 30:1-12; 34:6-7), and Jerusalem was a pilgrimage center for those areas even after its destruction (Jer 41:5). The prophets foretold its destiny as the focal point of universal worship (Is 2:1-4).<\/p>\n<p>The temple was God’s dwelling place among his people. God’s presence, symbolized in the shekinah glory and the pillar of cloud, was associated with the tent of meeting (Ex 33:9-11), with the tabernacle (40:34-38), and finally with the temple (1 Kgs 8:10-11). The paradox is that while God is completely unrestricted, the temple was considered a place for God to live forever (vv 13, 27). God had chosen Zion, as he had chosen David (Pss 68:15-18; 76:2; 78:67-72), so the temple was regarded as God’s house (27:4; 42:4; 84:1-4).<\/p>\n<h5>Ezekiel’s Temple<\/h5>\n<p>Ezekiel’s detailed description of the ideal temple (Ez 40–48) was not used as the blueprint for Zerubbabel’s temple. In fact, since Ezekiel must have been familiar with Solomon’s temple before his deportation in 597 <span>BC<\/span>, his description is of greater help in determining uncertain details of the first temple. Ezekiel’s concern was to show the nature of pure worship, safeguarded from all contamination. This worship would allow the glory of God, which had departed from corrupted Solomon’s temple (9:3; 10:4, 18-19: 11:22-23), to return so that Jerusalem could again be named “the Lord is there” (43:1-5; 48:35). This thought, linked with Ezekiel’s vital concept of God’s Spirit indwelling his faithful worshipers (36:24-28), anticipated the NT teaching of the believers becoming God’s temple.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"SignificanceoftheTempleintheNewTestament\">Significance of the Temple in the New Testament<\/p>\n<h5>Christ and the Temple<\/h5>\n<p>Christ showed considerable respect for the temple. When he was 12 years old, he entered into the rabbinic discussions in its porticoes and described it as his Father’s house (Lk 2:41-50). To him “the house of God” was indwelt by God (Mt 12:4; 23:21). Although he twice cleansed it in righteous anger (Mt 21:12-13; Jn 2:13-16), he wept over the impending destruction of the city and temple (Lk 19:41-44). He often taught there, but he was “greater than the temple” (Mt 12:6). When his presentation to Jerusalem as the predicted Messiah was rejected, in spite of attendant miracles, he foretold its inevitable destruction (Mt 21:9-15; 24:1-2). For a brief period after Pentecost, the early church used the temple as its meeting place, until mounting opposition drove believers from Jerusalem (Acts 5:12, 21, 42; 8:1).<\/p>\n<h5>The Church as the Temple<\/h5>\n<p>The NT writers used two different Greek words to describe the temple: <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span> and <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">hieron<\/span><em>.<\/em> <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">Naos<\/span> refers to the actual sanctuary of the temple, the place of God’s dwelling. <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">Hieron<\/span> refers to the temple precincts as well as to the sanctuary. Generally speaking, <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span> was used to designate the inner section of the temple known as the Holy Place and the Holy of Holies, whereas <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">hieron<\/span> included the outer court and the temple proper.<\/p>\n<p>In Paul’s epistles the word <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span> appears six times (1 Cor 3:16-17; 6:19; 2 Cor 6:16; Eph 2:21; 2 Thes 2:4) and <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">hieron<\/span> once (1 Cor 9:13). In these verses Paul maintains the distinction of definition noted above. When speaking of the actual physical temple, he used the word <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">hieron<\/span> to indicate the place where the priests offered up animal sacrifices on the altar (1 Cor 9:13), which was situated in the outer court (see Ex 27–29, 40). And when Paul referred to the abominable act of the lawless one in usurping God’s place in the temple, he used the word <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span>—the word that designates the place of deity’s presence (2 Thes 2:4).<\/p>\n<p>In all the other Pauline passages, <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span> is used metaphorically—to depict a human habitation for the divine Spirit. In one instance the sanctuary image is used to describe the individual believer’s body (1 Cor 6:19); in every other instance the sanctuary depicts Christ’s body, the church (1 Cor 3:16-17; 2 Cor 6:16; Eph 2:21). Mistakenly, many readers think 1 Corinthians 3:16-17 speaks of the individual, but according to the Greek text, it is unquestionably clear that Paul was speaking about the collective church (specifically, the church in Corinth).<\/p>\n<p>When Paul told the church in Corinth that it was God’s sanctuary, they would have understood the image from their knowledge of pagan temples. But Paul probably had in mind the one temple in Jerusalem. The Gentiles had many gods with many temples in one city; the Jews had one God with only one temple in all of Israel. This helped to preserve unity among the Israelites. The Corinthians needed spiritual unity; they were fragmented due to their individual preferences (see 1 Cor 1:10-13).<\/p>\n<p>In Ephesians, Paul’s masterpiece on the church, he speaks of the local churches as living, organic entities that are all (compositely speaking) growing into a holy sanctuary in the Lord (Eph 2:21). Paul pictured each local church as providing God with a spiritual habitation in that locality (v 22) and as growing together with all the other churches into one holy, universal sanctuary for the Lord’s indwelling.<\/p>\n<h5>The Temple in John’s Revelation<\/h5>\n<p>In John’s revelation there is no material temple, even though he continues to use the imagery of Jerusalem and Mt Zion (Rv 3:12; 14:1; 21:2, 10, 22). Three interrelated ideas dominate. First is the concept of the church made up of martyrs, whose faithful members are God’s temple (3:12; 14:1). This temple grows gradually as the number of martyrs increases (6:11). Another aspect is the temple as the place of judgment (11:19; 14:15; 15:5–16:1). Finally, any temple in the new age is unnecessary, “for its temple is the Lord God Almighty and the Lamb” (21:22). The ultimate state will be God’s dwelling with his people—the eternal, spritual temple.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Altar; Ark of the Covenant; Bread of the Presence; David; Feasts and Festivals of Israel; First Jewish Revolt; Judaism; Mercy Seat; Offerings and Sacrifices; Priests and Levites; Sanctuary; Singers in the Temple; Solomon (Person).<\/p>","summary_ro":"TEMPLE Preview • Background • Solomon’s Temple • Zerubbabel’s Temple • Herod’s Temple • Significance of the Temple in the Old Testament • Significance of the Temple in the New Testament Background David’s capture of Jerusalem (2 Sm 5:6-9) and his designation of it as the nation’s capital is one of the great masterstrokes of history. Occupied by the Jebusites, it was a pocket of neutral territory between the northern and southern sections of David’s united kingdom and was politically acceptabl...","summary_en":"TEMPLE Preview • Background • Solomon’s Temple • Zerubbabel’s Temple • Herod’s Temple • Significance of the Temple in the Old Testament • Significance of the Temple in the New Testament Background David’s capture of Jerusalem (2 Sm 5:6-9) and his designation of it as the nation’s capital is one of the great masterstrokes of history. Occupied by the Jebusites, it was a pocket of neutral territory between the northern and southern sections of David’s united kingdom and was politically acceptabl...","source":"Articles\/T.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":52672,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 41:4","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 41:4","content_ro":"<p><strong>41:4-5<\/strong> The murderers kept their deed secret until the <em>next day<\/em><em>,<\/em> when men from <em>Shechem, Shiloh, and Samaria<\/em> to the north arrived on their way south to the ruins of Jerusalem. Their appearance and the offerings they carried indicated that they were on their way to plead for mercy from the Lord (Lev 2:1; 14:2-9). The annual Festival of Shelters was held at this time of year at the Temple (Lev 23:33-36), and the <em>eighty<\/em> worshipers were probably unarmed.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>41:4-5<\/strong> The murderers kept their deed secret until the <em>next day<\/em><em>,<\/em> when men from <em>Shechem, Shiloh, and Samaria<\/em> to the north arrived on their way south to the ruins of Jerusalem. Their appearance and the offerings they carried indicated that they were on their way to plead for mercy from the Lord (Lev 2:1; 14:2-9). The annual Festival of Shelters was held at this time of year at the Temple (Lev 23:33-36), and the <em>eighty<\/em> worshipers were probably unarmed.<\/p>","summary_ro":"41:4-5 The murderers kept their deed secret until the next day, when men from Shechem, Shiloh, and Samaria to the north arrived on their way south to the ruins of Jerusalem. Their appearance and the offerings they carried indicated that they were on their way to plead for mercy from the Lord (Lev 2:1; 14:2-9). The annual Festival of Shelters was held at this time of year at the Temple (Lev 23:33-36), and the eighty worshipers were probably unarmed.","summary_en":"41:4-5 The murderers kept their deed secret until the next day, when men from Shechem, Shiloh, and Samaria to the north arrived on their way south to the ruins of Jerusalem. Their appearance and the offerings they carried indicated that they were on their way to plead for mercy from the Lord (Lev 2:1; 14:2-9). The annual Festival of Shelters was held at this time of year at the Temple (Lev 23:33-36), and the eighty worshipers were probably unarmed.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":80298,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 41:4","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 41:4","content_ro":"<p><strong>41:4-5<\/strong> The murderers kept their deed secret until the <em>next day<\/em><em>,<\/em> when men from <em>Shechem, Shiloh, and Samaria<\/em> to the north arrived on their way south to the ruins of Jerusalem. Their appearance and the offerings they carried indicated that they were on their way to plead for mercy from the Lord (Lev 2:1; 14:2-9). The annual Festival of Shelters was held at this time of year at the Temple (Lev 23:33-36), and the <em>eighty<\/em> worshipers were probably unarmed.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>41:4-5<\/strong> The murderers kept their deed secret until the <em>next day<\/em><em>,<\/em> when men from <em>Shechem, Shiloh, and Samaria<\/em> to the north arrived on their way south to the ruins of Jerusalem. Their appearance and the offerings they carried indicated that they were on their way to plead for mercy from the Lord (Lev 2:1; 14:2-9). The annual Festival of Shelters was held at this time of year at the Temple (Lev 23:33-36), and the <em>eighty<\/em> worshipers were probably unarmed.<\/p>","summary_ro":"41:4-5 The murderers kept their deed secret until the next day, when men from Shechem, Shiloh, and Samaria to the north arrived on their way south to the ruins of Jerusalem. Their appearance and the offerings they carried indicated that they were on their way to plead for mercy from the Lord (Lev 2:1; 14:2-9). The annual Festival of Shelters was held at this time of year at the Temple (Lev 23:33-36), and the eighty worshipers were probably unarmed.","summary_en":"41:4-5 The murderers kept their deed secret until the next day, when men from Shechem, Shiloh, and Samaria to the north arrived on their way south to the ruins of Jerusalem. Their appearance and the offerings they carried indicated that they were on their way to plead for mercy from the Lord (Lev 2:1; 14:2-9). The annual Festival of Shelters was held at this time of year at the Temple (Lev 23:33-36), and the eighty worshipers were probably unarmed.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":107924,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 41:4","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 41:4","content_ro":"<p><strong>41:4-5<\/strong> The murderers kept their deed secret until the <em>next day<\/em><em>,<\/em> when men from <em>Shechem, Shiloh, and Samaria<\/em> to the north arrived on their way south to the ruins of Jerusalem. Their appearance and the offerings they carried indicated that they were on their way to plead for mercy from the Lord (Lev 2:1; 14:2-9). The annual Festival of Shelters was held at this time of year at the Temple (Lev 23:33-36), and the <em>eighty<\/em> worshipers were probably unarmed.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>41:4-5<\/strong> The murderers kept their deed secret until the <em>next day<\/em><em>,<\/em> when men from <em>Shechem, Shiloh, and Samaria<\/em> to the north arrived on their way south to the ruins of Jerusalem. Their appearance and the offerings they carried indicated that they were on their way to plead for mercy from the Lord (Lev 2:1; 14:2-9). The annual Festival of Shelters was held at this time of year at the Temple (Lev 23:33-36), and the <em>eighty<\/em> worshipers were probably unarmed.<\/p>","summary_ro":"41:4-5 The murderers kept their deed secret until the next day, when men from Shechem, Shiloh, and Samaria to the north arrived on their way south to the ruins of Jerusalem. Their appearance and the offerings they carried indicated that they were on their way to plead for mercy from the Lord (Lev 2:1; 14:2-9). The annual Festival of Shelters was held at this time of year at the Temple (Lev 23:33-36), and the eighty worshipers were probably unarmed.","summary_en":"41:4-5 The murderers kept their deed secret until the next day, when men from Shechem, Shiloh, and Samaria to the north arrived on their way south to the ruins of Jerusalem. Their appearance and the offerings they carried indicated that they were on their way to plead for mercy from the Lord (Lev 2:1; 14:2-9). The annual Festival of Shelters was held at this time of year at the Temple (Lev 23:33-36), and the eighty worshipers were probably unarmed.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":135550,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 41:4","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 41:4","content_ro":"<p><strong>41:4-5<\/strong> The murderers kept their deed secret until the <em>next day<\/em><em>,<\/em> when men from <em>Shechem, Shiloh, and Samaria<\/em> to the north arrived on their way south to the ruins of Jerusalem. Their appearance and the offerings they carried indicated that they were on their way to plead for mercy from the Lord (Lev 2:1; 14:2-9). The annual Festival of Shelters was held at this time of year at the Temple (Lev 23:33-36), and the <em>eighty<\/em> worshipers were probably unarmed.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>41:4-5<\/strong> The murderers kept their deed secret until the <em>next day<\/em><em>,<\/em> when men from <em>Shechem, Shiloh, and Samaria<\/em> to the north arrived on their way south to the ruins of Jerusalem. Their appearance and the offerings they carried indicated that they were on their way to plead for mercy from the Lord (Lev 2:1; 14:2-9). The annual Festival of Shelters was held at this time of year at the Temple (Lev 23:33-36), and the <em>eighty<\/em> worshipers were probably unarmed.<\/p>","summary_ro":"41:4-5 The murderers kept their deed secret until the next day, when men from Shechem, Shiloh, and Samaria to the north arrived on their way south to the ruins of Jerusalem. Their appearance and the offerings they carried indicated that they were on their way to plead for mercy from the Lord (Lev 2:1; 14:2-9). The annual Festival of Shelters was held at this time of year at the Temple (Lev 23:33-36), and the eighty worshipers were probably unarmed.","summary_en":"41:4-5 The murderers kept their deed secret until the next day, when men from Shechem, Shiloh, and Samaria to the north arrived on their way south to the ruins of Jerusalem. Their appearance and the offerings they carried indicated that they were on their way to plead for mercy from the Lord (Lev 2:1; 14:2-9). The annual Festival of Shelters was held at this time of year at the Temple (Lev 23:33-36), and the eighty worshipers were probably unarmed.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"5":[{"id":15071,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Hairstyles and Beards","title_en":"Hairstyles and Beards","content_ro":"<h3>HAIRSTYLES AND BEARDS<\/h3>\n<p>In Palestine and throughout the Near East, women’s hairstyles were long. In NT times a woman who cut her hair might be mistaken for a pagan priestess and thus be disgraced (see 1 Cor 11:15). The apostle Peter warned Christian women against preoccupation with elaborate styles of hair (1 Pt 3:3). When a woman married, it was customary to change her hairstyle slightly, in favor of a more mature appearance. Curling tongs and hair oils were used by some married women.<\/p>\n<p>Dark hair is mentioned frequently in the Bible, although gray hair represented maturity and was respected. Some persons preferred to make use of popular black and red hair dyes. According to tradition, Herod the Great dyed his graying hair with henna.<\/p>\n<p>Beard and hair trimming was performed in a specialized manner in Jewish culture. An Israelite man was instructed not to cut the hair on his temples or trim the corners of his beard (Lv 19:27). This was done to maintain a contrast in every way between the Israelites and the members of idolatrous cults in Canaan and elsewhere (Dt 12:29-30). Beards distinguished Hebrews from Egyptians, who were clean-shaven, although they sometimes wore false beards on ceremonial occasions. Shaving or cutting off the beard of enemy captives was considered the gravest humiliation that the victor could impose. A shaved head, however, was also a recognized symbol of purification at the termination of a vow (Lv 14:8-9; Acts 18:18). Shaving a beard was the usual sign of mourning (Is 15:2). It could also symbolize the approach of doom (Is 7:20; Jer 41:5; 48:37).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>HAIRSTYLES AND BEARDS<\/h3>\n<p>In Palestine and throughout the Near East, women’s hairstyles were long. In NT times a woman who cut her hair might be mistaken for a pagan priestess and thus be disgraced (see 1 Cor 11:15). The apostle Peter warned Christian women against preoccupation with elaborate styles of hair (1 Pt 3:3). When a woman married, it was customary to change her hairstyle slightly, in favor of a more mature appearance. Curling tongs and hair oils were used by some married women.<\/p>\n<p>Dark hair is mentioned frequently in the Bible, although gray hair represented maturity and was respected. Some persons preferred to make use of popular black and red hair dyes. According to tradition, Herod the Great dyed his graying hair with henna.<\/p>\n<p>Beard and hair trimming was performed in a specialized manner in Jewish culture. An Israelite man was instructed not to cut the hair on his temples or trim the corners of his beard (Lv 19:27). This was done to maintain a contrast in every way between the Israelites and the members of idolatrous cults in Canaan and elsewhere (Dt 12:29-30). Beards distinguished Hebrews from Egyptians, who were clean-shaven, although they sometimes wore false beards on ceremonial occasions. Shaving or cutting off the beard of enemy captives was considered the gravest humiliation that the victor could impose. A shaved head, however, was also a recognized symbol of purification at the termination of a vow (Lv 14:8-9; Acts 18:18). Shaving a beard was the usual sign of mourning (Is 15:2). It could also symbolize the approach of doom (Is 7:20; Jer 41:5; 48:37).<\/p>","summary_ro":"HAIRSTYLES AND BEARDS In Palestine and throughout the Near East, women’s hairstyles were long. In NT times a woman who cut her hair might be mistaken for a pagan priestess and thus be disgraced (see 1 Cor 11:15). The apostle Peter warned Christian women against preoccupation with elaborate styles of hair (1 Pt 3:3). When a woman married, it was customary to change her hairstyle slightly, in favor of a more mature appearance. Curling tongs and hair oils were used by some married women. Dark ha...","summary_en":"HAIRSTYLES AND BEARDS In Palestine and throughout the Near East, women’s hairstyles were long. In NT times a woman who cut her hair might be mistaken for a pagan priestess and thus be disgraced (see 1 Cor 11:15). The apostle Peter warned Christian women against preoccupation with elaborate styles of hair (1 Pt 3:3). When a woman married, it was customary to change her hairstyle slightly, in favor of a more mature appearance. Curling tongs and hair oils were used by some married women. Dark ha...","source":"Articles\/H.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":17395,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Incense","title_en":"Incense","content_ro":"<h3>INCENSE<\/h3>\n<p>Fragrant spices and oils or sacrifice that sends up perfumed smoke to God in order to please him.<\/p>\n<p>People of every age have loved fragrant odors. In ancient times, sacrifices included sweet smells to make the deity happy. The aroma was a crucial factor in whether the god would accept the offering. Therefore, aromatic plants and exotic perfumes were precious for both secular and religious purposes.<\/p>\n<p>Spices and precious oils were valued along with silver and gold. The queen of Sheba brought spices to Solomon as a gift (1 Kgs 10:2). Incense was kept in the royal treasury (2 Kgs 20:13). The price of spices and oils was extremely inflated because of the difficult work of extracting the juices, transportation costs to import them from faraway places, and high profits for merchants who sold the perfumes.<\/p>\n<p>Consequently, lovers sometimes compared their beloved to “myrrh,” a “mountain of myrrh” and a “hill of frankincense” (Sg 1:13; 4:6). The fragrance of incense set the right mood (1:12). Every spice known to a merchant burned beside the couch of Solomon (3:6). A bridegroom delighted in the perfumes of his beloved. She was his own private garden of incense (4:10-14). Even a prostitute burned incense beside her bed (Ez 23:41). No wonder wise men said that “fragrant oil” makes the heart glad and the “sweetness of friendship” comforts the soul (e.g., Prv 27:9).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TypesofIncense\">Types of Incense<\/p>\n<p>Frankincense is mentioned most often in the Bible. It was imported from India, Somaliland, and Arabia Felix. Myrrh also came from Arabia Felix. Cinnamon was another important fragrance from Ceylon and China. Galbanum, tragacanth (gum), and laudanum all were grown in the mountains of Asia Minor. Galbanum was the most popular of these three, for it was also found in Turkestan, Persia, Syria, and Crete. Henna, saffron, and balsam came from aromatic plants native to Israel. In postexilic times other plants were introduced to Palestine and cultivated there: the rose, narcissus, and jasmine. Onycha seems to have been produced from the local fauna, and musk (muskin) may have been extracted from a gland of the musk deer.<\/p>\n<p>Incense itself came in many forms. It might be used as granules placed in a bag hung around the neck (Sg 1:13). In the main, however, perfumes were in a liquid form, dissolved in olive oil. A good example of this is the “holy anointing oil” (Ex 30:31). Such oils were used to anoint the priests and kings of Israel. Only priests were allowed to prepare and administer them. The incense contained raw spices beaten into a fine consistency and seasoned with salt to make them holy. Stacte, onycha, galbanum, and pure frankincense were mixed in equal proportions, all according to the art of the perfumer (Ex 30:34-37). The spices and incense for the sanctuary were donated as gifts (Nm 7:14-86; Jer 17:26; 41:5) and kept in the temple (Neh 13:5, 9). Josephus described the incense of his day as a much more complicated compound. He listed 13 ingredients in the best incense of the Herodian era.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"IncenseOffering\">Incense Offering<\/p>\n<p>Archaeology has demonstrated that incense offerings were common throughout the ancient Near East from the earliest times of organized worship. Egyptian paintings and reliefs from the New Kingdom occasionally show a man holding a censer of burning incense. Incense seems to have been used as well in the rituals of Assyria, Babylonia, and Arabia. Canaanite altars found at Megiddo and Tell Beit Mirsim have horned limestone altars (10th century <span>BC<\/span>) that may have been designed to hold a bowl of incense. Hence, it is safe to assume that incense offerings also played some part in the worship of Israel from the beginning.<\/p>\n<p>Incense offerings seem to have served a multitude of purposes. They may have been used to drive away evil spirits and thereby sanctify all the utensils of the place of worship (Ex 30:26-29). Undoubtedly, the sweet smell of incense provided an antidote to the putrid odor of the animal sacrifices. Therefore, if God was to receive a sweet savor and thereby be pleased with an offering, incense was necessary to compensate for the smell of the sacrifices. However, spices were never added to the flesh of the animals or birds.<\/p>\n<p>In some instances, incense itself became a sacrifice. As a supplement to other sacrifices, frankincense alone was burned. To alleviate a plague, Aaron performed a ritual of burning incense (Nm 16:46-47). On the Day of Atonement, the high priest carried burning incense and hot coals on a pan (censer) into the Holy of Holies (Lv 16:12-13). The burning incense was thought to protect the life of the high priest, perhaps because the smoke kept him from seeing the full glory of God.<\/p>\n<p>Frankincense was added to grain for offerings on the altar of burnt offering (Lv 2:1, 15-16; 6:15). It also accompanied the bread of the Presence (24:7) in two dishes. The bronze serpent destroyed by Hezekiah in his reform had become a profane object to which incense was burned (2 Kgs 18:4).<\/p>\n<p>Except on the Day of Atonement, the incense was offered on a special altar (Lv 4:7; cf. Ex 30:9), where it burned morning and evening and came to be called “perpetual incense” (Ex 30:7-8). Probably the altar of gold in Solomon’s temple (1 Kgs 6:20-22) was the incense altar.<\/p>\n<p>Offering incense was a holy ritual, and persons who offered it with disrespect for procedures were condemned (Lv 10:1-2; Nm 16:6-50). Uzziah, the king of Judah, became a leper because he dared to offer incense (2 Chr 26:16-21). The burning of incense at “high places” is often criticized (e.g., 1 Kgs 22:43), either because the sanctuaries were idolatrous or because their priests did not take proper care as did the priesthood in Jerusalem. Prophets who criticized the offering of incense (Is 1:13; 66:3; Jer 6:20) did so to condemn a formalism that was void of devotion to the God of Israel.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"MeaningofIncense\">Meaning of Incense<\/p>\n<p>Since incense was such a precious commodity, incense was a fitting offering to God (Mal 1:11). Incense offerings also provided a tangible sense of God’s holiness in which the people could experience atonement for sin (Nm 16:46-47). The smoke rising to the sky symbolized the prayers of the people (Ps 141:2; Lk 1:10; Rv 5:8; 8:3-4). At the same time, the smoke in the temple symbolized the presence of God as it had been portrayed by the cloud in the wilderness (Ex 19:18; 33:9-10; Nm 11:25). Together with the rising sun, the smoke provided a powerful symbol for the glory of the Lord (Is 6:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>The significance of incense is further enhanced by NT allusions. The Christian’s testimony about Christ is paralleled with the offering of incense (2 Cor 2:14-15). The sweet smell of the gospel is contrasted with the smell of death that leads to doom. Likewise, money from the Philippian Christians came to Paul in the spirit of an incense sacrifice (Phil 4:18), a costly expression of love and devotion. Finally, incense seems to sanctify and accompany the prayers of the saints into the presence of God (Rv 5:8; 8:3-4). None of the NT references call upon the Christian to offer incense, but rather to learn the devotion and dedication to holiness signified by the burning of this precious substance.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Plants (Aloe; Balm; Calamus; Cinnamon; Frankincense; Galbanum; Henna; Hyssop; Myrrh; Nard; Storax Tree); Perfume; Tabernacle; Temple.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>INCENSE<\/h3>\n<p>Fragrant spices and oils or sacrifice that sends up perfumed smoke to God in order to please him.<\/p>\n<p>People of every age have loved fragrant odors. In ancient times, sacrifices included sweet smells to make the deity happy. The aroma was a crucial factor in whether the god would accept the offering. Therefore, aromatic plants and exotic perfumes were precious for both secular and religious purposes.<\/p>\n<p>Spices and precious oils were valued along with silver and gold. The queen of Sheba brought spices to Solomon as a gift (1 Kgs 10:2). Incense was kept in the royal treasury (2 Kgs 20:13). The price of spices and oils was extremely inflated because of the difficult work of extracting the juices, transportation costs to import them from faraway places, and high profits for merchants who sold the perfumes.<\/p>\n<p>Consequently, lovers sometimes compared their beloved to “myrrh,” a “mountain of myrrh” and a “hill of frankincense” (Sg 1:13; 4:6). The fragrance of incense set the right mood (1:12). Every spice known to a merchant burned beside the couch of Solomon (3:6). A bridegroom delighted in the perfumes of his beloved. She was his own private garden of incense (4:10-14). Even a prostitute burned incense beside her bed (Ez 23:41). No wonder wise men said that “fragrant oil” makes the heart glad and the “sweetness of friendship” comforts the soul (e.g., Prv 27:9).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TypesofIncense\">Types of Incense<\/p>\n<p>Frankincense is mentioned most often in the Bible. It was imported from India, Somaliland, and Arabia Felix. Myrrh also came from Arabia Felix. Cinnamon was another important fragrance from Ceylon and China. Galbanum, tragacanth (gum), and laudanum all were grown in the mountains of Asia Minor. Galbanum was the most popular of these three, for it was also found in Turkestan, Persia, Syria, and Crete. Henna, saffron, and balsam came from aromatic plants native to Israel. In postexilic times other plants were introduced to Palestine and cultivated there: the rose, narcissus, and jasmine. Onycha seems to have been produced from the local fauna, and musk (muskin) may have been extracted from a gland of the musk deer.<\/p>\n<p>Incense itself came in many forms. It might be used as granules placed in a bag hung around the neck (Sg 1:13). In the main, however, perfumes were in a liquid form, dissolved in olive oil. A good example of this is the “holy anointing oil” (Ex 30:31). Such oils were used to anoint the priests and kings of Israel. Only priests were allowed to prepare and administer them. The incense contained raw spices beaten into a fine consistency and seasoned with salt to make them holy. Stacte, onycha, galbanum, and pure frankincense were mixed in equal proportions, all according to the art of the perfumer (Ex 30:34-37). The spices and incense for the sanctuary were donated as gifts (Nm 7:14-86; Jer 17:26; 41:5) and kept in the temple (Neh 13:5, 9). Josephus described the incense of his day as a much more complicated compound. He listed 13 ingredients in the best incense of the Herodian era.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"IncenseOffering\">Incense Offering<\/p>\n<p>Archaeology has demonstrated that incense offerings were common throughout the ancient Near East from the earliest times of organized worship. Egyptian paintings and reliefs from the New Kingdom occasionally show a man holding a censer of burning incense. Incense seems to have been used as well in the rituals of Assyria, Babylonia, and Arabia. Canaanite altars found at Megiddo and Tell Beit Mirsim have horned limestone altars (10th century <span>BC<\/span>) that may have been designed to hold a bowl of incense. Hence, it is safe to assume that incense offerings also played some part in the worship of Israel from the beginning.<\/p>\n<p>Incense offerings seem to have served a multitude of purposes. They may have been used to drive away evil spirits and thereby sanctify all the utensils of the place of worship (Ex 30:26-29). Undoubtedly, the sweet smell of incense provided an antidote to the putrid odor of the animal sacrifices. Therefore, if God was to receive a sweet savor and thereby be pleased with an offering, incense was necessary to compensate for the smell of the sacrifices. However, spices were never added to the flesh of the animals or birds.<\/p>\n<p>In some instances, incense itself became a sacrifice. As a supplement to other sacrifices, frankincense alone was burned. To alleviate a plague, Aaron performed a ritual of burning incense (Nm 16:46-47). On the Day of Atonement, the high priest carried burning incense and hot coals on a pan (censer) into the Holy of Holies (Lv 16:12-13). The burning incense was thought to protect the life of the high priest, perhaps because the smoke kept him from seeing the full glory of God.<\/p>\n<p>Frankincense was added to grain for offerings on the altar of burnt offering (Lv 2:1, 15-16; 6:15). It also accompanied the bread of the Presence (24:7) in two dishes. The bronze serpent destroyed by Hezekiah in his reform had become a profane object to which incense was burned (2 Kgs 18:4).<\/p>\n<p>Except on the Day of Atonement, the incense was offered on a special altar (Lv 4:7; cf. Ex 30:9), where it burned morning and evening and came to be called “perpetual incense” (Ex 30:7-8). Probably the altar of gold in Solomon’s temple (1 Kgs 6:20-22) was the incense altar.<\/p>\n<p>Offering incense was a holy ritual, and persons who offered it with disrespect for procedures were condemned (Lv 10:1-2; Nm 16:6-50). Uzziah, the king of Judah, became a leper because he dared to offer incense (2 Chr 26:16-21). The burning of incense at “high places” is often criticized (e.g., 1 Kgs 22:43), either because the sanctuaries were idolatrous or because their priests did not take proper care as did the priesthood in Jerusalem. Prophets who criticized the offering of incense (Is 1:13; 66:3; Jer 6:20) did so to condemn a formalism that was void of devotion to the God of Israel.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"MeaningofIncense\">Meaning of Incense<\/p>\n<p>Since incense was such a precious commodity, incense was a fitting offering to God (Mal 1:11). Incense offerings also provided a tangible sense of God’s holiness in which the people could experience atonement for sin (Nm 16:46-47). The smoke rising to the sky symbolized the prayers of the people (Ps 141:2; Lk 1:10; Rv 5:8; 8:3-4). At the same time, the smoke in the temple symbolized the presence of God as it had been portrayed by the cloud in the wilderness (Ex 19:18; 33:9-10; Nm 11:25). Together with the rising sun, the smoke provided a powerful symbol for the glory of the Lord (Is 6:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>The significance of incense is further enhanced by NT allusions. The Christian’s testimony about Christ is paralleled with the offering of incense (2 Cor 2:14-15). The sweet smell of the gospel is contrasted with the smell of death that leads to doom. Likewise, money from the Philippian Christians came to Paul in the spirit of an incense sacrifice (Phil 4:18), a costly expression of love and devotion. Finally, incense seems to sanctify and accompany the prayers of the saints into the presence of God (Rv 5:8; 8:3-4). None of the NT references call upon the Christian to offer incense, but rather to learn the devotion and dedication to holiness signified by the burning of this precious substance.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Plants (Aloe; Balm; Calamus; Cinnamon; Frankincense; Galbanum; Henna; Hyssop; Myrrh; Nard; Storax Tree); Perfume; Tabernacle; Temple.<\/p>","summary_ro":"INCENSE Fragrant spices and oils or sacrifice that sends up perfumed smoke to God in order to please him. People of every age have loved fragrant odors. In ancient times, sacrifices included sweet smells to make the deity happy. The aroma was a crucial factor in whether the god would accept the offering. Therefore, aromatic plants and exotic perfumes were precious for both secular and religious purposes. Spices and precious oils were valued along with silver and gold. The queen of Sheba broug...","summary_en":"INCENSE Fragrant spices and oils or sacrifice that sends up perfumed smoke to God in order to please him. People of every age have loved fragrant odors. In ancient times, sacrifices included sweet smells to make the deity happy. The aroma was a crucial factor in whether the god would accept the offering. Therefore, aromatic plants and exotic perfumes were precious for both secular and religious purposes. Spices and precious oils were valued along with silver and gold. The queen of Sheba broug...","source":"Articles\/I.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":26480,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Mourning","title_en":"Mourning","content_ro":"<h3>MOURNING<\/h3>\n<p>Established ritual for grieving, observed by a dead person’s relatives and friends. It began with the closing of the eyes of the dead (Gn 46:4), the embracing of the body (50:1), and its preparation for burial. The hot climate necessitated that burial take place immediately (Acts 5:1-10). But detailed information about burial earlier than NT times (Mt 27:59; Jn 11:44; 19:39-40) is extremely meager. Excavations suggest that the dead were buried fully clothed but not in coffins. The Israelites practiced neither embalming nor cremation, but decent burial was essential.<\/p>\n<p>At the news of a death, it was customary to tear one’s garments (Gn 37:34; 2 Sm 1:11; Jb 1:20), put on sackcloth (2 Sm 3:31), and take off one’s shoes (2 Sm 15:30; Mi 1:8) and headdress; a man might cover his beard or veil his face (Ez 24:17, 23). Mourners put earth on their heads (Jos 7:6; 1 Sm 4:12; Neh 9:1; Jb 2:12; Ez 27:30) or rolled themselves in the dust (Jb 16:15; Mi 1:10) or sat on a heap of ashes (Est 4:3; Is 58:5; Jer 6:26; Ez 27:30). Such mourning rites as shaving the hair and the beard and making cuts on the body (Jb 1:20; Is 22:12; Jer 16:6; 41:5; 47:5; 48:37; Ez 7:18; Am 8:10) were condemned (Lv 19:27-28; Dt 14:1) because of pagan associations. Mourners refrained from washing and discontinued the use of perfumes (2 Sm 12:20; 14:2).<\/p>\n<p>Fasting was also a mourning rite (1 Sm 31:13; 2 Sm 1:12). Neighbors or friends brought mourning bread and the “cup of consolation” to the relatives of the deceased (Jer 16:7; Ez 24:17, 22). Food could not be prepared at the house of the dead because death rendered a place unclean. The dead were unclean to the extent that a priest could “profane” himself by taking part in mourning rites, except for his nearest blood relatives (mother, father, son, daughter, brother, and sister, provided she was still a virgin; Lv 21:1-4, 10-11). These mourning rites were not acts of worship directed toward the dead, nor did they constitute a cult for the dead, but rather they were expressions of grief and affection.<\/p>\n<p>At the graveside, lamentation for the dead was made (1 Kgs 13:30; Jer 6:26; Am 5:16; 8:10; Zec 12:10) by men and women in separate groups (Zec 12:11-14). These exclamations of sorrow might develop into a rhythmic lament (2 Sm 1:17-27; Am 8:10). However, professional mourners, men and especially women (Jer 9:17-19; Am 5:16), were employed. The book of Lamentations is a fine example of laments and is a reminder that among Jews mourning was not always associated with death. It expressed brokenness of spirit for sin, individual and national. National calamity also evoked great lamentation.<\/p>\n<p>These mourning rites were expressive of great grief. But some of them—tearing clothes, wearing sackcloth, disfiguring oneself with dust and ashes, self-mutilation—point to paroxysms of grief, the religious significance of which now escapes us. This was far removed from mourning as an inner feeling or a mood of the mind. It was not just an involuntary outburst of feeling but rather a deliberate, established ritual. When death occurred, the Israelite wept because it was customary and seemly. The erection of monuments or memorials was not unknown (2 Sm 18:18), but the average Israelite was too poor for this to be a common practice.<\/p>\n<p>Mourning practices in NT times differed little from those described in the OT. Mourning was associated with Christ’s second advent (Mt 24:30), with repentance (Jas 4:8-10), with Christ’s leaving the 12 (Mt 9:15), with deep spirituality (5:4), as well as with death (Mk 5:38-39; Lk 7:13; Jn 11:33).<\/p>\n<p>True, the overthrow of death by Jesus Christ robbed death of its sting and the grave of its victory (1 Cor 15:54-57), but the Christian still mourns, though not as those who have no hope (1 Thes 4:13; Rv 21:4).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Burial, Burial Customs; Funeral Customs.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>MOURNING<\/h3>\n<p>Established ritual for grieving, observed by a dead person’s relatives and friends. It began with the closing of the eyes of the dead (Gn 46:4), the embracing of the body (50:1), and its preparation for burial. The hot climate necessitated that burial take place immediately (Acts 5:1-10). But detailed information about burial earlier than NT times (Mt 27:59; Jn 11:44; 19:39-40) is extremely meager. Excavations suggest that the dead were buried fully clothed but not in coffins. The Israelites practiced neither embalming nor cremation, but decent burial was essential.<\/p>\n<p>At the news of a death, it was customary to tear one’s garments (Gn 37:34; 2 Sm 1:11; Jb 1:20), put on sackcloth (2 Sm 3:31), and take off one’s shoes (2 Sm 15:30; Mi 1:8) and headdress; a man might cover his beard or veil his face (Ez 24:17, 23). Mourners put earth on their heads (Jos 7:6; 1 Sm 4:12; Neh 9:1; Jb 2:12; Ez 27:30) or rolled themselves in the dust (Jb 16:15; Mi 1:10) or sat on a heap of ashes (Est 4:3; Is 58:5; Jer 6:26; Ez 27:30). Such mourning rites as shaving the hair and the beard and making cuts on the body (Jb 1:20; Is 22:12; Jer 16:6; 41:5; 47:5; 48:37; Ez 7:18; Am 8:10) were condemned (Lv 19:27-28; Dt 14:1) because of pagan associations. Mourners refrained from washing and discontinued the use of perfumes (2 Sm 12:20; 14:2).<\/p>\n<p>Fasting was also a mourning rite (1 Sm 31:13; 2 Sm 1:12). Neighbors or friends brought mourning bread and the “cup of consolation” to the relatives of the deceased (Jer 16:7; Ez 24:17, 22). Food could not be prepared at the house of the dead because death rendered a place unclean. The dead were unclean to the extent that a priest could “profane” himself by taking part in mourning rites, except for his nearest blood relatives (mother, father, son, daughter, brother, and sister, provided she was still a virgin; Lv 21:1-4, 10-11). These mourning rites were not acts of worship directed toward the dead, nor did they constitute a cult for the dead, but rather they were expressions of grief and affection.<\/p>\n<p>At the graveside, lamentation for the dead was made (1 Kgs 13:30; Jer 6:26; Am 5:16; 8:10; Zec 12:10) by men and women in separate groups (Zec 12:11-14). These exclamations of sorrow might develop into a rhythmic lament (2 Sm 1:17-27; Am 8:10). However, professional mourners, men and especially women (Jer 9:17-19; Am 5:16), were employed. The book of Lamentations is a fine example of laments and is a reminder that among Jews mourning was not always associated with death. It expressed brokenness of spirit for sin, individual and national. National calamity also evoked great lamentation.<\/p>\n<p>These mourning rites were expressive of great grief. But some of them—tearing clothes, wearing sackcloth, disfiguring oneself with dust and ashes, self-mutilation—point to paroxysms of grief, the religious significance of which now escapes us. This was far removed from mourning as an inner feeling or a mood of the mind. It was not just an involuntary outburst of feeling but rather a deliberate, established ritual. When death occurred, the Israelite wept because it was customary and seemly. The erection of monuments or memorials was not unknown (2 Sm 18:18), but the average Israelite was too poor for this to be a common practice.<\/p>\n<p>Mourning practices in NT times differed little from those described in the OT. Mourning was associated with Christ’s second advent (Mt 24:30), with repentance (Jas 4:8-10), with Christ’s leaving the 12 (Mt 9:15), with deep spirituality (5:4), as well as with death (Mk 5:38-39; Lk 7:13; Jn 11:33).<\/p>\n<p>True, the overthrow of death by Jesus Christ robbed death of its sting and the grave of its victory (1 Cor 15:54-57), but the Christian still mourns, though not as those who have no hope (1 Thes 4:13; Rv 21:4).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Burial, Burial Customs; Funeral Customs.<\/p>","summary_ro":"MOURNING Established ritual for grieving, observed by a dead person’s relatives and friends. It began with the closing of the eyes of the dead (Gn 46:4), the embracing of the body (50:1), and its preparation for burial. The hot climate necessitated that burial take place immediately (Acts 5:1-10). But detailed information about burial earlier than NT times (Mt 27:59; Jn 11:44; 19:39-40) is extremely meager. Excavations suggest that the dead were buried fully clothed but not in coffins. The Is...","summary_en":"MOURNING Established ritual for grieving, observed by a dead person’s relatives and friends. It began with the closing of the eyes of the dead (Gn 46:4), the embracing of the body (50:1), and its preparation for burial. The hot climate necessitated that burial take place immediately (Acts 5:1-10). But detailed information about burial earlier than NT times (Mt 27:59; Jn 11:44; 19:39-40) is extremely meager. Excavations suggest that the dead were buried fully clothed but not in coffins. The Is...","source":"Articles\/M.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":35073,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Shiloh","title_en":"Shiloh","content_ro":"<h3>SHILOH<\/h3>\n<p>Town identified with Tell Seilun, located 10 miles (16.1 kilometers) northeast of Bethel, 12 miles (19.3 kilometers) southeast of Shechem, and 3 miles (4.8 kilometers) east of the road between Shechem and Jerusalem, precisely fitting the description of its location in Judges 21:19. In addition to the continuity of the name of the site and its fitting the biblical requirements for location, excavation results agree with the history of Shiloh as far as it is known from the Bible and confirm the identification.<\/p>\n<p>The town is not mentioned in any prebiblical sources. Excavations show that Shiloh flourished as a fortified town in the early second millennium.<\/p>\n<p>The site was abandoned and resettled in the early Israelite period. The Bible provides no information as to how the site passed into Israelite hands. Joshua established the tabernacle there (Jos 18:1), and Shiloh became the center of religious life during the period of the judges. There Joshua cast lots to apportion the inheritance of land to seven of the tribes (18:1–19:51) and to designate the Levitical cities (21:1-42). A dispute regarding an altar erected by the two and a half tribes that settled in Transjordan was settled at Shiloh (22:9-34). Some Benjaminites abducted women from there during a religious festival (Jgs 21). Elkanah and Hannah often traveled to the tabernacle at Shiloh, where Hannah vowed to give her child to the service of the Lord (1 Sm 1:3, 9, 24). The sons of Eli who ministered there had dishonored their office and were rejected, so the Lord appeared to Samuel (1 Sm 2:14; 3:21). When the ark was taken from Shiloh to a battle with the Philistines, news of its loss to the Philistines reached Eli and brought about his death (1 Sm 4:1-18). The ark was never returned to Shiloh; the psalmist records that God had “abandoned the tabernacle of Shiloh, the tent he had set up among men” (Ps 78:60, <span>niv<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>The town of Shiloh would presumably have suffered some destruction at the time of the fall of the northern kingdom in 722 <span>BC<\/span>. The sudden scarcity of ceramic remains in the Iron III period suggests that the site was largely abandoned around 600 <span>BC<\/span>. After the destruction of the temple in 586 <span>BC<\/span>, people came from Shiloh to offer sacrifices in Jerusalem (Jer 41:5). Shilonites were possibly also among the first returnees from the Babylonian captivity (1 Chr 9:5). The site was resettled around 300 <span>BC<\/span> and flourished through the Roman period. It is mentioned by Eusebius and Jerome and in Talmudic sources. It lost much of its importance after the Islamic conquests.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>SHILOH<\/h3>\n<p>Town identified with Tell Seilun, located 10 miles (16.1 kilometers) northeast of Bethel, 12 miles (19.3 kilometers) southeast of Shechem, and 3 miles (4.8 kilometers) east of the road between Shechem and Jerusalem, precisely fitting the description of its location in Judges 21:19. In addition to the continuity of the name of the site and its fitting the biblical requirements for location, excavation results agree with the history of Shiloh as far as it is known from the Bible and confirm the identification.<\/p>\n<p>The town is not mentioned in any prebiblical sources. Excavations show that Shiloh flourished as a fortified town in the early second millennium.<\/p>\n<p>The site was abandoned and resettled in the early Israelite period. The Bible provides no information as to how the site passed into Israelite hands. Joshua established the tabernacle there (Jos 18:1), and Shiloh became the center of religious life during the period of the judges. There Joshua cast lots to apportion the inheritance of land to seven of the tribes (18:1–19:51) and to designate the Levitical cities (21:1-42). A dispute regarding an altar erected by the two and a half tribes that settled in Transjordan was settled at Shiloh (22:9-34). Some Benjaminites abducted women from there during a religious festival (Jgs 21). Elkanah and Hannah often traveled to the tabernacle at Shiloh, where Hannah vowed to give her child to the service of the Lord (1 Sm 1:3, 9, 24). The sons of Eli who ministered there had dishonored their office and were rejected, so the Lord appeared to Samuel (1 Sm 2:14; 3:21). When the ark was taken from Shiloh to a battle with the Philistines, news of its loss to the Philistines reached Eli and brought about his death (1 Sm 4:1-18). The ark was never returned to Shiloh; the psalmist records that God had “abandoned the tabernacle of Shiloh, the tent he had set up among men” (Ps 78:60, <span>niv<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>The town of Shiloh would presumably have suffered some destruction at the time of the fall of the northern kingdom in 722 <span>BC<\/span>. The sudden scarcity of ceramic remains in the Iron III period suggests that the site was largely abandoned around 600 <span>BC<\/span>. After the destruction of the temple in 586 <span>BC<\/span>, people came from Shiloh to offer sacrifices in Jerusalem (Jer 41:5). Shilonites were possibly also among the first returnees from the Babylonian captivity (1 Chr 9:5). The site was resettled around 300 <span>BC<\/span> and flourished through the Roman period. It is mentioned by Eusebius and Jerome and in Talmudic sources. It lost much of its importance after the Islamic conquests.<\/p>","summary_ro":"SHILOH Town identified with Tell Seilun, located 10 miles (16.1 kilometers) northeast of Bethel, 12 miles (19.3 kilometers) southeast of Shechem, and 3 miles (4.8 kilometers) east of the road between Shechem and Jerusalem, precisely fitting the description of its location in Judges 21:19. In addition to the continuity of the name of the site and its fitting the biblical requirements for location, excavation results agree with the history of Shiloh as far as it is known from the Bible and conf...","summary_en":"SHILOH Town identified with Tell Seilun, located 10 miles (16.1 kilometers) northeast of Bethel, 12 miles (19.3 kilometers) southeast of Shechem, and 3 miles (4.8 kilometers) east of the road between Shechem and Jerusalem, precisely fitting the description of its location in Judges 21:19. In addition to the continuity of the name of the site and its fitting the biblical requirements for location, excavation results agree with the history of Shiloh as far as it is known from the Bible and conf...","source":"Articles\/S.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":37052,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Temple","title_en":"Temple","content_ro":"<h3>TEMPLE<\/h3>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Background<\/p>\n<p>• Solomon’s Temple<\/p>\n<p>• Zerubbabel’s Temple<\/p>\n<p>• Herod’s Temple<\/p>\n<p>• Significance of the Temple in the Old Testament<\/p>\n<p>• Significance of the Temple in the New Testament<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Background\">Background<\/p>\n<p>David’s capture of Jerusalem (2 Sm 5:6-9) and his designation of it as the nation’s capital is one of the great masterstrokes of history. Occupied by the Jebusites, it was a pocket of neutral territory between the northern and southern sections of David’s united kingdom and was politically acceptable to both. Jerusalem was then established as the national religious center by the return of the ark, which had been largely neglected since its capture by the Philistines (2 Sm 6:1-17). Henceforth, God’s choices of both David and Jerusalem (“Mount Zion”) were indissolubly linked (Ps 78:67-72).<\/p>\n<p>David’s great impulse was to build an adequate dwelling place for Israel’s God. The idea was initially approved by Nathan the prophet (2 Sm 7:1-3), but God revealed otherwise to him, and he conveyed the divine purpose to David (vv 4-17). In a significant wordplay, David was informed that, while he was not to build a house (temple) for God, God would build a house (dynasty) for him. David was not the one to build a temple because of the numerous wars during his reign; the temple would instead be built by his son (1 Kgs 5:3; 1 Chr 22:7-8; 28:3). Nevertheless, David enthusiastically amassed most of the necessary finances and materials and drew up the blueprints for the temple (1 Chr 22:3-5, 14; 28:2, 11-19). He also purchased the temple site (21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"SolomonsTemple\">Solomon’s Temple<\/p>\n\n<h5>Date<\/h5>\n<p>Construction commenced in Solomon’s fourth year, about 966 <span>BC<\/span>, and took seven years to complete (1 Kgs 6:1, 38). Everything necessary for the temple, including the workers, had been prepared by David (1 Chr 28:21). The temple evidently had first priority among Solomon’s building schemes, as he built his own palace later (1 Kgs 7:1).<\/p>\n<h5>Superintendents and Workforce<\/h5>\n<p>The principal architect for the bronze furnishings was Huram (Hebrew “Hiram”), whose father was a metal craftsman from Tyre and whose mother was an Israelite (1 Kgs 7:13-14). Cedar for the temple came from Lebanon and was felled and transported by the skilled woodsmen of another Hiram—the king of Tyre, Solomon’s ally (5:5-9). Thirty thousand Israelites, divided into three groups, were drafted to assist at Lebanon. Each group was on duty for one month in three. For the stonework, Solomon conscripted 153,600 foreigners resident in Israel to provide a self-contained group of carriers, stone cutters, and supervisors (vv 15-17; 2 Chr 2:17-18). Possibly the “men of Gebal,” with their specialized skills, formed yet another group (1 Kgs 5:18). Building the temple was obviously a national project of immense size and effort. In order to preserve the sanctity of the site and to eliminate noise, the masonry and carpentry were not done at the temple site (6:7).<\/p>\n<h5>Description<\/h5>\n<p>The details given in the Bible are sufficiently clear for us to make a reasonably accurate description of the temple. The accounts in Kings and Chronicles are supplemented by Ezekiel’s depiction of the temple (see below), which was broadly based on his knowledge of the Jerusalem temple (Ez 40–48).<\/p>\n<p>The side rooms probably rested on a foundation or platform that was separate from the temple itself (1 Kgs 6:5, 10; cf. Ez 41:8-9) and were arranged in three stories, each seven and a half feet (2.3 meters) high, extending around the whole building except for the porch side. Each successive story was one and a half feet (.5 meter) wider than the one below, these dimensions coinciding with the thickness of the side wall of the Holy Place. The ground floor rooms were seven and a half feet (2.3 meters) wide; the first story was nine feet (2.7 meters), and the second was ten and a half feet (3.2 meters). Access to the upper stories was possibly by winding staircases (1 Kgs 6:8). There is some uncertainty concerning the location of the entrances; there may have been one on either side, but only one is mentioned (v 8). As in Ezekiel’s temple (Ez 40:17, 28), there were two adjacent courts, an inner and an outer (1 Kgs 6:36; 7:12), but no dimensions are given for these. The inner court, or “court of the priests,” being next to the temple itself, was also called “the upper court” (2 Chr 4:9; Jer 36:10). The wall of the inner court was made of three layers of hewn stone held together by a layer of cedar beams (1 Kgs 6:36), and the doors of both courts were sheathed in bronze (2 Chr 4:9). The palace buildings were within the outer court area, probably with a private passageway between the palace and the temple that was later closed during the reign of Ahaz (2 Chr 4:9, 12; 2 Kgs 16:18).<\/p>\n<p>The temple itself was 90 feet (27.4 meters) long, 30 feet (9.1 meters) wide, and 45 feet (13.7 meters) high (1 Kgs 6:2), with a porch or vestibule 15 feet (4.6 meters) deep stretching across the width. Probably the vestibule was on the east end of the temple, thus corresponding with the orientation of Ezekiel’s temple (Ez 43:1; 44:1). The larger part of the main sanctuary, next to the porch, formed the Holy Place, which was 60 feet (18.3 meters) long (1 Kgs 6:17). Beyond this was the innermost sanctuary, the Holy of Holies (or the “Most Holy Place“), which was a perfect cube of 30 feet (9.1 meters). All the interior walls were paneled with cedar decorated with flower patterns, cherubim, and palm trees, so that no masonry was visible. The walls of both inner and outer sanctuaries were “overlaid” (v 22) with pure gold. Actually the gold decoration may have been inlaid, on the basis that a solid sheath of gold would spoil the natural beauty of the wood carving. The floor was made of cypress planks (v 15). Narrow windows set high in the walls above the level of the three-storied outer chambers provided light in the Holy Place (v 4). The ceiling was paneled with beams and planks of cedar. No detail is given about the exterior roofing, but probably the contemporary technique was employed, using a wooden, latticelike framework into which a waterproof, limestone plaster was packed and rolled.<\/p>\n<p>The outer porch was apparently an open space, since no doors are mentioned. Access into the Holy Place was by double doors, both hinged to fold back on themselves, made of cypress and decorated in exactly the same way as the interior walls (vv 34-35). The doorposts were made of olive wood. Within the Holy Place was the altar of incense made of cedar overlaid with gold; it was placed centrally before the Holy of Holies. Also in the Holy Place were a table for the bread of the Presence of God, ten lampstands arranged in two groups of five on either side, and various utensils required for maintaining the priestly duties (1 Kgs 7:48-50). All these were made or overlaid with gold. The ten tables, arranged five on each side, were presumably for the utensils and accessories (2 Chr 4:8).<\/p>\n<p>Between the Holy Place and the Holy of Holies was a double door made of olive wood, carved with cherubim, palm trees, and flower patterns and overlaid with gold. Inside these doors, veiling still further the Holy of Holies, was a blue, purple, and crimson curtain, made of the finest fabrics and ornamented with cherubim (2 Chr 3:14).<\/p>\n<p>In the Holy of Holies were two cherubim, each 15 feet (4.6 meters) high and made of olive wood covered with gold (1 Kgs 6:23-28). Each wing measured seven and a half feet (2.3 meters). A wing of each touched the side walls; the other wings met at the center of the room. The divine throne had been considerably less impressive in the tabernacle, where a wing of each cherubim fused into the mercy seat above the ark (Ex 25:17-22). In Solomon’s temple, the ark of the covenant was placed below the forward-facing cherubim, the symbolic protectors. The ark, the only major item surviving from the Mosaic tabernacle, still contained the tablets of the law, but the pot of manna and Aaron’s rod were missing (1 Kgs 8:9).<\/p>\n<p>Immediately outside the temple and on either side of the vestibule were two hollow bronze pillars (1 Kgs 7:15-20; 2 Chr 3:15-17). According to the book of Kings, these pillars were 27 feet (8.2 meters) high, with a circumference of 18 feet (5.5 meters). The metal itself was about four inches (10.2 centimeters) thick. The pillars were surmounted by bronze, lily-shaped capitals seven and a half feet (2.3 meters) high and six feet (1.8 meters) wide, intricately adorned with a chain latticework that supported two rows of pomegranates. The total weight must have been enormous, and their size is attested to by Jeremiah, who notes that the Babylonians had to break them in pieces before transporting them to Babylon (Jer 52:17, 21-23).<\/p>\n<p>The bronze altar of sacrifice in front of the vestibule is not listed in the specifications of 1 Kings 7. However, it is mentioned in the temple dedication and subsequently (1 Kgs 8:22, 54, 64; 9:25) and clearly stood in the inner court. Its dimensions were 30 feet (9.1 meters) square and 15 feet (4.6 meters) high (2 Chr 4:1). In view of its weight, it was probably cast in sections at Solomon’s foundry in the Jordan Rift valley (vv 17-18) and then transported to the temple site for assembly.<\/p>\n<p>Probably the most striking article in the inner court was the “molten (bronze) sea,” a huge, round tank made of bronze 3 inches (8 centimeters) thick, 7½ feet (2.3 meters) high, and 15 feet (4.6 meters) in diameter (1 Kgs 7:23-26). Its rim flared out like a lily (2 Chr 4:2-5). The tank was supported on 12 bronze oxen, four on each side, and had two rows of decoration, possibly gourds or pomegranates, under the brim. Its capacity was between 10,000 and 12,000 gallons (37,850–45,420 liters). The bronze sea was used for priestly ablutions (v 6). Presumably this involved a platform of sorts, for the brim of this vast basin would have been about 15 feet (4.6 meters) above ground level.<\/p>\n<p>Hiram also constructed ten large lavers, mounted on moveable stands and placed in two groups of five, on the north and south sides of the inner court (1 Kgs 7:27-39). Basically the stands were bronze boxes, six feet (1.8 meters) square and four and a half feet (1.4 meters) high with a nine-inch (22.9-centimeter) rim around the top edge. Each corner was attached to braced posts to which the axles were fixed. The four-spoked wheels were 27 inches (68.6 centimeters) high. Into each stand there fitted a laver containing approximately 220 gallons (832.7 liters) of water, used for washing sacrificial animals (2 Chr 4:6). Probably each was adjacent to one of the ten tables that would be used to flay and otherwise prepare the sacrifices (v 8). Supplementary items, such as pots, shovels, and basins, all made of bronze, were also manufactured (1 Kgs 7:40, 45).<\/p>\n<h5>The Dedication<\/h5>\n<p>Eleven months elapsed between the completion of the temple and its dedication (1 Kgs 6:38; 8:2), during which time the major items of furniture were set in place. The dedication itself took place in the seventh month, presumably in connection with the Feast of Tabernacles and the Day of Atonement (Lv 23:23-36). The ark of the covenant was brought into its final resting place (1 Kgs 8:3-4), but the inner court proved inadequate for the vast numbers of beasts sacrificed (1 Kgs 8:62-64; 2 Chr 7:7).<\/p>\n<p>The temple employed the most sophisticated building techniques of the age, and no expense had been spared in construction, ornamentation, or equipment. Yet Solomon readily confessed its utter inadequacy to house the eternal God (1 Kgs 8:27). His prayer also underlined Israel’s propensity to forsake the Lord, contrasting the nation with God, who, though a just judge, was also merciful and faithful. The climax of the proceedings came when fire from heaven consumed the sacrifices and the shekinah glory filled the temple (2 Chr 7:1-3).<\/p>\n<h5>Later History<\/h5>\n<p>Like most ancient shrines, the temple became a treasury for national wealth and as such was often the target for attack. Shishak of Egypt plundered it within five years of Solomon’s death (1 Kgs 14:25-38). Shortly afterward, King Asa (910–869 <span>BC<\/span>) depleted its gold and silver treasures to buy Syrian help against his oppressor, Baasha (908–886 <span>BC<\/span>), king of Israel (15:16-19). Joash, the king of Judah (835–796 <span>BC<\/span>) who was concealed in the temple from the vicious Athaliah during his youth (2 Kgs 11), made provision for its repair after protesting the priests’ embezzlement of gifts (12:4-16). But after the death of Jehoiada, the high priest, Joash himself was adversely influenced by his nobles (2 Chr 24:15-19). As punishment for his apostasy, the Lord allowed the Syrians to attack, and Joash used the temple treasures to buy them off (2 Kgs 12:17-18). Hardly had provision for replacements been made, when Jehoash of Israel (798–782 <span>BC<\/span>), having shattered the arrogant pride of Amaziah of Judah (796–767 <span>BC<\/span>), again stripped the temple (14:8-14). Later, King Ahaz (735-715 <span>BC<\/span>) used the remaining resources of the temple to enlist support from the Assyrians (16:7-9), though he eventually became completely subservient to them.<\/p>\n<p> Then Hezekiah (715–686 <span>BC<\/span>), one of the great reforming kings, thoroughly renovated the temple and restored worship after it had fallen into disuse during theclosing years of Ahaz (2 Chr 29:1-19; 31:9-21). Manasseh (696–642 <span>BC<\/span>), however, completely reversed his father’s policy, bringing the practices of Canaanite and Mesopotamian worship into the temple (2 Kgs 21:3-7). His conversion experience, which probably occurred late in his reign and resulted in certain reform measures in the temple (2 Chr 33:12-19), was not far-reaching enough to escape the final judgment that his reign was the dark spot of Judah’s history (2 Kgs 21:10-16).<\/p>\n<p>Manasseh’s grandson Josiah (640–609 <span>BC<\/span>), was the second great reforming king. He organized the repair of the temple in 622 <span>BC<\/span>, during which the lost Book of the Law (almost certainly the book of Deuteronomy) was discovered (2 Kgs 22:3-13). As a result, Josiah’s reformation gained a new dimension and sense of urgency (22:14–23:3). The reformation included a thorough purge of all idolatrous elements from the temple (23:4-12) and the restoration of the traditional festivals. Sadly, however, Josiah’s reformation died with him, and Judah’s downward slide continued under the apostate Jehoiakim (609–598 <span>BC<\/span>). It was probably during this time that Jeremiah preached his famous temple sermon foretelling its destruction (Jer 7:1–8:3; 26:1-19), which alienated him from the religious leaders. In Nebuchadnezzar’s reprisal raid following Jehoiakim’s rebellion in 601 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 24:1-4), Jerusalem was captured (596 <span>BC<\/span>) and many of the temple treasures were transported to Babylon (2 Chr 36:7). The temple itself appears to have escaped damage, but when Judah again rebelled under Zedekiah (597–586 <span>BC<\/span>), the temple was demolished (2 Kgs 25:8-10). The remaining temple treasures were taken away.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"ZerubbabelsTemple\">Zerubbabel’s Temple<\/p>\n<h5>Construction<\/h5>\n<p>Although the temple was devastated, the site still remained as a place of pilgrimage during the exile (Jer 41:4-5). In 538 <span>BC<\/span> the Persian king, Cyrus, in pursuance of a liberal policy diametrically opposed to that of the earlier empires, permitted the Jews to return from exile. And he authorized the rebuilding of the temple, financing it from the Persian treasury.<\/p>\n<p>In the book of Ezra, the decree of authorization has been preserved in two forms: the general proclamation (Ezr 1:2-4) and a more prosaic memorandum in the national archives indicating the main temple specifications and the amount of promised Persian help (6:1-5). Probably only a minority of the Jews opted to leave the relative comforts of Mesopotamia for the dangers of a long journey to their desolated homeland. According to the book of Ezra, 42,360 dedicated individuals and their servants (2:64-65) responded under the leadership of Sheshbazzar (1:8-11; 5:14-16) and Zerubbabel (2:2; 3:2, 8; 4:2). With great enthusiasm, the altar was rebuilt on the temple site and the traditional pattern of worship reestablished (3:1-6). Utilizing the grant from Persia as well as their own freewill gifts (2:68-69; 3:7), the Jews began to plan the second temple and lay its foundations (3:7-13). The initial impetus quickly died as a result of local opposition (4:1-4, 24), selfish preoccupation, and crop failures (Hg 1:2-11). In 520 <span>BC<\/span> (Ezr 4:24; Hg 1:1; Zec 1:1), inspired by the prophets Haggai and Zechariah, the Jews under Zerubbabel and Joshua the high priest commenced rebuilding. Work continued in spite of official suspicion, if not direct opposition, and the temple was completed and dedicated in 515 <span>BC<\/span> (Ezr 5:1–6:22).<\/p>\n<p>Little is known of the physical features of Zerubbabel’s temple. The inference that it was vastly inferior to Solomon’s temple (Hg 2:3) probably relates to an early stage in the building operation. In fact, the second temple stood for over 500 years. The dimensions noted in Ezra 6:3 are incomplete; the new temple was no doubt about the same size as its predecessor and was probably built on the same foundation. The construction technique appears to have followed the method of the original, with layers of timber providing a framework for sections of masonry (v 4). Clearly, there was auxiliary accommodation, probably like the side rooms of Solomon’s temple (Ezr 8:29; Neh 12:44; 13:4-5). If Persian aid was forthcoming as promised (Ezr 6:8-12), the second temple was a more splendid, substantial structure than is generally supposed.<\/p>\n<h5>Later History<\/h5>\n<p>Several references in the Apocrypha, pseudepigrapha, rabbinic writings, and the historian Josephus help to illumine the history of the temple and give more detail on its structure and furnishings. Josephus, quoting from Hecateus of Abdera (fourth century <span>BC<\/span>), states that the temple was a large building in an enclosure about 500 feet by 150 feet (152.4 meters by 45.7 meters), surrounded by a stone wall, with an altar of unhewn stones the same size as Solomon’s bronze altar (cf. 2 Chr 4:1). Within the sanctuary was a golden altar of incense and a lampstand, the flame of which burned continually. Josephus also notes that Antiochus III (223–187 <span>BC<\/span>) financially supported the temple when the Seleucids displaced the Ptolemies as masters of Jerusalem.<\/p>\n<p>Ben Sirach, early in the second century <span>BC<\/span>, commended Simon, the son of Onias the high priest, for his work in fortifying and repairing the temple area. First Maccabees provides valuable evidence of the fate of the temple during the oppression under Antiochus IV Epiphanes (175–164 <span>BC<\/span>). The books of the Maccabees recount the defilement of the altar of burnt offering (1 Macc 1:54) and the plundering of the golden lampstand, altar of incense, table of offering, veil, and other treasures (2 Macc 5:15-16; 6:2-4). When the temple was recaptured and restored, the victorious Maccabees replaced the items taken by the Seleucids, except for the altar of sacrifice, which was considered so polluted that it was dismantled and replaced by a new one constructed of unhewn stone (1 Macc 4:36-61; 2 Macc 10:1-9). Clearly the temple area was used as a fortress, both in opposition to the Seleucid garrison that was maintained in Jerusalem in the Maccabean period and in the conflicts of the later Hasmonean period. When Pompey captured Jerusalem about 63 <span>BC<\/span>, he entered the temple to assert his authority but took no plunder, thus showing respect for it.<\/p>\n<p>The history of Zerubbabel’s temple closed when Herod, having carefully preserved it from any major damage when he gained control of Jerusalem with Roman aid in 37 <span>BC<\/span>, began to dismantle it about 21 <span>BC<\/span> in preparation for the construction of his own grand temple.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"HerodsTemple\">Herod’s Temple<\/p>\n<p>Apart from over 100 references in the NT, our main sources of information about Herod’s temple come from the Jewish historian Josephus and from the Middoth (a section of the Jewish rabbinic writings). There are considerable differences in detail between the two, which rules out any dogmatic interpretation in attempted reconstructions. Since Josephus was contemporary with the temple (he was born about <span>AD<\/span> 37 and died early in the second century), he is probably more reliable than the Middoth, which, dating from about <span>AD<\/span> 150, appears to exaggerate occasionally. Archaeological research has been helpful in determining the positions of the outer walls and gates.<\/p>\n<p>Herod’s motive in building his temple was political rather than religious. As an Idumean, he wished to placate his Jewish subjects by constructing a sanctuary as magnificent as Solomon’s. Possible fears that the site might be profaned, or that the existing temple might be demolished and never rebuilt, were allayed by the training of 1,000 priests as masons and the amassing of materials before the work commenced. Herod’s temple followed the tripartite plan of its predecessors, although its porch was much larger. It was built in the contemporary Greco-Roman architectural style and must therefore be regarded as distinct from Zerubbabel’s temple. Work began in 20 <span>BC<\/span>, and while the main sanctuary was quickly erected (it was in full operation within ten years), the total project was not completed until <span>AD<\/span> 64, only six years before it was destroyed by the Romans.<\/p>\n<p>Herod first prepared the site by clearing and leveling an area approximately 500 yards (457.2 meters) from north to south and about 325 yards (297.2 meters) from east to west. This involved cutting away sections of rock in some areas and building up with rubble in others. Considerable sections of the enclosing wall, constructed on stone blocks averaging about 15 feet (4.6 meters) long by 4 feet (1.2 meters) high, still survive. Some of the stones in the corners of the south wall weigh up to 70 tons (63.5 metric tons).<\/p>\n<p>The sanctuary itself seems to have been based on the same dimensions as Solomon’s temple. It was divided into the Holy Place, which was 60 feet (18.3 meters) long, 30 feet (9.1 meters) wide, and 60 feet high, and the Holy of Holies, which was 30 feet square. There was no furniture within the Holy of Holies, which was separated by a veil from the Holy Place. The Holy Place contained the seven-branch lampstand, the table for the bread of the Presence, and the incense altar. The main divergence from Solomon’s temple was the imposing porch, 150 feet (45.7 meters) in width and height. Outside was a doorway approximately 30 feet (9.1 meters) wide by 40 feet (12.2 meters) high, with an inner doorway about half that size leading into the sanctuary. By allowing empty rooms over the Holy of Holies and the Holy Place, there was a uniform roof height of 150 feet (45.7 meters). Golden spikes on the roof discouraged birds from alighting and defiling the structure. Like its predecessors, the temple was oriented toward the east and was surrounded on the other sides by three stories of rooms rising to a height of 60 feet (18.3 meters). The stone used was the local white stone, cut in huge blocks and highly polished.<\/p>\n<p>Access to the porch was by a flight of 12 steps from the Court of the Priests. Centrally placed before the porch and 33 feet (10.1 meters) away was the altar of sacrifice. Made of unhewn stone, it was a multilevel construction 15 feet (4.6 meters) high and about 48 feet (14.6 meters) square at its base. Male Israelites were allowed into this area once a year, during the Feast of the Tabernacles, to walk around the altar of sacrifice. Otherwise, they were restricted to the Court of Israel. To the east of the Court of Israel, and separated from it by a flight of 15 steps and by the ornate Great Gate, made of Corinthian bronze, was the Court of the Women. Here the offertory chests for temple expenses were located (Mk 12:41-44). The next court was the large, lower, outer Court of the Gentiles, which surrounded the inner courts and was separated from them by a balustrade and a series of warning notices. Two of these have been excavated, written in Latin and Greek and forbidding trespass by Gentiles into the inner areas, on pain of death. This outer court was widely used. Immediately inside its walls was a portico, supported by four rows of columns almost 40 feet (12.2 meters) high on the south side (the Royal Porch), and two rows on the other sides, the eastern portico known as “Solomon’s Porch” or “Solomon’s Colonnade.” Here is the area where the stalls of the money changers and merchants were set up, where the Sanhedrin met, and where Christ and the scribes taught and debated (Mk 11:27; Lk 2:46; 19:47; Jn 10:23). Here, too, the infant church met before it was rejected by a hostile Judaism (Acts 3:11; 5:12). Just to the northwest of the temple enclosure was the Fortress of Antonia, where the Roman governor resided while in Jerusalem, and where a Roman garrison was on hand to deal with disturbances (Acts 21:31-40). Overlooking the temple area, it was separated from it by a wide moat. The high priest’s vestments were stored in the fortress as a symbol of Roman authority. Access to the Court of the Gentiles was by four gates in the west wall; two in the south wall, where the ground fell away steeply into the valley, a site often identified as the pinnacle of the temple (Mt 4:5; Lk 4:9); and one gate in each of the east and north walls.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"SignificanceoftheTempleintheOldTestament\">Significance of the Temple in the Old Testament<\/p>\n<p>The temple in Jerusalem functioned as the focal point of the tribal confederation. In spite of the attempt of Jeroboam I, the first king of the northern kingdom, to divert attention from Jerusalem by establishing shrines at Bethel and Dan (1 Kgs 12:26-30), Jerusalem never lost its preeminence. Naturally, both Hezekiah and Josiah sought to extend their reformation into the area of the northern tribes (2 Chr 30:1-12; 34:6-7), and Jerusalem was a pilgrimage center for those areas even after its destruction (Jer 41:5). The prophets foretold its destiny as the focal point of universal worship (Is 2:1-4).<\/p>\n<p>The temple was God’s dwelling place among his people. God’s presence, symbolized in the shekinah glory and the pillar of cloud, was associated with the tent of meeting (Ex 33:9-11), with the tabernacle (40:34-38), and finally with the temple (1 Kgs 8:10-11). The paradox is that while God is completely unrestricted, the temple was considered a place for God to live forever (vv 13, 27). God had chosen Zion, as he had chosen David (Pss 68:15-18; 76:2; 78:67-72), so the temple was regarded as God’s house (27:4; 42:4; 84:1-4).<\/p>\n<h5>Ezekiel’s Temple<\/h5>\n<p>Ezekiel’s detailed description of the ideal temple (Ez 40–48) was not used as the blueprint for Zerubbabel’s temple. In fact, since Ezekiel must have been familiar with Solomon’s temple before his deportation in 597 <span>BC<\/span>, his description is of greater help in determining uncertain details of the first temple. Ezekiel’s concern was to show the nature of pure worship, safeguarded from all contamination. This worship would allow the glory of God, which had departed from corrupted Solomon’s temple (9:3; 10:4, 18-19: 11:22-23), to return so that Jerusalem could again be named “the Lord is there” (43:1-5; 48:35). This thought, linked with Ezekiel’s vital concept of God’s Spirit indwelling his faithful worshipers (36:24-28), anticipated the NT teaching of the believers becoming God’s temple.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"SignificanceoftheTempleintheNewTestament\">Significance of the Temple in the New Testament<\/p>\n<h5>Christ and the Temple<\/h5>\n<p>Christ showed considerable respect for the temple. When he was 12 years old, he entered into the rabbinic discussions in its porticoes and described it as his Father’s house (Lk 2:41-50). To him “the house of God” was indwelt by God (Mt 12:4; 23:21). Although he twice cleansed it in righteous anger (Mt 21:12-13; Jn 2:13-16), he wept over the impending destruction of the city and temple (Lk 19:41-44). He often taught there, but he was “greater than the temple” (Mt 12:6). When his presentation to Jerusalem as the predicted Messiah was rejected, in spite of attendant miracles, he foretold its inevitable destruction (Mt 21:9-15; 24:1-2). For a brief period after Pentecost, the early church used the temple as its meeting place, until mounting opposition drove believers from Jerusalem (Acts 5:12, 21, 42; 8:1).<\/p>\n<h5>The Church as the Temple<\/h5>\n<p>The NT writers used two different Greek words to describe the temple: <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span> and <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">hieron<\/span><em>.<\/em> <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">Naos<\/span> refers to the actual sanctuary of the temple, the place of God’s dwelling. <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">Hieron<\/span> refers to the temple precincts as well as to the sanctuary. Generally speaking, <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span> was used to designate the inner section of the temple known as the Holy Place and the Holy of Holies, whereas <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">hieron<\/span> included the outer court and the temple proper.<\/p>\n<p>In Paul’s epistles the word <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span> appears six times (1 Cor 3:16-17; 6:19; 2 Cor 6:16; Eph 2:21; 2 Thes 2:4) and <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">hieron<\/span> once (1 Cor 9:13). In these verses Paul maintains the distinction of definition noted above. When speaking of the actual physical temple, he used the word <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">hieron<\/span> to indicate the place where the priests offered up animal sacrifices on the altar (1 Cor 9:13), which was situated in the outer court (see Ex 27–29, 40). And when Paul referred to the abominable act of the lawless one in usurping God’s place in the temple, he used the word <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span>—the word that designates the place of deity’s presence (2 Thes 2:4).<\/p>\n<p>In all the other Pauline passages, <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span> is used metaphorically—to depict a human habitation for the divine Spirit. In one instance the sanctuary image is used to describe the individual believer’s body (1 Cor 6:19); in every other instance the sanctuary depicts Christ’s body, the church (1 Cor 3:16-17; 2 Cor 6:16; Eph 2:21). Mistakenly, many readers think 1 Corinthians 3:16-17 speaks of the individual, but according to the Greek text, it is unquestionably clear that Paul was speaking about the collective church (specifically, the church in Corinth).<\/p>\n<p>When Paul told the church in Corinth that it was God’s sanctuary, they would have understood the image from their knowledge of pagan temples. But Paul probably had in mind the one temple in Jerusalem. The Gentiles had many gods with many temples in one city; the Jews had one God with only one temple in all of Israel. This helped to preserve unity among the Israelites. The Corinthians needed spiritual unity; they were fragmented due to their individual preferences (see 1 Cor 1:10-13).<\/p>\n<p>In Ephesians, Paul’s masterpiece on the church, he speaks of the local churches as living, organic entities that are all (compositely speaking) growing into a holy sanctuary in the Lord (Eph 2:21). Paul pictured each local church as providing God with a spiritual habitation in that locality (v 22) and as growing together with all the other churches into one holy, universal sanctuary for the Lord’s indwelling.<\/p>\n<h5>The Temple in John’s Revelation<\/h5>\n<p>In John’s revelation there is no material temple, even though he continues to use the imagery of Jerusalem and Mt Zion (Rv 3:12; 14:1; 21:2, 10, 22). Three interrelated ideas dominate. First is the concept of the church made up of martyrs, whose faithful members are God’s temple (3:12; 14:1). This temple grows gradually as the number of martyrs increases (6:11). Another aspect is the temple as the place of judgment (11:19; 14:15; 15:5–16:1). Finally, any temple in the new age is unnecessary, “for its temple is the Lord God Almighty and the Lamb” (21:22). The ultimate state will be God’s dwelling with his people—the eternal, spritual temple.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Altar; Ark of the Covenant; Bread of the Presence; David; Feasts and Festivals of Israel; First Jewish Revolt; Judaism; Mercy Seat; Offerings and Sacrifices; Priests and Levites; Sanctuary; Singers in the Temple; Solomon (Person).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>TEMPLE<\/h3>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Background<\/p>\n<p>• Solomon’s Temple<\/p>\n<p>• Zerubbabel’s Temple<\/p>\n<p>• Herod’s Temple<\/p>\n<p>• Significance of the Temple in the Old Testament<\/p>\n<p>• Significance of the Temple in the New Testament<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Background\">Background<\/p>\n<p>David’s capture of Jerusalem (2 Sm 5:6-9) and his designation of it as the nation’s capital is one of the great masterstrokes of history. Occupied by the Jebusites, it was a pocket of neutral territory between the northern and southern sections of David’s united kingdom and was politically acceptable to both. Jerusalem was then established as the national religious center by the return of the ark, which had been largely neglected since its capture by the Philistines (2 Sm 6:1-17). Henceforth, God’s choices of both David and Jerusalem (“Mount Zion”) were indissolubly linked (Ps 78:67-72).<\/p>\n<p>David’s great impulse was to build an adequate dwelling place for Israel’s God. The idea was initially approved by Nathan the prophet (2 Sm 7:1-3), but God revealed otherwise to him, and he conveyed the divine purpose to David (vv 4-17). In a significant wordplay, David was informed that, while he was not to build a house (temple) for God, God would build a house (dynasty) for him. David was not the one to build a temple because of the numerous wars during his reign; the temple would instead be built by his son (1 Kgs 5:3; 1 Chr 22:7-8; 28:3). Nevertheless, David enthusiastically amassed most of the necessary finances and materials and drew up the blueprints for the temple (1 Chr 22:3-5, 14; 28:2, 11-19). He also purchased the temple site (21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"SolomonsTemple\">Solomon’s Temple<\/p>\n\n<h5>Date<\/h5>\n<p>Construction commenced in Solomon’s fourth year, about 966 <span>BC<\/span>, and took seven years to complete (1 Kgs 6:1, 38). Everything necessary for the temple, including the workers, had been prepared by David (1 Chr 28:21). The temple evidently had first priority among Solomon’s building schemes, as he built his own palace later (1 Kgs 7:1).<\/p>\n<h5>Superintendents and Workforce<\/h5>\n<p>The principal architect for the bronze furnishings was Huram (Hebrew “Hiram”), whose father was a metal craftsman from Tyre and whose mother was an Israelite (1 Kgs 7:13-14). Cedar for the temple came from Lebanon and was felled and transported by the skilled woodsmen of another Hiram—the king of Tyre, Solomon’s ally (5:5-9). Thirty thousand Israelites, divided into three groups, were drafted to assist at Lebanon. Each group was on duty for one month in three. For the stonework, Solomon conscripted 153,600 foreigners resident in Israel to provide a self-contained group of carriers, stone cutters, and supervisors (vv 15-17; 2 Chr 2:17-18). Possibly the “men of Gebal,” with their specialized skills, formed yet another group (1 Kgs 5:18). Building the temple was obviously a national project of immense size and effort. In order to preserve the sanctity of the site and to eliminate noise, the masonry and carpentry were not done at the temple site (6:7).<\/p>\n<h5>Description<\/h5>\n<p>The details given in the Bible are sufficiently clear for us to make a reasonably accurate description of the temple. The accounts in Kings and Chronicles are supplemented by Ezekiel’s depiction of the temple (see below), which was broadly based on his knowledge of the Jerusalem temple (Ez 40–48).<\/p>\n<p>The side rooms probably rested on a foundation or platform that was separate from the temple itself (1 Kgs 6:5, 10; cf. Ez 41:8-9) and were arranged in three stories, each seven and a half feet (2.3 meters) high, extending around the whole building except for the porch side. Each successive story was one and a half feet (.5 meter) wider than the one below, these dimensions coinciding with the thickness of the side wall of the Holy Place. The ground floor rooms were seven and a half feet (2.3 meters) wide; the first story was nine feet (2.7 meters), and the second was ten and a half feet (3.2 meters). Access to the upper stories was possibly by winding staircases (1 Kgs 6:8). There is some uncertainty concerning the location of the entrances; there may have been one on either side, but only one is mentioned (v 8). As in Ezekiel’s temple (Ez 40:17, 28), there were two adjacent courts, an inner and an outer (1 Kgs 6:36; 7:12), but no dimensions are given for these. The inner court, or “court of the priests,” being next to the temple itself, was also called “the upper court” (2 Chr 4:9; Jer 36:10). The wall of the inner court was made of three layers of hewn stone held together by a layer of cedar beams (1 Kgs 6:36), and the doors of both courts were sheathed in bronze (2 Chr 4:9). The palace buildings were within the outer court area, probably with a private passageway between the palace and the temple that was later closed during the reign of Ahaz (2 Chr 4:9, 12; 2 Kgs 16:18).<\/p>\n<p>The temple itself was 90 feet (27.4 meters) long, 30 feet (9.1 meters) wide, and 45 feet (13.7 meters) high (1 Kgs 6:2), with a porch or vestibule 15 feet (4.6 meters) deep stretching across the width. Probably the vestibule was on the east end of the temple, thus corresponding with the orientation of Ezekiel’s temple (Ez 43:1; 44:1). The larger part of the main sanctuary, next to the porch, formed the Holy Place, which was 60 feet (18.3 meters) long (1 Kgs 6:17). Beyond this was the innermost sanctuary, the Holy of Holies (or the “Most Holy Place“), which was a perfect cube of 30 feet (9.1 meters). All the interior walls were paneled with cedar decorated with flower patterns, cherubim, and palm trees, so that no masonry was visible. The walls of both inner and outer sanctuaries were “overlaid” (v 22) with pure gold. Actually the gold decoration may have been inlaid, on the basis that a solid sheath of gold would spoil the natural beauty of the wood carving. The floor was made of cypress planks (v 15). Narrow windows set high in the walls above the level of the three-storied outer chambers provided light in the Holy Place (v 4). The ceiling was paneled with beams and planks of cedar. No detail is given about the exterior roofing, but probably the contemporary technique was employed, using a wooden, latticelike framework into which a waterproof, limestone plaster was packed and rolled.<\/p>\n<p>The outer porch was apparently an open space, since no doors are mentioned. Access into the Holy Place was by double doors, both hinged to fold back on themselves, made of cypress and decorated in exactly the same way as the interior walls (vv 34-35). The doorposts were made of olive wood. Within the Holy Place was the altar of incense made of cedar overlaid with gold; it was placed centrally before the Holy of Holies. Also in the Holy Place were a table for the bread of the Presence of God, ten lampstands arranged in two groups of five on either side, and various utensils required for maintaining the priestly duties (1 Kgs 7:48-50). All these were made or overlaid with gold. The ten tables, arranged five on each side, were presumably for the utensils and accessories (2 Chr 4:8).<\/p>\n<p>Between the Holy Place and the Holy of Holies was a double door made of olive wood, carved with cherubim, palm trees, and flower patterns and overlaid with gold. Inside these doors, veiling still further the Holy of Holies, was a blue, purple, and crimson curtain, made of the finest fabrics and ornamented with cherubim (2 Chr 3:14).<\/p>\n<p>In the Holy of Holies were two cherubim, each 15 feet (4.6 meters) high and made of olive wood covered with gold (1 Kgs 6:23-28). Each wing measured seven and a half feet (2.3 meters). A wing of each touched the side walls; the other wings met at the center of the room. The divine throne had been considerably less impressive in the tabernacle, where a wing of each cherubim fused into the mercy seat above the ark (Ex 25:17-22). In Solomon’s temple, the ark of the covenant was placed below the forward-facing cherubim, the symbolic protectors. The ark, the only major item surviving from the Mosaic tabernacle, still contained the tablets of the law, but the pot of manna and Aaron’s rod were missing (1 Kgs 8:9).<\/p>\n<p>Immediately outside the temple and on either side of the vestibule were two hollow bronze pillars (1 Kgs 7:15-20; 2 Chr 3:15-17). According to the book of Kings, these pillars were 27 feet (8.2 meters) high, with a circumference of 18 feet (5.5 meters). The metal itself was about four inches (10.2 centimeters) thick. The pillars were surmounted by bronze, lily-shaped capitals seven and a half feet (2.3 meters) high and six feet (1.8 meters) wide, intricately adorned with a chain latticework that supported two rows of pomegranates. The total weight must have been enormous, and their size is attested to by Jeremiah, who notes that the Babylonians had to break them in pieces before transporting them to Babylon (Jer 52:17, 21-23).<\/p>\n<p>The bronze altar of sacrifice in front of the vestibule is not listed in the specifications of 1 Kings 7. However, it is mentioned in the temple dedication and subsequently (1 Kgs 8:22, 54, 64; 9:25) and clearly stood in the inner court. Its dimensions were 30 feet (9.1 meters) square and 15 feet (4.6 meters) high (2 Chr 4:1). In view of its weight, it was probably cast in sections at Solomon’s foundry in the Jordan Rift valley (vv 17-18) and then transported to the temple site for assembly.<\/p>\n<p>Probably the most striking article in the inner court was the “molten (bronze) sea,” a huge, round tank made of bronze 3 inches (8 centimeters) thick, 7½ feet (2.3 meters) high, and 15 feet (4.6 meters) in diameter (1 Kgs 7:23-26). Its rim flared out like a lily (2 Chr 4:2-5). The tank was supported on 12 bronze oxen, four on each side, and had two rows of decoration, possibly gourds or pomegranates, under the brim. Its capacity was between 10,000 and 12,000 gallons (37,850–45,420 liters). The bronze sea was used for priestly ablutions (v 6). Presumably this involved a platform of sorts, for the brim of this vast basin would have been about 15 feet (4.6 meters) above ground level.<\/p>\n<p>Hiram also constructed ten large lavers, mounted on moveable stands and placed in two groups of five, on the north and south sides of the inner court (1 Kgs 7:27-39). Basically the stands were bronze boxes, six feet (1.8 meters) square and four and a half feet (1.4 meters) high with a nine-inch (22.9-centimeter) rim around the top edge. Each corner was attached to braced posts to which the axles were fixed. The four-spoked wheels were 27 inches (68.6 centimeters) high. Into each stand there fitted a laver containing approximately 220 gallons (832.7 liters) of water, used for washing sacrificial animals (2 Chr 4:6). Probably each was adjacent to one of the ten tables that would be used to flay and otherwise prepare the sacrifices (v 8). Supplementary items, such as pots, shovels, and basins, all made of bronze, were also manufactured (1 Kgs 7:40, 45).<\/p>\n<h5>The Dedication<\/h5>\n<p>Eleven months elapsed between the completion of the temple and its dedication (1 Kgs 6:38; 8:2), during which time the major items of furniture were set in place. The dedication itself took place in the seventh month, presumably in connection with the Feast of Tabernacles and the Day of Atonement (Lv 23:23-36). The ark of the covenant was brought into its final resting place (1 Kgs 8:3-4), but the inner court proved inadequate for the vast numbers of beasts sacrificed (1 Kgs 8:62-64; 2 Chr 7:7).<\/p>\n<p>The temple employed the most sophisticated building techniques of the age, and no expense had been spared in construction, ornamentation, or equipment. Yet Solomon readily confessed its utter inadequacy to house the eternal God (1 Kgs 8:27). His prayer also underlined Israel’s propensity to forsake the Lord, contrasting the nation with God, who, though a just judge, was also merciful and faithful. The climax of the proceedings came when fire from heaven consumed the sacrifices and the shekinah glory filled the temple (2 Chr 7:1-3).<\/p>\n<h5>Later History<\/h5>\n<p>Like most ancient shrines, the temple became a treasury for national wealth and as such was often the target for attack. Shishak of Egypt plundered it within five years of Solomon’s death (1 Kgs 14:25-38). Shortly afterward, King Asa (910–869 <span>BC<\/span>) depleted its gold and silver treasures to buy Syrian help against his oppressor, Baasha (908–886 <span>BC<\/span>), king of Israel (15:16-19). Joash, the king of Judah (835–796 <span>BC<\/span>) who was concealed in the temple from the vicious Athaliah during his youth (2 Kgs 11), made provision for its repair after protesting the priests’ embezzlement of gifts (12:4-16). But after the death of Jehoiada, the high priest, Joash himself was adversely influenced by his nobles (2 Chr 24:15-19). As punishment for his apostasy, the Lord allowed the Syrians to attack, and Joash used the temple treasures to buy them off (2 Kgs 12:17-18). Hardly had provision for replacements been made, when Jehoash of Israel (798–782 <span>BC<\/span>), having shattered the arrogant pride of Amaziah of Judah (796–767 <span>BC<\/span>), again stripped the temple (14:8-14). Later, King Ahaz (735-715 <span>BC<\/span>) used the remaining resources of the temple to enlist support from the Assyrians (16:7-9), though he eventually became completely subservient to them.<\/p>\n<p> Then Hezekiah (715–686 <span>BC<\/span>), one of the great reforming kings, thoroughly renovated the temple and restored worship after it had fallen into disuse during theclosing years of Ahaz (2 Chr 29:1-19; 31:9-21). Manasseh (696–642 <span>BC<\/span>), however, completely reversed his father’s policy, bringing the practices of Canaanite and Mesopotamian worship into the temple (2 Kgs 21:3-7). His conversion experience, which probably occurred late in his reign and resulted in certain reform measures in the temple (2 Chr 33:12-19), was not far-reaching enough to escape the final judgment that his reign was the dark spot of Judah’s history (2 Kgs 21:10-16).<\/p>\n<p>Manasseh’s grandson Josiah (640–609 <span>BC<\/span>), was the second great reforming king. He organized the repair of the temple in 622 <span>BC<\/span>, during which the lost Book of the Law (almost certainly the book of Deuteronomy) was discovered (2 Kgs 22:3-13). As a result, Josiah’s reformation gained a new dimension and sense of urgency (22:14–23:3). The reformation included a thorough purge of all idolatrous elements from the temple (23:4-12) and the restoration of the traditional festivals. Sadly, however, Josiah’s reformation died with him, and Judah’s downward slide continued under the apostate Jehoiakim (609–598 <span>BC<\/span>). It was probably during this time that Jeremiah preached his famous temple sermon foretelling its destruction (Jer 7:1–8:3; 26:1-19), which alienated him from the religious leaders. In Nebuchadnezzar’s reprisal raid following Jehoiakim’s rebellion in 601 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 24:1-4), Jerusalem was captured (596 <span>BC<\/span>) and many of the temple treasures were transported to Babylon (2 Chr 36:7). The temple itself appears to have escaped damage, but when Judah again rebelled under Zedekiah (597–586 <span>BC<\/span>), the temple was demolished (2 Kgs 25:8-10). The remaining temple treasures were taken away.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"ZerubbabelsTemple\">Zerubbabel’s Temple<\/p>\n<h5>Construction<\/h5>\n<p>Although the temple was devastated, the site still remained as a place of pilgrimage during the exile (Jer 41:4-5). In 538 <span>BC<\/span> the Persian king, Cyrus, in pursuance of a liberal policy diametrically opposed to that of the earlier empires, permitted the Jews to return from exile. And he authorized the rebuilding of the temple, financing it from the Persian treasury.<\/p>\n<p>In the book of Ezra, the decree of authorization has been preserved in two forms: the general proclamation (Ezr 1:2-4) and a more prosaic memorandum in the national archives indicating the main temple specifications and the amount of promised Persian help (6:1-5). Probably only a minority of the Jews opted to leave the relative comforts of Mesopotamia for the dangers of a long journey to their desolated homeland. According to the book of Ezra, 42,360 dedicated individuals and their servants (2:64-65) responded under the leadership of Sheshbazzar (1:8-11; 5:14-16) and Zerubbabel (2:2; 3:2, 8; 4:2). With great enthusiasm, the altar was rebuilt on the temple site and the traditional pattern of worship reestablished (3:1-6). Utilizing the grant from Persia as well as their own freewill gifts (2:68-69; 3:7), the Jews began to plan the second temple and lay its foundations (3:7-13). The initial impetus quickly died as a result of local opposition (4:1-4, 24), selfish preoccupation, and crop failures (Hg 1:2-11). In 520 <span>BC<\/span> (Ezr 4:24; Hg 1:1; Zec 1:1), inspired by the prophets Haggai and Zechariah, the Jews under Zerubbabel and Joshua the high priest commenced rebuilding. Work continued in spite of official suspicion, if not direct opposition, and the temple was completed and dedicated in 515 <span>BC<\/span> (Ezr 5:1–6:22).<\/p>\n<p>Little is known of the physical features of Zerubbabel’s temple. The inference that it was vastly inferior to Solomon’s temple (Hg 2:3) probably relates to an early stage in the building operation. In fact, the second temple stood for over 500 years. The dimensions noted in Ezra 6:3 are incomplete; the new temple was no doubt about the same size as its predecessor and was probably built on the same foundation. The construction technique appears to have followed the method of the original, with layers of timber providing a framework for sections of masonry (v 4). Clearly, there was auxiliary accommodation, probably like the side rooms of Solomon’s temple (Ezr 8:29; Neh 12:44; 13:4-5). If Persian aid was forthcoming as promised (Ezr 6:8-12), the second temple was a more splendid, substantial structure than is generally supposed.<\/p>\n<h5>Later History<\/h5>\n<p>Several references in the Apocrypha, pseudepigrapha, rabbinic writings, and the historian Josephus help to illumine the history of the temple and give more detail on its structure and furnishings. Josephus, quoting from Hecateus of Abdera (fourth century <span>BC<\/span>), states that the temple was a large building in an enclosure about 500 feet by 150 feet (152.4 meters by 45.7 meters), surrounded by a stone wall, with an altar of unhewn stones the same size as Solomon’s bronze altar (cf. 2 Chr 4:1). Within the sanctuary was a golden altar of incense and a lampstand, the flame of which burned continually. Josephus also notes that Antiochus III (223–187 <span>BC<\/span>) financially supported the temple when the Seleucids displaced the Ptolemies as masters of Jerusalem.<\/p>\n<p>Ben Sirach, early in the second century <span>BC<\/span>, commended Simon, the son of Onias the high priest, for his work in fortifying and repairing the temple area. First Maccabees provides valuable evidence of the fate of the temple during the oppression under Antiochus IV Epiphanes (175–164 <span>BC<\/span>). The books of the Maccabees recount the defilement of the altar of burnt offering (1 Macc 1:54) and the plundering of the golden lampstand, altar of incense, table of offering, veil, and other treasures (2 Macc 5:15-16; 6:2-4). When the temple was recaptured and restored, the victorious Maccabees replaced the items taken by the Seleucids, except for the altar of sacrifice, which was considered so polluted that it was dismantled and replaced by a new one constructed of unhewn stone (1 Macc 4:36-61; 2 Macc 10:1-9). Clearly the temple area was used as a fortress, both in opposition to the Seleucid garrison that was maintained in Jerusalem in the Maccabean period and in the conflicts of the later Hasmonean period. When Pompey captured Jerusalem about 63 <span>BC<\/span>, he entered the temple to assert his authority but took no plunder, thus showing respect for it.<\/p>\n<p>The history of Zerubbabel’s temple closed when Herod, having carefully preserved it from any major damage when he gained control of Jerusalem with Roman aid in 37 <span>BC<\/span>, began to dismantle it about 21 <span>BC<\/span> in preparation for the construction of his own grand temple.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"HerodsTemple\">Herod’s Temple<\/p>\n<p>Apart from over 100 references in the NT, our main sources of information about Herod’s temple come from the Jewish historian Josephus and from the Middoth (a section of the Jewish rabbinic writings). There are considerable differences in detail between the two, which rules out any dogmatic interpretation in attempted reconstructions. Since Josephus was contemporary with the temple (he was born about <span>AD<\/span> 37 and died early in the second century), he is probably more reliable than the Middoth, which, dating from about <span>AD<\/span> 150, appears to exaggerate occasionally. Archaeological research has been helpful in determining the positions of the outer walls and gates.<\/p>\n<p>Herod’s motive in building his temple was political rather than religious. As an Idumean, he wished to placate his Jewish subjects by constructing a sanctuary as magnificent as Solomon’s. Possible fears that the site might be profaned, or that the existing temple might be demolished and never rebuilt, were allayed by the training of 1,000 priests as masons and the amassing of materials before the work commenced. Herod’s temple followed the tripartite plan of its predecessors, although its porch was much larger. It was built in the contemporary Greco-Roman architectural style and must therefore be regarded as distinct from Zerubbabel’s temple. Work began in 20 <span>BC<\/span>, and while the main sanctuary was quickly erected (it was in full operation within ten years), the total project was not completed until <span>AD<\/span> 64, only six years before it was destroyed by the Romans.<\/p>\n<p>Herod first prepared the site by clearing and leveling an area approximately 500 yards (457.2 meters) from north to south and about 325 yards (297.2 meters) from east to west. This involved cutting away sections of rock in some areas and building up with rubble in others. Considerable sections of the enclosing wall, constructed on stone blocks averaging about 15 feet (4.6 meters) long by 4 feet (1.2 meters) high, still survive. Some of the stones in the corners of the south wall weigh up to 70 tons (63.5 metric tons).<\/p>\n<p>The sanctuary itself seems to have been based on the same dimensions as Solomon’s temple. It was divided into the Holy Place, which was 60 feet (18.3 meters) long, 30 feet (9.1 meters) wide, and 60 feet high, and the Holy of Holies, which was 30 feet square. There was no furniture within the Holy of Holies, which was separated by a veil from the Holy Place. The Holy Place contained the seven-branch lampstand, the table for the bread of the Presence, and the incense altar. The main divergence from Solomon’s temple was the imposing porch, 150 feet (45.7 meters) in width and height. Outside was a doorway approximately 30 feet (9.1 meters) wide by 40 feet (12.2 meters) high, with an inner doorway about half that size leading into the sanctuary. By allowing empty rooms over the Holy of Holies and the Holy Place, there was a uniform roof height of 150 feet (45.7 meters). Golden spikes on the roof discouraged birds from alighting and defiling the structure. Like its predecessors, the temple was oriented toward the east and was surrounded on the other sides by three stories of rooms rising to a height of 60 feet (18.3 meters). The stone used was the local white stone, cut in huge blocks and highly polished.<\/p>\n<p>Access to the porch was by a flight of 12 steps from the Court of the Priests. Centrally placed before the porch and 33 feet (10.1 meters) away was the altar of sacrifice. Made of unhewn stone, it was a multilevel construction 15 feet (4.6 meters) high and about 48 feet (14.6 meters) square at its base. Male Israelites were allowed into this area once a year, during the Feast of the Tabernacles, to walk around the altar of sacrifice. Otherwise, they were restricted to the Court of Israel. To the east of the Court of Israel, and separated from it by a flight of 15 steps and by the ornate Great Gate, made of Corinthian bronze, was the Court of the Women. Here the offertory chests for temple expenses were located (Mk 12:41-44). The next court was the large, lower, outer Court of the Gentiles, which surrounded the inner courts and was separated from them by a balustrade and a series of warning notices. Two of these have been excavated, written in Latin and Greek and forbidding trespass by Gentiles into the inner areas, on pain of death. This outer court was widely used. Immediately inside its walls was a portico, supported by four rows of columns almost 40 feet (12.2 meters) high on the south side (the Royal Porch), and two rows on the other sides, the eastern portico known as “Solomon’s Porch” or “Solomon’s Colonnade.” Here is the area where the stalls of the money changers and merchants were set up, where the Sanhedrin met, and where Christ and the scribes taught and debated (Mk 11:27; Lk 2:46; 19:47; Jn 10:23). Here, too, the infant church met before it was rejected by a hostile Judaism (Acts 3:11; 5:12). Just to the northwest of the temple enclosure was the Fortress of Antonia, where the Roman governor resided while in Jerusalem, and where a Roman garrison was on hand to deal with disturbances (Acts 21:31-40). Overlooking the temple area, it was separated from it by a wide moat. The high priest’s vestments were stored in the fortress as a symbol of Roman authority. Access to the Court of the Gentiles was by four gates in the west wall; two in the south wall, where the ground fell away steeply into the valley, a site often identified as the pinnacle of the temple (Mt 4:5; Lk 4:9); and one gate in each of the east and north walls.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"SignificanceoftheTempleintheOldTestament\">Significance of the Temple in the Old Testament<\/p>\n<p>The temple in Jerusalem functioned as the focal point of the tribal confederation. In spite of the attempt of Jeroboam I, the first king of the northern kingdom, to divert attention from Jerusalem by establishing shrines at Bethel and Dan (1 Kgs 12:26-30), Jerusalem never lost its preeminence. Naturally, both Hezekiah and Josiah sought to extend their reformation into the area of the northern tribes (2 Chr 30:1-12; 34:6-7), and Jerusalem was a pilgrimage center for those areas even after its destruction (Jer 41:5). The prophets foretold its destiny as the focal point of universal worship (Is 2:1-4).<\/p>\n<p>The temple was God’s dwelling place among his people. God’s presence, symbolized in the shekinah glory and the pillar of cloud, was associated with the tent of meeting (Ex 33:9-11), with the tabernacle (40:34-38), and finally with the temple (1 Kgs 8:10-11). The paradox is that while God is completely unrestricted, the temple was considered a place for God to live forever (vv 13, 27). God had chosen Zion, as he had chosen David (Pss 68:15-18; 76:2; 78:67-72), so the temple was regarded as God’s house (27:4; 42:4; 84:1-4).<\/p>\n<h5>Ezekiel’s Temple<\/h5>\n<p>Ezekiel’s detailed description of the ideal temple (Ez 40–48) was not used as the blueprint for Zerubbabel’s temple. In fact, since Ezekiel must have been familiar with Solomon’s temple before his deportation in 597 <span>BC<\/span>, his description is of greater help in determining uncertain details of the first temple. Ezekiel’s concern was to show the nature of pure worship, safeguarded from all contamination. This worship would allow the glory of God, which had departed from corrupted Solomon’s temple (9:3; 10:4, 18-19: 11:22-23), to return so that Jerusalem could again be named “the Lord is there” (43:1-5; 48:35). This thought, linked with Ezekiel’s vital concept of God’s Spirit indwelling his faithful worshipers (36:24-28), anticipated the NT teaching of the believers becoming God’s temple.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"SignificanceoftheTempleintheNewTestament\">Significance of the Temple in the New Testament<\/p>\n<h5>Christ and the Temple<\/h5>\n<p>Christ showed considerable respect for the temple. When he was 12 years old, he entered into the rabbinic discussions in its porticoes and described it as his Father’s house (Lk 2:41-50). To him “the house of God” was indwelt by God (Mt 12:4; 23:21). Although he twice cleansed it in righteous anger (Mt 21:12-13; Jn 2:13-16), he wept over the impending destruction of the city and temple (Lk 19:41-44). He often taught there, but he was “greater than the temple” (Mt 12:6). When his presentation to Jerusalem as the predicted Messiah was rejected, in spite of attendant miracles, he foretold its inevitable destruction (Mt 21:9-15; 24:1-2). For a brief period after Pentecost, the early church used the temple as its meeting place, until mounting opposition drove believers from Jerusalem (Acts 5:12, 21, 42; 8:1).<\/p>\n<h5>The Church as the Temple<\/h5>\n<p>The NT writers used two different Greek words to describe the temple: <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span> and <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">hieron<\/span><em>.<\/em> <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">Naos<\/span> refers to the actual sanctuary of the temple, the place of God’s dwelling. <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">Hieron<\/span> refers to the temple precincts as well as to the sanctuary. Generally speaking, <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span> was used to designate the inner section of the temple known as the Holy Place and the Holy of Holies, whereas <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">hieron<\/span> included the outer court and the temple proper.<\/p>\n<p>In Paul’s epistles the word <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span> appears six times (1 Cor 3:16-17; 6:19; 2 Cor 6:16; Eph 2:21; 2 Thes 2:4) and <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">hieron<\/span> once (1 Cor 9:13). In these verses Paul maintains the distinction of definition noted above. When speaking of the actual physical temple, he used the word <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">hieron<\/span> to indicate the place where the priests offered up animal sacrifices on the altar (1 Cor 9:13), which was situated in the outer court (see Ex 27–29, 40). And when Paul referred to the abominable act of the lawless one in usurping God’s place in the temple, he used the word <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span>—the word that designates the place of deity’s presence (2 Thes 2:4).<\/p>\n<p>In all the other Pauline passages, <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span> is used metaphorically—to depict a human habitation for the divine Spirit. In one instance the sanctuary image is used to describe the individual believer’s body (1 Cor 6:19); in every other instance the sanctuary depicts Christ’s body, the church (1 Cor 3:16-17; 2 Cor 6:16; Eph 2:21). Mistakenly, many readers think 1 Corinthians 3:16-17 speaks of the individual, but according to the Greek text, it is unquestionably clear that Paul was speaking about the collective church (specifically, the church in Corinth).<\/p>\n<p>When Paul told the church in Corinth that it was God’s sanctuary, they would have understood the image from their knowledge of pagan temples. But Paul probably had in mind the one temple in Jerusalem. The Gentiles had many gods with many temples in one city; the Jews had one God with only one temple in all of Israel. This helped to preserve unity among the Israelites. The Corinthians needed spiritual unity; they were fragmented due to their individual preferences (see 1 Cor 1:10-13).<\/p>\n<p>In Ephesians, Paul’s masterpiece on the church, he speaks of the local churches as living, organic entities that are all (compositely speaking) growing into a holy sanctuary in the Lord (Eph 2:21). Paul pictured each local church as providing God with a spiritual habitation in that locality (v 22) and as growing together with all the other churches into one holy, universal sanctuary for the Lord’s indwelling.<\/p>\n<h5>The Temple in John’s Revelation<\/h5>\n<p>In John’s revelation there is no material temple, even though he continues to use the imagery of Jerusalem and Mt Zion (Rv 3:12; 14:1; 21:2, 10, 22). Three interrelated ideas dominate. First is the concept of the church made up of martyrs, whose faithful members are God’s temple (3:12; 14:1). This temple grows gradually as the number of martyrs increases (6:11). Another aspect is the temple as the place of judgment (11:19; 14:15; 15:5–16:1). Finally, any temple in the new age is unnecessary, “for its temple is the Lord God Almighty and the Lamb” (21:22). The ultimate state will be God’s dwelling with his people—the eternal, spritual temple.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Altar; Ark of the Covenant; Bread of the Presence; David; Feasts and Festivals of Israel; First Jewish Revolt; Judaism; Mercy Seat; Offerings and Sacrifices; Priests and Levites; Sanctuary; Singers in the Temple; Solomon (Person).<\/p>","summary_ro":"TEMPLE Preview • Background • Solomon’s Temple • Zerubbabel’s Temple • Herod’s Temple • Significance of the Temple in the Old Testament • Significance of the Temple in the New Testament Background David’s capture of Jerusalem (2 Sm 5:6-9) and his designation of it as the nation’s capital is one of the great masterstrokes of history. Occupied by the Jebusites, it was a pocket of neutral territory between the northern and southern sections of David’s united kingdom and was politically acceptabl...","summary_en":"TEMPLE Preview • Background • Solomon’s Temple • Zerubbabel’s Temple • Herod’s Temple • Significance of the Temple in the Old Testament • Significance of the Temple in the New Testament Background David’s capture of Jerusalem (2 Sm 5:6-9) and his designation of it as the nation’s capital is one of the great masterstrokes of history. Occupied by the Jebusites, it was a pocket of neutral territory between the northern and southern sections of David’s united kingdom and was politically acceptabl...","source":"Articles\/T.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"8":[{"id":779,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Agriculture*","title_en":"Agriculture*","content_ro":"<h3>AGRICULTURE*<\/h3>\n<p>During Bible times agriculture took the same three main forms found in Palestine today. Emphasis on each of these has depended upon the social and technological status of the people.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Herding<\/p>\n<p>• Field Cropping<\/p>\n<p>• Fruit Raising<\/p>\n<p>• Cultivating<\/p>\n<p>• Harvesting<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Herding\">Herding<\/p>\n<p>Raising livestock is one of the first occupations mentioned in the Scriptures. Abel (Gn 4:2) and Jabal (Gn 4:20) were keepers of sheep or had cattle. This occupation fit the seminomadic life, providing both food and clothing while requiring a minimum of techniques and equipment.<\/p>\n<p>The patriarchs were mainly herdsmen, pasturing their sheep and cattle on common land and generally neglecting to till the soil. Jacob and his sons entered Egypt as shepherds (Gn 47:3). Later this pastoral life is still found in the tribes of Reuben, Gad, and the half-tribe of Manasseh in Transjordan (Nm 32:1) and in certain of the tribes dwelling in the western Palestinian hills (1 Sm 25:2). Herding continued to be a part of Hebrew agriculture even in postnomadic days, partly because the animals utilized less productive lands and partly because of the people’s traditions. Important among these traditions were the sacrifices performed in the temple.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"FieldCropping\">Field Cropping<\/p>\n<p>Most authorities agree that the Israelites learned field agriculture from the Canaanites, since contact with these people was contemporaneous with the settling of the Promised Land. The raising of grain is known to have existed before that time. Cain was a tiller of the soil (Gn 4:2), although it is uncertain what he raised. Archaeologists date the existence of grain farming to around 6800 <span>BC<\/span> in the Near East. Isaac sowed in Gerar (Gn 26:12), and Joseph dreamed of sheaves of grain (Gn 37:6-7). Joseph probably learned more about farming grain from the Egyptians, who raised it on the fertile soils of the Nile floodplain.<\/p>\n<p>Yet it was from contact with the Canaanites that Israelites began to raise grain. The productivity of Canaan was reported by Joshua and Caleb at Kadesh-barnea (Nm 13:26), and the Canaanites, who were later conquered, were no doubt made to initiate their conquerors into agricultural practices. Probably such a relationship contributed to the continual Israelite lapses into idolatry (Jgs 9:27). How rapidly they made the transition from the purely nomadic life is not clear. Some tribes never did shed the nomadic way, but cultivation of the soil seems to have been common by the time of the kings (2 Sm 14:30).<\/p>\n<p>Of the cereals raised, wheat was one of the most important. Solomon sent great amounts of it, along with barley and oil, to Hiram (2 Chr 2:10), and it continued to be a chief item of export (Ez 27:17). Barley was second in importance. In early times it was the chief ingredient of bread (Jgs 7:13); later it became an important food for the poorer classes (Jn 6:9, 13). It was also fed to cattle.<\/p>\n<p>Other field crops were beans and lentils (2 Sm 17:28), which were ground into meal and sometimes used for bread (Ez 4:9). Leeks, garlic, and onions were raised for seasoning, and cumin, coriander, dill, mint, rue, and mustard for spices. Flax was important (Jos 2:6). Some cotton was grown (Is 19:9). The fiber supply was supplemented with wool. By Roman times cotton had become much more important than flax.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"FruitRaising\">Fruit Raising<\/p>\n<p>When the Israelites became well settled, orchards and vineyards were planted and came to be symbols of prosperity. Vineyards supplied wine to drink. Olive orchards provided oil for cooking, cosmetics, and medicine. Figs and pomegranates were also grown. For all of these crops more skill and equipment became necessary.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Cultivating\">Cultivating<\/p>\n<p>Throughout biblical times, much of the labor for agriculture came from the farmer himself. To plant for the first time, it was necessary to clear the land of forest (Jos 17:18), stones (Is 5:2), weeds, and thorns. Sometimes the thin soil on hillsides was terraced, and sometimes irrigation was employed. Such tasks limited the size of farms so that only the wealthy, such as Job and Boaz, had large holdings.<\/p>\n<p>To till the land, farmers used oxen or cows to pull very primitive plows (Jgs 14:18; Am 6:12). Occasionally an ass was used (Dt 22:10). Clods were broken with a hoe or the driver’s goad. The surface was evened by drawing a simple harrow, perhaps only a thornbush, or a stoneboat over it. Seed was sown by hand, sometimes carefully in the furrow, and covered lightly with the harrow or stoneboat. Weeds were controlled by the plow, harrow, or hoe.<\/p>\n\n<p>Implements did not change much during Bible times. The plow consisted of an upright J-shaped piece of hardwood so fixed to be drawn by oxen at one end and held by the driver at the other. Such a primitive device could break up only four to five inches (10 to 13 centimeters) of soil. After the exodus, iron became available for the tip of the plow (1 Sm 13:20), but this served mainly to cut down wear on the point.<\/p>\n<p>The use of fertilizer was very limited on Palestinian farms. Of course, ceremonial law requiring that the soil lie fallow every seventh year helped to replenish water and nutrients, or at least delay their depletion. Manuring of fields was not common because dung was used for fuel. However, there is some mention of this practice in Scripture (Lk 13:8, where dung is placed around trees). There is mention in the Mishnah of the use of wood ashes, leaves, blood of slaughtered animals, and oil scum for fertilizer.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Harvesting\">Harvesting<\/p>\n<p>Seeding was done at the beginning of the rainy season and harvesting was begun at the end. Harvesting lasted at least seven weeks. Some crops were pulled up by the roots (pulse), others were dug with a hoe (some grain), but most were cut with a sickle. Iron sickles have been found in archaeological excavations, some with cutting edges set with flakes of flint. The cut grain was tied in sheaves (Ps 126:6) and cast into heaps to be transported to the threshing floor. Barley was harvested first and wheat last.<\/p>\n<p>Small quantities of grain, dill, cumin, and other small crops were beaten out with a flail (Jgs 6:11; Ru 2:17), but most grain was threshed on a floor placed on high ground so that the wind would carry off the chaff. The usual method was to scatter the loosened bundles of straw on the floor and to drive oxen over them to dislodge the grains. Sometimes heavy implements were drawn over the straw (Is 28:27; 41:15). These were weighted by stones and ridden by the driver. The resulting bits of straw, or chaff, were separated from the grain by a tedious winnowing process that involved throwing the material in the air with a fork or shovel (Is 30:24; Jer 15:7). The lighter straw would be blown to the edge of the floor, and the grain would collect at the feet of the worker. The chaff was burned or used as fodder. Grain was sifted (Am 9:9), shoveled into a heap, and later stored in covered pits in the field (Jer 41:8). Sometimes storehouses or granaries were used (Dt 28:8).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Plants; Harvest; Palestine; Vines, Vineyard; Food and Food Preparation.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>AGRICULTURE*<\/h3>\n<p>During Bible times agriculture took the same three main forms found in Palestine today. Emphasis on each of these has depended upon the social and technological status of the people.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Herding<\/p>\n<p>• Field Cropping<\/p>\n<p>• Fruit Raising<\/p>\n<p>• Cultivating<\/p>\n<p>• Harvesting<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Herding\">Herding<\/p>\n<p>Raising livestock is one of the first occupations mentioned in the Scriptures. Abel (Gn 4:2) and Jabal (Gn 4:20) were keepers of sheep or had cattle. This occupation fit the seminomadic life, providing both food and clothing while requiring a minimum of techniques and equipment.<\/p>\n<p>The patriarchs were mainly herdsmen, pasturing their sheep and cattle on common land and generally neglecting to till the soil. Jacob and his sons entered Egypt as shepherds (Gn 47:3). Later this pastoral life is still found in the tribes of Reuben, Gad, and the half-tribe of Manasseh in Transjordan (Nm 32:1) and in certain of the tribes dwelling in the western Palestinian hills (1 Sm 25:2). Herding continued to be a part of Hebrew agriculture even in postnomadic days, partly because the animals utilized less productive lands and partly because of the people’s traditions. Important among these traditions were the sacrifices performed in the temple.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"FieldCropping\">Field Cropping<\/p>\n<p>Most authorities agree that the Israelites learned field agriculture from the Canaanites, since contact with these people was contemporaneous with the settling of the Promised Land. The raising of grain is known to have existed before that time. Cain was a tiller of the soil (Gn 4:2), although it is uncertain what he raised. Archaeologists date the existence of grain farming to around 6800 <span>BC<\/span> in the Near East. Isaac sowed in Gerar (Gn 26:12), and Joseph dreamed of sheaves of grain (Gn 37:6-7). Joseph probably learned more about farming grain from the Egyptians, who raised it on the fertile soils of the Nile floodplain.<\/p>\n<p>Yet it was from contact with the Canaanites that Israelites began to raise grain. The productivity of Canaan was reported by Joshua and Caleb at Kadesh-barnea (Nm 13:26), and the Canaanites, who were later conquered, were no doubt made to initiate their conquerors into agricultural practices. Probably such a relationship contributed to the continual Israelite lapses into idolatry (Jgs 9:27). How rapidly they made the transition from the purely nomadic life is not clear. Some tribes never did shed the nomadic way, but cultivation of the soil seems to have been common by the time of the kings (2 Sm 14:30).<\/p>\n<p>Of the cereals raised, wheat was one of the most important. Solomon sent great amounts of it, along with barley and oil, to Hiram (2 Chr 2:10), and it continued to be a chief item of export (Ez 27:17). Barley was second in importance. In early times it was the chief ingredient of bread (Jgs 7:13); later it became an important food for the poorer classes (Jn 6:9, 13). It was also fed to cattle.<\/p>\n<p>Other field crops were beans and lentils (2 Sm 17:28), which were ground into meal and sometimes used for bread (Ez 4:9). Leeks, garlic, and onions were raised for seasoning, and cumin, coriander, dill, mint, rue, and mustard for spices. Flax was important (Jos 2:6). Some cotton was grown (Is 19:9). The fiber supply was supplemented with wool. By Roman times cotton had become much more important than flax.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"FruitRaising\">Fruit Raising<\/p>\n<p>When the Israelites became well settled, orchards and vineyards were planted and came to be symbols of prosperity. Vineyards supplied wine to drink. Olive orchards provided oil for cooking, cosmetics, and medicine. Figs and pomegranates were also grown. For all of these crops more skill and equipment became necessary.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Cultivating\">Cultivating<\/p>\n<p>Throughout biblical times, much of the labor for agriculture came from the farmer himself. To plant for the first time, it was necessary to clear the land of forest (Jos 17:18), stones (Is 5:2), weeds, and thorns. Sometimes the thin soil on hillsides was terraced, and sometimes irrigation was employed. Such tasks limited the size of farms so that only the wealthy, such as Job and Boaz, had large holdings.<\/p>\n<p>To till the land, farmers used oxen or cows to pull very primitive plows (Jgs 14:18; Am 6:12). Occasionally an ass was used (Dt 22:10). Clods were broken with a hoe or the driver’s goad. The surface was evened by drawing a simple harrow, perhaps only a thornbush, or a stoneboat over it. Seed was sown by hand, sometimes carefully in the furrow, and covered lightly with the harrow or stoneboat. Weeds were controlled by the plow, harrow, or hoe.<\/p>\n\n<p>Implements did not change much during Bible times. The plow consisted of an upright J-shaped piece of hardwood so fixed to be drawn by oxen at one end and held by the driver at the other. Such a primitive device could break up only four to five inches (10 to 13 centimeters) of soil. After the exodus, iron became available for the tip of the plow (1 Sm 13:20), but this served mainly to cut down wear on the point.<\/p>\n<p>The use of fertilizer was very limited on Palestinian farms. Of course, ceremonial law requiring that the soil lie fallow every seventh year helped to replenish water and nutrients, or at least delay their depletion. Manuring of fields was not common because dung was used for fuel. However, there is some mention of this practice in Scripture (Lk 13:8, where dung is placed around trees). There is mention in the Mishnah of the use of wood ashes, leaves, blood of slaughtered animals, and oil scum for fertilizer.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Harvesting\">Harvesting<\/p>\n<p>Seeding was done at the beginning of the rainy season and harvesting was begun at the end. Harvesting lasted at least seven weeks. Some crops were pulled up by the roots (pulse), others were dug with a hoe (some grain), but most were cut with a sickle. Iron sickles have been found in archaeological excavations, some with cutting edges set with flakes of flint. The cut grain was tied in sheaves (Ps 126:6) and cast into heaps to be transported to the threshing floor. Barley was harvested first and wheat last.<\/p>\n<p>Small quantities of grain, dill, cumin, and other small crops were beaten out with a flail (Jgs 6:11; Ru 2:17), but most grain was threshed on a floor placed on high ground so that the wind would carry off the chaff. The usual method was to scatter the loosened bundles of straw on the floor and to drive oxen over them to dislodge the grains. Sometimes heavy implements were drawn over the straw (Is 28:27; 41:15). These were weighted by stones and ridden by the driver. The resulting bits of straw, or chaff, were separated from the grain by a tedious winnowing process that involved throwing the material in the air with a fork or shovel (Is 30:24; Jer 15:7). The lighter straw would be blown to the edge of the floor, and the grain would collect at the feet of the worker. The chaff was burned or used as fodder. Grain was sifted (Am 9:9), shoveled into a heap, and later stored in covered pits in the field (Jer 41:8). Sometimes storehouses or granaries were used (Dt 28:8).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Plants; Harvest; Palestine; Vines, Vineyard; Food and Food Preparation.<\/p>","summary_ro":"AGRICULTURE* During Bible times agriculture took the same three main forms found in Palestine today. Emphasis on each of these has depended upon the social and technological status of the people. Preview • Herding • Field Cropping • Fruit Raising • Cultivating • Harvesting Herding Raising livestock is one of the first occupations mentioned in the Scriptures. Abel (Gn 4:2) and Jabal (Gn 4:20) were keepers of sheep or had cattle. This occupation fit the seminomadic life, providing both food and...","summary_en":"AGRICULTURE* During Bible times agriculture took the same three main forms found in Palestine today. Emphasis on each of these has depended upon the social and technological status of the people. Preview • Herding • Field Cropping • Fruit Raising • Cultivating • Harvesting Herding Raising livestock is one of the first occupations mentioned in the Scriptures. Abel (Gn 4:2) and Jabal (Gn 4:20) were keepers of sheep or had cattle. This occupation fit the seminomadic life, providing both food and...","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":52673,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 41:8","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 41:8","content_ro":"<p><strong>41:8<\/strong> The surviving <em>ten<\/em> men had quick wits and saved their lives by promising to provide what Ishmael’s men needed most: <em>wheat, barley, olive oil, and honey<\/em>.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>41:8<\/strong> The surviving <em>ten<\/em> men had quick wits and saved their lives by promising to provide what Ishmael’s men needed most: <em>wheat, barley, olive oil, and honey<\/em>.<\/p>","summary_ro":"41:8 The surviving ten men had quick wits and saved their lives by promising to provide what Ishmael’s men needed most: wheat, barley, olive oil, and honey.","summary_en":"41:8 The surviving ten men had quick wits and saved their lives by promising to provide what Ishmael’s men needed most: wheat, barley, olive oil, and honey.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":80299,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 41:8","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 41:8","content_ro":"<p><strong>41:8<\/strong> The surviving <em>ten<\/em> men had quick wits and saved their lives by promising to provide what Ishmael’s men needed most: <em>wheat, barley, olive oil, and honey<\/em>.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>41:8<\/strong> The surviving <em>ten<\/em> men had quick wits and saved their lives by promising to provide what Ishmael’s men needed most: <em>wheat, barley, olive oil, and honey<\/em>.<\/p>","summary_ro":"41:8 The surviving ten men had quick wits and saved their lives by promising to provide what Ishmael’s men needed most: wheat, barley, olive oil, and honey.","summary_en":"41:8 The surviving ten men had quick wits and saved their lives by promising to provide what Ishmael’s men needed most: wheat, barley, olive oil, and honey.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":107925,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 41:8","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 41:8","content_ro":"<p><strong>41:8<\/strong> The surviving <em>ten<\/em> men had quick wits and saved their lives by promising to provide what Ishmael’s men needed most: <em>wheat, barley, olive oil, and honey<\/em>.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>41:8<\/strong> The surviving <em>ten<\/em> men had quick wits and saved their lives by promising to provide what Ishmael’s men needed most: <em>wheat, barley, olive oil, and honey<\/em>.<\/p>","summary_ro":"41:8 The surviving ten men had quick wits and saved their lives by promising to provide what Ishmael’s men needed most: wheat, barley, olive oil, and honey.","summary_en":"41:8 The surviving ten men had quick wits and saved their lives by promising to provide what Ishmael’s men needed most: wheat, barley, olive oil, and honey.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":135551,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 41:8","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 41:8","content_ro":"<p><strong>41:8<\/strong> The surviving <em>ten<\/em> men had quick wits and saved their lives by promising to provide what Ishmael’s men needed most: <em>wheat, barley, olive oil, and honey<\/em>.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>41:8<\/strong> The surviving <em>ten<\/em> men had quick wits and saved their lives by promising to provide what Ishmael’s men needed most: <em>wheat, barley, olive oil, and honey<\/em>.<\/p>","summary_ro":"41:8 The surviving ten men had quick wits and saved their lives by promising to provide what Ishmael’s men needed most: wheat, barley, olive oil, and honey.","summary_en":"41:8 The surviving ten men had quick wits and saved their lives by promising to provide what Ishmael’s men needed most: wheat, barley, olive oil, and honey.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"9":[{"id":52674,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 41:9","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 41:9","content_ro":"<p><strong>41:9<\/strong> <em>dug by King Asa when he fortified Mizpah:<\/em> See 2 Chr 16:1-6. That passage does not refer to cisterns, but the need for water and grain storage would have required such structures, and several cisterns have been found in the ruins of the city.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>41:9<\/strong> <em>dug by King Asa when he fortified Mizpah:<\/em> See 2 Chr 16:1-6. That passage does not refer to cisterns, but the need for water and grain storage would have required such structures, and several cisterns have been found in the ruins of the city.<\/p>","summary_ro":"41:9 dug by King Asa when he fortified Mizpah: See 2 Chr 16:1-6. That passage does not refer to cisterns, but the need for water and grain storage would have required such structures, and several cisterns have been found in the ruins of the city.","summary_en":"41:9 dug by King Asa when he fortified Mizpah: See 2 Chr 16:1-6. That passage does not refer to cisterns, but the need for water and grain storage would have required such structures, and several cisterns have been found in the ruins of the city.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":80300,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 41:9","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 41:9","content_ro":"<p><strong>41:9<\/strong> <em>dug by King Asa when he fortified Mizpah:<\/em> See 2 Chr 16:1-6. That passage does not refer to cisterns, but the need for water and grain storage would have required such structures, and several cisterns have been found in the ruins of the city.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>41:9<\/strong> <em>dug by King Asa when he fortified Mizpah:<\/em> See 2 Chr 16:1-6. That passage does not refer to cisterns, but the need for water and grain storage would have required such structures, and several cisterns have been found in the ruins of the city.<\/p>","summary_ro":"41:9 dug by King Asa when he fortified Mizpah: See 2 Chr 16:1-6. That passage does not refer to cisterns, but the need for water and grain storage would have required such structures, and several cisterns have been found in the ruins of the city.","summary_en":"41:9 dug by King Asa when he fortified Mizpah: See 2 Chr 16:1-6. That passage does not refer to cisterns, but the need for water and grain storage would have required such structures, and several cisterns have been found in the ruins of the city.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":107926,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 41:9","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 41:9","content_ro":"<p><strong>41:9<\/strong> <em>dug by King Asa when he fortified Mizpah:<\/em> See 2 Chr 16:1-6. That passage does not refer to cisterns, but the need for water and grain storage would have required such structures, and several cisterns have been found in the ruins of the city.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>41:9<\/strong> <em>dug by King Asa when he fortified Mizpah:<\/em> See 2 Chr 16:1-6. That passage does not refer to cisterns, but the need for water and grain storage would have required such structures, and several cisterns have been found in the ruins of the city.<\/p>","summary_ro":"41:9 dug by King Asa when he fortified Mizpah: See 2 Chr 16:1-6. That passage does not refer to cisterns, but the need for water and grain storage would have required such structures, and several cisterns have been found in the ruins of the city.","summary_en":"41:9 dug by King Asa when he fortified Mizpah: See 2 Chr 16:1-6. That passage does not refer to cisterns, but the need for water and grain storage would have required such structures, and several cisterns have been found in the ruins of the city.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":135552,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 41:9","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 41:9","content_ro":"<p><strong>41:9<\/strong> <em>dug by King Asa when he fortified Mizpah:<\/em> See 2 Chr 16:1-6. That passage does not refer to cisterns, but the need for water and grain storage would have required such structures, and several cisterns have been found in the ruins of the city.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>41:9<\/strong> <em>dug by King Asa when he fortified Mizpah:<\/em> See 2 Chr 16:1-6. That passage does not refer to cisterns, but the need for water and grain storage would have required such structures, and several cisterns have been found in the ruins of the city.<\/p>","summary_ro":"41:9 dug by King Asa when he fortified Mizpah: See 2 Chr 16:1-6. That passage does not refer to cisterns, but the need for water and grain storage would have required such structures, and several cisterns have been found in the ruins of the city.","summary_en":"41:9 dug by King Asa when he fortified Mizpah: See 2 Chr 16:1-6. That passage does not refer to cisterns, but the need for water and grain storage would have required such structures, and several cisterns have been found in the ruins of the city.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"10":[{"id":13320,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Gedaliah","title_en":"Gedaliah","content_ro":"<h3>GEDALIAH<\/h3>\n<li>1. Ahikam’s son, and grandson of Shaphan (King Josiah’s royal scribe). In 586 <span>BC<\/span> Nebuchadnezzar, the Babylonian king, appointed Gedaliah as governor over the Jews remaining in Israel to work the fields, vineyards, and orchards (2 Kgs 25:12, 22).<\/li>\n<p>Gedaliah established his headquarters at Mizpah, where he was joined by the prophet Jeremiah and the Jewish commanders and their guerrilla forces who had escaped capture during the fall of Jerusalem (Jer 40:6-8). Gedaliah assured them that if they would settle down and live in peaceful subjection to Babylon, all would be well (2 Kgs 25:23-24; Jer 40:9-10). On the basis of that assurance, many of the Jews who were dispersed in the Transjordan and other countries returned to Israel to work the land into great productivity (Jer 40:11-12).<\/p>\n<p>Though warned about a plot against him by Ishmael, Gedaliah entertained the schemer at a meal and was killed (2 Kgs 25:25; Jer 40:11-12; 41:1-3). Along with some pilgrims visiting the temple, Ishmael fled with hostages to Ammon, escaping the vengeance of Johanan (Jer 41:10-15).<\/p>\n<li>2. Temple musician in the time of King David (1 Chr 25:3, 9).<\/li>\n<li>3. Jeshua’s son and one called to divorce his foreign wife during Ezra’s reforms (Ezr 10:18).<\/li>\n<li>4. Pashhur’s son and one of the Jerusalem officials who urged King Zedekiah to put the prophet Jeremiah to death for his pro-Babylonian prophetic pronouncements (Jer 38:1).<\/li>\n<li>5. Amariah’s son, grandson of King Hezekiah, and grandfather of the prophet Zephaniah (Zep 1:1).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>GEDALIAH<\/h3>\n<li>1. Ahikam’s son, and grandson of Shaphan (King Josiah’s royal scribe). In 586 <span>BC<\/span> Nebuchadnezzar, the Babylonian king, appointed Gedaliah as governor over the Jews remaining in Israel to work the fields, vineyards, and orchards (2 Kgs 25:12, 22).<\/li>\n<p>Gedaliah established his headquarters at Mizpah, where he was joined by the prophet Jeremiah and the Jewish commanders and their guerrilla forces who had escaped capture during the fall of Jerusalem (Jer 40:6-8). Gedaliah assured them that if they would settle down and live in peaceful subjection to Babylon, all would be well (2 Kgs 25:23-24; Jer 40:9-10). On the basis of that assurance, many of the Jews who were dispersed in the Transjordan and other countries returned to Israel to work the land into great productivity (Jer 40:11-12).<\/p>\n<p>Though warned about a plot against him by Ishmael, Gedaliah entertained the schemer at a meal and was killed (2 Kgs 25:25; Jer 40:11-12; 41:1-3). Along with some pilgrims visiting the temple, Ishmael fled with hostages to Ammon, escaping the vengeance of Johanan (Jer 41:10-15).<\/p>\n<li>2. Temple musician in the time of King David (1 Chr 25:3, 9).<\/li>\n<li>3. Jeshua’s son and one called to divorce his foreign wife during Ezra’s reforms (Ezr 10:18).<\/li>\n<li>4. Pashhur’s son and one of the Jerusalem officials who urged King Zedekiah to put the prophet Jeremiah to death for his pro-Babylonian prophetic pronouncements (Jer 38:1).<\/li>\n<li>5. Amariah’s son, grandson of King Hezekiah, and grandfather of the prophet Zephaniah (Zep 1:1).<\/li>","summary_ro":"GEDALIAH 1. Ahikam’s son, and grandson of Shaphan (King Josiah’s royal scribe). In 586 BC Nebuchadnezzar, the Babylonian king, appointed Gedaliah as governor over the Jews remaining in Israel to work the fields, vineyards, and orchards (2 Kgs 25:12, 22). Gedaliah established his headquarters at Mizpah, where he was joined by the prophet Jeremiah and the Jewish commanders and their guerrilla forces who had escaped capture during the fall of Jerusalem (Jer 40:6-8). Gedaliah assured them that if...","summary_en":"GEDALIAH 1. Ahikam’s son, and grandson of Shaphan (King Josiah’s royal scribe). In 586 BC Nebuchadnezzar, the Babylonian king, appointed Gedaliah as governor over the Jews remaining in Israel to work the fields, vineyards, and orchards (2 Kgs 25:12, 22). Gedaliah established his headquarters at Mizpah, where he was joined by the prophet Jeremiah and the Jewish commanders and their guerrilla forces who had escaped capture during the fall of Jerusalem (Jer 40:6-8). Gedaliah assured them that if...","source":"Articles\/G.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":27174,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Nebuzaradan","title_en":"Nebuzaradan","content_ro":"<h3>NEBUZARADAN<\/h3>\n<p>Chief Babylonian official and captain of the bodyguard during Nebuchadnezzar’s reign (605–562 <span>BC<\/span>). Nebuzaradan was one of the officials whom Nebuchadnezzar authorized to oversee Jerusalem and Judah and the deportations of Jewish exiles to Babylon (2 Kgs 25:8-20; Jer 39:9-10; 52:12-30). On the king’s orders, he appointed Gedaliah governor of Judah and Jeremiah’s guardian (Jer 39:11-13; 41:10; 43:6).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>NEBUZARADAN<\/h3>\n<p>Chief Babylonian official and captain of the bodyguard during Nebuchadnezzar’s reign (605–562 <span>BC<\/span>). Nebuzaradan was one of the officials whom Nebuchadnezzar authorized to oversee Jerusalem and Judah and the deportations of Jewish exiles to Babylon (2 Kgs 25:8-20; Jer 39:9-10; 52:12-30). On the king’s orders, he appointed Gedaliah governor of Judah and Jeremiah’s guardian (Jer 39:11-13; 41:10; 43:6).<\/p>","summary_ro":"NEBUZARADAN Chief Babylonian official and captain of the bodyguard during Nebuchadnezzar’s reign (605–562 BC). Nebuzaradan was one of the officials whom Nebuchadnezzar authorized to oversee Jerusalem and Judah and the deportations of Jewish exiles to Babylon (2 Kgs 25:8-20; Jer 39:9-10; 52:12-30). On the king’s orders, he appointed Gedaliah governor of Judah and Jeremiah’s guardian (Jer 39:11-13; 41:10; 43:6).","summary_en":"NEBUZARADAN Chief Babylonian official and captain of the bodyguard during Nebuchadnezzar’s reign (605–562 BC). Nebuzaradan was one of the officials whom Nebuchadnezzar authorized to oversee Jerusalem and Judah and the deportations of Jewish exiles to Babylon (2 Kgs 25:8-20; Jer 39:9-10; 52:12-30). On the king’s orders, he appointed Gedaliah governor of Judah and Jeremiah’s guardian (Jer 39:11-13; 41:10; 43:6).","source":"Articles\/N.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":52675,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 41:10","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 41:10","content_ro":"<p><strong>41:10<\/strong> Some of <em>the king’s daughters<\/em> somehow escaped being killed or taken into exile.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>41:10<\/strong> Some of <em>the king’s daughters<\/em> somehow escaped being killed or taken into exile.<\/p>","summary_ro":"41:10 Some of the king’s daughters somehow escaped being killed or taken into exile.","summary_en":"41:10 Some of the king’s daughters somehow escaped being killed or taken into exile.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":80301,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 41:10","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 41:10","content_ro":"<p><strong>41:10<\/strong> Some of <em>the king’s daughters<\/em> somehow escaped being killed or taken into exile.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>41:10<\/strong> Some of <em>the king’s daughters<\/em> somehow escaped being killed or taken into exile.<\/p>","summary_ro":"41:10 Some of the king’s daughters somehow escaped being killed or taken into exile.","summary_en":"41:10 Some of the king’s daughters somehow escaped being killed or taken into exile.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":107927,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 41:10","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 41:10","content_ro":"<p><strong>41:10<\/strong> Some of <em>the king’s daughters<\/em> somehow escaped being killed or taken into exile.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>41:10<\/strong> Some of <em>the king’s daughters<\/em> somehow escaped being killed or taken into exile.<\/p>","summary_ro":"41:10 Some of the king’s daughters somehow escaped being killed or taken into exile.","summary_en":"41:10 Some of the king’s daughters somehow escaped being killed or taken into exile.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":135553,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 41:10","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 41:10","content_ro":"<p><strong>41:10<\/strong> Some of <em>the king’s daughters<\/em> somehow escaped being killed or taken into exile.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>41:10<\/strong> Some of <em>the king’s daughters<\/em> somehow escaped being killed or taken into exile.<\/p>","summary_ro":"41:10 Some of the king’s daughters somehow escaped being killed or taken into exile.","summary_en":"41:10 Some of the king’s daughters somehow escaped being killed or taken into exile.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"11":[{"id":52676,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 41:11","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 41:11","content_ro":"<p><strong>41:11-12<\/strong> <em>Johanan<\/em> and his companions learned of Gedaliah’s death in time to attack Ishmael’s party at the <em>pool near Gibeon<\/em><em>,<\/em> which was only a few miles south of Mizpah.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>41:11-12<\/strong> <em>Johanan<\/em> and his companions learned of Gedaliah’s death in time to attack Ishmael’s party at the <em>pool near Gibeon<\/em><em>,<\/em> which was only a few miles south of Mizpah.<\/p>","summary_ro":"41:11-12 Johanan and his companions learned of Gedaliah’s death in time to attack Ishmael’s party at the pool near Gibeon, which was only a few miles south of Mizpah.","summary_en":"41:11-12 Johanan and his companions learned of Gedaliah’s death in time to attack Ishmael’s party at the pool near Gibeon, which was only a few miles south of Mizpah.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":80302,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 41:11","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 41:11","content_ro":"<p><strong>41:11-12<\/strong> <em>Johanan<\/em> and his companions learned of Gedaliah’s death in time to attack Ishmael’s party at the <em>pool near Gibeon<\/em><em>,<\/em> which was only a few miles south of Mizpah.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>41:11-12<\/strong> <em>Johanan<\/em> and his companions learned of Gedaliah’s death in time to attack Ishmael’s party at the <em>pool near Gibeon<\/em><em>,<\/em> which was only a few miles south of Mizpah.<\/p>","summary_ro":"41:11-12 Johanan and his companions learned of Gedaliah’s death in time to attack Ishmael’s party at the pool near Gibeon, which was only a few miles south of Mizpah.","summary_en":"41:11-12 Johanan and his companions learned of Gedaliah’s death in time to attack Ishmael’s party at the pool near Gibeon, which was only a few miles south of Mizpah.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":107928,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 41:11","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 41:11","content_ro":"<p><strong>41:11-12<\/strong> <em>Johanan<\/em> and his companions learned of Gedaliah’s death in time to attack Ishmael’s party at the <em>pool near Gibeon<\/em><em>,<\/em> which was only a few miles south of Mizpah.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>41:11-12<\/strong> <em>Johanan<\/em> and his companions learned of Gedaliah’s death in time to attack Ishmael’s party at the <em>pool near Gibeon<\/em><em>,<\/em> which was only a few miles south of Mizpah.<\/p>","summary_ro":"41:11-12 Johanan and his companions learned of Gedaliah’s death in time to attack Ishmael’s party at the pool near Gibeon, which was only a few miles south of Mizpah.","summary_en":"41:11-12 Johanan and his companions learned of Gedaliah’s death in time to attack Ishmael’s party at the pool near Gibeon, which was only a few miles south of Mizpah.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":135554,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 41:11","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 41:11","content_ro":"<p><strong>41:11-12<\/strong> <em>Johanan<\/em> and his companions learned of Gedaliah’s death in time to attack Ishmael’s party at the <em>pool near Gibeon<\/em><em>,<\/em> which was only a few miles south of Mizpah.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>41:11-12<\/strong> <em>Johanan<\/em> and his companions learned of Gedaliah’s death in time to attack Ishmael’s party at the <em>pool near Gibeon<\/em><em>,<\/em> which was only a few miles south of Mizpah.<\/p>","summary_ro":"41:11-12 Johanan and his companions learned of Gedaliah’s death in time to attack Ishmael’s party at the pool near Gibeon, which was only a few miles south of Mizpah.","summary_en":"41:11-12 Johanan and his companions learned of Gedaliah’s death in time to attack Ishmael’s party at the pool near Gibeon, which was only a few miles south of Mizpah.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"14":[{"id":20097,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Johanan","title_en":"Johanan","content_ro":"<h3>JOHANAN<\/h3>\n<p>Name meaning “Yahweh has been gracious.” It occurs also in the alternate form of Jehohanan. The name John is derived from these names. Several men of this name appear in the OT.<\/p>\n<p> 1. Son of Kareah (2 Kgs 25:23). Johanan was a Jewish leader, a contemporary of Jeremiah, and supportive of Gedaliah, the governor of Judah after the fall of Jerusalem (Jer 40:8, 13). He forewarned Gedaliah of Ishmael’s plan to assassinate him (vv 13-16). When the warning was ignored and Johanan was refused permission to execute the would-be assassin, Gedaliah was murdered. Johanan took vengeance against Ishmael and rescued those who had been captured (41:14-18), but he was unable to pursue Ishmael. In fear of a Babylonian reprisal, he made plans to seek asylum in Egypt. Jeremiah, whom he consulted, gave God’s word against this move (42:1-22), but Johanan was unwilling to take counsel (43:2-3). He led the Judeans, including Jeremiah and Baruch, to Egypt (vv 5-7).<\/p>\n<li> 2. Eldest son of Josiah, king of Judah (1 Chr 3:15). Possibly he died young, for he did not succeed his father on the throne, even though he was the firstborn.<\/li>\n<li> 3. Son of Elioenai (1 Chr 3:24), a descendant of Jehoiachin, one of the last kings of Judah.<\/li>\n<li> 4. Grandson of Ahimaaz. He was the father of Azariah, who served as high priest in the temple of Solomon (1 Chr 6:9-10).<\/li>\n<li> 5. Warrior from Benjamin’s tribe. He joined David’s special forces of 30 men at Ziklag (1 Chr 12:4). The special forces could shoot arrows and sling stones with either hand (v 2).<\/li>\n<li> 6. Gadite who joined David in the wilderness (1 Chr 12:8-12). He was also specially trained for war, in that he could handle both shield and spear, could endure hardship, and was quick on his feet.<\/li>\n<li> 7. Ephraimite whose son was a leader in the northern Kingdom during the regime of Pekah and protested against the enslavement of 200,000 Judeans (2 Chr 28:12; <span>nlt<\/span> “Jehohanan”), who were subsequently freed.<\/li>\n<li> 8. Son of Hakkatan (“the younger” or “the smaller”). The designation may be read as “Johanan the younger.” He was head of a family who claimed their descent from Azgad (Ezr 8:12). He joined Ezra with 110 men in traveling from Babylonia to Judah.<\/li>\n<li> 9. Priest under Joiakim. He was one of the priests during whose ministry the Levites and priests formally registered (Neh 12:22). He is alternately called Jehohanan in Ezra 10:6 and Jonathan in Neh 12:11. <em>See<\/em> Jehohanan #4.<\/li>\n<li>10. KJV spelling of Jehohanan, Tobiah’s son, in Nehemiah 6:18. <em>See<\/em> Jehohanan #6.<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>JOHANAN<\/h3>\n<p>Name meaning “Yahweh has been gracious.” It occurs also in the alternate form of Jehohanan. The name John is derived from these names. Several men of this name appear in the OT.<\/p>\n<p> 1. Son of Kareah (2 Kgs 25:23). Johanan was a Jewish leader, a contemporary of Jeremiah, and supportive of Gedaliah, the governor of Judah after the fall of Jerusalem (Jer 40:8, 13). He forewarned Gedaliah of Ishmael’s plan to assassinate him (vv 13-16). When the warning was ignored and Johanan was refused permission to execute the would-be assassin, Gedaliah was murdered. Johanan took vengeance against Ishmael and rescued those who had been captured (41:14-18), but he was unable to pursue Ishmael. In fear of a Babylonian reprisal, he made plans to seek asylum in Egypt. Jeremiah, whom he consulted, gave God’s word against this move (42:1-22), but Johanan was unwilling to take counsel (43:2-3). He led the Judeans, including Jeremiah and Baruch, to Egypt (vv 5-7).<\/p>\n<li> 2. Eldest son of Josiah, king of Judah (1 Chr 3:15). Possibly he died young, for he did not succeed his father on the throne, even though he was the firstborn.<\/li>\n<li> 3. Son of Elioenai (1 Chr 3:24), a descendant of Jehoiachin, one of the last kings of Judah.<\/li>\n<li> 4. Grandson of Ahimaaz. He was the father of Azariah, who served as high priest in the temple of Solomon (1 Chr 6:9-10).<\/li>\n<li> 5. Warrior from Benjamin’s tribe. He joined David’s special forces of 30 men at Ziklag (1 Chr 12:4). The special forces could shoot arrows and sling stones with either hand (v 2).<\/li>\n<li> 6. Gadite who joined David in the wilderness (1 Chr 12:8-12). He was also specially trained for war, in that he could handle both shield and spear, could endure hardship, and was quick on his feet.<\/li>\n<li> 7. Ephraimite whose son was a leader in the northern Kingdom during the regime of Pekah and protested against the enslavement of 200,000 Judeans (2 Chr 28:12; <span>nlt<\/span> “Jehohanan”), who were subsequently freed.<\/li>\n<li> 8. Son of Hakkatan (“the younger” or “the smaller”). The designation may be read as “Johanan the younger.” He was head of a family who claimed their descent from Azgad (Ezr 8:12). He joined Ezra with 110 men in traveling from Babylonia to Judah.<\/li>\n<li> 9. Priest under Joiakim. He was one of the priests during whose ministry the Levites and priests formally registered (Neh 12:22). He is alternately called Jehohanan in Ezra 10:6 and Jonathan in Neh 12:11. <em>See<\/em> Jehohanan #4.<\/li>\n<li>10. KJV spelling of Jehohanan, Tobiah’s son, in Nehemiah 6:18. <em>See<\/em> Jehohanan #6.<\/li>","summary_ro":"JOHANAN Name meaning “Yahweh has been gracious.” It occurs also in the alternate form of Jehohanan. The name John is derived from these names. Several men of this name appear in the OT. 1. Son of Kareah (2 Kgs 25:23). Johanan was a Jewish leader, a contemporary of Jeremiah, and supportive of Gedaliah, the governor of Judah after the fall of Jerusalem (Jer 40:8, 13). He forewarned Gedaliah of Ishmael’s plan to assassinate him (vv 13-16). When the warning was ignored and Johanan was refused per...","summary_en":"JOHANAN Name meaning “Yahweh has been gracious.” It occurs also in the alternate form of Jehohanan. The name John is derived from these names. Several men of this name appear in the OT. 1. Son of Kareah (2 Kgs 25:23). Johanan was a Jewish leader, a contemporary of Jeremiah, and supportive of Gedaliah, the governor of Judah after the fall of Jerusalem (Jer 40:8, 13). He forewarned Gedaliah of Ishmael’s plan to assassinate him (vv 13-16). When the warning was ignored and Johanan was refused per...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"16":[{"id":18977,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Jeremiah (Person)","title_en":"Jeremiah (Person)","content_ro":"<h3>JEREMIAH (P<span>erson<\/span>)<\/h3>\n<li>1. Prophet to Judah before its fall in 586 <span>BC<\/span>; his name is also spelled “Jeremias” (Mt 16:14) and “Jeremy” (Mt 2:17; 27:9) in the <span>kjv<\/span>.<\/li>\n<p>Jeremiah was born in the village of Anathoth, about three miles (4.8 kilometers) northeast of Jerusalem. His father’s name was Hilkiah, and he belonged to the tribe of Benjamin. His call came in the 13th year of King Josiah (640–609 <span>BC<\/span>). He refers to himself as “a child” when called (Jer 1:6), but the Hebrew word is not the same as used in Jeremiah 30:6 and 31:8 and cannot be limited to preadolescence. He was probably referring to his inexperience rather than to his age. Jeremiah was born about 657 <span>BC<\/span> during the reign of the wicked king Manasseh, while the great Ashurbanipal, who had shaken the world by sacking the ancient Egyptian city of Thebes in 663 <span>BC<\/span>, ruled a world empire from Assyria.<\/p>\n<p>God informed Jeremiah that he had consecrated and appointed him before birth (Jer 1:4-5). Jeremiah first shrank with a sense of inadequacy and fear: “O Sovereign <span>Lord<\/span>, . . . I can’t speak for you! I’m too young!” (v 6, <span>nlt<\/span>). God would not allow Jeremiah to excuse himself. He was assured that words would be given him to speak, and guidance given for the way (v 7). He was promised protection (v 18) and deliverance (v 8) despite opposition (v 19). God touched his mouth, signifying divine inspiration of his words, and gave the sign of a branch from an almond tree, explaining that the Lord is watching (see <span>nlt<\/span> mg). The third sign was the boiling pot (v 13) facing from the north, picturing the source and fury of impending disaster.<\/p>\n<p>Thus the tone of Jeremiah’s life ministry was set: judgment, disaster, danger, defeat, and impending death for the nation.<\/p>\n<p>Early Ministry<\/p>\n<p>The messages given by Jeremiah during his first five years of ministry may have been instrumental in the great revival of 622 <span>BC<\/span>. Those cooperating with King Josiah in the reformation and friendly with Jeremiah included Ahikam and his father, Shaphan (Jer 26:24); Gedaliah, Ahikam’s son (39:14), who later became governor; Acbor, son of Micaiah, also called Abdon, whose son Elnathan joined the opposition (26:22) but later repented (36:25); and Asaiah (2 Chr 34:20). The prophets Nahum and Zephaniah also influenced the reform movement, which must have climaxed under the preaching of Habakkuk and Jeremiah, the priestly ministry of Hilkiah, and the prophecies of Huldah the prophetess. During the reign of King Josiah, Jeremiah spoke without the fear of persecution that plagued his later ministry. Though the content of the book of Jeremiah sometimes appears to be fragmentary, most of chapters 1–19 date to the time of Josiah.<\/p>\n<p>The finding of the lost Book of the Covenant in the temple debris may be the reason for the words in Jeremiah 15:16: “Your words are what sustain me. They bring me great joy and are my heart’s delight” (<span>nlt<\/span>). The words “So be it, <span>Lord<\/span>” (Jer 11:5) in a context recalling the words of Moses in the Torah may be Jeremiah’s response after hearing King Josiah read the newly found book.<\/p>\n<p>Small towns and rural areas, including his hometown, heard Jeremiah’s denunciation of high places and idolatry. They sought to kill the young prophet, or at least to intimidate him (11:21). Instead of being silent, Jeremiah asserted that his motivation was for their good and condemned their resistance to the truth as their greatest danger.<\/p>\n<p>Shortly after Jeremiah began his ministry, a number of world-changing events took place. Ashurbanipal died and the Assyrian Empire rapidly declined. Nabopolassar began a 21-year reign in Babylon, leading an expansion that culminated in his son Nebuchadnezzar’s subjugation of the known world. As the world news filtered in, Jeremiah turned more toward Jerusalem. His first temple speeches (chs 7–10) may have been uttered at this time.<\/p>\n<p>Nabopolassar felt his strength sufficient to launch an attack against Assyrian territory in 616 <span>BC<\/span>, but he advanced cautiously because Psamtik I (Psammetichus) of Egypt appeared ready to aid Assyria. Cyaxares of Media pounced on Assyria when Babylon hesitated and took its most sacred city, Asshur, in 614 <span>BC<\/span>. Babylon joined Media, along with Scythia, and waged an assault against Nineveh, which fell late in the summer of 612 <span>BC<\/span>. The Assyrian Empire had shriveled to two small holdings, Haran and Carchemish.<\/p>\n<p>Nabopolassar took Haran in 610, and Ashuruballit, having escaped, appealed to Egypt for help at Carchemish. Neco, who had become pharaoh within the year, responded immediately. He marched through Judah without giving Josiah prior notice and asked that the Jews not bother him in view of his haste to go northward (2 Chr 35:21). Ignoring the request, Josiah pursued them to Megiddo and was wounded in the ensuing battle; he died in Jerusalem.<\/p>\n<p>Ministry during the Reign of Jehoiakim<\/p>\n<p>In place of Jehoahaz, Josiah’s fourth son, who reigned only three months, Pharaoh Neco enthroned Jehoiakim (Eliakim). Neco demanded heavy indemnity payments from Judah and took Jehoahaz prisoner as collateral to assure payment (2 Kgs 23:31-33).<\/p>\n<p>Early in the reign of Jehoiakim, Jeremiah, moved by God’s Spirit, delivered his third temple speech (Jer 26) on the occasion of one of the annual Jewish feasts. He called for the people to repent and to act on the basis of the revelation they had heard repeatedly from the Book of the Law. The barb of the sermon came in the warning: “This is what the <span>Lord<\/span> says: If you will not listen to me and obey the law I have given you, and if you will not listen to my servants, the prophets—for I sent them again and again to warn you, but you would not listen to them—then I will destroy this Temple as I destroyed Shiloh, the place where the Tabernacle was located. And I will make Jerusalem an object of cursing in every nation on earth” (26:4-6, <span>nlt<\/span>). Shiloh had been the heart of Jewish worship from Joshua to Samuel, but after being destroyed by the Philistines, it never revived. It served as an example of complete desolation following God’s judgment in the days of Eli.<\/p>\n<p>Crowds gathered rapidly and reacted angrily against Jeremiah. Priests and princes hurried to the New Gate, where a court was established to bring order and to control violence. Jehoiakim would be no help to Jeremiah, for he had refused to listen to God’s messages (Jer 22:21). The priests and false prophets spoke against Jeremiah, calling him a traitor. Then some of the elders spoke to the people about Uriah, who had prophesied the same message. Rather than risk disaster, Ahikam persuaded the court to spare Jeremiah.<\/p>\n<p>Egypt controlled Palestine and Syria after the decay of the Assyrian Empire. In 606 <span>BC<\/span> Egypt succeeded in annihilating a garrison city of Babylonian soldiers south of Carchemish and then reoccupied Carchemish to await the return blow from Babylon. This Egyptian victory meant persecution for Jeremiah, who was often accused of false prophecy (cf. Jer 20).<\/p>\n<p>Jeremiah never had confidence in Egypt. Each time a Jewish leader would call for a new alliance with Egypt, Jeremiah repeated God’s message against it. Whenever a Jewish group fled to Egypt for security, Jeremiah warned of worse things in that land of false refuge (see Jer 44:26-27). Jeremiah’s ode and prophecy in chapter 46 poetically describe Egypt’s defeat at Carchemish, when Nabopolassar sent his son Nebuchadnezzar to destroy them (605 <span>BC<\/span>). After smashing the Egyptian army at Carchemish, Nebuchadnezzar pursued the enemy through Judah. “Not a single man escaped to his own country,” reads the exaggerated Babylonian record. His father’s death, however, prevented him from invading Egypt, and he returned to Babylon to assume the throne. The following year Nebuchadnezzar, now king of Babylonia, returned to accept the homage of the rulers of Judah, Syria, and Phoenicia. On this occasion God gave Jeremiah his great 70-year prophecy (Jer 25:11-12), which became the basis of Daniel 9:2, 24-27.<\/p>\n<p>A year after the decisive battle at Carchemish, Baruch, Jeremiah’s scribe, finished recording all the dictated words of Jeremiah and was reading from this scroll at the temple. A report reached the king, who sent Jehudi, a servant, to fetch the scroll and read it to him. When this was done, Jehoiakim burned the scroll in spite of his counselors, who pleaded that the king not do it (Jer 36:23-25). God’s message, soon rewritten, added a promise of fearful judgment on Jehoiakim (vv 27-31).<\/p>\n<p>Ambitious young Nebuchadnezzar determined to add Egypt to his dominion. In 601 <span>BC<\/span> he led his forces through Judah again, but Neco had advance warning and was prepared for the onslaught. In the desert of Shur, Nebuchadnezzar suffered defeat. Encouraged by this display of Egyptian defensive strength, the pro-Egyptian parties in Judah asserted themselves, persuading Jehoiakim to lead them to freedom from Babylon by making an alliance with Egypt (2 Kgs 24:1). But help from Egypt did not come (v 7).<\/p>\n<p>In 599 <span>BC<\/span>, Nebuchadnezzar armed those surrounding the rebel Jewish kingdom to harass the Jews, which they willingly did (2 Kgs 24:2). Evidently Jehoiakim lost his life in one of these raids. Since the people despised him, his body was thrown out without honorable burial, as Jeremiah had predicted (Jer 22:19).<\/p>\n<p>Ministry during the Reign of Zedekiah<\/p>\n<p>Nebuchadnezzar’s siege of Jerusalem in 598 <span>BC<\/span> lasted only a short time because the new king, Jehoiachin, crowned at age 18, knew resistance was useless. He gave himself up, with all his family and court, in March of 597 <span>BC<\/span>, after serving as king about three months. The Babylonian Chronicle reads: “He [Nebuchadnezzar] seized the city and captured the king.”<\/p>\n<p>Jehoiachin was carried to Babylon along with 8,000 (2 Kgs 24:16; cf. v 14) officers, artisans, and executives (Ezekiel among them) and much booty. In his place Nebuchadnezzar appointed Zedekiah, Jehoiachin’s uncle, to rule. Zedekiah proceeded to organize his government with the less capable and inexperienced help left after the deportation.<\/p>\n<p>Jeremiah took up his thankless ministry, calling on the Jews to believe God, obey the laws of Babylon, and reject false hopes in Egypt. Zedekiah turned a deaf ear to these appeals, listening rather to the unwise advice of his counselors (Jer 37:1-2). During the first year of Zedekiah’s rule, Jeremiah received the vision of the two baskets of figs. The Jews carried to Babylon were like good figs, while Zedekiah and those who trusted in Egypt were like rotten figs (24:1-8). The reason for this reproachful description was that the Jews began plotting rebellion against Babylon along with Edom, Moab, Ammon, Tyre, and Sidon from the beginning of the reign of Zedekiah (27:1-3), thus breaking their oath of loyalty to Nebuchadnezzar and repudiating God’s message through Jeremiah.<\/p>\n<p>In Egypt the pharaoh began to renew plans to organize dissidents within the Babylonian Empire to revolt. He hired Jewish soldiers to aid him in protecting his southern border. The Jewish soldiers settled on a Nile island called Elephantine, or Yeb (593–410 <span>BC<\/span>). Jeremiah addressed an oracle to these Jews (ch 44). The treaty for Jews to help in Egypt evidently also assumed that Egyptians would aid Israel. When the Babylonians besieged Jerusalem in 589, Pharaoh Hophra came to the aid of Zedekiah. Nebuchadnezzar, ruling from Riblah, commanded that the siege against Jerusalem be lifted in order to make a surprise attack on Hophra (37:5). The release gave Jeremiah an opportunity to journey to Anathoth to secure some family property (v 12). However, Irijah, captain of the guard, arrested Jeremiah in the Gate of Benjamin for defecting to the enemy, and he was beaten and flung into a dungeon. King Zedekiah brought him out after many days to obtain a prognostication. With characteristic boldness, Jeremiah told the king he would shortly become a captive. At the same time, Jeremiah requested relief from injustice for himself. He gained part of his request but continued as prisoner in the court of the guard.<\/p>\n<p>The Babylonian army chased Pharaoh Hophra back to Egypt and returned to crush Jerusalem without further mercy. The siege, which began in 589 <span>BC<\/span>, was restored with rigor in January of 588, Zedekiah’s ninth year (39:1). During this time, the Lord gave Jeremiah foreknowledge of a visit from a cousin who wished to sell a field near Anathoth (32:7-9; cf. 37:12). Jeremiah bought the field as an object lesson to verify the message of restoration after a captivity of 70 years (29:10).<\/p>\n<p>The armies of Babylon cut off all supplies from Jerusalem and were able to destroy the last two outlying Jewish fortresses of Lachish and Azekah (34:7). Food became scarce. Disease spread. Undisposed-of sewage and impure cistern water caused pestilence. With increased distress came Jeremiah’s increased appeal for the city to surrender.<\/p>\n<p>Jeremiah remained in the prison court until the Babylonians breached the city wall in July of 586 <span>BC<\/span>. The king escaped by night and succeeded in reaching the plains of Jericho but was captured there and taken to Riblah. Zedekiah’s family and counselors were killed; he himself was blinded and taken in chains to Babylon, where he died soon after (39:6-7).<\/p>\n<p>Back in Jerusalem, Nebuzaradan, the Babylonian general, sent most of the Jews into captivity. Jeremiah, however, was granted special consideration; after being released from prison, he was placed under the care of Gedaliah, son of Ahikam.<\/p>\n<p>After the Fall of Jerusalem<\/p>\n<p>A month after the fall of Jerusalem, the city was burned and the walls broken down. Gedaliah was appointed governor of the remaining agricultural community, with headquarters at Mizpah. Jeremiah returned to Jerusalem, where, according to tradition, he took up his abode in a grotto near what is now known as Gordon’s Calvary. There he wrote the book of Lamentations.<\/p>\n<p>The Ammonite king Baalis, plotting rebellion against Babylon, instigated the murder of Gedaliah (40:13). In the reaction that followed, the remaining people followed the leader Johanan ben Kareah to a camp near Bethlehem, intending to go to Egypt. They asked Jeremiah, at Jerusalem, to give guidance from the Lord, promising obedience. Jeremiah’s message required that they remain in Israel and not go to Egypt. Disobedience was complete and immediate. Fearing Babylon, they departed from Judah, taking Jeremiah with them, and entered Egypt (41:16–43:7).<\/p>\n<p>Jeremiah did not stop his ministry in Egypt. His message at Tahpanhes (43:8-12) assured a victorious conquest of the land by Nebuchadnezzar, which took place in 568–567 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>Jews from all parts of Egypt gathered to discuss their future as exiles. Jeremiah took the opportunity to denounce their idolatry. Jewish women as well as men argued that they had enjoyed prosperity while serving idols but had suffered since stopping. Jeremiah condemned their obdurate blindness to reality and gave God’s indictment. For a verifying sign, Jeremiah predicted that Pharaoh Hophra of Egypt would be assassinated (44:30), which happened in 466 <span>BC<\/span>. No later record of Jeremiah’s acts exists in the Bible. Tradition says Jeremiah was stoned to death by the people of the Jewish exile settlement in Tahpanhes.<\/p>\n<p>Though Jeremiah suffered continued rejection during his life, he has been honored by numerous apocryphal and traditional embellishments to his history. Jesus could well have had Jeremiah in mind when he said, “You build tombs for the prophets your ancestors killed and decorate the graves of the godly people your ancestors destroyed. . . . [You are] the descendants of those who murdered the prophets” (Mt 23:29-31, <span>nlt<\/span>). <em>See<\/em> Israel, History of; Jeremiah, Book of; Prophet, Prophetess.<\/p>\n<li>2. Family head in the Transjordan portion of Manasseh whom Tiglath-pileser took captive (1 Chr 5:23-26; cf. 2 Kgs 15:29).<\/li>\n<li>3. Father of Hamutal, a wife of King Josiah (2 Kgs 23:31; 24:18).<\/li>\n<li>4. Ambidextrous Benjamite bowman and slinger who joined David at Ziklag (1 Chr 12:4).<\/li>\n<li>5, 6. Two Gadite soldiers who joined David’s army (1 Chr 12:10, 13).<\/li>\n<li>7. Postexilic priest who with Nehemiah set his seal to the covenant, renewing the people’s promise to obey God’s laws (Neh 10:2). He is mentioned again (12:34) as part of the procession for the dedication of the new wall of Jerusalem.<\/li>\n<li>8. Priest who returned from exile with Zerubbabel (Neh 12:1) and became head of a family of priests (v 12).<\/li>\n<li>9. Father of Jaazaniah, a Recabite who refused to drink wine (Jer 35:3).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>JEREMIAH (P<span>erson<\/span>)<\/h3>\n<li>1. Prophet to Judah before its fall in 586 <span>BC<\/span>; his name is also spelled “Jeremias” (Mt 16:14) and “Jeremy” (Mt 2:17; 27:9) in the <span>kjv<\/span>.<\/li>\n<p>Jeremiah was born in the village of Anathoth, about three miles (4.8 kilometers) northeast of Jerusalem. His father’s name was Hilkiah, and he belonged to the tribe of Benjamin. His call came in the 13th year of King Josiah (640–609 <span>BC<\/span>). He refers to himself as “a child” when called (Jer 1:6), but the Hebrew word is not the same as used in Jeremiah 30:6 and 31:8 and cannot be limited to preadolescence. He was probably referring to his inexperience rather than to his age. Jeremiah was born about 657 <span>BC<\/span> during the reign of the wicked king Manasseh, while the great Ashurbanipal, who had shaken the world by sacking the ancient Egyptian city of Thebes in 663 <span>BC<\/span>, ruled a world empire from Assyria.<\/p>\n<p>God informed Jeremiah that he had consecrated and appointed him before birth (Jer 1:4-5). Jeremiah first shrank with a sense of inadequacy and fear: “O Sovereign <span>Lord<\/span>, . . . I can’t speak for you! I’m too young!” (v 6, <span>nlt<\/span>). God would not allow Jeremiah to excuse himself. He was assured that words would be given him to speak, and guidance given for the way (v 7). He was promised protection (v 18) and deliverance (v 8) despite opposition (v 19). God touched his mouth, signifying divine inspiration of his words, and gave the sign of a branch from an almond tree, explaining that the Lord is watching (see <span>nlt<\/span> mg). The third sign was the boiling pot (v 13) facing from the north, picturing the source and fury of impending disaster.<\/p>\n<p>Thus the tone of Jeremiah’s life ministry was set: judgment, disaster, danger, defeat, and impending death for the nation.<\/p>\n<p>Early Ministry<\/p>\n<p>The messages given by Jeremiah during his first five years of ministry may have been instrumental in the great revival of 622 <span>BC<\/span>. Those cooperating with King Josiah in the reformation and friendly with Jeremiah included Ahikam and his father, Shaphan (Jer 26:24); Gedaliah, Ahikam’s son (39:14), who later became governor; Acbor, son of Micaiah, also called Abdon, whose son Elnathan joined the opposition (26:22) but later repented (36:25); and Asaiah (2 Chr 34:20). The prophets Nahum and Zephaniah also influenced the reform movement, which must have climaxed under the preaching of Habakkuk and Jeremiah, the priestly ministry of Hilkiah, and the prophecies of Huldah the prophetess. During the reign of King Josiah, Jeremiah spoke without the fear of persecution that plagued his later ministry. Though the content of the book of Jeremiah sometimes appears to be fragmentary, most of chapters 1–19 date to the time of Josiah.<\/p>\n<p>The finding of the lost Book of the Covenant in the temple debris may be the reason for the words in Jeremiah 15:16: “Your words are what sustain me. They bring me great joy and are my heart’s delight” (<span>nlt<\/span>). The words “So be it, <span>Lord<\/span>” (Jer 11:5) in a context recalling the words of Moses in the Torah may be Jeremiah’s response after hearing King Josiah read the newly found book.<\/p>\n<p>Small towns and rural areas, including his hometown, heard Jeremiah’s denunciation of high places and idolatry. They sought to kill the young prophet, or at least to intimidate him (11:21). Instead of being silent, Jeremiah asserted that his motivation was for their good and condemned their resistance to the truth as their greatest danger.<\/p>\n<p>Shortly after Jeremiah began his ministry, a number of world-changing events took place. Ashurbanipal died and the Assyrian Empire rapidly declined. Nabopolassar began a 21-year reign in Babylon, leading an expansion that culminated in his son Nebuchadnezzar’s subjugation of the known world. As the world news filtered in, Jeremiah turned more toward Jerusalem. His first temple speeches (chs 7–10) may have been uttered at this time.<\/p>\n<p>Nabopolassar felt his strength sufficient to launch an attack against Assyrian territory in 616 <span>BC<\/span>, but he advanced cautiously because Psamtik I (Psammetichus) of Egypt appeared ready to aid Assyria. Cyaxares of Media pounced on Assyria when Babylon hesitated and took its most sacred city, Asshur, in 614 <span>BC<\/span>. Babylon joined Media, along with Scythia, and waged an assault against Nineveh, which fell late in the summer of 612 <span>BC<\/span>. The Assyrian Empire had shriveled to two small holdings, Haran and Carchemish.<\/p>\n<p>Nabopolassar took Haran in 610, and Ashuruballit, having escaped, appealed to Egypt for help at Carchemish. Neco, who had become pharaoh within the year, responded immediately. He marched through Judah without giving Josiah prior notice and asked that the Jews not bother him in view of his haste to go northward (2 Chr 35:21). Ignoring the request, Josiah pursued them to Megiddo and was wounded in the ensuing battle; he died in Jerusalem.<\/p>\n<p>Ministry during the Reign of Jehoiakim<\/p>\n<p>In place of Jehoahaz, Josiah’s fourth son, who reigned only three months, Pharaoh Neco enthroned Jehoiakim (Eliakim). Neco demanded heavy indemnity payments from Judah and took Jehoahaz prisoner as collateral to assure payment (2 Kgs 23:31-33).<\/p>\n<p>Early in the reign of Jehoiakim, Jeremiah, moved by God’s Spirit, delivered his third temple speech (Jer 26) on the occasion of one of the annual Jewish feasts. He called for the people to repent and to act on the basis of the revelation they had heard repeatedly from the Book of the Law. The barb of the sermon came in the warning: “This is what the <span>Lord<\/span> says: If you will not listen to me and obey the law I have given you, and if you will not listen to my servants, the prophets—for I sent them again and again to warn you, but you would not listen to them—then I will destroy this Temple as I destroyed Shiloh, the place where the Tabernacle was located. And I will make Jerusalem an object of cursing in every nation on earth” (26:4-6, <span>nlt<\/span>). Shiloh had been the heart of Jewish worship from Joshua to Samuel, but after being destroyed by the Philistines, it never revived. It served as an example of complete desolation following God’s judgment in the days of Eli.<\/p>\n<p>Crowds gathered rapidly and reacted angrily against Jeremiah. Priests and princes hurried to the New Gate, where a court was established to bring order and to control violence. Jehoiakim would be no help to Jeremiah, for he had refused to listen to God’s messages (Jer 22:21). The priests and false prophets spoke against Jeremiah, calling him a traitor. Then some of the elders spoke to the people about Uriah, who had prophesied the same message. Rather than risk disaster, Ahikam persuaded the court to spare Jeremiah.<\/p>\n<p>Egypt controlled Palestine and Syria after the decay of the Assyrian Empire. In 606 <span>BC<\/span> Egypt succeeded in annihilating a garrison city of Babylonian soldiers south of Carchemish and then reoccupied Carchemish to await the return blow from Babylon. This Egyptian victory meant persecution for Jeremiah, who was often accused of false prophecy (cf. Jer 20).<\/p>\n<p>Jeremiah never had confidence in Egypt. Each time a Jewish leader would call for a new alliance with Egypt, Jeremiah repeated God’s message against it. Whenever a Jewish group fled to Egypt for security, Jeremiah warned of worse things in that land of false refuge (see Jer 44:26-27). Jeremiah’s ode and prophecy in chapter 46 poetically describe Egypt’s defeat at Carchemish, when Nabopolassar sent his son Nebuchadnezzar to destroy them (605 <span>BC<\/span>). After smashing the Egyptian army at Carchemish, Nebuchadnezzar pursued the enemy through Judah. “Not a single man escaped to his own country,” reads the exaggerated Babylonian record. His father’s death, however, prevented him from invading Egypt, and he returned to Babylon to assume the throne. The following year Nebuchadnezzar, now king of Babylonia, returned to accept the homage of the rulers of Judah, Syria, and Phoenicia. On this occasion God gave Jeremiah his great 70-year prophecy (Jer 25:11-12), which became the basis of Daniel 9:2, 24-27.<\/p>\n<p>A year after the decisive battle at Carchemish, Baruch, Jeremiah’s scribe, finished recording all the dictated words of Jeremiah and was reading from this scroll at the temple. A report reached the king, who sent Jehudi, a servant, to fetch the scroll and read it to him. When this was done, Jehoiakim burned the scroll in spite of his counselors, who pleaded that the king not do it (Jer 36:23-25). God’s message, soon rewritten, added a promise of fearful judgment on Jehoiakim (vv 27-31).<\/p>\n<p>Ambitious young Nebuchadnezzar determined to add Egypt to his dominion. In 601 <span>BC<\/span> he led his forces through Judah again, but Neco had advance warning and was prepared for the onslaught. In the desert of Shur, Nebuchadnezzar suffered defeat. Encouraged by this display of Egyptian defensive strength, the pro-Egyptian parties in Judah asserted themselves, persuading Jehoiakim to lead them to freedom from Babylon by making an alliance with Egypt (2 Kgs 24:1). But help from Egypt did not come (v 7).<\/p>\n<p>In 599 <span>BC<\/span>, Nebuchadnezzar armed those surrounding the rebel Jewish kingdom to harass the Jews, which they willingly did (2 Kgs 24:2). Evidently Jehoiakim lost his life in one of these raids. Since the people despised him, his body was thrown out without honorable burial, as Jeremiah had predicted (Jer 22:19).<\/p>\n<p>Ministry during the Reign of Zedekiah<\/p>\n<p>Nebuchadnezzar’s siege of Jerusalem in 598 <span>BC<\/span> lasted only a short time because the new king, Jehoiachin, crowned at age 18, knew resistance was useless. He gave himself up, with all his family and court, in March of 597 <span>BC<\/span>, after serving as king about three months. The Babylonian Chronicle reads: “He [Nebuchadnezzar] seized the city and captured the king.”<\/p>\n<p>Jehoiachin was carried to Babylon along with 8,000 (2 Kgs 24:16; cf. v 14) officers, artisans, and executives (Ezekiel among them) and much booty. In his place Nebuchadnezzar appointed Zedekiah, Jehoiachin’s uncle, to rule. Zedekiah proceeded to organize his government with the less capable and inexperienced help left after the deportation.<\/p>\n<p>Jeremiah took up his thankless ministry, calling on the Jews to believe God, obey the laws of Babylon, and reject false hopes in Egypt. Zedekiah turned a deaf ear to these appeals, listening rather to the unwise advice of his counselors (Jer 37:1-2). During the first year of Zedekiah’s rule, Jeremiah received the vision of the two baskets of figs. The Jews carried to Babylon were like good figs, while Zedekiah and those who trusted in Egypt were like rotten figs (24:1-8). The reason for this reproachful description was that the Jews began plotting rebellion against Babylon along with Edom, Moab, Ammon, Tyre, and Sidon from the beginning of the reign of Zedekiah (27:1-3), thus breaking their oath of loyalty to Nebuchadnezzar and repudiating God’s message through Jeremiah.<\/p>\n<p>In Egypt the pharaoh began to renew plans to organize dissidents within the Babylonian Empire to revolt. He hired Jewish soldiers to aid him in protecting his southern border. The Jewish soldiers settled on a Nile island called Elephantine, or Yeb (593–410 <span>BC<\/span>). Jeremiah addressed an oracle to these Jews (ch 44). The treaty for Jews to help in Egypt evidently also assumed that Egyptians would aid Israel. When the Babylonians besieged Jerusalem in 589, Pharaoh Hophra came to the aid of Zedekiah. Nebuchadnezzar, ruling from Riblah, commanded that the siege against Jerusalem be lifted in order to make a surprise attack on Hophra (37:5). The release gave Jeremiah an opportunity to journey to Anathoth to secure some family property (v 12). However, Irijah, captain of the guard, arrested Jeremiah in the Gate of Benjamin for defecting to the enemy, and he was beaten and flung into a dungeon. King Zedekiah brought him out after many days to obtain a prognostication. With characteristic boldness, Jeremiah told the king he would shortly become a captive. At the same time, Jeremiah requested relief from injustice for himself. He gained part of his request but continued as prisoner in the court of the guard.<\/p>\n<p>The Babylonian army chased Pharaoh Hophra back to Egypt and returned to crush Jerusalem without further mercy. The siege, which began in 589 <span>BC<\/span>, was restored with rigor in January of 588, Zedekiah’s ninth year (39:1). During this time, the Lord gave Jeremiah foreknowledge of a visit from a cousin who wished to sell a field near Anathoth (32:7-9; cf. 37:12). Jeremiah bought the field as an object lesson to verify the message of restoration after a captivity of 70 years (29:10).<\/p>\n<p>The armies of Babylon cut off all supplies from Jerusalem and were able to destroy the last two outlying Jewish fortresses of Lachish and Azekah (34:7). Food became scarce. Disease spread. Undisposed-of sewage and impure cistern water caused pestilence. With increased distress came Jeremiah’s increased appeal for the city to surrender.<\/p>\n<p>Jeremiah remained in the prison court until the Babylonians breached the city wall in July of 586 <span>BC<\/span>. The king escaped by night and succeeded in reaching the plains of Jericho but was captured there and taken to Riblah. Zedekiah’s family and counselors were killed; he himself was blinded and taken in chains to Babylon, where he died soon after (39:6-7).<\/p>\n<p>Back in Jerusalem, Nebuzaradan, the Babylonian general, sent most of the Jews into captivity. Jeremiah, however, was granted special consideration; after being released from prison, he was placed under the care of Gedaliah, son of Ahikam.<\/p>\n<p>After the Fall of Jerusalem<\/p>\n<p>A month after the fall of Jerusalem, the city was burned and the walls broken down. Gedaliah was appointed governor of the remaining agricultural community, with headquarters at Mizpah. Jeremiah returned to Jerusalem, where, according to tradition, he took up his abode in a grotto near what is now known as Gordon’s Calvary. There he wrote the book of Lamentations.<\/p>\n<p>The Ammonite king Baalis, plotting rebellion against Babylon, instigated the murder of Gedaliah (40:13). In the reaction that followed, the remaining people followed the leader Johanan ben Kareah to a camp near Bethlehem, intending to go to Egypt. They asked Jeremiah, at Jerusalem, to give guidance from the Lord, promising obedience. Jeremiah’s message required that they remain in Israel and not go to Egypt. Disobedience was complete and immediate. Fearing Babylon, they departed from Judah, taking Jeremiah with them, and entered Egypt (41:16–43:7).<\/p>\n<p>Jeremiah did not stop his ministry in Egypt. His message at Tahpanhes (43:8-12) assured a victorious conquest of the land by Nebuchadnezzar, which took place in 568–567 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>Jews from all parts of Egypt gathered to discuss their future as exiles. Jeremiah took the opportunity to denounce their idolatry. Jewish women as well as men argued that they had enjoyed prosperity while serving idols but had suffered since stopping. Jeremiah condemned their obdurate blindness to reality and gave God’s indictment. For a verifying sign, Jeremiah predicted that Pharaoh Hophra of Egypt would be assassinated (44:30), which happened in 466 <span>BC<\/span>. No later record of Jeremiah’s acts exists in the Bible. Tradition says Jeremiah was stoned to death by the people of the Jewish exile settlement in Tahpanhes.<\/p>\n<p>Though Jeremiah suffered continued rejection during his life, he has been honored by numerous apocryphal and traditional embellishments to his history. Jesus could well have had Jeremiah in mind when he said, “You build tombs for the prophets your ancestors killed and decorate the graves of the godly people your ancestors destroyed. . . . [You are] the descendants of those who murdered the prophets” (Mt 23:29-31, <span>nlt<\/span>). <em>See<\/em> Israel, History of; Jeremiah, Book of; Prophet, Prophetess.<\/p>\n<li>2. Family head in the Transjordan portion of Manasseh whom Tiglath-pileser took captive (1 Chr 5:23-26; cf. 2 Kgs 15:29).<\/li>\n<li>3. Father of Hamutal, a wife of King Josiah (2 Kgs 23:31; 24:18).<\/li>\n<li>4. Ambidextrous Benjamite bowman and slinger who joined David at Ziklag (1 Chr 12:4).<\/li>\n<li>5, 6. Two Gadite soldiers who joined David’s army (1 Chr 12:10, 13).<\/li>\n<li>7. Postexilic priest who with Nehemiah set his seal to the covenant, renewing the people’s promise to obey God’s laws (Neh 10:2). He is mentioned again (12:34) as part of the procession for the dedication of the new wall of Jerusalem.<\/li>\n<li>8. Priest who returned from exile with Zerubbabel (Neh 12:1) and became head of a family of priests (v 12).<\/li>\n<li>9. Father of Jaazaniah, a Recabite who refused to drink wine (Jer 35:3).<\/li>","summary_ro":"JEREMIAH (Person) 1. Prophet to Judah before its fall in 586 BC; his name is also spelled “Jeremias” (Mt 16:14) and “Jeremy” (Mt 2:17; 27:9) in the kjv. Jeremiah was born in the village of Anathoth, about three miles (4.8 kilometers) northeast of Jerusalem. His father’s name was Hilkiah, and he belonged to the tribe of Benjamin. His call came in the 13th year of King Josiah (640–609 BC). He refers to himself as “a child” when called (Jer 1:6), but the Hebrew word is not the same as used in Je...","summary_en":"JEREMIAH (Person) 1. Prophet to Judah before its fall in 586 BC; his name is also spelled “Jeremias” (Mt 16:14) and “Jeremy” (Mt 2:17; 27:9) in the kjv. Jeremiah was born in the village of Anathoth, about three miles (4.8 kilometers) northeast of Jerusalem. His father’s name was Hilkiah, and he belonged to the tribe of Benjamin. His call came in the 13th year of King Josiah (640–609 BC). He refers to himself as “a child” when called (Jer 1:6), but the Hebrew word is not the same as used in Je...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":52677,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 41:16","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 41:16","content_ro":"<p><strong>41:16<\/strong> <em>Johanan<\/em> had with him a variety of important people, including <em>soldiers, women, children, and court officials.<\/em><\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>41:16<\/strong> <em>Johanan<\/em> had with him a variety of important people, including <em>soldiers, women, children, and court officials.<\/em><\/p>","summary_ro":"41:16 Johanan had with him a variety of important people, including soldiers, women, children, and court officials.","summary_en":"41:16 Johanan had with him a variety of important people, including soldiers, women, children, and court officials.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":80303,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 41:16","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 41:16","content_ro":"<p><strong>41:16<\/strong> <em>Johanan<\/em> had with him a variety of important people, including <em>soldiers, women, children, and court officials.<\/em><\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>41:16<\/strong> <em>Johanan<\/em> had with him a variety of important people, including <em>soldiers, women, children, and court officials.<\/em><\/p>","summary_ro":"41:16 Johanan had with him a variety of important people, including soldiers, women, children, and court officials.","summary_en":"41:16 Johanan had with him a variety of important people, including soldiers, women, children, and court officials.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":107929,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 41:16","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 41:16","content_ro":"<p><strong>41:16<\/strong> <em>Johanan<\/em> had with him a variety of important people, including <em>soldiers, women, children, and court officials.<\/em><\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>41:16<\/strong> <em>Johanan<\/em> had with him a variety of important people, including <em>soldiers, women, children, and court officials.<\/em><\/p>","summary_ro":"41:16 Johanan had with him a variety of important people, including soldiers, women, children, and court officials.","summary_en":"41:16 Johanan had with him a variety of important people, including soldiers, women, children, and court officials.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":135555,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 41:16","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 41:16","content_ro":"<p><strong>41:16<\/strong> <em>Johanan<\/em> had with him a variety of important people, including <em>soldiers, women, children, and court officials.<\/em><\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>41:16<\/strong> <em>Johanan<\/em> had with him a variety of important people, including <em>soldiers, women, children, and court officials.<\/em><\/p>","summary_ro":"41:16 Johanan had with him a variety of important people, including soldiers, women, children, and court officials.","summary_en":"41:16 Johanan had with him a variety of important people, including soldiers, women, children, and court officials.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"17":[{"id":4505,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Bethlehem","title_en":"Bethlehem","content_ro":"<h3>BETHLEHEM<\/h3>\n<li>1. “City of David” and the birthplace of Jesus Christ, five miles (8 kilometers) south of Jerusalem. This city is sometimes called Bethlehem-judah (<span>kjv<\/span>) or Ephrath (Gn 35:19; Mi 5:2) to distinguish it from the Bethlehem of Zebulun.<\/li>\n<p>As an early Canaanite settlement, it was associated with the patriarchs, for Rachel died and was buried in its vicinity (Gn 35:16, 19; 48:7). The earliest known historical reference to Bethlehem occurs in the Amarna texts (14th century <span>BC<\/span>) in which battle reports refer to <em>bitil u-lahama<\/em> south of Jerusalem. The name may have meant “house of (the goddess) Lahama.” A branch of Caleb’s family settled there, and Caleb’s son Salma was known as “the father of Bethlehem” (1 Chr 2:51). Bethlehem was the home of a young Levite who served as priest to Micah (Jgs 17:7-8), and of Boaz, Ruth, Obed, and Jesse, the Bethlehemite, David’s father (Ru 4:11, 17; 1 Sm 16:18).<\/p>\n<p>Bethlehem was the birthplace of David (1 Sm 17:12) and the home of one of David’s mighty men, Elhanan (2 Sm 23:24; 1 Chr 11:26). It was the scene of a daring exploit by three of David’s warriors; they broke through the cordon of Philistine marauders occupying Bethlehem to bring David water from the well (or cistern) near the city gate of his hometown (2 Sm 23:14-17). Much later, Bethlehem is mentioned as being adjacent to the village of Geruth-kimham, where Jews fleeing from the Babylonians stayed en route to Egypt (Jer 41:17). People from Bethlehem were among those returning from the Babylonian exile (Ezr 2:21; Neh 7:26; 1 Esd 5:17).<\/p>\n<p>When Jesus was born there, Bethlehem was only a village (Mt 2:1-16; Lk 2:4-6, 15; Jn 7:42). Under the census decree of Caesar Augustus, Joseph had to go to Bethlehem “because he was of the house and lineage of David” (Lk 2:4). The family may still have had property there. The birth of Jesus possibly took place in a cave in the rocks outside the town. The early Christian writer Justin Martyr thought so, as did Origen some years later. Origen frequently resided in the Holy Land and wrote, “In Bethlehem you are shown the cave where he was born, and within the cave the manger where he was wrapped in swaddling clothes.”<\/p>\n<p>Jerome later described the grotto over which the Emperor Constantine had built a basilica. In excavations in 1934–35, evidence indicated a second period of building in the reign of Justinian (<span>AD<\/span> 527–565), when Constantine’s basilica was extended beyond its original proportions. Steps lead down to the grotto, the rectangular shape of which suggests that Constantine’s builders reshaped the original. But there is no description of the grotto prior to the construction of Constantine’s basilica.<\/p>\n<li>2. Town in Zebulun (Jos 19:15), probably the home of the judge Ibzan (Jgs 12:8-10), an early ruler of Israel. It is identified today with the village of Beit Lahm, some seven miles (11.3 kilometers) northwest of Nazareth.<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>BETHLEHEM<\/h3>\n<li>1. “City of David” and the birthplace of Jesus Christ, five miles (8 kilometers) south of Jerusalem. This city is sometimes called Bethlehem-judah (<span>kjv<\/span>) or Ephrath (Gn 35:19; Mi 5:2) to distinguish it from the Bethlehem of Zebulun.<\/li>\n<p>As an early Canaanite settlement, it was associated with the patriarchs, for Rachel died and was buried in its vicinity (Gn 35:16, 19; 48:7). The earliest known historical reference to Bethlehem occurs in the Amarna texts (14th century <span>BC<\/span>) in which battle reports refer to <em>bitil u-lahama<\/em> south of Jerusalem. The name may have meant “house of (the goddess) Lahama.” A branch of Caleb’s family settled there, and Caleb’s son Salma was known as “the father of Bethlehem” (1 Chr 2:51). Bethlehem was the home of a young Levite who served as priest to Micah (Jgs 17:7-8), and of Boaz, Ruth, Obed, and Jesse, the Bethlehemite, David’s father (Ru 4:11, 17; 1 Sm 16:18).<\/p>\n<p>Bethlehem was the birthplace of David (1 Sm 17:12) and the home of one of David’s mighty men, Elhanan (2 Sm 23:24; 1 Chr 11:26). It was the scene of a daring exploit by three of David’s warriors; they broke through the cordon of Philistine marauders occupying Bethlehem to bring David water from the well (or cistern) near the city gate of his hometown (2 Sm 23:14-17). Much later, Bethlehem is mentioned as being adjacent to the village of Geruth-kimham, where Jews fleeing from the Babylonians stayed en route to Egypt (Jer 41:17). People from Bethlehem were among those returning from the Babylonian exile (Ezr 2:21; Neh 7:26; 1 Esd 5:17).<\/p>\n<p>When Jesus was born there, Bethlehem was only a village (Mt 2:1-16; Lk 2:4-6, 15; Jn 7:42). Under the census decree of Caesar Augustus, Joseph had to go to Bethlehem “because he was of the house and lineage of David” (Lk 2:4). The family may still have had property there. The birth of Jesus possibly took place in a cave in the rocks outside the town. The early Christian writer Justin Martyr thought so, as did Origen some years later. Origen frequently resided in the Holy Land and wrote, “In Bethlehem you are shown the cave where he was born, and within the cave the manger where he was wrapped in swaddling clothes.”<\/p>\n<p>Jerome later described the grotto over which the Emperor Constantine had built a basilica. In excavations in 1934–35, evidence indicated a second period of building in the reign of Justinian (<span>AD<\/span> 527–565), when Constantine’s basilica was extended beyond its original proportions. Steps lead down to the grotto, the rectangular shape of which suggests that Constantine’s builders reshaped the original. But there is no description of the grotto prior to the construction of Constantine’s basilica.<\/p>\n<li>2. Town in Zebulun (Jos 19:15), probably the home of the judge Ibzan (Jgs 12:8-10), an early ruler of Israel. It is identified today with the village of Beit Lahm, some seven miles (11.3 kilometers) northwest of Nazareth.<\/li>","summary_ro":"BETHLEHEM 1. “City of David” and the birthplace of Jesus Christ, five miles (8 kilometers) south of Jerusalem. This city is sometimes called Bethlehem-judah (kjv) or Ephrath (Gn 35:19; Mi 5:2) to distinguish it from the Bethlehem of Zebulun. As an early Canaanite settlement, it was associated with the patriarchs, for Rachel died and was buried in its vicinity (Gn 35:16, 19; 48:7). The earliest known historical reference to Bethlehem occurs in the Amarna texts (14th century BC) in which battle...","summary_en":"BETHLEHEM 1. “City of David” and the birthplace of Jesus Christ, five miles (8 kilometers) south of Jerusalem. This city is sometimes called Bethlehem-judah (kjv) or Ephrath (Gn 35:19; Mi 5:2) to distinguish it from the Bethlehem of Zebulun. As an early Canaanite settlement, it was associated with the patriarchs, for Rachel died and was buried in its vicinity (Gn 35:16, 19; 48:7). The earliest known historical reference to Bethlehem occurs in the Amarna texts (14th century BC) in which battle...","source":"Articles\/B.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":13700,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Geruth-Kimham","title_en":"Geruth-Kimham","content_ro":"<h3>GERUTH-KIMHAM<\/h3>\n<p>Plot of land (meaning “the lodging place of Kimham”) near Bethlehem. Geruth-kimham possibly was given to Kimham for the service that his father, Barzillai the Gileadite, had rendered to King David (2 Sm 19:31-40; 1 Kgs 2:7). After the fall of Jerusalem (586 <span>BC<\/span>), Geruth-kimham was the camp of Johanan son of Kareah and his men as they prepared to flee to Egypt (Jer 41:17). <em>See<\/em> Kimham.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>GERUTH-KIMHAM<\/h3>\n<p>Plot of land (meaning “the lodging place of Kimham”) near Bethlehem. Geruth-kimham possibly was given to Kimham for the service that his father, Barzillai the Gileadite, had rendered to King David (2 Sm 19:31-40; 1 Kgs 2:7). After the fall of Jerusalem (586 <span>BC<\/span>), Geruth-kimham was the camp of Johanan son of Kareah and his men as they prepared to flee to Egypt (Jer 41:17). <em>See<\/em> Kimham.<\/p>","summary_ro":"GERUTH-KIMHAM Plot of land (meaning “the lodging place of Kimham”) near Bethlehem. Geruth-kimham possibly was given to Kimham for the service that his father, Barzillai the Gileadite, had rendered to King David (2 Sm 19:31-40; 1 Kgs 2:7). After the fall of Jerusalem (586 BC), Geruth-kimham was the camp of Johanan son of Kareah and his men as they prepared to flee to Egypt (Jer 41:17). See Kimham.","summary_en":"GERUTH-KIMHAM Plot of land (meaning “the lodging place of Kimham”) near Bethlehem. Geruth-kimham possibly was given to Kimham for the service that his father, Barzillai the Gileadite, had rendered to King David (2 Sm 19:31-40; 1 Kgs 2:7). After the fall of Jerusalem (586 BC), Geruth-kimham was the camp of Johanan son of Kareah and his men as they prepared to flee to Egypt (Jer 41:17). See Kimham.","source":"Articles\/G.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":21709,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Kimham","title_en":"Kimham","content_ro":"<h3>KIMHAM<\/h3>\n<p>Son of Barzillai (according to Josephus), a very wealthy man who supplied David and his men with food while they were in Mahanaim during their flight from Absalom (2 Sm 19:32). David offered to take Barzillai back to Jerusalem with him, but Barzillai declined and suggested that David show kindness to Kimham instead (vv 37-40). David accepted the proposal and ordered his son and successor, Solomon, to grant Kimham a pension at the palace (1 Kgs 2:7). His name is reflected centuries later in Geruth-kimham, a place near Bethlehem where the people Johanan had rescued from Ishmael stayed, intending to go to Egypt later (Jer 41:17).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>KIMHAM<\/h3>\n<p>Son of Barzillai (according to Josephus), a very wealthy man who supplied David and his men with food while they were in Mahanaim during their flight from Absalom (2 Sm 19:32). David offered to take Barzillai back to Jerusalem with him, but Barzillai declined and suggested that David show kindness to Kimham instead (vv 37-40). David accepted the proposal and ordered his son and successor, Solomon, to grant Kimham a pension at the palace (1 Kgs 2:7). His name is reflected centuries later in Geruth-kimham, a place near Bethlehem where the people Johanan had rescued from Ishmael stayed, intending to go to Egypt later (Jer 41:17).<\/p>","summary_ro":"KIMHAM Son of Barzillai (according to Josephus), a very wealthy man who supplied David and his men with food while they were in Mahanaim during their flight from Absalom (2 Sm 19:32). David offered to take Barzillai back to Jerusalem with him, but Barzillai declined and suggested that David show kindness to Kimham instead (vv 37-40). David accepted the proposal and ordered his son and successor, Solomon, to grant Kimham a pension at the palace (1 Kgs 2:7). His name is reflected centuries late...","summary_en":"KIMHAM Son of Barzillai (according to Josephus), a very wealthy man who supplied David and his men with food while they were in Mahanaim during their flight from Absalom (2 Sm 19:32). David offered to take Barzillai back to Jerusalem with him, but Barzillai declined and suggested that David show kindness to Kimham instead (vv 37-40). David accepted the proposal and ordered his son and successor, Solomon, to grant Kimham a pension at the palace (1 Kgs 2:7). His name is reflected centuries late...","source":"Articles\/K.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":52678,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 41:17","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 41:17","content_ro":"<p><strong>41:17-18<\/strong> The group led by Johanan headed south, past the ruins of Jerusalem to <em>Geruth-kimham<\/em><em>,<\/em> a small village <em>near Bethlehem<\/em>. During this trip, the leaders decided that they would be safe from Babylonian reprisals if they fled to <em>Egypt<\/em>. The <em>Babylonians<\/em> were cruel, and no one trusted them to seek out the true culprit in Gedaliah’s death.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>41:17-18<\/strong> The group led by Johanan headed south, past the ruins of Jerusalem to <em>Geruth-kimham<\/em><em>,<\/em> a small village <em>near Bethlehem<\/em>. During this trip, the leaders decided that they would be safe from Babylonian reprisals if they fled to <em>Egypt<\/em>. The <em>Babylonians<\/em> were cruel, and no one trusted them to seek out the true culprit in Gedaliah’s death.<\/p>","summary_ro":"41:17-18 The group led by Johanan headed south, past the ruins of Jerusalem to Geruth-kimham, a small village near Bethlehem. During this trip, the leaders decided that they would be safe from Babylonian reprisals if they fled to Egypt. The Babylonians were cruel, and no one trusted them to seek out the true culprit in Gedaliah’s death.","summary_en":"41:17-18 The group led by Johanan headed south, past the ruins of Jerusalem to Geruth-kimham, a small village near Bethlehem. During this trip, the leaders decided that they would be safe from Babylonian reprisals if they fled to Egypt. The Babylonians were cruel, and no one trusted them to seek out the true culprit in Gedaliah’s death.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":80304,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 41:17","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 41:17","content_ro":"<p><strong>41:17-18<\/strong> The group led by Johanan headed south, past the ruins of Jerusalem to <em>Geruth-kimham<\/em><em>,<\/em> a small village <em>near Bethlehem<\/em>. During this trip, the leaders decided that they would be safe from Babylonian reprisals if they fled to <em>Egypt<\/em>. The <em>Babylonians<\/em> were cruel, and no one trusted them to seek out the true culprit in Gedaliah’s death.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>41:17-18<\/strong> The group led by Johanan headed south, past the ruins of Jerusalem to <em>Geruth-kimham<\/em><em>,<\/em> a small village <em>near Bethlehem<\/em>. During this trip, the leaders decided that they would be safe from Babylonian reprisals if they fled to <em>Egypt<\/em>. The <em>Babylonians<\/em> were cruel, and no one trusted them to seek out the true culprit in Gedaliah’s death.<\/p>","summary_ro":"41:17-18 The group led by Johanan headed south, past the ruins of Jerusalem to Geruth-kimham, a small village near Bethlehem. During this trip, the leaders decided that they would be safe from Babylonian reprisals if they fled to Egypt. The Babylonians were cruel, and no one trusted them to seek out the true culprit in Gedaliah’s death.","summary_en":"41:17-18 The group led by Johanan headed south, past the ruins of Jerusalem to Geruth-kimham, a small village near Bethlehem. During this trip, the leaders decided that they would be safe from Babylonian reprisals if they fled to Egypt. The Babylonians were cruel, and no one trusted them to seek out the true culprit in Gedaliah’s death.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":107930,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 41:17","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 41:17","content_ro":"<p><strong>41:17-18<\/strong> The group led by Johanan headed south, past the ruins of Jerusalem to <em>Geruth-kimham<\/em><em>,<\/em> a small village <em>near Bethlehem<\/em>. During this trip, the leaders decided that they would be safe from Babylonian reprisals if they fled to <em>Egypt<\/em>. The <em>Babylonians<\/em> were cruel, and no one trusted them to seek out the true culprit in Gedaliah’s death.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>41:17-18<\/strong> The group led by Johanan headed south, past the ruins of Jerusalem to <em>Geruth-kimham<\/em><em>,<\/em> a small village <em>near Bethlehem<\/em>. During this trip, the leaders decided that they would be safe from Babylonian reprisals if they fled to <em>Egypt<\/em>. The <em>Babylonians<\/em> were cruel, and no one trusted them to seek out the true culprit in Gedaliah’s death.<\/p>","summary_ro":"41:17-18 The group led by Johanan headed south, past the ruins of Jerusalem to Geruth-kimham, a small village near Bethlehem. During this trip, the leaders decided that they would be safe from Babylonian reprisals if they fled to Egypt. The Babylonians were cruel, and no one trusted them to seek out the true culprit in Gedaliah’s death.","summary_en":"41:17-18 The group led by Johanan headed south, past the ruins of Jerusalem to Geruth-kimham, a small village near Bethlehem. During this trip, the leaders decided that they would be safe from Babylonian reprisals if they fled to Egypt. The Babylonians were cruel, and no one trusted them to seek out the true culprit in Gedaliah’s death.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":135556,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 41:17","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 41:17","content_ro":"<p><strong>41:17-18<\/strong> The group led by Johanan headed south, past the ruins of Jerusalem to <em>Geruth-kimham<\/em><em>,<\/em> a small village <em>near Bethlehem<\/em>. During this trip, the leaders decided that they would be safe from Babylonian reprisals if they fled to <em>Egypt<\/em>. The <em>Babylonians<\/em> were cruel, and no one trusted them to seek out the true culprit in Gedaliah’s death.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>41:17-18<\/strong> The group led by Johanan headed south, past the ruins of Jerusalem to <em>Geruth-kimham<\/em><em>,<\/em> a small village <em>near Bethlehem<\/em>. During this trip, the leaders decided that they would be safe from Babylonian reprisals if they fled to <em>Egypt<\/em>. The <em>Babylonians<\/em> were cruel, and no one trusted them to seek out the true culprit in Gedaliah’s death.<\/p>","summary_ro":"41:17-18 The group led by Johanan headed south, past the ruins of Jerusalem to Geruth-kimham, a small village near Bethlehem. During this trip, the leaders decided that they would be safe from Babylonian reprisals if they fled to Egypt. The Babylonians were cruel, and no one trusted them to seek out the true culprit in Gedaliah’s death.","summary_en":"41:17-18 The group led by Johanan headed south, past the ruins of Jerusalem to Geruth-kimham, a small village near Bethlehem. During this trip, the leaders decided that they would be safe from Babylonian reprisals if they fled to Egypt. The Babylonians were cruel, and no one trusted them to seek out the true culprit in Gedaliah’s death.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}]},"labels":{"article":"Articol","map":"Hartă","chart":"Diagramă","textbox":"Notă explicativă","picture":"Imagine","profile":"Profil","study_note":"Notă de studiu","theme_note":"Temă biblică"},"icons":{"article":"📖","map":"🗺️","chart":"📊","textbox":"💡","picture":"🖼️","profile":"👤","study_note":"📝","theme_note":"🎯"},"typeColors":{"article":"#d4af37","map":"#2d7d46","chart":"#3b82f6","textbox":"#8b5cf6","picture":"#ec4899","profile":"#f59e0b","study_note":"#06b6d4","theme_note":"#ef4444"}}
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Ieremia 41
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