1
Zedechia avea douăzeci şi unu de ani când a ajuns împărat, şi a domnit unsprezece ani la Ierusalim. Mamă-sa se chema Hamutal, fiica lui Ieremia, din Libna.
2
El a făcut ce este rău înaintea Domnului, întocmai cum făcuse Ioiachim.
3
Şi lucrul acesta s-a întâmplat din pricina mâniei Domnului împotriva Ierusalimului şi împotriva lui Iuda, pe cari voia să-i lepede dela Faţa Lui. Şi Zedechia s-a răsculat împotriva împăratului Babilonului.
4
În al nouălea an al domniei lui Zedechia, în ziua a zecea a lunii a zecea, a venit Nebucadneţar, împăratul Babilonului, cu toată oştirea lui, împotriva Ierusalimului; au tăbărât înaintea lui, şi au ridicat şanţuri de apărare dejur împrejurul lui.
5
Cetatea a stat împresurată până în anul al unsprezecelea al împăratului Zedechia.
6
În ziua a noua a lunii a patra, era mare foamete în cetate, aşa că poporul ţării nu mai avea pâne de loc.
7
Atunci s-a făcut o spărtură în cetate; şi toţi oamenii de război au fugit, şi au ieşit din cetate noaptea, pe drumul porţii dintre cele două ziduri de lângă grădina împăratului, pe când înconjurau Haldeii cetatea. Fugarii au apucat pe drumul câmpiei.
8
Dar oastea Haldeilor a urmărit pe împărat, şi au ajuns pe Zedechia în câmpiile Ierihonului, dupăce toată oştirea lui se risipise dela el.
9
Au pus mâna pe împărat, şi l-au dus la împăratul Babilonului la Ribla, în ţara Hamatului; şi el a rostit o hotărâre împotriva lui.
10
Împăratul Babilonul a pus să junghie pe fiii lui Zedechia în faţa lui; a pus să taie la Ribla şi pe toate căpeteniile lui Iuda.
11
Apoi a pus să scoată ochii lui Zedechia, şi a pus să-l lege cu lanţuri de aramă. Apoi împăratul Babilonului l-a dus la Babilon, şi l-a ţinut în temniţă până în ziua morţii lui.
12
În ziua a zecea a lunii a cincea, în al nouăsprezecelea an al domniei lui Nebucadneţar, împăratul Babilonului, -a venit la Ierusalim Nebuzaradan, căpetenia străjerilor, care era în slujba împăratului Babilonului.
13
El a ars casa Domnului, casa împăratului, şi toate casele casele Ierusalimului; a dat foc tuturor caselor mai mari.
14
Toată ostea Haldeilor, care era cu căpetenia străjerilor, a dărâmat de asemenea toate zidurile dimprejurul Ierusalimului.
15
Nebuzaradan, căpetenia străjerilor, a luat prinşi de război o parte din cei mai săraci din popor, pe aceia din popor cari rămăseseră în cetate, pe ceice se supuseseră împăratului Babilonului, cealaltă rămăşiţă a mulţimii.
16
Totuş Nebuzaradan, căpetenia străjerilor, a lăsat ca vieri şi ca plugari pe unii din cei mai săraci din ţară.
17
Haldeii au sfărâmat stâlpii de aramă cari erau în casa Domnului, temeliile, marea de aramă care era în Casa Domnului, şi toată arama lor au dus-o în Babilon.
18
Au luat oalele, lopeţile, cuţitele, potirele, ceştile şi toate uneltele de aramă cu cari se făcea slujba.
19
Căpetenia străjerilor a mai luat şi lighenele, tămâietoarele, potirele, cenuşarele, sfeşnicele, ceştile şi paharele, tot ce era de aur şi ce era de argint.
20
Cei doi stâlpi, marea, şi cei doisprezece boi de aramă cari slujeau drept temelie, şi cari-i făcuse împăratul Solomon pentru Casa Domnului, toate aceste unelte de aramă aveau o greutate care nu se putea cântări.
21
Înălţimea unuia din stâlpi era de optsprezece coţi, şi un fir de doisprezece coţi îl cuprindea; era gol şi gros de patru degete;
22
deasupra lui era un coperiş de aramă, şi înălţimea unui coperiş era de cinci coţi; împrejurul coperişului era o reţea şi rodii, toate de aramă; tot aşa era şi al doilea stâlp, şi avea şi el rodii.
23
Erau nouăzeci şi şase de rodii de fiecare parte, şi toate rodiile dimprejurul reţelei erau în număr de o sută.
24
Căpetenia străjerilor a luat pe marele preot Seraia, pe Ţefania, al doilea preot, şi pe cei trei uşieri.
25
Şi din cetate a luat pe un famen care avea supt poruncca lui pe oamenii de război, şapte oameni din ceice făceau parte din sfetnicii împăratului şi cari au fost găsiţi în cetate, apoi pe logofătul căpeteniei oştirii, care era însărcinat să scrie la oaste poporul din ţară, şi şasezeci de oameni din poporul ţării, cari se aflau în cetate.
26
Nebuzaradan, căpetenia străjerilor, i-a luat, şi i-a dus la împăratul Babilonului la Ribla.
27
Împăratul Babilonului i-a lovit şi i-a omorât la Ribla în ţara Hamatului. Astfel a fost dus rob Iuda departe de ţara lui.
28
Iată poporul pe care l-a dus Nebucadneţar în robie: în al şaptelea an: trei mii douăzeci şi trei de Iudei;
29
în al optsprezecelea an al lui Nebucadneţar, a luat din Ierusalim opt sute treizeci şi doi de inşi;
30
în al douăzeci şi treilea an al lui Nebucadneţar, Nebuzaradan, căpetenia străjerilor, a luat şapte sute patruzeci şi cinci de Iudei; de toţi: patru mii şase sute de inşi.
31
În al treizeci şi şaptelea an al robiei lui Ioiachin, împăratul lui Iuda, în a douăzeci şi cincea zi a lunii a douăsprezecea, Evil-Merodac, împăratul Babilonului, în anul întâi al domniei lui, a înălţat capul lui Ioiachin, împăratul lui Iuda, şi l-a scos din temniţă.
32
I-a vorbit cu bunătate, şi i-a aşezat scaunul lui de domnie mai pe sus de scaunul de domnie al împăraţilor cari erau cu el la Babilon.
33
A pus să-i schimbe hainele de temniţă, şi Ioiachin a mâncat totdeauna la masa împăratului în tot timpul vieţii sale.
34
Împăratul Babilonului a purtat grijă necontenit de hrana lui zilnică, până în ziua morţii lui, în tot timpul vieţii sale
{"verseMap":{"1":[{"id":15189,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Hamutal","title_en":"Hamutal","content_ro":"<h3>HAMUTAL<\/h3>\n<p>Daughter of Jeremiah of Libnah, one of King Josiah’s wives, and the mother of two kings: Jehoahaz and Zedekiah (2 Kgs 23:31; 24:18; Jer 52:1).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>HAMUTAL<\/h3>\n<p>Daughter of Jeremiah of Libnah, one of King Josiah’s wives, and the mother of two kings: Jehoahaz and Zedekiah (2 Kgs 23:31; 24:18; Jer 52:1).<\/p>","summary_ro":"HAMUTAL Daughter of Jeremiah of Libnah, one of King Josiah’s wives, and the mother of two kings: Jehoahaz and Zedekiah (2 Kgs 23:31; 24:18; Jer 52:1).","summary_en":"HAMUTAL Daughter of Jeremiah of Libnah, one of King Josiah’s wives, and the mother of two kings: Jehoahaz and Zedekiah (2 Kgs 23:31; 24:18; Jer 52:1).","source":"Articles\/H.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":18991,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Book of Jeremiah","title_en":"Book of Jeremiah","content_ro":"<h3>JEREMIAH, Book of<\/h3>\n\n<p>OT prophetic book, second in the canonical order of the Prophets.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Authenticity<\/p>\n<p>• The Book of Jeremiah and the Septuagint<\/p>\n<p>• Background<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Origin and Destination<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose<\/p>\n<p>• Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Outline and Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>Few doubt that the prophet from Anathoth wrote the book of Jeremiah, yet questions persist concerning some parts, particularly chapter 52. The use of the third person cannot be used to discredit Jeremiah’s authorship, for Jeremiah used the first and third person, and even the second person, in the same context. For example, 32:6-7 reads: “Jeremiah said [third person], ‘The word of the <span>Lord<\/span> came to me: [first person] . . . your uncle will come to you [second person]’ ” (<span>rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>The problem of the passage of time provides the strongest argument against the Jeremian authorship of chapter 52. Jeremiah was born about 657 <span>BC<\/span>. Evil-merodoch released Jehoiachin (52:31) about 95 years later. Jeremiah 52:33 summarizes the continuation of events beyond this time. The problem of location also argues against Jeremian authorship, for Jeremiah took up residence in Egypt (43:6-7) while Jehoiachin dwelt in Babylon. Note also that Jeremiah concludes his writing with chapter 51, making chapter 52 a true editorial appendix. Since chapter 52 parallels 2 Kings 24:18–25:30, it may be that other portions of Jeremiah that parallel sections of 2 Kings may have been written by someone other than Jeremiah.<\/p>\n<p>The following table shows such portions and includes harmonic passages in 2 Chronicles. The first column shows historical (chronological) sequence. The last column provides a brief condensation of content.<\/p>\n<p>Baruch served as the secretary for Jeremiah. The relationship between the two men apparently lasted many years; the prophet gave a word of encouragement as he blessed his helper (45:5). According to the custom of the people, it would have been legitimate for the scribe to write some of the prophet’s messages in his own words. This would not deny inspiration.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Authenticity\">Authenticity<\/p>\n<p>That Jeremiah lived and actually wrote the major part of the book bearing his name is authenticated by numerous references in both biblical and nonbiblical sources (e.g., Dn 9; Ecclus 49; Josephus’s <em>Antiquities<\/em> 10; Talmud: <em>Baba Bathra<\/em>). The veracity of the historical sections of Jeremiah have abundant confirmation in contemporary biblical books and in the secular histories preserved in Babylon, Egypt, and Persia.<\/p>\n<p>Higher critics sought to discredit the portions of Jeremiah that were omitted by the Septuagint, or to credit passages to a later writer because of style differences (e.g., chs 30–33) or spelling differences (as found in chs 27–29) or linguistic problems (as in 10:11, written in Aramaic, but this may be a gloss). Another reason for discrediting Jeremiah’s authorship is that critics dated some prophecies later than indicated in the context. This results from their requiring that predictive writing follow the record of its fulfillment. None of these reasons is sufficient cause for doubting authenticity. The Hebrew text deserves priority over the Septuagint. Aramaic contact with the Jews became commonplace during this period (cf. Ezr 4–7; Dn 2–7) and therefore explains the presence of Aramaic. Different styles may be expected from the same writer due to differing circumstances and differing purposes. Baruch may have been inspired to write parts of this book and\/or edited what Jeremiah wrote. Prediction preceding fulfillment presents no problem for believers.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheBookofJeremiahandtheSeptuagint\">The Book of Jeremiah and the Septuagint<\/p>\n<p>The special problems of the Septuagint translation of Jeremiah demand attention. The Septuagint translators evidently made an inaccurate translation. About 2,300 Hebrew words are omitted from the Septuagint. After chapter 23, the mistranslation, omissions, and mixed chronological order indicate confusion. However, the Dead Sea Scrolls display texts with both the Hebrew and the Septuagint order, indicating the antiquity of both editions. Both have suffered corruption at the hands of scribes and the ravages of the ages. The Septuagint evidently veers much further from the original, yet it has invaluable clues to help suggest answers to some textual problems. The most evident major shift in the Septuagint consists of the removal of chapters 46–51 of the Hebrew order, and the placement of them in the spot from which 25:13b-14 was removed. These chapters are renumbered 26–31 but are mixed and changed considerably from the order of the Hebrew Masoretic Text.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Background\">Background<\/p>\n<p>This is fully discussed in the previous entry. <em>See<\/em> Jeremiah (Person) #1.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>The chronological sequence of the messages of Jeremiah constitutes a major problem that cannot be wholly solved. Nonetheless, the book was written during Jeremiah’s ministry (c. 627–586 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"OriginandDestination\">Origin and Destination<\/p>\n<p>After beginning his ministry in Anathoth, Jeremiah moved to Jerusalem, where he remained until he was forced to join the disobedient refugees who arrived in Egypt about 584 <span>BC<\/span>. Until the deportation of Jehoiachin (597 <span>BC<\/span>), Jeremiah addressed his messages to the king and the people residing in Judah. Later messages addressed the same group, plus the captives in Babylon (e.g., ch 29). After the departure to Egypt, he addressed Jews in that land.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Purpose\">Purpose<\/p>\n<p>Part of God’s commission to Jeremiah stated the purpose of Jeremiah’s ministry: “Today I appoint you to stand up against nations and kingdoms. You are to uproot some and tear them down, to destroy and overthrow them. You are to build others up and plant them” (1:10, <span>nlt<\/span>). The first four parts of the commission required that Jeremiah, appointed as a “chief governor” over nations, should wreck the existing religious and social structures by his preaching against moral and spiritual sin. Doubtless, the physical destruction caused by the Egyptians, Assyrians, and Babylonians was the accoutrement for the truth uttered by the prophet. Jeremiah is consistent in his blasts at moral and religious wickedness, his call to submit to the punishment that God gives through Babylon, and his assurance that such submission will lead to blessing. When Zedekiah asks advice (38:14), we know what Jeremiah will say. When the captains of the refugees ask if they should go to Egypt, we already know the answer (42:3). We may also anticipate the obdurate rejection of God’s message on the part of the inquiring people, who apparently want to know God’s will but have no desire to obey it.<\/p>\n<p>Nevertheless, part of Jeremiah’s purpose focuses on the most distant future when the new covenant will supplant the old (31:31-37), and a transformed people bent on obedience rather than sin will receive God’s promised kingdom.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Teaching\">Teaching<\/p>\n<p>National sin brings national punishment. No truth blazes so clearly as this. Gentiles as well as Jews stand under the same judgment, for God is not the God of Israel only.<\/p>\n<p>Individuals are not overlooked in divine judgments on nations. God sets before each the way of life and the way of death (21:8) and appeals to each to choose life (27:13).<\/p>\n<p>Jeremiah illustrates human depravity by questioning if people can change their skin color or leopards their spots (13:23). The depths of depravity reach beyond man’s ability to measure (17:9-10). People even love falsehood (5:30-31). Yet God promises to transform willing subjects who call on him (33:3) by giving them a “new heart” (24:7; 32:38-41) as the climatic provision of the new covenant (31:33-35). The Messiah, who accomplishes the saving work, is called the Lord our Righteousness, the King, the righteous Branch, the Branch of David (23:5-6; 33:15-16).<\/p>\n<p>A future nation will be made up of individuals who accept this salvation. Passing through the night of tribulation as of travail (30:6-7), the Jews will understand the true identity of their Messiah, will believe and receive him with repentant sorrow, will be cleansed (33:8), and will be regathered from all countries (32:37) by the omnipotent God (v 27).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"OutlineandContent\">Outline and Content<\/p>\n<p>Though many see no logical order, a careful reading of Jeremiah will reveal a grouping on the basis of content, as suggested by the following outline:<\/p>\n<li> I. Introduction (1)<\/li>\n<li> II. Oracles against the Jews (2–25)<\/li>\n<li>III. History—Signs and Sufferings of Jeremiah before the Siege (26–29)<\/li>\n<li> IV. The Book of Hope written during the Siege (30–33)<\/li>\n<li> V. History—Signs and Sufferings of Jeremiah after the Siege (34–45)<\/li>\n<li> VI. Oracles against the Nations (46–51)<\/li>\n<li>VII. Conclusion (52)<\/li>\n<p>The prophet opens his ministry with a series of utterances against the sins of Jerusalem (2:1–3:5), followed by similar messages (through ch 4), concluding with words of judgment (chs 5–6). The message in the temple gate (chs 7–10) leads into the proclamation against covenant breakers (chs 11–13). The lamentation over the drought (ch 14) and subsequent miseries (ch 15) compares with many similar expressions of grief. Jeremiah did not differ from other prophets in his use of object lessons. The rotted linen waistband (ch 13), the broken jug (ch 19), figs (ch 24), and ox yoke (chs 27–28) may be supplemented by human object lessons (ch 35), and even the prophet himself, whose celibacy (16:1-4), resistance to sympathetic consolation (16:5-7), and withdrawal from feasts (16:8-9) all served to illustrate and confirm his message.<\/p>\n<p>Places where Jeremiah proclaimed his messages helped bear home his point. He stood in the public gate, where kings came and went, to proclaim that judgment (fire) would come through the gate (17:19, 27; 39:3). Then he went to the potter’s house (ch 18), and then to Hinnom or Topath, which would be called the Valley of Slaughter (ch 19).<\/p>\n<p>The persecution suffered by Jeremiah first hinted at (1:8), then predicted (v 19), expresses its venom privately from his home village (11:19-23). The prophet’s kindred join the opposition (12:6). Public opposition brings beatings and the stocks (20:2-3). Jeremiah prefers to keep silent rather than to speak and suffer (v 9), but he cannot withhold the word that is as fire in his bones. The result: all his familiars reproached, derided, terrorized, and denounced him, then sought his death (vv 7-18). Jeremiah escaped death at the hands of priests, prophets, and people only because he had a few faithful friends (26:8-24). When his prophecies began to materialize, hatred mounted. He was beaten and put into a dungeon for many days (37:14-17) on a false charge. Temporary relief at the guardhouse (v 21) lasted only a few days. Officials clamored again for his death (38:4) and put him into a cistern, where he sank in the mire (v 6). His rescue (v 10) preserved his life, but his imprisonment at the guardhouse continued (v 28). His writings were cut up and burned (36:23); his words were denied and rejected (43:1-7; 44:16).<\/p>\n<p>The “Book of Hope“ (chs 30–33) does contain some words of judgment (32:28-35), and other sections of the prophecy have a few bright spots (3:11-18; 16:14-16; 23:2-8; 29:10-14), but in a volume otherwise dark, these four chapters bring pleasant relief. The climax of hope, as indicated also in the longest NT quotation from Jeremiah (see Heb 8:8-12), predicts a new covenant (31:31-40). Other prophecies also describe the end of the Mosaic law and sacrament (e.g., 3:16), and the new covenant (32:40; 33:19-26).<\/p>\n<p>Little is known of Jeremiah’s activity or messages from c. 594–589 <span>BC<\/span>. Zedekiah’s counselors made clandestine plans for throwing off Babylon’s yoke by alliances with neighbor nations. A traitor may have reported the conspiracy to Babylon (perhaps Edom). After Babylon attacked, Zedekiah sought a hopeful report from Jeremiah but did not get it.<\/p>\n<p>The Recabite faithfulness to the Nazarite vow (ch 35) dates to the days of Jehoiakim but as an object lesson fits the siege context. Recabites received a human command that they obeyed; Jews received a divine command that they rejected. Recabites will be blessed (35:18-19); Judah, judged (vv 15-17). The reading of the scroll to Jehoiakim and his scornful rejection of it (ch 36) illustrates the prophetic assertion (35:15) that destruction follows the rejection of God’s message given through the prophets.<\/p>\n<p>The siege comes into focus in chapter 37 with another inquiry from Zedekiah (the nonchronological chs 35–36 serve as an illustrative parenthesis). Jeremiah 37:11 moves forward to the time of the lifting of the siege of 589 <span>BC<\/span> when Nebuchadnezzar drove Pharaoh Hophra’s army back to Egypt. During the reprieve, Jeremiah sought to attend a meeting of relatives to settle family matters at or near Anathoth. Perhaps the trip involved initiating the purchase that would be made two years later (32:6-15). However, as he was leaving the city, he was arrested for desertion to the Babylonians and jailed in a dungeon cell until Zedekiah granted him privileged prisoner status.<\/p>\n<p>The king’s officers had ample cause for the accusation of sedition: Jeremiah had encouraged desertion (21:9; 38:2). Traitors deserved death, and this was their verdict against Jeremiah (38:4-5). The violence of the time encouraged the officers to select a cruel method of execution: let Jeremiah starve and bury himself in the mire at the bottom of an abandoned cistern. A sympathetic Ethiopian, Ebed-melech, made the rescue. Immediately, the unadulterated prophecies of judgment came forth again from Jeremiah’s lips, including a message to the king that reflected Jeremiah’s own recent experience: “[Your friends] have betrayed and misled you. When your feet sank in the mud, they left you to your fate” (38:22, <span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>Jeremiah 39:1–43:7 records history from the fall of Jerusalem in 586 <span>BC<\/span> to the flight into Egypt, including the liberation of Jeremiah (ch 39), appointment and assassination of Gedaliah (chs 40–41), a warning from God against going to Egypt (ch 42), and the obdurate disobedience of the people (43:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>The latest writings of Jeremiah are found in chapter 44. The audience consisted of idolatrous Jews (44:4-6) gathered from various parts of Egypt as far as Aswan (Pathros). Jeremiah repeated the appeal of former prophets to reject false gods in favor of Jehovah, but to no avail (44:15-16).<\/p>\n<p>The message to Baruch (ch 45), written about 605 <span>BC<\/span>, is placed here to round out the main part of the book, which begins with the commission to “break down” and “pluck up” (1:10) and concludes with the same Hebrew words (45:4). If Baruch had ambition to obtain status in the Judean court like his brother Seraiah (51:59), he was advised that it would be useless because disaster would come, as the preceding chapters indicate.<\/p>\n<p>The oracles against the nations (46–51), introduced by a title superscription (46:1), constitute a distinct stylistic division similar to Isaiah 13–23, Ezekiel 25–32, and Amos 1:3–2:16.<\/p>\n<p>Some of the prophecies against foreign nations in Jeremiah carry dates that show that they were written at different points during his ministry but were collected together for the book.<\/p>\n<p>The prophecy against Egypt opens with a colorful description of Egypt’s expulsion from Carchemish (605 <span>BC<\/span>) after a short occupancy (Jer 46:1-12). The second message (vv 13-26) may picture the attack on Egypt in 601 <span>BC<\/span> when Neco stopped Nebuchadnezzar at the border; the attack in 589 <span>BC<\/span> when Hophra lost in his attempt to aid Zedekiah; or (most probably) the invasion of Egypt by Nebuchadnezzar in 568 <span>BC<\/span>, when Babylon took advantage of the weakness of Egypt to occupy it. At that time Nebuchadnezzar set up his judgment throne as predicted (43:10) and meted out death sentences to all rebels, including those Jews who might have been implicated in anti-Babylonian conspiracies. The conclusion of the Egypt oracle repeats part of the Book of Hope (46:27-28, cf. 30:10-11).<\/p>\n<p>Messages against Edom, Arabia, Phoenician cities, and Ammon generally condemn pride, cruelty, and idolatry. The oracle against Elam is unique. No other prophet speaks judgment against this people, whose dwelling east of Babylon meant rare contact with Judah. Jeremiah predicted that Elam would be doomed, then restored. Ezekiel counts Elamites among the inhabitants of Sheol (Ez 32:24).<\/p>\n<p>The final judgment indicates the unbiased attitude of the prophet. His messages placed him in an advantageous position with the Babylonians, who treated him with respect and kindness, in contrast to their cruelty to other Jews. But when God spoke against Babylon, Jeremiah uttered God’s words without respect to his own comfort, just as he had spoken against Egypt when silence would have been logical for self-preservation.<\/p>\n<p>Chapter 51 concludes “the words of Jeremiah.”<\/p>\n<p>Chapter 52 repeats historical facts previously stated prophetically by Jeremiah, and partially recorded also as history in chapter 39 (cf. 2 Kgs 25 and 2 Chr 36). The editor of Jeremiah evidently desired to climax the book with a historical confirmation of Jeremiah’s prophecy, but he included facts beyond those contained elsewhere.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Israel, History of; Jeremiah (Person) #1; Prophecy; Prophet, Prophetess.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JEREMIAH, Book of<\/h3>\n\n<p>OT prophetic book, second in the canonical order of the Prophets.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Authenticity<\/p>\n<p>• The Book of Jeremiah and the Septuagint<\/p>\n<p>• Background<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Origin and Destination<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose<\/p>\n<p>• Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Outline and Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>Few doubt that the prophet from Anathoth wrote the book of Jeremiah, yet questions persist concerning some parts, particularly chapter 52. The use of the third person cannot be used to discredit Jeremiah’s authorship, for Jeremiah used the first and third person, and even the second person, in the same context. For example, 32:6-7 reads: “Jeremiah said [third person], ‘The word of the <span>Lord<\/span> came to me: [first person] . . . your uncle will come to you [second person]’ ” (<span>rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>The problem of the passage of time provides the strongest argument against the Jeremian authorship of chapter 52. Jeremiah was born about 657 <span>BC<\/span>. Evil-merodoch released Jehoiachin (52:31) about 95 years later. Jeremiah 52:33 summarizes the continuation of events beyond this time. The problem of location also argues against Jeremian authorship, for Jeremiah took up residence in Egypt (43:6-7) while Jehoiachin dwelt in Babylon. Note also that Jeremiah concludes his writing with chapter 51, making chapter 52 a true editorial appendix. Since chapter 52 parallels 2 Kings 24:18–25:30, it may be that other portions of Jeremiah that parallel sections of 2 Kings may have been written by someone other than Jeremiah.<\/p>\n<p>The following table shows such portions and includes harmonic passages in 2 Chronicles. The first column shows historical (chronological) sequence. The last column provides a brief condensation of content.<\/p>\n<p>Baruch served as the secretary for Jeremiah. The relationship between the two men apparently lasted many years; the prophet gave a word of encouragement as he blessed his helper (45:5). According to the custom of the people, it would have been legitimate for the scribe to write some of the prophet’s messages in his own words. This would not deny inspiration.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Authenticity\">Authenticity<\/p>\n<p>That Jeremiah lived and actually wrote the major part of the book bearing his name is authenticated by numerous references in both biblical and nonbiblical sources (e.g., Dn 9; Ecclus 49; Josephus’s <em>Antiquities<\/em> 10; Talmud: <em>Baba Bathra<\/em>). The veracity of the historical sections of Jeremiah have abundant confirmation in contemporary biblical books and in the secular histories preserved in Babylon, Egypt, and Persia.<\/p>\n<p>Higher critics sought to discredit the portions of Jeremiah that were omitted by the Septuagint, or to credit passages to a later writer because of style differences (e.g., chs 30–33) or spelling differences (as found in chs 27–29) or linguistic problems (as in 10:11, written in Aramaic, but this may be a gloss). Another reason for discrediting Jeremiah’s authorship is that critics dated some prophecies later than indicated in the context. This results from their requiring that predictive writing follow the record of its fulfillment. None of these reasons is sufficient cause for doubting authenticity. The Hebrew text deserves priority over the Septuagint. Aramaic contact with the Jews became commonplace during this period (cf. Ezr 4–7; Dn 2–7) and therefore explains the presence of Aramaic. Different styles may be expected from the same writer due to differing circumstances and differing purposes. Baruch may have been inspired to write parts of this book and\/or edited what Jeremiah wrote. Prediction preceding fulfillment presents no problem for believers.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheBookofJeremiahandtheSeptuagint\">The Book of Jeremiah and the Septuagint<\/p>\n<p>The special problems of the Septuagint translation of Jeremiah demand attention. The Septuagint translators evidently made an inaccurate translation. About 2,300 Hebrew words are omitted from the Septuagint. After chapter 23, the mistranslation, omissions, and mixed chronological order indicate confusion. However, the Dead Sea Scrolls display texts with both the Hebrew and the Septuagint order, indicating the antiquity of both editions. Both have suffered corruption at the hands of scribes and the ravages of the ages. The Septuagint evidently veers much further from the original, yet it has invaluable clues to help suggest answers to some textual problems. The most evident major shift in the Septuagint consists of the removal of chapters 46–51 of the Hebrew order, and the placement of them in the spot from which 25:13b-14 was removed. These chapters are renumbered 26–31 but are mixed and changed considerably from the order of the Hebrew Masoretic Text.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Background\">Background<\/p>\n<p>This is fully discussed in the previous entry. <em>See<\/em> Jeremiah (Person) #1.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>The chronological sequence of the messages of Jeremiah constitutes a major problem that cannot be wholly solved. Nonetheless, the book was written during Jeremiah’s ministry (c. 627–586 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"OriginandDestination\">Origin and Destination<\/p>\n<p>After beginning his ministry in Anathoth, Jeremiah moved to Jerusalem, where he remained until he was forced to join the disobedient refugees who arrived in Egypt about 584 <span>BC<\/span>. Until the deportation of Jehoiachin (597 <span>BC<\/span>), Jeremiah addressed his messages to the king and the people residing in Judah. Later messages addressed the same group, plus the captives in Babylon (e.g., ch 29). After the departure to Egypt, he addressed Jews in that land.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Purpose\">Purpose<\/p>\n<p>Part of God’s commission to Jeremiah stated the purpose of Jeremiah’s ministry: “Today I appoint you to stand up against nations and kingdoms. You are to uproot some and tear them down, to destroy and overthrow them. You are to build others up and plant them” (1:10, <span>nlt<\/span>). The first four parts of the commission required that Jeremiah, appointed as a “chief governor” over nations, should wreck the existing religious and social structures by his preaching against moral and spiritual sin. Doubtless, the physical destruction caused by the Egyptians, Assyrians, and Babylonians was the accoutrement for the truth uttered by the prophet. Jeremiah is consistent in his blasts at moral and religious wickedness, his call to submit to the punishment that God gives through Babylon, and his assurance that such submission will lead to blessing. When Zedekiah asks advice (38:14), we know what Jeremiah will say. When the captains of the refugees ask if they should go to Egypt, we already know the answer (42:3). We may also anticipate the obdurate rejection of God’s message on the part of the inquiring people, who apparently want to know God’s will but have no desire to obey it.<\/p>\n<p>Nevertheless, part of Jeremiah’s purpose focuses on the most distant future when the new covenant will supplant the old (31:31-37), and a transformed people bent on obedience rather than sin will receive God’s promised kingdom.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Teaching\">Teaching<\/p>\n<p>National sin brings national punishment. No truth blazes so clearly as this. Gentiles as well as Jews stand under the same judgment, for God is not the God of Israel only.<\/p>\n<p>Individuals are not overlooked in divine judgments on nations. God sets before each the way of life and the way of death (21:8) and appeals to each to choose life (27:13).<\/p>\n<p>Jeremiah illustrates human depravity by questioning if people can change their skin color or leopards their spots (13:23). The depths of depravity reach beyond man’s ability to measure (17:9-10). People even love falsehood (5:30-31). Yet God promises to transform willing subjects who call on him (33:3) by giving them a “new heart” (24:7; 32:38-41) as the climatic provision of the new covenant (31:33-35). The Messiah, who accomplishes the saving work, is called the Lord our Righteousness, the King, the righteous Branch, the Branch of David (23:5-6; 33:15-16).<\/p>\n<p>A future nation will be made up of individuals who accept this salvation. Passing through the night of tribulation as of travail (30:6-7), the Jews will understand the true identity of their Messiah, will believe and receive him with repentant sorrow, will be cleansed (33:8), and will be regathered from all countries (32:37) by the omnipotent God (v 27).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"OutlineandContent\">Outline and Content<\/p>\n<p>Though many see no logical order, a careful reading of Jeremiah will reveal a grouping on the basis of content, as suggested by the following outline:<\/p>\n<li> I. Introduction (1)<\/li>\n<li> II. Oracles against the Jews (2–25)<\/li>\n<li>III. History—Signs and Sufferings of Jeremiah before the Siege (26–29)<\/li>\n<li> IV. The Book of Hope written during the Siege (30–33)<\/li>\n<li> V. History—Signs and Sufferings of Jeremiah after the Siege (34–45)<\/li>\n<li> VI. Oracles against the Nations (46–51)<\/li>\n<li>VII. Conclusion (52)<\/li>\n<p>The prophet opens his ministry with a series of utterances against the sins of Jerusalem (2:1–3:5), followed by similar messages (through ch 4), concluding with words of judgment (chs 5–6). The message in the temple gate (chs 7–10) leads into the proclamation against covenant breakers (chs 11–13). The lamentation over the drought (ch 14) and subsequent miseries (ch 15) compares with many similar expressions of grief. Jeremiah did not differ from other prophets in his use of object lessons. The rotted linen waistband (ch 13), the broken jug (ch 19), figs (ch 24), and ox yoke (chs 27–28) may be supplemented by human object lessons (ch 35), and even the prophet himself, whose celibacy (16:1-4), resistance to sympathetic consolation (16:5-7), and withdrawal from feasts (16:8-9) all served to illustrate and confirm his message.<\/p>\n<p>Places where Jeremiah proclaimed his messages helped bear home his point. He stood in the public gate, where kings came and went, to proclaim that judgment (fire) would come through the gate (17:19, 27; 39:3). Then he went to the potter’s house (ch 18), and then to Hinnom or Topath, which would be called the Valley of Slaughter (ch 19).<\/p>\n<p>The persecution suffered by Jeremiah first hinted at (1:8), then predicted (v 19), expresses its venom privately from his home village (11:19-23). The prophet’s kindred join the opposition (12:6). Public opposition brings beatings and the stocks (20:2-3). Jeremiah prefers to keep silent rather than to speak and suffer (v 9), but he cannot withhold the word that is as fire in his bones. The result: all his familiars reproached, derided, terrorized, and denounced him, then sought his death (vv 7-18). Jeremiah escaped death at the hands of priests, prophets, and people only because he had a few faithful friends (26:8-24). When his prophecies began to materialize, hatred mounted. He was beaten and put into a dungeon for many days (37:14-17) on a false charge. Temporary relief at the guardhouse (v 21) lasted only a few days. Officials clamored again for his death (38:4) and put him into a cistern, where he sank in the mire (v 6). His rescue (v 10) preserved his life, but his imprisonment at the guardhouse continued (v 28). His writings were cut up and burned (36:23); his words were denied and rejected (43:1-7; 44:16).<\/p>\n<p>The “Book of Hope“ (chs 30–33) does contain some words of judgment (32:28-35), and other sections of the prophecy have a few bright spots (3:11-18; 16:14-16; 23:2-8; 29:10-14), but in a volume otherwise dark, these four chapters bring pleasant relief. The climax of hope, as indicated also in the longest NT quotation from Jeremiah (see Heb 8:8-12), predicts a new covenant (31:31-40). Other prophecies also describe the end of the Mosaic law and sacrament (e.g., 3:16), and the new covenant (32:40; 33:19-26).<\/p>\n<p>Little is known of Jeremiah’s activity or messages from c. 594–589 <span>BC<\/span>. Zedekiah’s counselors made clandestine plans for throwing off Babylon’s yoke by alliances with neighbor nations. A traitor may have reported the conspiracy to Babylon (perhaps Edom). After Babylon attacked, Zedekiah sought a hopeful report from Jeremiah but did not get it.<\/p>\n<p>The Recabite faithfulness to the Nazarite vow (ch 35) dates to the days of Jehoiakim but as an object lesson fits the siege context. Recabites received a human command that they obeyed; Jews received a divine command that they rejected. Recabites will be blessed (35:18-19); Judah, judged (vv 15-17). The reading of the scroll to Jehoiakim and his scornful rejection of it (ch 36) illustrates the prophetic assertion (35:15) that destruction follows the rejection of God’s message given through the prophets.<\/p>\n<p>The siege comes into focus in chapter 37 with another inquiry from Zedekiah (the nonchronological chs 35–36 serve as an illustrative parenthesis). Jeremiah 37:11 moves forward to the time of the lifting of the siege of 589 <span>BC<\/span> when Nebuchadnezzar drove Pharaoh Hophra’s army back to Egypt. During the reprieve, Jeremiah sought to attend a meeting of relatives to settle family matters at or near Anathoth. Perhaps the trip involved initiating the purchase that would be made two years later (32:6-15). However, as he was leaving the city, he was arrested for desertion to the Babylonians and jailed in a dungeon cell until Zedekiah granted him privileged prisoner status.<\/p>\n<p>The king’s officers had ample cause for the accusation of sedition: Jeremiah had encouraged desertion (21:9; 38:2). Traitors deserved death, and this was their verdict against Jeremiah (38:4-5). The violence of the time encouraged the officers to select a cruel method of execution: let Jeremiah starve and bury himself in the mire at the bottom of an abandoned cistern. A sympathetic Ethiopian, Ebed-melech, made the rescue. Immediately, the unadulterated prophecies of judgment came forth again from Jeremiah’s lips, including a message to the king that reflected Jeremiah’s own recent experience: “[Your friends] have betrayed and misled you. When your feet sank in the mud, they left you to your fate” (38:22, <span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>Jeremiah 39:1–43:7 records history from the fall of Jerusalem in 586 <span>BC<\/span> to the flight into Egypt, including the liberation of Jeremiah (ch 39), appointment and assassination of Gedaliah (chs 40–41), a warning from God against going to Egypt (ch 42), and the obdurate disobedience of the people (43:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>The latest writings of Jeremiah are found in chapter 44. The audience consisted of idolatrous Jews (44:4-6) gathered from various parts of Egypt as far as Aswan (Pathros). Jeremiah repeated the appeal of former prophets to reject false gods in favor of Jehovah, but to no avail (44:15-16).<\/p>\n<p>The message to Baruch (ch 45), written about 605 <span>BC<\/span>, is placed here to round out the main part of the book, which begins with the commission to “break down” and “pluck up” (1:10) and concludes with the same Hebrew words (45:4). If Baruch had ambition to obtain status in the Judean court like his brother Seraiah (51:59), he was advised that it would be useless because disaster would come, as the preceding chapters indicate.<\/p>\n<p>The oracles against the nations (46–51), introduced by a title superscription (46:1), constitute a distinct stylistic division similar to Isaiah 13–23, Ezekiel 25–32, and Amos 1:3–2:16.<\/p>\n<p>Some of the prophecies against foreign nations in Jeremiah carry dates that show that they were written at different points during his ministry but were collected together for the book.<\/p>\n<p>The prophecy against Egypt opens with a colorful description of Egypt’s expulsion from Carchemish (605 <span>BC<\/span>) after a short occupancy (Jer 46:1-12). The second message (vv 13-26) may picture the attack on Egypt in 601 <span>BC<\/span> when Neco stopped Nebuchadnezzar at the border; the attack in 589 <span>BC<\/span> when Hophra lost in his attempt to aid Zedekiah; or (most probably) the invasion of Egypt by Nebuchadnezzar in 568 <span>BC<\/span>, when Babylon took advantage of the weakness of Egypt to occupy it. At that time Nebuchadnezzar set up his judgment throne as predicted (43:10) and meted out death sentences to all rebels, including those Jews who might have been implicated in anti-Babylonian conspiracies. The conclusion of the Egypt oracle repeats part of the Book of Hope (46:27-28, cf. 30:10-11).<\/p>\n<p>Messages against Edom, Arabia, Phoenician cities, and Ammon generally condemn pride, cruelty, and idolatry. The oracle against Elam is unique. No other prophet speaks judgment against this people, whose dwelling east of Babylon meant rare contact with Judah. Jeremiah predicted that Elam would be doomed, then restored. Ezekiel counts Elamites among the inhabitants of Sheol (Ez 32:24).<\/p>\n<p>The final judgment indicates the unbiased attitude of the prophet. His messages placed him in an advantageous position with the Babylonians, who treated him with respect and kindness, in contrast to their cruelty to other Jews. But when God spoke against Babylon, Jeremiah uttered God’s words without respect to his own comfort, just as he had spoken against Egypt when silence would have been logical for self-preservation.<\/p>\n<p>Chapter 51 concludes “the words of Jeremiah.”<\/p>\n<p>Chapter 52 repeats historical facts previously stated prophetically by Jeremiah, and partially recorded also as history in chapter 39 (cf. 2 Kgs 25 and 2 Chr 36). The editor of Jeremiah evidently desired to climax the book with a historical confirmation of Jeremiah’s prophecy, but he included facts beyond those contained elsewhere.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Israel, History of; Jeremiah (Person) #1; Prophecy; Prophet, Prophetess.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JEREMIAH, Book of OT prophetic book, second in the canonical order of the Prophets. Preview • Author • Authenticity • The Book of Jeremiah and the Septuagint • Background • Date • Origin and Destination • Purpose • Teaching • Outline and Content Author Few doubt that the prophet from Anathoth wrote the book of Jeremiah, yet questions persist concerning some parts, particularly chapter 52. The use of the third person cannot be used to discredit Jeremiah’s authorship, for Jeremiah used the firs...","summary_en":"JEREMIAH, Book of OT prophetic book, second in the canonical order of the Prophets. Preview • Author • Authenticity • The Book of Jeremiah and the Septuagint • Background • Date • Origin and Destination • Purpose • Teaching • Outline and Content Author Few doubt that the prophet from Anathoth wrote the book of Jeremiah, yet questions persist concerning some parts, particularly chapter 52. The use of the third person cannot be used to discredit Jeremiah’s authorship, for Jeremiah used the firs...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":21952,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Books of First and Second Kings","title_en":"Books of First and Second Kings","content_ro":"<h3>KINGS, Books of First and Second<\/h3>\n<p>Books continuing the history of the covenant people as recorded in Joshua, Judges, and the books of Samuel. The record in Kings begins with the events at the end of David’s reign (1 Kgs 1–2). It continues through the reign of Solomon (chs 3–11); the histories of the divided kingdoms (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17); and the history of the surviving kingdom in the south, through its fall in 586 <span>BC<\/span> and the subsequent kindness shown Jehoiachin by Evil-merodach, king of Babylon, around 561 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 18–25).<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Authorship and Date<\/p>\n<p>• Sources<\/p>\n<p>• Theology and Purpose<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"AuthorshipandDate\">Authorship and Date<\/p>\n<p>Kings was originally regarded as one book in the Hebrew canon; the division into two books of approximately equal length appeared first in the Septuagint and finally entered the Hebrew Bible in the 15th century <span>AD<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>The book itself is anonymous, and information about its author can only be deduced by examining the concerns and perspectives of the work. The Babylonian Talmud (<em>Baba Bathra<\/em> 15a) attributes Kings to Jeremiah. Although this identification could have arisen from the tendency of later Jewish tradition to assign biblical books to prophetic authors, the theory of origin in prophetic circles fits the evidence quite well. Substantial portions are given to the lives of the prophets; 16 of 47 chapters are devoted to the lives of Elijah and Elisha (1 Kgs 17—2 Kgs 10), and there is considerable interest in other prophetic figures such as Ahijah (1 Kgs 11:29-39; 14:1-16), an unnamed man of God (13:1-10), and Micaiah (22:13-28). Possible dependence on Isaiah (2 Kgs 18–20; cf. Is 36–39) and Jeremiah (2 Kgs 24–25; cf. Jer 52) also suggest prophetic origin. The author-compiler also shows intense concern with the efficacy of the prophetic word, frequently calling attention to the fulfillment of words spoken earlier by the prophets.<\/p>\n<p>One might initially think that such a history would be unlikely for a prophet, but the evidence is to the contrary. The prophets were the guardians of the covenant relationship and are known to have produced accounts used as sources by other biblical historians. The following are among such sources: the acts of Samuel the seer, the acts of Nathan the prophet, the acts of Gad the seer (1 Chr 29:29); the acts of Nathan the prophet, the prophecy of Ahijah the Shilonite, the visions of Iddo the seer (2 Chr 9:29); the chronicles of Shemaiah the prophet and of Iddo the seer (12:15); the annotations of the prophet Iddo (13:22); and the acts of Uzziah by Isaiah the prophet (26:22). Add to this the fact that Kings is positioned in the Hebrew canon in the Former Prophets (Joshua to 2 Kings), and a consistent picture of prophetic origin emerges.<\/p>\n<p>The date of the final part of the book must be after the last events recorded. Evil-merodach’s kindness toward Jehoiachin (c. 561 <span>BC<\/span>) is the terminus of the book and therefore fixes the earliest date. Since the work shows no knowledge of the restoration period, a date before 539 <span>BC<\/span> is probable. The author’s selection of his data to answer the burning theological questions of the exilic community also suggests a date between 561 and 539 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Sources\">Sources<\/p>\n<p>The compiler of Kings specifically names three of the sources that he used in his work, and biblical scholars have suggested the presence of a number of other sources that may have been cited. Of course, the sources not mentioned specifically by the compiler are only the speculations of those who have studied his work and can have only varying degrees of probability. The sources both specified and alleged are as follows.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the Acts of Solomon<\/h5>\n<p>As 1 Kings 11:41 says, “The rest of the events in Solomon’s reign, including his wisdom, are recorded in <em>The Book of the Acts of Solomon”<\/em> (<span>nlt<\/span>). Presumably additional materials of a biographical nature were included, specifically accounts similar to the judgment between the two mothers (3:16-28) or the visit of the queen of Sheba (10:1-10). There has been debate as to whether these materials were official court records or nonofficial documents. Some scholars have attempted to isolate further materials within this section by identifying descriptions of the buildings as from temple archives (chs 6–7) and lists of administrators as from administrative documents (chs 4–5), but this must remain speculative.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the History of the Kings of Israel<\/h5>\n<p>This source is mentioned 17 times in Kings, usually in the closing formulas at the end of the account of the reign of a northern king. Some idea of the nature of these chronicles can be derived from looking at the type of information to which the compiler refers his readers (see 1 Kgs 14:19; 16:27; 22:39; 2 Kgs 13:12; 14:28). These passages suggest that this source was the official annals covering the reigns of the kings.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the History of the Kings of Judah<\/h5>\n<p>This source is mentioned in 15 passages, and as with the kings of Israel, is found in the concluding formulas to the accounts of the reigns. This source was to be consulted for additional details on individuals’ reigns (for example, see 1 Kgs 15:23; 22:45; 2 Kgs 20:20; 21:17). These sources for the histories of the two kingdoms were probably similar to the annals known from the surrounding cultures, particularly from the reigns of Assyrian kings. They were likely official court histories kept in Samaria and Jerusalem.<\/p>\n<p>In addition to these explicitly mentioned sources, scholars have suggested the compiler drew on other sources that he does not name.<\/p>\n<h5>Davidic Court History<\/h5>\n<p>Second Samuel 9–20 is often identified as a unit of material in the composition of the books of Samuel; it is variously called “the court history” or “the succession narrative.” Because of similar vocabulary and outlook, 1 Kings 1–2 are often associated with this material from Samuel. The statement of 1 Kings 2:46, “so the kingdom was now firmly in Solomon’s grip,” is taken to be the end of this record.<\/p>\n<h5>Sources for the House of Ahab<\/h5>\n<p>The reigns of individual kings are ordinarily given only brief notices; for example, the father of Ahab, Omri, is given eight verses, even though when judged by political and economic significance, he was among the greatest of the northern kings (1 Kgs 16:21-28). However, beginning with the reign of Ahab, the record becomes quite expansive, and extensive coverage is given the dynasty of Ahab through the coup by Jehu (1 Kgs 16—2 Kgs 12). The use of the stereotyped formulas for the reigns is suspended in this material, and the existence of other literature used by the compiler is probable. This material is commonly subdivided into further sources for the lives of Elijah and Elisha and the reign of Ahab.<\/p>\n<p>The Elijah section covers material in the following chapters: 1 Kings 17–19, including the feeding by the ravens, the incidents with the widow of Zarephath, the drought, the fire on Carmel, and the revelation of God at Sinai; 1 Kings 21, the affair of Naboth’s vineyard; and 2 Kings 1, the death of Ahaziah’s messengers. The reign of Ahab, which gets so much attention in Kings, is primarily a backdrop for the accounts concerning Elijah.<\/p>\n<p>The Elisha material found in 2 Kings 2–13 may have had an independent literary development from that of the Elijah accounts. It includes the following: chapter 2 (Elisha’s succession to the prophetic office, the purification of a spring, the death of mocking children); chapter 3 (on the campaign against Moab); chapter 4 (the widow’s oil, the Shunammite woman); chapter 5 (Naaman’s leprosy); chapter 6 (the Aramean attempt to capture Elisha); chapter 7 (the famine in Samaria); chapter 8 (the Shunammite’s property, the coup of Hazael); chapter 9 (the anointing of Jehu); and chapter 13 (the death of Elisha). No other portion of the OT takes the sheer delight in the miraculous that is seen in the Elisha narratives.<\/p>\n<p>In 1 Kings 16 to 2 Kings 13 there are additional incidents not directly related to the biographies of Elijah and Elisha; accounts such as the military campaigns of 1 Kings 20:1-34 and further details of Jehu’s coup (2 Kgs 9:11–10:36) are often attributed to a third source containing accounts of the dynasty of Ahab and his successors. In all three of these possible sources the orientation is toward affairs in the northern kingdom.<\/p>\n<h5>Isaiah Source<\/h5>\n<p>The account of the reign of Hezekiah contains a section (2 Kgs 18:13–20:19) that is nearly a verbatim citation of material also found in Isaiah (Is 36:1–39:8). The section records the invasion of Sennacherib, the mission of the Rabshakeh, Hezekiah’s prayer, Isaiah’s prophecy, Hezekiah’s illness, the regression of the sun, and the envoys from Merodach-baladan. The material must be regarded as based on the book of Isaiah or some other source used in both Isaiah and Kings.<\/p>\n<h5>A Prophetic Source<\/h5>\n<p>Because Kings shows great interest in the prophets and their ministries, various scholars have suggested that yet another source was used by the compiler; this would be an independent literary unit containing accounts of the prophets. This source would have contained the records for the material on Ahijah (1 Kgs 11:29-39; 14:1-16), unnamed prophets (ch 12; 20:35-43), Micaiah (22:13-28), and other references.<\/p>\n<p>Apart from the sources explicitly mentioned and inferences about their character, the remainder of the sources suggested have only varying degrees of probability. Considerable scholarly effort has gone into identifying and characterizing such sources, but it remains speculative. When considering the sources the compiler may have used, one important caution must be kept in mind. Even if such sources did exist, one cannot have confidence in a reconstruction of the compositional history. Which sources had already been integrated into a larger composition before they were used by the compiler of Kings? We cannot be certain that the life situation out of which these other sources grew has been correctly identified, nor can we know that even the compiler himself was aware of the past history of his sources. Biblical scholarship has expended considerable energy in trying to delineate the past history of the book of Kings, but it has often been at the neglect of the unity of perspective that is the product of the final compiler(s) in whose hands the book received its canonical form.<\/p>\n<p>What is important to understanding the book is not the perspective of its various sources (of which the compiler himself may have been unaware), but the perspective of the book as a whole on the history of the kingdoms. It is the outline that the compiler has imposed on the sources that establishes the teaching of the book; his sources are used in accord with his own purposes, a fact that makes the purposes for which the sources had been prepared largely irrelevant to the teaching of the book in its present form. Exploring possible sources, worthwhile in itself, must not eclipse the message of the book as a whole. This is not to imply that the books of Kings are simply a compilation of unaltered sources. The writer(s) undoubtedly exercised a measure of selectivity and literary skill in composing the historical narrative.<\/p>\n<p>One compositional technique of the compiler is quite prominent in the histories of the divided kingdoms: this is the use of formulaic introductions and conclusions to the various reigns. The formulas for both kingdoms are quite similar, differing only in minor details. For the kings of Judah, the full introductory formula is as follows: (1) year of accession synchronized with the regnal year of the northern king; (2) age of the king at his accession; (3) length of his reign; (4) name of his mother; (5) judgment on the character of the reign. The account of a Judean king’s reign is concluded as follows: (1) a reference to the chronicles of the kings of Judah for further information; (2) a statement regarding the death of the king, including the place of burial; (3) successor: “And his son reigned in his stead” (<span>rsv<\/span>). The full formula for a Judean king can be seen, for example, in the reign of Rehoboam (1 Kgs 14:21-22, 29-31).<\/p>\n<p>The formulas differ slightly for the kings of Israel; the introduction is as follows: (1) year of succession synchronized with the regnal year of the southern king; (2) length of his reign; (3) location of the royal residence; (4) condemnation for idolatry; (5) name of the king’s father. The account of an Israelite king’s reign ends as follows: (1) a reference to the chronicles of the kings of Israel for further information; (2) a statement regarding his death; (3) a statement of the succession of his son, unless a usurper follows. The full formula for an Israelite king can be seen, for example, in the reign of Baasha (1 Kgs 15:33-34; 16:5-6).<\/p>\n<p>There is some variation in the use of these patterns, but on the whole, they are consistently followed and provide the basic framework for the history of the divided kingdom. The synchronisms of the reigns provide data for constructing the chronology of the period. The variations in the formulas may reflect the characteristics of the sources the compiler was using or may reflect his own interests. The name of the mother of a Judean king is recorded, but not of an Israelite king, perhaps reflecting concern with a more exact and fuller record of the Davidic succession. The royal residence is presumed to be Jerusalem for the southern kings (though it may be mentioned) but is recorded for the northern kings since it moved several times, from Shechem to Penuel to Tirzah to Samaria. The mention of the king’s father for a northern ruler also reflects the frequent change in dynasties there, as opposed to the dynastic stability of Judah, which is reinforced by mentioning the burial of almost all its kings in the city of David.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheologyandPurpose\">Theology and Purpose<\/p>\n<p>The books of Kings record the history of the covenant people from the end of the reign of David (961 <span>BC<\/span>) through the fall of the southern kingdom (586 <span>BC<\/span>). Yet it is not history written in accord with modern expectations for history textbooks. Rather than concentrating on economic, political, and military themes as they shaped the history of the period, the compiler of Kings is motivated by theological concerns.<\/p>\n<p>Evaluation of the theology and purpose of the books of Kings is made easier by the fact that there is a parallel history for much of Kings found in the books of Chronicles. By comparing the two accounts, especially where the later Chronicler adds or deletes material found in Kings, the interests of both histories are thrown into clearer relief.<\/p>\n<p>The books of Kings were composed during the exile, likely between 560 and 539 <span>BC<\/span>. Jerusalem had been turned into rubble, and there was no longer a throne of David. Those two pillars of the popular theology—the inviolability of the temple and the throne of David (Jer 7:4; 13:13-14; 22:1-9; see 1 Kgs 8:16, 29)—had tumbled. If Israel’s faith was to survive, the burning questions that had to be answered were “How did it all happen? Can’t God keep his promises to David and to Zion? Have the promises failed?” The writer of Kings aims to deal with the bewilderment of the chosen people in response to the disasters of 722 <span>BC<\/span> (fall of Samaria) and 586 <span>BC<\/span> (fall of Jerusalem). Kings, like the book of Job, is a theodicy, a justification of the ways of God to men.<\/p>\n<p>In order to answer the question “How did it happen?” the compiler adopts the procedure of recounting the history of the covenant people in light of standards propounded in the Law. For this reason Kings could be called Pentateuchal history, or even more pointedly, Deuteronomic history, for standards propounded only in the book of Deuteronomy in the Pentateuch are used by the compiler to measure the kingdoms. Among the prominent themes selected from Deuteronomy and applied to the kingdoms are the centralization of worship, the institution of the monarchy, the efficacy of the prophetic word, and the outworking of the covenant curses on disobedience.<\/p>\n<h5>Centralization of Worship<\/h5>\n<p>The primary concern of the writer is the purity of the worship of the Lord. His major criterion for measuring this purity is the attitude of the kings toward centralization of worship in the Jerusalem temple as opposed to the worship of the Lord elsewhere and the continuation of Canaanite cults mingled with Yahwism at the high places. Centralization of worship at the central shrine is called for in Deuteronomy 12. Perhaps “centralization of worship” is a misnomer, for worship was always centered around the tabernacle in the periods prior to the temple; the change that is envisaged in Deuteronomy is not the centralizing of worship but rather the fact that the shrine would no longer be mobile but stationary. For the kings of the northern kingdom, this criterion becomes virtually a stereotyped formula that “he did that which was evil in the sight of the Lord and walked in the way of Jeroboam son of Nebat, who sinned and made all Israel sin along with him” (see 1 Kgs 14:16; 15:30; 16:31; 2 Kgs 3:3; 10:31; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:22). The compiler of Kings sees the rival altars with the golden calves at Dan and Bethel as the great sin of which the northern kings never repented (1 Kgs 12:25–13:34). Rejecting the primacy of Jerusalem, these altars became the rod with which to measure the northern kings. All the kings of Israel are condemned by this standard (except for Shallum, who reigned but a month, and Hoshea, the last of the northern kings)—even Zimri, the murderer of Elah, who ruled only one week before committing suicide in the flames of his own palace (16:9-20). For the kings of Judah, a different standard is used: what their attitude was to the high places where heterodox worship was allowed to flourish in the environs of Jerusalem. Only Hezekiah and Josiah receive the compiler’s unqualified endorsement for following the ways of David (2 Kgs 18:3; 22:2). Six others are commended for their zeal in suppressing idolatry, though they did not remove the high places (Asa, 1 Kgs 15:9-15; Jehoshaphat, 22:43; Jehoash, 2 Kgs 12:2-3; Amaziah, 14:3-4; Azariah, 15:3-4; Jotham, 15:34-35). The remainder of the Judean kings are condemned for their participation in the high places and their desecration of the temple itself. This one theme is the preeminent motif in the book.<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Monarchy<\/h5>\n<p>A second prominent interest for the compiler was to trace the history of the monarchy. Deuteronomy 17:14-20 provides for the day when Israel would ask for a king and charges that king with the basic religious responsibility for the people. This provision for a king, again a feature found only in Deuteronomy, becomes the basis for the compiler’s intense interest in the history of the monarchy, and particularly the religious fidelity of the kings. David becomes the model of the ideal king, the one by whom the others are measured, the one whose sons “continue long in his kingdom in the midst of Israel” (17:20; see also 1 Kgs 15:11; 2 Kgs 18:3; 22:2 for following in the ways of David, and 1 Kgs 14:8; 15:3-5; 2 Kgs 14:3; 16:2 for the reverse). The compiler wanted to show that God had been faithful to David even though David’s sons were not faithful. While both kingdoms had about the same number of kings, the northern kingdom is marked by repeated dynastic changes and regicide through its 200 years, while the dynasty of David is maintained as a lamp in the south through 350 years (1 Kgs 11:13, 32, 36; 15:4-5; 2 Kgs 8:19; 19:34; 20:6). It is the disaster that had befallen the house of David, and the consequent doubts about the promises of God, that prompted the compiler to write.<\/p>\n<h5>Efficacy of the Prophetic Word<\/h5>\n<p>Another reason why Kings can be called Deuteronomic history is its concern with the efficacy of the prophetic word. There are three passages in the Pentateuch that deal with the institution of the prophetic order: Numbers 12:1-8; Deuteronomy 13:1-5; and Deuteronomy 18:14-22. It is only in Deuteronomy 18 that the test of a true prophet is given: that what he has spoken comes about, that his words are fulfilled. Notice the number of instances where the writer calls attention to the fulfillment of the words of the prophets: 2 Samuel 7:13 in 1 Kings 8:20; 1 Kings 11:29-36 in 12:15; 1 Kings 13:1-3 in 2 Kings 23:16-18; 1 Kings 14:6-12 in 14:17-18 and 15:29; 1 Kings 16:1-4 in 16:7, 11-12; Joshua 6:26 in 1 Kings 16:34; 1 Kings 22:17 in 22:35-38; 1 Kings 21:21-29 in 2 Kings 9:7-10, 30-37 and 10:10-11, 30; 2 Kings 1:6 in 1:17; 2 Kings 21:10-15 in 24:2; 2 Kings 22:15-20 in 23:30. The writer is concerned to show that the words of the prophets were efficacious, powerful words. His concern with the prophetic order is also seen in the material devoted to Elijah and Elisha and to other prophetic figures.<\/p>\n<h5>Fulfillment of the Curses<\/h5>\n<p>Another aspect of the compiler’s interest in Deuteronomy is seen in his concern to trace the fulfillment of the covenant curses on disobedience. God’s covenant with Israel would issue in curses or blessings depending on the obedience of the people; the compiler of Kings sees the curses inflicted on the two kingdoms because of their failure to meet the demands of the covenant. He takes care to show that most of the curses of Deuteronomy 28:15-68 had some historical realization in the life of the people. Moses had warned that disobedience would “bring a nation against you from afar, from the end of the earth, as the eagle swoops down” (Dt 28:49, <span>nasb<\/span>), and the Assyrians came to Samaria and the Babylonians to Jerusalem (28:52). The siege of Samaria lasted from 724 to 722 <span>BC<\/span>, and the siege of Jerusalem from 588 to 586 <span>BC<\/span>. The dire conditions of the siege would drive the people to devouring their own children; women would feed on their afterbirths. It happened to Israel in the siege of Ben-hadad (2 Kgs 6:24-30). Just as the Lord had delighted to prosper and multiply his people, so he would not refrain from destroying them and scattering them among the peoples of the earth (Dt 28:63-67).<\/p>\n<p>In these and other ways the writer of Kings set out to write the history of Israel and Judah to solve a theological dilemma. How was one to reconcile the exile with God’s promises to the nation and David? His answer is twofold: (1) the problem was not with God but with the people’s disobedience—God remains just; (2) the end of the state does not equal the end of the people or the house of David. Here the ending of the book is instructive: Evil-merodach releases Jehoiachin from prison, elevates him above the other kings, and provides his rations (2 Kgs 25:27-30). Even during the exile, though cut down to almost nothing, the house of David still enjoys the favor and blessing of God. God has not abandoned his promises; the people should keep hope.<\/p>\n<p>Other themes in Kings also show the theological motivations underlying the compiler’s selection and arrangement of the data, particularly his use of Deuteronomy as a framework for examining the history of the people. Compare the laws governing the observance of Passover in Exodus 12:1-20 and Deuteronomy 16:1-8: whereas the Passover is centered in the family in Exodus, it is celebrated at the sanctuary in Deuteronomy. The writer of Kings is careful to show that the Passover during the reign of Josiah was celebrated in accordance with the requirements of Deuteronomy (2 Kgs 23:21-23). A passage in Deuteronomy is explicitly cited with reference to Amaziah’s keeping the law (Dt 24:16 in 2 Kgs 14:6).<\/p>\n<h5>Contrast with Chronicles<\/h5>\n<p>The interests of Kings are further highlighted when compared with the parallel accounts in Chronicles. While the writer of Kings worked in the aftermath of the destruction of Jerusalem and had to answer the “how?” and “why?” questions, the Chronicler is part of the restoration community. Here the burning theological questions were not “how?” and “why?” but rather “What continuity do we have with David? Is God still interested in us?” The need is not to account for the exile but rather to relate the postexilic and the preexilic. The building of the second temple and the ordering of worship there show up in increased detail in Chronicles in any matter pertaining to the former temple. Chronicles is a history of Judah and of the Davidic line, reflecting the fact that it alone survives after the exile. Interesting, too, are the things omitted from the account by the Chronicler. Since he is not building a case for an indictment, as was done in Samuel and Kings, he is free to omit references to David’s sin with Bathsheba (2 Sm 11) or to Solomon’s difficulties in gaining the throne (1 Kgs 1–2). Since in his day the northern kingdom had not survived, the Chronicler did not go into detail about the sins of Jeroboam (chs 13–14). Chronicles is interested more in the affairs of the temple and does not show the marked interest in prophetic matters found in Kings, so that the lives of Elijah and Elisha are omitted (1 Kgs 16—2 Kgs 10). Nor does the Chronicler recite the sins that led to the demise of the northern kingdom (2 Kgs 17:1–18:12). In all these examples one can see the interplay of the historical moment and theological concerns of the people and the compilers. Each compiler has selected and arranged the data in accordance with the concerns and needs of the community in which he was a member; comparing the two accounts throws the interests of each into sharp relief.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n\n<p>The books of Kings fall into three parts: (1) the reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 1–11); (2) the history of the divided kingdom (1 Kgs 12–2 Kgs 17); (3) the history of the surviving kingdom in Judah (2 Kgs 18–25).<\/p>\n<h5>The Reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 1–11)<\/h5>\n<p>The record begins with an account of the court intrigue surrounding Solomon’s accession to the throne, set against the backdrop of the abortive coup by Adonijah (ch 1). The dying David charges Solomon to obey the commandments of God (2:1-4) and also to take vengeance on his enemies (vv 5-9). After David’s death Solomon orders the deaths of Adonijah, Joab, and Shimei, and the banishment of Abiathar, the priest who had supported Adonijah in his bid for the throne (vv 13-46). Enemies eliminated, the kingdom was firmly established by Solomon (v 46).<\/p>\n<p>The remainder of Solomon’s reign is divided into two parts: Solomon the good, who follows in the ways of his father, David (chs 3–10); and Solomon the bad, whose heart is led astray (ch 11). While sacrificing at Gibeon, Solomon asks God to give him the gift of wisdom to rule—wisdom promptly demonstrated in the quarrel of two prostitutes about a child (ch 3). An account is given of the administrative organization of the kingdom and the incomparable wisdom of Solomon (ch 4). The compiler of Kings gives extensive coverage to the preparations (ch 5), building (chs 6–7), and dedication (ch 8) of the temple. God appeared to Solomon a second time, reminding him to keep his commandments as David had done (9:1-9). Details are given of the king’s building and commercial activities (vv 10-27). The account of the visit by the queen of Sheba is followed with elaboration of Solomon’s splendor (ch 10). But Solomon did not keep God’s commands; seduced to pagan worship by his foreign wives, he was not fully devoted to the Lord as David had been (11:4), and God determined to take away the northern tribes from the rule of his son (vv 11-13). As punishment from the hand of God, Solomon faced rebellion among conquered peoples (vv 14-25) and within Israel in the person of Jeroboam (vv 26-40).<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Divided Kingdom (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17)<\/h5>\n\n<p>The united monarchy dissolved after the death of Solomon. The northern kingdom (Israel) would exist for about two centuries, would be ruled by 20 kings from nine different dynasties, and would show a history of internal weakness riddled with regicide and usurpation. In contrast, the southern kingdom would last for three and a half centuries and would be ruled by 19 kings of Davidic descent (apart from a short period under the dynastic interloper Athaliah).<\/p>\n<p>There had been a long history of independent action and even warfare between the northern and southern tribes prior to David and Solomon, so it is no surprise that the division would take place along the lines that it did. The immediate cause, however, was the unwise severity with which Rehoboam replied to the representatives of the northern tribes while negotiating for the kingship. Jeroboam, the popular hero of the earlier insurrection against Solomon, became king in the north. He immediately erected the rival sanctuaries at Dan and Bethel (1 Kgs 12); these rival altars became the measure by which the kings of Israel were condemned for following in the sins of Jeroboam.<\/p>\n<p>For two generations there would be warfare between Israel and Judah over the border areas in Benjamin claimed by both sides. Fifty years of sporadic fighting on their mutual frontier, interlaced with invasions from the Arameans in the north or the Egyptians in the south, would consume the reigns of Jeroboam, Nadab, Baasha, Elah, and Zimri in Israel and of Rehoboam, Abijam, and Asa in Judah (1 Kgs 13:1–16:20).<\/p>\n<p>The accession of Omri in Israel introduced a ruling house that would last for a total of four generations and end the dynastic instability of the northern kingdom. Though Kings gives Omri a scant eight verses (1 Kgs 16:21-28), he was among the greatest of the northern kings, forging alliances with the Phoenicians and Judah; for over a century, the Assyrians would call Israel “the house of Omri.”<\/p>\n<p>The reigns of Omri’s successors, Ahab, Ahaziah, and Jehoram, are treated at disproportionate length, taking almost a third of the total book, 16 of 47 chapters (1 Kgs 17—2 Kgs 10). This is due to the fact that the compiler of Kings incorporated extensive coverage of the lives of Elijah and Elisha, weaving a contrast between good and evil by paralleling the dynasty of Omri with these prophets. Ahab and Jezebel were used as foils for the account of Elijah, so that Ahab became a paradigm of the evil king (e.g., 2 Kgs 21:3).<\/p>\n<p>Because of this preoccupation with the dynasty of Omri and the lives of Elijah and Elisha, the equivalent period in Judah is not given as extensive coverage. During this period, the northern kingdom appears to have exercised some hegemony over Judah, as attested by the marriage of an Omride (Athaliah, 2 Kgs 8:18, 26) to Jehoram of Judah and the subservient role of Jehoshaphat to Ahab at the battle of Ramoth-gilead (1 Kgs 22). Judah’s fortunes declined in this period when Edom revolted against Jehoram (2 Kgs 8:20-22), costing Judah control over the port at Ezion-geber and consequent economic losses.<\/p>\n<p>In 842 <span>BC<\/span> Jehu, after being anointed king by a prophet (2 Kgs 9:1-13), led a coup ending the house of Omri and also killing Ahaziah of Judah (vv 14-29). Jehu’s purge also brought the death of Jezebel, Ahab’s family, members of the family of Ahaziah, and the ministers of Baal (9:30–10:36). The consequences were severe politically: the murder of the Phoenician princess Jezebel and the king of Judah cost Israel its allies to the north and south.<\/p>\n<p>Jehu’s dynasty had the longest succession of any in Israel, including Jehoahaz, Jehoash, Jeroboam II, and Zechariah, a period spanning 90 years. Jehu’s murder of Ahaziah of Judah set the stage for the one threat to the continuity of the Davidic dynasty. Queen Athaliah, herself an Omride, seized the throne and attempted a purge of Davidic pretenders. She ruled for six years, until the faithful priest Jehoiada staged a countercoup to place the child Joash on the throne of David (ch 11).<\/p>\n<p>Israel endured a half century of weakness as a result of Jehu’s coup, during which the Arameans had a free hand, reducing the forces of Jehu’s son Jehoahaz to a small army and bodyguard (2 Kgs 13:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>The reemergence of Assyria early in the ninth century <span>BC<\/span> gave relief to Israel and Judah. Assyrian armies conquered the Arameans; with that threat removed, Israel and Judah enjoyed a dramatic resurgence. Jehoash of Israel, grandson of Jehu, reconquered cities lost to the Arameans (2 Kgs 13:25); Elisha died during his reign (v 20). In the south Amaziah reconquered the Edomites (14:7). Amaziah and Jehoash renewed the warfare between the kingdoms, with the north again victorious (vv 8-14).<\/p>\n<p>Under Jeroboam II, Israel enjoyed a period of prosperity when the borders of the kingdom reached the same extent as they had under Solomon (2 Kgs 14:23-28). Uzziah (Azariah), his contemporary in Judah, also fortified Jerusalem and undertook a program of offensive operations extending Judah’s sway to the south (14:21-22; 15:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>Yet this resurgence was but a brilliant sunset in the history of the two kingdoms. After the death of Jeroboam II, the history is one of successive disasters, culminating in the fall of Israel and the subjugation of Judah to the might of Assyria. The next 30 years in Israel would see four dynasties, three represented by only one king, and repeated regicides as the northern kingdom hastened to its demise. A period of civil war and anarchy would see five kings in just over ten years (2 Kgs 15). Heavy tribute was paid to Tiglath-pileser III in both the north and south (15:19-20; 16:7-10). Israel and the Arameans forged a coalition to throw back the Assyrians and sought to press Ahaz of Judah into the fight; Ahaz appealed to Tiglath-pileser III for help. The coalition was destroyed, and Israel and Judah became vassals. Hoshea defected as soon as he felt safe, looking to Egypt for help, but it was suicide for the northern kingdom. Shalmaneser V retaliated, and the political history of the state of Israel came to an end (17:1-23). The area was resettled with other displaced populations (vv 24-41).<\/p>\n<p>Israel had faced the Arameans and survived, only to fall to Assyria. And now, similarly, Judah would outlast Assyria, only to fall to Babylon.<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Surviving Kingdom of Judah (2 Kgs 18–25)<\/h5>\n<p>Ahaz’s appeal for Assyrian aid cost him his liberty, and Judah became a vassal of the Assyrian Empire. Illegitimate worship flourished under his rule (2 Kgs 16:1-19). Ahaz was succeeded by the first of the outstanding reform kings of Judah: Hezekiah. Much of the account of his reign is given to his rebellion against Sennacherib of Assyria: the rebellion, the Assyrian envoys and threats, Isaiah’s assurances of deliverance, and the destruction of the Assyrian armies (18:9–19:37). Hezekiah’s illness was averted after a sign and oracle from Isaiah (20:1-11). As part of what appears to be negotiations toward an anti-Assyrian alliance, Hezekiah also entertained envoys from Babylon, a decision that the prophet announced would be costly (vv 12-21).<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah was followed by Manasseh, who ruled longer than any other king of Judah (a total of 55 years). His reign was marked by great apostasy—apostasy so severe that the compiler of Kings regarded his reign as sufficient reason for the exile that was unavoidable (2 Kgs 21:1-18; cf. 23:26; 24:3-4; Jer 15:1-4). Manasseh was followed by his son Amon, a carbon copy of his father, who ruled only two years before he was deposed by the people (2 Kings 21:19-26).<\/p>\n<p>The second great reform king of Judah, Josiah, followed. In his reign the Book of the Law was found while the temple was being refurbished; he led the people in a renewal of the covenant and suppressed illegitimate worship (2 Kgs 22:1–23:14). The Assyrian Empire was in rapid decline, so Josiah extended his borders to the north, destroying the altar at Bethel and the high places throughout Samaria (23:15-20). A great Passover celebration was convened in Jerusalem, and further measures were taken to rectify worship (vv 21-25). Josiah tried to block Pharaoh Neco’s foray to assist Assyria, and he lost his life at Megiddo (vv 26-30).<\/p>\n<p>Josiah was the only king of Judah to have three of his sons succeed him. At his death the people put Jehoahaz on the throne, but Neco removed him three months later and took him to Egypt in chains (2 Kgs 23:31-33), replacing him with another son of Josiah, Eliakim, whose name was changed to Jehoiakim (vv 34-37). During his reign, Nebuchadnezzar conquered Judah, and Jehoiakim became his vassal. Late in his life Jehoiakim rebelled against Nebuchadnezzar. Jehoiakim died, leaving his son Jehoiachin to face retaliation from Babylon (24:1-10). Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem; when the city fell, Jehoiachin, the queen mother, the army, and the leaders of the land were carried away captive. Nebuchadnezzar put Mattaniah (uncle of Jehoiachin and third son of Josiah) on the throne, changing his name to Zedekiah (vv 11-17). Nine years later Zedekiah, too, would rebel against Babylon. Nebuchadnezzar besieged the city for two years and, when it fell, utterly destroyed it. Zedekiah’s sons were killed before his eyes, and then his own eyes were put out, and he was taken to Babylon (24:18–25:21). Nebuchadnezzar appointed Gedaliah to rule as governor from nearby Mizpah; he was assassinated, and the conspirators fled to Egypt (25:22-26).<\/p>\n<p>The book concludes by showing that God had not forgotten his promise to David, mentioning that in captivity Jehoiachin enjoyed favor from the hand of Evil-merodach, successor of Nebuchadnezzar (2 Kgs 25:27-30).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Chronicles, Books of First and Second.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>KINGS, Books of First and Second<\/h3>\n<p>Books continuing the history of the covenant people as recorded in Joshua, Judges, and the books of Samuel. The record in Kings begins with the events at the end of David’s reign (1 Kgs 1–2). It continues through the reign of Solomon (chs 3–11); the histories of the divided kingdoms (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17); and the history of the surviving kingdom in the south, through its fall in 586 <span>BC<\/span> and the subsequent kindness shown Jehoiachin by Evil-merodach, king of Babylon, around 561 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 18–25).<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Authorship and Date<\/p>\n<p>• Sources<\/p>\n<p>• Theology and Purpose<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"AuthorshipandDate\">Authorship and Date<\/p>\n<p>Kings was originally regarded as one book in the Hebrew canon; the division into two books of approximately equal length appeared first in the Septuagint and finally entered the Hebrew Bible in the 15th century <span>AD<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>The book itself is anonymous, and information about its author can only be deduced by examining the concerns and perspectives of the work. The Babylonian Talmud (<em>Baba Bathra<\/em> 15a) attributes Kings to Jeremiah. Although this identification could have arisen from the tendency of later Jewish tradition to assign biblical books to prophetic authors, the theory of origin in prophetic circles fits the evidence quite well. Substantial portions are given to the lives of the prophets; 16 of 47 chapters are devoted to the lives of Elijah and Elisha (1 Kgs 17—2 Kgs 10), and there is considerable interest in other prophetic figures such as Ahijah (1 Kgs 11:29-39; 14:1-16), an unnamed man of God (13:1-10), and Micaiah (22:13-28). Possible dependence on Isaiah (2 Kgs 18–20; cf. Is 36–39) and Jeremiah (2 Kgs 24–25; cf. Jer 52) also suggest prophetic origin. The author-compiler also shows intense concern with the efficacy of the prophetic word, frequently calling attention to the fulfillment of words spoken earlier by the prophets.<\/p>\n<p>One might initially think that such a history would be unlikely for a prophet, but the evidence is to the contrary. The prophets were the guardians of the covenant relationship and are known to have produced accounts used as sources by other biblical historians. The following are among such sources: the acts of Samuel the seer, the acts of Nathan the prophet, the acts of Gad the seer (1 Chr 29:29); the acts of Nathan the prophet, the prophecy of Ahijah the Shilonite, the visions of Iddo the seer (2 Chr 9:29); the chronicles of Shemaiah the prophet and of Iddo the seer (12:15); the annotations of the prophet Iddo (13:22); and the acts of Uzziah by Isaiah the prophet (26:22). Add to this the fact that Kings is positioned in the Hebrew canon in the Former Prophets (Joshua to 2 Kings), and a consistent picture of prophetic origin emerges.<\/p>\n<p>The date of the final part of the book must be after the last events recorded. Evil-merodach’s kindness toward Jehoiachin (c. 561 <span>BC<\/span>) is the terminus of the book and therefore fixes the earliest date. Since the work shows no knowledge of the restoration period, a date before 539 <span>BC<\/span> is probable. The author’s selection of his data to answer the burning theological questions of the exilic community also suggests a date between 561 and 539 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Sources\">Sources<\/p>\n<p>The compiler of Kings specifically names three of the sources that he used in his work, and biblical scholars have suggested the presence of a number of other sources that may have been cited. Of course, the sources not mentioned specifically by the compiler are only the speculations of those who have studied his work and can have only varying degrees of probability. The sources both specified and alleged are as follows.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the Acts of Solomon<\/h5>\n<p>As 1 Kings 11:41 says, “The rest of the events in Solomon’s reign, including his wisdom, are recorded in <em>The Book of the Acts of Solomon”<\/em> (<span>nlt<\/span>). Presumably additional materials of a biographical nature were included, specifically accounts similar to the judgment between the two mothers (3:16-28) or the visit of the queen of Sheba (10:1-10). There has been debate as to whether these materials were official court records or nonofficial documents. Some scholars have attempted to isolate further materials within this section by identifying descriptions of the buildings as from temple archives (chs 6–7) and lists of administrators as from administrative documents (chs 4–5), but this must remain speculative.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the History of the Kings of Israel<\/h5>\n<p>This source is mentioned 17 times in Kings, usually in the closing formulas at the end of the account of the reign of a northern king. Some idea of the nature of these chronicles can be derived from looking at the type of information to which the compiler refers his readers (see 1 Kgs 14:19; 16:27; 22:39; 2 Kgs 13:12; 14:28). These passages suggest that this source was the official annals covering the reigns of the kings.<\/p>\n<h5>The Book of the History of the Kings of Judah<\/h5>\n<p>This source is mentioned in 15 passages, and as with the kings of Israel, is found in the concluding formulas to the accounts of the reigns. This source was to be consulted for additional details on individuals’ reigns (for example, see 1 Kgs 15:23; 22:45; 2 Kgs 20:20; 21:17). These sources for the histories of the two kingdoms were probably similar to the annals known from the surrounding cultures, particularly from the reigns of Assyrian kings. They were likely official court histories kept in Samaria and Jerusalem.<\/p>\n<p>In addition to these explicitly mentioned sources, scholars have suggested the compiler drew on other sources that he does not name.<\/p>\n<h5>Davidic Court History<\/h5>\n<p>Second Samuel 9–20 is often identified as a unit of material in the composition of the books of Samuel; it is variously called “the court history” or “the succession narrative.” Because of similar vocabulary and outlook, 1 Kings 1–2 are often associated with this material from Samuel. The statement of 1 Kings 2:46, “so the kingdom was now firmly in Solomon’s grip,” is taken to be the end of this record.<\/p>\n<h5>Sources for the House of Ahab<\/h5>\n<p>The reigns of individual kings are ordinarily given only brief notices; for example, the father of Ahab, Omri, is given eight verses, even though when judged by political and economic significance, he was among the greatest of the northern kings (1 Kgs 16:21-28). However, beginning with the reign of Ahab, the record becomes quite expansive, and extensive coverage is given the dynasty of Ahab through the coup by Jehu (1 Kgs 16—2 Kgs 12). The use of the stereotyped formulas for the reigns is suspended in this material, and the existence of other literature used by the compiler is probable. This material is commonly subdivided into further sources for the lives of Elijah and Elisha and the reign of Ahab.<\/p>\n<p>The Elijah section covers material in the following chapters: 1 Kings 17–19, including the feeding by the ravens, the incidents with the widow of Zarephath, the drought, the fire on Carmel, and the revelation of God at Sinai; 1 Kings 21, the affair of Naboth’s vineyard; and 2 Kings 1, the death of Ahaziah’s messengers. The reign of Ahab, which gets so much attention in Kings, is primarily a backdrop for the accounts concerning Elijah.<\/p>\n<p>The Elisha material found in 2 Kings 2–13 may have had an independent literary development from that of the Elijah accounts. It includes the following: chapter 2 (Elisha’s succession to the prophetic office, the purification of a spring, the death of mocking children); chapter 3 (on the campaign against Moab); chapter 4 (the widow’s oil, the Shunammite woman); chapter 5 (Naaman’s leprosy); chapter 6 (the Aramean attempt to capture Elisha); chapter 7 (the famine in Samaria); chapter 8 (the Shunammite’s property, the coup of Hazael); chapter 9 (the anointing of Jehu); and chapter 13 (the death of Elisha). No other portion of the OT takes the sheer delight in the miraculous that is seen in the Elisha narratives.<\/p>\n<p>In 1 Kings 16 to 2 Kings 13 there are additional incidents not directly related to the biographies of Elijah and Elisha; accounts such as the military campaigns of 1 Kings 20:1-34 and further details of Jehu’s coup (2 Kgs 9:11–10:36) are often attributed to a third source containing accounts of the dynasty of Ahab and his successors. In all three of these possible sources the orientation is toward affairs in the northern kingdom.<\/p>\n<h5>Isaiah Source<\/h5>\n<p>The account of the reign of Hezekiah contains a section (2 Kgs 18:13–20:19) that is nearly a verbatim citation of material also found in Isaiah (Is 36:1–39:8). The section records the invasion of Sennacherib, the mission of the Rabshakeh, Hezekiah’s prayer, Isaiah’s prophecy, Hezekiah’s illness, the regression of the sun, and the envoys from Merodach-baladan. The material must be regarded as based on the book of Isaiah or some other source used in both Isaiah and Kings.<\/p>\n<h5>A Prophetic Source<\/h5>\n<p>Because Kings shows great interest in the prophets and their ministries, various scholars have suggested that yet another source was used by the compiler; this would be an independent literary unit containing accounts of the prophets. This source would have contained the records for the material on Ahijah (1 Kgs 11:29-39; 14:1-16), unnamed prophets (ch 12; 20:35-43), Micaiah (22:13-28), and other references.<\/p>\n<p>Apart from the sources explicitly mentioned and inferences about their character, the remainder of the sources suggested have only varying degrees of probability. Considerable scholarly effort has gone into identifying and characterizing such sources, but it remains speculative. When considering the sources the compiler may have used, one important caution must be kept in mind. Even if such sources did exist, one cannot have confidence in a reconstruction of the compositional history. Which sources had already been integrated into a larger composition before they were used by the compiler of Kings? We cannot be certain that the life situation out of which these other sources grew has been correctly identified, nor can we know that even the compiler himself was aware of the past history of his sources. Biblical scholarship has expended considerable energy in trying to delineate the past history of the book of Kings, but it has often been at the neglect of the unity of perspective that is the product of the final compiler(s) in whose hands the book received its canonical form.<\/p>\n<p>What is important to understanding the book is not the perspective of its various sources (of which the compiler himself may have been unaware), but the perspective of the book as a whole on the history of the kingdoms. It is the outline that the compiler has imposed on the sources that establishes the teaching of the book; his sources are used in accord with his own purposes, a fact that makes the purposes for which the sources had been prepared largely irrelevant to the teaching of the book in its present form. Exploring possible sources, worthwhile in itself, must not eclipse the message of the book as a whole. This is not to imply that the books of Kings are simply a compilation of unaltered sources. The writer(s) undoubtedly exercised a measure of selectivity and literary skill in composing the historical narrative.<\/p>\n<p>One compositional technique of the compiler is quite prominent in the histories of the divided kingdoms: this is the use of formulaic introductions and conclusions to the various reigns. The formulas for both kingdoms are quite similar, differing only in minor details. For the kings of Judah, the full introductory formula is as follows: (1) year of accession synchronized with the regnal year of the northern king; (2) age of the king at his accession; (3) length of his reign; (4) name of his mother; (5) judgment on the character of the reign. The account of a Judean king’s reign is concluded as follows: (1) a reference to the chronicles of the kings of Judah for further information; (2) a statement regarding the death of the king, including the place of burial; (3) successor: “And his son reigned in his stead” (<span>rsv<\/span>). The full formula for a Judean king can be seen, for example, in the reign of Rehoboam (1 Kgs 14:21-22, 29-31).<\/p>\n<p>The formulas differ slightly for the kings of Israel; the introduction is as follows: (1) year of succession synchronized with the regnal year of the southern king; (2) length of his reign; (3) location of the royal residence; (4) condemnation for idolatry; (5) name of the king’s father. The account of an Israelite king’s reign ends as follows: (1) a reference to the chronicles of the kings of Israel for further information; (2) a statement regarding his death; (3) a statement of the succession of his son, unless a usurper follows. The full formula for an Israelite king can be seen, for example, in the reign of Baasha (1 Kgs 15:33-34; 16:5-6).<\/p>\n<p>There is some variation in the use of these patterns, but on the whole, they are consistently followed and provide the basic framework for the history of the divided kingdom. The synchronisms of the reigns provide data for constructing the chronology of the period. The variations in the formulas may reflect the characteristics of the sources the compiler was using or may reflect his own interests. The name of the mother of a Judean king is recorded, but not of an Israelite king, perhaps reflecting concern with a more exact and fuller record of the Davidic succession. The royal residence is presumed to be Jerusalem for the southern kings (though it may be mentioned) but is recorded for the northern kings since it moved several times, from Shechem to Penuel to Tirzah to Samaria. The mention of the king’s father for a northern ruler also reflects the frequent change in dynasties there, as opposed to the dynastic stability of Judah, which is reinforced by mentioning the burial of almost all its kings in the city of David.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheologyandPurpose\">Theology and Purpose<\/p>\n<p>The books of Kings record the history of the covenant people from the end of the reign of David (961 <span>BC<\/span>) through the fall of the southern kingdom (586 <span>BC<\/span>). Yet it is not history written in accord with modern expectations for history textbooks. Rather than concentrating on economic, political, and military themes as they shaped the history of the period, the compiler of Kings is motivated by theological concerns.<\/p>\n<p>Evaluation of the theology and purpose of the books of Kings is made easier by the fact that there is a parallel history for much of Kings found in the books of Chronicles. By comparing the two accounts, especially where the later Chronicler adds or deletes material found in Kings, the interests of both histories are thrown into clearer relief.<\/p>\n<p>The books of Kings were composed during the exile, likely between 560 and 539 <span>BC<\/span>. Jerusalem had been turned into rubble, and there was no longer a throne of David. Those two pillars of the popular theology—the inviolability of the temple and the throne of David (Jer 7:4; 13:13-14; 22:1-9; see 1 Kgs 8:16, 29)—had tumbled. If Israel’s faith was to survive, the burning questions that had to be answered were “How did it all happen? Can’t God keep his promises to David and to Zion? Have the promises failed?” The writer of Kings aims to deal with the bewilderment of the chosen people in response to the disasters of 722 <span>BC<\/span> (fall of Samaria) and 586 <span>BC<\/span> (fall of Jerusalem). Kings, like the book of Job, is a theodicy, a justification of the ways of God to men.<\/p>\n<p>In order to answer the question “How did it happen?” the compiler adopts the procedure of recounting the history of the covenant people in light of standards propounded in the Law. For this reason Kings could be called Pentateuchal history, or even more pointedly, Deuteronomic history, for standards propounded only in the book of Deuteronomy in the Pentateuch are used by the compiler to measure the kingdoms. Among the prominent themes selected from Deuteronomy and applied to the kingdoms are the centralization of worship, the institution of the monarchy, the efficacy of the prophetic word, and the outworking of the covenant curses on disobedience.<\/p>\n<h5>Centralization of Worship<\/h5>\n<p>The primary concern of the writer is the purity of the worship of the Lord. His major criterion for measuring this purity is the attitude of the kings toward centralization of worship in the Jerusalem temple as opposed to the worship of the Lord elsewhere and the continuation of Canaanite cults mingled with Yahwism at the high places. Centralization of worship at the central shrine is called for in Deuteronomy 12. Perhaps “centralization of worship” is a misnomer, for worship was always centered around the tabernacle in the periods prior to the temple; the change that is envisaged in Deuteronomy is not the centralizing of worship but rather the fact that the shrine would no longer be mobile but stationary. For the kings of the northern kingdom, this criterion becomes virtually a stereotyped formula that “he did that which was evil in the sight of the Lord and walked in the way of Jeroboam son of Nebat, who sinned and made all Israel sin along with him” (see 1 Kgs 14:16; 15:30; 16:31; 2 Kgs 3:3; 10:31; 13:2, 11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28; 17:22). The compiler of Kings sees the rival altars with the golden calves at Dan and Bethel as the great sin of which the northern kings never repented (1 Kgs 12:25–13:34). Rejecting the primacy of Jerusalem, these altars became the rod with which to measure the northern kings. All the kings of Israel are condemned by this standard (except for Shallum, who reigned but a month, and Hoshea, the last of the northern kings)—even Zimri, the murderer of Elah, who ruled only one week before committing suicide in the flames of his own palace (16:9-20). For the kings of Judah, a different standard is used: what their attitude was to the high places where heterodox worship was allowed to flourish in the environs of Jerusalem. Only Hezekiah and Josiah receive the compiler’s unqualified endorsement for following the ways of David (2 Kgs 18:3; 22:2). Six others are commended for their zeal in suppressing idolatry, though they did not remove the high places (Asa, 1 Kgs 15:9-15; Jehoshaphat, 22:43; Jehoash, 2 Kgs 12:2-3; Amaziah, 14:3-4; Azariah, 15:3-4; Jotham, 15:34-35). The remainder of the Judean kings are condemned for their participation in the high places and their desecration of the temple itself. This one theme is the preeminent motif in the book.<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Monarchy<\/h5>\n<p>A second prominent interest for the compiler was to trace the history of the monarchy. Deuteronomy 17:14-20 provides for the day when Israel would ask for a king and charges that king with the basic religious responsibility for the people. This provision for a king, again a feature found only in Deuteronomy, becomes the basis for the compiler’s intense interest in the history of the monarchy, and particularly the religious fidelity of the kings. David becomes the model of the ideal king, the one by whom the others are measured, the one whose sons “continue long in his kingdom in the midst of Israel” (17:20; see also 1 Kgs 15:11; 2 Kgs 18:3; 22:2 for following in the ways of David, and 1 Kgs 14:8; 15:3-5; 2 Kgs 14:3; 16:2 for the reverse). The compiler wanted to show that God had been faithful to David even though David’s sons were not faithful. While both kingdoms had about the same number of kings, the northern kingdom is marked by repeated dynastic changes and regicide through its 200 years, while the dynasty of David is maintained as a lamp in the south through 350 years (1 Kgs 11:13, 32, 36; 15:4-5; 2 Kgs 8:19; 19:34; 20:6). It is the disaster that had befallen the house of David, and the consequent doubts about the promises of God, that prompted the compiler to write.<\/p>\n<h5>Efficacy of the Prophetic Word<\/h5>\n<p>Another reason why Kings can be called Deuteronomic history is its concern with the efficacy of the prophetic word. There are three passages in the Pentateuch that deal with the institution of the prophetic order: Numbers 12:1-8; Deuteronomy 13:1-5; and Deuteronomy 18:14-22. It is only in Deuteronomy 18 that the test of a true prophet is given: that what he has spoken comes about, that his words are fulfilled. Notice the number of instances where the writer calls attention to the fulfillment of the words of the prophets: 2 Samuel 7:13 in 1 Kings 8:20; 1 Kings 11:29-36 in 12:15; 1 Kings 13:1-3 in 2 Kings 23:16-18; 1 Kings 14:6-12 in 14:17-18 and 15:29; 1 Kings 16:1-4 in 16:7, 11-12; Joshua 6:26 in 1 Kings 16:34; 1 Kings 22:17 in 22:35-38; 1 Kings 21:21-29 in 2 Kings 9:7-10, 30-37 and 10:10-11, 30; 2 Kings 1:6 in 1:17; 2 Kings 21:10-15 in 24:2; 2 Kings 22:15-20 in 23:30. The writer is concerned to show that the words of the prophets were efficacious, powerful words. His concern with the prophetic order is also seen in the material devoted to Elijah and Elisha and to other prophetic figures.<\/p>\n<h5>Fulfillment of the Curses<\/h5>\n<p>Another aspect of the compiler’s interest in Deuteronomy is seen in his concern to trace the fulfillment of the covenant curses on disobedience. God’s covenant with Israel would issue in curses or blessings depending on the obedience of the people; the compiler of Kings sees the curses inflicted on the two kingdoms because of their failure to meet the demands of the covenant. He takes care to show that most of the curses of Deuteronomy 28:15-68 had some historical realization in the life of the people. Moses had warned that disobedience would “bring a nation against you from afar, from the end of the earth, as the eagle swoops down” (Dt 28:49, <span>nasb<\/span>), and the Assyrians came to Samaria and the Babylonians to Jerusalem (28:52). The siege of Samaria lasted from 724 to 722 <span>BC<\/span>, and the siege of Jerusalem from 588 to 586 <span>BC<\/span>. The dire conditions of the siege would drive the people to devouring their own children; women would feed on their afterbirths. It happened to Israel in the siege of Ben-hadad (2 Kgs 6:24-30). Just as the Lord had delighted to prosper and multiply his people, so he would not refrain from destroying them and scattering them among the peoples of the earth (Dt 28:63-67).<\/p>\n<p>In these and other ways the writer of Kings set out to write the history of Israel and Judah to solve a theological dilemma. How was one to reconcile the exile with God’s promises to the nation and David? His answer is twofold: (1) the problem was not with God but with the people’s disobedience—God remains just; (2) the end of the state does not equal the end of the people or the house of David. Here the ending of the book is instructive: Evil-merodach releases Jehoiachin from prison, elevates him above the other kings, and provides his rations (2 Kgs 25:27-30). Even during the exile, though cut down to almost nothing, the house of David still enjoys the favor and blessing of God. God has not abandoned his promises; the people should keep hope.<\/p>\n<p>Other themes in Kings also show the theological motivations underlying the compiler’s selection and arrangement of the data, particularly his use of Deuteronomy as a framework for examining the history of the people. Compare the laws governing the observance of Passover in Exodus 12:1-20 and Deuteronomy 16:1-8: whereas the Passover is centered in the family in Exodus, it is celebrated at the sanctuary in Deuteronomy. The writer of Kings is careful to show that the Passover during the reign of Josiah was celebrated in accordance with the requirements of Deuteronomy (2 Kgs 23:21-23). A passage in Deuteronomy is explicitly cited with reference to Amaziah’s keeping the law (Dt 24:16 in 2 Kgs 14:6).<\/p>\n<h5>Contrast with Chronicles<\/h5>\n<p>The interests of Kings are further highlighted when compared with the parallel accounts in Chronicles. While the writer of Kings worked in the aftermath of the destruction of Jerusalem and had to answer the “how?” and “why?” questions, the Chronicler is part of the restoration community. Here the burning theological questions were not “how?” and “why?” but rather “What continuity do we have with David? Is God still interested in us?” The need is not to account for the exile but rather to relate the postexilic and the preexilic. The building of the second temple and the ordering of worship there show up in increased detail in Chronicles in any matter pertaining to the former temple. Chronicles is a history of Judah and of the Davidic line, reflecting the fact that it alone survives after the exile. Interesting, too, are the things omitted from the account by the Chronicler. Since he is not building a case for an indictment, as was done in Samuel and Kings, he is free to omit references to David’s sin with Bathsheba (2 Sm 11) or to Solomon’s difficulties in gaining the throne (1 Kgs 1–2). Since in his day the northern kingdom had not survived, the Chronicler did not go into detail about the sins of Jeroboam (chs 13–14). Chronicles is interested more in the affairs of the temple and does not show the marked interest in prophetic matters found in Kings, so that the lives of Elijah and Elisha are omitted (1 Kgs 16—2 Kgs 10). Nor does the Chronicler recite the sins that led to the demise of the northern kingdom (2 Kgs 17:1–18:12). In all these examples one can see the interplay of the historical moment and theological concerns of the people and the compilers. Each compiler has selected and arranged the data in accordance with the concerns and needs of the community in which he was a member; comparing the two accounts throws the interests of each into sharp relief.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n\n<p>The books of Kings fall into three parts: (1) the reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 1–11); (2) the history of the divided kingdom (1 Kgs 12–2 Kgs 17); (3) the history of the surviving kingdom in Judah (2 Kgs 18–25).<\/p>\n<h5>The Reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 1–11)<\/h5>\n<p>The record begins with an account of the court intrigue surrounding Solomon’s accession to the throne, set against the backdrop of the abortive coup by Adonijah (ch 1). The dying David charges Solomon to obey the commandments of God (2:1-4) and also to take vengeance on his enemies (vv 5-9). After David’s death Solomon orders the deaths of Adonijah, Joab, and Shimei, and the banishment of Abiathar, the priest who had supported Adonijah in his bid for the throne (vv 13-46). Enemies eliminated, the kingdom was firmly established by Solomon (v 46).<\/p>\n<p>The remainder of Solomon’s reign is divided into two parts: Solomon the good, who follows in the ways of his father, David (chs 3–10); and Solomon the bad, whose heart is led astray (ch 11). While sacrificing at Gibeon, Solomon asks God to give him the gift of wisdom to rule—wisdom promptly demonstrated in the quarrel of two prostitutes about a child (ch 3). An account is given of the administrative organization of the kingdom and the incomparable wisdom of Solomon (ch 4). The compiler of Kings gives extensive coverage to the preparations (ch 5), building (chs 6–7), and dedication (ch 8) of the temple. God appeared to Solomon a second time, reminding him to keep his commandments as David had done (9:1-9). Details are given of the king’s building and commercial activities (vv 10-27). The account of the visit by the queen of Sheba is followed with elaboration of Solomon’s splendor (ch 10). But Solomon did not keep God’s commands; seduced to pagan worship by his foreign wives, he was not fully devoted to the Lord as David had been (11:4), and God determined to take away the northern tribes from the rule of his son (vv 11-13). As punishment from the hand of God, Solomon faced rebellion among conquered peoples (vv 14-25) and within Israel in the person of Jeroboam (vv 26-40).<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Divided Kingdom (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17)<\/h5>\n\n<p>The united monarchy dissolved after the death of Solomon. The northern kingdom (Israel) would exist for about two centuries, would be ruled by 20 kings from nine different dynasties, and would show a history of internal weakness riddled with regicide and usurpation. In contrast, the southern kingdom would last for three and a half centuries and would be ruled by 19 kings of Davidic descent (apart from a short period under the dynastic interloper Athaliah).<\/p>\n<p>There had been a long history of independent action and even warfare between the northern and southern tribes prior to David and Solomon, so it is no surprise that the division would take place along the lines that it did. The immediate cause, however, was the unwise severity with which Rehoboam replied to the representatives of the northern tribes while negotiating for the kingship. Jeroboam, the popular hero of the earlier insurrection against Solomon, became king in the north. He immediately erected the rival sanctuaries at Dan and Bethel (1 Kgs 12); these rival altars became the measure by which the kings of Israel were condemned for following in the sins of Jeroboam.<\/p>\n<p>For two generations there would be warfare between Israel and Judah over the border areas in Benjamin claimed by both sides. Fifty years of sporadic fighting on their mutual frontier, interlaced with invasions from the Arameans in the north or the Egyptians in the south, would consume the reigns of Jeroboam, Nadab, Baasha, Elah, and Zimri in Israel and of Rehoboam, Abijam, and Asa in Judah (1 Kgs 13:1–16:20).<\/p>\n<p>The accession of Omri in Israel introduced a ruling house that would last for a total of four generations and end the dynastic instability of the northern kingdom. Though Kings gives Omri a scant eight verses (1 Kgs 16:21-28), he was among the greatest of the northern kings, forging alliances with the Phoenicians and Judah; for over a century, the Assyrians would call Israel “the house of Omri.”<\/p>\n<p>The reigns of Omri’s successors, Ahab, Ahaziah, and Jehoram, are treated at disproportionate length, taking almost a third of the total book, 16 of 47 chapters (1 Kgs 17—2 Kgs 10). This is due to the fact that the compiler of Kings incorporated extensive coverage of the lives of Elijah and Elisha, weaving a contrast between good and evil by paralleling the dynasty of Omri with these prophets. Ahab and Jezebel were used as foils for the account of Elijah, so that Ahab became a paradigm of the evil king (e.g., 2 Kgs 21:3).<\/p>\n<p>Because of this preoccupation with the dynasty of Omri and the lives of Elijah and Elisha, the equivalent period in Judah is not given as extensive coverage. During this period, the northern kingdom appears to have exercised some hegemony over Judah, as attested by the marriage of an Omride (Athaliah, 2 Kgs 8:18, 26) to Jehoram of Judah and the subservient role of Jehoshaphat to Ahab at the battle of Ramoth-gilead (1 Kgs 22). Judah’s fortunes declined in this period when Edom revolted against Jehoram (2 Kgs 8:20-22), costing Judah control over the port at Ezion-geber and consequent economic losses.<\/p>\n<p>In 842 <span>BC<\/span> Jehu, after being anointed king by a prophet (2 Kgs 9:1-13), led a coup ending the house of Omri and also killing Ahaziah of Judah (vv 14-29). Jehu’s purge also brought the death of Jezebel, Ahab’s family, members of the family of Ahaziah, and the ministers of Baal (9:30–10:36). The consequences were severe politically: the murder of the Phoenician princess Jezebel and the king of Judah cost Israel its allies to the north and south.<\/p>\n<p>Jehu’s dynasty had the longest succession of any in Israel, including Jehoahaz, Jehoash, Jeroboam II, and Zechariah, a period spanning 90 years. Jehu’s murder of Ahaziah of Judah set the stage for the one threat to the continuity of the Davidic dynasty. Queen Athaliah, herself an Omride, seized the throne and attempted a purge of Davidic pretenders. She ruled for six years, until the faithful priest Jehoiada staged a countercoup to place the child Joash on the throne of David (ch 11).<\/p>\n<p>Israel endured a half century of weakness as a result of Jehu’s coup, during which the Arameans had a free hand, reducing the forces of Jehu’s son Jehoahaz to a small army and bodyguard (2 Kgs 13:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>The reemergence of Assyria early in the ninth century <span>BC<\/span> gave relief to Israel and Judah. Assyrian armies conquered the Arameans; with that threat removed, Israel and Judah enjoyed a dramatic resurgence. Jehoash of Israel, grandson of Jehu, reconquered cities lost to the Arameans (2 Kgs 13:25); Elisha died during his reign (v 20). In the south Amaziah reconquered the Edomites (14:7). Amaziah and Jehoash renewed the warfare between the kingdoms, with the north again victorious (vv 8-14).<\/p>\n<p>Under Jeroboam II, Israel enjoyed a period of prosperity when the borders of the kingdom reached the same extent as they had under Solomon (2 Kgs 14:23-28). Uzziah (Azariah), his contemporary in Judah, also fortified Jerusalem and undertook a program of offensive operations extending Judah’s sway to the south (14:21-22; 15:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>Yet this resurgence was but a brilliant sunset in the history of the two kingdoms. After the death of Jeroboam II, the history is one of successive disasters, culminating in the fall of Israel and the subjugation of Judah to the might of Assyria. The next 30 years in Israel would see four dynasties, three represented by only one king, and repeated regicides as the northern kingdom hastened to its demise. A period of civil war and anarchy would see five kings in just over ten years (2 Kgs 15). Heavy tribute was paid to Tiglath-pileser III in both the north and south (15:19-20; 16:7-10). Israel and the Arameans forged a coalition to throw back the Assyrians and sought to press Ahaz of Judah into the fight; Ahaz appealed to Tiglath-pileser III for help. The coalition was destroyed, and Israel and Judah became vassals. Hoshea defected as soon as he felt safe, looking to Egypt for help, but it was suicide for the northern kingdom. Shalmaneser V retaliated, and the political history of the state of Israel came to an end (17:1-23). The area was resettled with other displaced populations (vv 24-41).<\/p>\n<p>Israel had faced the Arameans and survived, only to fall to Assyria. And now, similarly, Judah would outlast Assyria, only to fall to Babylon.<\/p>\n<h5>History of the Surviving Kingdom of Judah (2 Kgs 18–25)<\/h5>\n<p>Ahaz’s appeal for Assyrian aid cost him his liberty, and Judah became a vassal of the Assyrian Empire. Illegitimate worship flourished under his rule (2 Kgs 16:1-19). Ahaz was succeeded by the first of the outstanding reform kings of Judah: Hezekiah. Much of the account of his reign is given to his rebellion against Sennacherib of Assyria: the rebellion, the Assyrian envoys and threats, Isaiah’s assurances of deliverance, and the destruction of the Assyrian armies (18:9–19:37). Hezekiah’s illness was averted after a sign and oracle from Isaiah (20:1-11). As part of what appears to be negotiations toward an anti-Assyrian alliance, Hezekiah also entertained envoys from Babylon, a decision that the prophet announced would be costly (vv 12-21).<\/p>\n<p>Hezekiah was followed by Manasseh, who ruled longer than any other king of Judah (a total of 55 years). His reign was marked by great apostasy—apostasy so severe that the compiler of Kings regarded his reign as sufficient reason for the exile that was unavoidable (2 Kgs 21:1-18; cf. 23:26; 24:3-4; Jer 15:1-4). Manasseh was followed by his son Amon, a carbon copy of his father, who ruled only two years before he was deposed by the people (2 Kings 21:19-26).<\/p>\n<p>The second great reform king of Judah, Josiah, followed. In his reign the Book of the Law was found while the temple was being refurbished; he led the people in a renewal of the covenant and suppressed illegitimate worship (2 Kgs 22:1–23:14). The Assyrian Empire was in rapid decline, so Josiah extended his borders to the north, destroying the altar at Bethel and the high places throughout Samaria (23:15-20). A great Passover celebration was convened in Jerusalem, and further measures were taken to rectify worship (vv 21-25). Josiah tried to block Pharaoh Neco’s foray to assist Assyria, and he lost his life at Megiddo (vv 26-30).<\/p>\n<p>Josiah was the only king of Judah to have three of his sons succeed him. At his death the people put Jehoahaz on the throne, but Neco removed him three months later and took him to Egypt in chains (2 Kgs 23:31-33), replacing him with another son of Josiah, Eliakim, whose name was changed to Jehoiakim (vv 34-37). During his reign, Nebuchadnezzar conquered Judah, and Jehoiakim became his vassal. Late in his life Jehoiakim rebelled against Nebuchadnezzar. Jehoiakim died, leaving his son Jehoiachin to face retaliation from Babylon (24:1-10). Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem; when the city fell, Jehoiachin, the queen mother, the army, and the leaders of the land were carried away captive. Nebuchadnezzar put Mattaniah (uncle of Jehoiachin and third son of Josiah) on the throne, changing his name to Zedekiah (vv 11-17). Nine years later Zedekiah, too, would rebel against Babylon. Nebuchadnezzar besieged the city for two years and, when it fell, utterly destroyed it. Zedekiah’s sons were killed before his eyes, and then his own eyes were put out, and he was taken to Babylon (24:18–25:21). Nebuchadnezzar appointed Gedaliah to rule as governor from nearby Mizpah; he was assassinated, and the conspirators fled to Egypt (25:22-26).<\/p>\n<p>The book concludes by showing that God had not forgotten his promise to David, mentioning that in captivity Jehoiachin enjoyed favor from the hand of Evil-merodach, successor of Nebuchadnezzar (2 Kgs 25:27-30).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Chronicles, Books of First and Second.<\/p>","summary_ro":"KINGS, Books of First and Second Books continuing the history of the covenant people as recorded in Joshua, Judges, and the books of Samuel. The record in Kings begins with the events at the end of David’s reign (1 Kgs 1–2). It continues through the reign of Solomon (chs 3–11); the histories of the divided kingdoms (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17); and the history of the surviving kingdom in the south, through its fall in 586 BC and the subsequent kindness shown Jehoiachin by Evil-merodach, king of Babylo...","summary_en":"KINGS, Books of First and Second Books continuing the history of the covenant people as recorded in Joshua, Judges, and the books of Samuel. The record in Kings begins with the events at the end of David’s reign (1 Kgs 1–2). It continues through the reign of Solomon (chs 3–11); the histories of the divided kingdoms (1 Kgs 12—2 Kgs 17); and the history of the surviving kingdom in the south, through its fall in 586 BC and the subsequent kindness shown Jehoiachin by Evil-merodach, king of Babylo...","source":"Articles\/K.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":23156,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Libnah","title_en":"Libnah","content_ro":"<h3>LIBNAH<\/h3>\n<li>1. One of the stations at which the Israelites encamped during the wilderness journey. It was situated between Rimmon-perez and Rissah (Nm 33:20-21). <em>See<\/em> Wilderness Wanderings.<\/li>\n<li>2. Canaanite city-state in southern Palestine, conquered and destroyed by the Israelites under Joshua (Jos 10:29-31; 12:15). It was located within Judah’s territory (15:42) and later given to the Levites for an inheritance (Jos 21:13; 1 Chr 6:57).<\/li>\n<p>Three details in the city’s subsequent history are noted in Scripture: (1) During the reign of King Jehoram of Judah, at the time of Edom’s uprising, Libnah joined in the revolt but was subdued (2 Kgs 8:22; 2 Chr 21:10). (2) After King Sennacherib of Assyria took the city of Lachish, he proceeded to attack Libnah (2 Kgs 19:8; Is 37:8). Earlier Isaiah had affirmed to King Hezekiah that a rumor would cause the invading king to interrupt his military campaign against Judah and return to his own land; it was while Sennacherib was besieging Libnah that Isaiah’s affirmation was confirmed (2 Kgs 19:7-8). (3) The mother of Jehoahaz and Zedekiah, two of Judah’s last kings, was a native of Libnah (2 Kgs 23:31; 24:18; Jer 52:1).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>LIBNAH<\/h3>\n<li>1. One of the stations at which the Israelites encamped during the wilderness journey. It was situated between Rimmon-perez and Rissah (Nm 33:20-21). <em>See<\/em> Wilderness Wanderings.<\/li>\n<li>2. Canaanite city-state in southern Palestine, conquered and destroyed by the Israelites under Joshua (Jos 10:29-31; 12:15). It was located within Judah’s territory (15:42) and later given to the Levites for an inheritance (Jos 21:13; 1 Chr 6:57).<\/li>\n<p>Three details in the city’s subsequent history are noted in Scripture: (1) During the reign of King Jehoram of Judah, at the time of Edom’s uprising, Libnah joined in the revolt but was subdued (2 Kgs 8:22; 2 Chr 21:10). (2) After King Sennacherib of Assyria took the city of Lachish, he proceeded to attack Libnah (2 Kgs 19:8; Is 37:8). Earlier Isaiah had affirmed to King Hezekiah that a rumor would cause the invading king to interrupt his military campaign against Judah and return to his own land; it was while Sennacherib was besieging Libnah that Isaiah’s affirmation was confirmed (2 Kgs 19:7-8). (3) The mother of Jehoahaz and Zedekiah, two of Judah’s last kings, was a native of Libnah (2 Kgs 23:31; 24:18; Jer 52:1).<\/p>","summary_ro":"LIBNAH 1. One of the stations at which the Israelites encamped during the wilderness journey. It was situated between Rimmon-perez and Rissah (Nm 33:20-21). See Wilderness Wanderings. 2. Canaanite city-state in southern Palestine, conquered and destroyed by the Israelites under Joshua (Jos 10:29-31; 12:15). It was located within Judah’s territory (15:42) and later given to the Levites for an inheritance (Jos 21:13; 1 Chr 6:57). Three details in the city’s subsequent history are noted in Scrip...","summary_en":"LIBNAH 1. One of the stations at which the Israelites encamped during the wilderness journey. It was situated between Rimmon-perez and Rissah (Nm 33:20-21). See Wilderness Wanderings. 2. Canaanite city-state in southern Palestine, conquered and destroyed by the Israelites under Joshua (Jos 10:29-31; 12:15). It was located within Judah’s territory (15:42) and later given to the Levites for an inheritance (Jos 21:13; 1 Chr 6:57). Three details in the city’s subsequent history are noted in Scrip...","source":"Articles\/L.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":39651,"type":"chart","type_label":"Diagramă","type_icon":"📊","type_color":"#3b82f6","title_ro":"Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles","title_en":"Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles","content_ro":"<h3>Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles<\/h3>\n<p>This chart follows the order of passages as they occur in Jeremiah.<\/p>\n<table>\n <tr>\n <td><p><em>Order<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>Jeremiah<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>2 Kings<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>2 Chronicles<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>Content<\/em><\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>1<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>37:1-2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:10-12<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah made king<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>39:1-8<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:1-10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah rebels; siege begins<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>7<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>39:10 and 40:5b<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:12 and 25:22b<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah made governor<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>8<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>40:7-9<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:23-24<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah urges fidelity to Babylon<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>9<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>41:1-3<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:25<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah assassinated<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>43:5-7<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:26<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Jews flee to Egypt<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>1<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:1-2 (cf. 37:1-2)<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:10-12<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah made king<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:3-5 (cf. 39:1-3)<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:20 and 25:1-2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:13-16<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah rebels; siege begins<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>3<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:6-14<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:3-10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah captured; Jerusalem destroyed<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>6<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:15<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:11<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:20<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>People deported<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>5<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:17-23<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:13-17<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:18<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Booty taken<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>4<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:24-27<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:18-21<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Nobles slain<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>11<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:31-34<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:27-30<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Later events<\/p><\/td><\/tr><\/table>","content_en":"<h3>Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles<\/h3>\n<p>This chart follows the order of passages as they occur in Jeremiah.<\/p>\n<table>\n <tr>\n <td><p><em>Order<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>Jeremiah<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>2 Kings<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>2 Chronicles<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>Content<\/em><\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>1<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>37:1-2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:10-12<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah made king<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>39:1-8<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:1-10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah rebels; siege begins<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>7<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>39:10 and 40:5b<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:12 and 25:22b<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah made governor<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>8<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>40:7-9<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:23-24<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah urges fidelity to Babylon<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>9<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>41:1-3<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:25<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah assassinated<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>43:5-7<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:26<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Jews flee to Egypt<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>1<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:1-2 (cf. 37:1-2)<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:10-12<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah made king<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:3-5 (cf. 39:1-3)<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:20 and 25:1-2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:13-16<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah rebels; siege begins<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>3<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:6-14<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:3-10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah captured; Jerusalem destroyed<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>6<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:15<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:11<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:20<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>People deported<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>5<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:17-23<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:13-17<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:18<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Booty taken<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>4<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:24-27<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:18-21<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Nobles slain<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>11<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:31-34<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:27-30<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Later events<\/p><\/td><\/tr><\/table>","summary_ro":"Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles This chart follows the order of passages as they occur in Jeremiah. Order Jeremiah 2 Kings 2 Chronicles Content 1 37:1-2 24:17-19 36:10-12 Zedekiah made king 2 39:1-8 25:1-10 36:17-19 Zedekiah rebels; siege begins 7 39:10 and 40:5b 25:12 and 25:22b Gedaliah made governor 8 40:7-9 25:23-24 Gedaliah urges fidelity to Babylon 9 41:1-3 25:25 Gedaliah assassinated 10 43:5-7 25:26 Jews flee to Egypt 1 52:1-2 (cf. 37:1-2) 24:17-19 36:10-12 Zedekiah ...","summary_en":"Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles This chart follows the order of passages as they occur in Jeremiah. Order Jeremiah 2 Kings 2 Chronicles Content 1 37:1-2 24:17-19 36:10-12 Zedekiah made king 2 39:1-8 25:1-10 36:17-19 Zedekiah rebels; siege begins 7 39:10 and 40:5b 25:12 and 25:22b Gedaliah made governor 8 40:7-9 25:23-24 Gedaliah urges fidelity to Babylon 9 41:1-3 25:25 Gedaliah assassinated 10 43:5-7 25:26 Jews flee to Egypt 1 52:1-2 (cf. 37:1-2) 24:17-19 36:10-12 Zedekiah ...","source":"Charts\/Charts.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":52844,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:1","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:1-34<\/strong> This chapter repeats the narrative of 2 Kgs 24:18–25:30, which recounts the final month of Jerusalem’s existence, with a few added details and changes. The repetition of this passage emphasizes Jeremiah’s integrity as a true prophet of Almighty God. Everything Jeremiah had predicted about the destruction of the holy city and the end of the kingdom of Judah came true. Likewise, everything that he predicted about the Exile, the sufferings of the exiled survivors in Babylon, and their return from exile, came true.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:1-34<\/strong> This chapter repeats the narrative of 2 Kgs 24:18–25:30, which recounts the final month of Jerusalem’s existence, with a few added details and changes. The repetition of this passage emphasizes Jeremiah’s integrity as a true prophet of Almighty God. Everything Jeremiah had predicted about the destruction of the holy city and the end of the kingdom of Judah came true. Likewise, everything that he predicted about the Exile, the sufferings of the exiled survivors in Babylon, and their return from exile, came true.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:1-34 This chapter repeats the narrative of 2 Kgs 24:18–25:30, which recounts the final month of Jerusalem’s existence, with a few added details and changes. The repetition of this passage emphasizes Jeremiah’s integrity as a true prophet of Almighty God. Everything Jeremiah had predicted about the destruction of the holy city and the end of the kingdom of Judah came true. Likewise, everything that he predicted about the Exile, the sufferings of the exiled survivors in Babylon, and their re...","summary_en":"52:1-34 This chapter repeats the narrative of 2 Kgs 24:18–25:30, which recounts the final month of Jerusalem’s existence, with a few added details and changes. The repetition of this passage emphasizes Jeremiah’s integrity as a true prophet of Almighty God. Everything Jeremiah had predicted about the destruction of the holy city and the end of the kingdom of Judah came true. Likewise, everything that he predicted about the Exile, the sufferings of the exiled survivors in Babylon, and their re...","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":80470,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:1","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:1-34<\/strong> This chapter repeats the narrative of 2 Kgs 24:18–25:30, which recounts the final month of Jerusalem’s existence, with a few added details and changes. The repetition of this passage emphasizes Jeremiah’s integrity as a true prophet of Almighty God. Everything Jeremiah had predicted about the destruction of the holy city and the end of the kingdom of Judah came true. Likewise, everything that he predicted about the Exile, the sufferings of the exiled survivors in Babylon, and their return from exile, came true.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:1-34<\/strong> This chapter repeats the narrative of 2 Kgs 24:18–25:30, which recounts the final month of Jerusalem’s existence, with a few added details and changes. The repetition of this passage emphasizes Jeremiah’s integrity as a true prophet of Almighty God. Everything Jeremiah had predicted about the destruction of the holy city and the end of the kingdom of Judah came true. Likewise, everything that he predicted about the Exile, the sufferings of the exiled survivors in Babylon, and their return from exile, came true.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:1-34 This chapter repeats the narrative of 2 Kgs 24:18–25:30, which recounts the final month of Jerusalem’s existence, with a few added details and changes. The repetition of this passage emphasizes Jeremiah’s integrity as a true prophet of Almighty God. Everything Jeremiah had predicted about the destruction of the holy city and the end of the kingdom of Judah came true. Likewise, everything that he predicted about the Exile, the sufferings of the exiled survivors in Babylon, and their re...","summary_en":"52:1-34 This chapter repeats the narrative of 2 Kgs 24:18–25:30, which recounts the final month of Jerusalem’s existence, with a few added details and changes. The repetition of this passage emphasizes Jeremiah’s integrity as a true prophet of Almighty God. Everything Jeremiah had predicted about the destruction of the holy city and the end of the kingdom of Judah came true. Likewise, everything that he predicted about the Exile, the sufferings of the exiled survivors in Babylon, and their re...","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":108096,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:1","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:1-34<\/strong> This chapter repeats the narrative of 2 Kgs 24:18–25:30, which recounts the final month of Jerusalem’s existence, with a few added details and changes. The repetition of this passage emphasizes Jeremiah’s integrity as a true prophet of Almighty God. Everything Jeremiah had predicted about the destruction of the holy city and the end of the kingdom of Judah came true. Likewise, everything that he predicted about the Exile, the sufferings of the exiled survivors in Babylon, and their return from exile, came true.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:1-34<\/strong> This chapter repeats the narrative of 2 Kgs 24:18–25:30, which recounts the final month of Jerusalem’s existence, with a few added details and changes. The repetition of this passage emphasizes Jeremiah’s integrity as a true prophet of Almighty God. Everything Jeremiah had predicted about the destruction of the holy city and the end of the kingdom of Judah came true. Likewise, everything that he predicted about the Exile, the sufferings of the exiled survivors in Babylon, and their return from exile, came true.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:1-34 This chapter repeats the narrative of 2 Kgs 24:18–25:30, which recounts the final month of Jerusalem’s existence, with a few added details and changes. The repetition of this passage emphasizes Jeremiah’s integrity as a true prophet of Almighty God. Everything Jeremiah had predicted about the destruction of the holy city and the end of the kingdom of Judah came true. Likewise, everything that he predicted about the Exile, the sufferings of the exiled survivors in Babylon, and their re...","summary_en":"52:1-34 This chapter repeats the narrative of 2 Kgs 24:18–25:30, which recounts the final month of Jerusalem’s existence, with a few added details and changes. The repetition of this passage emphasizes Jeremiah’s integrity as a true prophet of Almighty God. Everything Jeremiah had predicted about the destruction of the holy city and the end of the kingdom of Judah came true. Likewise, everything that he predicted about the Exile, the sufferings of the exiled survivors in Babylon, and their re...","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":135722,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:1","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:1-34<\/strong> This chapter repeats the narrative of 2 Kgs 24:18–25:30, which recounts the final month of Jerusalem’s existence, with a few added details and changes. The repetition of this passage emphasizes Jeremiah’s integrity as a true prophet of Almighty God. Everything Jeremiah had predicted about the destruction of the holy city and the end of the kingdom of Judah came true. Likewise, everything that he predicted about the Exile, the sufferings of the exiled survivors in Babylon, and their return from exile, came true.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:1-34<\/strong> This chapter repeats the narrative of 2 Kgs 24:18–25:30, which recounts the final month of Jerusalem’s existence, with a few added details and changes. The repetition of this passage emphasizes Jeremiah’s integrity as a true prophet of Almighty God. Everything Jeremiah had predicted about the destruction of the holy city and the end of the kingdom of Judah came true. Likewise, everything that he predicted about the Exile, the sufferings of the exiled survivors in Babylon, and their return from exile, came true.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:1-34 This chapter repeats the narrative of 2 Kgs 24:18–25:30, which recounts the final month of Jerusalem’s existence, with a few added details and changes. The repetition of this passage emphasizes Jeremiah’s integrity as a true prophet of Almighty God. Everything Jeremiah had predicted about the destruction of the holy city and the end of the kingdom of Judah came true. Likewise, everything that he predicted about the Exile, the sufferings of the exiled survivors in Babylon, and their re...","summary_en":"52:1-34 This chapter repeats the narrative of 2 Kgs 24:18–25:30, which recounts the final month of Jerusalem’s existence, with a few added details and changes. The repetition of this passage emphasizes Jeremiah’s integrity as a true prophet of Almighty God. Everything Jeremiah had predicted about the destruction of the holy city and the end of the kingdom of Judah came true. Likewise, everything that he predicted about the Exile, the sufferings of the exiled survivors in Babylon, and their re...","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"3":[{"id":39652,"type":"chart","type_label":"Diagramă","type_icon":"📊","type_color":"#3b82f6","title_ro":"Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles","title_en":"Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles","content_ro":"<h3>Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles<\/h3>\n<p>This chart follows the order of passages as they occur in Jeremiah.<\/p>\n<table>\n <tr>\n <td><p><em>Order<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>Jeremiah<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>2 Kings<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>2 Chronicles<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>Content<\/em><\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>1<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>37:1-2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:10-12<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah made king<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>39:1-8<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:1-10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah rebels; siege begins<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>7<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>39:10 and 40:5b<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:12 and 25:22b<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah made governor<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>8<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>40:7-9<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:23-24<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah urges fidelity to Babylon<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>9<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>41:1-3<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:25<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah assassinated<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>43:5-7<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:26<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Jews flee to Egypt<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>1<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:1-2 (cf. 37:1-2)<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:10-12<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah made king<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:3-5 (cf. 39:1-3)<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:20 and 25:1-2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:13-16<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah rebels; siege begins<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>3<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:6-14<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:3-10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah captured; Jerusalem destroyed<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>6<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:15<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:11<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:20<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>People deported<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>5<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:17-23<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:13-17<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:18<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Booty taken<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>4<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:24-27<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:18-21<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Nobles slain<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>11<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:31-34<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:27-30<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Later events<\/p><\/td><\/tr><\/table>","content_en":"<h3>Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles<\/h3>\n<p>This chart follows the order of passages as they occur in Jeremiah.<\/p>\n<table>\n <tr>\n <td><p><em>Order<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>Jeremiah<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>2 Kings<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>2 Chronicles<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>Content<\/em><\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>1<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>37:1-2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:10-12<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah made king<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>39:1-8<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:1-10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah rebels; siege begins<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>7<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>39:10 and 40:5b<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:12 and 25:22b<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah made governor<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>8<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>40:7-9<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:23-24<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah urges fidelity to Babylon<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>9<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>41:1-3<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:25<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah assassinated<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>43:5-7<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:26<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Jews flee to Egypt<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>1<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:1-2 (cf. 37:1-2)<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:10-12<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah made king<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:3-5 (cf. 39:1-3)<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:20 and 25:1-2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:13-16<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah rebels; siege begins<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>3<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:6-14<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:3-10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah captured; Jerusalem destroyed<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>6<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:15<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:11<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:20<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>People deported<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>5<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:17-23<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:13-17<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:18<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Booty taken<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>4<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:24-27<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:18-21<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Nobles slain<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>11<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:31-34<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:27-30<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Later events<\/p><\/td><\/tr><\/table>","summary_ro":"Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles This chart follows the order of passages as they occur in Jeremiah. Order Jeremiah 2 Kings 2 Chronicles Content 1 37:1-2 24:17-19 36:10-12 Zedekiah made king 2 39:1-8 25:1-10 36:17-19 Zedekiah rebels; siege begins 7 39:10 and 40:5b 25:12 and 25:22b Gedaliah made governor 8 40:7-9 25:23-24 Gedaliah urges fidelity to Babylon 9 41:1-3 25:25 Gedaliah assassinated 10 43:5-7 25:26 Jews flee to Egypt 1 52:1-2 (cf. 37:1-2) 24:17-19 36:10-12 Zedekiah ...","summary_en":"Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles This chart follows the order of passages as they occur in Jeremiah. Order Jeremiah 2 Kings 2 Chronicles Content 1 37:1-2 24:17-19 36:10-12 Zedekiah made king 2 39:1-8 25:1-10 36:17-19 Zedekiah rebels; siege begins 7 39:10 and 40:5b 25:12 and 25:22b Gedaliah made governor 8 40:7-9 25:23-24 Gedaliah urges fidelity to Babylon 9 41:1-3 25:25 Gedaliah assassinated 10 43:5-7 25:26 Jews flee to Egypt 1 52:1-2 (cf. 37:1-2) 24:17-19 36:10-12 Zedekiah ...","source":"Charts\/Charts.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"4":[{"id":41988,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Nebuchadnezzar II","title_en":"Nebuchadnezzar II","content_ro":"<h3>Nebuchadnezzar II<\/h3>\n<p>King Nebuchadnezzar II reigned over Babylon from 605 to 562 <span>BC<\/span>. He secured and extended the empire of his father, Nabopolassar (626–605 <span>BC<\/span>). Beyond the scriptural record, many ancient Babylonian documents report Nebuchadnezzar’s accomplishments.<\/p>\n<p>In 626 <span>BC<\/span>, Babylon, like Judah, was under the domination of Assyria, but in that year Nabopolassar began a revolt that would change the world. In 612 <span>BC<\/span>, the Babylonians captured Nineveh, Assyria’s capital, and again defeated the Assyrians at Haran in 609 <span>BC<\/span>. By the time of this battle, Nabopolassar’s son Nebuchadnezzar played a leading role in the army. In 605 <span>BC<\/span>, Nebuchadnezzar defeated the remnant of the Assyrian army at Carchemish; this victory also pushed the Egyptians back within their borders. In the same year, Nabopolassar died and his son became king.<\/p>\n<p>Following his victory at Carchemish in 605 <span>BC<\/span>, Nebuchadnezzar conquered Syria and surrounding areas, including Judah. In that year, Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem for the first time (2 Kgs 24:1; 1:1-2). He took away a number of the Temple vessels and some of the leading young citizens of Judah, including Daniel and his three friends. Nebuchadnezzar captured Jerusalem again in 597 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 24:10-17). He later besieged Jerusalem in 588 <span>BC<\/span> and destroyed the city and Temple in 586 <span>BC<\/span>, exiling most of the remaining people (2 Kgs 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>A detailed and interesting personal description of Nebuchadnezzar is found in Daniel. He brought Daniel and his friends to Babylon in order to educate them in the ways of Babylonia, but God used Daniel to teach Nebuchadnezzar about himself. After being humbled for his great pride (Dan 4:28-33), Nebuchadnezzar acknowledged the Lord’s sovereignty and power (4:34-37), though he probably never worshiped the true God exclusively.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 24:1–25:30; 2 Chr 36:6-21; Jer 21:1-10; 22:24-27; 24:1; 25:1-14; 27:4-8; 28:14; 29:1-23; 32:1-5, 26-31; 34:1-3; 37:1; 39:1-14; 43:10-13; 46:2, 13-26; 49:28-33; 50:17; 51:34; 52:4-16, 28-30; Ezek 26:7; 29:18-20; 30:10-11; Dan 1:1–4:37<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Nebuchadnezzar II<\/h3>\n<p>King Nebuchadnezzar II reigned over Babylon from 605 to 562 <span>BC<\/span>. He secured and extended the empire of his father, Nabopolassar (626–605 <span>BC<\/span>). Beyond the scriptural record, many ancient Babylonian documents report Nebuchadnezzar’s accomplishments.<\/p>\n<p>In 626 <span>BC<\/span>, Babylon, like Judah, was under the domination of Assyria, but in that year Nabopolassar began a revolt that would change the world. In 612 <span>BC<\/span>, the Babylonians captured Nineveh, Assyria’s capital, and again defeated the Assyrians at Haran in 609 <span>BC<\/span>. By the time of this battle, Nabopolassar’s son Nebuchadnezzar played a leading role in the army. In 605 <span>BC<\/span>, Nebuchadnezzar defeated the remnant of the Assyrian army at Carchemish; this victory also pushed the Egyptians back within their borders. In the same year, Nabopolassar died and his son became king.<\/p>\n<p>Following his victory at Carchemish in 605 <span>BC<\/span>, Nebuchadnezzar conquered Syria and surrounding areas, including Judah. In that year, Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem for the first time (2 Kgs 24:1; 1:1-2). He took away a number of the Temple vessels and some of the leading young citizens of Judah, including Daniel and his three friends. Nebuchadnezzar captured Jerusalem again in 597 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 24:10-17). He later besieged Jerusalem in 588 <span>BC<\/span> and destroyed the city and Temple in 586 <span>BC<\/span>, exiling most of the remaining people (2 Kgs 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>A detailed and interesting personal description of Nebuchadnezzar is found in Daniel. He brought Daniel and his friends to Babylon in order to educate them in the ways of Babylonia, but God used Daniel to teach Nebuchadnezzar about himself. After being humbled for his great pride (Dan 4:28-33), Nebuchadnezzar acknowledged the Lord’s sovereignty and power (4:34-37), though he probably never worshiped the true God exclusively.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 24:1–25:30; 2 Chr 36:6-21; Jer 21:1-10; 22:24-27; 24:1; 25:1-14; 27:4-8; 28:14; 29:1-23; 32:1-5, 26-31; 34:1-3; 37:1; 39:1-14; 43:10-13; 46:2, 13-26; 49:28-33; 50:17; 51:34; 52:4-16, 28-30; Ezek 26:7; 29:18-20; 30:10-11; Dan 1:1–4:37<\/p>","summary_ro":"Nebuchadnezzar II King Nebuchadnezzar II reigned over Babylon from 605 to 562 BC. He secured and extended the empire of his father, Nabopolassar (626–605 BC). Beyond the scriptural record, many ancient Babylonian documents report Nebuchadnezzar’s accomplishments. In 626 BC, Babylon, like Judah, was under the domination of Assyria, but in that year Nabopolassar began a revolt that would change the world. In 612 BC, the Babylonians captured Nineveh, Assyria’s capital, and again defeated the Ass...","summary_en":"Nebuchadnezzar II King Nebuchadnezzar II reigned over Babylon from 605 to 562 BC. He secured and extended the empire of his father, Nabopolassar (626–605 BC). Beyond the scriptural record, many ancient Babylonian documents report Nebuchadnezzar’s accomplishments. In 626 BC, Babylon, like Judah, was under the domination of Assyria, but in that year Nabopolassar began a revolt that would change the world. In 612 BC, the Babylonians captured Nineveh, Assyria’s capital, and again defeated the Ass...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":69614,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Nebuchadnezzar II","title_en":"Nebuchadnezzar II","content_ro":"<h3>Nebuchadnezzar II<\/h3>\n<p>King Nebuchadnezzar II reigned over Babylon from 605 to 562 <span>BC<\/span>. He secured and extended the empire of his father, Nabopolassar (626–605 <span>BC<\/span>). Beyond the scriptural record, many ancient Babylonian documents report Nebuchadnezzar’s accomplishments.<\/p>\n<p>In 626 <span>BC<\/span>, Babylon, like Judah, was under the domination of Assyria, but in that year Nabopolassar began a revolt that would change the world. In 612 <span>BC<\/span>, the Babylonians captured Nineveh, Assyria’s capital, and again defeated the Assyrians at Haran in 609 <span>BC<\/span>. By the time of this battle, Nabopolassar’s son Nebuchadnezzar played a leading role in the army. In 605 <span>BC<\/span>, Nebuchadnezzar defeated the remnant of the Assyrian army at Carchemish; this victory also pushed the Egyptians back within their borders. In the same year, Nabopolassar died and his son became king.<\/p>\n<p>Following his victory at Carchemish in 605 <span>BC<\/span>, Nebuchadnezzar conquered Syria and surrounding areas, including Judah. In that year, Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem for the first time (2 Kgs 24:1; 1:1-2). He took away a number of the Temple vessels and some of the leading young citizens of Judah, including Daniel and his three friends. Nebuchadnezzar captured Jerusalem again in 597 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 24:10-17). He later besieged Jerusalem in 588 <span>BC<\/span> and destroyed the city and Temple in 586 <span>BC<\/span>, exiling most of the remaining people (2 Kgs 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>A detailed and interesting personal description of Nebuchadnezzar is found in Daniel. He brought Daniel and his friends to Babylon in order to educate them in the ways of Babylonia, but God used Daniel to teach Nebuchadnezzar about himself. After being humbled for his great pride (Dan 4:28-33), Nebuchadnezzar acknowledged the Lord’s sovereignty and power (4:34-37), though he probably never worshiped the true God exclusively.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 24:1–25:30; 2 Chr 36:6-21; Jer 21:1-10; 22:24-27; 24:1; 25:1-14; 27:4-8; 28:14; 29:1-23; 32:1-5, 26-31; 34:1-3; 37:1; 39:1-14; 43:10-13; 46:2, 13-26; 49:28-33; 50:17; 51:34; 52:4-16, 28-30; Ezek 26:7; 29:18-20; 30:10-11; Dan 1:1–4:37<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Nebuchadnezzar II<\/h3>\n<p>King Nebuchadnezzar II reigned over Babylon from 605 to 562 <span>BC<\/span>. He secured and extended the empire of his father, Nabopolassar (626–605 <span>BC<\/span>). Beyond the scriptural record, many ancient Babylonian documents report Nebuchadnezzar’s accomplishments.<\/p>\n<p>In 626 <span>BC<\/span>, Babylon, like Judah, was under the domination of Assyria, but in that year Nabopolassar began a revolt that would change the world. In 612 <span>BC<\/span>, the Babylonians captured Nineveh, Assyria’s capital, and again defeated the Assyrians at Haran in 609 <span>BC<\/span>. By the time of this battle, Nabopolassar’s son Nebuchadnezzar played a leading role in the army. In 605 <span>BC<\/span>, Nebuchadnezzar defeated the remnant of the Assyrian army at Carchemish; this victory also pushed the Egyptians back within their borders. In the same year, Nabopolassar died and his son became king.<\/p>\n<p>Following his victory at Carchemish in 605 <span>BC<\/span>, Nebuchadnezzar conquered Syria and surrounding areas, including Judah. In that year, Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem for the first time (2 Kgs 24:1; 1:1-2). He took away a number of the Temple vessels and some of the leading young citizens of Judah, including Daniel and his three friends. Nebuchadnezzar captured Jerusalem again in 597 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 24:10-17). He later besieged Jerusalem in 588 <span>BC<\/span> and destroyed the city and Temple in 586 <span>BC<\/span>, exiling most of the remaining people (2 Kgs 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>A detailed and interesting personal description of Nebuchadnezzar is found in Daniel. He brought Daniel and his friends to Babylon in order to educate them in the ways of Babylonia, but God used Daniel to teach Nebuchadnezzar about himself. After being humbled for his great pride (Dan 4:28-33), Nebuchadnezzar acknowledged the Lord’s sovereignty and power (4:34-37), though he probably never worshiped the true God exclusively.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 24:1–25:30; 2 Chr 36:6-21; Jer 21:1-10; 22:24-27; 24:1; 25:1-14; 27:4-8; 28:14; 29:1-23; 32:1-5, 26-31; 34:1-3; 37:1; 39:1-14; 43:10-13; 46:2, 13-26; 49:28-33; 50:17; 51:34; 52:4-16, 28-30; Ezek 26:7; 29:18-20; 30:10-11; Dan 1:1–4:37<\/p>","summary_ro":"Nebuchadnezzar II King Nebuchadnezzar II reigned over Babylon from 605 to 562 BC. He secured and extended the empire of his father, Nabopolassar (626–605 BC). Beyond the scriptural record, many ancient Babylonian documents report Nebuchadnezzar’s accomplishments. In 626 BC, Babylon, like Judah, was under the domination of Assyria, but in that year Nabopolassar began a revolt that would change the world. In 612 BC, the Babylonians captured Nineveh, Assyria’s capital, and again defeated the Ass...","summary_en":"Nebuchadnezzar II King Nebuchadnezzar II reigned over Babylon from 605 to 562 BC. He secured and extended the empire of his father, Nabopolassar (626–605 BC). Beyond the scriptural record, many ancient Babylonian documents report Nebuchadnezzar’s accomplishments. In 626 BC, Babylon, like Judah, was under the domination of Assyria, but in that year Nabopolassar began a revolt that would change the world. In 612 BC, the Babylonians captured Nineveh, Assyria’s capital, and again defeated the Ass...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":97240,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Nebuchadnezzar II","title_en":"Nebuchadnezzar II","content_ro":"<h3>Nebuchadnezzar II<\/h3>\n<p>King Nebuchadnezzar II reigned over Babylon from 605 to 562 <span>BC<\/span>. He secured and extended the empire of his father, Nabopolassar (626–605 <span>BC<\/span>). Beyond the scriptural record, many ancient Babylonian documents report Nebuchadnezzar’s accomplishments.<\/p>\n<p>In 626 <span>BC<\/span>, Babylon, like Judah, was under the domination of Assyria, but in that year Nabopolassar began a revolt that would change the world. In 612 <span>BC<\/span>, the Babylonians captured Nineveh, Assyria’s capital, and again defeated the Assyrians at Haran in 609 <span>BC<\/span>. By the time of this battle, Nabopolassar’s son Nebuchadnezzar played a leading role in the army. In 605 <span>BC<\/span>, Nebuchadnezzar defeated the remnant of the Assyrian army at Carchemish; this victory also pushed the Egyptians back within their borders. In the same year, Nabopolassar died and his son became king.<\/p>\n<p>Following his victory at Carchemish in 605 <span>BC<\/span>, Nebuchadnezzar conquered Syria and surrounding areas, including Judah. In that year, Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem for the first time (2 Kgs 24:1; 1:1-2). He took away a number of the Temple vessels and some of the leading young citizens of Judah, including Daniel and his three friends. Nebuchadnezzar captured Jerusalem again in 597 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 24:10-17). He later besieged Jerusalem in 588 <span>BC<\/span> and destroyed the city and Temple in 586 <span>BC<\/span>, exiling most of the remaining people (2 Kgs 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>A detailed and interesting personal description of Nebuchadnezzar is found in Daniel. He brought Daniel and his friends to Babylon in order to educate them in the ways of Babylonia, but God used Daniel to teach Nebuchadnezzar about himself. After being humbled for his great pride (Dan 4:28-33), Nebuchadnezzar acknowledged the Lord’s sovereignty and power (4:34-37), though he probably never worshiped the true God exclusively.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 24:1–25:30; 2 Chr 36:6-21; Jer 21:1-10; 22:24-27; 24:1; 25:1-14; 27:4-8; 28:14; 29:1-23; 32:1-5, 26-31; 34:1-3; 37:1; 39:1-14; 43:10-13; 46:2, 13-26; 49:28-33; 50:17; 51:34; 52:4-16, 28-30; Ezek 26:7; 29:18-20; 30:10-11; Dan 1:1–4:37<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Nebuchadnezzar II<\/h3>\n<p>King Nebuchadnezzar II reigned over Babylon from 605 to 562 <span>BC<\/span>. He secured and extended the empire of his father, Nabopolassar (626–605 <span>BC<\/span>). Beyond the scriptural record, many ancient Babylonian documents report Nebuchadnezzar’s accomplishments.<\/p>\n<p>In 626 <span>BC<\/span>, Babylon, like Judah, was under the domination of Assyria, but in that year Nabopolassar began a revolt that would change the world. In 612 <span>BC<\/span>, the Babylonians captured Nineveh, Assyria’s capital, and again defeated the Assyrians at Haran in 609 <span>BC<\/span>. By the time of this battle, Nabopolassar’s son Nebuchadnezzar played a leading role in the army. In 605 <span>BC<\/span>, Nebuchadnezzar defeated the remnant of the Assyrian army at Carchemish; this victory also pushed the Egyptians back within their borders. In the same year, Nabopolassar died and his son became king.<\/p>\n<p>Following his victory at Carchemish in 605 <span>BC<\/span>, Nebuchadnezzar conquered Syria and surrounding areas, including Judah. In that year, Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem for the first time (2 Kgs 24:1; 1:1-2). He took away a number of the Temple vessels and some of the leading young citizens of Judah, including Daniel and his three friends. Nebuchadnezzar captured Jerusalem again in 597 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 24:10-17). He later besieged Jerusalem in 588 <span>BC<\/span> and destroyed the city and Temple in 586 <span>BC<\/span>, exiling most of the remaining people (2 Kgs 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>A detailed and interesting personal description of Nebuchadnezzar is found in Daniel. He brought Daniel and his friends to Babylon in order to educate them in the ways of Babylonia, but God used Daniel to teach Nebuchadnezzar about himself. After being humbled for his great pride (Dan 4:28-33), Nebuchadnezzar acknowledged the Lord’s sovereignty and power (4:34-37), though he probably never worshiped the true God exclusively.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 24:1–25:30; 2 Chr 36:6-21; Jer 21:1-10; 22:24-27; 24:1; 25:1-14; 27:4-8; 28:14; 29:1-23; 32:1-5, 26-31; 34:1-3; 37:1; 39:1-14; 43:10-13; 46:2, 13-26; 49:28-33; 50:17; 51:34; 52:4-16, 28-30; Ezek 26:7; 29:18-20; 30:10-11; Dan 1:1–4:37<\/p>","summary_ro":"Nebuchadnezzar II King Nebuchadnezzar II reigned over Babylon from 605 to 562 BC. He secured and extended the empire of his father, Nabopolassar (626–605 BC). Beyond the scriptural record, many ancient Babylonian documents report Nebuchadnezzar’s accomplishments. In 626 BC, Babylon, like Judah, was under the domination of Assyria, but in that year Nabopolassar began a revolt that would change the world. In 612 BC, the Babylonians captured Nineveh, Assyria’s capital, and again defeated the Ass...","summary_en":"Nebuchadnezzar II King Nebuchadnezzar II reigned over Babylon from 605 to 562 BC. He secured and extended the empire of his father, Nabopolassar (626–605 BC). Beyond the scriptural record, many ancient Babylonian documents report Nebuchadnezzar’s accomplishments. In 626 BC, Babylon, like Judah, was under the domination of Assyria, but in that year Nabopolassar began a revolt that would change the world. In 612 BC, the Babylonians captured Nineveh, Assyria’s capital, and again defeated the Ass...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":124866,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Nebuchadnezzar II","title_en":"Nebuchadnezzar II","content_ro":"<h3>Nebuchadnezzar II<\/h3>\n<p>King Nebuchadnezzar II reigned over Babylon from 605 to 562 <span>BC<\/span>. He secured and extended the empire of his father, Nabopolassar (626–605 <span>BC<\/span>). Beyond the scriptural record, many ancient Babylonian documents report Nebuchadnezzar’s accomplishments.<\/p>\n<p>In 626 <span>BC<\/span>, Babylon, like Judah, was under the domination of Assyria, but in that year Nabopolassar began a revolt that would change the world. In 612 <span>BC<\/span>, the Babylonians captured Nineveh, Assyria’s capital, and again defeated the Assyrians at Haran in 609 <span>BC<\/span>. By the time of this battle, Nabopolassar’s son Nebuchadnezzar played a leading role in the army. In 605 <span>BC<\/span>, Nebuchadnezzar defeated the remnant of the Assyrian army at Carchemish; this victory also pushed the Egyptians back within their borders. In the same year, Nabopolassar died and his son became king.<\/p>\n<p>Following his victory at Carchemish in 605 <span>BC<\/span>, Nebuchadnezzar conquered Syria and surrounding areas, including Judah. In that year, Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem for the first time (2 Kgs 24:1; 1:1-2). He took away a number of the Temple vessels and some of the leading young citizens of Judah, including Daniel and his three friends. Nebuchadnezzar captured Jerusalem again in 597 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 24:10-17). He later besieged Jerusalem in 588 <span>BC<\/span> and destroyed the city and Temple in 586 <span>BC<\/span>, exiling most of the remaining people (2 Kgs 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>A detailed and interesting personal description of Nebuchadnezzar is found in Daniel. He brought Daniel and his friends to Babylon in order to educate them in the ways of Babylonia, but God used Daniel to teach Nebuchadnezzar about himself. After being humbled for his great pride (Dan 4:28-33), Nebuchadnezzar acknowledged the Lord’s sovereignty and power (4:34-37), though he probably never worshiped the true God exclusively.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 24:1–25:30; 2 Chr 36:6-21; Jer 21:1-10; 22:24-27; 24:1; 25:1-14; 27:4-8; 28:14; 29:1-23; 32:1-5, 26-31; 34:1-3; 37:1; 39:1-14; 43:10-13; 46:2, 13-26; 49:28-33; 50:17; 51:34; 52:4-16, 28-30; Ezek 26:7; 29:18-20; 30:10-11; Dan 1:1–4:37<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Nebuchadnezzar II<\/h3>\n<p>King Nebuchadnezzar II reigned over Babylon from 605 to 562 <span>BC<\/span>. He secured and extended the empire of his father, Nabopolassar (626–605 <span>BC<\/span>). Beyond the scriptural record, many ancient Babylonian documents report Nebuchadnezzar’s accomplishments.<\/p>\n<p>In 626 <span>BC<\/span>, Babylon, like Judah, was under the domination of Assyria, but in that year Nabopolassar began a revolt that would change the world. In 612 <span>BC<\/span>, the Babylonians captured Nineveh, Assyria’s capital, and again defeated the Assyrians at Haran in 609 <span>BC<\/span>. By the time of this battle, Nabopolassar’s son Nebuchadnezzar played a leading role in the army. In 605 <span>BC<\/span>, Nebuchadnezzar defeated the remnant of the Assyrian army at Carchemish; this victory also pushed the Egyptians back within their borders. In the same year, Nabopolassar died and his son became king.<\/p>\n<p>Following his victory at Carchemish in 605 <span>BC<\/span>, Nebuchadnezzar conquered Syria and surrounding areas, including Judah. In that year, Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem for the first time (2 Kgs 24:1; 1:1-2). He took away a number of the Temple vessels and some of the leading young citizens of Judah, including Daniel and his three friends. Nebuchadnezzar captured Jerusalem again in 597 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 24:10-17). He later besieged Jerusalem in 588 <span>BC<\/span> and destroyed the city and Temple in 586 <span>BC<\/span>, exiling most of the remaining people (2 Kgs 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>A detailed and interesting personal description of Nebuchadnezzar is found in Daniel. He brought Daniel and his friends to Babylon in order to educate them in the ways of Babylonia, but God used Daniel to teach Nebuchadnezzar about himself. After being humbled for his great pride (Dan 4:28-33), Nebuchadnezzar acknowledged the Lord’s sovereignty and power (4:34-37), though he probably never worshiped the true God exclusively.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 24:1–25:30; 2 Chr 36:6-21; Jer 21:1-10; 22:24-27; 24:1; 25:1-14; 27:4-8; 28:14; 29:1-23; 32:1-5, 26-31; 34:1-3; 37:1; 39:1-14; 43:10-13; 46:2, 13-26; 49:28-33; 50:17; 51:34; 52:4-16, 28-30; Ezek 26:7; 29:18-20; 30:10-11; Dan 1:1–4:37<\/p>","summary_ro":"Nebuchadnezzar II King Nebuchadnezzar II reigned over Babylon from 605 to 562 BC. He secured and extended the empire of his father, Nabopolassar (626–605 BC). Beyond the scriptural record, many ancient Babylonian documents report Nebuchadnezzar’s accomplishments. In 626 BC, Babylon, like Judah, was under the domination of Assyria, but in that year Nabopolassar began a revolt that would change the world. In 612 BC, the Babylonians captured Nineveh, Assyria’s capital, and again defeated the Ass...","summary_en":"Nebuchadnezzar II King Nebuchadnezzar II reigned over Babylon from 605 to 562 BC. He secured and extended the empire of his father, Nabopolassar (626–605 BC). Beyond the scriptural record, many ancient Babylonian documents report Nebuchadnezzar’s accomplishments. In 626 BC, Babylon, like Judah, was under the domination of Assyria, but in that year Nabopolassar began a revolt that would change the world. In 612 BC, the Babylonians captured Nineveh, Assyria’s capital, and again defeated the Ass...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":9529,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"of the Jews*, Diaspora","title_en":"of the Jews*, Diaspora","content_ro":"<h3>DIASPORA OF THE JEWS*<\/h3>\n<p>Dispersion of Jewish people from Israel to foreign lands. <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">Diaspora<\/span><em>,<\/em> a Greek noun meaning a “sowing” or “scattering,” is regularly used in the Septuagint to mean “exile” (Jer 25:34; cf. Is 11:12; Ez 20:23; Zep 3:10). The word occurs twice in the NT (Jas 1:1; 1 Pt 1:1), referring to Christian Jews residing outside Palestine as a result of the several dispersions in Israel’s history. Diaspora sometimes refers to the exiled people, sometimes to the place of exile.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"MajorDiasporas\">Major Diasporas<\/p>\n<p>From the end of the eighth century <span>BC<\/span> onward, Jewish history was marked by several major dispersions.<\/p>\n<h5>Diaspora of the Northern Kingdom<\/h5>\n<p>After Solomon’s death, his kingdom broke in two. The northern kingdom of Israel sunk deeper into idolatry and immorality (2 Kgs 17:14-18). Jeroboam, the first king of the divided Israel, established a pattern of apostasy (“falling away” from faith). Epitaphs for succeeding kings regularly recorded that the deceased ruler “did not turn from the sins of Jeroboam” (10:31; 13:11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28, <span>rsv<\/span>). Assyria conquered the northern kingdom in 722 <span>BC<\/span> and took over 27,000 Israelites into exile, as had been predicted (17:23). They were settled in cities along the tributaries of the Euphrates River and in Media. Assyrians from cities around Babylon, in turn, colonized Israel (vv 6, 24).<\/p>\n<h5>Diaspora of the Southern Kingdom<\/h5>\n<p>The southern kingdom of Judah suffered exile to the east in Babylonia and to the south in Egypt. The Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar captured Judeans in several expeditions from 605 <span>BC<\/span> to the fall of Jerusalem in 586 <span>BC<\/span>. The first deportation to Babylon took Jerusalem’s treasures from the temple and palace, and “all the princes, and all the mighty men of valor, ten thousand captives, and all the craftsmen and the smiths; none remained, except the poorest people of the land” (2 Kgs 24:12-14, <span>rsv<\/span>; cf. 2 Chr 36:10; Jer 52:29-30).<\/p>\n<p>A year later a second expedition focused on the rebellious Jewish vassal king Zedekiah and his sons (2 Kgs 25:1, 6-7; Jer 52:4-11). In the 19th year of Nebuchadnezzar’s reign, Babylonia struck Judah a third time, destroyed the temple and the king’s palace, and broke down the city’s walls. All but the very poorest people were carried away captive (2 Kgs 25:8-21; Jer 52:12-16).<\/p>\n<p>Shishak, king of Egypt, deported exiles from Judah as early as the 10th century <span>BC<\/span>. Judah lost people and also temple gold at that time (1 Kgs 14:25-26; 2 Chr 12:9). About 400 years later, Johanan, a Judean, thought he could escape from Nebuchadnezzar by fleeing to Egypt. Johanan forced Jeremiah and a group of other Jews to go with him; they settled at Migdol, Tahpanhes, and Memphis. Nevertheless, the Babylonians pursued them, took control of Egypt, and executed many of the Jews there (Jer 43:5–44:30). Records of property ownership and artifacts of an altar suggest that the few surviving exiles established permanent colonies in Egypt (Is 19:18-19).<\/p>\n<h5>Other Diasporas<\/h5>\n<p>The Egyptian king Ptolemy I (323–285 <span>BC<\/span>) captured many Jews and carried them off to Egypt about 300 <span>BC<\/span>. Those exiles populated Alexandria, a city thereafter noted as a center of both Greek and Jewish scholarship. Elsewhere large colonies of Jews were exported from Babylonia to Phrygia and Lydia by Antiochus III (the Great) of Syria (223–187 <span>BC<\/span>). The Romans transplanted a sizable group of Jews to Rome. The Roman general Pompey took many there as slaves in the first century <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>How widely the Jews were scattered is suggested in the NT book of Acts, where Luke listed Jerusalem’s visitors: Parthians, Medes, Elamites, people from Mesopotamia, Judea, Cappadocia, Pontus, the province of Asia, Phrygia, Pamphylia, Egypt, and the areas of Libya toward Cyrene, visitors from Rome (both Jews and converts to Judaism), Cretans, and Arabians (Acts 2:9-11). Those Jews of “the Diaspora” were in Jerusalem to celebrate the Feast of Pentecost.<\/p>\n<p>Other Jewish communities were located in the Macedonian cities visited by the apostle Paul on his missionary journeys: Thessalonica, Berea, and Corinth (Acts 17:1, 10; 18:2-4). Around the middle of the first century <span>AD<\/span>, the Roman emperor Claudius commanded all Jews to leave Rome (18:2). Scholarly estimates of the Jewish population in Palestine at the time of Jesus’ birth range from about four to six million. The dispersion population numbered several times that of Palestine; communities with more than a million each flourished in Asia Minor, Mesopotamia, and Alexandria. Today, even with a national homeland, far more Jews still live outside Israel than inside.<\/p>\n<p>In spite of their scatterings, Jews of various diasporas retained a basic unity with Palestinian Jews through several practices. (1) The great national feasts—Passover, Harvest, and Tabernacles (Ex 23:12-17; Dt 16:1-17)—continued to be observed abroad. (2) The temple tax used for the temple’s upkeep (Ex 30:11-16) was collected in foreign Jewish communities even after the temple had been destroyed. (3) All Jews everywhere recognized the authority of the Sanhedrin (the Jewish religious council) over them.<\/p>\n<h5>Positive Aspects<\/h5>\n<p>In exile the Jews tended to abandon the idol worship that had in part alienated them from God. Their exile led them to establish synagogues as institutions for prayer and education. Alexandrian Jews translated the OT Scriptures into Greek, at that time the international language. The result, called the Septuagint, was the version often cited by NT writers.<\/p>\n<p>From the Christian point of view, the network of dispersed Jewish communities had a special significance. They provided strategic bases for the spread of Christianity, which quickly broke out of those communities and into the surrounding gentile world. Thus, God used the dispersions to bring the gospel to the Gentiles (Rom 1:11-15; 1 Cor 10:11-12).<\/p>\n<p>Finally, the arts, sciences, and humanities have been greatly enriched by the Jews scattered throughout Western culture. Few other peoples have endured so much ferocious ethnic bigotry as the Jews and yet rewarded that rejection with cultural gifts and graces of such excellence. Although the church of Jesus Christ has become a “new Israel” and a “chosen race” (1 Pt 2:9), the testimony of history and of Scripture indicates that God still has a unique interest in the Jews.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Israel, History of; Postexilic Period.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>DIASPORA OF THE JEWS*<\/h3>\n<p>Dispersion of Jewish people from Israel to foreign lands. <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">Diaspora<\/span><em>,<\/em> a Greek noun meaning a “sowing” or “scattering,” is regularly used in the Septuagint to mean “exile” (Jer 25:34; cf. Is 11:12; Ez 20:23; Zep 3:10). The word occurs twice in the NT (Jas 1:1; 1 Pt 1:1), referring to Christian Jews residing outside Palestine as a result of the several dispersions in Israel’s history. Diaspora sometimes refers to the exiled people, sometimes to the place of exile.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"MajorDiasporas\">Major Diasporas<\/p>\n<p>From the end of the eighth century <span>BC<\/span> onward, Jewish history was marked by several major dispersions.<\/p>\n<h5>Diaspora of the Northern Kingdom<\/h5>\n<p>After Solomon’s death, his kingdom broke in two. The northern kingdom of Israel sunk deeper into idolatry and immorality (2 Kgs 17:14-18). Jeroboam, the first king of the divided Israel, established a pattern of apostasy (“falling away” from faith). Epitaphs for succeeding kings regularly recorded that the deceased ruler “did not turn from the sins of Jeroboam” (10:31; 13:11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28, <span>rsv<\/span>). Assyria conquered the northern kingdom in 722 <span>BC<\/span> and took over 27,000 Israelites into exile, as had been predicted (17:23). They were settled in cities along the tributaries of the Euphrates River and in Media. Assyrians from cities around Babylon, in turn, colonized Israel (vv 6, 24).<\/p>\n<h5>Diaspora of the Southern Kingdom<\/h5>\n<p>The southern kingdom of Judah suffered exile to the east in Babylonia and to the south in Egypt. The Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar captured Judeans in several expeditions from 605 <span>BC<\/span> to the fall of Jerusalem in 586 <span>BC<\/span>. The first deportation to Babylon took Jerusalem’s treasures from the temple and palace, and “all the princes, and all the mighty men of valor, ten thousand captives, and all the craftsmen and the smiths; none remained, except the poorest people of the land” (2 Kgs 24:12-14, <span>rsv<\/span>; cf. 2 Chr 36:10; Jer 52:29-30).<\/p>\n<p>A year later a second expedition focused on the rebellious Jewish vassal king Zedekiah and his sons (2 Kgs 25:1, 6-7; Jer 52:4-11). In the 19th year of Nebuchadnezzar’s reign, Babylonia struck Judah a third time, destroyed the temple and the king’s palace, and broke down the city’s walls. All but the very poorest people were carried away captive (2 Kgs 25:8-21; Jer 52:12-16).<\/p>\n<p>Shishak, king of Egypt, deported exiles from Judah as early as the 10th century <span>BC<\/span>. Judah lost people and also temple gold at that time (1 Kgs 14:25-26; 2 Chr 12:9). About 400 years later, Johanan, a Judean, thought he could escape from Nebuchadnezzar by fleeing to Egypt. Johanan forced Jeremiah and a group of other Jews to go with him; they settled at Migdol, Tahpanhes, and Memphis. Nevertheless, the Babylonians pursued them, took control of Egypt, and executed many of the Jews there (Jer 43:5–44:30). Records of property ownership and artifacts of an altar suggest that the few surviving exiles established permanent colonies in Egypt (Is 19:18-19).<\/p>\n<h5>Other Diasporas<\/h5>\n<p>The Egyptian king Ptolemy I (323–285 <span>BC<\/span>) captured many Jews and carried them off to Egypt about 300 <span>BC<\/span>. Those exiles populated Alexandria, a city thereafter noted as a center of both Greek and Jewish scholarship. Elsewhere large colonies of Jews were exported from Babylonia to Phrygia and Lydia by Antiochus III (the Great) of Syria (223–187 <span>BC<\/span>). The Romans transplanted a sizable group of Jews to Rome. The Roman general Pompey took many there as slaves in the first century <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>How widely the Jews were scattered is suggested in the NT book of Acts, where Luke listed Jerusalem’s visitors: Parthians, Medes, Elamites, people from Mesopotamia, Judea, Cappadocia, Pontus, the province of Asia, Phrygia, Pamphylia, Egypt, and the areas of Libya toward Cyrene, visitors from Rome (both Jews and converts to Judaism), Cretans, and Arabians (Acts 2:9-11). Those Jews of “the Diaspora” were in Jerusalem to celebrate the Feast of Pentecost.<\/p>\n<p>Other Jewish communities were located in the Macedonian cities visited by the apostle Paul on his missionary journeys: Thessalonica, Berea, and Corinth (Acts 17:1, 10; 18:2-4). Around the middle of the first century <span>AD<\/span>, the Roman emperor Claudius commanded all Jews to leave Rome (18:2). Scholarly estimates of the Jewish population in Palestine at the time of Jesus’ birth range from about four to six million. The dispersion population numbered several times that of Palestine; communities with more than a million each flourished in Asia Minor, Mesopotamia, and Alexandria. Today, even with a national homeland, far more Jews still live outside Israel than inside.<\/p>\n<p>In spite of their scatterings, Jews of various diasporas retained a basic unity with Palestinian Jews through several practices. (1) The great national feasts—Passover, Harvest, and Tabernacles (Ex 23:12-17; Dt 16:1-17)—continued to be observed abroad. (2) The temple tax used for the temple’s upkeep (Ex 30:11-16) was collected in foreign Jewish communities even after the temple had been destroyed. (3) All Jews everywhere recognized the authority of the Sanhedrin (the Jewish religious council) over them.<\/p>\n<h5>Positive Aspects<\/h5>\n<p>In exile the Jews tended to abandon the idol worship that had in part alienated them from God. Their exile led them to establish synagogues as institutions for prayer and education. Alexandrian Jews translated the OT Scriptures into Greek, at that time the international language. The result, called the Septuagint, was the version often cited by NT writers.<\/p>\n<p>From the Christian point of view, the network of dispersed Jewish communities had a special significance. They provided strategic bases for the spread of Christianity, which quickly broke out of those communities and into the surrounding gentile world. Thus, God used the dispersions to bring the gospel to the Gentiles (Rom 1:11-15; 1 Cor 10:11-12).<\/p>\n<p>Finally, the arts, sciences, and humanities have been greatly enriched by the Jews scattered throughout Western culture. Few other peoples have endured so much ferocious ethnic bigotry as the Jews and yet rewarded that rejection with cultural gifts and graces of such excellence. Although the church of Jesus Christ has become a “new Israel” and a “chosen race” (1 Pt 2:9), the testimony of history and of Scripture indicates that God still has a unique interest in the Jews.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Israel, History of; Postexilic Period.<\/p>","summary_ro":"DIASPORA OF THE JEWS* Dispersion of Jewish people from Israel to foreign lands. Diaspora, a Greek noun meaning a “sowing” or “scattering,” is regularly used in the Septuagint to mean “exile” (Jer 25:34; cf. Is 11:12; Ez 20:23; Zep 3:10). The word occurs twice in the NT (Jas 1:1; 1 Pt 1:1), referring to Christian Jews residing outside Palestine as a result of the several dispersions in Israel’s history. Diaspora sometimes refers to the exiled people, sometimes to the place of exile. Major Dias...","summary_en":"DIASPORA OF THE JEWS* Dispersion of Jewish people from Israel to foreign lands. Diaspora, a Greek noun meaning a “sowing” or “scattering,” is regularly used in the Septuagint to mean “exile” (Jer 25:34; cf. Is 11:12; Ez 20:23; Zep 3:10). The word occurs twice in the NT (Jas 1:1; 1 Pt 1:1), referring to Christian Jews residing outside Palestine as a result of the several dispersions in Israel’s history. Diaspora sometimes refers to the exiled people, sometimes to the place of exile. Major Dias...","source":"Articles\/D.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"6":[{"id":39657,"type":"chart","type_label":"Diagramă","type_icon":"📊","type_color":"#3b82f6","title_ro":"Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles","title_en":"Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles","content_ro":"<h3>Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles<\/h3>\n<p>This chart follows the order of passages as they occur in Jeremiah.<\/p>\n<table>\n <tr>\n <td><p><em>Order<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>Jeremiah<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>2 Kings<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>2 Chronicles<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>Content<\/em><\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>1<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>37:1-2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:10-12<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah made king<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>39:1-8<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:1-10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah rebels; siege begins<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>7<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>39:10 and 40:5b<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:12 and 25:22b<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah made governor<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>8<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>40:7-9<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:23-24<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah urges fidelity to Babylon<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>9<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>41:1-3<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:25<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah assassinated<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>43:5-7<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:26<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Jews flee to Egypt<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>1<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:1-2 (cf. 37:1-2)<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:10-12<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah made king<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:3-5 (cf. 39:1-3)<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:20 and 25:1-2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:13-16<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah rebels; siege begins<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>3<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:6-14<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:3-10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah captured; Jerusalem destroyed<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>6<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:15<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:11<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:20<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>People deported<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>5<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:17-23<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:13-17<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:18<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Booty taken<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>4<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:24-27<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:18-21<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Nobles slain<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>11<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:31-34<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:27-30<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Later events<\/p><\/td><\/tr><\/table>","content_en":"<h3>Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles<\/h3>\n<p>This chart follows the order of passages as they occur in Jeremiah.<\/p>\n<table>\n <tr>\n <td><p><em>Order<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>Jeremiah<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>2 Kings<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>2 Chronicles<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>Content<\/em><\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>1<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>37:1-2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:10-12<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah made king<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>39:1-8<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:1-10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah rebels; siege begins<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>7<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>39:10 and 40:5b<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:12 and 25:22b<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah made governor<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>8<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>40:7-9<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:23-24<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah urges fidelity to Babylon<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>9<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>41:1-3<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:25<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah assassinated<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>43:5-7<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:26<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Jews flee to Egypt<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>1<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:1-2 (cf. 37:1-2)<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:10-12<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah made king<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:3-5 (cf. 39:1-3)<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:20 and 25:1-2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:13-16<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah rebels; siege begins<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>3<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:6-14<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:3-10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah captured; Jerusalem destroyed<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>6<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:15<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:11<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:20<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>People deported<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>5<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:17-23<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:13-17<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:18<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Booty taken<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>4<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:24-27<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:18-21<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Nobles slain<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>11<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:31-34<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:27-30<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Later events<\/p><\/td><\/tr><\/table>","summary_ro":"Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles This chart follows the order of passages as they occur in Jeremiah. Order Jeremiah 2 Kings 2 Chronicles Content 1 37:1-2 24:17-19 36:10-12 Zedekiah made king 2 39:1-8 25:1-10 36:17-19 Zedekiah rebels; siege begins 7 39:10 and 40:5b 25:12 and 25:22b Gedaliah made governor 8 40:7-9 25:23-24 Gedaliah urges fidelity to Babylon 9 41:1-3 25:25 Gedaliah assassinated 10 43:5-7 25:26 Jews flee to Egypt 1 52:1-2 (cf. 37:1-2) 24:17-19 36:10-12 Zedekiah ...","summary_en":"Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles This chart follows the order of passages as they occur in Jeremiah. Order Jeremiah 2 Kings 2 Chronicles Content 1 37:1-2 24:17-19 36:10-12 Zedekiah made king 2 39:1-8 25:1-10 36:17-19 Zedekiah rebels; siege begins 7 39:10 and 40:5b 25:12 and 25:22b Gedaliah made governor 8 40:7-9 25:23-24 Gedaliah urges fidelity to Babylon 9 41:1-3 25:25 Gedaliah assassinated 10 43:5-7 25:26 Jews flee to Egypt 1 52:1-2 (cf. 37:1-2) 24:17-19 36:10-12 Zedekiah ...","source":"Charts\/Charts.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"7":[{"id":22107,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"King’s Garden","title_en":"King’s Garden","content_ro":"<h3>KING’S GARDEN<\/h3>\n<p>Probably an area of the royal estates, situated outside the walls of Jerusalem near the pool of Siloam (2 Kgs 25:4; Jer 39:4; 52:7) in the Kidron Valley, near where the Kidron meets the valley of Hinnom. Upon the return from the exile, Nehemiah set the families to work, each building a part of the wall. Fountain Gate is recorded as being near the pool of Siloam by the king’s garden (Neh 3:15). It is not certain whether the site now called the king’s garden outside the walls of modern Jerusalem is the original site.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>KING’S GARDEN<\/h3>\n<p>Probably an area of the royal estates, situated outside the walls of Jerusalem near the pool of Siloam (2 Kgs 25:4; Jer 39:4; 52:7) in the Kidron Valley, near where the Kidron meets the valley of Hinnom. Upon the return from the exile, Nehemiah set the families to work, each building a part of the wall. Fountain Gate is recorded as being near the pool of Siloam by the king’s garden (Neh 3:15). It is not certain whether the site now called the king’s garden outside the walls of modern Jerusalem is the original site.<\/p>","summary_ro":"KING’S GARDEN Probably an area of the royal estates, situated outside the walls of Jerusalem near the pool of Siloam (2 Kgs 25:4; Jer 39:4; 52:7) in the Kidron Valley, near where the Kidron meets the valley of Hinnom. Upon the return from the exile, Nehemiah set the families to work, each building a part of the wall. Fountain Gate is recorded as being near the pool of Siloam by the king’s garden (Neh 3:15). It is not certain whether the site now called the king’s garden outside the walls of m...","summary_en":"KING’S GARDEN Probably an area of the royal estates, situated outside the walls of Jerusalem near the pool of Siloam (2 Kgs 25:4; Jer 39:4; 52:7) in the Kidron Valley, near where the Kidron meets the valley of Hinnom. Upon the return from the exile, Nehemiah set the families to work, each building a part of the wall. Fountain Gate is recorded as being near the pool of Siloam by the king’s garden (Neh 3:15). It is not certain whether the site now called the king’s garden outside the walls of m...","source":"Articles\/K.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"8":[{"id":19137,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Jericho","title_en":"Jericho","content_ro":"<h3>JERICHO<\/h3>\n<p>Ancient city on the west side of the Jordan River. The name Jericho may be connected to the ancient name of the Canaanite moon god. The Hebrew words for moon, month, new moon, and Jericho are very similar. Others associate it with the word for spirit or smell, assuming that the pleasant fragrances of the fruits and spices that grew in this oasis occasioned the name of the place. The OT occasionally calls it “the city of palm trees” (e.g., Dt 34:3; 2 Chr 28:15).<\/p>\n<p>Jericho was located on the west side of the Jordan River about five miles (8 kilometers) from the southernmost fords and about ten miles (16 kilometers) northwest of the Dead Sea. Being in the broad part of the plain of the Jordan, it lies nearly 1,000 feet (305 meters) below sea level and about 3,500 feet (1,067 meters) below Jerusalem, which was a mere 17 miles (27 kilometers) away. This simple topographical fact explains the incidental words in Jesus’ parable of the good Samaritan, “down from Jerusalem to Jericho” (Lk 10:30).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"History\">History<\/p>\n<h5>Prebiblical Record<\/h5>\n<p>Jericho was a large and thriving city for centuries, even millennia, before the Bible first mentions it in connection with the exodus from Egypt. In fact, Jericho is one of the oldest cities in the world, with remains dating to and before the Neolithic Age 10,000 years ago.<\/p>\n<p>For three reasons primitive people would have chosen this site, first as a settlement and eventually as a key city: (1) It has a copious spring, now called Elisha’s Fountain (cf. 2 Kgs 2:18-22). (2) It has a warm climate in the winter, although “hot” describes it in the summer. (3) It is strategically located at a Jordan ford and at the base of several routes leading westward to the foothills.<\/p>\n<p>The comings and goings of various populations can be reconstructed only sketchily from noninscriptional archaeological data. The civilizations grew more complex over the years, going from a simple food-gathering economy at first to the relatively complex urban society, complete with king, soldiers, and guest houses, that Joshua encountered. The first certain identification of its inhabitants occurs in Numbers 13:29: “The Hittites, the Jebusites, and the Amorites dwell in the hill country; and the Canaanites dwell by the sea, and along the Jordan” (<span>rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\n\n<h5>In the Old Testament<\/h5>\n<p>The Jericho of the OT is best known as the first city taken by the invading Israelites through the miracle of the falling walls. Having spent some time on the east bank of the Jordan in the plains of Moab (Nm 22:1; 26:3, 63), the Israelites targeted it as the first military objective in the Conquest. Joshua sent spies to reconnoiter the land and the city. Rahab the harlot took them in and later engineered their escape. For her cooperation, she and her family were spared when Israel destroyed the city (Jos 2, 6). The fall of the city itself occurred after the Israelites had marched around it in silence, except for the continual blowing of trumpets, once a day for six days and then seven times on the seventh day. Then, as the priests blew the trumpets, the people shouted and the walls collapsed.<\/p>\n<p>Joshua laid a curse on anyone who might rebuild Jericho (Jos 6:26). The curse was fulfilled about 500 years later when Hiel rebuilt the city at the cost of two of his sons (1 Kgs 16:34).<\/p>\n<p>Jericho was in the territory of Benjamin but right on the border with the territory of Ephraim to the north (Jos 16:1, 7; 18:12, 21) and appears in scattered incidents throughout the rest of the OT. In 2 Samuel 10:5 (see also 1 Chr 19:5) David had his humiliated ambassadors wait there until their beards grew back. It served as a kind of headquarters for Elisha and apparently was where a “company of the prophets” lived (2 Kgs 2:5; cf. 1 Sm 10:5). During the time of Ahaz, a return of prisoners took place there (2 Chr 28:15). When Jerusalem fell in 586 <span>BC<\/span>, the reigning king, Zedekiah, fled to near Jericho but was caught by the Babylonians, who later put out his eyes at Riblah in Syria (2 Kgs 25:5; Jer 39:5; 52:8). The last OT references to Jericho are in the census lists of Ezra (Ezr 2:34) and Nehemiah (Neh 7:36). Men from Jericho also helped rebuild the Jerusalem wall (3:2).<\/p>\n<h5>In the New Testament<\/h5>\n<p>First, it must be understood that the Jericho of NT times was built by Herod more than a mile to the south of the OT site, at the mouth of the Wadi Qilt. It is possible to sort out the healing of the blind men episodes in the synoptic Gospels by understanding that Jesus was passing from the site of ancient Jericho (Mt 20:29; Mk 10:46) and approaching Herodian Jericho (Lk 18:35). The modern city of Jericho includes both these sites. As Jesus passed through Jericho (19:1) he met and ate with Zacchaeus, the wealthy chief tax collector of the new Roman Jericho. The city also figures in the parable of the Good Samaritan (10:30-37).<\/p>\n<h5>Postbiblical Record<\/h5>\n<p>While ancient Jericho was of small consequence after its destruction under Joshua, the Jericho of Herod was a city of beauty and importance. But even this city fell into decay with the decline of Roman influence in the Middle East. Most of what we know of the city until modern times comes from the writings of pilgrims to the Holy Land. They usually report seeing certain things of biblical significance, such as the tree that Zacchaeus climbed, but they also report that Jericho was a squalid, wretched Muslim village. And such it has been until relatively recent times, when it grew in size and importance as a major West Bank city.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JERICHO<\/h3>\n<p>Ancient city on the west side of the Jordan River. The name Jericho may be connected to the ancient name of the Canaanite moon god. The Hebrew words for moon, month, new moon, and Jericho are very similar. Others associate it with the word for spirit or smell, assuming that the pleasant fragrances of the fruits and spices that grew in this oasis occasioned the name of the place. The OT occasionally calls it “the city of palm trees” (e.g., Dt 34:3; 2 Chr 28:15).<\/p>\n<p>Jericho was located on the west side of the Jordan River about five miles (8 kilometers) from the southernmost fords and about ten miles (16 kilometers) northwest of the Dead Sea. Being in the broad part of the plain of the Jordan, it lies nearly 1,000 feet (305 meters) below sea level and about 3,500 feet (1,067 meters) below Jerusalem, which was a mere 17 miles (27 kilometers) away. This simple topographical fact explains the incidental words in Jesus’ parable of the good Samaritan, “down from Jerusalem to Jericho” (Lk 10:30).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"History\">History<\/p>\n<h5>Prebiblical Record<\/h5>\n<p>Jericho was a large and thriving city for centuries, even millennia, before the Bible first mentions it in connection with the exodus from Egypt. In fact, Jericho is one of the oldest cities in the world, with remains dating to and before the Neolithic Age 10,000 years ago.<\/p>\n<p>For three reasons primitive people would have chosen this site, first as a settlement and eventually as a key city: (1) It has a copious spring, now called Elisha’s Fountain (cf. 2 Kgs 2:18-22). (2) It has a warm climate in the winter, although “hot” describes it in the summer. (3) It is strategically located at a Jordan ford and at the base of several routes leading westward to the foothills.<\/p>\n<p>The comings and goings of various populations can be reconstructed only sketchily from noninscriptional archaeological data. The civilizations grew more complex over the years, going from a simple food-gathering economy at first to the relatively complex urban society, complete with king, soldiers, and guest houses, that Joshua encountered. The first certain identification of its inhabitants occurs in Numbers 13:29: “The Hittites, the Jebusites, and the Amorites dwell in the hill country; and the Canaanites dwell by the sea, and along the Jordan” (<span>rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\n\n<h5>In the Old Testament<\/h5>\n<p>The Jericho of the OT is best known as the first city taken by the invading Israelites through the miracle of the falling walls. Having spent some time on the east bank of the Jordan in the plains of Moab (Nm 22:1; 26:3, 63), the Israelites targeted it as the first military objective in the Conquest. Joshua sent spies to reconnoiter the land and the city. Rahab the harlot took them in and later engineered their escape. For her cooperation, she and her family were spared when Israel destroyed the city (Jos 2, 6). The fall of the city itself occurred after the Israelites had marched around it in silence, except for the continual blowing of trumpets, once a day for six days and then seven times on the seventh day. Then, as the priests blew the trumpets, the people shouted and the walls collapsed.<\/p>\n<p>Joshua laid a curse on anyone who might rebuild Jericho (Jos 6:26). The curse was fulfilled about 500 years later when Hiel rebuilt the city at the cost of two of his sons (1 Kgs 16:34).<\/p>\n<p>Jericho was in the territory of Benjamin but right on the border with the territory of Ephraim to the north (Jos 16:1, 7; 18:12, 21) and appears in scattered incidents throughout the rest of the OT. In 2 Samuel 10:5 (see also 1 Chr 19:5) David had his humiliated ambassadors wait there until their beards grew back. It served as a kind of headquarters for Elisha and apparently was where a “company of the prophets” lived (2 Kgs 2:5; cf. 1 Sm 10:5). During the time of Ahaz, a return of prisoners took place there (2 Chr 28:15). When Jerusalem fell in 586 <span>BC<\/span>, the reigning king, Zedekiah, fled to near Jericho but was caught by the Babylonians, who later put out his eyes at Riblah in Syria (2 Kgs 25:5; Jer 39:5; 52:8). The last OT references to Jericho are in the census lists of Ezra (Ezr 2:34) and Nehemiah (Neh 7:36). Men from Jericho also helped rebuild the Jerusalem wall (3:2).<\/p>\n<h5>In the New Testament<\/h5>\n<p>First, it must be understood that the Jericho of NT times was built by Herod more than a mile to the south of the OT site, at the mouth of the Wadi Qilt. It is possible to sort out the healing of the blind men episodes in the synoptic Gospels by understanding that Jesus was passing from the site of ancient Jericho (Mt 20:29; Mk 10:46) and approaching Herodian Jericho (Lk 18:35). The modern city of Jericho includes both these sites. As Jesus passed through Jericho (19:1) he met and ate with Zacchaeus, the wealthy chief tax collector of the new Roman Jericho. The city also figures in the parable of the Good Samaritan (10:30-37).<\/p>\n<h5>Postbiblical Record<\/h5>\n<p>While ancient Jericho was of small consequence after its destruction under Joshua, the Jericho of Herod was a city of beauty and importance. But even this city fell into decay with the decline of Roman influence in the Middle East. Most of what we know of the city until modern times comes from the writings of pilgrims to the Holy Land. They usually report seeing certain things of biblical significance, such as the tree that Zacchaeus climbed, but they also report that Jericho was a squalid, wretched Muslim village. And such it has been until relatively recent times, when it grew in size and importance as a major West Bank city.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JERICHO Ancient city on the west side of the Jordan River. The name Jericho may be connected to the ancient name of the Canaanite moon god. The Hebrew words for moon, month, new moon, and Jericho are very similar. Others associate it with the word for spirit or smell, assuming that the pleasant fragrances of the fruits and spices that grew in this oasis occasioned the name of the place. The OT occasionally calls it “the city of palm trees” (e.g., Dt 34:3; 2 Chr 28:15). Jericho was located on ...","summary_en":"JERICHO Ancient city on the west side of the Jordan River. The name Jericho may be connected to the ancient name of the Canaanite moon god. The Hebrew words for moon, month, new moon, and Jericho are very similar. Others associate it with the word for spirit or smell, assuming that the pleasant fragrances of the fruits and spices that grew in this oasis occasioned the name of the place. The OT occasionally calls it “the city of palm trees” (e.g., Dt 34:3; 2 Chr 28:15). Jericho was located on ...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":39141,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Zedekiah","title_en":"Zedekiah","content_ro":"<h3>ZEDEKIAH<\/h3>\n<li>1. Judah’s last king and a key political figure in the fateful final decade of the southern kingdom. His reign (597–586 <span>BC<\/span>) spanned Nebuchadnezzar’s two attacks on Jerusalem, in 597 and 586. The first attack was in reprisal for the rebellion of Josiah’s son, Jehoiakim (609–598 <span>BC<\/span>), against Nebuchadnezzar; however, by the time his forces captured Jerusalem, Jehoiakim was dead and had been succeeded by his 18-year-old son Jehoiachin. Nebuchadnezzar deposed the young king and deported him to Babylon, along with the elite of the nation: government officials, army officers, and craftsmen. As Jehoiachin’s replacement, Nebuchadnezzar appointed his uncle Mattaniah, a younger brother of Jehoiakim and of the earlier, short-lived King Jehoahaz (609 <span>BC<\/span>). Mattaniah was thus the third son of Josiah to occupy the throne of Judah. The Babylonian king named him Zedekiah, which means “the Lord is my righteousness.”<\/li>\n<p>Zedekiah found himself in a difficult position as Judah’s king. Many evidently still regarded Jehoiachin as the real king (cf. Jer 28:1-4). Certainly the Judeans deported to Babylonia dated events by reference to Jehoiachin (2 Kgs 25:27; Ez 1:2). Though the Babylonians exacted from Zedekiah an oath of loyalty (2 Chr 36:13; Ez 17:13-18), evidence suggests that they too viewed Zedekiah’s predecessor as the legitimate king and Zedekiah as regent. They may have been holding him in reserve for possible restoration to power, should events require it.<\/p>\n<p>Judah was filled with a false optimism that could hardly have helped the new king. It was confidently expected that the deportation of the leading citizens would be only temporary; prophets were guaranteeing that Babylon’s power would be broken within two years (Jer 28:2-4). They were opposed by a few prophets led by Jeremiah, whose message found little support.<\/p>\n<p>Pressure both from within the nation and from without was put on Zedekiah to change his political allegiance. In the fourth year of his reign (593 <span>BC<\/span>), the neighboring states of Ammon, Moab, Tyre, and Sidon formed a coalition to fight for independence from Babylon. Envoys were sent to Zedekiah (Jer 27:1-3). However, Jeremiah advised the king not to get involved. In the same year, according to Jeremiah 51:59, Zedekiah visited Babylon. He may have been summoned to affirm his loyalty and to explain his role in the political situation. The planned rebellion did not occur, perhaps because aid from Egypt failed to materialize.<\/p>\n<p>Within the Judean court a strong pro-Egyptian party existed. This party saw Egypt as an ally for breaking away from their eastern master, just like the advisers of King Hezekiah a century before (cf. Is 31:1-3; 36:6). Zedekiah, finding it difficult to resist this political pressure, eventually transferred his allegiance to Egypt.<\/p>\n<p>Hophra (589–570 <span>BC<\/span>), Psammetichus’s heir to the Egyptian throne, organized a joint rebellion in the west against Babylon. According to Ezekiel 21:18-32 and 25:12-17, Judah and Ammon supported him, while Edom and Philistia shrewdly abstained. Zedekiah was rebuked by the prophet Ezekiel (Ez 17:13-18) for breaking his oath to Nebuchadnezzar (cf. 2 Chr 36:13) and rebelling against him by sending envoys to Egypt to negotiate for military support.<\/p>\n<p>In the face of this western uprising engineered by his Egyptian rival, Nebuchadnezzar was forced to march westward. Setting up headquarters at Riblah in northern Syria, he decided to make Jerusalem his prime target (Ez 21:18-23). The ensuing siege of Jerusalem was temporarily lifted due to an Egyptian attack but afterward was resumed until the city fell. Zedekiah, fleeing eastward with his troops, was caught near Jericho and taken north to Nebuchadnezzar at Riblah. There he was put on trial for breaking his promises of vassalage. By way of punishment, his sons were killed before his eyes. This tragic sight was the last he ever saw, since his eyes were then put out. He was taken in chains to Babylon, where he eventually died in prison (2 Kgs 25:5-7; Jer 39:7; 52:8-11; cf. Ez 12:13).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Chronology of the Bible (Old Testament); Israel, History of.<\/p>\n<li>2. Kenaanah’s son and one of the prophets who spoke falsely to kings Ahab of Israel and Jehoshaphat of Judah, telling them that the Lord would give Ahab victory over the Syrians at Ramoth-gilead (1 Kgs 22:11). After hearing Micaiah’s contrary prediction that Ahab would in fact be killed in the battle, Zedekiah, in anger, struck Micaiah (v 24).<\/li>\n<li>3. Jeconiah’s son and a descendant of David through Solomon’s line (1 Chr 3:16).<\/li>\n<li>4. Leading priest who affirmed Nehemiah’s covenant during the postexilic era (Neh 10:1).<\/li>\n<li>5. Maaseiah’s son, who, according to Jeremiah, King Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon would kill by roasting in fire for his adultery and lying words (Jer 29:21-23).<\/li>\n<li>6. Hananiah’s son and a prince in Judah during King Jehoiakim’s reign (Jer 36:12).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>ZEDEKIAH<\/h3>\n<li>1. Judah’s last king and a key political figure in the fateful final decade of the southern kingdom. His reign (597–586 <span>BC<\/span>) spanned Nebuchadnezzar’s two attacks on Jerusalem, in 597 and 586. The first attack was in reprisal for the rebellion of Josiah’s son, Jehoiakim (609–598 <span>BC<\/span>), against Nebuchadnezzar; however, by the time his forces captured Jerusalem, Jehoiakim was dead and had been succeeded by his 18-year-old son Jehoiachin. Nebuchadnezzar deposed the young king and deported him to Babylon, along with the elite of the nation: government officials, army officers, and craftsmen. As Jehoiachin’s replacement, Nebuchadnezzar appointed his uncle Mattaniah, a younger brother of Jehoiakim and of the earlier, short-lived King Jehoahaz (609 <span>BC<\/span>). Mattaniah was thus the third son of Josiah to occupy the throne of Judah. The Babylonian king named him Zedekiah, which means “the Lord is my righteousness.”<\/li>\n<p>Zedekiah found himself in a difficult position as Judah’s king. Many evidently still regarded Jehoiachin as the real king (cf. Jer 28:1-4). Certainly the Judeans deported to Babylonia dated events by reference to Jehoiachin (2 Kgs 25:27; Ez 1:2). Though the Babylonians exacted from Zedekiah an oath of loyalty (2 Chr 36:13; Ez 17:13-18), evidence suggests that they too viewed Zedekiah’s predecessor as the legitimate king and Zedekiah as regent. They may have been holding him in reserve for possible restoration to power, should events require it.<\/p>\n<p>Judah was filled with a false optimism that could hardly have helped the new king. It was confidently expected that the deportation of the leading citizens would be only temporary; prophets were guaranteeing that Babylon’s power would be broken within two years (Jer 28:2-4). They were opposed by a few prophets led by Jeremiah, whose message found little support.<\/p>\n<p>Pressure both from within the nation and from without was put on Zedekiah to change his political allegiance. In the fourth year of his reign (593 <span>BC<\/span>), the neighboring states of Ammon, Moab, Tyre, and Sidon formed a coalition to fight for independence from Babylon. Envoys were sent to Zedekiah (Jer 27:1-3). However, Jeremiah advised the king not to get involved. In the same year, according to Jeremiah 51:59, Zedekiah visited Babylon. He may have been summoned to affirm his loyalty and to explain his role in the political situation. The planned rebellion did not occur, perhaps because aid from Egypt failed to materialize.<\/p>\n<p>Within the Judean court a strong pro-Egyptian party existed. This party saw Egypt as an ally for breaking away from their eastern master, just like the advisers of King Hezekiah a century before (cf. Is 31:1-3; 36:6). Zedekiah, finding it difficult to resist this political pressure, eventually transferred his allegiance to Egypt.<\/p>\n<p>Hophra (589–570 <span>BC<\/span>), Psammetichus’s heir to the Egyptian throne, organized a joint rebellion in the west against Babylon. According to Ezekiel 21:18-32 and 25:12-17, Judah and Ammon supported him, while Edom and Philistia shrewdly abstained. Zedekiah was rebuked by the prophet Ezekiel (Ez 17:13-18) for breaking his oath to Nebuchadnezzar (cf. 2 Chr 36:13) and rebelling against him by sending envoys to Egypt to negotiate for military support.<\/p>\n<p>In the face of this western uprising engineered by his Egyptian rival, Nebuchadnezzar was forced to march westward. Setting up headquarters at Riblah in northern Syria, he decided to make Jerusalem his prime target (Ez 21:18-23). The ensuing siege of Jerusalem was temporarily lifted due to an Egyptian attack but afterward was resumed until the city fell. Zedekiah, fleeing eastward with his troops, was caught near Jericho and taken north to Nebuchadnezzar at Riblah. There he was put on trial for breaking his promises of vassalage. By way of punishment, his sons were killed before his eyes. This tragic sight was the last he ever saw, since his eyes were then put out. He was taken in chains to Babylon, where he eventually died in prison (2 Kgs 25:5-7; Jer 39:7; 52:8-11; cf. Ez 12:13).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Chronology of the Bible (Old Testament); Israel, History of.<\/p>\n<li>2. Kenaanah’s son and one of the prophets who spoke falsely to kings Ahab of Israel and Jehoshaphat of Judah, telling them that the Lord would give Ahab victory over the Syrians at Ramoth-gilead (1 Kgs 22:11). After hearing Micaiah’s contrary prediction that Ahab would in fact be killed in the battle, Zedekiah, in anger, struck Micaiah (v 24).<\/li>\n<li>3. Jeconiah’s son and a descendant of David through Solomon’s line (1 Chr 3:16).<\/li>\n<li>4. Leading priest who affirmed Nehemiah’s covenant during the postexilic era (Neh 10:1).<\/li>\n<li>5. Maaseiah’s son, who, according to Jeremiah, King Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon would kill by roasting in fire for his adultery and lying words (Jer 29:21-23).<\/li>\n<li>6. Hananiah’s son and a prince in Judah during King Jehoiakim’s reign (Jer 36:12).<\/li>","summary_ro":"ZEDEKIAH 1. Judah’s last king and a key political figure in the fateful final decade of the southern kingdom. His reign (597–586 BC) spanned Nebuchadnezzar’s two attacks on Jerusalem, in 597 and 586. The first attack was in reprisal for the rebellion of Josiah’s son, Jehoiakim (609–598 BC), against Nebuchadnezzar; however, by the time his forces captured Jerusalem, Jehoiakim was dead and had been succeeded by his 18-year-old son Jehoiachin. Nebuchadnezzar deposed the young king and deported h...","summary_en":"ZEDEKIAH 1. Judah’s last king and a key political figure in the fateful final decade of the southern kingdom. His reign (597–586 BC) spanned Nebuchadnezzar’s two attacks on Jerusalem, in 597 and 586. The first attack was in reprisal for the rebellion of Josiah’s son, Jehoiakim (609–598 BC), against Nebuchadnezzar; however, by the time his forces captured Jerusalem, Jehoiakim was dead and had been succeeded by his 18-year-old son Jehoiachin. Nebuchadnezzar deposed the young king and deported h...","source":"Articles\/Z.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"9":[{"id":9546,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Diblah*","title_en":"Diblah*","content_ro":"<h3>DIBLAH*<\/h3>\n<p>ASV form of Riblah, the name of the place from which King Nebuchadnezzar directed operations against Jerusalem in 588–586 <span>BC<\/span> (Ez 6:14; cf. Jer 52:9-27). <em>See<\/em> Riblah.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>DIBLAH*<\/h3>\n<p>ASV form of Riblah, the name of the place from which King Nebuchadnezzar directed operations against Jerusalem in 588–586 <span>BC<\/span> (Ez 6:14; cf. Jer 52:9-27). <em>See<\/em> Riblah.<\/p>","summary_ro":"DIBLAH* ASV form of Riblah, the name of the place from which King Nebuchadnezzar directed operations against Jerusalem in 588–586 BC (Ez 6:14; cf. Jer 52:9-27). See Riblah.","summary_en":"DIBLAH* ASV form of Riblah, the name of the place from which King Nebuchadnezzar directed operations against Jerusalem in 588–586 BC (Ez 6:14; cf. Jer 52:9-27). See Riblah.","source":"Articles\/D.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":9549,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Diblath*","title_en":"Diblath*","content_ro":"<h3>DIBLATH*<\/h3>\n<p>KJV rendering of Riblah in Ezekiel 6:14. Compare Jeremiah 52:9-27. <em>See<\/em> Riblah.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>DIBLATH*<\/h3>\n<p>KJV rendering of Riblah in Ezekiel 6:14. Compare Jeremiah 52:9-27. <em>See<\/em> Riblah.<\/p>","summary_ro":"DIBLATH* KJV rendering of Riblah in Ezekiel 6:14. Compare Jeremiah 52:9-27. See Riblah.","summary_en":"DIBLATH* KJV rendering of Riblah in Ezekiel 6:14. Compare Jeremiah 52:9-27. See Riblah.","source":"Articles\/D.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":33066,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Riblah","title_en":"Riblah","content_ro":"<h3>RIBLAH<\/h3>\n<li>1. Town along the Orontes River located some 35 miles (56.3 kilometers) northeast of Baalbek, identifiable with modern Ribleh in Syria. Riblah was well situated topographically for military operations, especially when the great powers of Egypt and Mesopotamia were crossing the northern part of the Fertile Crescent. The Egyptians are mentioned in Scripture as the first people that troubled this town. After the death of King Josiah in his battle with the Egyptian pharaoh Neco, Jehoahaz was made king. Neco did not approve of the election. So the pharaoh imprisoned Jehoahaz at Riblah and made Eliakim (Jehoiakim), Jehoahaz’s brother, king of Judah (2 Kgs 23:33).<\/li>\n<p>After the defeat of Neco at Carchemish in 605 <span>BC<\/span>, Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon took control of the area, making Riblah his headquarters for his South-Syria and Palestine dominions. When Zedekiah, king of Judah, opposed Nebuchadnezzar, the Babylonians captured him and imprisoned him at Riblah (2 Kgs 25:6; Jer 39:5-6; 52:9-10). Consequently, many of Zedekiah’s sons were killed at Riblah, and Zedekiah was bound and taken to Babylon (2 Kgs 25:20-21; Jer 52:26-27).<\/p>\n<p>Riblah is also called Diblah (<span>asv<\/span>) and Diblath (<span>kjv<\/span>) in Ezekiel 6:14.<\/p>\n<li>2. Town defining part of the eastern boundary of Israel, located east of Ain (Nm 34:11). Its exact location is unknown, though it is probably not identifiable with #1 above.<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>RIBLAH<\/h3>\n<li>1. Town along the Orontes River located some 35 miles (56.3 kilometers) northeast of Baalbek, identifiable with modern Ribleh in Syria. Riblah was well situated topographically for military operations, especially when the great powers of Egypt and Mesopotamia were crossing the northern part of the Fertile Crescent. The Egyptians are mentioned in Scripture as the first people that troubled this town. After the death of King Josiah in his battle with the Egyptian pharaoh Neco, Jehoahaz was made king. Neco did not approve of the election. So the pharaoh imprisoned Jehoahaz at Riblah and made Eliakim (Jehoiakim), Jehoahaz’s brother, king of Judah (2 Kgs 23:33).<\/li>\n<p>After the defeat of Neco at Carchemish in 605 <span>BC<\/span>, Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon took control of the area, making Riblah his headquarters for his South-Syria and Palestine dominions. When Zedekiah, king of Judah, opposed Nebuchadnezzar, the Babylonians captured him and imprisoned him at Riblah (2 Kgs 25:6; Jer 39:5-6; 52:9-10). Consequently, many of Zedekiah’s sons were killed at Riblah, and Zedekiah was bound and taken to Babylon (2 Kgs 25:20-21; Jer 52:26-27).<\/p>\n<p>Riblah is also called Diblah (<span>asv<\/span>) and Diblath (<span>kjv<\/span>) in Ezekiel 6:14.<\/p>\n<li>2. Town defining part of the eastern boundary of Israel, located east of Ain (Nm 34:11). Its exact location is unknown, though it is probably not identifiable with #1 above.<\/li>","summary_ro":"RIBLAH 1. Town along the Orontes River located some 35 miles (56.3 kilometers) northeast of Baalbek, identifiable with modern Ribleh in Syria. Riblah was well situated topographically for military operations, especially when the great powers of Egypt and Mesopotamia were crossing the northern part of the Fertile Crescent. The Egyptians are mentioned in Scripture as the first people that troubled this town. After the death of King Josiah in his battle with the Egyptian pharaoh Neco, Jehoahaz w...","summary_en":"RIBLAH 1. Town along the Orontes River located some 35 miles (56.3 kilometers) northeast of Baalbek, identifiable with modern Ribleh in Syria. Riblah was well situated topographically for military operations, especially when the great powers of Egypt and Mesopotamia were crossing the northern part of the Fertile Crescent. The Egyptians are mentioned in Scripture as the first people that troubled this town. After the death of King Josiah in his battle with the Egyptian pharaoh Neco, Jehoahaz w...","source":"Articles\/R.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":52845,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:9","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:9","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:9<\/strong> <em>Riblah<\/em><em>,<\/em> which Jeremiah recorded as being <em>in the land of Hamath<\/em> (see 39:5), was several hundred miles north of Jerusalem.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:9<\/strong> <em>Riblah<\/em><em>,<\/em> which Jeremiah recorded as being <em>in the land of Hamath<\/em> (see 39:5), was several hundred miles north of Jerusalem.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:9 Riblah, which Jeremiah recorded as being in the land of Hamath (see 39:5), was several hundred miles north of Jerusalem.","summary_en":"52:9 Riblah, which Jeremiah recorded as being in the land of Hamath (see 39:5), was several hundred miles north of Jerusalem.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":80471,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:9","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:9","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:9<\/strong> <em>Riblah<\/em><em>,<\/em> which Jeremiah recorded as being <em>in the land of Hamath<\/em> (see 39:5), was several hundred miles north of Jerusalem.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:9<\/strong> <em>Riblah<\/em><em>,<\/em> which Jeremiah recorded as being <em>in the land of Hamath<\/em> (see 39:5), was several hundred miles north of Jerusalem.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:9 Riblah, which Jeremiah recorded as being in the land of Hamath (see 39:5), was several hundred miles north of Jerusalem.","summary_en":"52:9 Riblah, which Jeremiah recorded as being in the land of Hamath (see 39:5), was several hundred miles north of Jerusalem.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":108097,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:9","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:9","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:9<\/strong> <em>Riblah<\/em><em>,<\/em> which Jeremiah recorded as being <em>in the land of Hamath<\/em> (see 39:5), was several hundred miles north of Jerusalem.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:9<\/strong> <em>Riblah<\/em><em>,<\/em> which Jeremiah recorded as being <em>in the land of Hamath<\/em> (see 39:5), was several hundred miles north of Jerusalem.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:9 Riblah, which Jeremiah recorded as being in the land of Hamath (see 39:5), was several hundred miles north of Jerusalem.","summary_en":"52:9 Riblah, which Jeremiah recorded as being in the land of Hamath (see 39:5), was several hundred miles north of Jerusalem.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":135723,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:9","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:9","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:9<\/strong> <em>Riblah<\/em><em>,<\/em> which Jeremiah recorded as being <em>in the land of Hamath<\/em> (see 39:5), was several hundred miles north of Jerusalem.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:9<\/strong> <em>Riblah<\/em><em>,<\/em> which Jeremiah recorded as being <em>in the land of Hamath<\/em> (see 39:5), was several hundred miles north of Jerusalem.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:9 Riblah, which Jeremiah recorded as being in the land of Hamath (see 39:5), was several hundred miles north of Jerusalem.","summary_en":"52:9 Riblah, which Jeremiah recorded as being in the land of Hamath (see 39:5), was several hundred miles north of Jerusalem.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"10":[{"id":52846,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:10","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:10","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:10<\/strong> <em>He also slaughtered all the officials of Judah at Riblah:<\/em> This sentence is an addition to the narrative in 2 Kgs 25:7. Though the soldiers deserted <em>Zedekiah<\/em> as they fled to Jericho (Jer 52:8), the officials did not do so.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:10<\/strong> <em>He also slaughtered all the officials of Judah at Riblah:<\/em> This sentence is an addition to the narrative in 2 Kgs 25:7. Though the soldiers deserted <em>Zedekiah<\/em> as they fled to Jericho (Jer 52:8), the officials did not do so.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:10 He also slaughtered all the officials of Judah at Riblah: This sentence is an addition to the narrative in 2 Kgs 25:7. Though the soldiers deserted Zedekiah as they fled to Jericho (Jer 52:8), the officials did not do so.","summary_en":"52:10 He also slaughtered all the officials of Judah at Riblah: This sentence is an addition to the narrative in 2 Kgs 25:7. Though the soldiers deserted Zedekiah as they fled to Jericho (Jer 52:8), the officials did not do so.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":80472,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:10","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:10","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:10<\/strong> <em>He also slaughtered all the officials of Judah at Riblah:<\/em> This sentence is an addition to the narrative in 2 Kgs 25:7. Though the soldiers deserted <em>Zedekiah<\/em> as they fled to Jericho (Jer 52:8), the officials did not do so.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:10<\/strong> <em>He also slaughtered all the officials of Judah at Riblah:<\/em> This sentence is an addition to the narrative in 2 Kgs 25:7. Though the soldiers deserted <em>Zedekiah<\/em> as they fled to Jericho (Jer 52:8), the officials did not do so.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:10 He also slaughtered all the officials of Judah at Riblah: This sentence is an addition to the narrative in 2 Kgs 25:7. Though the soldiers deserted Zedekiah as they fled to Jericho (Jer 52:8), the officials did not do so.","summary_en":"52:10 He also slaughtered all the officials of Judah at Riblah: This sentence is an addition to the narrative in 2 Kgs 25:7. Though the soldiers deserted Zedekiah as they fled to Jericho (Jer 52:8), the officials did not do so.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":108098,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:10","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:10","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:10<\/strong> <em>He also slaughtered all the officials of Judah at Riblah:<\/em> This sentence is an addition to the narrative in 2 Kgs 25:7. Though the soldiers deserted <em>Zedekiah<\/em> as they fled to Jericho (Jer 52:8), the officials did not do so.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:10<\/strong> <em>He also slaughtered all the officials of Judah at Riblah:<\/em> This sentence is an addition to the narrative in 2 Kgs 25:7. Though the soldiers deserted <em>Zedekiah<\/em> as they fled to Jericho (Jer 52:8), the officials did not do so.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:10 He also slaughtered all the officials of Judah at Riblah: This sentence is an addition to the narrative in 2 Kgs 25:7. Though the soldiers deserted Zedekiah as they fled to Jericho (Jer 52:8), the officials did not do so.","summary_en":"52:10 He also slaughtered all the officials of Judah at Riblah: This sentence is an addition to the narrative in 2 Kgs 25:7. Though the soldiers deserted Zedekiah as they fled to Jericho (Jer 52:8), the officials did not do so.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":135724,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:10","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:10","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:10<\/strong> <em>He also slaughtered all the officials of Judah at Riblah:<\/em> This sentence is an addition to the narrative in 2 Kgs 25:7. Though the soldiers deserted <em>Zedekiah<\/em> as they fled to Jericho (Jer 52:8), the officials did not do so.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:10<\/strong> <em>He also slaughtered all the officials of Judah at Riblah:<\/em> This sentence is an addition to the narrative in 2 Kgs 25:7. Though the soldiers deserted <em>Zedekiah<\/em> as they fled to Jericho (Jer 52:8), the officials did not do so.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:10 He also slaughtered all the officials of Judah at Riblah: This sentence is an addition to the narrative in 2 Kgs 25:7. Though the soldiers deserted Zedekiah as they fled to Jericho (Jer 52:8), the officials did not do so.","summary_en":"52:10 He also slaughtered all the officials of Judah at Riblah: This sentence is an addition to the narrative in 2 Kgs 25:7. Though the soldiers deserted Zedekiah as they fled to Jericho (Jer 52:8), the officials did not do so.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"11":[{"id":52847,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:11","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:11","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:11<\/strong> The last sentence of the verse is an addition to the 2 Kgs 25 text.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:11<\/strong> The last sentence of the verse is an addition to the 2 Kgs 25 text.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:11 The last sentence of the verse is an addition to the 2 Kgs 25 text.","summary_en":"52:11 The last sentence of the verse is an addition to the 2 Kgs 25 text.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":80473,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:11","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:11","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:11<\/strong> The last sentence of the verse is an addition to the 2 Kgs 25 text.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:11<\/strong> The last sentence of the verse is an addition to the 2 Kgs 25 text.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:11 The last sentence of the verse is an addition to the 2 Kgs 25 text.","summary_en":"52:11 The last sentence of the verse is an addition to the 2 Kgs 25 text.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":108099,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:11","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:11","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:11<\/strong> The last sentence of the verse is an addition to the 2 Kgs 25 text.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:11<\/strong> The last sentence of the verse is an addition to the 2 Kgs 25 text.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:11 The last sentence of the verse is an addition to the 2 Kgs 25 text.","summary_en":"52:11 The last sentence of the verse is an addition to the 2 Kgs 25 text.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":135725,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:11","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:11","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:11<\/strong> The last sentence of the verse is an addition to the 2 Kgs 25 text.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:11<\/strong> The last sentence of the verse is an addition to the 2 Kgs 25 text.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:11 The last sentence of the verse is an addition to the 2 Kgs 25 text.","summary_en":"52:11 The last sentence of the verse is an addition to the 2 Kgs 25 text.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"12":[{"id":9531,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"of the Jews*, Diaspora","title_en":"of the Jews*, Diaspora","content_ro":"<h3>DIASPORA OF THE JEWS*<\/h3>\n<p>Dispersion of Jewish people from Israel to foreign lands. <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">Diaspora<\/span><em>,<\/em> a Greek noun meaning a “sowing” or “scattering,” is regularly used in the Septuagint to mean “exile” (Jer 25:34; cf. Is 11:12; Ez 20:23; Zep 3:10). The word occurs twice in the NT (Jas 1:1; 1 Pt 1:1), referring to Christian Jews residing outside Palestine as a result of the several dispersions in Israel’s history. Diaspora sometimes refers to the exiled people, sometimes to the place of exile.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"MajorDiasporas\">Major Diasporas<\/p>\n<p>From the end of the eighth century <span>BC<\/span> onward, Jewish history was marked by several major dispersions.<\/p>\n<h5>Diaspora of the Northern Kingdom<\/h5>\n<p>After Solomon’s death, his kingdom broke in two. The northern kingdom of Israel sunk deeper into idolatry and immorality (2 Kgs 17:14-18). Jeroboam, the first king of the divided Israel, established a pattern of apostasy (“falling away” from faith). Epitaphs for succeeding kings regularly recorded that the deceased ruler “did not turn from the sins of Jeroboam” (10:31; 13:11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28, <span>rsv<\/span>). Assyria conquered the northern kingdom in 722 <span>BC<\/span> and took over 27,000 Israelites into exile, as had been predicted (17:23). They were settled in cities along the tributaries of the Euphrates River and in Media. Assyrians from cities around Babylon, in turn, colonized Israel (vv 6, 24).<\/p>\n<h5>Diaspora of the Southern Kingdom<\/h5>\n<p>The southern kingdom of Judah suffered exile to the east in Babylonia and to the south in Egypt. The Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar captured Judeans in several expeditions from 605 <span>BC<\/span> to the fall of Jerusalem in 586 <span>BC<\/span>. The first deportation to Babylon took Jerusalem’s treasures from the temple and palace, and “all the princes, and all the mighty men of valor, ten thousand captives, and all the craftsmen and the smiths; none remained, except the poorest people of the land” (2 Kgs 24:12-14, <span>rsv<\/span>; cf. 2 Chr 36:10; Jer 52:29-30).<\/p>\n<p>A year later a second expedition focused on the rebellious Jewish vassal king Zedekiah and his sons (2 Kgs 25:1, 6-7; Jer 52:4-11). In the 19th year of Nebuchadnezzar’s reign, Babylonia struck Judah a third time, destroyed the temple and the king’s palace, and broke down the city’s walls. All but the very poorest people were carried away captive (2 Kgs 25:8-21; Jer 52:12-16).<\/p>\n<p>Shishak, king of Egypt, deported exiles from Judah as early as the 10th century <span>BC<\/span>. Judah lost people and also temple gold at that time (1 Kgs 14:25-26; 2 Chr 12:9). About 400 years later, Johanan, a Judean, thought he could escape from Nebuchadnezzar by fleeing to Egypt. Johanan forced Jeremiah and a group of other Jews to go with him; they settled at Migdol, Tahpanhes, and Memphis. Nevertheless, the Babylonians pursued them, took control of Egypt, and executed many of the Jews there (Jer 43:5–44:30). Records of property ownership and artifacts of an altar suggest that the few surviving exiles established permanent colonies in Egypt (Is 19:18-19).<\/p>\n<h5>Other Diasporas<\/h5>\n<p>The Egyptian king Ptolemy I (323–285 <span>BC<\/span>) captured many Jews and carried them off to Egypt about 300 <span>BC<\/span>. Those exiles populated Alexandria, a city thereafter noted as a center of both Greek and Jewish scholarship. Elsewhere large colonies of Jews were exported from Babylonia to Phrygia and Lydia by Antiochus III (the Great) of Syria (223–187 <span>BC<\/span>). The Romans transplanted a sizable group of Jews to Rome. The Roman general Pompey took many there as slaves in the first century <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>How widely the Jews were scattered is suggested in the NT book of Acts, where Luke listed Jerusalem’s visitors: Parthians, Medes, Elamites, people from Mesopotamia, Judea, Cappadocia, Pontus, the province of Asia, Phrygia, Pamphylia, Egypt, and the areas of Libya toward Cyrene, visitors from Rome (both Jews and converts to Judaism), Cretans, and Arabians (Acts 2:9-11). Those Jews of “the Diaspora” were in Jerusalem to celebrate the Feast of Pentecost.<\/p>\n<p>Other Jewish communities were located in the Macedonian cities visited by the apostle Paul on his missionary journeys: Thessalonica, Berea, and Corinth (Acts 17:1, 10; 18:2-4). Around the middle of the first century <span>AD<\/span>, the Roman emperor Claudius commanded all Jews to leave Rome (18:2). Scholarly estimates of the Jewish population in Palestine at the time of Jesus’ birth range from about four to six million. The dispersion population numbered several times that of Palestine; communities with more than a million each flourished in Asia Minor, Mesopotamia, and Alexandria. Today, even with a national homeland, far more Jews still live outside Israel than inside.<\/p>\n<p>In spite of their scatterings, Jews of various diasporas retained a basic unity with Palestinian Jews through several practices. (1) The great national feasts—Passover, Harvest, and Tabernacles (Ex 23:12-17; Dt 16:1-17)—continued to be observed abroad. (2) The temple tax used for the temple’s upkeep (Ex 30:11-16) was collected in foreign Jewish communities even after the temple had been destroyed. (3) All Jews everywhere recognized the authority of the Sanhedrin (the Jewish religious council) over them.<\/p>\n<h5>Positive Aspects<\/h5>\n<p>In exile the Jews tended to abandon the idol worship that had in part alienated them from God. Their exile led them to establish synagogues as institutions for prayer and education. Alexandrian Jews translated the OT Scriptures into Greek, at that time the international language. The result, called the Septuagint, was the version often cited by NT writers.<\/p>\n<p>From the Christian point of view, the network of dispersed Jewish communities had a special significance. They provided strategic bases for the spread of Christianity, which quickly broke out of those communities and into the surrounding gentile world. Thus, God used the dispersions to bring the gospel to the Gentiles (Rom 1:11-15; 1 Cor 10:11-12).<\/p>\n<p>Finally, the arts, sciences, and humanities have been greatly enriched by the Jews scattered throughout Western culture. Few other peoples have endured so much ferocious ethnic bigotry as the Jews and yet rewarded that rejection with cultural gifts and graces of such excellence. Although the church of Jesus Christ has become a “new Israel” and a “chosen race” (1 Pt 2:9), the testimony of history and of Scripture indicates that God still has a unique interest in the Jews.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Israel, History of; Postexilic Period.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>DIASPORA OF THE JEWS*<\/h3>\n<p>Dispersion of Jewish people from Israel to foreign lands. <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">Diaspora<\/span><em>,<\/em> a Greek noun meaning a “sowing” or “scattering,” is regularly used in the Septuagint to mean “exile” (Jer 25:34; cf. Is 11:12; Ez 20:23; Zep 3:10). The word occurs twice in the NT (Jas 1:1; 1 Pt 1:1), referring to Christian Jews residing outside Palestine as a result of the several dispersions in Israel’s history. Diaspora sometimes refers to the exiled people, sometimes to the place of exile.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"MajorDiasporas\">Major Diasporas<\/p>\n<p>From the end of the eighth century <span>BC<\/span> onward, Jewish history was marked by several major dispersions.<\/p>\n<h5>Diaspora of the Northern Kingdom<\/h5>\n<p>After Solomon’s death, his kingdom broke in two. The northern kingdom of Israel sunk deeper into idolatry and immorality (2 Kgs 17:14-18). Jeroboam, the first king of the divided Israel, established a pattern of apostasy (“falling away” from faith). Epitaphs for succeeding kings regularly recorded that the deceased ruler “did not turn from the sins of Jeroboam” (10:31; 13:11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28, <span>rsv<\/span>). Assyria conquered the northern kingdom in 722 <span>BC<\/span> and took over 27,000 Israelites into exile, as had been predicted (17:23). They were settled in cities along the tributaries of the Euphrates River and in Media. Assyrians from cities around Babylon, in turn, colonized Israel (vv 6, 24).<\/p>\n<h5>Diaspora of the Southern Kingdom<\/h5>\n<p>The southern kingdom of Judah suffered exile to the east in Babylonia and to the south in Egypt. The Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar captured Judeans in several expeditions from 605 <span>BC<\/span> to the fall of Jerusalem in 586 <span>BC<\/span>. The first deportation to Babylon took Jerusalem’s treasures from the temple and palace, and “all the princes, and all the mighty men of valor, ten thousand captives, and all the craftsmen and the smiths; none remained, except the poorest people of the land” (2 Kgs 24:12-14, <span>rsv<\/span>; cf. 2 Chr 36:10; Jer 52:29-30).<\/p>\n<p>A year later a second expedition focused on the rebellious Jewish vassal king Zedekiah and his sons (2 Kgs 25:1, 6-7; Jer 52:4-11). In the 19th year of Nebuchadnezzar’s reign, Babylonia struck Judah a third time, destroyed the temple and the king’s palace, and broke down the city’s walls. All but the very poorest people were carried away captive (2 Kgs 25:8-21; Jer 52:12-16).<\/p>\n<p>Shishak, king of Egypt, deported exiles from Judah as early as the 10th century <span>BC<\/span>. Judah lost people and also temple gold at that time (1 Kgs 14:25-26; 2 Chr 12:9). About 400 years later, Johanan, a Judean, thought he could escape from Nebuchadnezzar by fleeing to Egypt. Johanan forced Jeremiah and a group of other Jews to go with him; they settled at Migdol, Tahpanhes, and Memphis. Nevertheless, the Babylonians pursued them, took control of Egypt, and executed many of the Jews there (Jer 43:5–44:30). Records of property ownership and artifacts of an altar suggest that the few surviving exiles established permanent colonies in Egypt (Is 19:18-19).<\/p>\n<h5>Other Diasporas<\/h5>\n<p>The Egyptian king Ptolemy I (323–285 <span>BC<\/span>) captured many Jews and carried them off to Egypt about 300 <span>BC<\/span>. Those exiles populated Alexandria, a city thereafter noted as a center of both Greek and Jewish scholarship. Elsewhere large colonies of Jews were exported from Babylonia to Phrygia and Lydia by Antiochus III (the Great) of Syria (223–187 <span>BC<\/span>). The Romans transplanted a sizable group of Jews to Rome. The Roman general Pompey took many there as slaves in the first century <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>How widely the Jews were scattered is suggested in the NT book of Acts, where Luke listed Jerusalem’s visitors: Parthians, Medes, Elamites, people from Mesopotamia, Judea, Cappadocia, Pontus, the province of Asia, Phrygia, Pamphylia, Egypt, and the areas of Libya toward Cyrene, visitors from Rome (both Jews and converts to Judaism), Cretans, and Arabians (Acts 2:9-11). Those Jews of “the Diaspora” were in Jerusalem to celebrate the Feast of Pentecost.<\/p>\n<p>Other Jewish communities were located in the Macedonian cities visited by the apostle Paul on his missionary journeys: Thessalonica, Berea, and Corinth (Acts 17:1, 10; 18:2-4). Around the middle of the first century <span>AD<\/span>, the Roman emperor Claudius commanded all Jews to leave Rome (18:2). Scholarly estimates of the Jewish population in Palestine at the time of Jesus’ birth range from about four to six million. The dispersion population numbered several times that of Palestine; communities with more than a million each flourished in Asia Minor, Mesopotamia, and Alexandria. Today, even with a national homeland, far more Jews still live outside Israel than inside.<\/p>\n<p>In spite of their scatterings, Jews of various diasporas retained a basic unity with Palestinian Jews through several practices. (1) The great national feasts—Passover, Harvest, and Tabernacles (Ex 23:12-17; Dt 16:1-17)—continued to be observed abroad. (2) The temple tax used for the temple’s upkeep (Ex 30:11-16) was collected in foreign Jewish communities even after the temple had been destroyed. (3) All Jews everywhere recognized the authority of the Sanhedrin (the Jewish religious council) over them.<\/p>\n<h5>Positive Aspects<\/h5>\n<p>In exile the Jews tended to abandon the idol worship that had in part alienated them from God. Their exile led them to establish synagogues as institutions for prayer and education. Alexandrian Jews translated the OT Scriptures into Greek, at that time the international language. The result, called the Septuagint, was the version often cited by NT writers.<\/p>\n<p>From the Christian point of view, the network of dispersed Jewish communities had a special significance. They provided strategic bases for the spread of Christianity, which quickly broke out of those communities and into the surrounding gentile world. Thus, God used the dispersions to bring the gospel to the Gentiles (Rom 1:11-15; 1 Cor 10:11-12).<\/p>\n<p>Finally, the arts, sciences, and humanities have been greatly enriched by the Jews scattered throughout Western culture. Few other peoples have endured so much ferocious ethnic bigotry as the Jews and yet rewarded that rejection with cultural gifts and graces of such excellence. Although the church of Jesus Christ has become a “new Israel” and a “chosen race” (1 Pt 2:9), the testimony of history and of Scripture indicates that God still has a unique interest in the Jews.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Israel, History of; Postexilic Period.<\/p>","summary_ro":"DIASPORA OF THE JEWS* Dispersion of Jewish people from Israel to foreign lands. Diaspora, a Greek noun meaning a “sowing” or “scattering,” is regularly used in the Septuagint to mean “exile” (Jer 25:34; cf. Is 11:12; Ez 20:23; Zep 3:10). The word occurs twice in the NT (Jas 1:1; 1 Pt 1:1), referring to Christian Jews residing outside Palestine as a result of the several dispersions in Israel’s history. Diaspora sometimes refers to the exiled people, sometimes to the place of exile. Major Dias...","summary_en":"DIASPORA OF THE JEWS* Dispersion of Jewish people from Israel to foreign lands. Diaspora, a Greek noun meaning a “sowing” or “scattering,” is regularly used in the Septuagint to mean “exile” (Jer 25:34; cf. Is 11:12; Ez 20:23; Zep 3:10). The word occurs twice in the NT (Jas 1:1; 1 Pt 1:1), referring to Christian Jews residing outside Palestine as a result of the several dispersions in Israel’s history. Diaspora sometimes refers to the exiled people, sometimes to the place of exile. Major Dias...","source":"Articles\/D.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":27172,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Nebuzaradan","title_en":"Nebuzaradan","content_ro":"<h3>NEBUZARADAN<\/h3>\n<p>Chief Babylonian official and captain of the bodyguard during Nebuchadnezzar’s reign (605–562 <span>BC<\/span>). Nebuzaradan was one of the officials whom Nebuchadnezzar authorized to oversee Jerusalem and Judah and the deportations of Jewish exiles to Babylon (2 Kgs 25:8-20; Jer 39:9-10; 52:12-30). On the king’s orders, he appointed Gedaliah governor of Judah and Jeremiah’s guardian (Jer 39:11-13; 41:10; 43:6).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>NEBUZARADAN<\/h3>\n<p>Chief Babylonian official and captain of the bodyguard during Nebuchadnezzar’s reign (605–562 <span>BC<\/span>). Nebuzaradan was one of the officials whom Nebuchadnezzar authorized to oversee Jerusalem and Judah and the deportations of Jewish exiles to Babylon (2 Kgs 25:8-20; Jer 39:9-10; 52:12-30). On the king’s orders, he appointed Gedaliah governor of Judah and Jeremiah’s guardian (Jer 39:11-13; 41:10; 43:6).<\/p>","summary_ro":"NEBUZARADAN Chief Babylonian official and captain of the bodyguard during Nebuchadnezzar’s reign (605–562 BC). Nebuzaradan was one of the officials whom Nebuchadnezzar authorized to oversee Jerusalem and Judah and the deportations of Jewish exiles to Babylon (2 Kgs 25:8-20; Jer 39:9-10; 52:12-30). On the king’s orders, he appointed Gedaliah governor of Judah and Jeremiah’s guardian (Jer 39:11-13; 41:10; 43:6).","summary_en":"NEBUZARADAN Chief Babylonian official and captain of the bodyguard during Nebuchadnezzar’s reign (605–562 BC). Nebuzaradan was one of the officials whom Nebuchadnezzar authorized to oversee Jerusalem and Judah and the deportations of Jewish exiles to Babylon (2 Kgs 25:8-20; Jer 39:9-10; 52:12-30). On the king’s orders, he appointed Gedaliah governor of Judah and Jeremiah’s guardian (Jer 39:11-13; 41:10; 43:6).","source":"Articles\/N.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":28747,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Palace","title_en":"Palace","content_ro":"<h3>PALACE<\/h3>\n<p>Residence for royalty. Excavations suggest that any city that enjoyed royal patronage would boast of a building that could be described as a palace. Royal cities had a second surrounding wall that shut off the royal palace and its outbuildings, forming the acropolis of the city. Jerusalem had the equivalent in the City of David, which formerly was the Citadel of Zion (2 Sm 5:7-9).<\/p>\n<p>The OT’s references to palaces in Palestine are vague—for example, David’s palace (2 Sm 11:2, 9), the palace of Tirzah (1 Kgs 16:18) and Ahab’s palace in Jezreel (21:1). Even the references to Solomon’s palace in Jerusalem are quite imprecise. In 1 Kings 7:1-12 the construction of public and private buildings close to the temple went on for 13 years. Only the choicest of materials were used. But from the details supplied, it is quite impossible to reproduce plans of the House of the Forest of Lebanon, the Porch of Pillars, the Porch of the Throne, the palace for Solomon’s Egyptian wife, or the royal palace. What the situation of these buildings was in relation to one another is matter only for conjecture. Round about the whole complex was a great court of hewn stones and cedar beams.<\/p>\n<p>Forced labor was universal in the ancient Near East. Samuel’s warning that a king would introduce the system into Israel (1 Sm 8:12-17) was fulfilled, and it came to full development under Solomon when he undertook his massive building program, including his palace. Solomon raised his workforce from all over Israel. The system incited Jeroboam to revolt (1 Kgs 12:4, 16). King Asa used it (15:22), and it continued on into Jeremiah’s time (Jer 22:13). Nehemiah’s builders were volunteers (see Neh 3:5).<\/p>\n<p>Prominent among Solomon’s royal buildings was the temple. Apparently, it stood in the middle of a courtyard called the inner court (1 Kgs 6:36), by contrast with the great court (7:12), which included both the temple and the palace. The palace itself had an inner court too (v 8), the northern wall of which was common to the inner court of the temple. Hence it was but a step from the king’s domain to the Lord’s domain.<\/p>\n<p>The king’s enthronement took place in the palace, in the Porch of the Throne (1 Kgs 1:46; 2 Kgs 11:19). When he took his seat on the throne, it marked his assumption of power (1 Kgs 16:11; 2 Kgs 13:13). Solomon’s throne in his palace became the symbol of royal power, although his throne was still called the throne of David (1 Kgs 2:24, 45; Is 9:7). Solomon’s palace throne is described as one of the wonders of the world (1 Kgs 10:18-20). It was around this throne that the high officials came to do him homage (1:47).<\/p>\n<p>The king’s daughters lived in the palace until their marriage under the care of women (2 Sm 13:7). They wore a distinctive dress (vv 18-19). The king’s sons were reared in the palace by nurses (2 Kgs 11:2) and tutored under leading men of the city (10:1, 6-7), until they were able to perform certain duties at the court (2 Sm 8:18; 1 Chr 18:17). Then they led an independent life and were provided for by the king (2 Chr 21:3). Amnon evidently lived outside the palace (2 Sm 13:5), and Absalom had his own house (13:20; 14:24), lands, and livestock (13:23; 14:30). Palace or court officials surrounded the royal family (1 Kgs 10:4-5). Whatever their office, they were called the king’s “servants.” There were those “who saw the king’s face,” meaning they were admitted to the king’s presence (2 Sm 14:24, 28, 32), or stood before the king (1 Sm 16:21-22; Jer 52:12). It was a signal mark of favor to be admitted to the royal table (2 Sm 9:7, 13).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>PALACE<\/h3>\n<p>Residence for royalty. Excavations suggest that any city that enjoyed royal patronage would boast of a building that could be described as a palace. Royal cities had a second surrounding wall that shut off the royal palace and its outbuildings, forming the acropolis of the city. Jerusalem had the equivalent in the City of David, which formerly was the Citadel of Zion (2 Sm 5:7-9).<\/p>\n<p>The OT’s references to palaces in Palestine are vague—for example, David’s palace (2 Sm 11:2, 9), the palace of Tirzah (1 Kgs 16:18) and Ahab’s palace in Jezreel (21:1). Even the references to Solomon’s palace in Jerusalem are quite imprecise. In 1 Kings 7:1-12 the construction of public and private buildings close to the temple went on for 13 years. Only the choicest of materials were used. But from the details supplied, it is quite impossible to reproduce plans of the House of the Forest of Lebanon, the Porch of Pillars, the Porch of the Throne, the palace for Solomon’s Egyptian wife, or the royal palace. What the situation of these buildings was in relation to one another is matter only for conjecture. Round about the whole complex was a great court of hewn stones and cedar beams.<\/p>\n<p>Forced labor was universal in the ancient Near East. Samuel’s warning that a king would introduce the system into Israel (1 Sm 8:12-17) was fulfilled, and it came to full development under Solomon when he undertook his massive building program, including his palace. Solomon raised his workforce from all over Israel. The system incited Jeroboam to revolt (1 Kgs 12:4, 16). King Asa used it (15:22), and it continued on into Jeremiah’s time (Jer 22:13). Nehemiah’s builders were volunteers (see Neh 3:5).<\/p>\n<p>Prominent among Solomon’s royal buildings was the temple. Apparently, it stood in the middle of a courtyard called the inner court (1 Kgs 6:36), by contrast with the great court (7:12), which included both the temple and the palace. The palace itself had an inner court too (v 8), the northern wall of which was common to the inner court of the temple. Hence it was but a step from the king’s domain to the Lord’s domain.<\/p>\n<p>The king’s enthronement took place in the palace, in the Porch of the Throne (1 Kgs 1:46; 2 Kgs 11:19). When he took his seat on the throne, it marked his assumption of power (1 Kgs 16:11; 2 Kgs 13:13). Solomon’s throne in his palace became the symbol of royal power, although his throne was still called the throne of David (1 Kgs 2:24, 45; Is 9:7). Solomon’s palace throne is described as one of the wonders of the world (1 Kgs 10:18-20). It was around this throne that the high officials came to do him homage (1:47).<\/p>\n<p>The king’s daughters lived in the palace until their marriage under the care of women (2 Sm 13:7). They wore a distinctive dress (vv 18-19). The king’s sons were reared in the palace by nurses (2 Kgs 11:2) and tutored under leading men of the city (10:1, 6-7), until they were able to perform certain duties at the court (2 Sm 8:18; 1 Chr 18:17). Then they led an independent life and were provided for by the king (2 Chr 21:3). Amnon evidently lived outside the palace (2 Sm 13:5), and Absalom had his own house (13:20; 14:24), lands, and livestock (13:23; 14:30). Palace or court officials surrounded the royal family (1 Kgs 10:4-5). Whatever their office, they were called the king’s “servants.” There were those “who saw the king’s face,” meaning they were admitted to the king’s presence (2 Sm 14:24, 28, 32), or stood before the king (1 Sm 16:21-22; Jer 52:12). It was a signal mark of favor to be admitted to the royal table (2 Sm 9:7, 13).<\/p>","summary_ro":"PALACE Residence for royalty. Excavations suggest that any city that enjoyed royal patronage would boast of a building that could be described as a palace. Royal cities had a second surrounding wall that shut off the royal palace and its outbuildings, forming the acropolis of the city. Jerusalem had the equivalent in the City of David, which formerly was the Citadel of Zion (2 Sm 5:7-9). The OT’s references to palaces in Palestine are vague—for example, David’s palace (2 Sm 11:2, 9), the pala...","summary_en":"PALACE Residence for royalty. Excavations suggest that any city that enjoyed royal patronage would boast of a building that could be described as a palace. Royal cities had a second surrounding wall that shut off the royal palace and its outbuildings, forming the acropolis of the city. Jerusalem had the equivalent in the City of David, which formerly was the Citadel of Zion (2 Sm 5:7-9). The OT’s references to palaces in Palestine are vague—for example, David’s palace (2 Sm 11:2, 9), the pala...","source":"Articles\/P.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":52848,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:12","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:12","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:12-21<\/strong> This section adds some details not found in 2 Kgs 25. The Babylonians gained vast wealth by looting all the precious metals in the Temple before it was burned. • The Babylonian looters had to break large metal items into pieces in order to get them on wagons and carry them away. • <em>18 feet in circumference. They were hollow, with walls 3 inches thick:<\/em> These words are an addition to the 2 Kgs 25 text.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:12-21<\/strong> This section adds some details not found in 2 Kgs 25. The Babylonians gained vast wealth by looting all the precious metals in the Temple before it was burned. • The Babylonian looters had to break large metal items into pieces in order to get them on wagons and carry them away. • <em>18 feet in circumference. They were hollow, with walls 3 inches thick:<\/em> These words are an addition to the 2 Kgs 25 text.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:12-21 This section adds some details not found in 2 Kgs 25. The Babylonians gained vast wealth by looting all the precious metals in the Temple before it was burned. • The Babylonian looters had to break large metal items into pieces in order to get them on wagons and carry them away. • 18 feet in circumference. They were hollow, with walls 3 inches thick: These words are an addition to the 2 Kgs 25 text.","summary_en":"52:12-21 This section adds some details not found in 2 Kgs 25. The Babylonians gained vast wealth by looting all the precious metals in the Temple before it was burned. • The Babylonian looters had to break large metal items into pieces in order to get them on wagons and carry them away. • 18 feet in circumference. They were hollow, with walls 3 inches thick: These words are an addition to the 2 Kgs 25 text.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":52849,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:12","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:12","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:12<\/strong> <em>On August 17 of that year:<\/em> This date is three days later than the one recorded in 2 Kgs 25:8; the reason for the discrepancy is not known.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:12<\/strong> <em>On August 17 of that year:<\/em> This date is three days later than the one recorded in 2 Kgs 25:8; the reason for the discrepancy is not known.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:12 On August 17 of that year: This date is three days later than the one recorded in 2 Kgs 25:8; the reason for the discrepancy is not known.","summary_en":"52:12 On August 17 of that year: This date is three days later than the one recorded in 2 Kgs 25:8; the reason for the discrepancy is not known.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":80474,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:12","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:12","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:12-21<\/strong> This section adds some details not found in 2 Kgs 25. The Babylonians gained vast wealth by looting all the precious metals in the Temple before it was burned. • The Babylonian looters had to break large metal items into pieces in order to get them on wagons and carry them away. • <em>18 feet in circumference. They were hollow, with walls 3 inches thick:<\/em> These words are an addition to the 2 Kgs 25 text.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:12-21<\/strong> This section adds some details not found in 2 Kgs 25. The Babylonians gained vast wealth by looting all the precious metals in the Temple before it was burned. • The Babylonian looters had to break large metal items into pieces in order to get them on wagons and carry them away. • <em>18 feet in circumference. They were hollow, with walls 3 inches thick:<\/em> These words are an addition to the 2 Kgs 25 text.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:12-21 This section adds some details not found in 2 Kgs 25. The Babylonians gained vast wealth by looting all the precious metals in the Temple before it was burned. • The Babylonian looters had to break large metal items into pieces in order to get them on wagons and carry them away. • 18 feet in circumference. They were hollow, with walls 3 inches thick: These words are an addition to the 2 Kgs 25 text.","summary_en":"52:12-21 This section adds some details not found in 2 Kgs 25. The Babylonians gained vast wealth by looting all the precious metals in the Temple before it was burned. • The Babylonian looters had to break large metal items into pieces in order to get them on wagons and carry them away. • 18 feet in circumference. They were hollow, with walls 3 inches thick: These words are an addition to the 2 Kgs 25 text.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":80475,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:12","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:12","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:12<\/strong> <em>On August 17 of that year:<\/em> This date is three days later than the one recorded in 2 Kgs 25:8; the reason for the discrepancy is not known.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:12<\/strong> <em>On August 17 of that year:<\/em> This date is three days later than the one recorded in 2 Kgs 25:8; the reason for the discrepancy is not known.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:12 On August 17 of that year: This date is three days later than the one recorded in 2 Kgs 25:8; the reason for the discrepancy is not known.","summary_en":"52:12 On August 17 of that year: This date is three days later than the one recorded in 2 Kgs 25:8; the reason for the discrepancy is not known.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":108100,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:12","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:12","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:12-21<\/strong> This section adds some details not found in 2 Kgs 25. The Babylonians gained vast wealth by looting all the precious metals in the Temple before it was burned. • The Babylonian looters had to break large metal items into pieces in order to get them on wagons and carry them away. • <em>18 feet in circumference. They were hollow, with walls 3 inches thick:<\/em> These words are an addition to the 2 Kgs 25 text.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:12-21<\/strong> This section adds some details not found in 2 Kgs 25. The Babylonians gained vast wealth by looting all the precious metals in the Temple before it was burned. • The Babylonian looters had to break large metal items into pieces in order to get them on wagons and carry them away. • <em>18 feet in circumference. They were hollow, with walls 3 inches thick:<\/em> These words are an addition to the 2 Kgs 25 text.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:12-21 This section adds some details not found in 2 Kgs 25. The Babylonians gained vast wealth by looting all the precious metals in the Temple before it was burned. • The Babylonian looters had to break large metal items into pieces in order to get them on wagons and carry them away. • 18 feet in circumference. They were hollow, with walls 3 inches thick: These words are an addition to the 2 Kgs 25 text.","summary_en":"52:12-21 This section adds some details not found in 2 Kgs 25. The Babylonians gained vast wealth by looting all the precious metals in the Temple before it was burned. • The Babylonian looters had to break large metal items into pieces in order to get them on wagons and carry them away. • 18 feet in circumference. They were hollow, with walls 3 inches thick: These words are an addition to the 2 Kgs 25 text.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":108101,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:12","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:12","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:12<\/strong> <em>On August 17 of that year:<\/em> This date is three days later than the one recorded in 2 Kgs 25:8; the reason for the discrepancy is not known.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:12<\/strong> <em>On August 17 of that year:<\/em> This date is three days later than the one recorded in 2 Kgs 25:8; the reason for the discrepancy is not known.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:12 On August 17 of that year: This date is three days later than the one recorded in 2 Kgs 25:8; the reason for the discrepancy is not known.","summary_en":"52:12 On August 17 of that year: This date is three days later than the one recorded in 2 Kgs 25:8; the reason for the discrepancy is not known.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":135726,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:12","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:12","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:12-21<\/strong> This section adds some details not found in 2 Kgs 25. The Babylonians gained vast wealth by looting all the precious metals in the Temple before it was burned. • The Babylonian looters had to break large metal items into pieces in order to get them on wagons and carry them away. • <em>18 feet in circumference. They were hollow, with walls 3 inches thick:<\/em> These words are an addition to the 2 Kgs 25 text.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:12-21<\/strong> This section adds some details not found in 2 Kgs 25. The Babylonians gained vast wealth by looting all the precious metals in the Temple before it was burned. • The Babylonian looters had to break large metal items into pieces in order to get them on wagons and carry them away. • <em>18 feet in circumference. They were hollow, with walls 3 inches thick:<\/em> These words are an addition to the 2 Kgs 25 text.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:12-21 This section adds some details not found in 2 Kgs 25. The Babylonians gained vast wealth by looting all the precious metals in the Temple before it was burned. • The Babylonian looters had to break large metal items into pieces in order to get them on wagons and carry them away. • 18 feet in circumference. They were hollow, with walls 3 inches thick: These words are an addition to the 2 Kgs 25 text.","summary_en":"52:12-21 This section adds some details not found in 2 Kgs 25. The Babylonians gained vast wealth by looting all the precious metals in the Temple before it was burned. • The Babylonian looters had to break large metal items into pieces in order to get them on wagons and carry them away. • 18 feet in circumference. They were hollow, with walls 3 inches thick: These words are an addition to the 2 Kgs 25 text.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":135727,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:12","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:12","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:12<\/strong> <em>On August 17 of that year:<\/em> This date is three days later than the one recorded in 2 Kgs 25:8; the reason for the discrepancy is not known.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:12<\/strong> <em>On August 17 of that year:<\/em> This date is three days later than the one recorded in 2 Kgs 25:8; the reason for the discrepancy is not known.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:12 On August 17 of that year: This date is three days later than the one recorded in 2 Kgs 25:8; the reason for the discrepancy is not known.","summary_en":"52:12 On August 17 of that year: This date is three days later than the one recorded in 2 Kgs 25:8; the reason for the discrepancy is not known.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"13":[{"id":52850,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:13","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:13","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:13<\/strong> <em>He burned down the Temple:<\/em> Although the Temple was constructed mostly of stone, beams of cedar were laid among the stones. Cedar panels covered the walls, and cypress planks were used for the floors. Wood was also used for window frames and for doors (see 1 Kgs 6). All of this wood burned.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:13<\/strong> <em>He burned down the Temple:<\/em> Although the Temple was constructed mostly of stone, beams of cedar were laid among the stones. Cedar panels covered the walls, and cypress planks were used for the floors. Wood was also used for window frames and for doors (see 1 Kgs 6). All of this wood burned.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:13 He burned down the Temple: Although the Temple was constructed mostly of stone, beams of cedar were laid among the stones. Cedar panels covered the walls, and cypress planks were used for the floors. Wood was also used for window frames and for doors (see 1 Kgs 6). All of this wood burned.","summary_en":"52:13 He burned down the Temple: Although the Temple was constructed mostly of stone, beams of cedar were laid among the stones. Cedar panels covered the walls, and cypress planks were used for the floors. Wood was also used for window frames and for doors (see 1 Kgs 6). All of this wood burned.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":80476,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:13","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:13","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:13<\/strong> <em>He burned down the Temple:<\/em> Although the Temple was constructed mostly of stone, beams of cedar were laid among the stones. Cedar panels covered the walls, and cypress planks were used for the floors. Wood was also used for window frames and for doors (see 1 Kgs 6). All of this wood burned.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:13<\/strong> <em>He burned down the Temple:<\/em> Although the Temple was constructed mostly of stone, beams of cedar were laid among the stones. Cedar panels covered the walls, and cypress planks were used for the floors. Wood was also used for window frames and for doors (see 1 Kgs 6). All of this wood burned.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:13 He burned down the Temple: Although the Temple was constructed mostly of stone, beams of cedar were laid among the stones. Cedar panels covered the walls, and cypress planks were used for the floors. Wood was also used for window frames and for doors (see 1 Kgs 6). All of this wood burned.","summary_en":"52:13 He burned down the Temple: Although the Temple was constructed mostly of stone, beams of cedar were laid among the stones. Cedar panels covered the walls, and cypress planks were used for the floors. Wood was also used for window frames and for doors (see 1 Kgs 6). All of this wood burned.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":108102,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:13","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:13","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:13<\/strong> <em>He burned down the Temple:<\/em> Although the Temple was constructed mostly of stone, beams of cedar were laid among the stones. Cedar panels covered the walls, and cypress planks were used for the floors. Wood was also used for window frames and for doors (see 1 Kgs 6). All of this wood burned.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:13<\/strong> <em>He burned down the Temple:<\/em> Although the Temple was constructed mostly of stone, beams of cedar were laid among the stones. Cedar panels covered the walls, and cypress planks were used for the floors. Wood was also used for window frames and for doors (see 1 Kgs 6). All of this wood burned.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:13 He burned down the Temple: Although the Temple was constructed mostly of stone, beams of cedar were laid among the stones. Cedar panels covered the walls, and cypress planks were used for the floors. Wood was also used for window frames and for doors (see 1 Kgs 6). All of this wood burned.","summary_en":"52:13 He burned down the Temple: Although the Temple was constructed mostly of stone, beams of cedar were laid among the stones. Cedar panels covered the walls, and cypress planks were used for the floors. Wood was also used for window frames and for doors (see 1 Kgs 6). All of this wood burned.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":135728,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:13","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:13","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:13<\/strong> <em>He burned down the Temple:<\/em> Although the Temple was constructed mostly of stone, beams of cedar were laid among the stones. Cedar panels covered the walls, and cypress planks were used for the floors. Wood was also used for window frames and for doors (see 1 Kgs 6). All of this wood burned.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:13<\/strong> <em>He burned down the Temple:<\/em> Although the Temple was constructed mostly of stone, beams of cedar were laid among the stones. Cedar panels covered the walls, and cypress planks were used for the floors. Wood was also used for window frames and for doors (see 1 Kgs 6). All of this wood burned.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:13 He burned down the Temple: Although the Temple was constructed mostly of stone, beams of cedar were laid among the stones. Cedar panels covered the walls, and cypress planks were used for the floors. Wood was also used for window frames and for doors (see 1 Kgs 6). All of this wood burned.","summary_en":"52:13 He burned down the Temple: Although the Temple was constructed mostly of stone, beams of cedar were laid among the stones. Cedar panels covered the walls, and cypress planks were used for the floors. Wood was also used for window frames and for doors (see 1 Kgs 6). All of this wood burned.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"15":[{"id":39659,"type":"chart","type_label":"Diagramă","type_icon":"📊","type_color":"#3b82f6","title_ro":"Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles","title_en":"Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles","content_ro":"<h3>Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles<\/h3>\n<p>This chart follows the order of passages as they occur in Jeremiah.<\/p>\n<table>\n <tr>\n <td><p><em>Order<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>Jeremiah<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>2 Kings<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>2 Chronicles<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>Content<\/em><\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>1<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>37:1-2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:10-12<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah made king<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>39:1-8<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:1-10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah rebels; siege begins<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>7<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>39:10 and 40:5b<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:12 and 25:22b<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah made governor<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>8<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>40:7-9<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:23-24<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah urges fidelity to Babylon<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>9<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>41:1-3<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:25<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah assassinated<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>43:5-7<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:26<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Jews flee to Egypt<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>1<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:1-2 (cf. 37:1-2)<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:10-12<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah made king<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:3-5 (cf. 39:1-3)<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:20 and 25:1-2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:13-16<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah rebels; siege begins<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>3<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:6-14<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:3-10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah captured; Jerusalem destroyed<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>6<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:15<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:11<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:20<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>People deported<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>5<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:17-23<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:13-17<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:18<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Booty taken<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>4<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:24-27<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:18-21<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Nobles slain<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>11<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:31-34<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:27-30<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Later events<\/p><\/td><\/tr><\/table>","content_en":"<h3>Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles<\/h3>\n<p>This chart follows the order of passages as they occur in Jeremiah.<\/p>\n<table>\n <tr>\n <td><p><em>Order<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>Jeremiah<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>2 Kings<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>2 Chronicles<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>Content<\/em><\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>1<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>37:1-2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:10-12<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah made king<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>39:1-8<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:1-10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah rebels; siege begins<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>7<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>39:10 and 40:5b<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:12 and 25:22b<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah made governor<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>8<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>40:7-9<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:23-24<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah urges fidelity to Babylon<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>9<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>41:1-3<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:25<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah assassinated<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>43:5-7<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:26<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Jews flee to Egypt<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>1<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:1-2 (cf. 37:1-2)<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:10-12<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah made king<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:3-5 (cf. 39:1-3)<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:20 and 25:1-2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:13-16<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah rebels; siege begins<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>3<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:6-14<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:3-10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah captured; Jerusalem destroyed<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>6<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:15<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:11<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:20<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>People deported<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>5<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:17-23<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:13-17<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:18<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Booty taken<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>4<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:24-27<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:18-21<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Nobles slain<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>11<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:31-34<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:27-30<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Later events<\/p><\/td><\/tr><\/table>","summary_ro":"Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles This chart follows the order of passages as they occur in Jeremiah. Order Jeremiah 2 Kings 2 Chronicles Content 1 37:1-2 24:17-19 36:10-12 Zedekiah made king 2 39:1-8 25:1-10 36:17-19 Zedekiah rebels; siege begins 7 39:10 and 40:5b 25:12 and 25:22b Gedaliah made governor 8 40:7-9 25:23-24 Gedaliah urges fidelity to Babylon 9 41:1-3 25:25 Gedaliah assassinated 10 43:5-7 25:26 Jews flee to Egypt 1 52:1-2 (cf. 37:1-2) 24:17-19 36:10-12 Zedekiah ...","summary_en":"Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles This chart follows the order of passages as they occur in Jeremiah. Order Jeremiah 2 Kings 2 Chronicles Content 1 37:1-2 24:17-19 36:10-12 Zedekiah made king 2 39:1-8 25:1-10 36:17-19 Zedekiah rebels; siege begins 7 39:10 and 40:5b 25:12 and 25:22b Gedaliah made governor 8 40:7-9 25:23-24 Gedaliah urges fidelity to Babylon 9 41:1-3 25:25 Gedaliah assassinated 10 43:5-7 25:26 Jews flee to Egypt 1 52:1-2 (cf. 37:1-2) 24:17-19 36:10-12 Zedekiah ...","source":"Charts\/Charts.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":52851,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:15","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:15","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:15<\/strong> <em>some of the poorest of the people:<\/em> Jeremiah added this phrase (cp. 2 Kgs 25:11) and changed “population” to <em>craftsmen<\/em>.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:15<\/strong> <em>some of the poorest of the people:<\/em> Jeremiah added this phrase (cp. 2 Kgs 25:11) and changed “population” to <em>craftsmen<\/em>.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:15 some of the poorest of the people: Jeremiah added this phrase (cp. 2 Kgs 25:11) and changed “population” to craftsmen.","summary_en":"52:15 some of the poorest of the people: Jeremiah added this phrase (cp. 2 Kgs 25:11) and changed “population” to craftsmen.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":80477,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:15","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:15","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:15<\/strong> <em>some of the poorest of the people:<\/em> Jeremiah added this phrase (cp. 2 Kgs 25:11) and changed “population” to <em>craftsmen<\/em>.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:15<\/strong> <em>some of the poorest of the people:<\/em> Jeremiah added this phrase (cp. 2 Kgs 25:11) and changed “population” to <em>craftsmen<\/em>.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:15 some of the poorest of the people: Jeremiah added this phrase (cp. 2 Kgs 25:11) and changed “population” to craftsmen.","summary_en":"52:15 some of the poorest of the people: Jeremiah added this phrase (cp. 2 Kgs 25:11) and changed “population” to craftsmen.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":108103,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:15","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:15","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:15<\/strong> <em>some of the poorest of the people:<\/em> Jeremiah added this phrase (cp. 2 Kgs 25:11) and changed “population” to <em>craftsmen<\/em>.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:15<\/strong> <em>some of the poorest of the people:<\/em> Jeremiah added this phrase (cp. 2 Kgs 25:11) and changed “population” to <em>craftsmen<\/em>.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:15 some of the poorest of the people: Jeremiah added this phrase (cp. 2 Kgs 25:11) and changed “population” to craftsmen.","summary_en":"52:15 some of the poorest of the people: Jeremiah added this phrase (cp. 2 Kgs 25:11) and changed “population” to craftsmen.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":135729,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:15","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:15","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:15<\/strong> <em>some of the poorest of the people:<\/em> Jeremiah added this phrase (cp. 2 Kgs 25:11) and changed “population” to <em>craftsmen<\/em>.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:15<\/strong> <em>some of the poorest of the people:<\/em> Jeremiah added this phrase (cp. 2 Kgs 25:11) and changed “population” to <em>craftsmen<\/em>.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:15 some of the poorest of the people: Jeremiah added this phrase (cp. 2 Kgs 25:11) and changed “population” to craftsmen.","summary_en":"52:15 some of the poorest of the people: Jeremiah added this phrase (cp. 2 Kgs 25:11) and changed “population” to craftsmen.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"17":[{"id":5726,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Bronze Sea","title_en":"Bronze Sea","content_ro":"<h3>BRONZE SEA<\/h3>\n<p>Large tank of water in Solomon’s temple yard for the priests’ washing (1 Kgs 7:23-44; 2 Kgs 16:17; 25:13; 1 Chr 18:8; 2 Chr 4:2-6, 15; Jer 52:17). Cast from bronze and about three inches (7.6 centimeters) thick (a handbreadth), it was mounted on 12 bronze oxen (three facing in each compass direction) in the courtyard at the southeast corner of the sanctuary. It was five cubits (about 7.5 feet, or over 2 meters) high and ten cubits (15 feet, or 4.6 meters) in diameter, with a capacity of either 2,000 baths (1 Kgs 7:26) or 3,000 (2 Chr 4:5). The discrepancy possibly comes from a scribal error. The bath (originally a vessel large enough to hold a person) was a liquid measure of about 6 gallons (23 liters), so the tank held perhaps 18,000 gallons (68,136 liters) of water.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Temple; Laver.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>BRONZE SEA<\/h3>\n<p>Large tank of water in Solomon’s temple yard for the priests’ washing (1 Kgs 7:23-44; 2 Kgs 16:17; 25:13; 1 Chr 18:8; 2 Chr 4:2-6, 15; Jer 52:17). Cast from bronze and about three inches (7.6 centimeters) thick (a handbreadth), it was mounted on 12 bronze oxen (three facing in each compass direction) in the courtyard at the southeast corner of the sanctuary. It was five cubits (about 7.5 feet, or over 2 meters) high and ten cubits (15 feet, or 4.6 meters) in diameter, with a capacity of either 2,000 baths (1 Kgs 7:26) or 3,000 (2 Chr 4:5). The discrepancy possibly comes from a scribal error. The bath (originally a vessel large enough to hold a person) was a liquid measure of about 6 gallons (23 liters), so the tank held perhaps 18,000 gallons (68,136 liters) of water.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Temple; Laver.<\/p>","summary_ro":"BRONZE SEA Large tank of water in Solomon’s temple yard for the priests’ washing (1 Kgs 7:23-44; 2 Kgs 16:17; 25:13; 1 Chr 18:8; 2 Chr 4:2-6, 15; Jer 52:17). Cast from bronze and about three inches (7.6 centimeters) thick (a handbreadth), it was mounted on 12 bronze oxen (three facing in each compass direction) in the courtyard at the southeast corner of the sanctuary. It was five cubits (about 7.5 feet, or over 2 meters) high and ten cubits (15 feet, or 4.6 meters) in diameter, with a capaci...","summary_en":"BRONZE SEA Large tank of water in Solomon’s temple yard for the priests’ washing (1 Kgs 7:23-44; 2 Kgs 16:17; 25:13; 1 Chr 18:8; 2 Chr 4:2-6, 15; Jer 52:17). Cast from bronze and about three inches (7.6 centimeters) thick (a handbreadth), it was mounted on 12 bronze oxen (three facing in each compass direction) in the courtyard at the southeast corner of the sanctuary. It was five cubits (about 7.5 feet, or over 2 meters) high and ten cubits (15 feet, or 4.6 meters) in diameter, with a capaci...","source":"Articles\/B.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":22657,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Laver*","title_en":"Laver*","content_ro":"<h3>LAVER*<\/h3>\n<p>Basin filled with water that the priests used to wash their hands and feet before entering the Holy Place and before returning to serve at the altar (Ex 30:17-21). In Solomon’s temple a large laver called the “molten sea” was placed between the altar of burnt offerings in the courtyard and the entrance to the inner temple. This consisted of the large basin and the pedestal on which it sat (Ex 30:18); it was made of bronze or brass, melted and shaped from mirrors of highly polished metal given by Israelite women (38:8).<\/p>\n<p>In Solomon’s temple, in addition to the molten sea (1 Kgs 7:23), there were ten smaller lavers, five on the north and five on the south sides of the sanctuary (1 Kgs 7:38-39). Each held 40 baths (320–440 gallons, or 1,211.2–1,665.4 liters), one-fiftieth the capacity of the large laver. The lavishly decorated molten sea was used for the ablutions of the priests, while the ten lavers were no doubt used for the sacrifices (2 Chr 4:6). Later King Ahaz, possibly for religious or financial reasons, severed the lavers from their bases and the sea from its base, placing it on a stone pediment (2 Kgs 16:17). The prophet Jeremiah, during King Jehoiakim’s reign, predicted that the molten sea and the bases would be carried into Babylon (Jer 27:19-22), which in fact happened, according to Jeremiah 52:17. No mention is made of the ten small lavers, which were perhaps already melted down and sold.<\/p>\n<p>In Ezekiel’s description of the temple to come (Ez 40–42), there is no mention of a laver or molten sea. The apostle John, however, in Revelation 4:6 and 15:2 mentions a “sea of glass,” perhaps reminiscent of Solomon’s molten sea.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Bronze Sea.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>LAVER*<\/h3>\n<p>Basin filled with water that the priests used to wash their hands and feet before entering the Holy Place and before returning to serve at the altar (Ex 30:17-21). In Solomon’s temple a large laver called the “molten sea” was placed between the altar of burnt offerings in the courtyard and the entrance to the inner temple. This consisted of the large basin and the pedestal on which it sat (Ex 30:18); it was made of bronze or brass, melted and shaped from mirrors of highly polished metal given by Israelite women (38:8).<\/p>\n<p>In Solomon’s temple, in addition to the molten sea (1 Kgs 7:23), there were ten smaller lavers, five on the north and five on the south sides of the sanctuary (1 Kgs 7:38-39). Each held 40 baths (320–440 gallons, or 1,211.2–1,665.4 liters), one-fiftieth the capacity of the large laver. The lavishly decorated molten sea was used for the ablutions of the priests, while the ten lavers were no doubt used for the sacrifices (2 Chr 4:6). Later King Ahaz, possibly for religious or financial reasons, severed the lavers from their bases and the sea from its base, placing it on a stone pediment (2 Kgs 16:17). The prophet Jeremiah, during King Jehoiakim’s reign, predicted that the molten sea and the bases would be carried into Babylon (Jer 27:19-22), which in fact happened, according to Jeremiah 52:17. No mention is made of the ten small lavers, which were perhaps already melted down and sold.<\/p>\n<p>In Ezekiel’s description of the temple to come (Ez 40–42), there is no mention of a laver or molten sea. The apostle John, however, in Revelation 4:6 and 15:2 mentions a “sea of glass,” perhaps reminiscent of Solomon’s molten sea.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Bronze Sea.<\/p>","summary_ro":"LAVER* Basin filled with water that the priests used to wash their hands and feet before entering the Holy Place and before returning to serve at the altar (Ex 30:17-21). In Solomon’s temple a large laver called the “molten sea” was placed between the altar of burnt offerings in the courtyard and the entrance to the inner temple. This consisted of the large basin and the pedestal on which it sat (Ex 30:18); it was made of bronze or brass, melted and shaped from mirrors of highly polished meta...","summary_en":"LAVER* Basin filled with water that the priests used to wash their hands and feet before entering the Holy Place and before returning to serve at the altar (Ex 30:17-21). In Solomon’s temple a large laver called the “molten sea” was placed between the altar of burnt offerings in the courtyard and the entrance to the inner temple. This consisted of the large basin and the pedestal on which it sat (Ex 30:18); it was made of bronze or brass, melted and shaped from mirrors of highly polished meta...","source":"Articles\/L.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":36973,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Temple","title_en":"Temple","content_ro":"<h3>TEMPLE<\/h3>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Background<\/p>\n<p>• Solomon’s Temple<\/p>\n<p>• Zerubbabel’s Temple<\/p>\n<p>• Herod’s Temple<\/p>\n<p>• Significance of the Temple in the Old Testament<\/p>\n<p>• Significance of the Temple in the New Testament<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Background\">Background<\/p>\n<p>David’s capture of Jerusalem (2 Sm 5:6-9) and his designation of it as the nation’s capital is one of the great masterstrokes of history. Occupied by the Jebusites, it was a pocket of neutral territory between the northern and southern sections of David’s united kingdom and was politically acceptable to both. Jerusalem was then established as the national religious center by the return of the ark, which had been largely neglected since its capture by the Philistines (2 Sm 6:1-17). Henceforth, God’s choices of both David and Jerusalem (“Mount Zion”) were indissolubly linked (Ps 78:67-72).<\/p>\n<p>David’s great impulse was to build an adequate dwelling place for Israel’s God. The idea was initially approved by Nathan the prophet (2 Sm 7:1-3), but God revealed otherwise to him, and he conveyed the divine purpose to David (vv 4-17). In a significant wordplay, David was informed that, while he was not to build a house (temple) for God, God would build a house (dynasty) for him. David was not the one to build a temple because of the numerous wars during his reign; the temple would instead be built by his son (1 Kgs 5:3; 1 Chr 22:7-8; 28:3). Nevertheless, David enthusiastically amassed most of the necessary finances and materials and drew up the blueprints for the temple (1 Chr 22:3-5, 14; 28:2, 11-19). He also purchased the temple site (21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"SolomonsTemple\">Solomon’s Temple<\/p>\n\n<h5>Date<\/h5>\n<p>Construction commenced in Solomon’s fourth year, about 966 <span>BC<\/span>, and took seven years to complete (1 Kgs 6:1, 38). Everything necessary for the temple, including the workers, had been prepared by David (1 Chr 28:21). The temple evidently had first priority among Solomon’s building schemes, as he built his own palace later (1 Kgs 7:1).<\/p>\n<h5>Superintendents and Workforce<\/h5>\n<p>The principal architect for the bronze furnishings was Huram (Hebrew “Hiram”), whose father was a metal craftsman from Tyre and whose mother was an Israelite (1 Kgs 7:13-14). Cedar for the temple came from Lebanon and was felled and transported by the skilled woodsmen of another Hiram—the king of Tyre, Solomon’s ally (5:5-9). Thirty thousand Israelites, divided into three groups, were drafted to assist at Lebanon. Each group was on duty for one month in three. For the stonework, Solomon conscripted 153,600 foreigners resident in Israel to provide a self-contained group of carriers, stone cutters, and supervisors (vv 15-17; 2 Chr 2:17-18). Possibly the “men of Gebal,” with their specialized skills, formed yet another group (1 Kgs 5:18). Building the temple was obviously a national project of immense size and effort. In order to preserve the sanctity of the site and to eliminate noise, the masonry and carpentry were not done at the temple site (6:7).<\/p>\n<h5>Description<\/h5>\n<p>The details given in the Bible are sufficiently clear for us to make a reasonably accurate description of the temple. The accounts in Kings and Chronicles are supplemented by Ezekiel’s depiction of the temple (see below), which was broadly based on his knowledge of the Jerusalem temple (Ez 40–48).<\/p>\n<p>The side rooms probably rested on a foundation or platform that was separate from the temple itself (1 Kgs 6:5, 10; cf. Ez 41:8-9) and were arranged in three stories, each seven and a half feet (2.3 meters) high, extending around the whole building except for the porch side. Each successive story was one and a half feet (.5 meter) wider than the one below, these dimensions coinciding with the thickness of the side wall of the Holy Place. The ground floor rooms were seven and a half feet (2.3 meters) wide; the first story was nine feet (2.7 meters), and the second was ten and a half feet (3.2 meters). Access to the upper stories was possibly by winding staircases (1 Kgs 6:8). There is some uncertainty concerning the location of the entrances; there may have been one on either side, but only one is mentioned (v 8). As in Ezekiel’s temple (Ez 40:17, 28), there were two adjacent courts, an inner and an outer (1 Kgs 6:36; 7:12), but no dimensions are given for these. The inner court, or “court of the priests,” being next to the temple itself, was also called “the upper court” (2 Chr 4:9; Jer 36:10). The wall of the inner court was made of three layers of hewn stone held together by a layer of cedar beams (1 Kgs 6:36), and the doors of both courts were sheathed in bronze (2 Chr 4:9). The palace buildings were within the outer court area, probably with a private passageway between the palace and the temple that was later closed during the reign of Ahaz (2 Chr 4:9, 12; 2 Kgs 16:18).<\/p>\n<p>The temple itself was 90 feet (27.4 meters) long, 30 feet (9.1 meters) wide, and 45 feet (13.7 meters) high (1 Kgs 6:2), with a porch or vestibule 15 feet (4.6 meters) deep stretching across the width. Probably the vestibule was on the east end of the temple, thus corresponding with the orientation of Ezekiel’s temple (Ez 43:1; 44:1). The larger part of the main sanctuary, next to the porch, formed the Holy Place, which was 60 feet (18.3 meters) long (1 Kgs 6:17). Beyond this was the innermost sanctuary, the Holy of Holies (or the “Most Holy Place“), which was a perfect cube of 30 feet (9.1 meters). All the interior walls were paneled with cedar decorated with flower patterns, cherubim, and palm trees, so that no masonry was visible. The walls of both inner and outer sanctuaries were “overlaid” (v 22) with pure gold. Actually the gold decoration may have been inlaid, on the basis that a solid sheath of gold would spoil the natural beauty of the wood carving. The floor was made of cypress planks (v 15). Narrow windows set high in the walls above the level of the three-storied outer chambers provided light in the Holy Place (v 4). The ceiling was paneled with beams and planks of cedar. No detail is given about the exterior roofing, but probably the contemporary technique was employed, using a wooden, latticelike framework into which a waterproof, limestone plaster was packed and rolled.<\/p>\n<p>The outer porch was apparently an open space, since no doors are mentioned. Access into the Holy Place was by double doors, both hinged to fold back on themselves, made of cypress and decorated in exactly the same way as the interior walls (vv 34-35). The doorposts were made of olive wood. Within the Holy Place was the altar of incense made of cedar overlaid with gold; it was placed centrally before the Holy of Holies. Also in the Holy Place were a table for the bread of the Presence of God, ten lampstands arranged in two groups of five on either side, and various utensils required for maintaining the priestly duties (1 Kgs 7:48-50). All these were made or overlaid with gold. The ten tables, arranged five on each side, were presumably for the utensils and accessories (2 Chr 4:8).<\/p>\n<p>Between the Holy Place and the Holy of Holies was a double door made of olive wood, carved with cherubim, palm trees, and flower patterns and overlaid with gold. Inside these doors, veiling still further the Holy of Holies, was a blue, purple, and crimson curtain, made of the finest fabrics and ornamented with cherubim (2 Chr 3:14).<\/p>\n<p>In the Holy of Holies were two cherubim, each 15 feet (4.6 meters) high and made of olive wood covered with gold (1 Kgs 6:23-28). Each wing measured seven and a half feet (2.3 meters). A wing of each touched the side walls; the other wings met at the center of the room. The divine throne had been considerably less impressive in the tabernacle, where a wing of each cherubim fused into the mercy seat above the ark (Ex 25:17-22). In Solomon’s temple, the ark of the covenant was placed below the forward-facing cherubim, the symbolic protectors. The ark, the only major item surviving from the Mosaic tabernacle, still contained the tablets of the law, but the pot of manna and Aaron’s rod were missing (1 Kgs 8:9).<\/p>\n<p>Immediately outside the temple and on either side of the vestibule were two hollow bronze pillars (1 Kgs 7:15-20; 2 Chr 3:15-17). According to the book of Kings, these pillars were 27 feet (8.2 meters) high, with a circumference of 18 feet (5.5 meters). The metal itself was about four inches (10.2 centimeters) thick. The pillars were surmounted by bronze, lily-shaped capitals seven and a half feet (2.3 meters) high and six feet (1.8 meters) wide, intricately adorned with a chain latticework that supported two rows of pomegranates. The total weight must have been enormous, and their size is attested to by Jeremiah, who notes that the Babylonians had to break them in pieces before transporting them to Babylon (Jer 52:17, 21-23).<\/p>\n<p>The bronze altar of sacrifice in front of the vestibule is not listed in the specifications of 1 Kings 7. However, it is mentioned in the temple dedication and subsequently (1 Kgs 8:22, 54, 64; 9:25) and clearly stood in the inner court. Its dimensions were 30 feet (9.1 meters) square and 15 feet (4.6 meters) high (2 Chr 4:1). In view of its weight, it was probably cast in sections at Solomon’s foundry in the Jordan Rift valley (vv 17-18) and then transported to the temple site for assembly.<\/p>\n<p>Probably the most striking article in the inner court was the “molten (bronze) sea,” a huge, round tank made of bronze 3 inches (8 centimeters) thick, 7½ feet (2.3 meters) high, and 15 feet (4.6 meters) in diameter (1 Kgs 7:23-26). Its rim flared out like a lily (2 Chr 4:2-5). The tank was supported on 12 bronze oxen, four on each side, and had two rows of decoration, possibly gourds or pomegranates, under the brim. Its capacity was between 10,000 and 12,000 gallons (37,850–45,420 liters). The bronze sea was used for priestly ablutions (v 6). Presumably this involved a platform of sorts, for the brim of this vast basin would have been about 15 feet (4.6 meters) above ground level.<\/p>\n<p>Hiram also constructed ten large lavers, mounted on moveable stands and placed in two groups of five, on the north and south sides of the inner court (1 Kgs 7:27-39). Basically the stands were bronze boxes, six feet (1.8 meters) square and four and a half feet (1.4 meters) high with a nine-inch (22.9-centimeter) rim around the top edge. Each corner was attached to braced posts to which the axles were fixed. The four-spoked wheels were 27 inches (68.6 centimeters) high. Into each stand there fitted a laver containing approximately 220 gallons (832.7 liters) of water, used for washing sacrificial animals (2 Chr 4:6). Probably each was adjacent to one of the ten tables that would be used to flay and otherwise prepare the sacrifices (v 8). Supplementary items, such as pots, shovels, and basins, all made of bronze, were also manufactured (1 Kgs 7:40, 45).<\/p>\n<h5>The Dedication<\/h5>\n<p>Eleven months elapsed between the completion of the temple and its dedication (1 Kgs 6:38; 8:2), during which time the major items of furniture were set in place. The dedication itself took place in the seventh month, presumably in connection with the Feast of Tabernacles and the Day of Atonement (Lv 23:23-36). The ark of the covenant was brought into its final resting place (1 Kgs 8:3-4), but the inner court proved inadequate for the vast numbers of beasts sacrificed (1 Kgs 8:62-64; 2 Chr 7:7).<\/p>\n<p>The temple employed the most sophisticated building techniques of the age, and no expense had been spared in construction, ornamentation, or equipment. Yet Solomon readily confessed its utter inadequacy to house the eternal God (1 Kgs 8:27). His prayer also underlined Israel’s propensity to forsake the Lord, contrasting the nation with God, who, though a just judge, was also merciful and faithful. The climax of the proceedings came when fire from heaven consumed the sacrifices and the shekinah glory filled the temple (2 Chr 7:1-3).<\/p>\n<h5>Later History<\/h5>\n<p>Like most ancient shrines, the temple became a treasury for national wealth and as such was often the target for attack. Shishak of Egypt plundered it within five years of Solomon’s death (1 Kgs 14:25-38). Shortly afterward, King Asa (910–869 <span>BC<\/span>) depleted its gold and silver treasures to buy Syrian help against his oppressor, Baasha (908–886 <span>BC<\/span>), king of Israel (15:16-19). Joash, the king of Judah (835–796 <span>BC<\/span>) who was concealed in the temple from the vicious Athaliah during his youth (2 Kgs 11), made provision for its repair after protesting the priests’ embezzlement of gifts (12:4-16). But after the death of Jehoiada, the high priest, Joash himself was adversely influenced by his nobles (2 Chr 24:15-19). As punishment for his apostasy, the Lord allowed the Syrians to attack, and Joash used the temple treasures to buy them off (2 Kgs 12:17-18). Hardly had provision for replacements been made, when Jehoash of Israel (798–782 <span>BC<\/span>), having shattered the arrogant pride of Amaziah of Judah (796–767 <span>BC<\/span>), again stripped the temple (14:8-14). Later, King Ahaz (735-715 <span>BC<\/span>) used the remaining resources of the temple to enlist support from the Assyrians (16:7-9), though he eventually became completely subservient to them.<\/p>\n<p> Then Hezekiah (715–686 <span>BC<\/span>), one of the great reforming kings, thoroughly renovated the temple and restored worship after it had fallen into disuse during theclosing years of Ahaz (2 Chr 29:1-19; 31:9-21). Manasseh (696–642 <span>BC<\/span>), however, completely reversed his father’s policy, bringing the practices of Canaanite and Mesopotamian worship into the temple (2 Kgs 21:3-7). His conversion experience, which probably occurred late in his reign and resulted in certain reform measures in the temple (2 Chr 33:12-19), was not far-reaching enough to escape the final judgment that his reign was the dark spot of Judah’s history (2 Kgs 21:10-16).<\/p>\n<p>Manasseh’s grandson Josiah (640–609 <span>BC<\/span>), was the second great reforming king. He organized the repair of the temple in 622 <span>BC<\/span>, during which the lost Book of the Law (almost certainly the book of Deuteronomy) was discovered (2 Kgs 22:3-13). As a result, Josiah’s reformation gained a new dimension and sense of urgency (22:14–23:3). The reformation included a thorough purge of all idolatrous elements from the temple (23:4-12) and the restoration of the traditional festivals. Sadly, however, Josiah’s reformation died with him, and Judah’s downward slide continued under the apostate Jehoiakim (609–598 <span>BC<\/span>). It was probably during this time that Jeremiah preached his famous temple sermon foretelling its destruction (Jer 7:1–8:3; 26:1-19), which alienated him from the religious leaders. In Nebuchadnezzar’s reprisal raid following Jehoiakim’s rebellion in 601 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 24:1-4), Jerusalem was captured (596 <span>BC<\/span>) and many of the temple treasures were transported to Babylon (2 Chr 36:7). The temple itself appears to have escaped damage, but when Judah again rebelled under Zedekiah (597–586 <span>BC<\/span>), the temple was demolished (2 Kgs 25:8-10). The remaining temple treasures were taken away.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"ZerubbabelsTemple\">Zerubbabel’s Temple<\/p>\n<h5>Construction<\/h5>\n<p>Although the temple was devastated, the site still remained as a place of pilgrimage during the exile (Jer 41:4-5). In 538 <span>BC<\/span> the Persian king, Cyrus, in pursuance of a liberal policy diametrically opposed to that of the earlier empires, permitted the Jews to return from exile. And he authorized the rebuilding of the temple, financing it from the Persian treasury.<\/p>\n<p>In the book of Ezra, the decree of authorization has been preserved in two forms: the general proclamation (Ezr 1:2-4) and a more prosaic memorandum in the national archives indicating the main temple specifications and the amount of promised Persian help (6:1-5). Probably only a minority of the Jews opted to leave the relative comforts of Mesopotamia for the dangers of a long journey to their desolated homeland. According to the book of Ezra, 42,360 dedicated individuals and their servants (2:64-65) responded under the leadership of Sheshbazzar (1:8-11; 5:14-16) and Zerubbabel (2:2; 3:2, 8; 4:2). With great enthusiasm, the altar was rebuilt on the temple site and the traditional pattern of worship reestablished (3:1-6). Utilizing the grant from Persia as well as their own freewill gifts (2:68-69; 3:7), the Jews began to plan the second temple and lay its foundations (3:7-13). The initial impetus quickly died as a result of local opposition (4:1-4, 24), selfish preoccupation, and crop failures (Hg 1:2-11). In 520 <span>BC<\/span> (Ezr 4:24; Hg 1:1; Zec 1:1), inspired by the prophets Haggai and Zechariah, the Jews under Zerubbabel and Joshua the high priest commenced rebuilding. Work continued in spite of official suspicion, if not direct opposition, and the temple was completed and dedicated in 515 <span>BC<\/span> (Ezr 5:1–6:22).<\/p>\n<p>Little is known of the physical features of Zerubbabel’s temple. The inference that it was vastly inferior to Solomon’s temple (Hg 2:3) probably relates to an early stage in the building operation. In fact, the second temple stood for over 500 years. The dimensions noted in Ezra 6:3 are incomplete; the new temple was no doubt about the same size as its predecessor and was probably built on the same foundation. The construction technique appears to have followed the method of the original, with layers of timber providing a framework for sections of masonry (v 4). Clearly, there was auxiliary accommodation, probably like the side rooms of Solomon’s temple (Ezr 8:29; Neh 12:44; 13:4-5). If Persian aid was forthcoming as promised (Ezr 6:8-12), the second temple was a more splendid, substantial structure than is generally supposed.<\/p>\n<h5>Later History<\/h5>\n<p>Several references in the Apocrypha, pseudepigrapha, rabbinic writings, and the historian Josephus help to illumine the history of the temple and give more detail on its structure and furnishings. Josephus, quoting from Hecateus of Abdera (fourth century <span>BC<\/span>), states that the temple was a large building in an enclosure about 500 feet by 150 feet (152.4 meters by 45.7 meters), surrounded by a stone wall, with an altar of unhewn stones the same size as Solomon’s bronze altar (cf. 2 Chr 4:1). Within the sanctuary was a golden altar of incense and a lampstand, the flame of which burned continually. Josephus also notes that Antiochus III (223–187 <span>BC<\/span>) financially supported the temple when the Seleucids displaced the Ptolemies as masters of Jerusalem.<\/p>\n<p>Ben Sirach, early in the second century <span>BC<\/span>, commended Simon, the son of Onias the high priest, for his work in fortifying and repairing the temple area. First Maccabees provides valuable evidence of the fate of the temple during the oppression under Antiochus IV Epiphanes (175–164 <span>BC<\/span>). The books of the Maccabees recount the defilement of the altar of burnt offering (1 Macc 1:54) and the plundering of the golden lampstand, altar of incense, table of offering, veil, and other treasures (2 Macc 5:15-16; 6:2-4). When the temple was recaptured and restored, the victorious Maccabees replaced the items taken by the Seleucids, except for the altar of sacrifice, which was considered so polluted that it was dismantled and replaced by a new one constructed of unhewn stone (1 Macc 4:36-61; 2 Macc 10:1-9). Clearly the temple area was used as a fortress, both in opposition to the Seleucid garrison that was maintained in Jerusalem in the Maccabean period and in the conflicts of the later Hasmonean period. When Pompey captured Jerusalem about 63 <span>BC<\/span>, he entered the temple to assert his authority but took no plunder, thus showing respect for it.<\/p>\n<p>The history of Zerubbabel’s temple closed when Herod, having carefully preserved it from any major damage when he gained control of Jerusalem with Roman aid in 37 <span>BC<\/span>, began to dismantle it about 21 <span>BC<\/span> in preparation for the construction of his own grand temple.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"HerodsTemple\">Herod’s Temple<\/p>\n<p>Apart from over 100 references in the NT, our main sources of information about Herod’s temple come from the Jewish historian Josephus and from the Middoth (a section of the Jewish rabbinic writings). There are considerable differences in detail between the two, which rules out any dogmatic interpretation in attempted reconstructions. Since Josephus was contemporary with the temple (he was born about <span>AD<\/span> 37 and died early in the second century), he is probably more reliable than the Middoth, which, dating from about <span>AD<\/span> 150, appears to exaggerate occasionally. Archaeological research has been helpful in determining the positions of the outer walls and gates.<\/p>\n<p>Herod’s motive in building his temple was political rather than religious. As an Idumean, he wished to placate his Jewish subjects by constructing a sanctuary as magnificent as Solomon’s. Possible fears that the site might be profaned, or that the existing temple might be demolished and never rebuilt, were allayed by the training of 1,000 priests as masons and the amassing of materials before the work commenced. Herod’s temple followed the tripartite plan of its predecessors, although its porch was much larger. It was built in the contemporary Greco-Roman architectural style and must therefore be regarded as distinct from Zerubbabel’s temple. Work began in 20 <span>BC<\/span>, and while the main sanctuary was quickly erected (it was in full operation within ten years), the total project was not completed until <span>AD<\/span> 64, only six years before it was destroyed by the Romans.<\/p>\n<p>Herod first prepared the site by clearing and leveling an area approximately 500 yards (457.2 meters) from north to south and about 325 yards (297.2 meters) from east to west. This involved cutting away sections of rock in some areas and building up with rubble in others. Considerable sections of the enclosing wall, constructed on stone blocks averaging about 15 feet (4.6 meters) long by 4 feet (1.2 meters) high, still survive. Some of the stones in the corners of the south wall weigh up to 70 tons (63.5 metric tons).<\/p>\n<p>The sanctuary itself seems to have been based on the same dimensions as Solomon’s temple. It was divided into the Holy Place, which was 60 feet (18.3 meters) long, 30 feet (9.1 meters) wide, and 60 feet high, and the Holy of Holies, which was 30 feet square. There was no furniture within the Holy of Holies, which was separated by a veil from the Holy Place. The Holy Place contained the seven-branch lampstand, the table for the bread of the Presence, and the incense altar. The main divergence from Solomon’s temple was the imposing porch, 150 feet (45.7 meters) in width and height. Outside was a doorway approximately 30 feet (9.1 meters) wide by 40 feet (12.2 meters) high, with an inner doorway about half that size leading into the sanctuary. By allowing empty rooms over the Holy of Holies and the Holy Place, there was a uniform roof height of 150 feet (45.7 meters). Golden spikes on the roof discouraged birds from alighting and defiling the structure. Like its predecessors, the temple was oriented toward the east and was surrounded on the other sides by three stories of rooms rising to a height of 60 feet (18.3 meters). The stone used was the local white stone, cut in huge blocks and highly polished.<\/p>\n<p>Access to the porch was by a flight of 12 steps from the Court of the Priests. Centrally placed before the porch and 33 feet (10.1 meters) away was the altar of sacrifice. Made of unhewn stone, it was a multilevel construction 15 feet (4.6 meters) high and about 48 feet (14.6 meters) square at its base. Male Israelites were allowed into this area once a year, during the Feast of the Tabernacles, to walk around the altar of sacrifice. Otherwise, they were restricted to the Court of Israel. To the east of the Court of Israel, and separated from it by a flight of 15 steps and by the ornate Great Gate, made of Corinthian bronze, was the Court of the Women. Here the offertory chests for temple expenses were located (Mk 12:41-44). The next court was the large, lower, outer Court of the Gentiles, which surrounded the inner courts and was separated from them by a balustrade and a series of warning notices. Two of these have been excavated, written in Latin and Greek and forbidding trespass by Gentiles into the inner areas, on pain of death. This outer court was widely used. Immediately inside its walls was a portico, supported by four rows of columns almost 40 feet (12.2 meters) high on the south side (the Royal Porch), and two rows on the other sides, the eastern portico known as “Solomon’s Porch” or “Solomon’s Colonnade.” Here is the area where the stalls of the money changers and merchants were set up, where the Sanhedrin met, and where Christ and the scribes taught and debated (Mk 11:27; Lk 2:46; 19:47; Jn 10:23). Here, too, the infant church met before it was rejected by a hostile Judaism (Acts 3:11; 5:12). Just to the northwest of the temple enclosure was the Fortress of Antonia, where the Roman governor resided while in Jerusalem, and where a Roman garrison was on hand to deal with disturbances (Acts 21:31-40). Overlooking the temple area, it was separated from it by a wide moat. The high priest’s vestments were stored in the fortress as a symbol of Roman authority. Access to the Court of the Gentiles was by four gates in the west wall; two in the south wall, where the ground fell away steeply into the valley, a site often identified as the pinnacle of the temple (Mt 4:5; Lk 4:9); and one gate in each of the east and north walls.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"SignificanceoftheTempleintheOldTestament\">Significance of the Temple in the Old Testament<\/p>\n<p>The temple in Jerusalem functioned as the focal point of the tribal confederation. In spite of the attempt of Jeroboam I, the first king of the northern kingdom, to divert attention from Jerusalem by establishing shrines at Bethel and Dan (1 Kgs 12:26-30), Jerusalem never lost its preeminence. Naturally, both Hezekiah and Josiah sought to extend their reformation into the area of the northern tribes (2 Chr 30:1-12; 34:6-7), and Jerusalem was a pilgrimage center for those areas even after its destruction (Jer 41:5). The prophets foretold its destiny as the focal point of universal worship (Is 2:1-4).<\/p>\n<p>The temple was God’s dwelling place among his people. God’s presence, symbolized in the shekinah glory and the pillar of cloud, was associated with the tent of meeting (Ex 33:9-11), with the tabernacle (40:34-38), and finally with the temple (1 Kgs 8:10-11). The paradox is that while God is completely unrestricted, the temple was considered a place for God to live forever (vv 13, 27). God had chosen Zion, as he had chosen David (Pss 68:15-18; 76:2; 78:67-72), so the temple was regarded as God’s house (27:4; 42:4; 84:1-4).<\/p>\n<h5>Ezekiel’s Temple<\/h5>\n<p>Ezekiel’s detailed description of the ideal temple (Ez 40–48) was not used as the blueprint for Zerubbabel’s temple. In fact, since Ezekiel must have been familiar with Solomon’s temple before his deportation in 597 <span>BC<\/span>, his description is of greater help in determining uncertain details of the first temple. Ezekiel’s concern was to show the nature of pure worship, safeguarded from all contamination. This worship would allow the glory of God, which had departed from corrupted Solomon’s temple (9:3; 10:4, 18-19: 11:22-23), to return so that Jerusalem could again be named “the Lord is there” (43:1-5; 48:35). This thought, linked with Ezekiel’s vital concept of God’s Spirit indwelling his faithful worshipers (36:24-28), anticipated the NT teaching of the believers becoming God’s temple.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"SignificanceoftheTempleintheNewTestament\">Significance of the Temple in the New Testament<\/p>\n<h5>Christ and the Temple<\/h5>\n<p>Christ showed considerable respect for the temple. When he was 12 years old, he entered into the rabbinic discussions in its porticoes and described it as his Father’s house (Lk 2:41-50). To him “the house of God” was indwelt by God (Mt 12:4; 23:21). Although he twice cleansed it in righteous anger (Mt 21:12-13; Jn 2:13-16), he wept over the impending destruction of the city and temple (Lk 19:41-44). He often taught there, but he was “greater than the temple” (Mt 12:6). When his presentation to Jerusalem as the predicted Messiah was rejected, in spite of attendant miracles, he foretold its inevitable destruction (Mt 21:9-15; 24:1-2). For a brief period after Pentecost, the early church used the temple as its meeting place, until mounting opposition drove believers from Jerusalem (Acts 5:12, 21, 42; 8:1).<\/p>\n<h5>The Church as the Temple<\/h5>\n<p>The NT writers used two different Greek words to describe the temple: <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span> and <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">hieron<\/span><em>.<\/em> <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">Naos<\/span> refers to the actual sanctuary of the temple, the place of God’s dwelling. <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">Hieron<\/span> refers to the temple precincts as well as to the sanctuary. Generally speaking, <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span> was used to designate the inner section of the temple known as the Holy Place and the Holy of Holies, whereas <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">hieron<\/span> included the outer court and the temple proper.<\/p>\n<p>In Paul’s epistles the word <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span> appears six times (1 Cor 3:16-17; 6:19; 2 Cor 6:16; Eph 2:21; 2 Thes 2:4) and <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">hieron<\/span> once (1 Cor 9:13). In these verses Paul maintains the distinction of definition noted above. When speaking of the actual physical temple, he used the word <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">hieron<\/span> to indicate the place where the priests offered up animal sacrifices on the altar (1 Cor 9:13), which was situated in the outer court (see Ex 27–29, 40). And when Paul referred to the abominable act of the lawless one in usurping God’s place in the temple, he used the word <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span>—the word that designates the place of deity’s presence (2 Thes 2:4).<\/p>\n<p>In all the other Pauline passages, <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span> is used metaphorically—to depict a human habitation for the divine Spirit. In one instance the sanctuary image is used to describe the individual believer’s body (1 Cor 6:19); in every other instance the sanctuary depicts Christ’s body, the church (1 Cor 3:16-17; 2 Cor 6:16; Eph 2:21). Mistakenly, many readers think 1 Corinthians 3:16-17 speaks of the individual, but according to the Greek text, it is unquestionably clear that Paul was speaking about the collective church (specifically, the church in Corinth).<\/p>\n<p>When Paul told the church in Corinth that it was God’s sanctuary, they would have understood the image from their knowledge of pagan temples. But Paul probably had in mind the one temple in Jerusalem. The Gentiles had many gods with many temples in one city; the Jews had one God with only one temple in all of Israel. This helped to preserve unity among the Israelites. The Corinthians needed spiritual unity; they were fragmented due to their individual preferences (see 1 Cor 1:10-13).<\/p>\n<p>In Ephesians, Paul’s masterpiece on the church, he speaks of the local churches as living, organic entities that are all (compositely speaking) growing into a holy sanctuary in the Lord (Eph 2:21). Paul pictured each local church as providing God with a spiritual habitation in that locality (v 22) and as growing together with all the other churches into one holy, universal sanctuary for the Lord’s indwelling.<\/p>\n<h5>The Temple in John’s Revelation<\/h5>\n<p>In John’s revelation there is no material temple, even though he continues to use the imagery of Jerusalem and Mt Zion (Rv 3:12; 14:1; 21:2, 10, 22). Three interrelated ideas dominate. First is the concept of the church made up of martyrs, whose faithful members are God’s temple (3:12; 14:1). This temple grows gradually as the number of martyrs increases (6:11). Another aspect is the temple as the place of judgment (11:19; 14:15; 15:5–16:1). Finally, any temple in the new age is unnecessary, “for its temple is the Lord God Almighty and the Lamb” (21:22). The ultimate state will be God’s dwelling with his people—the eternal, spritual temple.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Altar; Ark of the Covenant; Bread of the Presence; David; Feasts and Festivals of Israel; First Jewish Revolt; Judaism; Mercy Seat; Offerings and Sacrifices; Priests and Levites; Sanctuary; Singers in the Temple; Solomon (Person).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>TEMPLE<\/h3>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Background<\/p>\n<p>• Solomon’s Temple<\/p>\n<p>• Zerubbabel’s Temple<\/p>\n<p>• Herod’s Temple<\/p>\n<p>• Significance of the Temple in the Old Testament<\/p>\n<p>• Significance of the Temple in the New Testament<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Background\">Background<\/p>\n<p>David’s capture of Jerusalem (2 Sm 5:6-9) and his designation of it as the nation’s capital is one of the great masterstrokes of history. Occupied by the Jebusites, it was a pocket of neutral territory between the northern and southern sections of David’s united kingdom and was politically acceptable to both. Jerusalem was then established as the national religious center by the return of the ark, which had been largely neglected since its capture by the Philistines (2 Sm 6:1-17). Henceforth, God’s choices of both David and Jerusalem (“Mount Zion”) were indissolubly linked (Ps 78:67-72).<\/p>\n<p>David’s great impulse was to build an adequate dwelling place for Israel’s God. The idea was initially approved by Nathan the prophet (2 Sm 7:1-3), but God revealed otherwise to him, and he conveyed the divine purpose to David (vv 4-17). In a significant wordplay, David was informed that, while he was not to build a house (temple) for God, God would build a house (dynasty) for him. David was not the one to build a temple because of the numerous wars during his reign; the temple would instead be built by his son (1 Kgs 5:3; 1 Chr 22:7-8; 28:3). Nevertheless, David enthusiastically amassed most of the necessary finances and materials and drew up the blueprints for the temple (1 Chr 22:3-5, 14; 28:2, 11-19). He also purchased the temple site (21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"SolomonsTemple\">Solomon’s Temple<\/p>\n\n<h5>Date<\/h5>\n<p>Construction commenced in Solomon’s fourth year, about 966 <span>BC<\/span>, and took seven years to complete (1 Kgs 6:1, 38). Everything necessary for the temple, including the workers, had been prepared by David (1 Chr 28:21). The temple evidently had first priority among Solomon’s building schemes, as he built his own palace later (1 Kgs 7:1).<\/p>\n<h5>Superintendents and Workforce<\/h5>\n<p>The principal architect for the bronze furnishings was Huram (Hebrew “Hiram”), whose father was a metal craftsman from Tyre and whose mother was an Israelite (1 Kgs 7:13-14). Cedar for the temple came from Lebanon and was felled and transported by the skilled woodsmen of another Hiram—the king of Tyre, Solomon’s ally (5:5-9). Thirty thousand Israelites, divided into three groups, were drafted to assist at Lebanon. Each group was on duty for one month in three. For the stonework, Solomon conscripted 153,600 foreigners resident in Israel to provide a self-contained group of carriers, stone cutters, and supervisors (vv 15-17; 2 Chr 2:17-18). Possibly the “men of Gebal,” with their specialized skills, formed yet another group (1 Kgs 5:18). Building the temple was obviously a national project of immense size and effort. In order to preserve the sanctity of the site and to eliminate noise, the masonry and carpentry were not done at the temple site (6:7).<\/p>\n<h5>Description<\/h5>\n<p>The details given in the Bible are sufficiently clear for us to make a reasonably accurate description of the temple. The accounts in Kings and Chronicles are supplemented by Ezekiel’s depiction of the temple (see below), which was broadly based on his knowledge of the Jerusalem temple (Ez 40–48).<\/p>\n<p>The side rooms probably rested on a foundation or platform that was separate from the temple itself (1 Kgs 6:5, 10; cf. Ez 41:8-9) and were arranged in three stories, each seven and a half feet (2.3 meters) high, extending around the whole building except for the porch side. Each successive story was one and a half feet (.5 meter) wider than the one below, these dimensions coinciding with the thickness of the side wall of the Holy Place. The ground floor rooms were seven and a half feet (2.3 meters) wide; the first story was nine feet (2.7 meters), and the second was ten and a half feet (3.2 meters). Access to the upper stories was possibly by winding staircases (1 Kgs 6:8). There is some uncertainty concerning the location of the entrances; there may have been one on either side, but only one is mentioned (v 8). As in Ezekiel’s temple (Ez 40:17, 28), there were two adjacent courts, an inner and an outer (1 Kgs 6:36; 7:12), but no dimensions are given for these. The inner court, or “court of the priests,” being next to the temple itself, was also called “the upper court” (2 Chr 4:9; Jer 36:10). The wall of the inner court was made of three layers of hewn stone held together by a layer of cedar beams (1 Kgs 6:36), and the doors of both courts were sheathed in bronze (2 Chr 4:9). The palace buildings were within the outer court area, probably with a private passageway between the palace and the temple that was later closed during the reign of Ahaz (2 Chr 4:9, 12; 2 Kgs 16:18).<\/p>\n<p>The temple itself was 90 feet (27.4 meters) long, 30 feet (9.1 meters) wide, and 45 feet (13.7 meters) high (1 Kgs 6:2), with a porch or vestibule 15 feet (4.6 meters) deep stretching across the width. Probably the vestibule was on the east end of the temple, thus corresponding with the orientation of Ezekiel’s temple (Ez 43:1; 44:1). The larger part of the main sanctuary, next to the porch, formed the Holy Place, which was 60 feet (18.3 meters) long (1 Kgs 6:17). Beyond this was the innermost sanctuary, the Holy of Holies (or the “Most Holy Place“), which was a perfect cube of 30 feet (9.1 meters). All the interior walls were paneled with cedar decorated with flower patterns, cherubim, and palm trees, so that no masonry was visible. The walls of both inner and outer sanctuaries were “overlaid” (v 22) with pure gold. Actually the gold decoration may have been inlaid, on the basis that a solid sheath of gold would spoil the natural beauty of the wood carving. The floor was made of cypress planks (v 15). Narrow windows set high in the walls above the level of the three-storied outer chambers provided light in the Holy Place (v 4). The ceiling was paneled with beams and planks of cedar. No detail is given about the exterior roofing, but probably the contemporary technique was employed, using a wooden, latticelike framework into which a waterproof, limestone plaster was packed and rolled.<\/p>\n<p>The outer porch was apparently an open space, since no doors are mentioned. Access into the Holy Place was by double doors, both hinged to fold back on themselves, made of cypress and decorated in exactly the same way as the interior walls (vv 34-35). The doorposts were made of olive wood. Within the Holy Place was the altar of incense made of cedar overlaid with gold; it was placed centrally before the Holy of Holies. Also in the Holy Place were a table for the bread of the Presence of God, ten lampstands arranged in two groups of five on either side, and various utensils required for maintaining the priestly duties (1 Kgs 7:48-50). All these were made or overlaid with gold. The ten tables, arranged five on each side, were presumably for the utensils and accessories (2 Chr 4:8).<\/p>\n<p>Between the Holy Place and the Holy of Holies was a double door made of olive wood, carved with cherubim, palm trees, and flower patterns and overlaid with gold. Inside these doors, veiling still further the Holy of Holies, was a blue, purple, and crimson curtain, made of the finest fabrics and ornamented with cherubim (2 Chr 3:14).<\/p>\n<p>In the Holy of Holies were two cherubim, each 15 feet (4.6 meters) high and made of olive wood covered with gold (1 Kgs 6:23-28). Each wing measured seven and a half feet (2.3 meters). A wing of each touched the side walls; the other wings met at the center of the room. The divine throne had been considerably less impressive in the tabernacle, where a wing of each cherubim fused into the mercy seat above the ark (Ex 25:17-22). In Solomon’s temple, the ark of the covenant was placed below the forward-facing cherubim, the symbolic protectors. The ark, the only major item surviving from the Mosaic tabernacle, still contained the tablets of the law, but the pot of manna and Aaron’s rod were missing (1 Kgs 8:9).<\/p>\n<p>Immediately outside the temple and on either side of the vestibule were two hollow bronze pillars (1 Kgs 7:15-20; 2 Chr 3:15-17). According to the book of Kings, these pillars were 27 feet (8.2 meters) high, with a circumference of 18 feet (5.5 meters). The metal itself was about four inches (10.2 centimeters) thick. The pillars were surmounted by bronze, lily-shaped capitals seven and a half feet (2.3 meters) high and six feet (1.8 meters) wide, intricately adorned with a chain latticework that supported two rows of pomegranates. The total weight must have been enormous, and their size is attested to by Jeremiah, who notes that the Babylonians had to break them in pieces before transporting them to Babylon (Jer 52:17, 21-23).<\/p>\n<p>The bronze altar of sacrifice in front of the vestibule is not listed in the specifications of 1 Kings 7. However, it is mentioned in the temple dedication and subsequently (1 Kgs 8:22, 54, 64; 9:25) and clearly stood in the inner court. Its dimensions were 30 feet (9.1 meters) square and 15 feet (4.6 meters) high (2 Chr 4:1). In view of its weight, it was probably cast in sections at Solomon’s foundry in the Jordan Rift valley (vv 17-18) and then transported to the temple site for assembly.<\/p>\n<p>Probably the most striking article in the inner court was the “molten (bronze) sea,” a huge, round tank made of bronze 3 inches (8 centimeters) thick, 7½ feet (2.3 meters) high, and 15 feet (4.6 meters) in diameter (1 Kgs 7:23-26). Its rim flared out like a lily (2 Chr 4:2-5). The tank was supported on 12 bronze oxen, four on each side, and had two rows of decoration, possibly gourds or pomegranates, under the brim. Its capacity was between 10,000 and 12,000 gallons (37,850–45,420 liters). The bronze sea was used for priestly ablutions (v 6). Presumably this involved a platform of sorts, for the brim of this vast basin would have been about 15 feet (4.6 meters) above ground level.<\/p>\n<p>Hiram also constructed ten large lavers, mounted on moveable stands and placed in two groups of five, on the north and south sides of the inner court (1 Kgs 7:27-39). Basically the stands were bronze boxes, six feet (1.8 meters) square and four and a half feet (1.4 meters) high with a nine-inch (22.9-centimeter) rim around the top edge. Each corner was attached to braced posts to which the axles were fixed. The four-spoked wheels were 27 inches (68.6 centimeters) high. Into each stand there fitted a laver containing approximately 220 gallons (832.7 liters) of water, used for washing sacrificial animals (2 Chr 4:6). Probably each was adjacent to one of the ten tables that would be used to flay and otherwise prepare the sacrifices (v 8). Supplementary items, such as pots, shovels, and basins, all made of bronze, were also manufactured (1 Kgs 7:40, 45).<\/p>\n<h5>The Dedication<\/h5>\n<p>Eleven months elapsed between the completion of the temple and its dedication (1 Kgs 6:38; 8:2), during which time the major items of furniture were set in place. The dedication itself took place in the seventh month, presumably in connection with the Feast of Tabernacles and the Day of Atonement (Lv 23:23-36). The ark of the covenant was brought into its final resting place (1 Kgs 8:3-4), but the inner court proved inadequate for the vast numbers of beasts sacrificed (1 Kgs 8:62-64; 2 Chr 7:7).<\/p>\n<p>The temple employed the most sophisticated building techniques of the age, and no expense had been spared in construction, ornamentation, or equipment. Yet Solomon readily confessed its utter inadequacy to house the eternal God (1 Kgs 8:27). His prayer also underlined Israel’s propensity to forsake the Lord, contrasting the nation with God, who, though a just judge, was also merciful and faithful. The climax of the proceedings came when fire from heaven consumed the sacrifices and the shekinah glory filled the temple (2 Chr 7:1-3).<\/p>\n<h5>Later History<\/h5>\n<p>Like most ancient shrines, the temple became a treasury for national wealth and as such was often the target for attack. Shishak of Egypt plundered it within five years of Solomon’s death (1 Kgs 14:25-38). Shortly afterward, King Asa (910–869 <span>BC<\/span>) depleted its gold and silver treasures to buy Syrian help against his oppressor, Baasha (908–886 <span>BC<\/span>), king of Israel (15:16-19). Joash, the king of Judah (835–796 <span>BC<\/span>) who was concealed in the temple from the vicious Athaliah during his youth (2 Kgs 11), made provision for its repair after protesting the priests’ embezzlement of gifts (12:4-16). But after the death of Jehoiada, the high priest, Joash himself was adversely influenced by his nobles (2 Chr 24:15-19). As punishment for his apostasy, the Lord allowed the Syrians to attack, and Joash used the temple treasures to buy them off (2 Kgs 12:17-18). Hardly had provision for replacements been made, when Jehoash of Israel (798–782 <span>BC<\/span>), having shattered the arrogant pride of Amaziah of Judah (796–767 <span>BC<\/span>), again stripped the temple (14:8-14). Later, King Ahaz (735-715 <span>BC<\/span>) used the remaining resources of the temple to enlist support from the Assyrians (16:7-9), though he eventually became completely subservient to them.<\/p>\n<p> Then Hezekiah (715–686 <span>BC<\/span>), one of the great reforming kings, thoroughly renovated the temple and restored worship after it had fallen into disuse during theclosing years of Ahaz (2 Chr 29:1-19; 31:9-21). Manasseh (696–642 <span>BC<\/span>), however, completely reversed his father’s policy, bringing the practices of Canaanite and Mesopotamian worship into the temple (2 Kgs 21:3-7). His conversion experience, which probably occurred late in his reign and resulted in certain reform measures in the temple (2 Chr 33:12-19), was not far-reaching enough to escape the final judgment that his reign was the dark spot of Judah’s history (2 Kgs 21:10-16).<\/p>\n<p>Manasseh’s grandson Josiah (640–609 <span>BC<\/span>), was the second great reforming king. He organized the repair of the temple in 622 <span>BC<\/span>, during which the lost Book of the Law (almost certainly the book of Deuteronomy) was discovered (2 Kgs 22:3-13). As a result, Josiah’s reformation gained a new dimension and sense of urgency (22:14–23:3). The reformation included a thorough purge of all idolatrous elements from the temple (23:4-12) and the restoration of the traditional festivals. Sadly, however, Josiah’s reformation died with him, and Judah’s downward slide continued under the apostate Jehoiakim (609–598 <span>BC<\/span>). It was probably during this time that Jeremiah preached his famous temple sermon foretelling its destruction (Jer 7:1–8:3; 26:1-19), which alienated him from the religious leaders. In Nebuchadnezzar’s reprisal raid following Jehoiakim’s rebellion in 601 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 24:1-4), Jerusalem was captured (596 <span>BC<\/span>) and many of the temple treasures were transported to Babylon (2 Chr 36:7). The temple itself appears to have escaped damage, but when Judah again rebelled under Zedekiah (597–586 <span>BC<\/span>), the temple was demolished (2 Kgs 25:8-10). The remaining temple treasures were taken away.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"ZerubbabelsTemple\">Zerubbabel’s Temple<\/p>\n<h5>Construction<\/h5>\n<p>Although the temple was devastated, the site still remained as a place of pilgrimage during the exile (Jer 41:4-5). In 538 <span>BC<\/span> the Persian king, Cyrus, in pursuance of a liberal policy diametrically opposed to that of the earlier empires, permitted the Jews to return from exile. And he authorized the rebuilding of the temple, financing it from the Persian treasury.<\/p>\n<p>In the book of Ezra, the decree of authorization has been preserved in two forms: the general proclamation (Ezr 1:2-4) and a more prosaic memorandum in the national archives indicating the main temple specifications and the amount of promised Persian help (6:1-5). Probably only a minority of the Jews opted to leave the relative comforts of Mesopotamia for the dangers of a long journey to their desolated homeland. According to the book of Ezra, 42,360 dedicated individuals and their servants (2:64-65) responded under the leadership of Sheshbazzar (1:8-11; 5:14-16) and Zerubbabel (2:2; 3:2, 8; 4:2). With great enthusiasm, the altar was rebuilt on the temple site and the traditional pattern of worship reestablished (3:1-6). Utilizing the grant from Persia as well as their own freewill gifts (2:68-69; 3:7), the Jews began to plan the second temple and lay its foundations (3:7-13). The initial impetus quickly died as a result of local opposition (4:1-4, 24), selfish preoccupation, and crop failures (Hg 1:2-11). In 520 <span>BC<\/span> (Ezr 4:24; Hg 1:1; Zec 1:1), inspired by the prophets Haggai and Zechariah, the Jews under Zerubbabel and Joshua the high priest commenced rebuilding. Work continued in spite of official suspicion, if not direct opposition, and the temple was completed and dedicated in 515 <span>BC<\/span> (Ezr 5:1–6:22).<\/p>\n<p>Little is known of the physical features of Zerubbabel’s temple. The inference that it was vastly inferior to Solomon’s temple (Hg 2:3) probably relates to an early stage in the building operation. In fact, the second temple stood for over 500 years. The dimensions noted in Ezra 6:3 are incomplete; the new temple was no doubt about the same size as its predecessor and was probably built on the same foundation. The construction technique appears to have followed the method of the original, with layers of timber providing a framework for sections of masonry (v 4). Clearly, there was auxiliary accommodation, probably like the side rooms of Solomon’s temple (Ezr 8:29; Neh 12:44; 13:4-5). If Persian aid was forthcoming as promised (Ezr 6:8-12), the second temple was a more splendid, substantial structure than is generally supposed.<\/p>\n<h5>Later History<\/h5>\n<p>Several references in the Apocrypha, pseudepigrapha, rabbinic writings, and the historian Josephus help to illumine the history of the temple and give more detail on its structure and furnishings. Josephus, quoting from Hecateus of Abdera (fourth century <span>BC<\/span>), states that the temple was a large building in an enclosure about 500 feet by 150 feet (152.4 meters by 45.7 meters), surrounded by a stone wall, with an altar of unhewn stones the same size as Solomon’s bronze altar (cf. 2 Chr 4:1). Within the sanctuary was a golden altar of incense and a lampstand, the flame of which burned continually. Josephus also notes that Antiochus III (223–187 <span>BC<\/span>) financially supported the temple when the Seleucids displaced the Ptolemies as masters of Jerusalem.<\/p>\n<p>Ben Sirach, early in the second century <span>BC<\/span>, commended Simon, the son of Onias the high priest, for his work in fortifying and repairing the temple area. First Maccabees provides valuable evidence of the fate of the temple during the oppression under Antiochus IV Epiphanes (175–164 <span>BC<\/span>). The books of the Maccabees recount the defilement of the altar of burnt offering (1 Macc 1:54) and the plundering of the golden lampstand, altar of incense, table of offering, veil, and other treasures (2 Macc 5:15-16; 6:2-4). When the temple was recaptured and restored, the victorious Maccabees replaced the items taken by the Seleucids, except for the altar of sacrifice, which was considered so polluted that it was dismantled and replaced by a new one constructed of unhewn stone (1 Macc 4:36-61; 2 Macc 10:1-9). Clearly the temple area was used as a fortress, both in opposition to the Seleucid garrison that was maintained in Jerusalem in the Maccabean period and in the conflicts of the later Hasmonean period. When Pompey captured Jerusalem about 63 <span>BC<\/span>, he entered the temple to assert his authority but took no plunder, thus showing respect for it.<\/p>\n<p>The history of Zerubbabel’s temple closed when Herod, having carefully preserved it from any major damage when he gained control of Jerusalem with Roman aid in 37 <span>BC<\/span>, began to dismantle it about 21 <span>BC<\/span> in preparation for the construction of his own grand temple.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"HerodsTemple\">Herod’s Temple<\/p>\n<p>Apart from over 100 references in the NT, our main sources of information about Herod’s temple come from the Jewish historian Josephus and from the Middoth (a section of the Jewish rabbinic writings). There are considerable differences in detail between the two, which rules out any dogmatic interpretation in attempted reconstructions. Since Josephus was contemporary with the temple (he was born about <span>AD<\/span> 37 and died early in the second century), he is probably more reliable than the Middoth, which, dating from about <span>AD<\/span> 150, appears to exaggerate occasionally. Archaeological research has been helpful in determining the positions of the outer walls and gates.<\/p>\n<p>Herod’s motive in building his temple was political rather than religious. As an Idumean, he wished to placate his Jewish subjects by constructing a sanctuary as magnificent as Solomon’s. Possible fears that the site might be profaned, or that the existing temple might be demolished and never rebuilt, were allayed by the training of 1,000 priests as masons and the amassing of materials before the work commenced. Herod’s temple followed the tripartite plan of its predecessors, although its porch was much larger. It was built in the contemporary Greco-Roman architectural style and must therefore be regarded as distinct from Zerubbabel’s temple. Work began in 20 <span>BC<\/span>, and while the main sanctuary was quickly erected (it was in full operation within ten years), the total project was not completed until <span>AD<\/span> 64, only six years before it was destroyed by the Romans.<\/p>\n<p>Herod first prepared the site by clearing and leveling an area approximately 500 yards (457.2 meters) from north to south and about 325 yards (297.2 meters) from east to west. This involved cutting away sections of rock in some areas and building up with rubble in others. Considerable sections of the enclosing wall, constructed on stone blocks averaging about 15 feet (4.6 meters) long by 4 feet (1.2 meters) high, still survive. Some of the stones in the corners of the south wall weigh up to 70 tons (63.5 metric tons).<\/p>\n<p>The sanctuary itself seems to have been based on the same dimensions as Solomon’s temple. It was divided into the Holy Place, which was 60 feet (18.3 meters) long, 30 feet (9.1 meters) wide, and 60 feet high, and the Holy of Holies, which was 30 feet square. There was no furniture within the Holy of Holies, which was separated by a veil from the Holy Place. The Holy Place contained the seven-branch lampstand, the table for the bread of the Presence, and the incense altar. The main divergence from Solomon’s temple was the imposing porch, 150 feet (45.7 meters) in width and height. Outside was a doorway approximately 30 feet (9.1 meters) wide by 40 feet (12.2 meters) high, with an inner doorway about half that size leading into the sanctuary. By allowing empty rooms over the Holy of Holies and the Holy Place, there was a uniform roof height of 150 feet (45.7 meters). Golden spikes on the roof discouraged birds from alighting and defiling the structure. Like its predecessors, the temple was oriented toward the east and was surrounded on the other sides by three stories of rooms rising to a height of 60 feet (18.3 meters). The stone used was the local white stone, cut in huge blocks and highly polished.<\/p>\n<p>Access to the porch was by a flight of 12 steps from the Court of the Priests. Centrally placed before the porch and 33 feet (10.1 meters) away was the altar of sacrifice. Made of unhewn stone, it was a multilevel construction 15 feet (4.6 meters) high and about 48 feet (14.6 meters) square at its base. Male Israelites were allowed into this area once a year, during the Feast of the Tabernacles, to walk around the altar of sacrifice. Otherwise, they were restricted to the Court of Israel. To the east of the Court of Israel, and separated from it by a flight of 15 steps and by the ornate Great Gate, made of Corinthian bronze, was the Court of the Women. Here the offertory chests for temple expenses were located (Mk 12:41-44). The next court was the large, lower, outer Court of the Gentiles, which surrounded the inner courts and was separated from them by a balustrade and a series of warning notices. Two of these have been excavated, written in Latin and Greek and forbidding trespass by Gentiles into the inner areas, on pain of death. This outer court was widely used. Immediately inside its walls was a portico, supported by four rows of columns almost 40 feet (12.2 meters) high on the south side (the Royal Porch), and two rows on the other sides, the eastern portico known as “Solomon’s Porch” or “Solomon’s Colonnade.” Here is the area where the stalls of the money changers and merchants were set up, where the Sanhedrin met, and where Christ and the scribes taught and debated (Mk 11:27; Lk 2:46; 19:47; Jn 10:23). Here, too, the infant church met before it was rejected by a hostile Judaism (Acts 3:11; 5:12). Just to the northwest of the temple enclosure was the Fortress of Antonia, where the Roman governor resided while in Jerusalem, and where a Roman garrison was on hand to deal with disturbances (Acts 21:31-40). Overlooking the temple area, it was separated from it by a wide moat. The high priest’s vestments were stored in the fortress as a symbol of Roman authority. Access to the Court of the Gentiles was by four gates in the west wall; two in the south wall, where the ground fell away steeply into the valley, a site often identified as the pinnacle of the temple (Mt 4:5; Lk 4:9); and one gate in each of the east and north walls.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"SignificanceoftheTempleintheOldTestament\">Significance of the Temple in the Old Testament<\/p>\n<p>The temple in Jerusalem functioned as the focal point of the tribal confederation. In spite of the attempt of Jeroboam I, the first king of the northern kingdom, to divert attention from Jerusalem by establishing shrines at Bethel and Dan (1 Kgs 12:26-30), Jerusalem never lost its preeminence. Naturally, both Hezekiah and Josiah sought to extend their reformation into the area of the northern tribes (2 Chr 30:1-12; 34:6-7), and Jerusalem was a pilgrimage center for those areas even after its destruction (Jer 41:5). The prophets foretold its destiny as the focal point of universal worship (Is 2:1-4).<\/p>\n<p>The temple was God’s dwelling place among his people. God’s presence, symbolized in the shekinah glory and the pillar of cloud, was associated with the tent of meeting (Ex 33:9-11), with the tabernacle (40:34-38), and finally with the temple (1 Kgs 8:10-11). The paradox is that while God is completely unrestricted, the temple was considered a place for God to live forever (vv 13, 27). God had chosen Zion, as he had chosen David (Pss 68:15-18; 76:2; 78:67-72), so the temple was regarded as God’s house (27:4; 42:4; 84:1-4).<\/p>\n<h5>Ezekiel’s Temple<\/h5>\n<p>Ezekiel’s detailed description of the ideal temple (Ez 40–48) was not used as the blueprint for Zerubbabel’s temple. In fact, since Ezekiel must have been familiar with Solomon’s temple before his deportation in 597 <span>BC<\/span>, his description is of greater help in determining uncertain details of the first temple. Ezekiel’s concern was to show the nature of pure worship, safeguarded from all contamination. This worship would allow the glory of God, which had departed from corrupted Solomon’s temple (9:3; 10:4, 18-19: 11:22-23), to return so that Jerusalem could again be named “the Lord is there” (43:1-5; 48:35). This thought, linked with Ezekiel’s vital concept of God’s Spirit indwelling his faithful worshipers (36:24-28), anticipated the NT teaching of the believers becoming God’s temple.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"SignificanceoftheTempleintheNewTestament\">Significance of the Temple in the New Testament<\/p>\n<h5>Christ and the Temple<\/h5>\n<p>Christ showed considerable respect for the temple. When he was 12 years old, he entered into the rabbinic discussions in its porticoes and described it as his Father’s house (Lk 2:41-50). To him “the house of God” was indwelt by God (Mt 12:4; 23:21). Although he twice cleansed it in righteous anger (Mt 21:12-13; Jn 2:13-16), he wept over the impending destruction of the city and temple (Lk 19:41-44). He often taught there, but he was “greater than the temple” (Mt 12:6). When his presentation to Jerusalem as the predicted Messiah was rejected, in spite of attendant miracles, he foretold its inevitable destruction (Mt 21:9-15; 24:1-2). For a brief period after Pentecost, the early church used the temple as its meeting place, until mounting opposition drove believers from Jerusalem (Acts 5:12, 21, 42; 8:1).<\/p>\n<h5>The Church as the Temple<\/h5>\n<p>The NT writers used two different Greek words to describe the temple: <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span> and <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">hieron<\/span><em>.<\/em> <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">Naos<\/span> refers to the actual sanctuary of the temple, the place of God’s dwelling. <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">Hieron<\/span> refers to the temple precincts as well as to the sanctuary. Generally speaking, <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span> was used to designate the inner section of the temple known as the Holy Place and the Holy of Holies, whereas <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">hieron<\/span> included the outer court and the temple proper.<\/p>\n<p>In Paul’s epistles the word <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span> appears six times (1 Cor 3:16-17; 6:19; 2 Cor 6:16; Eph 2:21; 2 Thes 2:4) and <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">hieron<\/span> once (1 Cor 9:13). In these verses Paul maintains the distinction of definition noted above. When speaking of the actual physical temple, he used the word <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">hieron<\/span> to indicate the place where the priests offered up animal sacrifices on the altar (1 Cor 9:13), which was situated in the outer court (see Ex 27–29, 40). And when Paul referred to the abominable act of the lawless one in usurping God’s place in the temple, he used the word <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span>—the word that designates the place of deity’s presence (2 Thes 2:4).<\/p>\n<p>In all the other Pauline passages, <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">naos<\/span> is used metaphorically—to depict a human habitation for the divine Spirit. In one instance the sanctuary image is used to describe the individual believer’s body (1 Cor 6:19); in every other instance the sanctuary depicts Christ’s body, the church (1 Cor 3:16-17; 2 Cor 6:16; Eph 2:21). Mistakenly, many readers think 1 Corinthians 3:16-17 speaks of the individual, but according to the Greek text, it is unquestionably clear that Paul was speaking about the collective church (specifically, the church in Corinth).<\/p>\n<p>When Paul told the church in Corinth that it was God’s sanctuary, they would have understood the image from their knowledge of pagan temples. But Paul probably had in mind the one temple in Jerusalem. The Gentiles had many gods with many temples in one city; the Jews had one God with only one temple in all of Israel. This helped to preserve unity among the Israelites. The Corinthians needed spiritual unity; they were fragmented due to their individual preferences (see 1 Cor 1:10-13).<\/p>\n<p>In Ephesians, Paul’s masterpiece on the church, he speaks of the local churches as living, organic entities that are all (compositely speaking) growing into a holy sanctuary in the Lord (Eph 2:21). Paul pictured each local church as providing God with a spiritual habitation in that locality (v 22) and as growing together with all the other churches into one holy, universal sanctuary for the Lord’s indwelling.<\/p>\n<h5>The Temple in John’s Revelation<\/h5>\n<p>In John’s revelation there is no material temple, even though he continues to use the imagery of Jerusalem and Mt Zion (Rv 3:12; 14:1; 21:2, 10, 22). Three interrelated ideas dominate. First is the concept of the church made up of martyrs, whose faithful members are God’s temple (3:12; 14:1). This temple grows gradually as the number of martyrs increases (6:11). Another aspect is the temple as the place of judgment (11:19; 14:15; 15:5–16:1). Finally, any temple in the new age is unnecessary, “for its temple is the Lord God Almighty and the Lamb” (21:22). The ultimate state will be God’s dwelling with his people—the eternal, spritual temple.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Altar; Ark of the Covenant; Bread of the Presence; David; Feasts and Festivals of Israel; First Jewish Revolt; Judaism; Mercy Seat; Offerings and Sacrifices; Priests and Levites; Sanctuary; Singers in the Temple; Solomon (Person).<\/p>","summary_ro":"TEMPLE Preview • Background • Solomon’s Temple • Zerubbabel’s Temple • Herod’s Temple • Significance of the Temple in the Old Testament • Significance of the Temple in the New Testament Background David’s capture of Jerusalem (2 Sm 5:6-9) and his designation of it as the nation’s capital is one of the great masterstrokes of history. Occupied by the Jebusites, it was a pocket of neutral territory between the northern and southern sections of David’s united kingdom and was politically acceptabl...","summary_en":"TEMPLE Preview • Background • Solomon’s Temple • Zerubbabel’s Temple • Herod’s Temple • Significance of the Temple in the Old Testament • Significance of the Temple in the New Testament Background David’s capture of Jerusalem (2 Sm 5:6-9) and his designation of it as the nation’s capital is one of the great masterstrokes of history. Occupied by the Jebusites, it was a pocket of neutral territory between the northern and southern sections of David’s united kingdom and was politically acceptabl...","source":"Articles\/T.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":39662,"type":"chart","type_label":"Diagramă","type_icon":"📊","type_color":"#3b82f6","title_ro":"Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles","title_en":"Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles","content_ro":"<h3>Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles<\/h3>\n<p>This chart follows the order of passages as they occur in Jeremiah.<\/p>\n<table>\n <tr>\n <td><p><em>Order<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>Jeremiah<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>2 Kings<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>2 Chronicles<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>Content<\/em><\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>1<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>37:1-2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:10-12<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah made king<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>39:1-8<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:1-10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah rebels; siege begins<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>7<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>39:10 and 40:5b<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:12 and 25:22b<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah made governor<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>8<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>40:7-9<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:23-24<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah urges fidelity to Babylon<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>9<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>41:1-3<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:25<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah assassinated<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>43:5-7<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:26<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Jews flee to Egypt<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>1<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:1-2 (cf. 37:1-2)<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:10-12<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah made king<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:3-5 (cf. 39:1-3)<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:20 and 25:1-2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:13-16<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah rebels; siege begins<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>3<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:6-14<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:3-10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah captured; Jerusalem destroyed<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>6<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:15<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:11<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:20<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>People deported<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>5<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:17-23<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:13-17<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:18<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Booty taken<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>4<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:24-27<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:18-21<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Nobles slain<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>11<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:31-34<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:27-30<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Later events<\/p><\/td><\/tr><\/table>","content_en":"<h3>Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles<\/h3>\n<p>This chart follows the order of passages as they occur in Jeremiah.<\/p>\n<table>\n <tr>\n <td><p><em>Order<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>Jeremiah<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>2 Kings<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>2 Chronicles<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>Content<\/em><\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>1<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>37:1-2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:10-12<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah made king<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>39:1-8<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:1-10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah rebels; siege begins<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>7<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>39:10 and 40:5b<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:12 and 25:22b<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah made governor<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>8<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>40:7-9<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:23-24<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah urges fidelity to Babylon<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>9<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>41:1-3<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:25<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah assassinated<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>43:5-7<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:26<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Jews flee to Egypt<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>1<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:1-2 (cf. 37:1-2)<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:10-12<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah made king<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:3-5 (cf. 39:1-3)<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:20 and 25:1-2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:13-16<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah rebels; siege begins<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>3<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:6-14<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:3-10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah captured; Jerusalem destroyed<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>6<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:15<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:11<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:20<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>People deported<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>5<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:17-23<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:13-17<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:18<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Booty taken<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>4<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:24-27<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:18-21<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Nobles slain<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>11<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:31-34<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:27-30<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Later events<\/p><\/td><\/tr><\/table>","summary_ro":"Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles This chart follows the order of passages as they occur in Jeremiah. Order Jeremiah 2 Kings 2 Chronicles Content 1 37:1-2 24:17-19 36:10-12 Zedekiah made king 2 39:1-8 25:1-10 36:17-19 Zedekiah rebels; siege begins 7 39:10 and 40:5b 25:12 and 25:22b Gedaliah made governor 8 40:7-9 25:23-24 Gedaliah urges fidelity to Babylon 9 41:1-3 25:25 Gedaliah assassinated 10 43:5-7 25:26 Jews flee to Egypt 1 52:1-2 (cf. 37:1-2) 24:17-19 36:10-12 Zedekiah ...","summary_en":"Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles This chart follows the order of passages as they occur in Jeremiah. Order Jeremiah 2 Kings 2 Chronicles Content 1 37:1-2 24:17-19 36:10-12 Zedekiah made king 2 39:1-8 25:1-10 36:17-19 Zedekiah rebels; siege begins 7 39:10 and 40:5b 25:12 and 25:22b Gedaliah made governor 8 40:7-9 25:23-24 Gedaliah urges fidelity to Babylon 9 41:1-3 25:25 Gedaliah assassinated 10 43:5-7 25:26 Jews flee to Egypt 1 52:1-2 (cf. 37:1-2) 24:17-19 36:10-12 Zedekiah ...","source":"Charts\/Charts.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":52852,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:17","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:17","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:17-23<\/strong> This section includes a more detailed list of Temple furnishings than in 1 Kgs 6:1-38.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:17-23<\/strong> This section includes a more detailed list of Temple furnishings than in 1 Kgs 6:1-38.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:17-23 This section includes a more detailed list of Temple furnishings than in 1 Kgs 6:1-38.","summary_en":"52:17-23 This section includes a more detailed list of Temple furnishings than in 1 Kgs 6:1-38.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":80478,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:17","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:17","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:17-23<\/strong> This section includes a more detailed list of Temple furnishings than in 1 Kgs 6:1-38.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:17-23<\/strong> This section includes a more detailed list of Temple furnishings than in 1 Kgs 6:1-38.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:17-23 This section includes a more detailed list of Temple furnishings than in 1 Kgs 6:1-38.","summary_en":"52:17-23 This section includes a more detailed list of Temple furnishings than in 1 Kgs 6:1-38.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":108104,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:17","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:17","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:17-23<\/strong> This section includes a more detailed list of Temple furnishings than in 1 Kgs 6:1-38.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:17-23<\/strong> This section includes a more detailed list of Temple furnishings than in 1 Kgs 6:1-38.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:17-23 This section includes a more detailed list of Temple furnishings than in 1 Kgs 6:1-38.","summary_en":"52:17-23 This section includes a more detailed list of Temple furnishings than in 1 Kgs 6:1-38.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":135730,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:17","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:17","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:17-23<\/strong> This section includes a more detailed list of Temple furnishings than in 1 Kgs 6:1-38.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:17-23<\/strong> This section includes a more detailed list of Temple furnishings than in 1 Kgs 6:1-38.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:17-23 This section includes a more detailed list of Temple furnishings than in 1 Kgs 6:1-38.","summary_en":"52:17-23 This section includes a more detailed list of Temple furnishings than in 1 Kgs 6:1-38.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"21":[{"id":12292,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Finger* (Measure)","title_en":"Finger* (Measure)","content_ro":"<h3>FINGER* (Measure)<\/h3>\n<p>Linear measure equivalent to the width of a finger (Jer 52:21). <em>See<\/em> Weights and Measures.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>FINGER* (Measure)<\/h3>\n<p>Linear measure equivalent to the width of a finger (Jer 52:21). <em>See<\/em> Weights and Measures.<\/p>","summary_ro":"FINGER* (Measure) Linear measure equivalent to the width of a finger (Jer 52:21). See Weights and Measures.","summary_en":"FINGER* (Measure) Linear measure equivalent to the width of a finger (Jer 52:21). See Weights and Measures.","source":"Articles\/F.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":15283,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Handbreadth*","title_en":"Handbreadth*","content_ro":"<h3>HANDBREADTH*<\/h3>\n<p>Linear measure equivalent to one-sixth of a cubit or just under three inches (7.6 centimeters) in length. The fingers, up to four (Jer 52:21), made a handbreadth; three handbreadths made a handstretch or span (Ex 28:16). <em>See<\/em> Weights and Measures.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>HANDBREADTH*<\/h3>\n<p>Linear measure equivalent to one-sixth of a cubit or just under three inches (7.6 centimeters) in length. The fingers, up to four (Jer 52:21), made a handbreadth; three handbreadths made a handstretch or span (Ex 28:16). <em>See<\/em> Weights and Measures.<\/p>","summary_ro":"HANDBREADTH* Linear measure equivalent to one-sixth of a cubit or just under three inches (7.6 centimeters) in length. The fingers, up to four (Jer 52:21), made a handbreadth; three handbreadths made a handstretch or span (Ex 28:16). See Weights and Measures.","summary_en":"HANDBREADTH* Linear measure equivalent to one-sixth of a cubit or just under three inches (7.6 centimeters) in length. The fingers, up to four (Jer 52:21), made a handbreadth; three handbreadths made a handstretch or span (Ex 28:16). See Weights and Measures.","source":"Articles\/H.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":52853,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:21","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:21","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:21<\/strong> Jeremiah added “and 18 feet in circumference” and the last sentence (cp. 2 Kgs 25:17).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:21<\/strong> Jeremiah added “and 18 feet in circumference” and the last sentence (cp. 2 Kgs 25:17).<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:21 Jeremiah added “and 18 feet in circumference” and the last sentence (cp. 2 Kgs 25:17).","summary_en":"52:21 Jeremiah added “and 18 feet in circumference” and the last sentence (cp. 2 Kgs 25:17).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":80479,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:21","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:21","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:21<\/strong> Jeremiah added “and 18 feet in circumference” and the last sentence (cp. 2 Kgs 25:17).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:21<\/strong> Jeremiah added “and 18 feet in circumference” and the last sentence (cp. 2 Kgs 25:17).<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:21 Jeremiah added “and 18 feet in circumference” and the last sentence (cp. 2 Kgs 25:17).","summary_en":"52:21 Jeremiah added “and 18 feet in circumference” and the last sentence (cp. 2 Kgs 25:17).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":108105,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:21","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:21","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:21<\/strong> Jeremiah added “and 18 feet in circumference” and the last sentence (cp. 2 Kgs 25:17).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:21<\/strong> Jeremiah added “and 18 feet in circumference” and the last sentence (cp. 2 Kgs 25:17).<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:21 Jeremiah added “and 18 feet in circumference” and the last sentence (cp. 2 Kgs 25:17).","summary_en":"52:21 Jeremiah added “and 18 feet in circumference” and the last sentence (cp. 2 Kgs 25:17).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":135731,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:21","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:21","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:21<\/strong> Jeremiah added “and 18 feet in circumference” and the last sentence (cp. 2 Kgs 25:17).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:21<\/strong> Jeremiah added “and 18 feet in circumference” and the last sentence (cp. 2 Kgs 25:17).<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:21 Jeremiah added “and 18 feet in circumference” and the last sentence (cp. 2 Kgs 25:17).","summary_en":"52:21 Jeremiah added “and 18 feet in circumference” and the last sentence (cp. 2 Kgs 25:17).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"23":[{"id":52854,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:23","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:23","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:23<\/strong> Jeremiah added this verse, which is not in 2 Kgs 25 (see study note on 52:1-34).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:23<\/strong> Jeremiah added this verse, which is not in 2 Kgs 25 (see study note on 52:1-34).<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:23 Jeremiah added this verse, which is not in 2 Kgs 25 (see study note on 52:1-34).","summary_en":"52:23 Jeremiah added this verse, which is not in 2 Kgs 25 (see study note on 52:1-34).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":80480,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:23","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:23","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:23<\/strong> Jeremiah added this verse, which is not in 2 Kgs 25 (see study note on 52:1-34).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:23<\/strong> Jeremiah added this verse, which is not in 2 Kgs 25 (see study note on 52:1-34).<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:23 Jeremiah added this verse, which is not in 2 Kgs 25 (see study note on 52:1-34).","summary_en":"52:23 Jeremiah added this verse, which is not in 2 Kgs 25 (see study note on 52:1-34).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":108106,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:23","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:23","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:23<\/strong> Jeremiah added this verse, which is not in 2 Kgs 25 (see study note on 52:1-34).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:23<\/strong> Jeremiah added this verse, which is not in 2 Kgs 25 (see study note on 52:1-34).<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:23 Jeremiah added this verse, which is not in 2 Kgs 25 (see study note on 52:1-34).","summary_en":"52:23 Jeremiah added this verse, which is not in 2 Kgs 25 (see study note on 52:1-34).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":135732,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:23","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:23","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:23<\/strong> Jeremiah added this verse, which is not in 2 Kgs 25 (see study note on 52:1-34).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:23<\/strong> Jeremiah added this verse, which is not in 2 Kgs 25 (see study note on 52:1-34).<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:23 Jeremiah added this verse, which is not in 2 Kgs 25 (see study note on 52:1-34).","summary_en":"52:23 Jeremiah added this verse, which is not in 2 Kgs 25 (see study note on 52:1-34).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"24":[{"id":34361,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Seraiah","title_en":"Seraiah","content_ro":"<h3>SERAIAH<\/h3>\n<li> 1. Royal secretary of King David (2 Sm 8:17); alternately called Sheva in 2 Samuel 20:25, Shisha in 1 Kings 4:3, and Shavsha in 1 Chronicles 18:16.<\/li>\n<li> 2. Chief priest in Jerusalem at the time of its destruction by the Babylonians in 586 <span>BC<\/span>. He was taken by Nebuzaradan, the captain of the guard, to Nebuchadnezzar at Riblah, where he was put to death (2 Kgs 25:18; Jer 52:24). First Chronicles 6:14 records Seraiah as the son of Azariah, the father of Jehozadak and a descendant of Levi through Aaron’s line.<\/li>\n<li> 3. Son of Tanhumeth the Netophathite and one of the captains of the Judean forces who sought clemency from Nebuchadnezzar under Gedaliah (2 Kgs 25:23; Jer 40:8).<\/li>\n<li> 4. Judahite, the son of Kenaz, the brother of Othniel and Joab’s father (1 Chr 4:13-14).<\/li>\n<li> 5. Simeonite, the son of Asiel and Joshibiah’s father (1 Chr 4:35).<\/li>\n<li> 6. One of the men who returned with Zerubbabel to Judah following the exile (Ezr 2:2); called Azariah in Nehemiah 7:7. <em>See<\/em> Azariah #23.<\/li>\n<li> 7. Father of Ezra the scribe. Ezra returned to Jerusalem during the reign of King Artaxerxes I of Persia (464–424 <span>BC<\/span>; Ezr 7:1). He is perhaps identical with #2 above, in which case Jehozadak would be Ezra’s brother.<\/li>\n<li> 8. One of the priests who set his seal on the covenant of Ezra (Neh 10:2).<\/li>\n<li> 9. Son of Hilkiah and a priest living in Jerusalem during the postexilic era (Neh 11:11); called Azariah in 1 Chronicles 9:11. <em>See<\/em> Azariah #10.<\/li>\n<li>10. One of the leaders of the priests who returned with Zerubbabel and Jeshua to Judah after the exile (Neh 12:1). His house in the next generation was headed by Meraiah. He is perhaps identical with #6 above.<\/li>\n<li>11. Son of Azriel who, with Jerahmeel and Shelemiah, was ordered by King Jehoiakim of Judah (609–598 <span>BC<\/span>) to capture Baruch and Jeremiah (Jer 36:26).<\/li>\n<li>12. Son of Neriah and the official who accompanied King Zedekiah of Judah (597–586 <span>BC<\/span>) to Babylon. Seraiah was to relay Jeremiah’s message against Babylon (Jer 51:59-61).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>SERAIAH<\/h3>\n<li> 1. Royal secretary of King David (2 Sm 8:17); alternately called Sheva in 2 Samuel 20:25, Shisha in 1 Kings 4:3, and Shavsha in 1 Chronicles 18:16.<\/li>\n<li> 2. Chief priest in Jerusalem at the time of its destruction by the Babylonians in 586 <span>BC<\/span>. He was taken by Nebuzaradan, the captain of the guard, to Nebuchadnezzar at Riblah, where he was put to death (2 Kgs 25:18; Jer 52:24). First Chronicles 6:14 records Seraiah as the son of Azariah, the father of Jehozadak and a descendant of Levi through Aaron’s line.<\/li>\n<li> 3. Son of Tanhumeth the Netophathite and one of the captains of the Judean forces who sought clemency from Nebuchadnezzar under Gedaliah (2 Kgs 25:23; Jer 40:8).<\/li>\n<li> 4. Judahite, the son of Kenaz, the brother of Othniel and Joab’s father (1 Chr 4:13-14).<\/li>\n<li> 5. Simeonite, the son of Asiel and Joshibiah’s father (1 Chr 4:35).<\/li>\n<li> 6. One of the men who returned with Zerubbabel to Judah following the exile (Ezr 2:2); called Azariah in Nehemiah 7:7. <em>See<\/em> Azariah #23.<\/li>\n<li> 7. Father of Ezra the scribe. Ezra returned to Jerusalem during the reign of King Artaxerxes I of Persia (464–424 <span>BC<\/span>; Ezr 7:1). He is perhaps identical with #2 above, in which case Jehozadak would be Ezra’s brother.<\/li>\n<li> 8. One of the priests who set his seal on the covenant of Ezra (Neh 10:2).<\/li>\n<li> 9. Son of Hilkiah and a priest living in Jerusalem during the postexilic era (Neh 11:11); called Azariah in 1 Chronicles 9:11. <em>See<\/em> Azariah #10.<\/li>\n<li>10. One of the leaders of the priests who returned with Zerubbabel and Jeshua to Judah after the exile (Neh 12:1). His house in the next generation was headed by Meraiah. He is perhaps identical with #6 above.<\/li>\n<li>11. Son of Azriel who, with Jerahmeel and Shelemiah, was ordered by King Jehoiakim of Judah (609–598 <span>BC<\/span>) to capture Baruch and Jeremiah (Jer 36:26).<\/li>\n<li>12. Son of Neriah and the official who accompanied King Zedekiah of Judah (597–586 <span>BC<\/span>) to Babylon. Seraiah was to relay Jeremiah’s message against Babylon (Jer 51:59-61).<\/li>","summary_ro":"SERAIAH 1. Royal secretary of King David (2 Sm 8:17); alternately called Sheva in 2 Samuel 20:25, Shisha in 1 Kings 4:3, and Shavsha in 1 Chronicles 18:16. 2. Chief priest in Jerusalem at the time of its destruction by the Babylonians in 586 BC. He was taken by Nebuzaradan, the captain of the guard, to Nebuchadnezzar at Riblah, where he was put to death (2 Kgs 25:18; Jer 52:24). First Chronicles 6:14 records Seraiah as the son of Azariah, the father of Jehozadak and a descendant of Levi throu...","summary_en":"SERAIAH 1. Royal secretary of King David (2 Sm 8:17); alternately called Sheva in 2 Samuel 20:25, Shisha in 1 Kings 4:3, and Shavsha in 1 Chronicles 18:16. 2. Chief priest in Jerusalem at the time of its destruction by the Babylonians in 586 BC. He was taken by Nebuzaradan, the captain of the guard, to Nebuchadnezzar at Riblah, where he was put to death (2 Kgs 25:18; Jer 52:24). First Chronicles 6:14 records Seraiah as the son of Azariah, the father of Jehozadak and a descendant of Levi throu...","source":"Articles\/S.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":34597,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Shallum","title_en":"Shallum","content_ro":"<h3>SHALLUM<\/h3>\n<li> 1. Son of Jabesh and Israel’s 16th king (752 <span>BC<\/span>). In a conspiracy against King Zechariah, Shallum murdered the monarch at Ibleam and declared himself ruler of Israel during the 39th year of King Uzziah’s (Azariah’s) reign in Judah (792–740 <span>BC<\/span>). However, in like manner, he was killed at the hands of Gadi after ruling for only one month (2 Kgs 15:10-15). <em>See<\/em> Chronology of the Bible (Old Testament); Israel, History of.<\/li>\n<li> 2. Son of Tikvah (alternately spelled Tokhath, see 2 Chr 34:22), who was keeper of the wardrobe and the husband of Huldah the prophetess, living in Jerusalem during the days of King Josiah (640–609 <span>BC<\/span>; 2 Kgs 22:14).<\/li>\n<li> 3. Sismai’s son and the father of Jekamiah from Judah’s tribe (1 Chr 2:40-41).<\/li>\n<li> 4. Alternate name for Jehoahaz, the youngest of King Josiah’s four sons and later Judah’s 17th king, in 1 Chronicles 3:15 and Jeremiah 22:11. <em>See<\/em> Jehoahaz #2.<\/li>\n<li> 5. Shaul’s son, Simeon’s grandson, and the father of Mibsam (1 Chr 4:25).<\/li>\n<li> 6. Alternate name for Meshullam, Zadok’s son and Ezra’s forefather, in 1 Chronicles 6:12-13 and Ezra 7:2. <em>See<\/em> Meshullam #7.<\/li>\n<li> 7. Alternate name for Shillem, the youngest of Naphtali’s four sons, in 1 Chronicles 7:13. <em>See<\/em> Shillem, Shillemite.<\/li>\n<li> 8. Alternate name for Meshullam, Kore’s son and chief of the gatekeepers (1 Chr 9:17-19, 31; Ezr 2:42; Neh 7:45). <em>See<\/em> Meshullam #20.<\/li>\n<li> 9. Ephraimite and the father of Jehizkiah (2 Chr 28:12).<\/li>\n<li>10. One of the Levitical gatekeepers who was encouraged by Ezra to divorce his foreign wife during the postexilic era (Ezr 10:24).<\/li>\n<li>11. One of the descendants of Binnui who was encouraged by Ezra to divorce his foreign wife (Ezr 10:42).<\/li>\n<li>12. Hallohesh’s son and a ruler of Jerusalem who, along with his daughters, repaired the section of city wall next to the Tower of the Ovens (Neh 3:12).<\/li>\n<li>13. Col-hozeh’s son and ruler of the Mizpah district, who rebuilt the Fountain Gate and the wall of the pool of Shelah of the king’s garden (Neh 3:15).<\/li>\n<li>14. Uncle of Hanamel and Jeremiah, who sold to the latter his field at Anathoth during King Zedekiah’s reign (597–586 <span>BC<\/span>; Jer 32:7). He is perhaps identifiable with #2 above.<\/li>\n<li>15. Maaseiah’s father. Maaseiah, keeper of the threshold, owned a chamber in the sanctuary during Jehoiakim’s reign (609–598 <span>BC<\/span>; Jer 35:4, <span>kjv<\/span>; cf. 52:24).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>SHALLUM<\/h3>\n<li> 1. Son of Jabesh and Israel’s 16th king (752 <span>BC<\/span>). In a conspiracy against King Zechariah, Shallum murdered the monarch at Ibleam and declared himself ruler of Israel during the 39th year of King Uzziah’s (Azariah’s) reign in Judah (792–740 <span>BC<\/span>). However, in like manner, he was killed at the hands of Gadi after ruling for only one month (2 Kgs 15:10-15). <em>See<\/em> Chronology of the Bible (Old Testament); Israel, History of.<\/li>\n<li> 2. Son of Tikvah (alternately spelled Tokhath, see 2 Chr 34:22), who was keeper of the wardrobe and the husband of Huldah the prophetess, living in Jerusalem during the days of King Josiah (640–609 <span>BC<\/span>; 2 Kgs 22:14).<\/li>\n<li> 3. Sismai’s son and the father of Jekamiah from Judah’s tribe (1 Chr 2:40-41).<\/li>\n<li> 4. Alternate name for Jehoahaz, the youngest of King Josiah’s four sons and later Judah’s 17th king, in 1 Chronicles 3:15 and Jeremiah 22:11. <em>See<\/em> Jehoahaz #2.<\/li>\n<li> 5. Shaul’s son, Simeon’s grandson, and the father of Mibsam (1 Chr 4:25).<\/li>\n<li> 6. Alternate name for Meshullam, Zadok’s son and Ezra’s forefather, in 1 Chronicles 6:12-13 and Ezra 7:2. <em>See<\/em> Meshullam #7.<\/li>\n<li> 7. Alternate name for Shillem, the youngest of Naphtali’s four sons, in 1 Chronicles 7:13. <em>See<\/em> Shillem, Shillemite.<\/li>\n<li> 8. Alternate name for Meshullam, Kore’s son and chief of the gatekeepers (1 Chr 9:17-19, 31; Ezr 2:42; Neh 7:45). <em>See<\/em> Meshullam #20.<\/li>\n<li> 9. Ephraimite and the father of Jehizkiah (2 Chr 28:12).<\/li>\n<li>10. One of the Levitical gatekeepers who was encouraged by Ezra to divorce his foreign wife during the postexilic era (Ezr 10:24).<\/li>\n<li>11. One of the descendants of Binnui who was encouraged by Ezra to divorce his foreign wife (Ezr 10:42).<\/li>\n<li>12. Hallohesh’s son and a ruler of Jerusalem who, along with his daughters, repaired the section of city wall next to the Tower of the Ovens (Neh 3:12).<\/li>\n<li>13. Col-hozeh’s son and ruler of the Mizpah district, who rebuilt the Fountain Gate and the wall of the pool of Shelah of the king’s garden (Neh 3:15).<\/li>\n<li>14. Uncle of Hanamel and Jeremiah, who sold to the latter his field at Anathoth during King Zedekiah’s reign (597–586 <span>BC<\/span>; Jer 32:7). He is perhaps identifiable with #2 above.<\/li>\n<li>15. Maaseiah’s father. Maaseiah, keeper of the threshold, owned a chamber in the sanctuary during Jehoiakim’s reign (609–598 <span>BC<\/span>; Jer 35:4, <span>kjv<\/span>; cf. 52:24).<\/li>","summary_ro":"SHALLUM 1. Son of Jabesh and Israel’s 16th king (752 BC). In a conspiracy against King Zechariah, Shallum murdered the monarch at Ibleam and declared himself ruler of Israel during the 39th year of King Uzziah’s (Azariah’s) reign in Judah (792–740 BC). However, in like manner, he was killed at the hands of Gadi after ruling for only one month (2 Kgs 15:10-15). See Chronology of the Bible (Old Testament); Israel, History of. 2. Son of Tikvah (alternately spelled Tokhath, see 2 Chr 34:22), who ...","summary_en":"SHALLUM 1. Son of Jabesh and Israel’s 16th king (752 BC). In a conspiracy against King Zechariah, Shallum murdered the monarch at Ibleam and declared himself ruler of Israel during the 39th year of King Uzziah’s (Azariah’s) reign in Judah (792–740 BC). However, in like manner, he was killed at the hands of Gadi after ruling for only one month (2 Kgs 15:10-15). See Chronology of the Bible (Old Testament); Israel, History of. 2. Son of Tikvah (alternately spelled Tokhath, see 2 Chr 34:22), who ...","source":"Articles\/S.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":39172,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Zephaniah (Person)","title_en":"Zephaniah (Person)","content_ro":"<h3>ZEPHANIAH (P<span>erson<\/span>)<\/h3>\n<li>1. Priest during the reign of Zedekiah who was executed at Riblah by the king of Babylon (2 Kgs 25:18; Jer 52:24). He was the second priest under Seraiah the chief priest and served as Zedekiah’s envoy to Jeremiah during the period prior to the fall of Jerusalem (Jer 21:1; 29:25-29; 37:3).<\/li>\n<li>2. Ancestor of Heman who was among the Kohathite Levites whom David placed in charge of the service of music in the house of the Lord (1 Chr 6:33-36). Zephaniah is listed as the father of Azariah and the son of Tahath.<\/li>\n<li>3. Author of the book of Zephaniah (Zep 1:1). Though little is known about Zephaniah, it is possible that his ancestor Hezekiah is the same as the king by that name. <em>See<\/em> Zephaniah, Book of.<\/li>\n<li>4. Father of Josiah in whose house Joshua was crowned as high priest (Zec 6:10-14).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>ZEPHANIAH (P<span>erson<\/span>)<\/h3>\n<li>1. Priest during the reign of Zedekiah who was executed at Riblah by the king of Babylon (2 Kgs 25:18; Jer 52:24). He was the second priest under Seraiah the chief priest and served as Zedekiah’s envoy to Jeremiah during the period prior to the fall of Jerusalem (Jer 21:1; 29:25-29; 37:3).<\/li>\n<li>2. Ancestor of Heman who was among the Kohathite Levites whom David placed in charge of the service of music in the house of the Lord (1 Chr 6:33-36). Zephaniah is listed as the father of Azariah and the son of Tahath.<\/li>\n<li>3. Author of the book of Zephaniah (Zep 1:1). Though little is known about Zephaniah, it is possible that his ancestor Hezekiah is the same as the king by that name. <em>See<\/em> Zephaniah, Book of.<\/li>\n<li>4. Father of Josiah in whose house Joshua was crowned as high priest (Zec 6:10-14).<\/li>","summary_ro":"ZEPHANIAH (Person) 1. Priest during the reign of Zedekiah who was executed at Riblah by the king of Babylon (2 Kgs 25:18; Jer 52:24). He was the second priest under Seraiah the chief priest and served as Zedekiah’s envoy to Jeremiah during the period prior to the fall of Jerusalem (Jer 21:1; 29:25-29; 37:3). 2. Ancestor of Heman who was among the Kohathite Levites whom David placed in charge of the service of music in the house of the Lord (1 Chr 6:33-36). Zephaniah is listed as the father of...","summary_en":"ZEPHANIAH (Person) 1. Priest during the reign of Zedekiah who was executed at Riblah by the king of Babylon (2 Kgs 25:18; Jer 52:24). He was the second priest under Seraiah the chief priest and served as Zedekiah’s envoy to Jeremiah during the period prior to the fall of Jerusalem (Jer 21:1; 29:25-29; 37:3). 2. Ancestor of Heman who was among the Kohathite Levites whom David placed in charge of the service of music in the house of the Lord (1 Chr 6:33-36). Zephaniah is listed as the father of...","source":"Articles\/Z.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":39665,"type":"chart","type_label":"Diagramă","type_icon":"📊","type_color":"#3b82f6","title_ro":"Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles","title_en":"Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles","content_ro":"<h3>Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles<\/h3>\n<p>This chart follows the order of passages as they occur in Jeremiah.<\/p>\n<table>\n <tr>\n <td><p><em>Order<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>Jeremiah<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>2 Kings<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>2 Chronicles<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>Content<\/em><\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>1<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>37:1-2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:10-12<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah made king<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>39:1-8<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:1-10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah rebels; siege begins<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>7<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>39:10 and 40:5b<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:12 and 25:22b<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah made governor<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>8<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>40:7-9<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:23-24<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah urges fidelity to Babylon<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>9<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>41:1-3<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:25<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah assassinated<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>43:5-7<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:26<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Jews flee to Egypt<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>1<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:1-2 (cf. 37:1-2)<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:10-12<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah made king<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:3-5 (cf. 39:1-3)<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:20 and 25:1-2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:13-16<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah rebels; siege begins<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>3<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:6-14<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:3-10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah captured; Jerusalem destroyed<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>6<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:15<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:11<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:20<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>People deported<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>5<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:17-23<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:13-17<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:18<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Booty taken<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>4<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:24-27<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:18-21<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Nobles slain<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>11<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:31-34<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:27-30<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Later events<\/p><\/td><\/tr><\/table>","content_en":"<h3>Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles<\/h3>\n<p>This chart follows the order of passages as they occur in Jeremiah.<\/p>\n<table>\n <tr>\n <td><p><em>Order<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>Jeremiah<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>2 Kings<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>2 Chronicles<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>Content<\/em><\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>1<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>37:1-2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:10-12<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah made king<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>39:1-8<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:1-10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah rebels; siege begins<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>7<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>39:10 and 40:5b<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:12 and 25:22b<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah made governor<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>8<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>40:7-9<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:23-24<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah urges fidelity to Babylon<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>9<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>41:1-3<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:25<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah assassinated<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>43:5-7<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:26<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Jews flee to Egypt<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>1<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:1-2 (cf. 37:1-2)<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:10-12<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah made king<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:3-5 (cf. 39:1-3)<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:20 and 25:1-2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:13-16<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah rebels; siege begins<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>3<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:6-14<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:3-10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah captured; Jerusalem destroyed<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>6<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:15<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:11<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:20<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>People deported<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>5<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:17-23<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:13-17<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:18<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Booty taken<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>4<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:24-27<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:18-21<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Nobles slain<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>11<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:31-34<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:27-30<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Later events<\/p><\/td><\/tr><\/table>","summary_ro":"Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles This chart follows the order of passages as they occur in Jeremiah. Order Jeremiah 2 Kings 2 Chronicles Content 1 37:1-2 24:17-19 36:10-12 Zedekiah made king 2 39:1-8 25:1-10 36:17-19 Zedekiah rebels; siege begins 7 39:10 and 40:5b 25:12 and 25:22b Gedaliah made governor 8 40:7-9 25:23-24 Gedaliah urges fidelity to Babylon 9 41:1-3 25:25 Gedaliah assassinated 10 43:5-7 25:26 Jews flee to Egypt 1 52:1-2 (cf. 37:1-2) 24:17-19 36:10-12 Zedekiah ...","summary_en":"Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles This chart follows the order of passages as they occur in Jeremiah. Order Jeremiah 2 Kings 2 Chronicles Content 1 37:1-2 24:17-19 36:10-12 Zedekiah made king 2 39:1-8 25:1-10 36:17-19 Zedekiah rebels; siege begins 7 39:10 and 40:5b 25:12 and 25:22b Gedaliah made governor 8 40:7-9 25:23-24 Gedaliah urges fidelity to Babylon 9 41:1-3 25:25 Gedaliah assassinated 10 43:5-7 25:26 Jews flee to Egypt 1 52:1-2 (cf. 37:1-2) 24:17-19 36:10-12 Zedekiah ...","source":"Charts\/Charts.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"25":[{"id":29547,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"of the Land*, People","title_en":"of the Land*, People","content_ro":"<h3>PEOPLE OF THE LAND*<\/h3>\n<p>OT phrase also known by its Hebrew transliteration, <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">‘Am-Ha’arets<\/span><em>.<\/em> In a generic sense, <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">‘Am-Ha’arets<\/span> referred to a political or ethnic group of people, such as the Hittite sons of Heth (Gn 23:7), the Egyptians (42:6), the Israelites (Ex 5:5), the nations of Canaan (Nm 13:28; Neh 9:24), and the Ammonites (Nm 21:34). With the expansion of Israel as a nation, this expression was used to define the general class of people who were not part of the upper religious and political levels of society (2 Kgs 11:14-20; 25:3; 2 Chr 33:25; Jer 52:25). During the postexilic period, the mixed race of Jews who had intermarried with heathen peoples were called the people of the land and mostly shunned by Ezra and his followers (Ezr 4:4; 10:2, 11; Neh 10:28-31). Later, rabbinic Judaism labeled the Jewish people who were unwilling or unable to observe the whole law as <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">‘Am-Ha’arets<\/span><em>.<\/em><\/p>","content_en":"<h3>PEOPLE OF THE LAND*<\/h3>\n<p>OT phrase also known by its Hebrew transliteration, <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">‘Am-Ha’arets<\/span><em>.<\/em> In a generic sense, <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">‘Am-Ha’arets<\/span> referred to a political or ethnic group of people, such as the Hittite sons of Heth (Gn 23:7), the Egyptians (42:6), the Israelites (Ex 5:5), the nations of Canaan (Nm 13:28; Neh 9:24), and the Ammonites (Nm 21:34). With the expansion of Israel as a nation, this expression was used to define the general class of people who were not part of the upper religious and political levels of society (2 Kgs 11:14-20; 25:3; 2 Chr 33:25; Jer 52:25). During the postexilic period, the mixed race of Jews who had intermarried with heathen peoples were called the people of the land and mostly shunned by Ezra and his followers (Ezr 4:4; 10:2, 11; Neh 10:28-31). Later, rabbinic Judaism labeled the Jewish people who were unwilling or unable to observe the whole law as <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">‘Am-Ha’arets<\/span><em>.<\/em><\/p>","summary_ro":"PEOPLE OF THE LAND* OT phrase also known by its Hebrew transliteration, ‘Am-Ha’arets. In a generic sense, ‘Am-Ha’arets referred to a political or ethnic group of people, such as the Hittite sons of Heth (Gn 23:7), the Egyptians (42:6), the Israelites (Ex 5:5), the nations of Canaan (Nm 13:28; Neh 9:24), and the Ammonites (Nm 21:34). With the expansion of Israel as a nation, this expression was used to define the general class of people who were not part of the upper religious and political le...","summary_en":"PEOPLE OF THE LAND* OT phrase also known by its Hebrew transliteration, ‘Am-Ha’arets. In a generic sense, ‘Am-Ha’arets referred to a political or ethnic group of people, such as the Hittite sons of Heth (Gn 23:7), the Egyptians (42:6), the Israelites (Ex 5:5), the nations of Canaan (Nm 13:28; Neh 9:24), and the Ammonites (Nm 21:34). With the expansion of Israel as a nation, this expression was used to define the general class of people who were not part of the upper religious and political le...","source":"Articles\/P.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":52855,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:25","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:25","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:25<\/strong> <em>seven:<\/em> The parallel in 2 Kgs 25:18 reads “five.”<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:25<\/strong> <em>seven:<\/em> The parallel in 2 Kgs 25:18 reads “five.”<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:25 seven: The parallel in 2 Kgs 25:18 reads “five.”","summary_en":"52:25 seven: The parallel in 2 Kgs 25:18 reads “five.”","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":80481,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:25","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:25","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:25<\/strong> <em>seven:<\/em> The parallel in 2 Kgs 25:18 reads “five.”<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:25<\/strong> <em>seven:<\/em> The parallel in 2 Kgs 25:18 reads “five.”<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:25 seven: The parallel in 2 Kgs 25:18 reads “five.”","summary_en":"52:25 seven: The parallel in 2 Kgs 25:18 reads “five.”","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":108107,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:25","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:25","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:25<\/strong> <em>seven:<\/em> The parallel in 2 Kgs 25:18 reads “five.”<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:25<\/strong> <em>seven:<\/em> The parallel in 2 Kgs 25:18 reads “five.”<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:25 seven: The parallel in 2 Kgs 25:18 reads “five.”","summary_en":"52:25 seven: The parallel in 2 Kgs 25:18 reads “five.”","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":135733,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:25","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:25","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:25<\/strong> <em>seven:<\/em> The parallel in 2 Kgs 25:18 reads “five.”<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:25<\/strong> <em>seven:<\/em> The parallel in 2 Kgs 25:18 reads “five.”<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:25 seven: The parallel in 2 Kgs 25:18 reads “five.”","summary_en":"52:25 seven: The parallel in 2 Kgs 25:18 reads “five.”","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"26":[{"id":33068,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Riblah","title_en":"Riblah","content_ro":"<h3>RIBLAH<\/h3>\n<li>1. Town along the Orontes River located some 35 miles (56.3 kilometers) northeast of Baalbek, identifiable with modern Ribleh in Syria. Riblah was well situated topographically for military operations, especially when the great powers of Egypt and Mesopotamia were crossing the northern part of the Fertile Crescent. The Egyptians are mentioned in Scripture as the first people that troubled this town. After the death of King Josiah in his battle with the Egyptian pharaoh Neco, Jehoahaz was made king. Neco did not approve of the election. So the pharaoh imprisoned Jehoahaz at Riblah and made Eliakim (Jehoiakim), Jehoahaz’s brother, king of Judah (2 Kgs 23:33).<\/li>\n<p>After the defeat of Neco at Carchemish in 605 <span>BC<\/span>, Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon took control of the area, making Riblah his headquarters for his South-Syria and Palestine dominions. When Zedekiah, king of Judah, opposed Nebuchadnezzar, the Babylonians captured him and imprisoned him at Riblah (2 Kgs 25:6; Jer 39:5-6; 52:9-10). Consequently, many of Zedekiah’s sons were killed at Riblah, and Zedekiah was bound and taken to Babylon (2 Kgs 25:20-21; Jer 52:26-27).<\/p>\n<p>Riblah is also called Diblah (<span>asv<\/span>) and Diblath (<span>kjv<\/span>) in Ezekiel 6:14.<\/p>\n<li>2. Town defining part of the eastern boundary of Israel, located east of Ain (Nm 34:11). Its exact location is unknown, though it is probably not identifiable with #1 above.<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>RIBLAH<\/h3>\n<li>1. Town along the Orontes River located some 35 miles (56.3 kilometers) northeast of Baalbek, identifiable with modern Ribleh in Syria. Riblah was well situated topographically for military operations, especially when the great powers of Egypt and Mesopotamia were crossing the northern part of the Fertile Crescent. The Egyptians are mentioned in Scripture as the first people that troubled this town. After the death of King Josiah in his battle with the Egyptian pharaoh Neco, Jehoahaz was made king. Neco did not approve of the election. So the pharaoh imprisoned Jehoahaz at Riblah and made Eliakim (Jehoiakim), Jehoahaz’s brother, king of Judah (2 Kgs 23:33).<\/li>\n<p>After the defeat of Neco at Carchemish in 605 <span>BC<\/span>, Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon took control of the area, making Riblah his headquarters for his South-Syria and Palestine dominions. When Zedekiah, king of Judah, opposed Nebuchadnezzar, the Babylonians captured him and imprisoned him at Riblah (2 Kgs 25:6; Jer 39:5-6; 52:9-10). Consequently, many of Zedekiah’s sons were killed at Riblah, and Zedekiah was bound and taken to Babylon (2 Kgs 25:20-21; Jer 52:26-27).<\/p>\n<p>Riblah is also called Diblah (<span>asv<\/span>) and Diblath (<span>kjv<\/span>) in Ezekiel 6:14.<\/p>\n<li>2. Town defining part of the eastern boundary of Israel, located east of Ain (Nm 34:11). Its exact location is unknown, though it is probably not identifiable with #1 above.<\/li>","summary_ro":"RIBLAH 1. Town along the Orontes River located some 35 miles (56.3 kilometers) northeast of Baalbek, identifiable with modern Ribleh in Syria. Riblah was well situated topographically for military operations, especially when the great powers of Egypt and Mesopotamia were crossing the northern part of the Fertile Crescent. The Egyptians are mentioned in Scripture as the first people that troubled this town. After the death of King Josiah in his battle with the Egyptian pharaoh Neco, Jehoahaz w...","summary_en":"RIBLAH 1. Town along the Orontes River located some 35 miles (56.3 kilometers) northeast of Baalbek, identifiable with modern Ribleh in Syria. Riblah was well situated topographically for military operations, especially when the great powers of Egypt and Mesopotamia were crossing the northern part of the Fertile Crescent. The Egyptians are mentioned in Scripture as the first people that troubled this town. After the death of King Josiah in his battle with the Egyptian pharaoh Neco, Jehoahaz w...","source":"Articles\/R.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"28":[{"id":41989,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Nebuchadnezzar II","title_en":"Nebuchadnezzar II","content_ro":"<h3>Nebuchadnezzar II<\/h3>\n<p>King Nebuchadnezzar II reigned over Babylon from 605 to 562 <span>BC<\/span>. He secured and extended the empire of his father, Nabopolassar (626–605 <span>BC<\/span>). Beyond the scriptural record, many ancient Babylonian documents report Nebuchadnezzar’s accomplishments.<\/p>\n<p>In 626 <span>BC<\/span>, Babylon, like Judah, was under the domination of Assyria, but in that year Nabopolassar began a revolt that would change the world. In 612 <span>BC<\/span>, the Babylonians captured Nineveh, Assyria’s capital, and again defeated the Assyrians at Haran in 609 <span>BC<\/span>. By the time of this battle, Nabopolassar’s son Nebuchadnezzar played a leading role in the army. In 605 <span>BC<\/span>, Nebuchadnezzar defeated the remnant of the Assyrian army at Carchemish; this victory also pushed the Egyptians back within their borders. In the same year, Nabopolassar died and his son became king.<\/p>\n<p>Following his victory at Carchemish in 605 <span>BC<\/span>, Nebuchadnezzar conquered Syria and surrounding areas, including Judah. In that year, Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem for the first time (2 Kgs 24:1; 1:1-2). He took away a number of the Temple vessels and some of the leading young citizens of Judah, including Daniel and his three friends. Nebuchadnezzar captured Jerusalem again in 597 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 24:10-17). He later besieged Jerusalem in 588 <span>BC<\/span> and destroyed the city and Temple in 586 <span>BC<\/span>, exiling most of the remaining people (2 Kgs 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>A detailed and interesting personal description of Nebuchadnezzar is found in Daniel. He brought Daniel and his friends to Babylon in order to educate them in the ways of Babylonia, but God used Daniel to teach Nebuchadnezzar about himself. After being humbled for his great pride (Dan 4:28-33), Nebuchadnezzar acknowledged the Lord’s sovereignty and power (4:34-37), though he probably never worshiped the true God exclusively.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 24:1–25:30; 2 Chr 36:6-21; Jer 21:1-10; 22:24-27; 24:1; 25:1-14; 27:4-8; 28:14; 29:1-23; 32:1-5, 26-31; 34:1-3; 37:1; 39:1-14; 43:10-13; 46:2, 13-26; 49:28-33; 50:17; 51:34; 52:4-16, 28-30; Ezek 26:7; 29:18-20; 30:10-11; Dan 1:1–4:37<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Nebuchadnezzar II<\/h3>\n<p>King Nebuchadnezzar II reigned over Babylon from 605 to 562 <span>BC<\/span>. He secured and extended the empire of his father, Nabopolassar (626–605 <span>BC<\/span>). Beyond the scriptural record, many ancient Babylonian documents report Nebuchadnezzar’s accomplishments.<\/p>\n<p>In 626 <span>BC<\/span>, Babylon, like Judah, was under the domination of Assyria, but in that year Nabopolassar began a revolt that would change the world. In 612 <span>BC<\/span>, the Babylonians captured Nineveh, Assyria’s capital, and again defeated the Assyrians at Haran in 609 <span>BC<\/span>. By the time of this battle, Nabopolassar’s son Nebuchadnezzar played a leading role in the army. In 605 <span>BC<\/span>, Nebuchadnezzar defeated the remnant of the Assyrian army at Carchemish; this victory also pushed the Egyptians back within their borders. In the same year, Nabopolassar died and his son became king.<\/p>\n<p>Following his victory at Carchemish in 605 <span>BC<\/span>, Nebuchadnezzar conquered Syria and surrounding areas, including Judah. In that year, Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem for the first time (2 Kgs 24:1; 1:1-2). He took away a number of the Temple vessels and some of the leading young citizens of Judah, including Daniel and his three friends. Nebuchadnezzar captured Jerusalem again in 597 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 24:10-17). He later besieged Jerusalem in 588 <span>BC<\/span> and destroyed the city and Temple in 586 <span>BC<\/span>, exiling most of the remaining people (2 Kgs 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>A detailed and interesting personal description of Nebuchadnezzar is found in Daniel. He brought Daniel and his friends to Babylon in order to educate them in the ways of Babylonia, but God used Daniel to teach Nebuchadnezzar about himself. After being humbled for his great pride (Dan 4:28-33), Nebuchadnezzar acknowledged the Lord’s sovereignty and power (4:34-37), though he probably never worshiped the true God exclusively.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 24:1–25:30; 2 Chr 36:6-21; Jer 21:1-10; 22:24-27; 24:1; 25:1-14; 27:4-8; 28:14; 29:1-23; 32:1-5, 26-31; 34:1-3; 37:1; 39:1-14; 43:10-13; 46:2, 13-26; 49:28-33; 50:17; 51:34; 52:4-16, 28-30; Ezek 26:7; 29:18-20; 30:10-11; Dan 1:1–4:37<\/p>","summary_ro":"Nebuchadnezzar II King Nebuchadnezzar II reigned over Babylon from 605 to 562 BC. He secured and extended the empire of his father, Nabopolassar (626–605 BC). Beyond the scriptural record, many ancient Babylonian documents report Nebuchadnezzar’s accomplishments. In 626 BC, Babylon, like Judah, was under the domination of Assyria, but in that year Nabopolassar began a revolt that would change the world. In 612 BC, the Babylonians captured Nineveh, Assyria’s capital, and again defeated the Ass...","summary_en":"Nebuchadnezzar II King Nebuchadnezzar II reigned over Babylon from 605 to 562 BC. He secured and extended the empire of his father, Nabopolassar (626–605 BC). Beyond the scriptural record, many ancient Babylonian documents report Nebuchadnezzar’s accomplishments. In 626 BC, Babylon, like Judah, was under the domination of Assyria, but in that year Nabopolassar began a revolt that would change the world. In 612 BC, the Babylonians captured Nineveh, Assyria’s capital, and again defeated the Ass...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":69615,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Nebuchadnezzar II","title_en":"Nebuchadnezzar II","content_ro":"<h3>Nebuchadnezzar II<\/h3>\n<p>King Nebuchadnezzar II reigned over Babylon from 605 to 562 <span>BC<\/span>. He secured and extended the empire of his father, Nabopolassar (626–605 <span>BC<\/span>). Beyond the scriptural record, many ancient Babylonian documents report Nebuchadnezzar’s accomplishments.<\/p>\n<p>In 626 <span>BC<\/span>, Babylon, like Judah, was under the domination of Assyria, but in that year Nabopolassar began a revolt that would change the world. In 612 <span>BC<\/span>, the Babylonians captured Nineveh, Assyria’s capital, and again defeated the Assyrians at Haran in 609 <span>BC<\/span>. By the time of this battle, Nabopolassar’s son Nebuchadnezzar played a leading role in the army. In 605 <span>BC<\/span>, Nebuchadnezzar defeated the remnant of the Assyrian army at Carchemish; this victory also pushed the Egyptians back within their borders. In the same year, Nabopolassar died and his son became king.<\/p>\n<p>Following his victory at Carchemish in 605 <span>BC<\/span>, Nebuchadnezzar conquered Syria and surrounding areas, including Judah. In that year, Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem for the first time (2 Kgs 24:1; 1:1-2). He took away a number of the Temple vessels and some of the leading young citizens of Judah, including Daniel and his three friends. Nebuchadnezzar captured Jerusalem again in 597 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 24:10-17). He later besieged Jerusalem in 588 <span>BC<\/span> and destroyed the city and Temple in 586 <span>BC<\/span>, exiling most of the remaining people (2 Kgs 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>A detailed and interesting personal description of Nebuchadnezzar is found in Daniel. He brought Daniel and his friends to Babylon in order to educate them in the ways of Babylonia, but God used Daniel to teach Nebuchadnezzar about himself. After being humbled for his great pride (Dan 4:28-33), Nebuchadnezzar acknowledged the Lord’s sovereignty and power (4:34-37), though he probably never worshiped the true God exclusively.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 24:1–25:30; 2 Chr 36:6-21; Jer 21:1-10; 22:24-27; 24:1; 25:1-14; 27:4-8; 28:14; 29:1-23; 32:1-5, 26-31; 34:1-3; 37:1; 39:1-14; 43:10-13; 46:2, 13-26; 49:28-33; 50:17; 51:34; 52:4-16, 28-30; Ezek 26:7; 29:18-20; 30:10-11; Dan 1:1–4:37<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Nebuchadnezzar II<\/h3>\n<p>King Nebuchadnezzar II reigned over Babylon from 605 to 562 <span>BC<\/span>. He secured and extended the empire of his father, Nabopolassar (626–605 <span>BC<\/span>). Beyond the scriptural record, many ancient Babylonian documents report Nebuchadnezzar’s accomplishments.<\/p>\n<p>In 626 <span>BC<\/span>, Babylon, like Judah, was under the domination of Assyria, but in that year Nabopolassar began a revolt that would change the world. In 612 <span>BC<\/span>, the Babylonians captured Nineveh, Assyria’s capital, and again defeated the Assyrians at Haran in 609 <span>BC<\/span>. By the time of this battle, Nabopolassar’s son Nebuchadnezzar played a leading role in the army. In 605 <span>BC<\/span>, Nebuchadnezzar defeated the remnant of the Assyrian army at Carchemish; this victory also pushed the Egyptians back within their borders. In the same year, Nabopolassar died and his son became king.<\/p>\n<p>Following his victory at Carchemish in 605 <span>BC<\/span>, Nebuchadnezzar conquered Syria and surrounding areas, including Judah. In that year, Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem for the first time (2 Kgs 24:1; 1:1-2). He took away a number of the Temple vessels and some of the leading young citizens of Judah, including Daniel and his three friends. Nebuchadnezzar captured Jerusalem again in 597 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 24:10-17). He later besieged Jerusalem in 588 <span>BC<\/span> and destroyed the city and Temple in 586 <span>BC<\/span>, exiling most of the remaining people (2 Kgs 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>A detailed and interesting personal description of Nebuchadnezzar is found in Daniel. He brought Daniel and his friends to Babylon in order to educate them in the ways of Babylonia, but God used Daniel to teach Nebuchadnezzar about himself. After being humbled for his great pride (Dan 4:28-33), Nebuchadnezzar acknowledged the Lord’s sovereignty and power (4:34-37), though he probably never worshiped the true God exclusively.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 24:1–25:30; 2 Chr 36:6-21; Jer 21:1-10; 22:24-27; 24:1; 25:1-14; 27:4-8; 28:14; 29:1-23; 32:1-5, 26-31; 34:1-3; 37:1; 39:1-14; 43:10-13; 46:2, 13-26; 49:28-33; 50:17; 51:34; 52:4-16, 28-30; Ezek 26:7; 29:18-20; 30:10-11; Dan 1:1–4:37<\/p>","summary_ro":"Nebuchadnezzar II King Nebuchadnezzar II reigned over Babylon from 605 to 562 BC. He secured and extended the empire of his father, Nabopolassar (626–605 BC). Beyond the scriptural record, many ancient Babylonian documents report Nebuchadnezzar’s accomplishments. In 626 BC, Babylon, like Judah, was under the domination of Assyria, but in that year Nabopolassar began a revolt that would change the world. In 612 BC, the Babylonians captured Nineveh, Assyria’s capital, and again defeated the Ass...","summary_en":"Nebuchadnezzar II King Nebuchadnezzar II reigned over Babylon from 605 to 562 BC. He secured and extended the empire of his father, Nabopolassar (626–605 BC). Beyond the scriptural record, many ancient Babylonian documents report Nebuchadnezzar’s accomplishments. In 626 BC, Babylon, like Judah, was under the domination of Assyria, but in that year Nabopolassar began a revolt that would change the world. In 612 BC, the Babylonians captured Nineveh, Assyria’s capital, and again defeated the Ass...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":97241,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Nebuchadnezzar II","title_en":"Nebuchadnezzar II","content_ro":"<h3>Nebuchadnezzar II<\/h3>\n<p>King Nebuchadnezzar II reigned over Babylon from 605 to 562 <span>BC<\/span>. He secured and extended the empire of his father, Nabopolassar (626–605 <span>BC<\/span>). Beyond the scriptural record, many ancient Babylonian documents report Nebuchadnezzar’s accomplishments.<\/p>\n<p>In 626 <span>BC<\/span>, Babylon, like Judah, was under the domination of Assyria, but in that year Nabopolassar began a revolt that would change the world. In 612 <span>BC<\/span>, the Babylonians captured Nineveh, Assyria’s capital, and again defeated the Assyrians at Haran in 609 <span>BC<\/span>. By the time of this battle, Nabopolassar’s son Nebuchadnezzar played a leading role in the army. In 605 <span>BC<\/span>, Nebuchadnezzar defeated the remnant of the Assyrian army at Carchemish; this victory also pushed the Egyptians back within their borders. In the same year, Nabopolassar died and his son became king.<\/p>\n<p>Following his victory at Carchemish in 605 <span>BC<\/span>, Nebuchadnezzar conquered Syria and surrounding areas, including Judah. In that year, Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem for the first time (2 Kgs 24:1; 1:1-2). He took away a number of the Temple vessels and some of the leading young citizens of Judah, including Daniel and his three friends. Nebuchadnezzar captured Jerusalem again in 597 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 24:10-17). He later besieged Jerusalem in 588 <span>BC<\/span> and destroyed the city and Temple in 586 <span>BC<\/span>, exiling most of the remaining people (2 Kgs 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>A detailed and interesting personal description of Nebuchadnezzar is found in Daniel. He brought Daniel and his friends to Babylon in order to educate them in the ways of Babylonia, but God used Daniel to teach Nebuchadnezzar about himself. After being humbled for his great pride (Dan 4:28-33), Nebuchadnezzar acknowledged the Lord’s sovereignty and power (4:34-37), though he probably never worshiped the true God exclusively.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 24:1–25:30; 2 Chr 36:6-21; Jer 21:1-10; 22:24-27; 24:1; 25:1-14; 27:4-8; 28:14; 29:1-23; 32:1-5, 26-31; 34:1-3; 37:1; 39:1-14; 43:10-13; 46:2, 13-26; 49:28-33; 50:17; 51:34; 52:4-16, 28-30; Ezek 26:7; 29:18-20; 30:10-11; Dan 1:1–4:37<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Nebuchadnezzar II<\/h3>\n<p>King Nebuchadnezzar II reigned over Babylon from 605 to 562 <span>BC<\/span>. He secured and extended the empire of his father, Nabopolassar (626–605 <span>BC<\/span>). Beyond the scriptural record, many ancient Babylonian documents report Nebuchadnezzar’s accomplishments.<\/p>\n<p>In 626 <span>BC<\/span>, Babylon, like Judah, was under the domination of Assyria, but in that year Nabopolassar began a revolt that would change the world. In 612 <span>BC<\/span>, the Babylonians captured Nineveh, Assyria’s capital, and again defeated the Assyrians at Haran in 609 <span>BC<\/span>. By the time of this battle, Nabopolassar’s son Nebuchadnezzar played a leading role in the army. In 605 <span>BC<\/span>, Nebuchadnezzar defeated the remnant of the Assyrian army at Carchemish; this victory also pushed the Egyptians back within their borders. In the same year, Nabopolassar died and his son became king.<\/p>\n<p>Following his victory at Carchemish in 605 <span>BC<\/span>, Nebuchadnezzar conquered Syria and surrounding areas, including Judah. In that year, Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem for the first time (2 Kgs 24:1; 1:1-2). He took away a number of the Temple vessels and some of the leading young citizens of Judah, including Daniel and his three friends. Nebuchadnezzar captured Jerusalem again in 597 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 24:10-17). He later besieged Jerusalem in 588 <span>BC<\/span> and destroyed the city and Temple in 586 <span>BC<\/span>, exiling most of the remaining people (2 Kgs 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>A detailed and interesting personal description of Nebuchadnezzar is found in Daniel. He brought Daniel and his friends to Babylon in order to educate them in the ways of Babylonia, but God used Daniel to teach Nebuchadnezzar about himself. After being humbled for his great pride (Dan 4:28-33), Nebuchadnezzar acknowledged the Lord’s sovereignty and power (4:34-37), though he probably never worshiped the true God exclusively.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 24:1–25:30; 2 Chr 36:6-21; Jer 21:1-10; 22:24-27; 24:1; 25:1-14; 27:4-8; 28:14; 29:1-23; 32:1-5, 26-31; 34:1-3; 37:1; 39:1-14; 43:10-13; 46:2, 13-26; 49:28-33; 50:17; 51:34; 52:4-16, 28-30; Ezek 26:7; 29:18-20; 30:10-11; Dan 1:1–4:37<\/p>","summary_ro":"Nebuchadnezzar II King Nebuchadnezzar II reigned over Babylon from 605 to 562 BC. He secured and extended the empire of his father, Nabopolassar (626–605 BC). Beyond the scriptural record, many ancient Babylonian documents report Nebuchadnezzar’s accomplishments. In 626 BC, Babylon, like Judah, was under the domination of Assyria, but in that year Nabopolassar began a revolt that would change the world. In 612 BC, the Babylonians captured Nineveh, Assyria’s capital, and again defeated the Ass...","summary_en":"Nebuchadnezzar II King Nebuchadnezzar II reigned over Babylon from 605 to 562 BC. He secured and extended the empire of his father, Nabopolassar (626–605 BC). Beyond the scriptural record, many ancient Babylonian documents report Nebuchadnezzar’s accomplishments. In 626 BC, Babylon, like Judah, was under the domination of Assyria, but in that year Nabopolassar began a revolt that would change the world. In 612 BC, the Babylonians captured Nineveh, Assyria’s capital, and again defeated the Ass...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":124867,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Nebuchadnezzar II","title_en":"Nebuchadnezzar II","content_ro":"<h3>Nebuchadnezzar II<\/h3>\n<p>King Nebuchadnezzar II reigned over Babylon from 605 to 562 <span>BC<\/span>. He secured and extended the empire of his father, Nabopolassar (626–605 <span>BC<\/span>). Beyond the scriptural record, many ancient Babylonian documents report Nebuchadnezzar’s accomplishments.<\/p>\n<p>In 626 <span>BC<\/span>, Babylon, like Judah, was under the domination of Assyria, but in that year Nabopolassar began a revolt that would change the world. In 612 <span>BC<\/span>, the Babylonians captured Nineveh, Assyria’s capital, and again defeated the Assyrians at Haran in 609 <span>BC<\/span>. By the time of this battle, Nabopolassar’s son Nebuchadnezzar played a leading role in the army. In 605 <span>BC<\/span>, Nebuchadnezzar defeated the remnant of the Assyrian army at Carchemish; this victory also pushed the Egyptians back within their borders. In the same year, Nabopolassar died and his son became king.<\/p>\n<p>Following his victory at Carchemish in 605 <span>BC<\/span>, Nebuchadnezzar conquered Syria and surrounding areas, including Judah. In that year, Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem for the first time (2 Kgs 24:1; 1:1-2). He took away a number of the Temple vessels and some of the leading young citizens of Judah, including Daniel and his three friends. Nebuchadnezzar captured Jerusalem again in 597 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 24:10-17). He later besieged Jerusalem in 588 <span>BC<\/span> and destroyed the city and Temple in 586 <span>BC<\/span>, exiling most of the remaining people (2 Kgs 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>A detailed and interesting personal description of Nebuchadnezzar is found in Daniel. He brought Daniel and his friends to Babylon in order to educate them in the ways of Babylonia, but God used Daniel to teach Nebuchadnezzar about himself. After being humbled for his great pride (Dan 4:28-33), Nebuchadnezzar acknowledged the Lord’s sovereignty and power (4:34-37), though he probably never worshiped the true God exclusively.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 24:1–25:30; 2 Chr 36:6-21; Jer 21:1-10; 22:24-27; 24:1; 25:1-14; 27:4-8; 28:14; 29:1-23; 32:1-5, 26-31; 34:1-3; 37:1; 39:1-14; 43:10-13; 46:2, 13-26; 49:28-33; 50:17; 51:34; 52:4-16, 28-30; Ezek 26:7; 29:18-20; 30:10-11; Dan 1:1–4:37<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Nebuchadnezzar II<\/h3>\n<p>King Nebuchadnezzar II reigned over Babylon from 605 to 562 <span>BC<\/span>. He secured and extended the empire of his father, Nabopolassar (626–605 <span>BC<\/span>). Beyond the scriptural record, many ancient Babylonian documents report Nebuchadnezzar’s accomplishments.<\/p>\n<p>In 626 <span>BC<\/span>, Babylon, like Judah, was under the domination of Assyria, but in that year Nabopolassar began a revolt that would change the world. In 612 <span>BC<\/span>, the Babylonians captured Nineveh, Assyria’s capital, and again defeated the Assyrians at Haran in 609 <span>BC<\/span>. By the time of this battle, Nabopolassar’s son Nebuchadnezzar played a leading role in the army. In 605 <span>BC<\/span>, Nebuchadnezzar defeated the remnant of the Assyrian army at Carchemish; this victory also pushed the Egyptians back within their borders. In the same year, Nabopolassar died and his son became king.<\/p>\n<p>Following his victory at Carchemish in 605 <span>BC<\/span>, Nebuchadnezzar conquered Syria and surrounding areas, including Judah. In that year, Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem for the first time (2 Kgs 24:1; 1:1-2). He took away a number of the Temple vessels and some of the leading young citizens of Judah, including Daniel and his three friends. Nebuchadnezzar captured Jerusalem again in 597 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Kgs 24:10-17). He later besieged Jerusalem in 588 <span>BC<\/span> and destroyed the city and Temple in 586 <span>BC<\/span>, exiling most of the remaining people (2 Kgs 25:1-21).<\/p>\n<p>A detailed and interesting personal description of Nebuchadnezzar is found in Daniel. He brought Daniel and his friends to Babylon in order to educate them in the ways of Babylonia, but God used Daniel to teach Nebuchadnezzar about himself. After being humbled for his great pride (Dan 4:28-33), Nebuchadnezzar acknowledged the Lord’s sovereignty and power (4:34-37), though he probably never worshiped the true God exclusively.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>2 Kgs 24:1–25:30; 2 Chr 36:6-21; Jer 21:1-10; 22:24-27; 24:1; 25:1-14; 27:4-8; 28:14; 29:1-23; 32:1-5, 26-31; 34:1-3; 37:1; 39:1-14; 43:10-13; 46:2, 13-26; 49:28-33; 50:17; 51:34; 52:4-16, 28-30; Ezek 26:7; 29:18-20; 30:10-11; Dan 1:1–4:37<\/p>","summary_ro":"Nebuchadnezzar II King Nebuchadnezzar II reigned over Babylon from 605 to 562 BC. He secured and extended the empire of his father, Nabopolassar (626–605 BC). Beyond the scriptural record, many ancient Babylonian documents report Nebuchadnezzar’s accomplishments. In 626 BC, Babylon, like Judah, was under the domination of Assyria, but in that year Nabopolassar began a revolt that would change the world. In 612 BC, the Babylonians captured Nineveh, Assyria’s capital, and again defeated the Ass...","summary_en":"Nebuchadnezzar II King Nebuchadnezzar II reigned over Babylon from 605 to 562 BC. He secured and extended the empire of his father, Nabopolassar (626–605 BC). Beyond the scriptural record, many ancient Babylonian documents report Nebuchadnezzar’s accomplishments. In 626 BC, Babylon, like Judah, was under the domination of Assyria, but in that year Nabopolassar began a revolt that would change the world. In 612 BC, the Babylonians captured Nineveh, Assyria’s capital, and again defeated the Ass...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":19766,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Jew","title_en":"Jew","content_ro":"<h3>JEW<\/h3>\n<p>Judean, belonging to Judah. The short form of the English word was developed from the French. The underlying Hebrew word is used first in 2 Kings 16:6 as a national term, meaning citizens of Judah. It came into general use in the period of Jeremiah just before the exile (late sixth century <span>BC<\/span>; see Jer 32:12). It reflects a growing sense of national identity among foreign nations in an international world. In Jeremiah 34:9, a statement concerning the national principle that an individual citizen had the right to freedom from slavery uses the term “Jew.” In Jeremiah 52:28 it is poignantly used in giving the number of deported citizens.<\/p>\n<p>Once the people were in exile, the term’s national meaning was expanded with a religious one. The Jews were different from surrounding peoples in that they preserved a living religious tradition of one true God. A Jewish-Gentile polarization developed. Thus in Daniel 3:8-12 certain Jews are accused of deviating from otherwise acceptable Babylonian religious practices. The book of Esther is concerned with the problem of Jewish identity and survival in a hostile alien environment. Esther 8:17 speaks of Gentiles declaring themselves Jews in the religious sense of becoming proselytes.<\/p>\n<p>After the exile, the strongly religious meaning of “Jew” is expressed in the prophecy of Zechariah 8:23 that the Jew would be courted by Gentiles because God was with him. In Ezra 4:12 the term “Jews” is the national designation of the returned exiles, as it is in the book of Nehemiah (e.g., Neh 1:2; 4:2). In Nehemiah 13:24 there is a consciousness of the social exclusiveness of the Jews: on religious grounds, marriage to foreigners is deplored.<\/p>\n<p>In the NT “Jew” continues to have the same national and\/or religious meaning. Culturally, Jews have religious and other customs that NT documents addressed to Gentiles find it necessary to explain (Mk 7:3; Jn 5:1; 19:40). Jews are contrasted with Gentiles (Acts 11:19), Samaritans (Jn 4:9, 22), and proselytes (Acts 2:10). Jewish Christians can be called “Jews” (Gal 2:13), but there is an increasing stress on the religious distinctions between Jew and Christian. In Romans 2:17-29 Paul gives an interesting theological analysis of the term “Jew.” He is at pains to emphasize that the true meaning of the word lies not in outward religious profession but in an inward attitude to God. Paul was doubtless thinking of the inadequacy of his own life as a Jew before he was converted to the Christian faith (cf. Phil 3:3-6). His mention of “praise” in Romans 2:29 is the climax of the passage. It is a forceful play on words: in Hebrew, Judah means praise (Gn 29:35; cf. 49:8).<\/p>\n<p>The apostle Paul is here moving in the direction of regarding Christianity as the true heir of the faith of the OT. Revelation 2:9 and 3:9 express similar sentiments: to be truly a Jew is much more than a matter of birth and synagogue observance. Underlying these passages in both Revelation and Romans is obviously the issue of the messianic claims of Jesus (cf. Rom 9:3-5; 10:1-4). The NT bears sad testimony to the opposition of Jews to the Christian message. The gospel proved a cause of offense to the Jews (1 Cor 1:23). Paul himself, despite his claim of impeccable Jewish credentials (Acts 26:4-7), found himself the object of bitter Jewish attacks (21:11; 23:12, 27). Revelation 2:9 and 3:9 describe the Jews’ opposition as satanic: they were carrying out the work of God’s adversary, Satan.<\/p>\n<p>These negative overtones are especially attached to the use of the word “Jew” in John’s Gospel. It is found some 70 times, versus about five or six instances in each of the synoptic Gospels. Some passages, such as those already cited, have no associations of hostility. But in most cases the fourth Gospel uses “Jews” in the sense of the religious authorities, especially those in Jerusalem, who were hostile to Jesus (see, e.g., Jn 5:18; 9:18; 11:8; 18:36). It is noteworthy that in 9:22 the parents of the blind man, clearly Jews themselves, are said, literally, to fear the investigating Jews. In 18:14 “Jews” stands for the chief priests and Pharisees of 18:3. It must be emphasized that the author, who was obviously a Jew himself, was not expressing an anti-Semitic viewpoint as such. He condemned not race or people but those who opposed Jesus. He gladly acknowledged that some Jews put their faith in Jesus (8:31; 11:45: 12:11). Nathanael is featured as a type of the Christian Jew, a true Israelite “in whom is no guile” (1:47; cf. v 31; see Gn 27:35; 32:28).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Diaspora of the Jews; Israel, History of; Judaism; Judaizers; Pharisees; Postexilic Period.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JEW<\/h3>\n<p>Judean, belonging to Judah. The short form of the English word was developed from the French. The underlying Hebrew word is used first in 2 Kings 16:6 as a national term, meaning citizens of Judah. It came into general use in the period of Jeremiah just before the exile (late sixth century <span>BC<\/span>; see Jer 32:12). It reflects a growing sense of national identity among foreign nations in an international world. In Jeremiah 34:9, a statement concerning the national principle that an individual citizen had the right to freedom from slavery uses the term “Jew.” In Jeremiah 52:28 it is poignantly used in giving the number of deported citizens.<\/p>\n<p>Once the people were in exile, the term’s national meaning was expanded with a religious one. The Jews were different from surrounding peoples in that they preserved a living religious tradition of one true God. A Jewish-Gentile polarization developed. Thus in Daniel 3:8-12 certain Jews are accused of deviating from otherwise acceptable Babylonian religious practices. The book of Esther is concerned with the problem of Jewish identity and survival in a hostile alien environment. Esther 8:17 speaks of Gentiles declaring themselves Jews in the religious sense of becoming proselytes.<\/p>\n<p>After the exile, the strongly religious meaning of “Jew” is expressed in the prophecy of Zechariah 8:23 that the Jew would be courted by Gentiles because God was with him. In Ezra 4:12 the term “Jews” is the national designation of the returned exiles, as it is in the book of Nehemiah (e.g., Neh 1:2; 4:2). In Nehemiah 13:24 there is a consciousness of the social exclusiveness of the Jews: on religious grounds, marriage to foreigners is deplored.<\/p>\n<p>In the NT “Jew” continues to have the same national and\/or religious meaning. Culturally, Jews have religious and other customs that NT documents addressed to Gentiles find it necessary to explain (Mk 7:3; Jn 5:1; 19:40). Jews are contrasted with Gentiles (Acts 11:19), Samaritans (Jn 4:9, 22), and proselytes (Acts 2:10). Jewish Christians can be called “Jews” (Gal 2:13), but there is an increasing stress on the religious distinctions between Jew and Christian. In Romans 2:17-29 Paul gives an interesting theological analysis of the term “Jew.” He is at pains to emphasize that the true meaning of the word lies not in outward religious profession but in an inward attitude to God. Paul was doubtless thinking of the inadequacy of his own life as a Jew before he was converted to the Christian faith (cf. Phil 3:3-6). His mention of “praise” in Romans 2:29 is the climax of the passage. It is a forceful play on words: in Hebrew, Judah means praise (Gn 29:35; cf. 49:8).<\/p>\n<p>The apostle Paul is here moving in the direction of regarding Christianity as the true heir of the faith of the OT. Revelation 2:9 and 3:9 express similar sentiments: to be truly a Jew is much more than a matter of birth and synagogue observance. Underlying these passages in both Revelation and Romans is obviously the issue of the messianic claims of Jesus (cf. Rom 9:3-5; 10:1-4). The NT bears sad testimony to the opposition of Jews to the Christian message. The gospel proved a cause of offense to the Jews (1 Cor 1:23). Paul himself, despite his claim of impeccable Jewish credentials (Acts 26:4-7), found himself the object of bitter Jewish attacks (21:11; 23:12, 27). Revelation 2:9 and 3:9 describe the Jews’ opposition as satanic: they were carrying out the work of God’s adversary, Satan.<\/p>\n<p>These negative overtones are especially attached to the use of the word “Jew” in John’s Gospel. It is found some 70 times, versus about five or six instances in each of the synoptic Gospels. Some passages, such as those already cited, have no associations of hostility. But in most cases the fourth Gospel uses “Jews” in the sense of the religious authorities, especially those in Jerusalem, who were hostile to Jesus (see, e.g., Jn 5:18; 9:18; 11:8; 18:36). It is noteworthy that in 9:22 the parents of the blind man, clearly Jews themselves, are said, literally, to fear the investigating Jews. In 18:14 “Jews” stands for the chief priests and Pharisees of 18:3. It must be emphasized that the author, who was obviously a Jew himself, was not expressing an anti-Semitic viewpoint as such. He condemned not race or people but those who opposed Jesus. He gladly acknowledged that some Jews put their faith in Jesus (8:31; 11:45: 12:11). Nathanael is featured as a type of the Christian Jew, a true Israelite “in whom is no guile” (1:47; cf. v 31; see Gn 27:35; 32:28).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Diaspora of the Jews; Israel, History of; Judaism; Judaizers; Pharisees; Postexilic Period.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JEW Judean, belonging to Judah. The short form of the English word was developed from the French. The underlying Hebrew word is used first in 2 Kings 16:6 as a national term, meaning citizens of Judah. It came into general use in the period of Jeremiah just before the exile (late sixth century BC; see Jer 32:12). It reflects a growing sense of national identity among foreign nations in an international world. In Jeremiah 34:9, a statement concerning the national principle that an individual c...","summary_en":"JEW Judean, belonging to Judah. The short form of the English word was developed from the French. The underlying Hebrew word is used first in 2 Kings 16:6 as a national term, meaning citizens of Judah. It came into general use in the period of Jeremiah just before the exile (late sixth century BC; see Jer 32:12). It reflects a growing sense of national identity among foreign nations in an international world. In Jeremiah 34:9, a statement concerning the national principle that an individual c...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":52856,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:28","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:28","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:28-30<\/strong> The numbers in these verses amplify the data given in 2 Kgs 24:14-16 regarding the deportation of exiles in 597 <span>BC<\/span>. The deportation in Jer 52:30 is not mentioned elsewhere in Scripture; it was probably a Babylonian reprisal for Gedaliah’s murder (41:1-3). This suggests that the person(s) responsible for making this adaptation lived after 581 <span>BC<\/span>, probably in Babylon.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:28-30<\/strong> The numbers in these verses amplify the data given in 2 Kgs 24:14-16 regarding the deportation of exiles in 597 <span>BC<\/span>. The deportation in Jer 52:30 is not mentioned elsewhere in Scripture; it was probably a Babylonian reprisal for Gedaliah’s murder (41:1-3). This suggests that the person(s) responsible for making this adaptation lived after 581 <span>BC<\/span>, probably in Babylon.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:28-30 The numbers in these verses amplify the data given in 2 Kgs 24:14-16 regarding the deportation of exiles in 597 BC. The deportation in Jer 52:30 is not mentioned elsewhere in Scripture; it was probably a Babylonian reprisal for Gedaliah’s murder (41:1-3). This suggests that the person(s) responsible for making this adaptation lived after 581 BC, probably in Babylon.","summary_en":"52:28-30 The numbers in these verses amplify the data given in 2 Kgs 24:14-16 regarding the deportation of exiles in 597 BC. The deportation in Jer 52:30 is not mentioned elsewhere in Scripture; it was probably a Babylonian reprisal for Gedaliah’s murder (41:1-3). This suggests that the person(s) responsible for making this adaptation lived after 581 BC, probably in Babylon.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":52857,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:28","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:28","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:28<\/strong> The account in 2 Kgs 24:12-14 states that this event occurred in Nebuchadnezzar’s eighth year. This difference reflects two ancient Near Eastern methods of calculating the beginning of a king’s reign. In 2 Kings, the year in which Nebuchadnezzar ascended the throne is treated as the first year of his reign. Jeremiah apparently started counting the first <em>full<\/em> year as Nebuchadnezzar’s first year.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:28<\/strong> The account in 2 Kgs 24:12-14 states that this event occurred in Nebuchadnezzar’s eighth year. This difference reflects two ancient Near Eastern methods of calculating the beginning of a king’s reign. In 2 Kings, the year in which Nebuchadnezzar ascended the throne is treated as the first year of his reign. Jeremiah apparently started counting the first <em>full<\/em> year as Nebuchadnezzar’s first year.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:28 The account in 2 Kgs 24:12-14 states that this event occurred in Nebuchadnezzar’s eighth year. This difference reflects two ancient Near Eastern methods of calculating the beginning of a king’s reign. In 2 Kings, the year in which Nebuchadnezzar ascended the throne is treated as the first year of his reign. Jeremiah apparently started counting the first full year as Nebuchadnezzar’s first year.","summary_en":"52:28 The account in 2 Kgs 24:12-14 states that this event occurred in Nebuchadnezzar’s eighth year. This difference reflects two ancient Near Eastern methods of calculating the beginning of a king’s reign. In 2 Kings, the year in which Nebuchadnezzar ascended the throne is treated as the first year of his reign. Jeremiah apparently started counting the first full year as Nebuchadnezzar’s first year.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":80482,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:28","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:28","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:28-30<\/strong> The numbers in these verses amplify the data given in 2 Kgs 24:14-16 regarding the deportation of exiles in 597 <span>BC<\/span>. The deportation in Jer 52:30 is not mentioned elsewhere in Scripture; it was probably a Babylonian reprisal for Gedaliah’s murder (41:1-3). This suggests that the person(s) responsible for making this adaptation lived after 581 <span>BC<\/span>, probably in Babylon.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:28-30<\/strong> The numbers in these verses amplify the data given in 2 Kgs 24:14-16 regarding the deportation of exiles in 597 <span>BC<\/span>. The deportation in Jer 52:30 is not mentioned elsewhere in Scripture; it was probably a Babylonian reprisal for Gedaliah’s murder (41:1-3). This suggests that the person(s) responsible for making this adaptation lived after 581 <span>BC<\/span>, probably in Babylon.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:28-30 The numbers in these verses amplify the data given in 2 Kgs 24:14-16 regarding the deportation of exiles in 597 BC. The deportation in Jer 52:30 is not mentioned elsewhere in Scripture; it was probably a Babylonian reprisal for Gedaliah’s murder (41:1-3). This suggests that the person(s) responsible for making this adaptation lived after 581 BC, probably in Babylon.","summary_en":"52:28-30 The numbers in these verses amplify the data given in 2 Kgs 24:14-16 regarding the deportation of exiles in 597 BC. The deportation in Jer 52:30 is not mentioned elsewhere in Scripture; it was probably a Babylonian reprisal for Gedaliah’s murder (41:1-3). This suggests that the person(s) responsible for making this adaptation lived after 581 BC, probably in Babylon.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":80483,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:28","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:28","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:28<\/strong> The account in 2 Kgs 24:12-14 states that this event occurred in Nebuchadnezzar’s eighth year. This difference reflects two ancient Near Eastern methods of calculating the beginning of a king’s reign. In 2 Kings, the year in which Nebuchadnezzar ascended the throne is treated as the first year of his reign. Jeremiah apparently started counting the first <em>full<\/em> year as Nebuchadnezzar’s first year.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:28<\/strong> The account in 2 Kgs 24:12-14 states that this event occurred in Nebuchadnezzar’s eighth year. This difference reflects two ancient Near Eastern methods of calculating the beginning of a king’s reign. In 2 Kings, the year in which Nebuchadnezzar ascended the throne is treated as the first year of his reign. Jeremiah apparently started counting the first <em>full<\/em> year as Nebuchadnezzar’s first year.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:28 The account in 2 Kgs 24:12-14 states that this event occurred in Nebuchadnezzar’s eighth year. This difference reflects two ancient Near Eastern methods of calculating the beginning of a king’s reign. In 2 Kings, the year in which Nebuchadnezzar ascended the throne is treated as the first year of his reign. Jeremiah apparently started counting the first full year as Nebuchadnezzar’s first year.","summary_en":"52:28 The account in 2 Kgs 24:12-14 states that this event occurred in Nebuchadnezzar’s eighth year. This difference reflects two ancient Near Eastern methods of calculating the beginning of a king’s reign. In 2 Kings, the year in which Nebuchadnezzar ascended the throne is treated as the first year of his reign. Jeremiah apparently started counting the first full year as Nebuchadnezzar’s first year.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":108108,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:28","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:28","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:28-30<\/strong> The numbers in these verses amplify the data given in 2 Kgs 24:14-16 regarding the deportation of exiles in 597 <span>BC<\/span>. The deportation in Jer 52:30 is not mentioned elsewhere in Scripture; it was probably a Babylonian reprisal for Gedaliah’s murder (41:1-3). This suggests that the person(s) responsible for making this adaptation lived after 581 <span>BC<\/span>, probably in Babylon.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:28-30<\/strong> The numbers in these verses amplify the data given in 2 Kgs 24:14-16 regarding the deportation of exiles in 597 <span>BC<\/span>. The deportation in Jer 52:30 is not mentioned elsewhere in Scripture; it was probably a Babylonian reprisal for Gedaliah’s murder (41:1-3). This suggests that the person(s) responsible for making this adaptation lived after 581 <span>BC<\/span>, probably in Babylon.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:28-30 The numbers in these verses amplify the data given in 2 Kgs 24:14-16 regarding the deportation of exiles in 597 BC. The deportation in Jer 52:30 is not mentioned elsewhere in Scripture; it was probably a Babylonian reprisal for Gedaliah’s murder (41:1-3). This suggests that the person(s) responsible for making this adaptation lived after 581 BC, probably in Babylon.","summary_en":"52:28-30 The numbers in these verses amplify the data given in 2 Kgs 24:14-16 regarding the deportation of exiles in 597 BC. The deportation in Jer 52:30 is not mentioned elsewhere in Scripture; it was probably a Babylonian reprisal for Gedaliah’s murder (41:1-3). This suggests that the person(s) responsible for making this adaptation lived after 581 BC, probably in Babylon.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":108109,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:28","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:28","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:28<\/strong> The account in 2 Kgs 24:12-14 states that this event occurred in Nebuchadnezzar’s eighth year. This difference reflects two ancient Near Eastern methods of calculating the beginning of a king’s reign. In 2 Kings, the year in which Nebuchadnezzar ascended the throne is treated as the first year of his reign. Jeremiah apparently started counting the first <em>full<\/em> year as Nebuchadnezzar’s first year.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:28<\/strong> The account in 2 Kgs 24:12-14 states that this event occurred in Nebuchadnezzar’s eighth year. This difference reflects two ancient Near Eastern methods of calculating the beginning of a king’s reign. In 2 Kings, the year in which Nebuchadnezzar ascended the throne is treated as the first year of his reign. Jeremiah apparently started counting the first <em>full<\/em> year as Nebuchadnezzar’s first year.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:28 The account in 2 Kgs 24:12-14 states that this event occurred in Nebuchadnezzar’s eighth year. This difference reflects two ancient Near Eastern methods of calculating the beginning of a king’s reign. In 2 Kings, the year in which Nebuchadnezzar ascended the throne is treated as the first year of his reign. Jeremiah apparently started counting the first full year as Nebuchadnezzar’s first year.","summary_en":"52:28 The account in 2 Kgs 24:12-14 states that this event occurred in Nebuchadnezzar’s eighth year. This difference reflects two ancient Near Eastern methods of calculating the beginning of a king’s reign. In 2 Kings, the year in which Nebuchadnezzar ascended the throne is treated as the first year of his reign. Jeremiah apparently started counting the first full year as Nebuchadnezzar’s first year.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":135734,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:28","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:28","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:28-30<\/strong> The numbers in these verses amplify the data given in 2 Kgs 24:14-16 regarding the deportation of exiles in 597 <span>BC<\/span>. The deportation in Jer 52:30 is not mentioned elsewhere in Scripture; it was probably a Babylonian reprisal for Gedaliah’s murder (41:1-3). This suggests that the person(s) responsible for making this adaptation lived after 581 <span>BC<\/span>, probably in Babylon.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:28-30<\/strong> The numbers in these verses amplify the data given in 2 Kgs 24:14-16 regarding the deportation of exiles in 597 <span>BC<\/span>. The deportation in Jer 52:30 is not mentioned elsewhere in Scripture; it was probably a Babylonian reprisal for Gedaliah’s murder (41:1-3). This suggests that the person(s) responsible for making this adaptation lived after 581 <span>BC<\/span>, probably in Babylon.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:28-30 The numbers in these verses amplify the data given in 2 Kgs 24:14-16 regarding the deportation of exiles in 597 BC. The deportation in Jer 52:30 is not mentioned elsewhere in Scripture; it was probably a Babylonian reprisal for Gedaliah’s murder (41:1-3). This suggests that the person(s) responsible for making this adaptation lived after 581 BC, probably in Babylon.","summary_en":"52:28-30 The numbers in these verses amplify the data given in 2 Kgs 24:14-16 regarding the deportation of exiles in 597 BC. The deportation in Jer 52:30 is not mentioned elsewhere in Scripture; it was probably a Babylonian reprisal for Gedaliah’s murder (41:1-3). This suggests that the person(s) responsible for making this adaptation lived after 581 BC, probably in Babylon.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":135735,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:28","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:28","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:28<\/strong> The account in 2 Kgs 24:12-14 states that this event occurred in Nebuchadnezzar’s eighth year. This difference reflects two ancient Near Eastern methods of calculating the beginning of a king’s reign. In 2 Kings, the year in which Nebuchadnezzar ascended the throne is treated as the first year of his reign. Jeremiah apparently started counting the first <em>full<\/em> year as Nebuchadnezzar’s first year.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:28<\/strong> The account in 2 Kgs 24:12-14 states that this event occurred in Nebuchadnezzar’s eighth year. This difference reflects two ancient Near Eastern methods of calculating the beginning of a king’s reign. In 2 Kings, the year in which Nebuchadnezzar ascended the throne is treated as the first year of his reign. Jeremiah apparently started counting the first <em>full<\/em> year as Nebuchadnezzar’s first year.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:28 The account in 2 Kgs 24:12-14 states that this event occurred in Nebuchadnezzar’s eighth year. This difference reflects two ancient Near Eastern methods of calculating the beginning of a king’s reign. In 2 Kings, the year in which Nebuchadnezzar ascended the throne is treated as the first year of his reign. Jeremiah apparently started counting the first full year as Nebuchadnezzar’s first year.","summary_en":"52:28 The account in 2 Kgs 24:12-14 states that this event occurred in Nebuchadnezzar’s eighth year. This difference reflects two ancient Near Eastern methods of calculating the beginning of a king’s reign. In 2 Kings, the year in which Nebuchadnezzar ascended the throne is treated as the first year of his reign. Jeremiah apparently started counting the first full year as Nebuchadnezzar’s first year.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"29":[{"id":9527,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"of the Jews*, Diaspora","title_en":"of the Jews*, Diaspora","content_ro":"<h3>DIASPORA OF THE JEWS*<\/h3>\n<p>Dispersion of Jewish people from Israel to foreign lands. <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">Diaspora<\/span><em>,<\/em> a Greek noun meaning a “sowing” or “scattering,” is regularly used in the Septuagint to mean “exile” (Jer 25:34; cf. Is 11:12; Ez 20:23; Zep 3:10). The word occurs twice in the NT (Jas 1:1; 1 Pt 1:1), referring to Christian Jews residing outside Palestine as a result of the several dispersions in Israel’s history. Diaspora sometimes refers to the exiled people, sometimes to the place of exile.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"MajorDiasporas\">Major Diasporas<\/p>\n<p>From the end of the eighth century <span>BC<\/span> onward, Jewish history was marked by several major dispersions.<\/p>\n<h5>Diaspora of the Northern Kingdom<\/h5>\n<p>After Solomon’s death, his kingdom broke in two. The northern kingdom of Israel sunk deeper into idolatry and immorality (2 Kgs 17:14-18). Jeroboam, the first king of the divided Israel, established a pattern of apostasy (“falling away” from faith). Epitaphs for succeeding kings regularly recorded that the deceased ruler “did not turn from the sins of Jeroboam” (10:31; 13:11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28, <span>rsv<\/span>). Assyria conquered the northern kingdom in 722 <span>BC<\/span> and took over 27,000 Israelites into exile, as had been predicted (17:23). They were settled in cities along the tributaries of the Euphrates River and in Media. Assyrians from cities around Babylon, in turn, colonized Israel (vv 6, 24).<\/p>\n<h5>Diaspora of the Southern Kingdom<\/h5>\n<p>The southern kingdom of Judah suffered exile to the east in Babylonia and to the south in Egypt. The Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar captured Judeans in several expeditions from 605 <span>BC<\/span> to the fall of Jerusalem in 586 <span>BC<\/span>. The first deportation to Babylon took Jerusalem’s treasures from the temple and palace, and “all the princes, and all the mighty men of valor, ten thousand captives, and all the craftsmen and the smiths; none remained, except the poorest people of the land” (2 Kgs 24:12-14, <span>rsv<\/span>; cf. 2 Chr 36:10; Jer 52:29-30).<\/p>\n<p>A year later a second expedition focused on the rebellious Jewish vassal king Zedekiah and his sons (2 Kgs 25:1, 6-7; Jer 52:4-11). In the 19th year of Nebuchadnezzar’s reign, Babylonia struck Judah a third time, destroyed the temple and the king’s palace, and broke down the city’s walls. All but the very poorest people were carried away captive (2 Kgs 25:8-21; Jer 52:12-16).<\/p>\n<p>Shishak, king of Egypt, deported exiles from Judah as early as the 10th century <span>BC<\/span>. Judah lost people and also temple gold at that time (1 Kgs 14:25-26; 2 Chr 12:9). About 400 years later, Johanan, a Judean, thought he could escape from Nebuchadnezzar by fleeing to Egypt. Johanan forced Jeremiah and a group of other Jews to go with him; they settled at Migdol, Tahpanhes, and Memphis. Nevertheless, the Babylonians pursued them, took control of Egypt, and executed many of the Jews there (Jer 43:5–44:30). Records of property ownership and artifacts of an altar suggest that the few surviving exiles established permanent colonies in Egypt (Is 19:18-19).<\/p>\n<h5>Other Diasporas<\/h5>\n<p>The Egyptian king Ptolemy I (323–285 <span>BC<\/span>) captured many Jews and carried them off to Egypt about 300 <span>BC<\/span>. Those exiles populated Alexandria, a city thereafter noted as a center of both Greek and Jewish scholarship. Elsewhere large colonies of Jews were exported from Babylonia to Phrygia and Lydia by Antiochus III (the Great) of Syria (223–187 <span>BC<\/span>). The Romans transplanted a sizable group of Jews to Rome. The Roman general Pompey took many there as slaves in the first century <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>How widely the Jews were scattered is suggested in the NT book of Acts, where Luke listed Jerusalem’s visitors: Parthians, Medes, Elamites, people from Mesopotamia, Judea, Cappadocia, Pontus, the province of Asia, Phrygia, Pamphylia, Egypt, and the areas of Libya toward Cyrene, visitors from Rome (both Jews and converts to Judaism), Cretans, and Arabians (Acts 2:9-11). Those Jews of “the Diaspora” were in Jerusalem to celebrate the Feast of Pentecost.<\/p>\n<p>Other Jewish communities were located in the Macedonian cities visited by the apostle Paul on his missionary journeys: Thessalonica, Berea, and Corinth (Acts 17:1, 10; 18:2-4). Around the middle of the first century <span>AD<\/span>, the Roman emperor Claudius commanded all Jews to leave Rome (18:2). Scholarly estimates of the Jewish population in Palestine at the time of Jesus’ birth range from about four to six million. The dispersion population numbered several times that of Palestine; communities with more than a million each flourished in Asia Minor, Mesopotamia, and Alexandria. Today, even with a national homeland, far more Jews still live outside Israel than inside.<\/p>\n<p>In spite of their scatterings, Jews of various diasporas retained a basic unity with Palestinian Jews through several practices. (1) The great national feasts—Passover, Harvest, and Tabernacles (Ex 23:12-17; Dt 16:1-17)—continued to be observed abroad. (2) The temple tax used for the temple’s upkeep (Ex 30:11-16) was collected in foreign Jewish communities even after the temple had been destroyed. (3) All Jews everywhere recognized the authority of the Sanhedrin (the Jewish religious council) over them.<\/p>\n<h5>Positive Aspects<\/h5>\n<p>In exile the Jews tended to abandon the idol worship that had in part alienated them from God. Their exile led them to establish synagogues as institutions for prayer and education. Alexandrian Jews translated the OT Scriptures into Greek, at that time the international language. The result, called the Septuagint, was the version often cited by NT writers.<\/p>\n<p>From the Christian point of view, the network of dispersed Jewish communities had a special significance. They provided strategic bases for the spread of Christianity, which quickly broke out of those communities and into the surrounding gentile world. Thus, God used the dispersions to bring the gospel to the Gentiles (Rom 1:11-15; 1 Cor 10:11-12).<\/p>\n<p>Finally, the arts, sciences, and humanities have been greatly enriched by the Jews scattered throughout Western culture. Few other peoples have endured so much ferocious ethnic bigotry as the Jews and yet rewarded that rejection with cultural gifts and graces of such excellence. Although the church of Jesus Christ has become a “new Israel” and a “chosen race” (1 Pt 2:9), the testimony of history and of Scripture indicates that God still has a unique interest in the Jews.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Israel, History of; Postexilic Period.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>DIASPORA OF THE JEWS*<\/h3>\n<p>Dispersion of Jewish people from Israel to foreign lands. <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">Diaspora<\/span><em>,<\/em> a Greek noun meaning a “sowing” or “scattering,” is regularly used in the Septuagint to mean “exile” (Jer 25:34; cf. Is 11:12; Ez 20:23; Zep 3:10). The word occurs twice in the NT (Jas 1:1; 1 Pt 1:1), referring to Christian Jews residing outside Palestine as a result of the several dispersions in Israel’s history. Diaspora sometimes refers to the exiled people, sometimes to the place of exile.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"MajorDiasporas\">Major Diasporas<\/p>\n<p>From the end of the eighth century <span>BC<\/span> onward, Jewish history was marked by several major dispersions.<\/p>\n<h5>Diaspora of the Northern Kingdom<\/h5>\n<p>After Solomon’s death, his kingdom broke in two. The northern kingdom of Israel sunk deeper into idolatry and immorality (2 Kgs 17:14-18). Jeroboam, the first king of the divided Israel, established a pattern of apostasy (“falling away” from faith). Epitaphs for succeeding kings regularly recorded that the deceased ruler “did not turn from the sins of Jeroboam” (10:31; 13:11; 14:24; 15:9, 18, 24, 28, <span>rsv<\/span>). Assyria conquered the northern kingdom in 722 <span>BC<\/span> and took over 27,000 Israelites into exile, as had been predicted (17:23). They were settled in cities along the tributaries of the Euphrates River and in Media. Assyrians from cities around Babylon, in turn, colonized Israel (vv 6, 24).<\/p>\n<h5>Diaspora of the Southern Kingdom<\/h5>\n<p>The southern kingdom of Judah suffered exile to the east in Babylonia and to the south in Egypt. The Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar captured Judeans in several expeditions from 605 <span>BC<\/span> to the fall of Jerusalem in 586 <span>BC<\/span>. The first deportation to Babylon took Jerusalem’s treasures from the temple and palace, and “all the princes, and all the mighty men of valor, ten thousand captives, and all the craftsmen and the smiths; none remained, except the poorest people of the land” (2 Kgs 24:12-14, <span>rsv<\/span>; cf. 2 Chr 36:10; Jer 52:29-30).<\/p>\n<p>A year later a second expedition focused on the rebellious Jewish vassal king Zedekiah and his sons (2 Kgs 25:1, 6-7; Jer 52:4-11). In the 19th year of Nebuchadnezzar’s reign, Babylonia struck Judah a third time, destroyed the temple and the king’s palace, and broke down the city’s walls. All but the very poorest people were carried away captive (2 Kgs 25:8-21; Jer 52:12-16).<\/p>\n<p>Shishak, king of Egypt, deported exiles from Judah as early as the 10th century <span>BC<\/span>. Judah lost people and also temple gold at that time (1 Kgs 14:25-26; 2 Chr 12:9). About 400 years later, Johanan, a Judean, thought he could escape from Nebuchadnezzar by fleeing to Egypt. Johanan forced Jeremiah and a group of other Jews to go with him; they settled at Migdol, Tahpanhes, and Memphis. Nevertheless, the Babylonians pursued them, took control of Egypt, and executed many of the Jews there (Jer 43:5–44:30). Records of property ownership and artifacts of an altar suggest that the few surviving exiles established permanent colonies in Egypt (Is 19:18-19).<\/p>\n<h5>Other Diasporas<\/h5>\n<p>The Egyptian king Ptolemy I (323–285 <span>BC<\/span>) captured many Jews and carried them off to Egypt about 300 <span>BC<\/span>. Those exiles populated Alexandria, a city thereafter noted as a center of both Greek and Jewish scholarship. Elsewhere large colonies of Jews were exported from Babylonia to Phrygia and Lydia by Antiochus III (the Great) of Syria (223–187 <span>BC<\/span>). The Romans transplanted a sizable group of Jews to Rome. The Roman general Pompey took many there as slaves in the first century <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>How widely the Jews were scattered is suggested in the NT book of Acts, where Luke listed Jerusalem’s visitors: Parthians, Medes, Elamites, people from Mesopotamia, Judea, Cappadocia, Pontus, the province of Asia, Phrygia, Pamphylia, Egypt, and the areas of Libya toward Cyrene, visitors from Rome (both Jews and converts to Judaism), Cretans, and Arabians (Acts 2:9-11). Those Jews of “the Diaspora” were in Jerusalem to celebrate the Feast of Pentecost.<\/p>\n<p>Other Jewish communities were located in the Macedonian cities visited by the apostle Paul on his missionary journeys: Thessalonica, Berea, and Corinth (Acts 17:1, 10; 18:2-4). Around the middle of the first century <span>AD<\/span>, the Roman emperor Claudius commanded all Jews to leave Rome (18:2). Scholarly estimates of the Jewish population in Palestine at the time of Jesus’ birth range from about four to six million. The dispersion population numbered several times that of Palestine; communities with more than a million each flourished in Asia Minor, Mesopotamia, and Alexandria. Today, even with a national homeland, far more Jews still live outside Israel than inside.<\/p>\n<p>In spite of their scatterings, Jews of various diasporas retained a basic unity with Palestinian Jews through several practices. (1) The great national feasts—Passover, Harvest, and Tabernacles (Ex 23:12-17; Dt 16:1-17)—continued to be observed abroad. (2) The temple tax used for the temple’s upkeep (Ex 30:11-16) was collected in foreign Jewish communities even after the temple had been destroyed. (3) All Jews everywhere recognized the authority of the Sanhedrin (the Jewish religious council) over them.<\/p>\n<h5>Positive Aspects<\/h5>\n<p>In exile the Jews tended to abandon the idol worship that had in part alienated them from God. Their exile led them to establish synagogues as institutions for prayer and education. Alexandrian Jews translated the OT Scriptures into Greek, at that time the international language. The result, called the Septuagint, was the version often cited by NT writers.<\/p>\n<p>From the Christian point of view, the network of dispersed Jewish communities had a special significance. They provided strategic bases for the spread of Christianity, which quickly broke out of those communities and into the surrounding gentile world. Thus, God used the dispersions to bring the gospel to the Gentiles (Rom 1:11-15; 1 Cor 10:11-12).<\/p>\n<p>Finally, the arts, sciences, and humanities have been greatly enriched by the Jews scattered throughout Western culture. Few other peoples have endured so much ferocious ethnic bigotry as the Jews and yet rewarded that rejection with cultural gifts and graces of such excellence. Although the church of Jesus Christ has become a “new Israel” and a “chosen race” (1 Pt 2:9), the testimony of history and of Scripture indicates that God still has a unique interest in the Jews.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Israel, History of; Postexilic Period.<\/p>","summary_ro":"DIASPORA OF THE JEWS* Dispersion of Jewish people from Israel to foreign lands. Diaspora, a Greek noun meaning a “sowing” or “scattering,” is regularly used in the Septuagint to mean “exile” (Jer 25:34; cf. Is 11:12; Ez 20:23; Zep 3:10). The word occurs twice in the NT (Jas 1:1; 1 Pt 1:1), referring to Christian Jews residing outside Palestine as a result of the several dispersions in Israel’s history. Diaspora sometimes refers to the exiled people, sometimes to the place of exile. Major Dias...","summary_en":"DIASPORA OF THE JEWS* Dispersion of Jewish people from Israel to foreign lands. Diaspora, a Greek noun meaning a “sowing” or “scattering,” is regularly used in the Septuagint to mean “exile” (Jer 25:34; cf. Is 11:12; Ez 20:23; Zep 3:10). The word occurs twice in the NT (Jas 1:1; 1 Pt 1:1), referring to Christian Jews residing outside Palestine as a result of the several dispersions in Israel’s history. Diaspora sometimes refers to the exiled people, sometimes to the place of exile. Major Dias...","source":"Articles\/D.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":52858,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:29","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:29","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:29<\/strong> Nebuchadnezzar’s <em>eighteenth year<\/em> was 586 <span>BC<\/span>, the year Jerusalem was destroyed.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:29<\/strong> Nebuchadnezzar’s <em>eighteenth year<\/em> was 586 <span>BC<\/span>, the year Jerusalem was destroyed.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:29 Nebuchadnezzar’s eighteenth year was 586 BC, the year Jerusalem was destroyed.","summary_en":"52:29 Nebuchadnezzar’s eighteenth year was 586 BC, the year Jerusalem was destroyed.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":80484,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:29","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:29","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:29<\/strong> Nebuchadnezzar’s <em>eighteenth year<\/em> was 586 <span>BC<\/span>, the year Jerusalem was destroyed.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:29<\/strong> Nebuchadnezzar’s <em>eighteenth year<\/em> was 586 <span>BC<\/span>, the year Jerusalem was destroyed.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:29 Nebuchadnezzar’s eighteenth year was 586 BC, the year Jerusalem was destroyed.","summary_en":"52:29 Nebuchadnezzar’s eighteenth year was 586 BC, the year Jerusalem was destroyed.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":108110,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:29","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:29","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:29<\/strong> Nebuchadnezzar’s <em>eighteenth year<\/em> was 586 <span>BC<\/span>, the year Jerusalem was destroyed.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:29<\/strong> Nebuchadnezzar’s <em>eighteenth year<\/em> was 586 <span>BC<\/span>, the year Jerusalem was destroyed.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:29 Nebuchadnezzar’s eighteenth year was 586 BC, the year Jerusalem was destroyed.","summary_en":"52:29 Nebuchadnezzar’s eighteenth year was 586 BC, the year Jerusalem was destroyed.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":135736,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:29","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:29","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:29<\/strong> Nebuchadnezzar’s <em>eighteenth year<\/em> was 586 <span>BC<\/span>, the year Jerusalem was destroyed.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:29<\/strong> Nebuchadnezzar’s <em>eighteenth year<\/em> was 586 <span>BC<\/span>, the year Jerusalem was destroyed.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:29 Nebuchadnezzar’s eighteenth year was 586 BC, the year Jerusalem was destroyed.","summary_en":"52:29 Nebuchadnezzar’s eighteenth year was 586 BC, the year Jerusalem was destroyed.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"30":[{"id":6458,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"of the Bible* (Old Testament), Chronology","title_en":"of the Bible* (Old Testament), Chronology","content_ro":"<h3>CHRONOLOGY OF THE BIBLE* (Old Testament)<\/h3>\n<p>Branch of biblical studies that attempts to assign dates and sequences to OT events. Chronology is a science. It deals with evidence, theories, assumptions, and the balance of probabilities. Often it boils down to a matter of choosing among theories that are equally unable to solve all the problems raised by other points of view. OT chronology is an accredited branch of biblical studies primarily because it is essential for understanding the proper historical background of the biblical texts. In general, the chronology of the OT is understood well enough to vindicate the basic accuracy and sequential order of Scripture.<\/p>\n<p>Both biblical and nonbiblical materials are utilized by students of OT chronology. Biblical data include (1) genealogies showing personal and tribal affiliations among various peoples; (2) specific numbers given by biblical authors to indicate a person’s longevity, a king’s reign, or the duration of a specific event; (3) synchronizing statements that date an event in a specific year of a king’s reign or relate it to a natural phenomenon assumed to be common knowledge at the time of writing (e.g., Am 1:1; Zec 14:5).<\/p>\n<p>From the abundance of such chronological passages in the OT, one might conclude that establishment of OT dates and sequences would be a simple procedure. Each of the three kinds of biblical materials, however, exhibits special problems that must be solved first.<\/p>\n<p>Nonbiblical materials that shed light on OT chronology are quite numerous, and more are discovered year by year. They include (1) official records of important affairs such as military campaigns from countries like Egypt or Babylonia; (2) official inscriptions that are dedicatory or commemorate a great victory; (3) annals listing major accomplishments of a ruler year by year; (4) ostraca (inscribed pieces of pottery) containing letters, tax transactions and economic records, military dispatches between field leaders and command headquarters, or other information. Ostraca may be dated archaeologically and are often used to supplement the biblical record.<\/p>\n<p>The chronologist tries to examine the pertinent biblical and nonbiblical information, notes areas of correlation among all the data, and finally establishes a working system into which the most facts can be fitted. New evidence uncovered at any time may necessitate shifts in the present working system. Although the basic structure of biblical chronology seems reasonably firm, many details will no doubt be subject to change as new evidence is discovered.<\/p>\n<p>As a general rule, the earlier the period, the less certain one can be of one’s dating. In the second millennium <span>BC<\/span>, for example, many dates can be assigned within a range of about 100 years. By the time of David and Solomon (c. 1000 <span>BC<\/span>), the margin of error over which scholars debate is a decade or less. The range narrows as one comes toward the present, so that, with the exception of one or two problem eras, dates accurate to within one or two years are possible by roughly the middle of the ninth century <span>BC<\/span>. Such limitations must be kept in mind in any examination of the major periods of OT history.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Prepatriarchal Period<\/p>\n<p>• From Abraham to Moses<\/p>\n<p>• Conquest and Consolidation<\/p>\n<p>• The Monarchy<\/p>\n<p>• Judah after the Fall of Israel<\/p>\n<p>• Beyond 587 <span>BC<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PrepatriarchalPeriod\">Prepatriarchal Period<\/p>\n<h5>Biblical Evidence<\/h5>\n<p>In the first 11 chapters of Genesis are found accounts of the Creation (chs 1–2), the fall (ch 3), Cain and Abel (ch 4), the Flood (chs 6–9), and the Tower of Babel (ch 11). Those events are set within a certain chronological framework.<\/p>\n<p>According to Genesis 5, a period of 10 generations elapsed between the Creation and the Flood. Although the individuals listed enjoyed a total life span of a hefty 847 years plus, the total time elapsing between Adam and the Flood was only 1,656 years.<\/p>\n<p>According to Genesis 11, another 10 generations elapsed from the time of the Flood until the time of Abraham (at least in the Septuagint, the third-century <span>BC<\/span> Greek translation of the OT; the Hebrew Masoretic text has 9). In that period the average age attained by individuals in the list is 346 years (using a figure of 460 for Arphaxad’s son Cainan, who is included in v 13 of the LXX; cf. Lk 3:36); the total elapsed time from the Flood to Abraham is only 520 years. Taken literally, that would mean that all of Abraham’s ancestors as far back as Noah’s son Shem were still alive at Abraham’s birth, and that a total of only 2,176 years elapsed from the time of Creation to Abraham.<\/p>\n<h5>Interpretation of the Biblical Data<\/h5>\n<p>A literalistic or slavishly mathematical interpretation of the figures, as has appeared in the margin of many <span>kjv<\/span> Bibles, requires a number of assumptions: that no names are omitted from the genealogies, that all the numbers given are consecutive, and especially that numbers used in an ancient biblical source carry the same meaning as that associated with them in the modern Western mind. Each assumption needs serious examination in the light of other established facts.<\/p>\n<p>A cursory reading of other biblical genealogies, for example, reveals that not all the names of a given family were always included. Even Matthew recorded a total of 28 generations (two sets of 14 each) between David and Jesus, and comparison with OT genealogies reveals that Matthew omitted several names. Luke listed a total of 42 generations for the same interval. Omissions are also obvious when one compares the genealogical lists given in 1 Chronicles 1–8 with those recorded earlier in Genesis, Exodus, Numbers, Joshua, 1 and 2 Samuel, and 1 and 2 Kings.<\/p>\n<p>Further, ancient peoples thought of numbers in a schematic or stylized way. Use of numbers among the ancient Near Eastern nations differed sharply from current Western practice. Examples of that practice are known from both biblical and nonbiblical sources. For example, a list of eight Sumerian kings who ruled in the city of Shurruppak before the “great flood” of the Jemdet Nar era (c. 3000 <span>BC<\/span>) assigns each man an average reign of more than 30,000 years. Berossus, a Babylonian priest of Marduk living in the third century <span>BC<\/span>, added two names to the eight found in that earlier list of kings and assigned an average of 43,200 years to each king. Such extraordinarily high numbers provide a perspective for considering the numbers of Genesis.<\/p>\n<p>Therefore, although one can assume that the numbers assigned to the ages of the patriarchs preceding Abraham in Genesis had real meaning for those responsible for their preservation, they should not be employed in a purely literal sense to compute the length of the various generations mentioned in the text. Further, the numbers given in the Septuagint and in the Samaritan Pentateuch, another early version of the Pentateuch, diverge in many details from those of the Hebrew Masoretic Text. That means, among other things, that the Genesis numbers caused problems for even the earliest scholars of Scripture.<\/p>\n<h5>Nonbiblical Evidence<\/h5>\n<p>Archaeology provides no evidence that may be used to date either the Creation or any other account preserved in Genesis 1–11. The Flood is an example that illustrates some of the difficulties. Many claims have been made by persons from a wide variety of backgrounds (scientists, explorers, theologians, and others) to the effect that archaeology has proven the Genesis Flood narrative to be true. Yet no city so far excavated in Palestine and Syria (including some of the oldest towns in the world) shows archaeological evidence of the Flood.<\/p>\n<p>Although several cities in Mesopotamia do exhibit evidence of a flood, three factors make it difficult to link that evidence with Genesis 6–9. Each of the flood levels so far discovered dates from a different period. Further, since nearby sites show no evidence of flooding, all of the Mesopotamian flood evidence points to relatively small local floods. Finally, the evidence indicates no great cultural discontinuities of the sort that would result from destruction of an entire population. Thus, it seems that the ancient Mesopotamian floods discovered through archaeological research are of the same kind as the floods that still occur in the Euphrates River valley.<\/p>\n<p>Clearly, certain questions one might ask of the Genesis narratives simply cannot be answered. Many who regard the Bible as the Word of God have concluded that the dating of events found in Genesis 1–11 must be less important than the theological truths of salvation, faith, and obedience that these accounts present.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"FromAbrahamtoMoses\">From Abraham to Moses<\/p>\n<h5>The Patriarchal Age<\/h5>\n<p>The date of Abraham is still a lively topic among biblical scholars who agree that Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob were indeed historical persons. Opinions range from an early-date view that estimates that the patriarchal age extended from 2086 to 1871 <span>BC<\/span>, to a late-date view placing Abraham at around 1400 <span>BC<\/span>. Since each position claims to fit the biblical data, a closer look at the two points of view is in order.<\/p>\n<p>Many OT passages seem to support the view that puts Abraham at a comparatively early date. First Kings 6:1 computes 480 years back from the founding of the temple in the fourth year of Solomon’s reign (961 <span>BC<\/span>, according to the early-date view) to the exodus from Egypt, which would then be dated 1441 <span>BC<\/span>. Counting 430 years as the period of the Israelite sojourn in Egypt (see Gn 15:13; Ex 12:40) takes the date back to 1871 <span>BC<\/span>. To that date are added the 215 years demanded by the total of (1) Abraham’s age upon entering Canaan (75 years according to Gn 12:4); (2) 25 additional years before the birth of Isaac (Gn 21:5); (3) 60 more years to the birth of Jacob (Gn 25:26); and (4) the appearance of Jacob before the pharaoh at age 130 (Gn 47:9). Those 215 years added to the previous total give a date of 2086 <span>BC<\/span> for the entrance of Abraham into Canaan and a date of 2161 <span>BC<\/span> for his birth.<\/p>\n<p>Such a calculation does not use all of the chronological evidence presented in the OT; consequently, the date for Abraham is open to challenge. For example, the 480 years between the exodus and Solomon’s fourth regnal year represent a period of time into which the wilderness wanderings, the career of Joshua and his immediate successors, the period of the judges, Samuel, Saul, and David must all be placed. Although the OT does not specifically say how long were the careers of Joshua, Samuel, or Saul, even a modest reckoning pushes the total years required by all the biblical data together to approximately 600.<\/p>\n<p>In addition, the length of time to be assigned to the Egyptian sojourn is problematic. The Samaritan Pentateuch and the Septuagint both view the number 430 (in Ex 12:40) as applicable not only to the years in Egypt but to the years of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob in Canaan as well. Evidently Paul followed the Septuagint tradition when he dated the giving of the law 430 years later than the time of God’s promise to Abraham (see Gal 3:15-18). That means the Septuagint figure cannot be dismissed lightly.<\/p>\n<p>The late dating of Abraham (c. 1400 <span>BC<\/span>) is based on two propositions: (1) The picture of patriarchal society portrayed in Genesis most closely parallels that reflected in the cuneiform tablets recovered from Nuzi, a town in northeastern Mesopotamia about 175 miles (282 kilometers) north of Baghdad. (2) Because those tablets must be dated in the 15th and 14th centuries <span>BC<\/span>, the parallel patriarchal age must have fallen within the same general time period.<\/p>\n<p>Those who hold the late-date view are aware that their date for Abraham cannot be equated with the set of numbers on which the early-date view depends. They point to other data, also from the OT. Joseph, who was already a highly placed Egyptian official when Jacob moved to Egypt, lived to be 110 years old (Gn 50:26). Moses was a great-grandson of Levi, Joseph’s older brother. Since Joseph lived to see his own greatgrandchildren born (who would probably be younger than Moses since their great-grandfather was younger than his), the late-date view concludes that Joseph could have been alive when Moses was born. The four-generation genealogy of Moses (Levi-Kohath-Amram-Moses, in Ex 6:16-20; Nm 3:17-19; 26:58-59; 1 Chr 6:1-3) was evidently thought to be complete according to Genesis 15:16, which predicted that Abraham’s descendants would be freed from Egyptian bondage “in the fourth generation.”<\/p>\n<p>However, a date of around 1400 <span>BC<\/span> for Abraham cannot be aligned with certain other biblical data, including the long Egyptian sojourn demanded by Genesis 15:13 and Exodus 12:40 and a 40-year (or “one-generation”) wilderness existence. Some normally moderate scholars are forced to reduce the wilderness time to two years in order to maintain their late date for Abraham.<\/p>\n<p>In short, the late-date theory is consistent with part of the biblical evidence (the genealogies of Moses), but the early-date theory conforms to another part (the actual year figures listed in scattered verses from Genesis and Exodus). The late-date theory holds that the genealogies represent more reliable information in Semitic societies generally, whereas the early-date theory computes years given in the biblical account literally throughout its scheme.<\/p>\n<p>Because of problems attached to both positions, a large group of scholars take a middle ground in dating the patriarchal age. Archaeologically, they say, Abraham and his life and times fit perfectly within the early second millennium, but imperfectly within any later period. By placing Abraham roughly between 1800 and 1600 <span>BC<\/span>, they provide enough latitude for a merging of all the available evidence, biblical and nonbiblical, into a workable chronological scheme. Archaeology provides four major bits of evidence for an early second-millennium patriarchal era.<\/p>\n<p>1. Though the Nuzi tablets furnish a clear parallel to patriarchal social life, other tablets from other towns and an earlier era reflect many of the same customs common to Nuzi and Genesis. Since the Nuzians were Hurrians who came to northeastern Mesopotamia from elsewhere (perhaps Armenia), their social customs originated no doubt much earlier than the time of their tablets now in our possession. Accordingly, the 15th-century <span>BC<\/span> date of the Nuzi tablets does not preclude an earlier date for Abraham.<\/p>\n<li>2. The names of several of Abraham’s ancestors listed in Genesis 11 can now be identified with towns in the northern area of Mesopotamia around Haran, the city from which Abraham migrated to Canaan (Gn 11:31–12:3). Significantly, Haran flourished in the 19th and 18th centuries <span>BC<\/span>.<\/li>\n<li>3. Shortly after 2000 <span>BC<\/span> Semitic nomads from the desert invaded the civilized communities of the Fertile Crescent. Those invaders, called Amorites in the OT, established themselves in several cities in northern Syria and Mesopotamia. One of the Amorite cities was Babylon, ruled by Hammurabi sometime around the beginning of the 18th century <span>BC<\/span>. Although the King Amraphel of Genesis 14:1 is not linguistically identifiable with the Babylonian king Hammurabi, as earlier scholars believed, the picture of the times following the Amorite invasion still accords well with the Genesis narratives generally.<\/li>\n<li>4. Mari, another Amorite town, is now well known because of more than 20,000 tablets recovered from its royal palace and archives. Geographically, Mari is located in the general area of Haran. Chronologically, the tablets recovered come from the 18th century <span>BC<\/span>. One 18th-century king of Mari, Zimri Lim, carried on extensive correspondence with Hammurabi of Babylon. The tablets from Mari also furnish valuable information about tribal and ethnic groups and their movements in the general region. Of basic importance for dating the Genesis materials are certain documents from Mari that include personal names very similar to Abraham (Abi-ram), Jacob, Laban, and several other West Semitic names.<\/li>\n<p>Archaeological evidence neither proves nor disproves the actual existence of Abraham, Isaac, or Jacob. That is admitted on all sides. What archaeology has done is to provide a framework of probabilities within which the biblical patriarchal narratives appear more and more to be at home.<\/p>\n<h5>Date of the Exodus<\/h5>\n<p>The problem of dating the patriarchal age is closely related to the problem of assigning a date to the exodus of the Israelites from Egypt. Since the evidence does not permit a precise date for Abraham, a precise date for the entry of Joseph or Jacob into Egypt is likewise unobtainable. Further, the biblical evidence does not yield an exact figure for the length of the Israelite sojourn in Egypt.<\/p>\n<p>For many years biblical scholars viewed 1 Kings 6:1 as a foundation upon which to build an unshakable date for the exodus. Because Solomon’s fourth year could be unquestionably fixed to within at least a 10-year span (967–958 <span>BC<\/span>), the exodus too could be dated with the same precision simply by adding 480 years. But other biblical data raise serious questions about that simple procedure. When the Bible deals with all the events between the time of the exodus and the founding of Solomon’s temple, that is, from Numbers to 1 Kings 5:18, the precise numbers given total not 480 but closer to 600 years.<\/p>\n<p>Because the evidence is insufficient to allow a precise date for the exodus, scholarly opinion remains divided between two possibilities. A 15th-century exodus is supported by several pieces of evidence. The chronology in 1 Kings 6:1 appears to be independently corroborated by a passage in Judges 11:26. It claims that Israel had occupied the area around Heshbon for 300 years preceding Jephthah’s own day. If Jephthah is dated at roughly 1100 <span>BC<\/span>, one is obviously led back to an exodus in the middle of the 15th century. Also, three successive generations of pharaohs who ruled in the 16th and 15th centuries produced no male offspring, making it more likely that Moses would have become the foster son of a royal princess during that time; all of the 19th-dynasty kings (1306–1200 <span>BC<\/span>) had legitimate male heirs.<\/p>\n<p>In addition, a 15th-century date makes possible a connection between the Habiru invasion of Canaan (1400–1350 <span>BC<\/span>)—described in the Amarna letters found at Tell el-Amarna, Egypt—and the invasion of Canaan by the Hebrews described in the OT book of Joshua. Related to that is a reference to “Israel” in the Merneptah Stele, a stone pillar inscribed with the deeds of the Egyptian king, Merneptah, of about 1220 <span>BC<\/span>. It implies that the people referred to, met by Merneptah in the course of a Canaanite military campaign, had been in existence for some time. Finally, an excavator of Jericho, John Garstang, placed the destruction of that city at around 1400 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>Other evidence, however, strongly implies not a 15th- but a 13th-century date for the exodus. Many scholars assign a date between 1290 and 1275 <span>BC<\/span> on the basis of that evidence. First, the 480 years of 1 Kings 6:1 discussed above may be interpreted as schematically representing 12 generations, as indicated by 1 Chronicles 6:3-8. Thus if 12 generations averaged 25 years instead of 40 years, the reduction of 480 schematized years to 300 actual years would point to an exodus date of around 1266 <span>BC<\/span>. Second, archaeological evidence exists that dates destruction at the assumed sites of several cities conquered by Joshua (Lachish, Debir, Bethel, and Hazor) to the late 13th century. Third, there is no biblical mention of Egyptian military campaigns (such as Merneptah’s 1220 <span>BC<\/span> incursion); Israelites living in Canaan before the time of the militarily active pharaohs Seti I (1319–1301 <span>BC<\/span>) and Ramses II (1301–1234 <span>BC<\/span>) would certainly have been affected by such activity. Fourth, Exodus 1:11 mentions the city of Rameses, the capital built by Ramses II, according to his own inscriptions. A fifth line of argument comes from archaeological conclusions that Transjordan and the Negev Desert were not occupied by sedentary people between 1900 and 1300 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas the Bible states clearly that the Israelites encountered stiff opposition from groups in that same region. Thus, it is argued, the Israelites must have entered that region after 1300 <span>BC<\/span>. Sixth, connecting the Habiru with the Israelites of the Conquest lacks weight because many texts besides the Amarna tablets attest to the existence of Habiru groups virtually all over the ancient Near East. “Habiru” seems to be a much broader term, possibly meaning “trespasser,” and is probably unrelated etymologically or semantically to “Hebrew.” Seventh, and finally, Garstang’s work at Jericho has now been revised by archaeologist Kathleen Kenyon, who showed that the fallen walls that Garstang had dated about 1400 <span>BC<\/span> in reality were destroyed in 1800 <span>BC<\/span> or earlier.<\/p>\n<p>So far, it has been impossible to decide with precision between the two centuries proposed for the exodus. The majority opinion among OT scholars generally, including a growing number of moderate or conservative scholars, is in favor of the 13th-century option. On the other hand, many other conservative scholars continue to favor the 15th-century date. Dogmatism is unwarranted since problems remain unresolved with either option.<\/p>\n<p>In accordance with the majority opinion, however, a date of about 1290 <span>BC<\/span> for the exodus will be used in dealing with subsequent problems.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"ConquestandConsolidation\">Conquest and Consolidation<\/p>\n<p>The chronological task for the period of conquest and consolidation is to fit all the events narrated by the OT, chiefly in Joshua and Judges, between the exodus (c. 1290 <span>BC<\/span>) and the times of David (c. 1000 <span>BC<\/span>) and Solomon (d. 930 <span>BC<\/span>). In other words, one must fit roughly 550 years of biblical events between Moses and David into a 290-year span.<\/p>\n<p>Although assigning an early date for the exodus (c. 1447 <span>BC<\/span>) would make the task somewhat easier, the mere addition of about 157 years does not by itself solve all the problems. Neither date allows enough time for all the OT events from Joshua to David to take place singly and consecutively. Accordingly, advocates of both dates assume that some of the judges ruled simultaneously rather than consecutively. The difference is one of degree only.<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua furnishes most of the OT evidence regarding the conquest of Canaan by the Israelites. Unfortunately, the book of Joshua has no chronological notes that specify the amount of time elapsing during Joshua’s career. Further, there are no biblical references to major contemporary events in other parts of the ancient world, the dates of which could be used to fix the chronology. Rather, in what is obviously a telescoped account, the book of Joshua records the fall of Jericho and Ai, followed closely by a southern and then a northern campaign. After those victories, covering much of the total territory of Canaan, various parcels of land were distributed to the tribal groups of Israel; the tribes were expected to complete the task of destroying whatever Canaanite inhabitants remained in their particular region. One seeks in vain, however, for any statements indicating how long those events took.<\/p>\n<p>In the book of Judges a slightly different circumstance prevails. There the OT furnishes a rather complete list of figures to indicate the duration of periods of foreign oppression, judgeships, and ensuing peace. The total number of years described for that period is 410, but that total does not include any time for the many “minor” judges. It seems obvious, therefore, that most if not all of the judges were simply local chieftains whose activity was simultaneous with that of other judges, at least for part of their reign. Unfortunately, the book of Judges provides no cross-reference system to indicate which judges were contemporaries of which others. Perhaps the best one can do is to assume general guidelines for the chronology of that period between Moses and David.<\/p>\n<p>Two significant facts should be kept in mind. First, archaeological information seems to demand a Conquest date beginning about 1250 <span>BC<\/span> rather than 200 years earlier. Assuming concurrent careers for the judges allows one to compress the literal OT figures into the general scheme demanded by other evidence.<\/p>\n<p>Second, the ancient scribes evidently related the chronology of the period to a 40-year or generation-based schema, a practice that lasted until the time of the divided kingdom, when a regular dynastic chronology was introduced. In the face of so many careers being assigned exactly 40 years, the fact remains that the literal totals of such numbers cannot be harmonized with either the biblical or the archaeological evidence for the period. Accordingly, most scholars doubt that the number 40 was ever intended to be an exact mathematical calculation. That view permits enough leeway for cautious fitting of biblical and other evidence into a general timetable.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheMonarchy\">The Monarchy<\/p>\n<h5>Types of Evidence<\/h5>\n<p>For the period of the Israelite monarchy, chronological evidence is abundant.<\/p>\n<p>The OT itself strives to provide all the information necessary for the chronology of the period, including (1) a complete list of all the kings in Israel and in Judah both before and after the division of the kingdom; (2) the age of each king (except Saul) at his accession; (3) synchronisms of the northern kingdom of Israel and the southern kingdom of Judah showing in what year of his contemporary in the other kingdom each king came to the throne; and (4) precise calculations of the length of each king’s reign. In addition some important events are dated by reference to another event; others are coordinated with concurrent events in secular history.<\/p>\n<p>Outside the OT an abundance of material provides evidence for a chronology of the period. By far the most important single source is a collection of Assyrian <em>limmu<\/em> lists. In Assyria a record of each king’s reign was kept on a particular kind of annal. Each year of reign was named after an individual of high rank in the court; the first year was named after the king himself, the second after the next highest-ranking official (though that name appears to have been selected by lot originally), and so on, down until the death of the king. The word <em>limmu<\/em> was used to introduce the name of the official after whom the current year was to be named, hence the designation <em>“limmu<\/em> lists.”<\/p>\n<p>Assyrian <em>limmu<\/em> lists are tied precisely to the solar year, making the documents highly reliable. Further, in addition to many events in Assyrian history, notable natural phenomena were dated on the basis of the <em>limmu<\/em> in which they occurred. For example, a solar eclipse dated by the Assyrian scribes in the <em>limmu<\/em> year of Bur-Sagale has been computed astronomically as June 15, 763 <span>BC<\/span>. Beginning with the year 763, then, and working both backward and forward, a complete list of Assyrian <em>limmu<\/em> officials has been obtained for the period between 891 and 648 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>With the accuracy of the Assyrian <em>limmu<\/em> lists corroborated by a number of sources, they can be used with confidence in reconstructing the chronology of the corresponding period of biblical history. That is especially true where a biblical writer related an Israelite or a Judahite event to a particular year in the reign of an Assyrian king whose <em>limmu<\/em> list indicates the precise years of his reign.<\/p>\n<p>There are also records from Chaldean (Babylonian) king lists and from later Greek historians. Ptolemy, in the second century <span>AD<\/span>, for example, gave dates for Babylonian kings from 747 <span>BC<\/span> and continued with dates for Persian, Greek, and Roman rulers down to <span>AD<\/span> 161. Finally, useful information is found in inscriptions from monuments, stelae, and other artifacts from Assyria and elsewhere.<\/p>\n<h5>Monarchical Chronology<\/h5>\n<p>The <em>limmu<\/em> list of the Assyrian king Shalmaneser III provides a basis for the first comparison of dates among Assyria, Israel, and Judah. In the <em>limmu<\/em> of Daian-Assur, Shalmaneser’s sixth year on the throne, Ahab of Israel was listed as one of the kings who fought against the Assyrians in the battle of Qarqar. Thus the date for that battle may be placed confidently in 853 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>Assyrian records also indicate that Shalmaneser III came into contact with an Israelite king 12 years later, in 841 <span>BC<\/span>. That king was Jehu. Thus two fixed points are available for correlating the biblical information. Following the death of Ahab, which is not dated exactly by reference to the Assyrian records, two of his sons came to power. The first, Ahaziah, reigned two years (1 Kgs 22:51); the second, Joram (also called Jehoram), reigned a total of 12 years (2 Kgs 3:1). Recognizing a nonaccession-year reckoning by the Israelites in that era, the apparent total of 14 years may be reduced to an actual total of 12. Thus it seems evident that Ahab not only fought Shalmaneser III in 853 <span>BC<\/span> but also died in that year. Ahab was then followed by his two sons for a total of 12 years before the accession of Jehu in time to account for his contact with Shalmaneser II in 841 <span>BC<\/span>. Further, because Jehu murdered both the king of Israel (Jehoram) and the king of Judah (Ahaziah) at the same time (2 Kgs 9:24-27), a fixed synchronism is provided between the two kingdoms for the year 841 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>The first nine kings of Israel ruled an apparent total of 98 years or an actual total (taking into account Israel’s nonaccession-year policy) of 90 years. Zimri, who ruled only seven days (1 Kgs 16:15-18), counts as one of the nine but does not insert an extra year in either the actual or apparent totals. The accession of Jeroboam I thus occurred in 930 <span>BC<\/span> (adding 90 years to 841 <span>BC<\/span>), and Rehoboam of Judah began to rule in that same year as well. Allowing Solomon the 40-year reign indicated in 1 Kings 11:42 points to the year 970 <span>BC<\/span> for his accession. The death of David would also be pinpointed in that period, although allowance must be made for the possibility of a short co-regency of David and Solomon before David’s death. The reign of Saul then falls approximately in the late 11th century <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>In Judah the period between the death of Solomon in 930 <span>BC<\/span> and the murder of Ahaziah by Jehu in 841 <span>BC<\/span> was occupied by the kingships of six men whose time on the throne totals 95 biblical years. Computation of that era in Judah is not as simple as for the Israelite kings for several reasons. Problems include a change from accession- to nonaccession-year reckoning sometime around 850 <span>BC<\/span>, at least two co-regencies (Jehoshaphat with Asa and then Jehoram with Jehoshaphat), and the calendar differences between the two kingdoms. It is clear that the 95 apparent years must be reduced, on the basis of the differences in computation and calendar, to 90 actual years in order to bring the Judahite figures into line with the established Assyrian and Israelite synchronisms.<\/p>\n<p>After the year 841, the next biblical event to be certified by nonbiblical materials is the fall of Samaria in 722 <span>BC<\/span>. That date is furnished by the annals of Sargon II of Assyria (722–705 <span>BC<\/span>), successor to Shalmaneser V (727–722 <span>BC<\/span>). Although that date comes just 120 years after the fixed point of 841 <span>BC<\/span> in Israelite history, the chronological materials for that period are quite difficult to interpret accurately. In the past, scholars resorted to assumptions of extensive co-regencies, to presumed confusion on the part of certain scribes over methods to be followed in computations, or to other theories in attempting to understand the period. In spite of the many difficulties, however, all the biblical and Assyrian dates for the period of the divided monarchy have been harmonized—with the exception of four figures related to the closing years of the Israelite kingdom, all connected in some way with the problematic reign of Hoshea.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"JudahaftertheFallofIsrael\">Judah after the Fall of Israel<\/p>\n<p>Following the fall of Samaria in 722 <span>BC<\/span>, OT chronology is concerned only with the southern kingdom of Judah until its destruction some 135 years later. Two events in the biblical record important for establishing a chronology for that period are the siege of Jerusalem by Sennacherib of Assyria in the late eighth century and the eventual fall of Jerusalem to the Babylonians in the early sixth century.<\/p>\n<h5>Sennacherib’s Invasion of Judah<\/h5>\n<p>The Assyrian invasion (704–681 <span>BC<\/span>) is recorded in 2 Kings 18:13-16, where verse 13 dates the event to the 14th year of King Hezekiah. Sennacherib’s own inscriptions include a lengthier version of the affair. From them the date of 701 <span>BC<\/span> is established, placing the accession of Hezekiah in 715 <span>BC<\/span>. That much is simple, but problems still arise. For example, 2 Kings 19:9 reports that Sennacherib was in contact with an Ethiopian king, Tirhakah (c. 690–664 <span>BC<\/span>), during the course of his campaign, which included a siege of Jerusalem. Obviously, contact with a ruler who came to power in 690 <span>BC<\/span> at the earliest could not refer to events in 701 <span>BC<\/span>. It is possible, however, that Sennacherib actually made two invasions of Judah, the first in 701 and the second sometime later. The date of that supposed second invasion is not assured, although 2 Kings 19:35-37 may imply that Sennacherib was murdered only shortly after his withdrawal from Jerusalem. Since Sennacherib was succeeded by his son Esarhaddon in the year 681, the presumed second invasion of Judah would have occurred somewhere in the last half of the same decade.<\/p>\n<p>A number of scholars oppose the assumption of a second invasion of Jerusalem by Sennacherib. They suggest the possibility that Tirhakah, though king only from 690 <span>BC<\/span>, may have led troops against Sennacherib as early as 701, before acceding to the throne. The reference to King Tirhakah in 2 Kings 19:9 would then be understood as use of his eventual title in an effort to identify him to a later generation of readers.<\/p>\n<p>However the question of the number of invasions is decided, it is certain that Sennacherib invaded Judah in 701 <span>BC<\/span>, the 14th regnal year of Hezekiah. Such a synchronism establishes Hezekiah’s accession year as 715 <span>BC<\/span>, but that date raises another problem. The fall of Samaria, now established at 722, is dated by 2 Kings 18:10 in the sixth year of Hezekiah’s reign. The most likely solution is that Hezekiah began a co-regency with his father, Ahaz, six years before Samaria fell. The possibility for confusion arises from the fact that one verse (2 Kgs 18:13; repeated in Is 36:1) synchronizes Sennacherib’s 701 <span>BC<\/span> invasion with the 14th year of Hezekiah’s independent reign; another verse (2 Kgs 18:10) correlates the fall of Samaria with the beginning of Hezekiah’s co-regency. Thus from about 728 to 715 <span>BC<\/span> Hezekiah was co-regent with Ahaz. From 715 to 697 he reigned alone. From 696 to 686 his son Manasseh was co-ruler with him.<\/p>\n<p>According to the chronological information given by a number of verses in 2 Kings, a total of 128 years and six months elapsed between the time of Hezekiah’s accession in 715 and the capture of King Jehoiachin in 597, a date to be discussed below. Thus another problem is to explain the more than 10-year excess apparently demanded by the biblical totals. The best solution appears to lie in the assumption that Manasseh first came to power in 697 as co-regent with his father, Hezekiah. Manasseh died in 642, following what 2 Kings 21:1 states was a 55-year reign. Hezekiah, who came to the throne in 715, is said to have reigned 29 years (2 Kgs 18:2), which would mean that he was king until 686, roughly 11 years after the time when Manasseh must have come to the throne in order to have completed a 55-year reign by 642.<\/p>\n<h5>Fall of Jerusalem<\/h5>\n<p>Contemporary Babylonian records are available to shed valuable light on the last few years of Judah’s existence. For the years 626–623, 618–595, and 556 <span>BC<\/span> the Babylonian Chronicle, a formal record of Babylonian affairs of state, has been recovered. From information contained in that chronicle and other cuneiform documents of the period, three dates in Judah’s history may be fixed firmly. The first is the death of Josiah in 609; the second is the battle of Carchemish in 605; the third is the end of the reign of Jehoiachin, which is dated by the Babylonian Chronicle to the second month of Adar in the ninth year of Nebuchadnezzar, or March 16, 597.<\/p>\n<p>After Jehoiachin’s capture, Zedekiah became puppet king of Judah for 11 years (2 Kgs 24:18). On the tenth day of the tenth month during Zedekiah’s ninth regnal year (2 Kgs 25:1), the final siege of Jerusalem was begun by the Babylonian army. That day was January 15, 588. On the ninth day of the fourth month during the 11th regnal year of Zedekiah, after a siege of almost 18 months, the wall of Jerusalem was broken through (2 Kgs 25:3-4). The temple was burned on day seven of the following (fifth) month.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Beyond587bc\">Beyond 586 <span>BC<\/span><\/p>\n<p>Following the tragedy of 586 <span>BC<\/span>, several further developments are given chronological notice in the OT. Jeremiah 52:30 records a third deportation of Jews to Babylonia in the 23d year of King Nebuchadnezzar (582 or 581 <span>BC<\/span>). Both 2 Kings 25:27 and Jeremiah 52:31 give evidence of the release of King Jehoiachin from prison; the Babylonian Chronicle dates that event at 27 Adar, or March 21, 561 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>In 539 <span>BC<\/span> the Babylonians themselves were destined to learn the meaning of defeat. In that year a Persian ruler, Cyrus the Great, launched a successful campaign against Babylon and its king, Nabonidus. Inheriting control over the exiled Jews and many other groups of people conquered earlier by Babylonia, Cyrus moved quickly to initiate a policy of tolerance toward his new subjects. In the first year of his rule Cyrus issued an edict making it possible for Jews to return to their former land (Ezr 1:1). On the first day of the following year, 1 Tishri (Ezr 3:6), an altar was set up in Jerusalem. In Iyyar of the following year (April\/May 536) work was begun on the temple itself (Ezr 3:8).<\/p>\n<p>After a period of frustrating work stoppages of varying lengths, the preaching of Haggai and Zechariah spurred on the Jews to complete the temple. Work resumed in 520 (Ezr 4:24; Hg 1:1, 15) and was finally completed on 3 Adar, or March 12, 515 (Ezr 6:15). The final stages of OT chronology pertain to the careers of Ezra and Nehemiah. The traditional view of their era places Ezra in the seventh year of Artaxerxes I (458 <span>BC<\/span>) and Nehemiah in the 20th (445 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> “Date” under each OT book; Conquest and Allotment of the Land; Diaspora of the Jews; Exodus, The; Israel, History of; Patriarchs, Period of the; Postexilic Period; Wilderness Wanderings.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>CHRONOLOGY OF THE BIBLE* (Old Testament)<\/h3>\n<p>Branch of biblical studies that attempts to assign dates and sequences to OT events. Chronology is a science. It deals with evidence, theories, assumptions, and the balance of probabilities. Often it boils down to a matter of choosing among theories that are equally unable to solve all the problems raised by other points of view. OT chronology is an accredited branch of biblical studies primarily because it is essential for understanding the proper historical background of the biblical texts. In general, the chronology of the OT is understood well enough to vindicate the basic accuracy and sequential order of Scripture.<\/p>\n<p>Both biblical and nonbiblical materials are utilized by students of OT chronology. Biblical data include (1) genealogies showing personal and tribal affiliations among various peoples; (2) specific numbers given by biblical authors to indicate a person’s longevity, a king’s reign, or the duration of a specific event; (3) synchronizing statements that date an event in a specific year of a king’s reign or relate it to a natural phenomenon assumed to be common knowledge at the time of writing (e.g., Am 1:1; Zec 14:5).<\/p>\n<p>From the abundance of such chronological passages in the OT, one might conclude that establishment of OT dates and sequences would be a simple procedure. Each of the three kinds of biblical materials, however, exhibits special problems that must be solved first.<\/p>\n<p>Nonbiblical materials that shed light on OT chronology are quite numerous, and more are discovered year by year. They include (1) official records of important affairs such as military campaigns from countries like Egypt or Babylonia; (2) official inscriptions that are dedicatory or commemorate a great victory; (3) annals listing major accomplishments of a ruler year by year; (4) ostraca (inscribed pieces of pottery) containing letters, tax transactions and economic records, military dispatches between field leaders and command headquarters, or other information. Ostraca may be dated archaeologically and are often used to supplement the biblical record.<\/p>\n<p>The chronologist tries to examine the pertinent biblical and nonbiblical information, notes areas of correlation among all the data, and finally establishes a working system into which the most facts can be fitted. New evidence uncovered at any time may necessitate shifts in the present working system. Although the basic structure of biblical chronology seems reasonably firm, many details will no doubt be subject to change as new evidence is discovered.<\/p>\n<p>As a general rule, the earlier the period, the less certain one can be of one’s dating. In the second millennium <span>BC<\/span>, for example, many dates can be assigned within a range of about 100 years. By the time of David and Solomon (c. 1000 <span>BC<\/span>), the margin of error over which scholars debate is a decade or less. The range narrows as one comes toward the present, so that, with the exception of one or two problem eras, dates accurate to within one or two years are possible by roughly the middle of the ninth century <span>BC<\/span>. Such limitations must be kept in mind in any examination of the major periods of OT history.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Prepatriarchal Period<\/p>\n<p>• From Abraham to Moses<\/p>\n<p>• Conquest and Consolidation<\/p>\n<p>• The Monarchy<\/p>\n<p>• Judah after the Fall of Israel<\/p>\n<p>• Beyond 587 <span>BC<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PrepatriarchalPeriod\">Prepatriarchal Period<\/p>\n<h5>Biblical Evidence<\/h5>\n<p>In the first 11 chapters of Genesis are found accounts of the Creation (chs 1–2), the fall (ch 3), Cain and Abel (ch 4), the Flood (chs 6–9), and the Tower of Babel (ch 11). Those events are set within a certain chronological framework.<\/p>\n<p>According to Genesis 5, a period of 10 generations elapsed between the Creation and the Flood. Although the individuals listed enjoyed a total life span of a hefty 847 years plus, the total time elapsing between Adam and the Flood was only 1,656 years.<\/p>\n<p>According to Genesis 11, another 10 generations elapsed from the time of the Flood until the time of Abraham (at least in the Septuagint, the third-century <span>BC<\/span> Greek translation of the OT; the Hebrew Masoretic text has 9). In that period the average age attained by individuals in the list is 346 years (using a figure of 460 for Arphaxad’s son Cainan, who is included in v 13 of the LXX; cf. Lk 3:36); the total elapsed time from the Flood to Abraham is only 520 years. Taken literally, that would mean that all of Abraham’s ancestors as far back as Noah’s son Shem were still alive at Abraham’s birth, and that a total of only 2,176 years elapsed from the time of Creation to Abraham.<\/p>\n<h5>Interpretation of the Biblical Data<\/h5>\n<p>A literalistic or slavishly mathematical interpretation of the figures, as has appeared in the margin of many <span>kjv<\/span> Bibles, requires a number of assumptions: that no names are omitted from the genealogies, that all the numbers given are consecutive, and especially that numbers used in an ancient biblical source carry the same meaning as that associated with them in the modern Western mind. Each assumption needs serious examination in the light of other established facts.<\/p>\n<p>A cursory reading of other biblical genealogies, for example, reveals that not all the names of a given family were always included. Even Matthew recorded a total of 28 generations (two sets of 14 each) between David and Jesus, and comparison with OT genealogies reveals that Matthew omitted several names. Luke listed a total of 42 generations for the same interval. Omissions are also obvious when one compares the genealogical lists given in 1 Chronicles 1–8 with those recorded earlier in Genesis, Exodus, Numbers, Joshua, 1 and 2 Samuel, and 1 and 2 Kings.<\/p>\n<p>Further, ancient peoples thought of numbers in a schematic or stylized way. Use of numbers among the ancient Near Eastern nations differed sharply from current Western practice. Examples of that practice are known from both biblical and nonbiblical sources. For example, a list of eight Sumerian kings who ruled in the city of Shurruppak before the “great flood” of the Jemdet Nar era (c. 3000 <span>BC<\/span>) assigns each man an average reign of more than 30,000 years. Berossus, a Babylonian priest of Marduk living in the third century <span>BC<\/span>, added two names to the eight found in that earlier list of kings and assigned an average of 43,200 years to each king. Such extraordinarily high numbers provide a perspective for considering the numbers of Genesis.<\/p>\n<p>Therefore, although one can assume that the numbers assigned to the ages of the patriarchs preceding Abraham in Genesis had real meaning for those responsible for their preservation, they should not be employed in a purely literal sense to compute the length of the various generations mentioned in the text. Further, the numbers given in the Septuagint and in the Samaritan Pentateuch, another early version of the Pentateuch, diverge in many details from those of the Hebrew Masoretic Text. That means, among other things, that the Genesis numbers caused problems for even the earliest scholars of Scripture.<\/p>\n<h5>Nonbiblical Evidence<\/h5>\n<p>Archaeology provides no evidence that may be used to date either the Creation or any other account preserved in Genesis 1–11. The Flood is an example that illustrates some of the difficulties. Many claims have been made by persons from a wide variety of backgrounds (scientists, explorers, theologians, and others) to the effect that archaeology has proven the Genesis Flood narrative to be true. Yet no city so far excavated in Palestine and Syria (including some of the oldest towns in the world) shows archaeological evidence of the Flood.<\/p>\n<p>Although several cities in Mesopotamia do exhibit evidence of a flood, three factors make it difficult to link that evidence with Genesis 6–9. Each of the flood levels so far discovered dates from a different period. Further, since nearby sites show no evidence of flooding, all of the Mesopotamian flood evidence points to relatively small local floods. Finally, the evidence indicates no great cultural discontinuities of the sort that would result from destruction of an entire population. Thus, it seems that the ancient Mesopotamian floods discovered through archaeological research are of the same kind as the floods that still occur in the Euphrates River valley.<\/p>\n<p>Clearly, certain questions one might ask of the Genesis narratives simply cannot be answered. Many who regard the Bible as the Word of God have concluded that the dating of events found in Genesis 1–11 must be less important than the theological truths of salvation, faith, and obedience that these accounts present.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"FromAbrahamtoMoses\">From Abraham to Moses<\/p>\n<h5>The Patriarchal Age<\/h5>\n<p>The date of Abraham is still a lively topic among biblical scholars who agree that Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob were indeed historical persons. Opinions range from an early-date view that estimates that the patriarchal age extended from 2086 to 1871 <span>BC<\/span>, to a late-date view placing Abraham at around 1400 <span>BC<\/span>. Since each position claims to fit the biblical data, a closer look at the two points of view is in order.<\/p>\n<p>Many OT passages seem to support the view that puts Abraham at a comparatively early date. First Kings 6:1 computes 480 years back from the founding of the temple in the fourth year of Solomon’s reign (961 <span>BC<\/span>, according to the early-date view) to the exodus from Egypt, which would then be dated 1441 <span>BC<\/span>. Counting 430 years as the period of the Israelite sojourn in Egypt (see Gn 15:13; Ex 12:40) takes the date back to 1871 <span>BC<\/span>. To that date are added the 215 years demanded by the total of (1) Abraham’s age upon entering Canaan (75 years according to Gn 12:4); (2) 25 additional years before the birth of Isaac (Gn 21:5); (3) 60 more years to the birth of Jacob (Gn 25:26); and (4) the appearance of Jacob before the pharaoh at age 130 (Gn 47:9). Those 215 years added to the previous total give a date of 2086 <span>BC<\/span> for the entrance of Abraham into Canaan and a date of 2161 <span>BC<\/span> for his birth.<\/p>\n<p>Such a calculation does not use all of the chronological evidence presented in the OT; consequently, the date for Abraham is open to challenge. For example, the 480 years between the exodus and Solomon’s fourth regnal year represent a period of time into which the wilderness wanderings, the career of Joshua and his immediate successors, the period of the judges, Samuel, Saul, and David must all be placed. Although the OT does not specifically say how long were the careers of Joshua, Samuel, or Saul, even a modest reckoning pushes the total years required by all the biblical data together to approximately 600.<\/p>\n<p>In addition, the length of time to be assigned to the Egyptian sojourn is problematic. The Samaritan Pentateuch and the Septuagint both view the number 430 (in Ex 12:40) as applicable not only to the years in Egypt but to the years of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob in Canaan as well. Evidently Paul followed the Septuagint tradition when he dated the giving of the law 430 years later than the time of God’s promise to Abraham (see Gal 3:15-18). That means the Septuagint figure cannot be dismissed lightly.<\/p>\n<p>The late dating of Abraham (c. 1400 <span>BC<\/span>) is based on two propositions: (1) The picture of patriarchal society portrayed in Genesis most closely parallels that reflected in the cuneiform tablets recovered from Nuzi, a town in northeastern Mesopotamia about 175 miles (282 kilometers) north of Baghdad. (2) Because those tablets must be dated in the 15th and 14th centuries <span>BC<\/span>, the parallel patriarchal age must have fallen within the same general time period.<\/p>\n<p>Those who hold the late-date view are aware that their date for Abraham cannot be equated with the set of numbers on which the early-date view depends. They point to other data, also from the OT. Joseph, who was already a highly placed Egyptian official when Jacob moved to Egypt, lived to be 110 years old (Gn 50:26). Moses was a great-grandson of Levi, Joseph’s older brother. Since Joseph lived to see his own greatgrandchildren born (who would probably be younger than Moses since their great-grandfather was younger than his), the late-date view concludes that Joseph could have been alive when Moses was born. The four-generation genealogy of Moses (Levi-Kohath-Amram-Moses, in Ex 6:16-20; Nm 3:17-19; 26:58-59; 1 Chr 6:1-3) was evidently thought to be complete according to Genesis 15:16, which predicted that Abraham’s descendants would be freed from Egyptian bondage “in the fourth generation.”<\/p>\n<p>However, a date of around 1400 <span>BC<\/span> for Abraham cannot be aligned with certain other biblical data, including the long Egyptian sojourn demanded by Genesis 15:13 and Exodus 12:40 and a 40-year (or “one-generation”) wilderness existence. Some normally moderate scholars are forced to reduce the wilderness time to two years in order to maintain their late date for Abraham.<\/p>\n<p>In short, the late-date theory is consistent with part of the biblical evidence (the genealogies of Moses), but the early-date theory conforms to another part (the actual year figures listed in scattered verses from Genesis and Exodus). The late-date theory holds that the genealogies represent more reliable information in Semitic societies generally, whereas the early-date theory computes years given in the biblical account literally throughout its scheme.<\/p>\n<p>Because of problems attached to both positions, a large group of scholars take a middle ground in dating the patriarchal age. Archaeologically, they say, Abraham and his life and times fit perfectly within the early second millennium, but imperfectly within any later period. By placing Abraham roughly between 1800 and 1600 <span>BC<\/span>, they provide enough latitude for a merging of all the available evidence, biblical and nonbiblical, into a workable chronological scheme. Archaeology provides four major bits of evidence for an early second-millennium patriarchal era.<\/p>\n<p>1. Though the Nuzi tablets furnish a clear parallel to patriarchal social life, other tablets from other towns and an earlier era reflect many of the same customs common to Nuzi and Genesis. Since the Nuzians were Hurrians who came to northeastern Mesopotamia from elsewhere (perhaps Armenia), their social customs originated no doubt much earlier than the time of their tablets now in our possession. Accordingly, the 15th-century <span>BC<\/span> date of the Nuzi tablets does not preclude an earlier date for Abraham.<\/p>\n<li>2. The names of several of Abraham’s ancestors listed in Genesis 11 can now be identified with towns in the northern area of Mesopotamia around Haran, the city from which Abraham migrated to Canaan (Gn 11:31–12:3). Significantly, Haran flourished in the 19th and 18th centuries <span>BC<\/span>.<\/li>\n<li>3. Shortly after 2000 <span>BC<\/span> Semitic nomads from the desert invaded the civilized communities of the Fertile Crescent. Those invaders, called Amorites in the OT, established themselves in several cities in northern Syria and Mesopotamia. One of the Amorite cities was Babylon, ruled by Hammurabi sometime around the beginning of the 18th century <span>BC<\/span>. Although the King Amraphel of Genesis 14:1 is not linguistically identifiable with the Babylonian king Hammurabi, as earlier scholars believed, the picture of the times following the Amorite invasion still accords well with the Genesis narratives generally.<\/li>\n<li>4. Mari, another Amorite town, is now well known because of more than 20,000 tablets recovered from its royal palace and archives. Geographically, Mari is located in the general area of Haran. Chronologically, the tablets recovered come from the 18th century <span>BC<\/span>. One 18th-century king of Mari, Zimri Lim, carried on extensive correspondence with Hammurabi of Babylon. The tablets from Mari also furnish valuable information about tribal and ethnic groups and their movements in the general region. Of basic importance for dating the Genesis materials are certain documents from Mari that include personal names very similar to Abraham (Abi-ram), Jacob, Laban, and several other West Semitic names.<\/li>\n<p>Archaeological evidence neither proves nor disproves the actual existence of Abraham, Isaac, or Jacob. That is admitted on all sides. What archaeology has done is to provide a framework of probabilities within which the biblical patriarchal narratives appear more and more to be at home.<\/p>\n<h5>Date of the Exodus<\/h5>\n<p>The problem of dating the patriarchal age is closely related to the problem of assigning a date to the exodus of the Israelites from Egypt. Since the evidence does not permit a precise date for Abraham, a precise date for the entry of Joseph or Jacob into Egypt is likewise unobtainable. Further, the biblical evidence does not yield an exact figure for the length of the Israelite sojourn in Egypt.<\/p>\n<p>For many years biblical scholars viewed 1 Kings 6:1 as a foundation upon which to build an unshakable date for the exodus. Because Solomon’s fourth year could be unquestionably fixed to within at least a 10-year span (967–958 <span>BC<\/span>), the exodus too could be dated with the same precision simply by adding 480 years. But other biblical data raise serious questions about that simple procedure. When the Bible deals with all the events between the time of the exodus and the founding of Solomon’s temple, that is, from Numbers to 1 Kings 5:18, the precise numbers given total not 480 but closer to 600 years.<\/p>\n<p>Because the evidence is insufficient to allow a precise date for the exodus, scholarly opinion remains divided between two possibilities. A 15th-century exodus is supported by several pieces of evidence. The chronology in 1 Kings 6:1 appears to be independently corroborated by a passage in Judges 11:26. It claims that Israel had occupied the area around Heshbon for 300 years preceding Jephthah’s own day. If Jephthah is dated at roughly 1100 <span>BC<\/span>, one is obviously led back to an exodus in the middle of the 15th century. Also, three successive generations of pharaohs who ruled in the 16th and 15th centuries produced no male offspring, making it more likely that Moses would have become the foster son of a royal princess during that time; all of the 19th-dynasty kings (1306–1200 <span>BC<\/span>) had legitimate male heirs.<\/p>\n<p>In addition, a 15th-century date makes possible a connection between the Habiru invasion of Canaan (1400–1350 <span>BC<\/span>)—described in the Amarna letters found at Tell el-Amarna, Egypt—and the invasion of Canaan by the Hebrews described in the OT book of Joshua. Related to that is a reference to “Israel” in the Merneptah Stele, a stone pillar inscribed with the deeds of the Egyptian king, Merneptah, of about 1220 <span>BC<\/span>. It implies that the people referred to, met by Merneptah in the course of a Canaanite military campaign, had been in existence for some time. Finally, an excavator of Jericho, John Garstang, placed the destruction of that city at around 1400 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>Other evidence, however, strongly implies not a 15th- but a 13th-century date for the exodus. Many scholars assign a date between 1290 and 1275 <span>BC<\/span> on the basis of that evidence. First, the 480 years of 1 Kings 6:1 discussed above may be interpreted as schematically representing 12 generations, as indicated by 1 Chronicles 6:3-8. Thus if 12 generations averaged 25 years instead of 40 years, the reduction of 480 schematized years to 300 actual years would point to an exodus date of around 1266 <span>BC<\/span>. Second, archaeological evidence exists that dates destruction at the assumed sites of several cities conquered by Joshua (Lachish, Debir, Bethel, and Hazor) to the late 13th century. Third, there is no biblical mention of Egyptian military campaigns (such as Merneptah’s 1220 <span>BC<\/span> incursion); Israelites living in Canaan before the time of the militarily active pharaohs Seti I (1319–1301 <span>BC<\/span>) and Ramses II (1301–1234 <span>BC<\/span>) would certainly have been affected by such activity. Fourth, Exodus 1:11 mentions the city of Rameses, the capital built by Ramses II, according to his own inscriptions. A fifth line of argument comes from archaeological conclusions that Transjordan and the Negev Desert were not occupied by sedentary people between 1900 and 1300 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas the Bible states clearly that the Israelites encountered stiff opposition from groups in that same region. Thus, it is argued, the Israelites must have entered that region after 1300 <span>BC<\/span>. Sixth, connecting the Habiru with the Israelites of the Conquest lacks weight because many texts besides the Amarna tablets attest to the existence of Habiru groups virtually all over the ancient Near East. “Habiru” seems to be a much broader term, possibly meaning “trespasser,” and is probably unrelated etymologically or semantically to “Hebrew.” Seventh, and finally, Garstang’s work at Jericho has now been revised by archaeologist Kathleen Kenyon, who showed that the fallen walls that Garstang had dated about 1400 <span>BC<\/span> in reality were destroyed in 1800 <span>BC<\/span> or earlier.<\/p>\n<p>So far, it has been impossible to decide with precision between the two centuries proposed for the exodus. The majority opinion among OT scholars generally, including a growing number of moderate or conservative scholars, is in favor of the 13th-century option. On the other hand, many other conservative scholars continue to favor the 15th-century date. Dogmatism is unwarranted since problems remain unresolved with either option.<\/p>\n<p>In accordance with the majority opinion, however, a date of about 1290 <span>BC<\/span> for the exodus will be used in dealing with subsequent problems.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"ConquestandConsolidation\">Conquest and Consolidation<\/p>\n<p>The chronological task for the period of conquest and consolidation is to fit all the events narrated by the OT, chiefly in Joshua and Judges, between the exodus (c. 1290 <span>BC<\/span>) and the times of David (c. 1000 <span>BC<\/span>) and Solomon (d. 930 <span>BC<\/span>). In other words, one must fit roughly 550 years of biblical events between Moses and David into a 290-year span.<\/p>\n<p>Although assigning an early date for the exodus (c. 1447 <span>BC<\/span>) would make the task somewhat easier, the mere addition of about 157 years does not by itself solve all the problems. Neither date allows enough time for all the OT events from Joshua to David to take place singly and consecutively. Accordingly, advocates of both dates assume that some of the judges ruled simultaneously rather than consecutively. The difference is one of degree only.<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua furnishes most of the OT evidence regarding the conquest of Canaan by the Israelites. Unfortunately, the book of Joshua has no chronological notes that specify the amount of time elapsing during Joshua’s career. Further, there are no biblical references to major contemporary events in other parts of the ancient world, the dates of which could be used to fix the chronology. Rather, in what is obviously a telescoped account, the book of Joshua records the fall of Jericho and Ai, followed closely by a southern and then a northern campaign. After those victories, covering much of the total territory of Canaan, various parcels of land were distributed to the tribal groups of Israel; the tribes were expected to complete the task of destroying whatever Canaanite inhabitants remained in their particular region. One seeks in vain, however, for any statements indicating how long those events took.<\/p>\n<p>In the book of Judges a slightly different circumstance prevails. There the OT furnishes a rather complete list of figures to indicate the duration of periods of foreign oppression, judgeships, and ensuing peace. The total number of years described for that period is 410, but that total does not include any time for the many “minor” judges. It seems obvious, therefore, that most if not all of the judges were simply local chieftains whose activity was simultaneous with that of other judges, at least for part of their reign. Unfortunately, the book of Judges provides no cross-reference system to indicate which judges were contemporaries of which others. Perhaps the best one can do is to assume general guidelines for the chronology of that period between Moses and David.<\/p>\n<p>Two significant facts should be kept in mind. First, archaeological information seems to demand a Conquest date beginning about 1250 <span>BC<\/span> rather than 200 years earlier. Assuming concurrent careers for the judges allows one to compress the literal OT figures into the general scheme demanded by other evidence.<\/p>\n<p>Second, the ancient scribes evidently related the chronology of the period to a 40-year or generation-based schema, a practice that lasted until the time of the divided kingdom, when a regular dynastic chronology was introduced. In the face of so many careers being assigned exactly 40 years, the fact remains that the literal totals of such numbers cannot be harmonized with either the biblical or the archaeological evidence for the period. Accordingly, most scholars doubt that the number 40 was ever intended to be an exact mathematical calculation. That view permits enough leeway for cautious fitting of biblical and other evidence into a general timetable.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheMonarchy\">The Monarchy<\/p>\n<h5>Types of Evidence<\/h5>\n<p>For the period of the Israelite monarchy, chronological evidence is abundant.<\/p>\n<p>The OT itself strives to provide all the information necessary for the chronology of the period, including (1) a complete list of all the kings in Israel and in Judah both before and after the division of the kingdom; (2) the age of each king (except Saul) at his accession; (3) synchronisms of the northern kingdom of Israel and the southern kingdom of Judah showing in what year of his contemporary in the other kingdom each king came to the throne; and (4) precise calculations of the length of each king’s reign. In addition some important events are dated by reference to another event; others are coordinated with concurrent events in secular history.<\/p>\n<p>Outside the OT an abundance of material provides evidence for a chronology of the period. By far the most important single source is a collection of Assyrian <em>limmu<\/em> lists. In Assyria a record of each king’s reign was kept on a particular kind of annal. Each year of reign was named after an individual of high rank in the court; the first year was named after the king himself, the second after the next highest-ranking official (though that name appears to have been selected by lot originally), and so on, down until the death of the king. The word <em>limmu<\/em> was used to introduce the name of the official after whom the current year was to be named, hence the designation <em>“limmu<\/em> lists.”<\/p>\n<p>Assyrian <em>limmu<\/em> lists are tied precisely to the solar year, making the documents highly reliable. Further, in addition to many events in Assyrian history, notable natural phenomena were dated on the basis of the <em>limmu<\/em> in which they occurred. For example, a solar eclipse dated by the Assyrian scribes in the <em>limmu<\/em> year of Bur-Sagale has been computed astronomically as June 15, 763 <span>BC<\/span>. Beginning with the year 763, then, and working both backward and forward, a complete list of Assyrian <em>limmu<\/em> officials has been obtained for the period between 891 and 648 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>With the accuracy of the Assyrian <em>limmu<\/em> lists corroborated by a number of sources, they can be used with confidence in reconstructing the chronology of the corresponding period of biblical history. That is especially true where a biblical writer related an Israelite or a Judahite event to a particular year in the reign of an Assyrian king whose <em>limmu<\/em> list indicates the precise years of his reign.<\/p>\n<p>There are also records from Chaldean (Babylonian) king lists and from later Greek historians. Ptolemy, in the second century <span>AD<\/span>, for example, gave dates for Babylonian kings from 747 <span>BC<\/span> and continued with dates for Persian, Greek, and Roman rulers down to <span>AD<\/span> 161. Finally, useful information is found in inscriptions from monuments, stelae, and other artifacts from Assyria and elsewhere.<\/p>\n<h5>Monarchical Chronology<\/h5>\n<p>The <em>limmu<\/em> list of the Assyrian king Shalmaneser III provides a basis for the first comparison of dates among Assyria, Israel, and Judah. In the <em>limmu<\/em> of Daian-Assur, Shalmaneser’s sixth year on the throne, Ahab of Israel was listed as one of the kings who fought against the Assyrians in the battle of Qarqar. Thus the date for that battle may be placed confidently in 853 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>Assyrian records also indicate that Shalmaneser III came into contact with an Israelite king 12 years later, in 841 <span>BC<\/span>. That king was Jehu. Thus two fixed points are available for correlating the biblical information. Following the death of Ahab, which is not dated exactly by reference to the Assyrian records, two of his sons came to power. The first, Ahaziah, reigned two years (1 Kgs 22:51); the second, Joram (also called Jehoram), reigned a total of 12 years (2 Kgs 3:1). Recognizing a nonaccession-year reckoning by the Israelites in that era, the apparent total of 14 years may be reduced to an actual total of 12. Thus it seems evident that Ahab not only fought Shalmaneser III in 853 <span>BC<\/span> but also died in that year. Ahab was then followed by his two sons for a total of 12 years before the accession of Jehu in time to account for his contact with Shalmaneser II in 841 <span>BC<\/span>. Further, because Jehu murdered both the king of Israel (Jehoram) and the king of Judah (Ahaziah) at the same time (2 Kgs 9:24-27), a fixed synchronism is provided between the two kingdoms for the year 841 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>The first nine kings of Israel ruled an apparent total of 98 years or an actual total (taking into account Israel’s nonaccession-year policy) of 90 years. Zimri, who ruled only seven days (1 Kgs 16:15-18), counts as one of the nine but does not insert an extra year in either the actual or apparent totals. The accession of Jeroboam I thus occurred in 930 <span>BC<\/span> (adding 90 years to 841 <span>BC<\/span>), and Rehoboam of Judah began to rule in that same year as well. Allowing Solomon the 40-year reign indicated in 1 Kings 11:42 points to the year 970 <span>BC<\/span> for his accession. The death of David would also be pinpointed in that period, although allowance must be made for the possibility of a short co-regency of David and Solomon before David’s death. The reign of Saul then falls approximately in the late 11th century <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>In Judah the period between the death of Solomon in 930 <span>BC<\/span> and the murder of Ahaziah by Jehu in 841 <span>BC<\/span> was occupied by the kingships of six men whose time on the throne totals 95 biblical years. Computation of that era in Judah is not as simple as for the Israelite kings for several reasons. Problems include a change from accession- to nonaccession-year reckoning sometime around 850 <span>BC<\/span>, at least two co-regencies (Jehoshaphat with Asa and then Jehoram with Jehoshaphat), and the calendar differences between the two kingdoms. It is clear that the 95 apparent years must be reduced, on the basis of the differences in computation and calendar, to 90 actual years in order to bring the Judahite figures into line with the established Assyrian and Israelite synchronisms.<\/p>\n<p>After the year 841, the next biblical event to be certified by nonbiblical materials is the fall of Samaria in 722 <span>BC<\/span>. That date is furnished by the annals of Sargon II of Assyria (722–705 <span>BC<\/span>), successor to Shalmaneser V (727–722 <span>BC<\/span>). Although that date comes just 120 years after the fixed point of 841 <span>BC<\/span> in Israelite history, the chronological materials for that period are quite difficult to interpret accurately. In the past, scholars resorted to assumptions of extensive co-regencies, to presumed confusion on the part of certain scribes over methods to be followed in computations, or to other theories in attempting to understand the period. In spite of the many difficulties, however, all the biblical and Assyrian dates for the period of the divided monarchy have been harmonized—with the exception of four figures related to the closing years of the Israelite kingdom, all connected in some way with the problematic reign of Hoshea.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"JudahaftertheFallofIsrael\">Judah after the Fall of Israel<\/p>\n<p>Following the fall of Samaria in 722 <span>BC<\/span>, OT chronology is concerned only with the southern kingdom of Judah until its destruction some 135 years later. Two events in the biblical record important for establishing a chronology for that period are the siege of Jerusalem by Sennacherib of Assyria in the late eighth century and the eventual fall of Jerusalem to the Babylonians in the early sixth century.<\/p>\n<h5>Sennacherib’s Invasion of Judah<\/h5>\n<p>The Assyrian invasion (704–681 <span>BC<\/span>) is recorded in 2 Kings 18:13-16, where verse 13 dates the event to the 14th year of King Hezekiah. Sennacherib’s own inscriptions include a lengthier version of the affair. From them the date of 701 <span>BC<\/span> is established, placing the accession of Hezekiah in 715 <span>BC<\/span>. That much is simple, but problems still arise. For example, 2 Kings 19:9 reports that Sennacherib was in contact with an Ethiopian king, Tirhakah (c. 690–664 <span>BC<\/span>), during the course of his campaign, which included a siege of Jerusalem. Obviously, contact with a ruler who came to power in 690 <span>BC<\/span> at the earliest could not refer to events in 701 <span>BC<\/span>. It is possible, however, that Sennacherib actually made two invasions of Judah, the first in 701 and the second sometime later. The date of that supposed second invasion is not assured, although 2 Kings 19:35-37 may imply that Sennacherib was murdered only shortly after his withdrawal from Jerusalem. Since Sennacherib was succeeded by his son Esarhaddon in the year 681, the presumed second invasion of Judah would have occurred somewhere in the last half of the same decade.<\/p>\n<p>A number of scholars oppose the assumption of a second invasion of Jerusalem by Sennacherib. They suggest the possibility that Tirhakah, though king only from 690 <span>BC<\/span>, may have led troops against Sennacherib as early as 701, before acceding to the throne. The reference to King Tirhakah in 2 Kings 19:9 would then be understood as use of his eventual title in an effort to identify him to a later generation of readers.<\/p>\n<p>However the question of the number of invasions is decided, it is certain that Sennacherib invaded Judah in 701 <span>BC<\/span>, the 14th regnal year of Hezekiah. Such a synchronism establishes Hezekiah’s accession year as 715 <span>BC<\/span>, but that date raises another problem. The fall of Samaria, now established at 722, is dated by 2 Kings 18:10 in the sixth year of Hezekiah’s reign. The most likely solution is that Hezekiah began a co-regency with his father, Ahaz, six years before Samaria fell. The possibility for confusion arises from the fact that one verse (2 Kgs 18:13; repeated in Is 36:1) synchronizes Sennacherib’s 701 <span>BC<\/span> invasion with the 14th year of Hezekiah’s independent reign; another verse (2 Kgs 18:10) correlates the fall of Samaria with the beginning of Hezekiah’s co-regency. Thus from about 728 to 715 <span>BC<\/span> Hezekiah was co-regent with Ahaz. From 715 to 697 he reigned alone. From 696 to 686 his son Manasseh was co-ruler with him.<\/p>\n<p>According to the chronological information given by a number of verses in 2 Kings, a total of 128 years and six months elapsed between the time of Hezekiah’s accession in 715 and the capture of King Jehoiachin in 597, a date to be discussed below. Thus another problem is to explain the more than 10-year excess apparently demanded by the biblical totals. The best solution appears to lie in the assumption that Manasseh first came to power in 697 as co-regent with his father, Hezekiah. Manasseh died in 642, following what 2 Kings 21:1 states was a 55-year reign. Hezekiah, who came to the throne in 715, is said to have reigned 29 years (2 Kgs 18:2), which would mean that he was king until 686, roughly 11 years after the time when Manasseh must have come to the throne in order to have completed a 55-year reign by 642.<\/p>\n<h5>Fall of Jerusalem<\/h5>\n<p>Contemporary Babylonian records are available to shed valuable light on the last few years of Judah’s existence. For the years 626–623, 618–595, and 556 <span>BC<\/span> the Babylonian Chronicle, a formal record of Babylonian affairs of state, has been recovered. From information contained in that chronicle and other cuneiform documents of the period, three dates in Judah’s history may be fixed firmly. The first is the death of Josiah in 609; the second is the battle of Carchemish in 605; the third is the end of the reign of Jehoiachin, which is dated by the Babylonian Chronicle to the second month of Adar in the ninth year of Nebuchadnezzar, or March 16, 597.<\/p>\n<p>After Jehoiachin’s capture, Zedekiah became puppet king of Judah for 11 years (2 Kgs 24:18). On the tenth day of the tenth month during Zedekiah’s ninth regnal year (2 Kgs 25:1), the final siege of Jerusalem was begun by the Babylonian army. That day was January 15, 588. On the ninth day of the fourth month during the 11th regnal year of Zedekiah, after a siege of almost 18 months, the wall of Jerusalem was broken through (2 Kgs 25:3-4). The temple was burned on day seven of the following (fifth) month.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Beyond587bc\">Beyond 586 <span>BC<\/span><\/p>\n<p>Following the tragedy of 586 <span>BC<\/span>, several further developments are given chronological notice in the OT. Jeremiah 52:30 records a third deportation of Jews to Babylonia in the 23d year of King Nebuchadnezzar (582 or 581 <span>BC<\/span>). Both 2 Kings 25:27 and Jeremiah 52:31 give evidence of the release of King Jehoiachin from prison; the Babylonian Chronicle dates that event at 27 Adar, or March 21, 561 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>In 539 <span>BC<\/span> the Babylonians themselves were destined to learn the meaning of defeat. In that year a Persian ruler, Cyrus the Great, launched a successful campaign against Babylon and its king, Nabonidus. Inheriting control over the exiled Jews and many other groups of people conquered earlier by Babylonia, Cyrus moved quickly to initiate a policy of tolerance toward his new subjects. In the first year of his rule Cyrus issued an edict making it possible for Jews to return to their former land (Ezr 1:1). On the first day of the following year, 1 Tishri (Ezr 3:6), an altar was set up in Jerusalem. In Iyyar of the following year (April\/May 536) work was begun on the temple itself (Ezr 3:8).<\/p>\n<p>After a period of frustrating work stoppages of varying lengths, the preaching of Haggai and Zechariah spurred on the Jews to complete the temple. Work resumed in 520 (Ezr 4:24; Hg 1:1, 15) and was finally completed on 3 Adar, or March 12, 515 (Ezr 6:15). The final stages of OT chronology pertain to the careers of Ezra and Nehemiah. The traditional view of their era places Ezra in the seventh year of Artaxerxes I (458 <span>BC<\/span>) and Nehemiah in the 20th (445 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> “Date” under each OT book; Conquest and Allotment of the Land; Diaspora of the Jews; Exodus, The; Israel, History of; Patriarchs, Period of the; Postexilic Period; Wilderness Wanderings.<\/p>","summary_ro":"CHRONOLOGY OF THE BIBLE* (Old Testament) Branch of biblical studies that attempts to assign dates and sequences to OT events. Chronology is a science. It deals with evidence, theories, assumptions, and the balance of probabilities. Often it boils down to a matter of choosing among theories that are equally unable to solve all the problems raised by other points of view. OT chronology is an accredited branch of biblical studies primarily because it is essential for understanding the proper his...","summary_en":"CHRONOLOGY OF THE BIBLE* (Old Testament) Branch of biblical studies that attempts to assign dates and sequences to OT events. Chronology is a science. It deals with evidence, theories, assumptions, and the balance of probabilities. Often it boils down to a matter of choosing among theories that are equally unable to solve all the problems raised by other points of view. OT chronology is an accredited branch of biblical studies primarily because it is essential for understanding the proper his...","source":"Articles\/C.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"31":[{"id":6205,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Chaldea*, Chaldeans","title_en":"Chaldea*, Chaldeans","content_ro":"<h3>CHALDEA*, CHALDEANS<\/h3>\n<p>Ancient region in Mesopotamia and its inhabitants. The name comes from the Chaldean (or Kaldu) tribes that shared Babylonia in southeastern Mesopotamia with several other peoples, especially the Sumerians and Akkadians. After the old Babylonian Empire was absorbed by the Assyrians, the Chaldeans under Nebuchadnezzar’s leadership took control and built a Neo-Babylonian Empire that dominated the Near East for nearly a century. The region called Chaldea is also associated with the patriarch Abraham, whose Mesopotamian home was “Ur of the Chaldeans” (Gn 11:28).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheLandandPeople\">The Land and People<\/p>\n<p>Until the end of the eighth century <span>BC<\/span>, Chaldea referred only to a small territory in southern Babylonia. Within 100 years, following a rapid and successful bid for power, it embraced all of Babylonia. At that time it included the territory from Baghdad on the Tigris River to the Persian Gulf and extended up the Euphrates River as far as the city of Hit. Although Chaldea is usually placed between the Tigris and Euphrates, it reached into the flatlands between the Tigris and the Zagros Mountains to the east and also included some land west of the Euphrates. The Arabian Desert formed its western boundary. Chaldea rarely exceeded 40 miles (64.4 kilometers) in width, having an area of about 8,000 square miles (12,872 square kilometers), approximately the size of New Jersey. On today’s map Chaldea falls inside Iraq, with its southwestern tip touching the small kingdom of Kuwait.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"History\">History<\/p>\n<p>First mention of the Chaldeans is found in the Assyrian annals of Ashurnasirpal II (885–860 <span>BC<\/span>), leading some authorities to suggest that they entered Babylonia about 1000 <span>BC<\/span>. They are usually associated (though not identified) with the Semitic Aramean tribes who were constantly pushing their way from the western deserts into Mesopotamia. They settled primarily in the southern tip of Babylonia, at the northern end of the Persian Gulf, perhaps centuries before the Assyrian annals mentioned them.<\/p>\n<p>Job 1:17 mentions three bands of Chaldeans who participated in a raid against Job’s camels and servants, probably in the vicinity of Edom or northern Arabia. Their presence in those regions does not necessarily mean they lived nearby, since armies from Babylonia (Sinar) and Elam ranged as far as Palestine centuries earlier (Gn 14:1-2).<\/p>\n<h5>Under Assyrian Rule<\/h5>\n<p>Living by the marshes and lakes of the extreme south, the Chaldeans maintained a high degree of independence, even when Assyrian dominion extended over them. It was difficult for invading armies to maneuver in the Chaldean marshes. As a result, the Chaldeans resisted paying taxes or providing any form of service to the Assyrian government. When the Assyrians sought to limit their freedom, the Chaldeans turned to guerrilla warfare and political intrigue. They were quick to disregard treaties or to switch alliances as circumstances dictated. Under Assyrian rule, whereas the native residents of Babylonian cities were generally content, the Chaldeans became the leaders of a national independence movement. For 250 years the Assyrians had to enforce their dominion against persistent Chaldean attempts to assert their autonomy and influence.<\/p>\n<p>Finally, in 721 <span>BC<\/span> the Chaldean leader Marduk-apla-iddina II (known as Merodach-baladan in 2 Kgs 20:12 and Is 39:1, who sent an embassy to Hezekiah, king of Judah) entered Babylon and claimed the kingship of Babylonia, a position long appointed by the Assyrian king. Crafty and resourceful, he successfully maintained his claim for 10 years before being driven back into his own southern territory by Assyria’s Sargon II. On Sargon’s death in 705 <span>BC<\/span>, he reasserted his claim but was defeated by the new Assyrian king, Sennacherib, who destroyed Babylon as a lesson to the Chaldeans and their allies.<\/p>\n<p>Sennacherib’s son and successor, Esarhaddon, pursued a policy of conciliation with the Babylonians and rebuilt their capital city, a gesture that effectively neutralized Chaldean agitation and inaugurated a period of peace that lasted over 30 years. The last unsuccessful revolt occurred under Ashurbanipal’s reign and was actually instigated by his brother, whom the Assyrian king had appointed to the Babylonian throne. The Chaldeans gladly joined the rebellion, which was crushed in 648 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<h5>The Neo-Babylonian Empire<\/h5>\n<p>Two decades later, at the time of Ashurbanipal’s death, Assyrian power suddenly and dramatically slipped. Nabopolassar, a Chaldean governor, took the opportunity to drive the Assyrians out of Babylonia. He became king of Babylon in 625 <span>BC<\/span>. Allied with the Medes, the Babylonians went on to destroy the Assyrian Empire, capturing the capital cities of Asshur in 614 and Nineveh in 612. They divided the conquered lands with the Medes and annexed the Assyrian regions west and south of the Tigris, creating a new Babylonian Empire. (The first Babylonian Empire, with which Hammurabi is associated, had flourished over 1,000 years earlier.) Throughout the Near East, Chaldea and Babylonia became synonymous.<\/p>\n<p>During the long and brilliant reign of Nabopolassar’s son Nebuchadnezzar (or Nebuchadrezzar) II, the empire reached its zenith. As crown prince, he won a decisive victory in 605 <span>BC<\/span> over the Egyptians at Carchemish (the battle mentioned in 2 Chr 35:20), which effectively established Babylonian supremacy in the Near East (see 2 Kgs 24:7). That same year the southern kingdom of Judah became a vassal nation to Babylon. Nebuchadnezzar won the submission of King Jehoiachim, carried off the choicest articles from the temple for his own temple in Babylon, and took the outstanding leaders and youth of Judah captive (2 Kgs 24:1; 2 Chr 36:5-7; Dn 1:1-4). When Judah revolted several years later at the instigation of Egypt, the Chaldean army captured Jerusalem in 597 <span>BC<\/span>. Judah’s new king, Jehoiachin, was deposed at that time together with more of its leaders (2 Kgs 24:8-16). A second revolt in 594 <span>BC<\/span> by the Chaldean-appointed king (Zedekiah) resulted in a third invasion, the destruction of Jerusalem in 586 <span>BC<\/span>, and the exile of most of Judah’s citizens (2 Kgs 24:20–25:12; 2 Chr 36:11-21). With the booty from that and other conquests, Nebuchadnezzar built Babylon into one of the most dazzling cities in the ancient world. His projects included the Hanging Gardens (one of the seven wonders of the ancient world), the Ishtar Gate, and a 17-mile (27-kilometer) outer wall designed for defense of the city. His pride in such accomplishments eventually brought the judgment of God (Dn 4:30-33).<\/p>\n<p>Nebuchadnezzar was succeeded by his son Amel-marduk (Evil-merodach in 2 Kgs 25:27 and Jer 52:31, remembered there for his special kindness to the exiled king Jehoiachin). After two years he was killed in an armed rebellion led by his brother-in-law, Nergal-shar-usur (Nergal-sharezer of Jer 39:3), who attempted to establish his own dynasty. After a four-year reign Nergal-shar-usur was succeeded by his son, who lasted only a few months before being ousted by a usurper, Nabonidus.<\/p>\n\n<h5>The Fall of Babylon<\/h5>\n<p>Nabonidus was the last of the Chaldean monarchs. His installation as king was supported by many Babylonian officials. They were watching their former allies, the Medes, gradually become a rival power and saw in Nabonidus a ruler strong enough to meet their threat. Strong or not, his attempts to reform Babylonian religion proved extremely unpopular, and his efforts to strengthen the economy were unsuccessful. Both facts made Babylon an unpleasant residence for Nabonidus; during one extended absence from the capital city, he installed his son Belshazzar as co-regent. (Belshazzar’s position explains why he is described as the king of Babylon in the OT book of Daniel and why in Dn 5:7 he could make Daniel only “the third ruler in the kingdom.”)<\/p>\n<p>While Belshazzar was handling government affairs, the famous incident of the “writing on the wall” occurred, ominously predicting Babylon’s downfall (Dn 5). The Elamites, in fact, were already attacking the empire’s eastern flank. Rumors of Persian power in the north brought Nabonidus back to Babylon just in time for an invasion by the Persian king, Cyrus the Great. Cyrus took Babylon without a fight, putting an end both to Chaldean power and to the Neo-Babylonian Empire.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Assyria, Assyrians; Astrology; Babylon, Babylonia; Daniel, Book of; Diaspora of the Jews; Nebuchadnezzar, Nebuchadrezzar; Ur (Place).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>CHALDEA*, CHALDEANS<\/h3>\n<p>Ancient region in Mesopotamia and its inhabitants. The name comes from the Chaldean (or Kaldu) tribes that shared Babylonia in southeastern Mesopotamia with several other peoples, especially the Sumerians and Akkadians. After the old Babylonian Empire was absorbed by the Assyrians, the Chaldeans under Nebuchadnezzar’s leadership took control and built a Neo-Babylonian Empire that dominated the Near East for nearly a century. The region called Chaldea is also associated with the patriarch Abraham, whose Mesopotamian home was “Ur of the Chaldeans” (Gn 11:28).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheLandandPeople\">The Land and People<\/p>\n<p>Until the end of the eighth century <span>BC<\/span>, Chaldea referred only to a small territory in southern Babylonia. Within 100 years, following a rapid and successful bid for power, it embraced all of Babylonia. At that time it included the territory from Baghdad on the Tigris River to the Persian Gulf and extended up the Euphrates River as far as the city of Hit. Although Chaldea is usually placed between the Tigris and Euphrates, it reached into the flatlands between the Tigris and the Zagros Mountains to the east and also included some land west of the Euphrates. The Arabian Desert formed its western boundary. Chaldea rarely exceeded 40 miles (64.4 kilometers) in width, having an area of about 8,000 square miles (12,872 square kilometers), approximately the size of New Jersey. On today’s map Chaldea falls inside Iraq, with its southwestern tip touching the small kingdom of Kuwait.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"History\">History<\/p>\n<p>First mention of the Chaldeans is found in the Assyrian annals of Ashurnasirpal II (885–860 <span>BC<\/span>), leading some authorities to suggest that they entered Babylonia about 1000 <span>BC<\/span>. They are usually associated (though not identified) with the Semitic Aramean tribes who were constantly pushing their way from the western deserts into Mesopotamia. They settled primarily in the southern tip of Babylonia, at the northern end of the Persian Gulf, perhaps centuries before the Assyrian annals mentioned them.<\/p>\n<p>Job 1:17 mentions three bands of Chaldeans who participated in a raid against Job’s camels and servants, probably in the vicinity of Edom or northern Arabia. Their presence in those regions does not necessarily mean they lived nearby, since armies from Babylonia (Sinar) and Elam ranged as far as Palestine centuries earlier (Gn 14:1-2).<\/p>\n<h5>Under Assyrian Rule<\/h5>\n<p>Living by the marshes and lakes of the extreme south, the Chaldeans maintained a high degree of independence, even when Assyrian dominion extended over them. It was difficult for invading armies to maneuver in the Chaldean marshes. As a result, the Chaldeans resisted paying taxes or providing any form of service to the Assyrian government. When the Assyrians sought to limit their freedom, the Chaldeans turned to guerrilla warfare and political intrigue. They were quick to disregard treaties or to switch alliances as circumstances dictated. Under Assyrian rule, whereas the native residents of Babylonian cities were generally content, the Chaldeans became the leaders of a national independence movement. For 250 years the Assyrians had to enforce their dominion against persistent Chaldean attempts to assert their autonomy and influence.<\/p>\n<p>Finally, in 721 <span>BC<\/span> the Chaldean leader Marduk-apla-iddina II (known as Merodach-baladan in 2 Kgs 20:12 and Is 39:1, who sent an embassy to Hezekiah, king of Judah) entered Babylon and claimed the kingship of Babylonia, a position long appointed by the Assyrian king. Crafty and resourceful, he successfully maintained his claim for 10 years before being driven back into his own southern territory by Assyria’s Sargon II. On Sargon’s death in 705 <span>BC<\/span>, he reasserted his claim but was defeated by the new Assyrian king, Sennacherib, who destroyed Babylon as a lesson to the Chaldeans and their allies.<\/p>\n<p>Sennacherib’s son and successor, Esarhaddon, pursued a policy of conciliation with the Babylonians and rebuilt their capital city, a gesture that effectively neutralized Chaldean agitation and inaugurated a period of peace that lasted over 30 years. The last unsuccessful revolt occurred under Ashurbanipal’s reign and was actually instigated by his brother, whom the Assyrian king had appointed to the Babylonian throne. The Chaldeans gladly joined the rebellion, which was crushed in 648 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<h5>The Neo-Babylonian Empire<\/h5>\n<p>Two decades later, at the time of Ashurbanipal’s death, Assyrian power suddenly and dramatically slipped. Nabopolassar, a Chaldean governor, took the opportunity to drive the Assyrians out of Babylonia. He became king of Babylon in 625 <span>BC<\/span>. Allied with the Medes, the Babylonians went on to destroy the Assyrian Empire, capturing the capital cities of Asshur in 614 and Nineveh in 612. They divided the conquered lands with the Medes and annexed the Assyrian regions west and south of the Tigris, creating a new Babylonian Empire. (The first Babylonian Empire, with which Hammurabi is associated, had flourished over 1,000 years earlier.) Throughout the Near East, Chaldea and Babylonia became synonymous.<\/p>\n<p>During the long and brilliant reign of Nabopolassar’s son Nebuchadnezzar (or Nebuchadrezzar) II, the empire reached its zenith. As crown prince, he won a decisive victory in 605 <span>BC<\/span> over the Egyptians at Carchemish (the battle mentioned in 2 Chr 35:20), which effectively established Babylonian supremacy in the Near East (see 2 Kgs 24:7). That same year the southern kingdom of Judah became a vassal nation to Babylon. Nebuchadnezzar won the submission of King Jehoiachim, carried off the choicest articles from the temple for his own temple in Babylon, and took the outstanding leaders and youth of Judah captive (2 Kgs 24:1; 2 Chr 36:5-7; Dn 1:1-4). When Judah revolted several years later at the instigation of Egypt, the Chaldean army captured Jerusalem in 597 <span>BC<\/span>. Judah’s new king, Jehoiachin, was deposed at that time together with more of its leaders (2 Kgs 24:8-16). A second revolt in 594 <span>BC<\/span> by the Chaldean-appointed king (Zedekiah) resulted in a third invasion, the destruction of Jerusalem in 586 <span>BC<\/span>, and the exile of most of Judah’s citizens (2 Kgs 24:20–25:12; 2 Chr 36:11-21). With the booty from that and other conquests, Nebuchadnezzar built Babylon into one of the most dazzling cities in the ancient world. His projects included the Hanging Gardens (one of the seven wonders of the ancient world), the Ishtar Gate, and a 17-mile (27-kilometer) outer wall designed for defense of the city. His pride in such accomplishments eventually brought the judgment of God (Dn 4:30-33).<\/p>\n<p>Nebuchadnezzar was succeeded by his son Amel-marduk (Evil-merodach in 2 Kgs 25:27 and Jer 52:31, remembered there for his special kindness to the exiled king Jehoiachin). After two years he was killed in an armed rebellion led by his brother-in-law, Nergal-shar-usur (Nergal-sharezer of Jer 39:3), who attempted to establish his own dynasty. After a four-year reign Nergal-shar-usur was succeeded by his son, who lasted only a few months before being ousted by a usurper, Nabonidus.<\/p>\n\n<h5>The Fall of Babylon<\/h5>\n<p>Nabonidus was the last of the Chaldean monarchs. His installation as king was supported by many Babylonian officials. They were watching their former allies, the Medes, gradually become a rival power and saw in Nabonidus a ruler strong enough to meet their threat. Strong or not, his attempts to reform Babylonian religion proved extremely unpopular, and his efforts to strengthen the economy were unsuccessful. Both facts made Babylon an unpleasant residence for Nabonidus; during one extended absence from the capital city, he installed his son Belshazzar as co-regent. (Belshazzar’s position explains why he is described as the king of Babylon in the OT book of Daniel and why in Dn 5:7 he could make Daniel only “the third ruler in the kingdom.”)<\/p>\n<p>While Belshazzar was handling government affairs, the famous incident of the “writing on the wall” occurred, ominously predicting Babylon’s downfall (Dn 5). The Elamites, in fact, were already attacking the empire’s eastern flank. Rumors of Persian power in the north brought Nabonidus back to Babylon just in time for an invasion by the Persian king, Cyrus the Great. Cyrus took Babylon without a fight, putting an end both to Chaldean power and to the Neo-Babylonian Empire.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Assyria, Assyrians; Astrology; Babylon, Babylonia; Daniel, Book of; Diaspora of the Jews; Nebuchadnezzar, Nebuchadrezzar; Ur (Place).<\/p>","summary_ro":"CHALDEA*, CHALDEANS Ancient region in Mesopotamia and its inhabitants. The name comes from the Chaldean (or Kaldu) tribes that shared Babylonia in southeastern Mesopotamia with several other peoples, especially the Sumerians and Akkadians. After the old Babylonian Empire was absorbed by the Assyrians, the Chaldeans under Nebuchadnezzar’s leadership took control and built a Neo-Babylonian Empire that dominated the Near East for nearly a century. The region called Chaldea is also associated wit...","summary_en":"CHALDEA*, CHALDEANS Ancient region in Mesopotamia and its inhabitants. The name comes from the Chaldean (or Kaldu) tribes that shared Babylonia in southeastern Mesopotamia with several other peoples, especially the Sumerians and Akkadians. After the old Babylonian Empire was absorbed by the Assyrians, the Chaldeans under Nebuchadnezzar’s leadership took control and built a Neo-Babylonian Empire that dominated the Near East for nearly a century. The region called Chaldea is also associated wit...","source":"Articles\/C.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":6460,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"of the Bible* (Old Testament), Chronology","title_en":"of the Bible* (Old Testament), Chronology","content_ro":"<h3>CHRONOLOGY OF THE BIBLE* (Old Testament)<\/h3>\n<p>Branch of biblical studies that attempts to assign dates and sequences to OT events. Chronology is a science. It deals with evidence, theories, assumptions, and the balance of probabilities. Often it boils down to a matter of choosing among theories that are equally unable to solve all the problems raised by other points of view. OT chronology is an accredited branch of biblical studies primarily because it is essential for understanding the proper historical background of the biblical texts. In general, the chronology of the OT is understood well enough to vindicate the basic accuracy and sequential order of Scripture.<\/p>\n<p>Both biblical and nonbiblical materials are utilized by students of OT chronology. Biblical data include (1) genealogies showing personal and tribal affiliations among various peoples; (2) specific numbers given by biblical authors to indicate a person’s longevity, a king’s reign, or the duration of a specific event; (3) synchronizing statements that date an event in a specific year of a king’s reign or relate it to a natural phenomenon assumed to be common knowledge at the time of writing (e.g., Am 1:1; Zec 14:5).<\/p>\n<p>From the abundance of such chronological passages in the OT, one might conclude that establishment of OT dates and sequences would be a simple procedure. Each of the three kinds of biblical materials, however, exhibits special problems that must be solved first.<\/p>\n<p>Nonbiblical materials that shed light on OT chronology are quite numerous, and more are discovered year by year. They include (1) official records of important affairs such as military campaigns from countries like Egypt or Babylonia; (2) official inscriptions that are dedicatory or commemorate a great victory; (3) annals listing major accomplishments of a ruler year by year; (4) ostraca (inscribed pieces of pottery) containing letters, tax transactions and economic records, military dispatches between field leaders and command headquarters, or other information. Ostraca may be dated archaeologically and are often used to supplement the biblical record.<\/p>\n<p>The chronologist tries to examine the pertinent biblical and nonbiblical information, notes areas of correlation among all the data, and finally establishes a working system into which the most facts can be fitted. New evidence uncovered at any time may necessitate shifts in the present working system. Although the basic structure of biblical chronology seems reasonably firm, many details will no doubt be subject to change as new evidence is discovered.<\/p>\n<p>As a general rule, the earlier the period, the less certain one can be of one’s dating. In the second millennium <span>BC<\/span>, for example, many dates can be assigned within a range of about 100 years. By the time of David and Solomon (c. 1000 <span>BC<\/span>), the margin of error over which scholars debate is a decade or less. The range narrows as one comes toward the present, so that, with the exception of one or two problem eras, dates accurate to within one or two years are possible by roughly the middle of the ninth century <span>BC<\/span>. Such limitations must be kept in mind in any examination of the major periods of OT history.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Prepatriarchal Period<\/p>\n<p>• From Abraham to Moses<\/p>\n<p>• Conquest and Consolidation<\/p>\n<p>• The Monarchy<\/p>\n<p>• Judah after the Fall of Israel<\/p>\n<p>• Beyond 587 <span>BC<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PrepatriarchalPeriod\">Prepatriarchal Period<\/p>\n<h5>Biblical Evidence<\/h5>\n<p>In the first 11 chapters of Genesis are found accounts of the Creation (chs 1–2), the fall (ch 3), Cain and Abel (ch 4), the Flood (chs 6–9), and the Tower of Babel (ch 11). Those events are set within a certain chronological framework.<\/p>\n<p>According to Genesis 5, a period of 10 generations elapsed between the Creation and the Flood. Although the individuals listed enjoyed a total life span of a hefty 847 years plus, the total time elapsing between Adam and the Flood was only 1,656 years.<\/p>\n<p>According to Genesis 11, another 10 generations elapsed from the time of the Flood until the time of Abraham (at least in the Septuagint, the third-century <span>BC<\/span> Greek translation of the OT; the Hebrew Masoretic text has 9). In that period the average age attained by individuals in the list is 346 years (using a figure of 460 for Arphaxad’s son Cainan, who is included in v 13 of the LXX; cf. Lk 3:36); the total elapsed time from the Flood to Abraham is only 520 years. Taken literally, that would mean that all of Abraham’s ancestors as far back as Noah’s son Shem were still alive at Abraham’s birth, and that a total of only 2,176 years elapsed from the time of Creation to Abraham.<\/p>\n<h5>Interpretation of the Biblical Data<\/h5>\n<p>A literalistic or slavishly mathematical interpretation of the figures, as has appeared in the margin of many <span>kjv<\/span> Bibles, requires a number of assumptions: that no names are omitted from the genealogies, that all the numbers given are consecutive, and especially that numbers used in an ancient biblical source carry the same meaning as that associated with them in the modern Western mind. Each assumption needs serious examination in the light of other established facts.<\/p>\n<p>A cursory reading of other biblical genealogies, for example, reveals that not all the names of a given family were always included. Even Matthew recorded a total of 28 generations (two sets of 14 each) between David and Jesus, and comparison with OT genealogies reveals that Matthew omitted several names. Luke listed a total of 42 generations for the same interval. Omissions are also obvious when one compares the genealogical lists given in 1 Chronicles 1–8 with those recorded earlier in Genesis, Exodus, Numbers, Joshua, 1 and 2 Samuel, and 1 and 2 Kings.<\/p>\n<p>Further, ancient peoples thought of numbers in a schematic or stylized way. Use of numbers among the ancient Near Eastern nations differed sharply from current Western practice. Examples of that practice are known from both biblical and nonbiblical sources. For example, a list of eight Sumerian kings who ruled in the city of Shurruppak before the “great flood” of the Jemdet Nar era (c. 3000 <span>BC<\/span>) assigns each man an average reign of more than 30,000 years. Berossus, a Babylonian priest of Marduk living in the third century <span>BC<\/span>, added two names to the eight found in that earlier list of kings and assigned an average of 43,200 years to each king. Such extraordinarily high numbers provide a perspective for considering the numbers of Genesis.<\/p>\n<p>Therefore, although one can assume that the numbers assigned to the ages of the patriarchs preceding Abraham in Genesis had real meaning for those responsible for their preservation, they should not be employed in a purely literal sense to compute the length of the various generations mentioned in the text. Further, the numbers given in the Septuagint and in the Samaritan Pentateuch, another early version of the Pentateuch, diverge in many details from those of the Hebrew Masoretic Text. That means, among other things, that the Genesis numbers caused problems for even the earliest scholars of Scripture.<\/p>\n<h5>Nonbiblical Evidence<\/h5>\n<p>Archaeology provides no evidence that may be used to date either the Creation or any other account preserved in Genesis 1–11. The Flood is an example that illustrates some of the difficulties. Many claims have been made by persons from a wide variety of backgrounds (scientists, explorers, theologians, and others) to the effect that archaeology has proven the Genesis Flood narrative to be true. Yet no city so far excavated in Palestine and Syria (including some of the oldest towns in the world) shows archaeological evidence of the Flood.<\/p>\n<p>Although several cities in Mesopotamia do exhibit evidence of a flood, three factors make it difficult to link that evidence with Genesis 6–9. Each of the flood levels so far discovered dates from a different period. Further, since nearby sites show no evidence of flooding, all of the Mesopotamian flood evidence points to relatively small local floods. Finally, the evidence indicates no great cultural discontinuities of the sort that would result from destruction of an entire population. Thus, it seems that the ancient Mesopotamian floods discovered through archaeological research are of the same kind as the floods that still occur in the Euphrates River valley.<\/p>\n<p>Clearly, certain questions one might ask of the Genesis narratives simply cannot be answered. Many who regard the Bible as the Word of God have concluded that the dating of events found in Genesis 1–11 must be less important than the theological truths of salvation, faith, and obedience that these accounts present.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"FromAbrahamtoMoses\">From Abraham to Moses<\/p>\n<h5>The Patriarchal Age<\/h5>\n<p>The date of Abraham is still a lively topic among biblical scholars who agree that Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob were indeed historical persons. Opinions range from an early-date view that estimates that the patriarchal age extended from 2086 to 1871 <span>BC<\/span>, to a late-date view placing Abraham at around 1400 <span>BC<\/span>. Since each position claims to fit the biblical data, a closer look at the two points of view is in order.<\/p>\n<p>Many OT passages seem to support the view that puts Abraham at a comparatively early date. First Kings 6:1 computes 480 years back from the founding of the temple in the fourth year of Solomon’s reign (961 <span>BC<\/span>, according to the early-date view) to the exodus from Egypt, which would then be dated 1441 <span>BC<\/span>. Counting 430 years as the period of the Israelite sojourn in Egypt (see Gn 15:13; Ex 12:40) takes the date back to 1871 <span>BC<\/span>. To that date are added the 215 years demanded by the total of (1) Abraham’s age upon entering Canaan (75 years according to Gn 12:4); (2) 25 additional years before the birth of Isaac (Gn 21:5); (3) 60 more years to the birth of Jacob (Gn 25:26); and (4) the appearance of Jacob before the pharaoh at age 130 (Gn 47:9). Those 215 years added to the previous total give a date of 2086 <span>BC<\/span> for the entrance of Abraham into Canaan and a date of 2161 <span>BC<\/span> for his birth.<\/p>\n<p>Such a calculation does not use all of the chronological evidence presented in the OT; consequently, the date for Abraham is open to challenge. For example, the 480 years between the exodus and Solomon’s fourth regnal year represent a period of time into which the wilderness wanderings, the career of Joshua and his immediate successors, the period of the judges, Samuel, Saul, and David must all be placed. Although the OT does not specifically say how long were the careers of Joshua, Samuel, or Saul, even a modest reckoning pushes the total years required by all the biblical data together to approximately 600.<\/p>\n<p>In addition, the length of time to be assigned to the Egyptian sojourn is problematic. The Samaritan Pentateuch and the Septuagint both view the number 430 (in Ex 12:40) as applicable not only to the years in Egypt but to the years of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob in Canaan as well. Evidently Paul followed the Septuagint tradition when he dated the giving of the law 430 years later than the time of God’s promise to Abraham (see Gal 3:15-18). That means the Septuagint figure cannot be dismissed lightly.<\/p>\n<p>The late dating of Abraham (c. 1400 <span>BC<\/span>) is based on two propositions: (1) The picture of patriarchal society portrayed in Genesis most closely parallels that reflected in the cuneiform tablets recovered from Nuzi, a town in northeastern Mesopotamia about 175 miles (282 kilometers) north of Baghdad. (2) Because those tablets must be dated in the 15th and 14th centuries <span>BC<\/span>, the parallel patriarchal age must have fallen within the same general time period.<\/p>\n<p>Those who hold the late-date view are aware that their date for Abraham cannot be equated with the set of numbers on which the early-date view depends. They point to other data, also from the OT. Joseph, who was already a highly placed Egyptian official when Jacob moved to Egypt, lived to be 110 years old (Gn 50:26). Moses was a great-grandson of Levi, Joseph’s older brother. Since Joseph lived to see his own greatgrandchildren born (who would probably be younger than Moses since their great-grandfather was younger than his), the late-date view concludes that Joseph could have been alive when Moses was born. The four-generation genealogy of Moses (Levi-Kohath-Amram-Moses, in Ex 6:16-20; Nm 3:17-19; 26:58-59; 1 Chr 6:1-3) was evidently thought to be complete according to Genesis 15:16, which predicted that Abraham’s descendants would be freed from Egyptian bondage “in the fourth generation.”<\/p>\n<p>However, a date of around 1400 <span>BC<\/span> for Abraham cannot be aligned with certain other biblical data, including the long Egyptian sojourn demanded by Genesis 15:13 and Exodus 12:40 and a 40-year (or “one-generation”) wilderness existence. Some normally moderate scholars are forced to reduce the wilderness time to two years in order to maintain their late date for Abraham.<\/p>\n<p>In short, the late-date theory is consistent with part of the biblical evidence (the genealogies of Moses), but the early-date theory conforms to another part (the actual year figures listed in scattered verses from Genesis and Exodus). The late-date theory holds that the genealogies represent more reliable information in Semitic societies generally, whereas the early-date theory computes years given in the biblical account literally throughout its scheme.<\/p>\n<p>Because of problems attached to both positions, a large group of scholars take a middle ground in dating the patriarchal age. Archaeologically, they say, Abraham and his life and times fit perfectly within the early second millennium, but imperfectly within any later period. By placing Abraham roughly between 1800 and 1600 <span>BC<\/span>, they provide enough latitude for a merging of all the available evidence, biblical and nonbiblical, into a workable chronological scheme. Archaeology provides four major bits of evidence for an early second-millennium patriarchal era.<\/p>\n<p>1. Though the Nuzi tablets furnish a clear parallel to patriarchal social life, other tablets from other towns and an earlier era reflect many of the same customs common to Nuzi and Genesis. Since the Nuzians were Hurrians who came to northeastern Mesopotamia from elsewhere (perhaps Armenia), their social customs originated no doubt much earlier than the time of their tablets now in our possession. Accordingly, the 15th-century <span>BC<\/span> date of the Nuzi tablets does not preclude an earlier date for Abraham.<\/p>\n<li>2. The names of several of Abraham’s ancestors listed in Genesis 11 can now be identified with towns in the northern area of Mesopotamia around Haran, the city from which Abraham migrated to Canaan (Gn 11:31–12:3). Significantly, Haran flourished in the 19th and 18th centuries <span>BC<\/span>.<\/li>\n<li>3. Shortly after 2000 <span>BC<\/span> Semitic nomads from the desert invaded the civilized communities of the Fertile Crescent. Those invaders, called Amorites in the OT, established themselves in several cities in northern Syria and Mesopotamia. One of the Amorite cities was Babylon, ruled by Hammurabi sometime around the beginning of the 18th century <span>BC<\/span>. Although the King Amraphel of Genesis 14:1 is not linguistically identifiable with the Babylonian king Hammurabi, as earlier scholars believed, the picture of the times following the Amorite invasion still accords well with the Genesis narratives generally.<\/li>\n<li>4. Mari, another Amorite town, is now well known because of more than 20,000 tablets recovered from its royal palace and archives. Geographically, Mari is located in the general area of Haran. Chronologically, the tablets recovered come from the 18th century <span>BC<\/span>. One 18th-century king of Mari, Zimri Lim, carried on extensive correspondence with Hammurabi of Babylon. The tablets from Mari also furnish valuable information about tribal and ethnic groups and their movements in the general region. Of basic importance for dating the Genesis materials are certain documents from Mari that include personal names very similar to Abraham (Abi-ram), Jacob, Laban, and several other West Semitic names.<\/li>\n<p>Archaeological evidence neither proves nor disproves the actual existence of Abraham, Isaac, or Jacob. That is admitted on all sides. What archaeology has done is to provide a framework of probabilities within which the biblical patriarchal narratives appear more and more to be at home.<\/p>\n<h5>Date of the Exodus<\/h5>\n<p>The problem of dating the patriarchal age is closely related to the problem of assigning a date to the exodus of the Israelites from Egypt. Since the evidence does not permit a precise date for Abraham, a precise date for the entry of Joseph or Jacob into Egypt is likewise unobtainable. Further, the biblical evidence does not yield an exact figure for the length of the Israelite sojourn in Egypt.<\/p>\n<p>For many years biblical scholars viewed 1 Kings 6:1 as a foundation upon which to build an unshakable date for the exodus. Because Solomon’s fourth year could be unquestionably fixed to within at least a 10-year span (967–958 <span>BC<\/span>), the exodus too could be dated with the same precision simply by adding 480 years. But other biblical data raise serious questions about that simple procedure. When the Bible deals with all the events between the time of the exodus and the founding of Solomon’s temple, that is, from Numbers to 1 Kings 5:18, the precise numbers given total not 480 but closer to 600 years.<\/p>\n<p>Because the evidence is insufficient to allow a precise date for the exodus, scholarly opinion remains divided between two possibilities. A 15th-century exodus is supported by several pieces of evidence. The chronology in 1 Kings 6:1 appears to be independently corroborated by a passage in Judges 11:26. It claims that Israel had occupied the area around Heshbon for 300 years preceding Jephthah’s own day. If Jephthah is dated at roughly 1100 <span>BC<\/span>, one is obviously led back to an exodus in the middle of the 15th century. Also, three successive generations of pharaohs who ruled in the 16th and 15th centuries produced no male offspring, making it more likely that Moses would have become the foster son of a royal princess during that time; all of the 19th-dynasty kings (1306–1200 <span>BC<\/span>) had legitimate male heirs.<\/p>\n<p>In addition, a 15th-century date makes possible a connection between the Habiru invasion of Canaan (1400–1350 <span>BC<\/span>)—described in the Amarna letters found at Tell el-Amarna, Egypt—and the invasion of Canaan by the Hebrews described in the OT book of Joshua. Related to that is a reference to “Israel” in the Merneptah Stele, a stone pillar inscribed with the deeds of the Egyptian king, Merneptah, of about 1220 <span>BC<\/span>. It implies that the people referred to, met by Merneptah in the course of a Canaanite military campaign, had been in existence for some time. Finally, an excavator of Jericho, John Garstang, placed the destruction of that city at around 1400 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>Other evidence, however, strongly implies not a 15th- but a 13th-century date for the exodus. Many scholars assign a date between 1290 and 1275 <span>BC<\/span> on the basis of that evidence. First, the 480 years of 1 Kings 6:1 discussed above may be interpreted as schematically representing 12 generations, as indicated by 1 Chronicles 6:3-8. Thus if 12 generations averaged 25 years instead of 40 years, the reduction of 480 schematized years to 300 actual years would point to an exodus date of around 1266 <span>BC<\/span>. Second, archaeological evidence exists that dates destruction at the assumed sites of several cities conquered by Joshua (Lachish, Debir, Bethel, and Hazor) to the late 13th century. Third, there is no biblical mention of Egyptian military campaigns (such as Merneptah’s 1220 <span>BC<\/span> incursion); Israelites living in Canaan before the time of the militarily active pharaohs Seti I (1319–1301 <span>BC<\/span>) and Ramses II (1301–1234 <span>BC<\/span>) would certainly have been affected by such activity. Fourth, Exodus 1:11 mentions the city of Rameses, the capital built by Ramses II, according to his own inscriptions. A fifth line of argument comes from archaeological conclusions that Transjordan and the Negev Desert were not occupied by sedentary people between 1900 and 1300 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas the Bible states clearly that the Israelites encountered stiff opposition from groups in that same region. Thus, it is argued, the Israelites must have entered that region after 1300 <span>BC<\/span>. Sixth, connecting the Habiru with the Israelites of the Conquest lacks weight because many texts besides the Amarna tablets attest to the existence of Habiru groups virtually all over the ancient Near East. “Habiru” seems to be a much broader term, possibly meaning “trespasser,” and is probably unrelated etymologically or semantically to “Hebrew.” Seventh, and finally, Garstang’s work at Jericho has now been revised by archaeologist Kathleen Kenyon, who showed that the fallen walls that Garstang had dated about 1400 <span>BC<\/span> in reality were destroyed in 1800 <span>BC<\/span> or earlier.<\/p>\n<p>So far, it has been impossible to decide with precision between the two centuries proposed for the exodus. The majority opinion among OT scholars generally, including a growing number of moderate or conservative scholars, is in favor of the 13th-century option. On the other hand, many other conservative scholars continue to favor the 15th-century date. Dogmatism is unwarranted since problems remain unresolved with either option.<\/p>\n<p>In accordance with the majority opinion, however, a date of about 1290 <span>BC<\/span> for the exodus will be used in dealing with subsequent problems.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"ConquestandConsolidation\">Conquest and Consolidation<\/p>\n<p>The chronological task for the period of conquest and consolidation is to fit all the events narrated by the OT, chiefly in Joshua and Judges, between the exodus (c. 1290 <span>BC<\/span>) and the times of David (c. 1000 <span>BC<\/span>) and Solomon (d. 930 <span>BC<\/span>). In other words, one must fit roughly 550 years of biblical events between Moses and David into a 290-year span.<\/p>\n<p>Although assigning an early date for the exodus (c. 1447 <span>BC<\/span>) would make the task somewhat easier, the mere addition of about 157 years does not by itself solve all the problems. Neither date allows enough time for all the OT events from Joshua to David to take place singly and consecutively. Accordingly, advocates of both dates assume that some of the judges ruled simultaneously rather than consecutively. The difference is one of degree only.<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua furnishes most of the OT evidence regarding the conquest of Canaan by the Israelites. Unfortunately, the book of Joshua has no chronological notes that specify the amount of time elapsing during Joshua’s career. Further, there are no biblical references to major contemporary events in other parts of the ancient world, the dates of which could be used to fix the chronology. Rather, in what is obviously a telescoped account, the book of Joshua records the fall of Jericho and Ai, followed closely by a southern and then a northern campaign. After those victories, covering much of the total territory of Canaan, various parcels of land were distributed to the tribal groups of Israel; the tribes were expected to complete the task of destroying whatever Canaanite inhabitants remained in their particular region. One seeks in vain, however, for any statements indicating how long those events took.<\/p>\n<p>In the book of Judges a slightly different circumstance prevails. There the OT furnishes a rather complete list of figures to indicate the duration of periods of foreign oppression, judgeships, and ensuing peace. The total number of years described for that period is 410, but that total does not include any time for the many “minor” judges. It seems obvious, therefore, that most if not all of the judges were simply local chieftains whose activity was simultaneous with that of other judges, at least for part of their reign. Unfortunately, the book of Judges provides no cross-reference system to indicate which judges were contemporaries of which others. Perhaps the best one can do is to assume general guidelines for the chronology of that period between Moses and David.<\/p>\n<p>Two significant facts should be kept in mind. First, archaeological information seems to demand a Conquest date beginning about 1250 <span>BC<\/span> rather than 200 years earlier. Assuming concurrent careers for the judges allows one to compress the literal OT figures into the general scheme demanded by other evidence.<\/p>\n<p>Second, the ancient scribes evidently related the chronology of the period to a 40-year or generation-based schema, a practice that lasted until the time of the divided kingdom, when a regular dynastic chronology was introduced. In the face of so many careers being assigned exactly 40 years, the fact remains that the literal totals of such numbers cannot be harmonized with either the biblical or the archaeological evidence for the period. Accordingly, most scholars doubt that the number 40 was ever intended to be an exact mathematical calculation. That view permits enough leeway for cautious fitting of biblical and other evidence into a general timetable.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheMonarchy\">The Monarchy<\/p>\n<h5>Types of Evidence<\/h5>\n<p>For the period of the Israelite monarchy, chronological evidence is abundant.<\/p>\n<p>The OT itself strives to provide all the information necessary for the chronology of the period, including (1) a complete list of all the kings in Israel and in Judah both before and after the division of the kingdom; (2) the age of each king (except Saul) at his accession; (3) synchronisms of the northern kingdom of Israel and the southern kingdom of Judah showing in what year of his contemporary in the other kingdom each king came to the throne; and (4) precise calculations of the length of each king’s reign. In addition some important events are dated by reference to another event; others are coordinated with concurrent events in secular history.<\/p>\n<p>Outside the OT an abundance of material provides evidence for a chronology of the period. By far the most important single source is a collection of Assyrian <em>limmu<\/em> lists. In Assyria a record of each king’s reign was kept on a particular kind of annal. Each year of reign was named after an individual of high rank in the court; the first year was named after the king himself, the second after the next highest-ranking official (though that name appears to have been selected by lot originally), and so on, down until the death of the king. The word <em>limmu<\/em> was used to introduce the name of the official after whom the current year was to be named, hence the designation <em>“limmu<\/em> lists.”<\/p>\n<p>Assyrian <em>limmu<\/em> lists are tied precisely to the solar year, making the documents highly reliable. Further, in addition to many events in Assyrian history, notable natural phenomena were dated on the basis of the <em>limmu<\/em> in which they occurred. For example, a solar eclipse dated by the Assyrian scribes in the <em>limmu<\/em> year of Bur-Sagale has been computed astronomically as June 15, 763 <span>BC<\/span>. Beginning with the year 763, then, and working both backward and forward, a complete list of Assyrian <em>limmu<\/em> officials has been obtained for the period between 891 and 648 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>With the accuracy of the Assyrian <em>limmu<\/em> lists corroborated by a number of sources, they can be used with confidence in reconstructing the chronology of the corresponding period of biblical history. That is especially true where a biblical writer related an Israelite or a Judahite event to a particular year in the reign of an Assyrian king whose <em>limmu<\/em> list indicates the precise years of his reign.<\/p>\n<p>There are also records from Chaldean (Babylonian) king lists and from later Greek historians. Ptolemy, in the second century <span>AD<\/span>, for example, gave dates for Babylonian kings from 747 <span>BC<\/span> and continued with dates for Persian, Greek, and Roman rulers down to <span>AD<\/span> 161. Finally, useful information is found in inscriptions from monuments, stelae, and other artifacts from Assyria and elsewhere.<\/p>\n<h5>Monarchical Chronology<\/h5>\n<p>The <em>limmu<\/em> list of the Assyrian king Shalmaneser III provides a basis for the first comparison of dates among Assyria, Israel, and Judah. In the <em>limmu<\/em> of Daian-Assur, Shalmaneser’s sixth year on the throne, Ahab of Israel was listed as one of the kings who fought against the Assyrians in the battle of Qarqar. Thus the date for that battle may be placed confidently in 853 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>Assyrian records also indicate that Shalmaneser III came into contact with an Israelite king 12 years later, in 841 <span>BC<\/span>. That king was Jehu. Thus two fixed points are available for correlating the biblical information. Following the death of Ahab, which is not dated exactly by reference to the Assyrian records, two of his sons came to power. The first, Ahaziah, reigned two years (1 Kgs 22:51); the second, Joram (also called Jehoram), reigned a total of 12 years (2 Kgs 3:1). Recognizing a nonaccession-year reckoning by the Israelites in that era, the apparent total of 14 years may be reduced to an actual total of 12. Thus it seems evident that Ahab not only fought Shalmaneser III in 853 <span>BC<\/span> but also died in that year. Ahab was then followed by his two sons for a total of 12 years before the accession of Jehu in time to account for his contact with Shalmaneser II in 841 <span>BC<\/span>. Further, because Jehu murdered both the king of Israel (Jehoram) and the king of Judah (Ahaziah) at the same time (2 Kgs 9:24-27), a fixed synchronism is provided between the two kingdoms for the year 841 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>The first nine kings of Israel ruled an apparent total of 98 years or an actual total (taking into account Israel’s nonaccession-year policy) of 90 years. Zimri, who ruled only seven days (1 Kgs 16:15-18), counts as one of the nine but does not insert an extra year in either the actual or apparent totals. The accession of Jeroboam I thus occurred in 930 <span>BC<\/span> (adding 90 years to 841 <span>BC<\/span>), and Rehoboam of Judah began to rule in that same year as well. Allowing Solomon the 40-year reign indicated in 1 Kings 11:42 points to the year 970 <span>BC<\/span> for his accession. The death of David would also be pinpointed in that period, although allowance must be made for the possibility of a short co-regency of David and Solomon before David’s death. The reign of Saul then falls approximately in the late 11th century <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>In Judah the period between the death of Solomon in 930 <span>BC<\/span> and the murder of Ahaziah by Jehu in 841 <span>BC<\/span> was occupied by the kingships of six men whose time on the throne totals 95 biblical years. Computation of that era in Judah is not as simple as for the Israelite kings for several reasons. Problems include a change from accession- to nonaccession-year reckoning sometime around 850 <span>BC<\/span>, at least two co-regencies (Jehoshaphat with Asa and then Jehoram with Jehoshaphat), and the calendar differences between the two kingdoms. It is clear that the 95 apparent years must be reduced, on the basis of the differences in computation and calendar, to 90 actual years in order to bring the Judahite figures into line with the established Assyrian and Israelite synchronisms.<\/p>\n<p>After the year 841, the next biblical event to be certified by nonbiblical materials is the fall of Samaria in 722 <span>BC<\/span>. That date is furnished by the annals of Sargon II of Assyria (722–705 <span>BC<\/span>), successor to Shalmaneser V (727–722 <span>BC<\/span>). Although that date comes just 120 years after the fixed point of 841 <span>BC<\/span> in Israelite history, the chronological materials for that period are quite difficult to interpret accurately. In the past, scholars resorted to assumptions of extensive co-regencies, to presumed confusion on the part of certain scribes over methods to be followed in computations, or to other theories in attempting to understand the period. In spite of the many difficulties, however, all the biblical and Assyrian dates for the period of the divided monarchy have been harmonized—with the exception of four figures related to the closing years of the Israelite kingdom, all connected in some way with the problematic reign of Hoshea.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"JudahaftertheFallofIsrael\">Judah after the Fall of Israel<\/p>\n<p>Following the fall of Samaria in 722 <span>BC<\/span>, OT chronology is concerned only with the southern kingdom of Judah until its destruction some 135 years later. Two events in the biblical record important for establishing a chronology for that period are the siege of Jerusalem by Sennacherib of Assyria in the late eighth century and the eventual fall of Jerusalem to the Babylonians in the early sixth century.<\/p>\n<h5>Sennacherib’s Invasion of Judah<\/h5>\n<p>The Assyrian invasion (704–681 <span>BC<\/span>) is recorded in 2 Kings 18:13-16, where verse 13 dates the event to the 14th year of King Hezekiah. Sennacherib’s own inscriptions include a lengthier version of the affair. From them the date of 701 <span>BC<\/span> is established, placing the accession of Hezekiah in 715 <span>BC<\/span>. That much is simple, but problems still arise. For example, 2 Kings 19:9 reports that Sennacherib was in contact with an Ethiopian king, Tirhakah (c. 690–664 <span>BC<\/span>), during the course of his campaign, which included a siege of Jerusalem. Obviously, contact with a ruler who came to power in 690 <span>BC<\/span> at the earliest could not refer to events in 701 <span>BC<\/span>. It is possible, however, that Sennacherib actually made two invasions of Judah, the first in 701 and the second sometime later. The date of that supposed second invasion is not assured, although 2 Kings 19:35-37 may imply that Sennacherib was murdered only shortly after his withdrawal from Jerusalem. Since Sennacherib was succeeded by his son Esarhaddon in the year 681, the presumed second invasion of Judah would have occurred somewhere in the last half of the same decade.<\/p>\n<p>A number of scholars oppose the assumption of a second invasion of Jerusalem by Sennacherib. They suggest the possibility that Tirhakah, though king only from 690 <span>BC<\/span>, may have led troops against Sennacherib as early as 701, before acceding to the throne. The reference to King Tirhakah in 2 Kings 19:9 would then be understood as use of his eventual title in an effort to identify him to a later generation of readers.<\/p>\n<p>However the question of the number of invasions is decided, it is certain that Sennacherib invaded Judah in 701 <span>BC<\/span>, the 14th regnal year of Hezekiah. Such a synchronism establishes Hezekiah’s accession year as 715 <span>BC<\/span>, but that date raises another problem. The fall of Samaria, now established at 722, is dated by 2 Kings 18:10 in the sixth year of Hezekiah’s reign. The most likely solution is that Hezekiah began a co-regency with his father, Ahaz, six years before Samaria fell. The possibility for confusion arises from the fact that one verse (2 Kgs 18:13; repeated in Is 36:1) synchronizes Sennacherib’s 701 <span>BC<\/span> invasion with the 14th year of Hezekiah’s independent reign; another verse (2 Kgs 18:10) correlates the fall of Samaria with the beginning of Hezekiah’s co-regency. Thus from about 728 to 715 <span>BC<\/span> Hezekiah was co-regent with Ahaz. From 715 to 697 he reigned alone. From 696 to 686 his son Manasseh was co-ruler with him.<\/p>\n<p>According to the chronological information given by a number of verses in 2 Kings, a total of 128 years and six months elapsed between the time of Hezekiah’s accession in 715 and the capture of King Jehoiachin in 597, a date to be discussed below. Thus another problem is to explain the more than 10-year excess apparently demanded by the biblical totals. The best solution appears to lie in the assumption that Manasseh first came to power in 697 as co-regent with his father, Hezekiah. Manasseh died in 642, following what 2 Kings 21:1 states was a 55-year reign. Hezekiah, who came to the throne in 715, is said to have reigned 29 years (2 Kgs 18:2), which would mean that he was king until 686, roughly 11 years after the time when Manasseh must have come to the throne in order to have completed a 55-year reign by 642.<\/p>\n<h5>Fall of Jerusalem<\/h5>\n<p>Contemporary Babylonian records are available to shed valuable light on the last few years of Judah’s existence. For the years 626–623, 618–595, and 556 <span>BC<\/span> the Babylonian Chronicle, a formal record of Babylonian affairs of state, has been recovered. From information contained in that chronicle and other cuneiform documents of the period, three dates in Judah’s history may be fixed firmly. The first is the death of Josiah in 609; the second is the battle of Carchemish in 605; the third is the end of the reign of Jehoiachin, which is dated by the Babylonian Chronicle to the second month of Adar in the ninth year of Nebuchadnezzar, or March 16, 597.<\/p>\n<p>After Jehoiachin’s capture, Zedekiah became puppet king of Judah for 11 years (2 Kgs 24:18). On the tenth day of the tenth month during Zedekiah’s ninth regnal year (2 Kgs 25:1), the final siege of Jerusalem was begun by the Babylonian army. That day was January 15, 588. On the ninth day of the fourth month during the 11th regnal year of Zedekiah, after a siege of almost 18 months, the wall of Jerusalem was broken through (2 Kgs 25:3-4). The temple was burned on day seven of the following (fifth) month.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Beyond587bc\">Beyond 586 <span>BC<\/span><\/p>\n<p>Following the tragedy of 586 <span>BC<\/span>, several further developments are given chronological notice in the OT. Jeremiah 52:30 records a third deportation of Jews to Babylonia in the 23d year of King Nebuchadnezzar (582 or 581 <span>BC<\/span>). Both 2 Kings 25:27 and Jeremiah 52:31 give evidence of the release of King Jehoiachin from prison; the Babylonian Chronicle dates that event at 27 Adar, or March 21, 561 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>In 539 <span>BC<\/span> the Babylonians themselves were destined to learn the meaning of defeat. In that year a Persian ruler, Cyrus the Great, launched a successful campaign against Babylon and its king, Nabonidus. Inheriting control over the exiled Jews and many other groups of people conquered earlier by Babylonia, Cyrus moved quickly to initiate a policy of tolerance toward his new subjects. In the first year of his rule Cyrus issued an edict making it possible for Jews to return to their former land (Ezr 1:1). On the first day of the following year, 1 Tishri (Ezr 3:6), an altar was set up in Jerusalem. In Iyyar of the following year (April\/May 536) work was begun on the temple itself (Ezr 3:8).<\/p>\n<p>After a period of frustrating work stoppages of varying lengths, the preaching of Haggai and Zechariah spurred on the Jews to complete the temple. Work resumed in 520 (Ezr 4:24; Hg 1:1, 15) and was finally completed on 3 Adar, or March 12, 515 (Ezr 6:15). The final stages of OT chronology pertain to the careers of Ezra and Nehemiah. The traditional view of their era places Ezra in the seventh year of Artaxerxes I (458 <span>BC<\/span>) and Nehemiah in the 20th (445 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> “Date” under each OT book; Conquest and Allotment of the Land; Diaspora of the Jews; Exodus, The; Israel, History of; Patriarchs, Period of the; Postexilic Period; Wilderness Wanderings.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>CHRONOLOGY OF THE BIBLE* (Old Testament)<\/h3>\n<p>Branch of biblical studies that attempts to assign dates and sequences to OT events. Chronology is a science. It deals with evidence, theories, assumptions, and the balance of probabilities. Often it boils down to a matter of choosing among theories that are equally unable to solve all the problems raised by other points of view. OT chronology is an accredited branch of biblical studies primarily because it is essential for understanding the proper historical background of the biblical texts. In general, the chronology of the OT is understood well enough to vindicate the basic accuracy and sequential order of Scripture.<\/p>\n<p>Both biblical and nonbiblical materials are utilized by students of OT chronology. Biblical data include (1) genealogies showing personal and tribal affiliations among various peoples; (2) specific numbers given by biblical authors to indicate a person’s longevity, a king’s reign, or the duration of a specific event; (3) synchronizing statements that date an event in a specific year of a king’s reign or relate it to a natural phenomenon assumed to be common knowledge at the time of writing (e.g., Am 1:1; Zec 14:5).<\/p>\n<p>From the abundance of such chronological passages in the OT, one might conclude that establishment of OT dates and sequences would be a simple procedure. Each of the three kinds of biblical materials, however, exhibits special problems that must be solved first.<\/p>\n<p>Nonbiblical materials that shed light on OT chronology are quite numerous, and more are discovered year by year. They include (1) official records of important affairs such as military campaigns from countries like Egypt or Babylonia; (2) official inscriptions that are dedicatory or commemorate a great victory; (3) annals listing major accomplishments of a ruler year by year; (4) ostraca (inscribed pieces of pottery) containing letters, tax transactions and economic records, military dispatches between field leaders and command headquarters, or other information. Ostraca may be dated archaeologically and are often used to supplement the biblical record.<\/p>\n<p>The chronologist tries to examine the pertinent biblical and nonbiblical information, notes areas of correlation among all the data, and finally establishes a working system into which the most facts can be fitted. New evidence uncovered at any time may necessitate shifts in the present working system. Although the basic structure of biblical chronology seems reasonably firm, many details will no doubt be subject to change as new evidence is discovered.<\/p>\n<p>As a general rule, the earlier the period, the less certain one can be of one’s dating. In the second millennium <span>BC<\/span>, for example, many dates can be assigned within a range of about 100 years. By the time of David and Solomon (c. 1000 <span>BC<\/span>), the margin of error over which scholars debate is a decade or less. The range narrows as one comes toward the present, so that, with the exception of one or two problem eras, dates accurate to within one or two years are possible by roughly the middle of the ninth century <span>BC<\/span>. Such limitations must be kept in mind in any examination of the major periods of OT history.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Prepatriarchal Period<\/p>\n<p>• From Abraham to Moses<\/p>\n<p>• Conquest and Consolidation<\/p>\n<p>• The Monarchy<\/p>\n<p>• Judah after the Fall of Israel<\/p>\n<p>• Beyond 587 <span>BC<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PrepatriarchalPeriod\">Prepatriarchal Period<\/p>\n<h5>Biblical Evidence<\/h5>\n<p>In the first 11 chapters of Genesis are found accounts of the Creation (chs 1–2), the fall (ch 3), Cain and Abel (ch 4), the Flood (chs 6–9), and the Tower of Babel (ch 11). Those events are set within a certain chronological framework.<\/p>\n<p>According to Genesis 5, a period of 10 generations elapsed between the Creation and the Flood. Although the individuals listed enjoyed a total life span of a hefty 847 years plus, the total time elapsing between Adam and the Flood was only 1,656 years.<\/p>\n<p>According to Genesis 11, another 10 generations elapsed from the time of the Flood until the time of Abraham (at least in the Septuagint, the third-century <span>BC<\/span> Greek translation of the OT; the Hebrew Masoretic text has 9). In that period the average age attained by individuals in the list is 346 years (using a figure of 460 for Arphaxad’s son Cainan, who is included in v 13 of the LXX; cf. Lk 3:36); the total elapsed time from the Flood to Abraham is only 520 years. Taken literally, that would mean that all of Abraham’s ancestors as far back as Noah’s son Shem were still alive at Abraham’s birth, and that a total of only 2,176 years elapsed from the time of Creation to Abraham.<\/p>\n<h5>Interpretation of the Biblical Data<\/h5>\n<p>A literalistic or slavishly mathematical interpretation of the figures, as has appeared in the margin of many <span>kjv<\/span> Bibles, requires a number of assumptions: that no names are omitted from the genealogies, that all the numbers given are consecutive, and especially that numbers used in an ancient biblical source carry the same meaning as that associated with them in the modern Western mind. Each assumption needs serious examination in the light of other established facts.<\/p>\n<p>A cursory reading of other biblical genealogies, for example, reveals that not all the names of a given family were always included. Even Matthew recorded a total of 28 generations (two sets of 14 each) between David and Jesus, and comparison with OT genealogies reveals that Matthew omitted several names. Luke listed a total of 42 generations for the same interval. Omissions are also obvious when one compares the genealogical lists given in 1 Chronicles 1–8 with those recorded earlier in Genesis, Exodus, Numbers, Joshua, 1 and 2 Samuel, and 1 and 2 Kings.<\/p>\n<p>Further, ancient peoples thought of numbers in a schematic or stylized way. Use of numbers among the ancient Near Eastern nations differed sharply from current Western practice. Examples of that practice are known from both biblical and nonbiblical sources. For example, a list of eight Sumerian kings who ruled in the city of Shurruppak before the “great flood” of the Jemdet Nar era (c. 3000 <span>BC<\/span>) assigns each man an average reign of more than 30,000 years. Berossus, a Babylonian priest of Marduk living in the third century <span>BC<\/span>, added two names to the eight found in that earlier list of kings and assigned an average of 43,200 years to each king. Such extraordinarily high numbers provide a perspective for considering the numbers of Genesis.<\/p>\n<p>Therefore, although one can assume that the numbers assigned to the ages of the patriarchs preceding Abraham in Genesis had real meaning for those responsible for their preservation, they should not be employed in a purely literal sense to compute the length of the various generations mentioned in the text. Further, the numbers given in the Septuagint and in the Samaritan Pentateuch, another early version of the Pentateuch, diverge in many details from those of the Hebrew Masoretic Text. That means, among other things, that the Genesis numbers caused problems for even the earliest scholars of Scripture.<\/p>\n<h5>Nonbiblical Evidence<\/h5>\n<p>Archaeology provides no evidence that may be used to date either the Creation or any other account preserved in Genesis 1–11. The Flood is an example that illustrates some of the difficulties. Many claims have been made by persons from a wide variety of backgrounds (scientists, explorers, theologians, and others) to the effect that archaeology has proven the Genesis Flood narrative to be true. Yet no city so far excavated in Palestine and Syria (including some of the oldest towns in the world) shows archaeological evidence of the Flood.<\/p>\n<p>Although several cities in Mesopotamia do exhibit evidence of a flood, three factors make it difficult to link that evidence with Genesis 6–9. Each of the flood levels so far discovered dates from a different period. Further, since nearby sites show no evidence of flooding, all of the Mesopotamian flood evidence points to relatively small local floods. Finally, the evidence indicates no great cultural discontinuities of the sort that would result from destruction of an entire population. Thus, it seems that the ancient Mesopotamian floods discovered through archaeological research are of the same kind as the floods that still occur in the Euphrates River valley.<\/p>\n<p>Clearly, certain questions one might ask of the Genesis narratives simply cannot be answered. Many who regard the Bible as the Word of God have concluded that the dating of events found in Genesis 1–11 must be less important than the theological truths of salvation, faith, and obedience that these accounts present.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"FromAbrahamtoMoses\">From Abraham to Moses<\/p>\n<h5>The Patriarchal Age<\/h5>\n<p>The date of Abraham is still a lively topic among biblical scholars who agree that Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob were indeed historical persons. Opinions range from an early-date view that estimates that the patriarchal age extended from 2086 to 1871 <span>BC<\/span>, to a late-date view placing Abraham at around 1400 <span>BC<\/span>. Since each position claims to fit the biblical data, a closer look at the two points of view is in order.<\/p>\n<p>Many OT passages seem to support the view that puts Abraham at a comparatively early date. First Kings 6:1 computes 480 years back from the founding of the temple in the fourth year of Solomon’s reign (961 <span>BC<\/span>, according to the early-date view) to the exodus from Egypt, which would then be dated 1441 <span>BC<\/span>. Counting 430 years as the period of the Israelite sojourn in Egypt (see Gn 15:13; Ex 12:40) takes the date back to 1871 <span>BC<\/span>. To that date are added the 215 years demanded by the total of (1) Abraham’s age upon entering Canaan (75 years according to Gn 12:4); (2) 25 additional years before the birth of Isaac (Gn 21:5); (3) 60 more years to the birth of Jacob (Gn 25:26); and (4) the appearance of Jacob before the pharaoh at age 130 (Gn 47:9). Those 215 years added to the previous total give a date of 2086 <span>BC<\/span> for the entrance of Abraham into Canaan and a date of 2161 <span>BC<\/span> for his birth.<\/p>\n<p>Such a calculation does not use all of the chronological evidence presented in the OT; consequently, the date for Abraham is open to challenge. For example, the 480 years between the exodus and Solomon’s fourth regnal year represent a period of time into which the wilderness wanderings, the career of Joshua and his immediate successors, the period of the judges, Samuel, Saul, and David must all be placed. Although the OT does not specifically say how long were the careers of Joshua, Samuel, or Saul, even a modest reckoning pushes the total years required by all the biblical data together to approximately 600.<\/p>\n<p>In addition, the length of time to be assigned to the Egyptian sojourn is problematic. The Samaritan Pentateuch and the Septuagint both view the number 430 (in Ex 12:40) as applicable not only to the years in Egypt but to the years of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob in Canaan as well. Evidently Paul followed the Septuagint tradition when he dated the giving of the law 430 years later than the time of God’s promise to Abraham (see Gal 3:15-18). That means the Septuagint figure cannot be dismissed lightly.<\/p>\n<p>The late dating of Abraham (c. 1400 <span>BC<\/span>) is based on two propositions: (1) The picture of patriarchal society portrayed in Genesis most closely parallels that reflected in the cuneiform tablets recovered from Nuzi, a town in northeastern Mesopotamia about 175 miles (282 kilometers) north of Baghdad. (2) Because those tablets must be dated in the 15th and 14th centuries <span>BC<\/span>, the parallel patriarchal age must have fallen within the same general time period.<\/p>\n<p>Those who hold the late-date view are aware that their date for Abraham cannot be equated with the set of numbers on which the early-date view depends. They point to other data, also from the OT. Joseph, who was already a highly placed Egyptian official when Jacob moved to Egypt, lived to be 110 years old (Gn 50:26). Moses was a great-grandson of Levi, Joseph’s older brother. Since Joseph lived to see his own greatgrandchildren born (who would probably be younger than Moses since their great-grandfather was younger than his), the late-date view concludes that Joseph could have been alive when Moses was born. The four-generation genealogy of Moses (Levi-Kohath-Amram-Moses, in Ex 6:16-20; Nm 3:17-19; 26:58-59; 1 Chr 6:1-3) was evidently thought to be complete according to Genesis 15:16, which predicted that Abraham’s descendants would be freed from Egyptian bondage “in the fourth generation.”<\/p>\n<p>However, a date of around 1400 <span>BC<\/span> for Abraham cannot be aligned with certain other biblical data, including the long Egyptian sojourn demanded by Genesis 15:13 and Exodus 12:40 and a 40-year (or “one-generation”) wilderness existence. Some normally moderate scholars are forced to reduce the wilderness time to two years in order to maintain their late date for Abraham.<\/p>\n<p>In short, the late-date theory is consistent with part of the biblical evidence (the genealogies of Moses), but the early-date theory conforms to another part (the actual year figures listed in scattered verses from Genesis and Exodus). The late-date theory holds that the genealogies represent more reliable information in Semitic societies generally, whereas the early-date theory computes years given in the biblical account literally throughout its scheme.<\/p>\n<p>Because of problems attached to both positions, a large group of scholars take a middle ground in dating the patriarchal age. Archaeologically, they say, Abraham and his life and times fit perfectly within the early second millennium, but imperfectly within any later period. By placing Abraham roughly between 1800 and 1600 <span>BC<\/span>, they provide enough latitude for a merging of all the available evidence, biblical and nonbiblical, into a workable chronological scheme. Archaeology provides four major bits of evidence for an early second-millennium patriarchal era.<\/p>\n<p>1. Though the Nuzi tablets furnish a clear parallel to patriarchal social life, other tablets from other towns and an earlier era reflect many of the same customs common to Nuzi and Genesis. Since the Nuzians were Hurrians who came to northeastern Mesopotamia from elsewhere (perhaps Armenia), their social customs originated no doubt much earlier than the time of their tablets now in our possession. Accordingly, the 15th-century <span>BC<\/span> date of the Nuzi tablets does not preclude an earlier date for Abraham.<\/p>\n<li>2. The names of several of Abraham’s ancestors listed in Genesis 11 can now be identified with towns in the northern area of Mesopotamia around Haran, the city from which Abraham migrated to Canaan (Gn 11:31–12:3). Significantly, Haran flourished in the 19th and 18th centuries <span>BC<\/span>.<\/li>\n<li>3. Shortly after 2000 <span>BC<\/span> Semitic nomads from the desert invaded the civilized communities of the Fertile Crescent. Those invaders, called Amorites in the OT, established themselves in several cities in northern Syria and Mesopotamia. One of the Amorite cities was Babylon, ruled by Hammurabi sometime around the beginning of the 18th century <span>BC<\/span>. Although the King Amraphel of Genesis 14:1 is not linguistically identifiable with the Babylonian king Hammurabi, as earlier scholars believed, the picture of the times following the Amorite invasion still accords well with the Genesis narratives generally.<\/li>\n<li>4. Mari, another Amorite town, is now well known because of more than 20,000 tablets recovered from its royal palace and archives. Geographically, Mari is located in the general area of Haran. Chronologically, the tablets recovered come from the 18th century <span>BC<\/span>. One 18th-century king of Mari, Zimri Lim, carried on extensive correspondence with Hammurabi of Babylon. The tablets from Mari also furnish valuable information about tribal and ethnic groups and their movements in the general region. Of basic importance for dating the Genesis materials are certain documents from Mari that include personal names very similar to Abraham (Abi-ram), Jacob, Laban, and several other West Semitic names.<\/li>\n<p>Archaeological evidence neither proves nor disproves the actual existence of Abraham, Isaac, or Jacob. That is admitted on all sides. What archaeology has done is to provide a framework of probabilities within which the biblical patriarchal narratives appear more and more to be at home.<\/p>\n<h5>Date of the Exodus<\/h5>\n<p>The problem of dating the patriarchal age is closely related to the problem of assigning a date to the exodus of the Israelites from Egypt. Since the evidence does not permit a precise date for Abraham, a precise date for the entry of Joseph or Jacob into Egypt is likewise unobtainable. Further, the biblical evidence does not yield an exact figure for the length of the Israelite sojourn in Egypt.<\/p>\n<p>For many years biblical scholars viewed 1 Kings 6:1 as a foundation upon which to build an unshakable date for the exodus. Because Solomon’s fourth year could be unquestionably fixed to within at least a 10-year span (967–958 <span>BC<\/span>), the exodus too could be dated with the same precision simply by adding 480 years. But other biblical data raise serious questions about that simple procedure. When the Bible deals with all the events between the time of the exodus and the founding of Solomon’s temple, that is, from Numbers to 1 Kings 5:18, the precise numbers given total not 480 but closer to 600 years.<\/p>\n<p>Because the evidence is insufficient to allow a precise date for the exodus, scholarly opinion remains divided between two possibilities. A 15th-century exodus is supported by several pieces of evidence. The chronology in 1 Kings 6:1 appears to be independently corroborated by a passage in Judges 11:26. It claims that Israel had occupied the area around Heshbon for 300 years preceding Jephthah’s own day. If Jephthah is dated at roughly 1100 <span>BC<\/span>, one is obviously led back to an exodus in the middle of the 15th century. Also, three successive generations of pharaohs who ruled in the 16th and 15th centuries produced no male offspring, making it more likely that Moses would have become the foster son of a royal princess during that time; all of the 19th-dynasty kings (1306–1200 <span>BC<\/span>) had legitimate male heirs.<\/p>\n<p>In addition, a 15th-century date makes possible a connection between the Habiru invasion of Canaan (1400–1350 <span>BC<\/span>)—described in the Amarna letters found at Tell el-Amarna, Egypt—and the invasion of Canaan by the Hebrews described in the OT book of Joshua. Related to that is a reference to “Israel” in the Merneptah Stele, a stone pillar inscribed with the deeds of the Egyptian king, Merneptah, of about 1220 <span>BC<\/span>. It implies that the people referred to, met by Merneptah in the course of a Canaanite military campaign, had been in existence for some time. Finally, an excavator of Jericho, John Garstang, placed the destruction of that city at around 1400 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>Other evidence, however, strongly implies not a 15th- but a 13th-century date for the exodus. Many scholars assign a date between 1290 and 1275 <span>BC<\/span> on the basis of that evidence. First, the 480 years of 1 Kings 6:1 discussed above may be interpreted as schematically representing 12 generations, as indicated by 1 Chronicles 6:3-8. Thus if 12 generations averaged 25 years instead of 40 years, the reduction of 480 schematized years to 300 actual years would point to an exodus date of around 1266 <span>BC<\/span>. Second, archaeological evidence exists that dates destruction at the assumed sites of several cities conquered by Joshua (Lachish, Debir, Bethel, and Hazor) to the late 13th century. Third, there is no biblical mention of Egyptian military campaigns (such as Merneptah’s 1220 <span>BC<\/span> incursion); Israelites living in Canaan before the time of the militarily active pharaohs Seti I (1319–1301 <span>BC<\/span>) and Ramses II (1301–1234 <span>BC<\/span>) would certainly have been affected by such activity. Fourth, Exodus 1:11 mentions the city of Rameses, the capital built by Ramses II, according to his own inscriptions. A fifth line of argument comes from archaeological conclusions that Transjordan and the Negev Desert were not occupied by sedentary people between 1900 and 1300 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas the Bible states clearly that the Israelites encountered stiff opposition from groups in that same region. Thus, it is argued, the Israelites must have entered that region after 1300 <span>BC<\/span>. Sixth, connecting the Habiru with the Israelites of the Conquest lacks weight because many texts besides the Amarna tablets attest to the existence of Habiru groups virtually all over the ancient Near East. “Habiru” seems to be a much broader term, possibly meaning “trespasser,” and is probably unrelated etymologically or semantically to “Hebrew.” Seventh, and finally, Garstang’s work at Jericho has now been revised by archaeologist Kathleen Kenyon, who showed that the fallen walls that Garstang had dated about 1400 <span>BC<\/span> in reality were destroyed in 1800 <span>BC<\/span> or earlier.<\/p>\n<p>So far, it has been impossible to decide with precision between the two centuries proposed for the exodus. The majority opinion among OT scholars generally, including a growing number of moderate or conservative scholars, is in favor of the 13th-century option. On the other hand, many other conservative scholars continue to favor the 15th-century date. Dogmatism is unwarranted since problems remain unresolved with either option.<\/p>\n<p>In accordance with the majority opinion, however, a date of about 1290 <span>BC<\/span> for the exodus will be used in dealing with subsequent problems.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"ConquestandConsolidation\">Conquest and Consolidation<\/p>\n<p>The chronological task for the period of conquest and consolidation is to fit all the events narrated by the OT, chiefly in Joshua and Judges, between the exodus (c. 1290 <span>BC<\/span>) and the times of David (c. 1000 <span>BC<\/span>) and Solomon (d. 930 <span>BC<\/span>). In other words, one must fit roughly 550 years of biblical events between Moses and David into a 290-year span.<\/p>\n<p>Although assigning an early date for the exodus (c. 1447 <span>BC<\/span>) would make the task somewhat easier, the mere addition of about 157 years does not by itself solve all the problems. Neither date allows enough time for all the OT events from Joshua to David to take place singly and consecutively. Accordingly, advocates of both dates assume that some of the judges ruled simultaneously rather than consecutively. The difference is one of degree only.<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua furnishes most of the OT evidence regarding the conquest of Canaan by the Israelites. Unfortunately, the book of Joshua has no chronological notes that specify the amount of time elapsing during Joshua’s career. Further, there are no biblical references to major contemporary events in other parts of the ancient world, the dates of which could be used to fix the chronology. Rather, in what is obviously a telescoped account, the book of Joshua records the fall of Jericho and Ai, followed closely by a southern and then a northern campaign. After those victories, covering much of the total territory of Canaan, various parcels of land were distributed to the tribal groups of Israel; the tribes were expected to complete the task of destroying whatever Canaanite inhabitants remained in their particular region. One seeks in vain, however, for any statements indicating how long those events took.<\/p>\n<p>In the book of Judges a slightly different circumstance prevails. There the OT furnishes a rather complete list of figures to indicate the duration of periods of foreign oppression, judgeships, and ensuing peace. The total number of years described for that period is 410, but that total does not include any time for the many “minor” judges. It seems obvious, therefore, that most if not all of the judges were simply local chieftains whose activity was simultaneous with that of other judges, at least for part of their reign. Unfortunately, the book of Judges provides no cross-reference system to indicate which judges were contemporaries of which others. Perhaps the best one can do is to assume general guidelines for the chronology of that period between Moses and David.<\/p>\n<p>Two significant facts should be kept in mind. First, archaeological information seems to demand a Conquest date beginning about 1250 <span>BC<\/span> rather than 200 years earlier. Assuming concurrent careers for the judges allows one to compress the literal OT figures into the general scheme demanded by other evidence.<\/p>\n<p>Second, the ancient scribes evidently related the chronology of the period to a 40-year or generation-based schema, a practice that lasted until the time of the divided kingdom, when a regular dynastic chronology was introduced. In the face of so many careers being assigned exactly 40 years, the fact remains that the literal totals of such numbers cannot be harmonized with either the biblical or the archaeological evidence for the period. Accordingly, most scholars doubt that the number 40 was ever intended to be an exact mathematical calculation. That view permits enough leeway for cautious fitting of biblical and other evidence into a general timetable.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheMonarchy\">The Monarchy<\/p>\n<h5>Types of Evidence<\/h5>\n<p>For the period of the Israelite monarchy, chronological evidence is abundant.<\/p>\n<p>The OT itself strives to provide all the information necessary for the chronology of the period, including (1) a complete list of all the kings in Israel and in Judah both before and after the division of the kingdom; (2) the age of each king (except Saul) at his accession; (3) synchronisms of the northern kingdom of Israel and the southern kingdom of Judah showing in what year of his contemporary in the other kingdom each king came to the throne; and (4) precise calculations of the length of each king’s reign. In addition some important events are dated by reference to another event; others are coordinated with concurrent events in secular history.<\/p>\n<p>Outside the OT an abundance of material provides evidence for a chronology of the period. By far the most important single source is a collection of Assyrian <em>limmu<\/em> lists. In Assyria a record of each king’s reign was kept on a particular kind of annal. Each year of reign was named after an individual of high rank in the court; the first year was named after the king himself, the second after the next highest-ranking official (though that name appears to have been selected by lot originally), and so on, down until the death of the king. The word <em>limmu<\/em> was used to introduce the name of the official after whom the current year was to be named, hence the designation <em>“limmu<\/em> lists.”<\/p>\n<p>Assyrian <em>limmu<\/em> lists are tied precisely to the solar year, making the documents highly reliable. Further, in addition to many events in Assyrian history, notable natural phenomena were dated on the basis of the <em>limmu<\/em> in which they occurred. For example, a solar eclipse dated by the Assyrian scribes in the <em>limmu<\/em> year of Bur-Sagale has been computed astronomically as June 15, 763 <span>BC<\/span>. Beginning with the year 763, then, and working both backward and forward, a complete list of Assyrian <em>limmu<\/em> officials has been obtained for the period between 891 and 648 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>With the accuracy of the Assyrian <em>limmu<\/em> lists corroborated by a number of sources, they can be used with confidence in reconstructing the chronology of the corresponding period of biblical history. That is especially true where a biblical writer related an Israelite or a Judahite event to a particular year in the reign of an Assyrian king whose <em>limmu<\/em> list indicates the precise years of his reign.<\/p>\n<p>There are also records from Chaldean (Babylonian) king lists and from later Greek historians. Ptolemy, in the second century <span>AD<\/span>, for example, gave dates for Babylonian kings from 747 <span>BC<\/span> and continued with dates for Persian, Greek, and Roman rulers down to <span>AD<\/span> 161. Finally, useful information is found in inscriptions from monuments, stelae, and other artifacts from Assyria and elsewhere.<\/p>\n<h5>Monarchical Chronology<\/h5>\n<p>The <em>limmu<\/em> list of the Assyrian king Shalmaneser III provides a basis for the first comparison of dates among Assyria, Israel, and Judah. In the <em>limmu<\/em> of Daian-Assur, Shalmaneser’s sixth year on the throne, Ahab of Israel was listed as one of the kings who fought against the Assyrians in the battle of Qarqar. Thus the date for that battle may be placed confidently in 853 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>Assyrian records also indicate that Shalmaneser III came into contact with an Israelite king 12 years later, in 841 <span>BC<\/span>. That king was Jehu. Thus two fixed points are available for correlating the biblical information. Following the death of Ahab, which is not dated exactly by reference to the Assyrian records, two of his sons came to power. The first, Ahaziah, reigned two years (1 Kgs 22:51); the second, Joram (also called Jehoram), reigned a total of 12 years (2 Kgs 3:1). Recognizing a nonaccession-year reckoning by the Israelites in that era, the apparent total of 14 years may be reduced to an actual total of 12. Thus it seems evident that Ahab not only fought Shalmaneser III in 853 <span>BC<\/span> but also died in that year. Ahab was then followed by his two sons for a total of 12 years before the accession of Jehu in time to account for his contact with Shalmaneser II in 841 <span>BC<\/span>. Further, because Jehu murdered both the king of Israel (Jehoram) and the king of Judah (Ahaziah) at the same time (2 Kgs 9:24-27), a fixed synchronism is provided between the two kingdoms for the year 841 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>The first nine kings of Israel ruled an apparent total of 98 years or an actual total (taking into account Israel’s nonaccession-year policy) of 90 years. Zimri, who ruled only seven days (1 Kgs 16:15-18), counts as one of the nine but does not insert an extra year in either the actual or apparent totals. The accession of Jeroboam I thus occurred in 930 <span>BC<\/span> (adding 90 years to 841 <span>BC<\/span>), and Rehoboam of Judah began to rule in that same year as well. Allowing Solomon the 40-year reign indicated in 1 Kings 11:42 points to the year 970 <span>BC<\/span> for his accession. The death of David would also be pinpointed in that period, although allowance must be made for the possibility of a short co-regency of David and Solomon before David’s death. The reign of Saul then falls approximately in the late 11th century <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>In Judah the period between the death of Solomon in 930 <span>BC<\/span> and the murder of Ahaziah by Jehu in 841 <span>BC<\/span> was occupied by the kingships of six men whose time on the throne totals 95 biblical years. Computation of that era in Judah is not as simple as for the Israelite kings for several reasons. Problems include a change from accession- to nonaccession-year reckoning sometime around 850 <span>BC<\/span>, at least two co-regencies (Jehoshaphat with Asa and then Jehoram with Jehoshaphat), and the calendar differences between the two kingdoms. It is clear that the 95 apparent years must be reduced, on the basis of the differences in computation and calendar, to 90 actual years in order to bring the Judahite figures into line with the established Assyrian and Israelite synchronisms.<\/p>\n<p>After the year 841, the next biblical event to be certified by nonbiblical materials is the fall of Samaria in 722 <span>BC<\/span>. That date is furnished by the annals of Sargon II of Assyria (722–705 <span>BC<\/span>), successor to Shalmaneser V (727–722 <span>BC<\/span>). Although that date comes just 120 years after the fixed point of 841 <span>BC<\/span> in Israelite history, the chronological materials for that period are quite difficult to interpret accurately. In the past, scholars resorted to assumptions of extensive co-regencies, to presumed confusion on the part of certain scribes over methods to be followed in computations, or to other theories in attempting to understand the period. In spite of the many difficulties, however, all the biblical and Assyrian dates for the period of the divided monarchy have been harmonized—with the exception of four figures related to the closing years of the Israelite kingdom, all connected in some way with the problematic reign of Hoshea.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"JudahaftertheFallofIsrael\">Judah after the Fall of Israel<\/p>\n<p>Following the fall of Samaria in 722 <span>BC<\/span>, OT chronology is concerned only with the southern kingdom of Judah until its destruction some 135 years later. Two events in the biblical record important for establishing a chronology for that period are the siege of Jerusalem by Sennacherib of Assyria in the late eighth century and the eventual fall of Jerusalem to the Babylonians in the early sixth century.<\/p>\n<h5>Sennacherib’s Invasion of Judah<\/h5>\n<p>The Assyrian invasion (704–681 <span>BC<\/span>) is recorded in 2 Kings 18:13-16, where verse 13 dates the event to the 14th year of King Hezekiah. Sennacherib’s own inscriptions include a lengthier version of the affair. From them the date of 701 <span>BC<\/span> is established, placing the accession of Hezekiah in 715 <span>BC<\/span>. That much is simple, but problems still arise. For example, 2 Kings 19:9 reports that Sennacherib was in contact with an Ethiopian king, Tirhakah (c. 690–664 <span>BC<\/span>), during the course of his campaign, which included a siege of Jerusalem. Obviously, contact with a ruler who came to power in 690 <span>BC<\/span> at the earliest could not refer to events in 701 <span>BC<\/span>. It is possible, however, that Sennacherib actually made two invasions of Judah, the first in 701 and the second sometime later. The date of that supposed second invasion is not assured, although 2 Kings 19:35-37 may imply that Sennacherib was murdered only shortly after his withdrawal from Jerusalem. Since Sennacherib was succeeded by his son Esarhaddon in the year 681, the presumed second invasion of Judah would have occurred somewhere in the last half of the same decade.<\/p>\n<p>A number of scholars oppose the assumption of a second invasion of Jerusalem by Sennacherib. They suggest the possibility that Tirhakah, though king only from 690 <span>BC<\/span>, may have led troops against Sennacherib as early as 701, before acceding to the throne. The reference to King Tirhakah in 2 Kings 19:9 would then be understood as use of his eventual title in an effort to identify him to a later generation of readers.<\/p>\n<p>However the question of the number of invasions is decided, it is certain that Sennacherib invaded Judah in 701 <span>BC<\/span>, the 14th regnal year of Hezekiah. Such a synchronism establishes Hezekiah’s accession year as 715 <span>BC<\/span>, but that date raises another problem. The fall of Samaria, now established at 722, is dated by 2 Kings 18:10 in the sixth year of Hezekiah’s reign. The most likely solution is that Hezekiah began a co-regency with his father, Ahaz, six years before Samaria fell. The possibility for confusion arises from the fact that one verse (2 Kgs 18:13; repeated in Is 36:1) synchronizes Sennacherib’s 701 <span>BC<\/span> invasion with the 14th year of Hezekiah’s independent reign; another verse (2 Kgs 18:10) correlates the fall of Samaria with the beginning of Hezekiah’s co-regency. Thus from about 728 to 715 <span>BC<\/span> Hezekiah was co-regent with Ahaz. From 715 to 697 he reigned alone. From 696 to 686 his son Manasseh was co-ruler with him.<\/p>\n<p>According to the chronological information given by a number of verses in 2 Kings, a total of 128 years and six months elapsed between the time of Hezekiah’s accession in 715 and the capture of King Jehoiachin in 597, a date to be discussed below. Thus another problem is to explain the more than 10-year excess apparently demanded by the biblical totals. The best solution appears to lie in the assumption that Manasseh first came to power in 697 as co-regent with his father, Hezekiah. Manasseh died in 642, following what 2 Kings 21:1 states was a 55-year reign. Hezekiah, who came to the throne in 715, is said to have reigned 29 years (2 Kgs 18:2), which would mean that he was king until 686, roughly 11 years after the time when Manasseh must have come to the throne in order to have completed a 55-year reign by 642.<\/p>\n<h5>Fall of Jerusalem<\/h5>\n<p>Contemporary Babylonian records are available to shed valuable light on the last few years of Judah’s existence. For the years 626–623, 618–595, and 556 <span>BC<\/span> the Babylonian Chronicle, a formal record of Babylonian affairs of state, has been recovered. From information contained in that chronicle and other cuneiform documents of the period, three dates in Judah’s history may be fixed firmly. The first is the death of Josiah in 609; the second is the battle of Carchemish in 605; the third is the end of the reign of Jehoiachin, which is dated by the Babylonian Chronicle to the second month of Adar in the ninth year of Nebuchadnezzar, or March 16, 597.<\/p>\n<p>After Jehoiachin’s capture, Zedekiah became puppet king of Judah for 11 years (2 Kgs 24:18). On the tenth day of the tenth month during Zedekiah’s ninth regnal year (2 Kgs 25:1), the final siege of Jerusalem was begun by the Babylonian army. That day was January 15, 588. On the ninth day of the fourth month during the 11th regnal year of Zedekiah, after a siege of almost 18 months, the wall of Jerusalem was broken through (2 Kgs 25:3-4). The temple was burned on day seven of the following (fifth) month.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Beyond587bc\">Beyond 586 <span>BC<\/span><\/p>\n<p>Following the tragedy of 586 <span>BC<\/span>, several further developments are given chronological notice in the OT. Jeremiah 52:30 records a third deportation of Jews to Babylonia in the 23d year of King Nebuchadnezzar (582 or 581 <span>BC<\/span>). Both 2 Kings 25:27 and Jeremiah 52:31 give evidence of the release of King Jehoiachin from prison; the Babylonian Chronicle dates that event at 27 Adar, or March 21, 561 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>In 539 <span>BC<\/span> the Babylonians themselves were destined to learn the meaning of defeat. In that year a Persian ruler, Cyrus the Great, launched a successful campaign against Babylon and its king, Nabonidus. Inheriting control over the exiled Jews and many other groups of people conquered earlier by Babylonia, Cyrus moved quickly to initiate a policy of tolerance toward his new subjects. In the first year of his rule Cyrus issued an edict making it possible for Jews to return to their former land (Ezr 1:1). On the first day of the following year, 1 Tishri (Ezr 3:6), an altar was set up in Jerusalem. In Iyyar of the following year (April\/May 536) work was begun on the temple itself (Ezr 3:8).<\/p>\n<p>After a period of frustrating work stoppages of varying lengths, the preaching of Haggai and Zechariah spurred on the Jews to complete the temple. Work resumed in 520 (Ezr 4:24; Hg 1:1, 15) and was finally completed on 3 Adar, or March 12, 515 (Ezr 6:15). The final stages of OT chronology pertain to the careers of Ezra and Nehemiah. The traditional view of their era places Ezra in the seventh year of Artaxerxes I (458 <span>BC<\/span>) and Nehemiah in the 20th (445 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> “Date” under each OT book; Conquest and Allotment of the Land; Diaspora of the Jews; Exodus, The; Israel, History of; Patriarchs, Period of the; Postexilic Period; Wilderness Wanderings.<\/p>","summary_ro":"CHRONOLOGY OF THE BIBLE* (Old Testament) Branch of biblical studies that attempts to assign dates and sequences to OT events. Chronology is a science. It deals with evidence, theories, assumptions, and the balance of probabilities. Often it boils down to a matter of choosing among theories that are equally unable to solve all the problems raised by other points of view. OT chronology is an accredited branch of biblical studies primarily because it is essential for understanding the proper his...","summary_en":"CHRONOLOGY OF THE BIBLE* (Old Testament) Branch of biblical studies that attempts to assign dates and sequences to OT events. Chronology is a science. It deals with evidence, theories, assumptions, and the balance of probabilities. Often it boils down to a matter of choosing among theories that are equally unable to solve all the problems raised by other points of view. OT chronology is an accredited branch of biblical studies primarily because it is essential for understanding the proper his...","source":"Articles\/C.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":11328,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Evil-Merodach","title_en":"Evil-Merodach","content_ro":"<h3>EVIL-MERODACH<\/h3>\n<p>Son and successor of Nebuchadnezzar as king of Babylon, who reigned for two years (561–560 <span>BC<\/span>). During his reign, he released Jehoiachin, former king of Judah, from imprisonment (2 Kgs 25:27-30; Jer 52:31-34). Aside from this fact, little is known about his reign. He was killed by his brother-in-law Neriglissar, who succeeded him to the throne. <em>See<\/em> Babylon, Babylonia.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>EVIL-MERODACH<\/h3>\n<p>Son and successor of Nebuchadnezzar as king of Babylon, who reigned for two years (561–560 <span>BC<\/span>). During his reign, he released Jehoiachin, former king of Judah, from imprisonment (2 Kgs 25:27-30; Jer 52:31-34). Aside from this fact, little is known about his reign. He was killed by his brother-in-law Neriglissar, who succeeded him to the throne. <em>See<\/em> Babylon, Babylonia.<\/p>","summary_ro":"EVIL-MERODACH Son and successor of Nebuchadnezzar as king of Babylon, who reigned for two years (561–560 BC). During his reign, he released Jehoiachin, former king of Judah, from imprisonment (2 Kgs 25:27-30; Jer 52:31-34). Aside from this fact, little is known about his reign. He was killed by his brother-in-law Neriglissar, who succeeded him to the throne. See Babylon, Babylonia.","summary_en":"EVIL-MERODACH Son and successor of Nebuchadnezzar as king of Babylon, who reigned for two years (561–560 BC). During his reign, he released Jehoiachin, former king of Judah, from imprisonment (2 Kgs 25:27-30; Jer 52:31-34). Aside from this fact, little is known about his reign. He was killed by his brother-in-law Neriglissar, who succeeded him to the throne. See Babylon, Babylonia.","source":"Articles\/E.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":18739,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Jehoiachin","title_en":"Jehoiachin","content_ro":"<h3>JEHOIACHIN<\/h3>\n<p>King of Judah for a very brief time (598–597 <span>BC<\/span>). He was the son of Jehoiakim and Nehushta, the daughter of Elnathan of Jerusalem (possibly the Elnathan mentioned by Jeremiah, cf. Jer 26:22; 36:12, 25). The name Jehoiachin means “Yahweh will uphold,” and variations include Coniah (Jer 22:24, 28; 37:1), Jeconiah (1 Chr 3:16-17; Est 2:6; Jer 24:1; 27:20; 28:4; 29:2), and Jechoniah (Mt 1:11-12; <span>kjv<\/span> “Jechonias”). Jehoiachin was 18 years old when he was installed as king upon his father’s death, and he ruled for only three months and ten days in Jerusalem (2 Kgs 24:8; cf. 2 Chr 36:9, <span>nlt<\/span> mg). He inherited a vassal kingdom in revolt. Besieged by the armies of the Babylonian overlord Nebuchadnezzar, Jehoiachin had little choice but to capitulate in the face of insurmountable odds. According to the Babylonian Chronicle, records based on the official annals of the Babylonian kings, Nebuchadnezzar entered Syro-Palestine in December of 598 <span>BC<\/span> and took Jerusalem on March 16, 597. The Babylonians plundered the palace and temple treasuries. Along with Jehoiachin, his family, prominent military leaders, royal officials, and artisans were taken prisoner and led away to exile in Babylon. Before returning to Babylon, the victorious king placed Jehoiachin’s uncle Mattaniah, now named Zedekiah, on the throne in Jerusalem (2 Kgs 24:12-17; cf. 2 Chr 36:10).<\/p>\n<p>According to Jeremiah, the trauma caused by the Babylonian invasion of Judah, and the consequent political upheaval prompted by a succession of three kings in four months, had little impact on the people spiritually (Jer 37–38). This same prophet of God forecast Jehoiachin’s exile and predicted he would have no descendants succeeding him on the throne (22:24-30). In contrast, the false prophet Hananiah prophesied Jehoiachin would be restored to the throne of Judah within two years (28:3-4, 11; cf. vv 12-17).<\/p>\n<p>Jehoiachin’s continuing royal status as the legitimate claimant to the Judahite kingship was reflected in the fact that Ezekiel’s oracles are dated to the year of Jehoiachin’s exile, not Zedekiah’s reign (Ez 1:2; 8:1; 20:1; etc.). Babylonian records confirm this recognition of Jehoiachin’s former position; he retained his title of king and received favorable treatment from the Babylonians. He is certainly the “Yaukin, king of the land of Yahuda” listed in one of the cuneiform tablets; this tablet contains inventories of rations of oil and barley for the king and his five sons and implies they were not imprisoned but living a fairly normal life in Babylonia. At some point Jehoiachin must have been imprisoned, however, because later, during the reign of Evil-merodach, he was released from prison and granted dining privileges with the Babylonian king (c. 562 <span>BC<\/span>; cf. 2 Kgs 25:27-30; Jer 52:31-34). Whether he was imprisoned for attempting to escape or because of Judah’s rebellion against Babylon under Zedekiah is unclear.<\/p>\n<p>Jehoiachin’s name appears in Matthew’s genealogy of Jesus Christ (Mt 1:11-12), and some contend that this contradicts Jeremiah’s oracle of judgment against the king’s descendants (Jer 22:30). Yet it is possible to understand Haggai’s blessing of Zerubabbel (Hg 2:20-23) as a reversal of Jeremiah’s curse and the reinstatement of Jehoiachin’s line on the Davidic—and ultimately messianic—throne (cf. Is 56:3-5).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Chronology of the Bible (Old Testament); Diaspora of the Jews; Israel, History of.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JEHOIACHIN<\/h3>\n<p>King of Judah for a very brief time (598–597 <span>BC<\/span>). He was the son of Jehoiakim and Nehushta, the daughter of Elnathan of Jerusalem (possibly the Elnathan mentioned by Jeremiah, cf. Jer 26:22; 36:12, 25). The name Jehoiachin means “Yahweh will uphold,” and variations include Coniah (Jer 22:24, 28; 37:1), Jeconiah (1 Chr 3:16-17; Est 2:6; Jer 24:1; 27:20; 28:4; 29:2), and Jechoniah (Mt 1:11-12; <span>kjv<\/span> “Jechonias”). Jehoiachin was 18 years old when he was installed as king upon his father’s death, and he ruled for only three months and ten days in Jerusalem (2 Kgs 24:8; cf. 2 Chr 36:9, <span>nlt<\/span> mg). He inherited a vassal kingdom in revolt. Besieged by the armies of the Babylonian overlord Nebuchadnezzar, Jehoiachin had little choice but to capitulate in the face of insurmountable odds. According to the Babylonian Chronicle, records based on the official annals of the Babylonian kings, Nebuchadnezzar entered Syro-Palestine in December of 598 <span>BC<\/span> and took Jerusalem on March 16, 597. The Babylonians plundered the palace and temple treasuries. Along with Jehoiachin, his family, prominent military leaders, royal officials, and artisans were taken prisoner and led away to exile in Babylon. Before returning to Babylon, the victorious king placed Jehoiachin’s uncle Mattaniah, now named Zedekiah, on the throne in Jerusalem (2 Kgs 24:12-17; cf. 2 Chr 36:10).<\/p>\n<p>According to Jeremiah, the trauma caused by the Babylonian invasion of Judah, and the consequent political upheaval prompted by a succession of three kings in four months, had little impact on the people spiritually (Jer 37–38). This same prophet of God forecast Jehoiachin’s exile and predicted he would have no descendants succeeding him on the throne (22:24-30). In contrast, the false prophet Hananiah prophesied Jehoiachin would be restored to the throne of Judah within two years (28:3-4, 11; cf. vv 12-17).<\/p>\n<p>Jehoiachin’s continuing royal status as the legitimate claimant to the Judahite kingship was reflected in the fact that Ezekiel’s oracles are dated to the year of Jehoiachin’s exile, not Zedekiah’s reign (Ez 1:2; 8:1; 20:1; etc.). Babylonian records confirm this recognition of Jehoiachin’s former position; he retained his title of king and received favorable treatment from the Babylonians. He is certainly the “Yaukin, king of the land of Yahuda” listed in one of the cuneiform tablets; this tablet contains inventories of rations of oil and barley for the king and his five sons and implies they were not imprisoned but living a fairly normal life in Babylonia. At some point Jehoiachin must have been imprisoned, however, because later, during the reign of Evil-merodach, he was released from prison and granted dining privileges with the Babylonian king (c. 562 <span>BC<\/span>; cf. 2 Kgs 25:27-30; Jer 52:31-34). Whether he was imprisoned for attempting to escape or because of Judah’s rebellion against Babylon under Zedekiah is unclear.<\/p>\n<p>Jehoiachin’s name appears in Matthew’s genealogy of Jesus Christ (Mt 1:11-12), and some contend that this contradicts Jeremiah’s oracle of judgment against the king’s descendants (Jer 22:30). Yet it is possible to understand Haggai’s blessing of Zerubabbel (Hg 2:20-23) as a reversal of Jeremiah’s curse and the reinstatement of Jehoiachin’s line on the Davidic—and ultimately messianic—throne (cf. Is 56:3-5).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Chronology of the Bible (Old Testament); Diaspora of the Jews; Israel, History of.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JEHOIACHIN King of Judah for a very brief time (598–597 BC). He was the son of Jehoiakim and Nehushta, the daughter of Elnathan of Jerusalem (possibly the Elnathan mentioned by Jeremiah, cf. Jer 26:22; 36:12, 25). The name Jehoiachin means “Yahweh will uphold,” and variations include Coniah (Jer 22:24, 28; 37:1), Jeconiah (1 Chr 3:16-17; Est 2:6; Jer 24:1; 27:20; 28:4; 29:2), and Jechoniah (Mt 1:11-12; kjv “Jechonias”). Jehoiachin was 18 years old when he was installed as king upon his father...","summary_en":"JEHOIACHIN King of Judah for a very brief time (598–597 BC). He was the son of Jehoiakim and Nehushta, the daughter of Elnathan of Jerusalem (possibly the Elnathan mentioned by Jeremiah, cf. Jer 26:22; 36:12, 25). The name Jehoiachin means “Yahweh will uphold,” and variations include Coniah (Jer 22:24, 28; 37:1), Jeconiah (1 Chr 3:16-17; Est 2:6; Jer 24:1; 27:20; 28:4; 29:2), and Jechoniah (Mt 1:11-12; kjv “Jechonias”). Jehoiachin was 18 years old when he was installed as king upon his father...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":18993,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Book of Jeremiah","title_en":"Book of Jeremiah","content_ro":"<h3>JEREMIAH, Book of<\/h3>\n\n<p>OT prophetic book, second in the canonical order of the Prophets.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Authenticity<\/p>\n<p>• The Book of Jeremiah and the Septuagint<\/p>\n<p>• Background<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Origin and Destination<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose<\/p>\n<p>• Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Outline and Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>Few doubt that the prophet from Anathoth wrote the book of Jeremiah, yet questions persist concerning some parts, particularly chapter 52. The use of the third person cannot be used to discredit Jeremiah’s authorship, for Jeremiah used the first and third person, and even the second person, in the same context. For example, 32:6-7 reads: “Jeremiah said [third person], ‘The word of the <span>Lord<\/span> came to me: [first person] . . . your uncle will come to you [second person]’ ” (<span>rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>The problem of the passage of time provides the strongest argument against the Jeremian authorship of chapter 52. Jeremiah was born about 657 <span>BC<\/span>. Evil-merodoch released Jehoiachin (52:31) about 95 years later. Jeremiah 52:33 summarizes the continuation of events beyond this time. The problem of location also argues against Jeremian authorship, for Jeremiah took up residence in Egypt (43:6-7) while Jehoiachin dwelt in Babylon. Note also that Jeremiah concludes his writing with chapter 51, making chapter 52 a true editorial appendix. Since chapter 52 parallels 2 Kings 24:18–25:30, it may be that other portions of Jeremiah that parallel sections of 2 Kings may have been written by someone other than Jeremiah.<\/p>\n<p>The following table shows such portions and includes harmonic passages in 2 Chronicles. The first column shows historical (chronological) sequence. The last column provides a brief condensation of content.<\/p>\n<p>Baruch served as the secretary for Jeremiah. The relationship between the two men apparently lasted many years; the prophet gave a word of encouragement as he blessed his helper (45:5). According to the custom of the people, it would have been legitimate for the scribe to write some of the prophet’s messages in his own words. This would not deny inspiration.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Authenticity\">Authenticity<\/p>\n<p>That Jeremiah lived and actually wrote the major part of the book bearing his name is authenticated by numerous references in both biblical and nonbiblical sources (e.g., Dn 9; Ecclus 49; Josephus’s <em>Antiquities<\/em> 10; Talmud: <em>Baba Bathra<\/em>). The veracity of the historical sections of Jeremiah have abundant confirmation in contemporary biblical books and in the secular histories preserved in Babylon, Egypt, and Persia.<\/p>\n<p>Higher critics sought to discredit the portions of Jeremiah that were omitted by the Septuagint, or to credit passages to a later writer because of style differences (e.g., chs 30–33) or spelling differences (as found in chs 27–29) or linguistic problems (as in 10:11, written in Aramaic, but this may be a gloss). Another reason for discrediting Jeremiah’s authorship is that critics dated some prophecies later than indicated in the context. This results from their requiring that predictive writing follow the record of its fulfillment. None of these reasons is sufficient cause for doubting authenticity. The Hebrew text deserves priority over the Septuagint. Aramaic contact with the Jews became commonplace during this period (cf. Ezr 4–7; Dn 2–7) and therefore explains the presence of Aramaic. Different styles may be expected from the same writer due to differing circumstances and differing purposes. Baruch may have been inspired to write parts of this book and\/or edited what Jeremiah wrote. Prediction preceding fulfillment presents no problem for believers.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheBookofJeremiahandtheSeptuagint\">The Book of Jeremiah and the Septuagint<\/p>\n<p>The special problems of the Septuagint translation of Jeremiah demand attention. The Septuagint translators evidently made an inaccurate translation. About 2,300 Hebrew words are omitted from the Septuagint. After chapter 23, the mistranslation, omissions, and mixed chronological order indicate confusion. However, the Dead Sea Scrolls display texts with both the Hebrew and the Septuagint order, indicating the antiquity of both editions. Both have suffered corruption at the hands of scribes and the ravages of the ages. The Septuagint evidently veers much further from the original, yet it has invaluable clues to help suggest answers to some textual problems. The most evident major shift in the Septuagint consists of the removal of chapters 46–51 of the Hebrew order, and the placement of them in the spot from which 25:13b-14 was removed. These chapters are renumbered 26–31 but are mixed and changed considerably from the order of the Hebrew Masoretic Text.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Background\">Background<\/p>\n<p>This is fully discussed in the previous entry. <em>See<\/em> Jeremiah (Person) #1.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>The chronological sequence of the messages of Jeremiah constitutes a major problem that cannot be wholly solved. Nonetheless, the book was written during Jeremiah’s ministry (c. 627–586 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"OriginandDestination\">Origin and Destination<\/p>\n<p>After beginning his ministry in Anathoth, Jeremiah moved to Jerusalem, where he remained until he was forced to join the disobedient refugees who arrived in Egypt about 584 <span>BC<\/span>. Until the deportation of Jehoiachin (597 <span>BC<\/span>), Jeremiah addressed his messages to the king and the people residing in Judah. Later messages addressed the same group, plus the captives in Babylon (e.g., ch 29). After the departure to Egypt, he addressed Jews in that land.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Purpose\">Purpose<\/p>\n<p>Part of God’s commission to Jeremiah stated the purpose of Jeremiah’s ministry: “Today I appoint you to stand up against nations and kingdoms. You are to uproot some and tear them down, to destroy and overthrow them. You are to build others up and plant them” (1:10, <span>nlt<\/span>). The first four parts of the commission required that Jeremiah, appointed as a “chief governor” over nations, should wreck the existing religious and social structures by his preaching against moral and spiritual sin. Doubtless, the physical destruction caused by the Egyptians, Assyrians, and Babylonians was the accoutrement for the truth uttered by the prophet. Jeremiah is consistent in his blasts at moral and religious wickedness, his call to submit to the punishment that God gives through Babylon, and his assurance that such submission will lead to blessing. When Zedekiah asks advice (38:14), we know what Jeremiah will say. When the captains of the refugees ask if they should go to Egypt, we already know the answer (42:3). We may also anticipate the obdurate rejection of God’s message on the part of the inquiring people, who apparently want to know God’s will but have no desire to obey it.<\/p>\n<p>Nevertheless, part of Jeremiah’s purpose focuses on the most distant future when the new covenant will supplant the old (31:31-37), and a transformed people bent on obedience rather than sin will receive God’s promised kingdom.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Teaching\">Teaching<\/p>\n<p>National sin brings national punishment. No truth blazes so clearly as this. Gentiles as well as Jews stand under the same judgment, for God is not the God of Israel only.<\/p>\n<p>Individuals are not overlooked in divine judgments on nations. God sets before each the way of life and the way of death (21:8) and appeals to each to choose life (27:13).<\/p>\n<p>Jeremiah illustrates human depravity by questioning if people can change their skin color or leopards their spots (13:23). The depths of depravity reach beyond man’s ability to measure (17:9-10). People even love falsehood (5:30-31). Yet God promises to transform willing subjects who call on him (33:3) by giving them a “new heart” (24:7; 32:38-41) as the climatic provision of the new covenant (31:33-35). The Messiah, who accomplishes the saving work, is called the Lord our Righteousness, the King, the righteous Branch, the Branch of David (23:5-6; 33:15-16).<\/p>\n<p>A future nation will be made up of individuals who accept this salvation. Passing through the night of tribulation as of travail (30:6-7), the Jews will understand the true identity of their Messiah, will believe and receive him with repentant sorrow, will be cleansed (33:8), and will be regathered from all countries (32:37) by the omnipotent God (v 27).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"OutlineandContent\">Outline and Content<\/p>\n<p>Though many see no logical order, a careful reading of Jeremiah will reveal a grouping on the basis of content, as suggested by the following outline:<\/p>\n<li> I. Introduction (1)<\/li>\n<li> II. Oracles against the Jews (2–25)<\/li>\n<li>III. History—Signs and Sufferings of Jeremiah before the Siege (26–29)<\/li>\n<li> IV. The Book of Hope written during the Siege (30–33)<\/li>\n<li> V. History—Signs and Sufferings of Jeremiah after the Siege (34–45)<\/li>\n<li> VI. Oracles against the Nations (46–51)<\/li>\n<li>VII. Conclusion (52)<\/li>\n<p>The prophet opens his ministry with a series of utterances against the sins of Jerusalem (2:1–3:5), followed by similar messages (through ch 4), concluding with words of judgment (chs 5–6). The message in the temple gate (chs 7–10) leads into the proclamation against covenant breakers (chs 11–13). The lamentation over the drought (ch 14) and subsequent miseries (ch 15) compares with many similar expressions of grief. Jeremiah did not differ from other prophets in his use of object lessons. The rotted linen waistband (ch 13), the broken jug (ch 19), figs (ch 24), and ox yoke (chs 27–28) may be supplemented by human object lessons (ch 35), and even the prophet himself, whose celibacy (16:1-4), resistance to sympathetic consolation (16:5-7), and withdrawal from feasts (16:8-9) all served to illustrate and confirm his message.<\/p>\n<p>Places where Jeremiah proclaimed his messages helped bear home his point. He stood in the public gate, where kings came and went, to proclaim that judgment (fire) would come through the gate (17:19, 27; 39:3). Then he went to the potter’s house (ch 18), and then to Hinnom or Topath, which would be called the Valley of Slaughter (ch 19).<\/p>\n<p>The persecution suffered by Jeremiah first hinted at (1:8), then predicted (v 19), expresses its venom privately from his home village (11:19-23). The prophet’s kindred join the opposition (12:6). Public opposition brings beatings and the stocks (20:2-3). Jeremiah prefers to keep silent rather than to speak and suffer (v 9), but he cannot withhold the word that is as fire in his bones. The result: all his familiars reproached, derided, terrorized, and denounced him, then sought his death (vv 7-18). Jeremiah escaped death at the hands of priests, prophets, and people only because he had a few faithful friends (26:8-24). When his prophecies began to materialize, hatred mounted. He was beaten and put into a dungeon for many days (37:14-17) on a false charge. Temporary relief at the guardhouse (v 21) lasted only a few days. Officials clamored again for his death (38:4) and put him into a cistern, where he sank in the mire (v 6). His rescue (v 10) preserved his life, but his imprisonment at the guardhouse continued (v 28). His writings were cut up and burned (36:23); his words were denied and rejected (43:1-7; 44:16).<\/p>\n<p>The “Book of Hope“ (chs 30–33) does contain some words of judgment (32:28-35), and other sections of the prophecy have a few bright spots (3:11-18; 16:14-16; 23:2-8; 29:10-14), but in a volume otherwise dark, these four chapters bring pleasant relief. The climax of hope, as indicated also in the longest NT quotation from Jeremiah (see Heb 8:8-12), predicts a new covenant (31:31-40). Other prophecies also describe the end of the Mosaic law and sacrament (e.g., 3:16), and the new covenant (32:40; 33:19-26).<\/p>\n<p>Little is known of Jeremiah’s activity or messages from c. 594–589 <span>BC<\/span>. Zedekiah’s counselors made clandestine plans for throwing off Babylon’s yoke by alliances with neighbor nations. A traitor may have reported the conspiracy to Babylon (perhaps Edom). After Babylon attacked, Zedekiah sought a hopeful report from Jeremiah but did not get it.<\/p>\n<p>The Recabite faithfulness to the Nazarite vow (ch 35) dates to the days of Jehoiakim but as an object lesson fits the siege context. Recabites received a human command that they obeyed; Jews received a divine command that they rejected. Recabites will be blessed (35:18-19); Judah, judged (vv 15-17). The reading of the scroll to Jehoiakim and his scornful rejection of it (ch 36) illustrates the prophetic assertion (35:15) that destruction follows the rejection of God’s message given through the prophets.<\/p>\n<p>The siege comes into focus in chapter 37 with another inquiry from Zedekiah (the nonchronological chs 35–36 serve as an illustrative parenthesis). Jeremiah 37:11 moves forward to the time of the lifting of the siege of 589 <span>BC<\/span> when Nebuchadnezzar drove Pharaoh Hophra’s army back to Egypt. During the reprieve, Jeremiah sought to attend a meeting of relatives to settle family matters at or near Anathoth. Perhaps the trip involved initiating the purchase that would be made two years later (32:6-15). However, as he was leaving the city, he was arrested for desertion to the Babylonians and jailed in a dungeon cell until Zedekiah granted him privileged prisoner status.<\/p>\n<p>The king’s officers had ample cause for the accusation of sedition: Jeremiah had encouraged desertion (21:9; 38:2). Traitors deserved death, and this was their verdict against Jeremiah (38:4-5). The violence of the time encouraged the officers to select a cruel method of execution: let Jeremiah starve and bury himself in the mire at the bottom of an abandoned cistern. A sympathetic Ethiopian, Ebed-melech, made the rescue. Immediately, the unadulterated prophecies of judgment came forth again from Jeremiah’s lips, including a message to the king that reflected Jeremiah’s own recent experience: “[Your friends] have betrayed and misled you. When your feet sank in the mud, they left you to your fate” (38:22, <span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>Jeremiah 39:1–43:7 records history from the fall of Jerusalem in 586 <span>BC<\/span> to the flight into Egypt, including the liberation of Jeremiah (ch 39), appointment and assassination of Gedaliah (chs 40–41), a warning from God against going to Egypt (ch 42), and the obdurate disobedience of the people (43:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>The latest writings of Jeremiah are found in chapter 44. The audience consisted of idolatrous Jews (44:4-6) gathered from various parts of Egypt as far as Aswan (Pathros). Jeremiah repeated the appeal of former prophets to reject false gods in favor of Jehovah, but to no avail (44:15-16).<\/p>\n<p>The message to Baruch (ch 45), written about 605 <span>BC<\/span>, is placed here to round out the main part of the book, which begins with the commission to “break down” and “pluck up” (1:10) and concludes with the same Hebrew words (45:4). If Baruch had ambition to obtain status in the Judean court like his brother Seraiah (51:59), he was advised that it would be useless because disaster would come, as the preceding chapters indicate.<\/p>\n<p>The oracles against the nations (46–51), introduced by a title superscription (46:1), constitute a distinct stylistic division similar to Isaiah 13–23, Ezekiel 25–32, and Amos 1:3–2:16.<\/p>\n<p>Some of the prophecies against foreign nations in Jeremiah carry dates that show that they were written at different points during his ministry but were collected together for the book.<\/p>\n<p>The prophecy against Egypt opens with a colorful description of Egypt’s expulsion from Carchemish (605 <span>BC<\/span>) after a short occupancy (Jer 46:1-12). The second message (vv 13-26) may picture the attack on Egypt in 601 <span>BC<\/span> when Neco stopped Nebuchadnezzar at the border; the attack in 589 <span>BC<\/span> when Hophra lost in his attempt to aid Zedekiah; or (most probably) the invasion of Egypt by Nebuchadnezzar in 568 <span>BC<\/span>, when Babylon took advantage of the weakness of Egypt to occupy it. At that time Nebuchadnezzar set up his judgment throne as predicted (43:10) and meted out death sentences to all rebels, including those Jews who might have been implicated in anti-Babylonian conspiracies. The conclusion of the Egypt oracle repeats part of the Book of Hope (46:27-28, cf. 30:10-11).<\/p>\n<p>Messages against Edom, Arabia, Phoenician cities, and Ammon generally condemn pride, cruelty, and idolatry. The oracle against Elam is unique. No other prophet speaks judgment against this people, whose dwelling east of Babylon meant rare contact with Judah. Jeremiah predicted that Elam would be doomed, then restored. Ezekiel counts Elamites among the inhabitants of Sheol (Ez 32:24).<\/p>\n<p>The final judgment indicates the unbiased attitude of the prophet. His messages placed him in an advantageous position with the Babylonians, who treated him with respect and kindness, in contrast to their cruelty to other Jews. But when God spoke against Babylon, Jeremiah uttered God’s words without respect to his own comfort, just as he had spoken against Egypt when silence would have been logical for self-preservation.<\/p>\n<p>Chapter 51 concludes “the words of Jeremiah.”<\/p>\n<p>Chapter 52 repeats historical facts previously stated prophetically by Jeremiah, and partially recorded also as history in chapter 39 (cf. 2 Kgs 25 and 2 Chr 36). The editor of Jeremiah evidently desired to climax the book with a historical confirmation of Jeremiah’s prophecy, but he included facts beyond those contained elsewhere.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Israel, History of; Jeremiah (Person) #1; Prophecy; Prophet, Prophetess.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JEREMIAH, Book of<\/h3>\n\n<p>OT prophetic book, second in the canonical order of the Prophets.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Authenticity<\/p>\n<p>• The Book of Jeremiah and the Septuagint<\/p>\n<p>• Background<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Origin and Destination<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose<\/p>\n<p>• Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Outline and Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>Few doubt that the prophet from Anathoth wrote the book of Jeremiah, yet questions persist concerning some parts, particularly chapter 52. The use of the third person cannot be used to discredit Jeremiah’s authorship, for Jeremiah used the first and third person, and even the second person, in the same context. For example, 32:6-7 reads: “Jeremiah said [third person], ‘The word of the <span>Lord<\/span> came to me: [first person] . . . your uncle will come to you [second person]’ ” (<span>rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>The problem of the passage of time provides the strongest argument against the Jeremian authorship of chapter 52. Jeremiah was born about 657 <span>BC<\/span>. Evil-merodoch released Jehoiachin (52:31) about 95 years later. Jeremiah 52:33 summarizes the continuation of events beyond this time. The problem of location also argues against Jeremian authorship, for Jeremiah took up residence in Egypt (43:6-7) while Jehoiachin dwelt in Babylon. Note also that Jeremiah concludes his writing with chapter 51, making chapter 52 a true editorial appendix. Since chapter 52 parallels 2 Kings 24:18–25:30, it may be that other portions of Jeremiah that parallel sections of 2 Kings may have been written by someone other than Jeremiah.<\/p>\n<p>The following table shows such portions and includes harmonic passages in 2 Chronicles. The first column shows historical (chronological) sequence. The last column provides a brief condensation of content.<\/p>\n<p>Baruch served as the secretary for Jeremiah. The relationship between the two men apparently lasted many years; the prophet gave a word of encouragement as he blessed his helper (45:5). According to the custom of the people, it would have been legitimate for the scribe to write some of the prophet’s messages in his own words. This would not deny inspiration.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Authenticity\">Authenticity<\/p>\n<p>That Jeremiah lived and actually wrote the major part of the book bearing his name is authenticated by numerous references in both biblical and nonbiblical sources (e.g., Dn 9; Ecclus 49; Josephus’s <em>Antiquities<\/em> 10; Talmud: <em>Baba Bathra<\/em>). The veracity of the historical sections of Jeremiah have abundant confirmation in contemporary biblical books and in the secular histories preserved in Babylon, Egypt, and Persia.<\/p>\n<p>Higher critics sought to discredit the portions of Jeremiah that were omitted by the Septuagint, or to credit passages to a later writer because of style differences (e.g., chs 30–33) or spelling differences (as found in chs 27–29) or linguistic problems (as in 10:11, written in Aramaic, but this may be a gloss). Another reason for discrediting Jeremiah’s authorship is that critics dated some prophecies later than indicated in the context. This results from their requiring that predictive writing follow the record of its fulfillment. None of these reasons is sufficient cause for doubting authenticity. The Hebrew text deserves priority over the Septuagint. Aramaic contact with the Jews became commonplace during this period (cf. Ezr 4–7; Dn 2–7) and therefore explains the presence of Aramaic. Different styles may be expected from the same writer due to differing circumstances and differing purposes. Baruch may have been inspired to write parts of this book and\/or edited what Jeremiah wrote. Prediction preceding fulfillment presents no problem for believers.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheBookofJeremiahandtheSeptuagint\">The Book of Jeremiah and the Septuagint<\/p>\n<p>The special problems of the Septuagint translation of Jeremiah demand attention. The Septuagint translators evidently made an inaccurate translation. About 2,300 Hebrew words are omitted from the Septuagint. After chapter 23, the mistranslation, omissions, and mixed chronological order indicate confusion. However, the Dead Sea Scrolls display texts with both the Hebrew and the Septuagint order, indicating the antiquity of both editions. Both have suffered corruption at the hands of scribes and the ravages of the ages. The Septuagint evidently veers much further from the original, yet it has invaluable clues to help suggest answers to some textual problems. The most evident major shift in the Septuagint consists of the removal of chapters 46–51 of the Hebrew order, and the placement of them in the spot from which 25:13b-14 was removed. These chapters are renumbered 26–31 but are mixed and changed considerably from the order of the Hebrew Masoretic Text.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Background\">Background<\/p>\n<p>This is fully discussed in the previous entry. <em>See<\/em> Jeremiah (Person) #1.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>The chronological sequence of the messages of Jeremiah constitutes a major problem that cannot be wholly solved. Nonetheless, the book was written during Jeremiah’s ministry (c. 627–586 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"OriginandDestination\">Origin and Destination<\/p>\n<p>After beginning his ministry in Anathoth, Jeremiah moved to Jerusalem, where he remained until he was forced to join the disobedient refugees who arrived in Egypt about 584 <span>BC<\/span>. Until the deportation of Jehoiachin (597 <span>BC<\/span>), Jeremiah addressed his messages to the king and the people residing in Judah. Later messages addressed the same group, plus the captives in Babylon (e.g., ch 29). After the departure to Egypt, he addressed Jews in that land.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Purpose\">Purpose<\/p>\n<p>Part of God’s commission to Jeremiah stated the purpose of Jeremiah’s ministry: “Today I appoint you to stand up against nations and kingdoms. You are to uproot some and tear them down, to destroy and overthrow them. You are to build others up and plant them” (1:10, <span>nlt<\/span>). The first four parts of the commission required that Jeremiah, appointed as a “chief governor” over nations, should wreck the existing religious and social structures by his preaching against moral and spiritual sin. Doubtless, the physical destruction caused by the Egyptians, Assyrians, and Babylonians was the accoutrement for the truth uttered by the prophet. Jeremiah is consistent in his blasts at moral and religious wickedness, his call to submit to the punishment that God gives through Babylon, and his assurance that such submission will lead to blessing. When Zedekiah asks advice (38:14), we know what Jeremiah will say. When the captains of the refugees ask if they should go to Egypt, we already know the answer (42:3). We may also anticipate the obdurate rejection of God’s message on the part of the inquiring people, who apparently want to know God’s will but have no desire to obey it.<\/p>\n<p>Nevertheless, part of Jeremiah’s purpose focuses on the most distant future when the new covenant will supplant the old (31:31-37), and a transformed people bent on obedience rather than sin will receive God’s promised kingdom.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Teaching\">Teaching<\/p>\n<p>National sin brings national punishment. No truth blazes so clearly as this. Gentiles as well as Jews stand under the same judgment, for God is not the God of Israel only.<\/p>\n<p>Individuals are not overlooked in divine judgments on nations. God sets before each the way of life and the way of death (21:8) and appeals to each to choose life (27:13).<\/p>\n<p>Jeremiah illustrates human depravity by questioning if people can change their skin color or leopards their spots (13:23). The depths of depravity reach beyond man’s ability to measure (17:9-10). People even love falsehood (5:30-31). Yet God promises to transform willing subjects who call on him (33:3) by giving them a “new heart” (24:7; 32:38-41) as the climatic provision of the new covenant (31:33-35). The Messiah, who accomplishes the saving work, is called the Lord our Righteousness, the King, the righteous Branch, the Branch of David (23:5-6; 33:15-16).<\/p>\n<p>A future nation will be made up of individuals who accept this salvation. Passing through the night of tribulation as of travail (30:6-7), the Jews will understand the true identity of their Messiah, will believe and receive him with repentant sorrow, will be cleansed (33:8), and will be regathered from all countries (32:37) by the omnipotent God (v 27).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"OutlineandContent\">Outline and Content<\/p>\n<p>Though many see no logical order, a careful reading of Jeremiah will reveal a grouping on the basis of content, as suggested by the following outline:<\/p>\n<li> I. Introduction (1)<\/li>\n<li> II. Oracles against the Jews (2–25)<\/li>\n<li>III. History—Signs and Sufferings of Jeremiah before the Siege (26–29)<\/li>\n<li> IV. The Book of Hope written during the Siege (30–33)<\/li>\n<li> V. History—Signs and Sufferings of Jeremiah after the Siege (34–45)<\/li>\n<li> VI. Oracles against the Nations (46–51)<\/li>\n<li>VII. Conclusion (52)<\/li>\n<p>The prophet opens his ministry with a series of utterances against the sins of Jerusalem (2:1–3:5), followed by similar messages (through ch 4), concluding with words of judgment (chs 5–6). The message in the temple gate (chs 7–10) leads into the proclamation against covenant breakers (chs 11–13). The lamentation over the drought (ch 14) and subsequent miseries (ch 15) compares with many similar expressions of grief. Jeremiah did not differ from other prophets in his use of object lessons. The rotted linen waistband (ch 13), the broken jug (ch 19), figs (ch 24), and ox yoke (chs 27–28) may be supplemented by human object lessons (ch 35), and even the prophet himself, whose celibacy (16:1-4), resistance to sympathetic consolation (16:5-7), and withdrawal from feasts (16:8-9) all served to illustrate and confirm his message.<\/p>\n<p>Places where Jeremiah proclaimed his messages helped bear home his point. He stood in the public gate, where kings came and went, to proclaim that judgment (fire) would come through the gate (17:19, 27; 39:3). Then he went to the potter’s house (ch 18), and then to Hinnom or Topath, which would be called the Valley of Slaughter (ch 19).<\/p>\n<p>The persecution suffered by Jeremiah first hinted at (1:8), then predicted (v 19), expresses its venom privately from his home village (11:19-23). The prophet’s kindred join the opposition (12:6). Public opposition brings beatings and the stocks (20:2-3). Jeremiah prefers to keep silent rather than to speak and suffer (v 9), but he cannot withhold the word that is as fire in his bones. The result: all his familiars reproached, derided, terrorized, and denounced him, then sought his death (vv 7-18). Jeremiah escaped death at the hands of priests, prophets, and people only because he had a few faithful friends (26:8-24). When his prophecies began to materialize, hatred mounted. He was beaten and put into a dungeon for many days (37:14-17) on a false charge. Temporary relief at the guardhouse (v 21) lasted only a few days. Officials clamored again for his death (38:4) and put him into a cistern, where he sank in the mire (v 6). His rescue (v 10) preserved his life, but his imprisonment at the guardhouse continued (v 28). His writings were cut up and burned (36:23); his words were denied and rejected (43:1-7; 44:16).<\/p>\n<p>The “Book of Hope“ (chs 30–33) does contain some words of judgment (32:28-35), and other sections of the prophecy have a few bright spots (3:11-18; 16:14-16; 23:2-8; 29:10-14), but in a volume otherwise dark, these four chapters bring pleasant relief. The climax of hope, as indicated also in the longest NT quotation from Jeremiah (see Heb 8:8-12), predicts a new covenant (31:31-40). Other prophecies also describe the end of the Mosaic law and sacrament (e.g., 3:16), and the new covenant (32:40; 33:19-26).<\/p>\n<p>Little is known of Jeremiah’s activity or messages from c. 594–589 <span>BC<\/span>. Zedekiah’s counselors made clandestine plans for throwing off Babylon’s yoke by alliances with neighbor nations. A traitor may have reported the conspiracy to Babylon (perhaps Edom). After Babylon attacked, Zedekiah sought a hopeful report from Jeremiah but did not get it.<\/p>\n<p>The Recabite faithfulness to the Nazarite vow (ch 35) dates to the days of Jehoiakim but as an object lesson fits the siege context. Recabites received a human command that they obeyed; Jews received a divine command that they rejected. Recabites will be blessed (35:18-19); Judah, judged (vv 15-17). The reading of the scroll to Jehoiakim and his scornful rejection of it (ch 36) illustrates the prophetic assertion (35:15) that destruction follows the rejection of God’s message given through the prophets.<\/p>\n<p>The siege comes into focus in chapter 37 with another inquiry from Zedekiah (the nonchronological chs 35–36 serve as an illustrative parenthesis). Jeremiah 37:11 moves forward to the time of the lifting of the siege of 589 <span>BC<\/span> when Nebuchadnezzar drove Pharaoh Hophra’s army back to Egypt. During the reprieve, Jeremiah sought to attend a meeting of relatives to settle family matters at or near Anathoth. Perhaps the trip involved initiating the purchase that would be made two years later (32:6-15). However, as he was leaving the city, he was arrested for desertion to the Babylonians and jailed in a dungeon cell until Zedekiah granted him privileged prisoner status.<\/p>\n<p>The king’s officers had ample cause for the accusation of sedition: Jeremiah had encouraged desertion (21:9; 38:2). Traitors deserved death, and this was their verdict against Jeremiah (38:4-5). The violence of the time encouraged the officers to select a cruel method of execution: let Jeremiah starve and bury himself in the mire at the bottom of an abandoned cistern. A sympathetic Ethiopian, Ebed-melech, made the rescue. Immediately, the unadulterated prophecies of judgment came forth again from Jeremiah’s lips, including a message to the king that reflected Jeremiah’s own recent experience: “[Your friends] have betrayed and misled you. When your feet sank in the mud, they left you to your fate” (38:22, <span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>Jeremiah 39:1–43:7 records history from the fall of Jerusalem in 586 <span>BC<\/span> to the flight into Egypt, including the liberation of Jeremiah (ch 39), appointment and assassination of Gedaliah (chs 40–41), a warning from God against going to Egypt (ch 42), and the obdurate disobedience of the people (43:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>The latest writings of Jeremiah are found in chapter 44. The audience consisted of idolatrous Jews (44:4-6) gathered from various parts of Egypt as far as Aswan (Pathros). Jeremiah repeated the appeal of former prophets to reject false gods in favor of Jehovah, but to no avail (44:15-16).<\/p>\n<p>The message to Baruch (ch 45), written about 605 <span>BC<\/span>, is placed here to round out the main part of the book, which begins with the commission to “break down” and “pluck up” (1:10) and concludes with the same Hebrew words (45:4). If Baruch had ambition to obtain status in the Judean court like his brother Seraiah (51:59), he was advised that it would be useless because disaster would come, as the preceding chapters indicate.<\/p>\n<p>The oracles against the nations (46–51), introduced by a title superscription (46:1), constitute a distinct stylistic division similar to Isaiah 13–23, Ezekiel 25–32, and Amos 1:3–2:16.<\/p>\n<p>Some of the prophecies against foreign nations in Jeremiah carry dates that show that they were written at different points during his ministry but were collected together for the book.<\/p>\n<p>The prophecy against Egypt opens with a colorful description of Egypt’s expulsion from Carchemish (605 <span>BC<\/span>) after a short occupancy (Jer 46:1-12). The second message (vv 13-26) may picture the attack on Egypt in 601 <span>BC<\/span> when Neco stopped Nebuchadnezzar at the border; the attack in 589 <span>BC<\/span> when Hophra lost in his attempt to aid Zedekiah; or (most probably) the invasion of Egypt by Nebuchadnezzar in 568 <span>BC<\/span>, when Babylon took advantage of the weakness of Egypt to occupy it. At that time Nebuchadnezzar set up his judgment throne as predicted (43:10) and meted out death sentences to all rebels, including those Jews who might have been implicated in anti-Babylonian conspiracies. The conclusion of the Egypt oracle repeats part of the Book of Hope (46:27-28, cf. 30:10-11).<\/p>\n<p>Messages against Edom, Arabia, Phoenician cities, and Ammon generally condemn pride, cruelty, and idolatry. The oracle against Elam is unique. No other prophet speaks judgment against this people, whose dwelling east of Babylon meant rare contact with Judah. Jeremiah predicted that Elam would be doomed, then restored. Ezekiel counts Elamites among the inhabitants of Sheol (Ez 32:24).<\/p>\n<p>The final judgment indicates the unbiased attitude of the prophet. His messages placed him in an advantageous position with the Babylonians, who treated him with respect and kindness, in contrast to their cruelty to other Jews. But when God spoke against Babylon, Jeremiah uttered God’s words without respect to his own comfort, just as he had spoken against Egypt when silence would have been logical for self-preservation.<\/p>\n<p>Chapter 51 concludes “the words of Jeremiah.”<\/p>\n<p>Chapter 52 repeats historical facts previously stated prophetically by Jeremiah, and partially recorded also as history in chapter 39 (cf. 2 Kgs 25 and 2 Chr 36). The editor of Jeremiah evidently desired to climax the book with a historical confirmation of Jeremiah’s prophecy, but he included facts beyond those contained elsewhere.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Israel, History of; Jeremiah (Person) #1; Prophecy; Prophet, Prophetess.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JEREMIAH, Book of OT prophetic book, second in the canonical order of the Prophets. Preview • Author • Authenticity • The Book of Jeremiah and the Septuagint • Background • Date • Origin and Destination • Purpose • Teaching • Outline and Content Author Few doubt that the prophet from Anathoth wrote the book of Jeremiah, yet questions persist concerning some parts, particularly chapter 52. The use of the third person cannot be used to discredit Jeremiah’s authorship, for Jeremiah used the firs...","summary_en":"JEREMIAH, Book of OT prophetic book, second in the canonical order of the Prophets. Preview • Author • Authenticity • The Book of Jeremiah and the Septuagint • Background • Date • Origin and Destination • Purpose • Teaching • Outline and Content Author Few doubt that the prophet from Anathoth wrote the book of Jeremiah, yet questions persist concerning some parts, particularly chapter 52. The use of the third person cannot be used to discredit Jeremiah’s authorship, for Jeremiah used the firs...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":21804,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Kingdom of Heaven Kingdom of God","title_en":"Kingdom of Heaven Kingdom of God","content_ro":"<h3>KINGDOM OF GOD, KINGDOM OF HEAVEN<\/h3>\n<p>The sovereign rule of God, initiated by Christ’s earthly ministry and consummated when the kingdom of the world becomes the kingdom of our Lord and of his Christ (Rv 11:15).<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Introduction<\/p>\n<p>• Old Testament Background<\/p>\n<p>• In the New Testament<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Introduction\">Introduction<\/p>\n<p>According to the testimony of the first three Gospels, the proclamation of the kingdom of God was Jesus’ central message. Matthew summarizes the Galilean ministry with the words “Jesus traveled throughout Galilee teaching in the synagogues, preaching everywhere the Good News about the Kingdom” (Mt 4:23, <span>nlt<\/span>). The Sermon on the Mount is concerned with the righteousness that qualifies people to enter the kingdom of God (5:20). The collection of parables in Matthew 13 and Mark 4 illustrate the “mystery” of the kingdom of God (Mt 13:11; Mk 4:11). The establishment of the Lord’s Supper looks forward to the establishment of the kingdom of God (Mt 26:29; Mk 14:25).<\/p>\n<p>The NT reports two different forms of the expression: “the kingdom of God” and “the kingdom of the heavens.” The latter is found only in Matthew, but Matthew also has “the kingdom of God” four times (Mt 12:28; 19:24; 21:31, 43). “The kingdom of heaven” is a Semitic phrase that would have been meaningful to Jews but not to Greeks. The Jews, out of reverence for God, avoided uttering the divine name, and contemporary literature gives examples of substituting the word “heaven” for God (1 Macc 3:18, 50; 4:10; see Lk 15:18).<\/p>\n<p>The key to an understanding of the kingdom of God is that the basic meaning of the Greek word <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">basileia<\/span><em>,<\/em> as also of the Hebrew <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">malkut<\/span><em>,<\/em> is rule, reign, dominion. We frequently find in the OT the expression “in the year of the kingdom of . . . ,” meaning in the year of the reign of a given king (e.g., 1 Chr 26:31; 2 Chr 3:2; 15:10; Ezr 7:1; 8:1; Est 2:16; Jer 10:7; 52:31). When we read that Solomon’s kingdom was firmly established (1 Kgs 2:12), we are to understand that his authority to reign was settled. To “turn the kingdom of Saul over to [David]” (1 Chr 12:23, <span>kjv<\/span>) indicates that the authority that had been Saul’s was given to David. As a result of having received legal authority, David became king. This abstract idea of <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">malkut<\/span> is evident when it is found in parallelisms with such ideas as power, might, glory, and dominion (Dn 4:34; 7:14).<\/p>\n<p>When <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">malkut<\/span> is used of God, it almost always refers to his authority or to his rule as the heavenly King. “They will talk together about the glory of your kingdom; they will celebrate examples of your power. . . . For your kingdom is an everlasting kingdom. You rule generation after generation” (Ps 145:11, 13, <span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>Further, if a king rules, there must be a realm or sphere over which he reigns. This is also called <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">malkut<\/span><em>.<\/em> “So the realm of Jehoshaphat was quiet, for his God gave him rest round about” (2 Chr 20:30, <span>rsv<\/span>; see Est 3:6; Jer 10:7; Dn 9:1; 11:9).<\/p>\n<p>This same twofold use of <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">basileia<\/span> is found in the NT. In fact, <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">basileia<\/span> could be translated by the expression “kingly power” in Luke 23:42 (<span>niv<\/span> mg) and by “kingship” in John 18:36. When a nobleman went into a far country to get a “kingdom” (Luke 19:12, <span>nasb<\/span>) he went to the governing authority to get an appointment as king. When Jesus said, “My kingship is not of this world” (Jn 18:36, <span>rsv<\/span>), he did not mean to say that his rule has nothing to do with the world but rather that his kingship—his dominion—does not come from man but from God. Therefore, he rejects the use of worldly fighting to gain his ends.<\/p>\n<p>This central meaning of <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">basileia<\/span> makes it easy to understand many sayings in the Gospels. In the Lord’s Prayer the petition “Thy kingdom come” (Mt 6:10) is a prayer for God to manifest his reign so that his will may be done on earth as it is in heaven. When we read that we are to “receive the kingdom of God like a child” (Mk 10:15, <span>rsv<\/span>), we must open our hearts and lives to the rule of God.<\/p>\n<p>Also in the NT are sayings about being <em>in<\/em> the kingdom or of <em>entering<\/em> the kingdom (Mt 8:11; Mk 9:47; 10:23-25; Lk 13:28). There is no philological or theological objection to understanding “the kingdom of God” first as the divine reign or rule and second as the sphere of blessing in which that reign is experienced.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"OldTestamentBackground\">Old Testament Background<\/p>\n<p>The expression “the kingdom of God” is not found in the OT, but the idea appears throughout the prophets. God is frequently spoken of as the King, both of Israel (Ex 15:18; Nm 23:21; Dt 33:5; Is 43:15) and of all the earth (2 Kgs 19:15; Pss 29:10; 47:2; 93:1-2; 96:10; 97:1-9; 99:1-4; 145:11-13; Is 6:5; Jer 46:18). Although God is not the earthly King of Israel, other references speak of a day when God shall become King and shall rule over his people (Is 24:23; 33:22; 52:7; Ob 1:21; Zep 3:15; Zec 14:9-11).<\/p>\n<p>This brief summary of God’s kingship provides the outline for the entire OT concept. While God is King over all the earth, he is in a special way King over his people, Israel. God’s rule is therefore something realized in Israel’s history. However, it is only partially and imperfectly realized. Israel again and again rebelled against the divine sovereignty. Furthermore, Israel was constantly plagued by wars with its pagan neighbors in which it was not always victorious. Again, there are evils in nature and the physical world that often bring suffering to God’s people. Therefore, the prophets look forward to a day when God’s rule will be fully experienced, not by Israel alone, but by all the world. The main emphasis of the prophets is on hope, the establishing of God’s perfect rule in the world.<\/p>\n<p>The prophets describe the final establishment of God’s kingdom in terms of a theophany—a divine visitation (Mi 1:3-4). Zechariah foresees a “Day of the Lord” when all nations will be gathered in battle against Jerusalem, when the Lord will go forth and fight against those nations (Zec 14:3, 5). Israel will be visited by the Lord (Is 29:6) and delivered from its enemies (35:4; 59:20). God’s coming will also mean judgment (2:21; 26:21). This final coming of God will mean the salvation of the Gentiles as well as of Israel (Zec 2:10-11; cf. Is 66:18-24).<\/p>\n<p>Behind this language is a distinct theology of “the God who comes.” It is a fact widely recognized in contemporary OT theology that the God of the OT is not a nature god, like the gods of other peoples, but a God of history—a God who visits his people in history to bless or to judge them. God visited Israel in Egypt to deliver them from bondage and to constitute them as his people. The rescue from Egypt was not merely an act of deliverance; it was an act through which God made himself known and through which Israel was to know and serve him.<\/p>\n<p>Because God has visited his people again and again in their history, he must finally come to them in the future to judge wickedness and to establish his kingdom. Israel’s hope is thus rooted in history, or rather in the God who works in history. God will finally break into history in a glorious theophany to establish his rule in all the earth. The source of the kingdom is not history itself but God.<\/p>\n<p>While the prophets visualize the kingdom as coming from God, the kingdom is always on earth. The divine irruption into the natural order is not designed to accomplish its destruction but to make way for a new, perfect order arising out of the old, imperfect one. The prophets do not present a single consistent picture of the new order. Sometimes the new order is described very much in this-worldly terms. “The terraced vineyards on the hills of Israel will drip with sweet wine” (Am 9:13, <span>nlt<\/span>). On the other hand, God will create new heavens and a new earth (Is 65:17; 66:22), where there will be untroubled joy, prosperity, peace, and righteousness. The final visitation of God will mean the redemption of the world, for a redeemed earth is the scene of the kingdom of God. The prophets look forward again and again to the deliverance of creation “from the bondage to decay.” The description is often couched in simple physical terms. The wilderness will become fruitful (32:15); the desert will blossom (35:2); sorrow and sighing will flee away (v 10). The burning sands will be cooled and the dry places become springs of water (v 7); peace will return to the animal world so that all injury and destruction are done away with (11:6). All this results because the earth becomes full of the knowledge of God (v 9).<\/p>\n<p>Such language is not mere poetry but reflects a profound theology of creation. Humans as creatures were made to dwell on the earth, and the earth shares in human destiny. The main point is that creation as such is good and not a hindrance to true spirituality, as was often true in Greek thought. Redemption always includes redemption of the earth, which then becomes the blessed environment God intended it to be. Salvation does not mean deliverance from creaturehood, for this is not an evil thing but an essential and permanent element of true, human existence. Salvation does not mean escape from bodily creaturely existence, as in some Greek thought. On the contrary, ultimate redemption will mean the redemption of the whole person. The emergence of the doctrine of bodily resurrection is a reflection of this theology of creaturehood. The corollary of this is that creation in its entirety must share in the blessing of redemption.<\/p>\n<p>A distinctive element in prophetic eschatology is the tension between history and eschatology. That is, as the prophets looked into the future, they saw an immediate historical judgment as well as a more remote eschatological visitation. For Amos, the Day of the Lord is both the immediate judgment of Israel by the Assyrians and a final eschatological salvation. Joel sees an imminent historical visitation of drought and locusts, but beyond this he sees the eschatological Day of the Lord. Zephaniah sees an imminent Day of the Lord in some undesignated historical visitation (Zep 1:2-18), but beyond it he sees the salvation of the Gentiles (3:9). The same God who acts in history to bless and judge his people will act at the end of history in an eschatological act of judgment and salvation. The prophets do not sharply distinguish between these two days, for it is one and the same God who is concerned to judge and save his people.<\/p>\n<p>The eschatological hope of the prophets is always an ethical hope. That is to say, the prophets are not interested in the future for its own sake but for the impact of the future on the present. The prophetic predictions were given that, in light of future judgment and salvation, Israel might be confronted in the present by the will of God. “Prepare to meet your God as he comes in judgment, you people of Israel” (Am 4:12, <span>nlt<\/span>) might well be taken as the keynote of all the prophets.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"IntheNewTestament\">In the New Testament<\/p>\n<h5>The Synoptic Gospels<\/h5>\n<p>Jesus’ teachings about the kingdom of God embodied the same contrast between the present order and the future age as that of the prophets, and he expressed it in the idiom “this age and the age to come.” This fact is obscured in the <span>kjv<\/span>, which translates the word for “age” by “world.” These are, however, two different concepts. A rich man asked Jesus what he must do to inherit eternal life (Mk 10:17). The context makes it clear that he was asking about eschatological life—the life of the resurrection (Dn 12:2). Jesus speaks of the difficulty of entering the kingdom of God. (The parallel passage in Matthew 19:23-24 has both “kingdom of God” and “kingdom of heaven,” proving that they are interchangeable terms.) In their reaction the disciples ask, “Then who can be saved?” Jesus’ answer contrasts the lot of his disciples “in this time” with the “age to come” (Mk 10:29-30) when they would inherit eternal life. It is clear from this passage that in some sense the kingdom of God, the kingdom of heaven, salvation, and eternal life all belong to the age to come. So far as this saying is concerned, God’s people will not experience eternal life until they do so in the new age.<\/p>\n<p>Matthew alone records the expression “the close of the age.” This age will be terminated by the coming of the Son of Man (Mt 24:3) and by the judgment of humanity (13:39-42). Then the righteous will be separated from the wicked (v 49). The same expression occurs in the promise of the risen Jesus assuring his disciples of his presence until the consummation of the age (28:20). It follows that if this age is to come to its consummation, it must be followed by another age—the age to come.<\/p>\n<p>The eschatological kingdom will be inaugurated by an apocalyptic event—the glorious coming of the Son of Man. This is made clear by two of the parables about the kingdom of God. In the parable of the tares, “the Son of man will send his angels, and they will gather out of his kingdom all causes of sin and all evildoers, and throw them into the furnace of fire” (Mt 13:41-42, <span>rsv<\/span>). The parable of the sheep and goats reflects the same eschatology. When the Son of Man comes in his glory, he will sit on his glorious throne to judge the nations, separating the sheep from the goats. The righteous—the sheep—are to “inherit the kingdom prepared for you from the foundation of the world”; and entrance into the kingdom is synonymous with entrance into life (25:31-46, <span>rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>The eschatological character of the kingdom of God is seen also in the other two parables of Matthew 25. “The kingdom of heaven shall be compared to ten maidens who took their lamps and went to meet the bridegroom” (v 1, <span>rsv<\/span>). However, five of them were foolish and did not provide an adequate supply of oil for their lamps. Thus they were late for the wedding and were excluded from the wedding feast—a symbol of the eschatological kingdom—while those properly prepared entered the kingdom. In the same way the two faithful servants who had been “faithful over a little” were granted to “enter into the joy of your master” (vv 21, 23), while the unfaithful servant was excluded from the kingdom and cast into outer darkness.<\/p>\n<p>Jesus almost never showed any interest in descriptions of the eschatological kingdom, but it is clear that its coming was constantly in his thoughts. The pure in heart will see God (Mt 5:8). The harvest will take place and the grain will be gathered into the barn (13:30, 39; Mk 4:29). Jesus frequently used the metaphor of a feast or table fellowship to describe life in the eschatological kingdom. He will drink wine again with his disciples in the kingdom of God. They will eat and drink at Jesus’ table in the kingdom (Lk 22:30). People will be gathered from all corners of the earth to sit at a table with the OT saints (Mt 8:11-12; Lk 13:29). The consummation is likened to a wedding feast (Mt 22:1-14) and a banquet (Lk 14:16-24). All of these metaphors picture the restoration of communion between God and people, a union that had been broken by sin.<\/p>\n<p>In most of the sayings cited to illustrate the future character of the kingdom, “kingdom” refers to the eschatological order—the eschaton, the age to come. However, when Jesus taught his disciples to pray “Thy kingdom come” (Mt 6:10), he was not referring to the new eschatological order; he was referring to the kingdom as God’s kingly rule, his reign. It is a prayer that God will effectively establish his sovereign rule in the world.<\/p>\n<p>In his teaching about the kingdom of God as the apocalyptic consummation, Jesus does not differ essentially from the OT prophets. The most distinctive element in Jesus’ teaching—indeed, the fact that characterizes his entire mission and message—is the fact that in some real sense of the word, the kingdom of God has come in history in an utterly unexpected way. This sets Jesus’ teaching apart from all contemporary Jewish thought.<\/p>\n<p>This is seen first of all in his repeated teaching that his mission is a fulfillment of the OT messianic prophets. Mark summarizes Jesus’ message with the words “The Kingdom of God is near! Turn from your sins and believe this Good News!” (Mk 1:15, <span>nlt<\/span>). This saying can have one of two meanings. It may refer to the imminent coming of the apocalyptic kingdom. Matthew summarizes the message of John the Baptist with nearly the same words: “Turn from your sins and turn to God, because the Kingdom of Heaven is near” (Mt 3:2, <span>nlt<\/span>). The Baptist expounds what he means by the approach of the kingdom of God: “He is ready to separate the chaff from the grain with his winnowing fork. Then he will clean up the threshing area, storing the grain in his barn but burning the chaff with never-ending fire” (v 12, <span>nlt<\/span>). John proclaimed an apocalyptic act; “unquenchable fire” can mean no strictly historical event but only an apocalyptic judgment. John expected Jesus to be the one in whom the cosmic event expected by the prophets would be carried out.<\/p>\n<p>It is possible that this was also Jesus’ meaning. However, another interpretation is possible that is better supported by the actual course of his mission: “The time is fulfilled.” The messianic promises of the prophets were not only about to be fulfilled; they were actually in process of fulfillment in his mission. In Jesus, God was visiting his people. The hope of the prophets in some real sense was being realized.<\/p>\n<p>The meaning of this can be seen in Luke’s introduction of Jesus’ ministry. Luke selects an event that occurred in Nazareth later in Jesus’ ministry (Lk 4:16-21) and places it at the beginning of his Gospel in order to sound this note of fulfillment. Jesus read from Isaiah a promise that looked forward to the messianic salvation: “The Spirit of the Lord is upon me, for he has appointed me to preach Good News to the poor. He has sent me to proclaim that captives will be released, that the blind will see, that the downtrodden will be freed from their oppressors, and that the time of the Lord’s favor has come” (vv 18-19, <span>nlt<\/span>). Then Jesus astonished his audience by the assertion “This Scripture has come true today before your very eyes!” (v 21, <span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>Here was an amazing claim. John the Baptist had announced an apocalyptic visitation of God that would mean the fulfillment of the eschatological hope and the consummation of the messianic age. Jesus proclaimed that the messianic promise was actually being fulfilled in his person. This is no apocalyptic kingdom but a present salvation. In these words Jesus did not proclaim the imminence of the apocalyptic kingdom. Rather, he boldly announced that the kingdom of God had come. The presence of the kingdom was a happening, an event, the gracious action of God. This was no new theology or new idea or new promise; it was a new event in history.<\/p>\n<p>The note of fulfillment is again sounded in Jesus’ answer to the question about fasting. “Do wedding guests fast while celebrating with the groom? Of course not. They can’t fast while they are with the groom” (Mk 2:19, <span>nlt<\/span>). The marriage feast had become a metaphor in Judaism for the messianic consummation. In these words Jesus announced the presence of the messianic time of salvation. It would be a contradiction in terms for the disciples to fast when they were enjoying the blessings of the messianic age. The time of fulfillment had come.<\/p>\n<p>A saying found in different contexts in Matthew and Luke touches this central note of the fulfillment in history of the OT hope: “Blessed are the eyes which see what you see! For I tell you that many prophets and kings desired to see what you see, and did not see it, and to hear what you hear, and did not hear it” (Lk 10:23-24, <span>rsv<\/span>; cf. Mt 13:16-17). Both Matthew and Luke associate this saying with the kingdom of God, and both agree that the hope of former generations has become an object of experience. Many prophets and kings looked forward to something, but they looked in vain, for it did not come to them. What they longed for has now come, and this can be nothing less than the promised messianic salvation.<\/p>\n<p>Fulfillment in history is again asserted in Jesus’ answer to John’s question about the one who is to come (Mt 11:2-3). “The deeds of the Christ” (Messiah) were not the deeds John had announced. Wicked rulers like Herod were not being judged in fire. Instead, Jesus was helping people, not bringing an apocalyptic kingdom. Jesus replied in words that echo the promise of the messianic salvation in Isaiah 35:5-6: “Go and tell John what you hear and see: the blind receive their sight and the lame walk, lepers are cleansed and the deaf hear, and the dead are raised up, and the poor have the gospel preached to them” (Mt 11:4-5, <span>rsv<\/span>). In these words Jesus claimed that the blessings of the messianic salvation are present. There was indeed reason for John’s perplexity, for the fulfillment was not taking place along expected lines. The apocalyptic consummation did not appear to be on the horizon. The point of Jesus’ answer was that fulfillment was taking place without the eschatological consummation. Therefore, Jesus pronounced a special blessing upon those who were not offended by the character of the messianic fulfillment (v 6). The fulfillment was indeed taking place, but not the apocalyptic consummation.<\/p>\n<p>The most unambiguous statement of the presence of the kingdom is found in the words about the binding of Satan. One of Jesus’ most characteristic acts was the exorcism of demons—deliverance from satanic power. The Pharisees admitted his power but attributed it to Satan. Jesus replied, “If Satan casts out Satan, he is divided against himself; how then will his kingdom stand? . . . But if it is by the Spirit of God that I cast out demons, then the kingdom of God is come upon you” (Mt 12:26, 28, <span>rsv<\/span>). Here the verb has the clear meaning “to come, to arrive” (cf. Rom 9:30; 2 Cor 10:14; Phil 3:16). Here is a clear affirmation that the kingdom of God has come among men.<\/p>\n<p>In explanation Jesus said, “Or how can one enter a strong man’s house and plunder his goods, unless he first binds the strong man? Then indeed he may plunder his house” (Mt 12:29, <span>rsv<\/span>). The strong man is Satan; this “present evil age” (Gal 1:4) is his “house”; his “goods” are demon-possessed men and women. Jesus has invaded the strong man’s house to snatch away from him men and women whom he has in his power, and this is the work of the kingdom of God. The kingly reign of God has come into history in the person of Jesus before the apocalyptic consummation when Satan will be destroyed, to render Satan a preliminary defeat. Jesus has already “bound” Satan (i.e., curbed his power). This has been accomplished by the presence of the kingdom of God in the mission of Jesus.<\/p>\n<p>A similar saying is found in Luke 10:18. Jesus had sent a band of his disciples on a preaching mission. Like Jesus, they were to proclaim the nearness of the kingdom of God (Lk 10:9). They, too, were to exorcize demons. When they returned to Jesus to report their success, Jesus said, “I saw Satan fall like lightning from heaven” (v 18, <span>rsv<\/span>). This again is metaphorical language that asserts that in the mission of Jesus’ disciples, as well as in Jesus himself, Satan has fallen from his place of power. Both “binding” and “falling” are metaphors that describe the same truth: the victory of the kingdom of God over Satan.<\/p>\n<p>Here is the element that sets Jesus apart from the OT and from all of contemporary Judaism. The prophets conceived of the kingdom being established by a heavenly supernatural being (Dn 7) or ruled by a powerful Davidic messianic king (Is 9, 11). The fulfillment of the messianic hope is everywhere in the prophets an eschatological hope. The same is true of the Jewish writers who despaired of history and cast all hope into the future.<\/p>\n<p>In contrast to all that had gone before him, Jesus proclaimed the kingdom of God as an event taking place in his own person and mission. God had again assumed the initiative; God was acting. No first-century Jew had any idea of the kingdom of God coming into history in the person of an ordinary man—a teacher who was meek and lowly.<\/p>\n<p>The presence of the kingdom is further seen in the fact that the rule of God, present in Jesus, is a gift to be received. This is also true of the kingdom in its eschatological consummation, where the kingdom is freely inherited by the righteous (Mt 25:34). In answer to the young man’s question about inheriting eternal life (Mk 10:17), Jesus spoke of entering the kingdom (vv 23-24) and receiving the gift of eternal life (v 30) as though they were synonymous. The kingdom is a gift that the Father is pleased to bestow upon the little flock of Jesus’ disciples (Lk 12:32).<\/p>\n<p>If God’s eschatological rule brings to his people the blessings of that kingdom, and if God’s kingdom is his rule invading history before the eschatological consummation, then we may expect God’s rule in the present to bring a preliminary blessing to his people. This fact is reflected in numerous sayings. The kingdom is something to be sought here and now (Mt 6:33) and to be received as children receive a gift (Mk 10:15; Lk 18:16-17). Although it is present in an unexpected form, the kingdom of God in Jesus’ person is like a hidden treasure or a pearl of great price whose possession outranks all other goods (Mt 13:44-46). The gift of the kingdom is also seen in that the deaf hear, the blind see, lepers are cleansed, and the poor have good news preached to them (11:5).<\/p>\n<h5>John’s Gospel<\/h5>\n<p>In the Gospel of John the concept of eternal life takes the place of the kingdom of God in Jesus’ teaching. The kingdom of God is mentioned twice (Jn 3:3, 5), and it is placed in connection with eternal life. The kingdom of God is here the eschatological kingdom, and eternal life is the life of the kingdom. Thus, as the kingdom of God in the synoptic Gospels is both future and present, so eternal life is both the life of the age to come (12:25) and also a present blessing (3:16, etc.).<\/p>\n<h5>Acts<\/h5>\n<p>In Acts it seems the earliest disciples generally failed to understand Jesus’ message about the kingdom of God as a present spiritual blessing. They gathered together to await the coming of the eschatological kingdom to Israel (Acts 1:6). Acts relates that the disciples continued to preach the kingdom of God, but usually it is an eschatological blessing (8:12; 14:22; 19:8; 20:25; 28:23, 31). However, the last two references make the kingdom of God synonymous with the gospel about Jesus Christ.<\/p>\n<p>One important theme in Acts is linked to that of the kingdom of God. On the Day of Pentecost, Peter announces that God has seated Jesus at his right hand in fulfillment of Psalm 110:1 (Acts 2:33-35). In the Psalms this is a prophecy of the enthronement of the Davidic king in Jerusalem. Peter asserts that this prophecy is now fulfilled in the heavenly reign of Jesus. Therefore, he has been made both Lord and Christ (Messiah). These are interchangeable terms, “Lord” meaning absolute sovereign, “Christ” meaning the messianic king.<\/p>\n<h5>Paul’s Writings<\/h5>\n<p>Paul carried further this theme of the heavenly rule of Christ, the anointed King. The kingdom is both an eschatological inheritance (1 Cor 6:9; 15:50; Gal 5:21; Eph 5:5; 1 Thes 2:12; 2 Thes 1:5; 2 Tm 4:1, 18) and a present blessing into which believers now enter (Rom 14:17; Col 1:13). The key to this is the interchangeable character of lordship and messianic kingship. Jesus is now exalted as Lord over all (Phil 2:11), and even as his lordship is invisible, it will become manifest to all at his second coming. In the same way, he has been enthroned as messianic King by virtue of his resurrection and heavenly session, and he must reign as King until he has put all his enemies under his feet (1 Cor 15:25; Eph 1:22). The last enemy to be destroyed is death.<\/p>\n<h5>Revelation<\/h5>\n<p>The central message of the Revelation to John is the consummation of God’s redemptive purpose, when the kingdom of this world becomes the kingdom of our Lord and of his Christ (Rv 11:15). Revelation pictures the plight of a persecuted church in a hostile world, but it assures the church that Christ has already won a victory over the powers of evil (5:5), by virtue of which he can finally destroy them (19:11–20:14). Again, the last enemy to be destroyed is death (20:13-14). Revelation closes with a highly symbolic picture of the kingdom of God (chs 21–22) when God comes to dwell among his people, and “they shall see his face” (22:4). Thus the NT ends: divine order is restored to a disordered world. This is the kingdom of God.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Jesus Christ, Teachings of; King; Parable.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>KINGDOM OF GOD, KINGDOM OF HEAVEN<\/h3>\n<p>The sovereign rule of God, initiated by Christ’s earthly ministry and consummated when the kingdom of the world becomes the kingdom of our Lord and of his Christ (Rv 11:15).<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Introduction<\/p>\n<p>• Old Testament Background<\/p>\n<p>• In the New Testament<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Introduction\">Introduction<\/p>\n<p>According to the testimony of the first three Gospels, the proclamation of the kingdom of God was Jesus’ central message. Matthew summarizes the Galilean ministry with the words “Jesus traveled throughout Galilee teaching in the synagogues, preaching everywhere the Good News about the Kingdom” (Mt 4:23, <span>nlt<\/span>). The Sermon on the Mount is concerned with the righteousness that qualifies people to enter the kingdom of God (5:20). The collection of parables in Matthew 13 and Mark 4 illustrate the “mystery” of the kingdom of God (Mt 13:11; Mk 4:11). The establishment of the Lord’s Supper looks forward to the establishment of the kingdom of God (Mt 26:29; Mk 14:25).<\/p>\n<p>The NT reports two different forms of the expression: “the kingdom of God” and “the kingdom of the heavens.” The latter is found only in Matthew, but Matthew also has “the kingdom of God” four times (Mt 12:28; 19:24; 21:31, 43). “The kingdom of heaven” is a Semitic phrase that would have been meaningful to Jews but not to Greeks. The Jews, out of reverence for God, avoided uttering the divine name, and contemporary literature gives examples of substituting the word “heaven” for God (1 Macc 3:18, 50; 4:10; see Lk 15:18).<\/p>\n<p>The key to an understanding of the kingdom of God is that the basic meaning of the Greek word <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">basileia<\/span><em>,<\/em> as also of the Hebrew <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">malkut<\/span><em>,<\/em> is rule, reign, dominion. We frequently find in the OT the expression “in the year of the kingdom of . . . ,” meaning in the year of the reign of a given king (e.g., 1 Chr 26:31; 2 Chr 3:2; 15:10; Ezr 7:1; 8:1; Est 2:16; Jer 10:7; 52:31). When we read that Solomon’s kingdom was firmly established (1 Kgs 2:12), we are to understand that his authority to reign was settled. To “turn the kingdom of Saul over to [David]” (1 Chr 12:23, <span>kjv<\/span>) indicates that the authority that had been Saul’s was given to David. As a result of having received legal authority, David became king. This abstract idea of <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">malkut<\/span> is evident when it is found in parallelisms with such ideas as power, might, glory, and dominion (Dn 4:34; 7:14).<\/p>\n<p>When <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">malkut<\/span> is used of God, it almost always refers to his authority or to his rule as the heavenly King. “They will talk together about the glory of your kingdom; they will celebrate examples of your power. . . . For your kingdom is an everlasting kingdom. You rule generation after generation” (Ps 145:11, 13, <span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>Further, if a king rules, there must be a realm or sphere over which he reigns. This is also called <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">malkut<\/span><em>.<\/em> “So the realm of Jehoshaphat was quiet, for his God gave him rest round about” (2 Chr 20:30, <span>rsv<\/span>; see Est 3:6; Jer 10:7; Dn 9:1; 11:9).<\/p>\n<p>This same twofold use of <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">basileia<\/span> is found in the NT. In fact, <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">basileia<\/span> could be translated by the expression “kingly power” in Luke 23:42 (<span>niv<\/span> mg) and by “kingship” in John 18:36. When a nobleman went into a far country to get a “kingdom” (Luke 19:12, <span>nasb<\/span>) he went to the governing authority to get an appointment as king. When Jesus said, “My kingship is not of this world” (Jn 18:36, <span>rsv<\/span>), he did not mean to say that his rule has nothing to do with the world but rather that his kingship—his dominion—does not come from man but from God. Therefore, he rejects the use of worldly fighting to gain his ends.<\/p>\n<p>This central meaning of <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">basileia<\/span> makes it easy to understand many sayings in the Gospels. In the Lord’s Prayer the petition “Thy kingdom come” (Mt 6:10) is a prayer for God to manifest his reign so that his will may be done on earth as it is in heaven. When we read that we are to “receive the kingdom of God like a child” (Mk 10:15, <span>rsv<\/span>), we must open our hearts and lives to the rule of God.<\/p>\n<p>Also in the NT are sayings about being <em>in<\/em> the kingdom or of <em>entering<\/em> the kingdom (Mt 8:11; Mk 9:47; 10:23-25; Lk 13:28). There is no philological or theological objection to understanding “the kingdom of God” first as the divine reign or rule and second as the sphere of blessing in which that reign is experienced.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"OldTestamentBackground\">Old Testament Background<\/p>\n<p>The expression “the kingdom of God” is not found in the OT, but the idea appears throughout the prophets. God is frequently spoken of as the King, both of Israel (Ex 15:18; Nm 23:21; Dt 33:5; Is 43:15) and of all the earth (2 Kgs 19:15; Pss 29:10; 47:2; 93:1-2; 96:10; 97:1-9; 99:1-4; 145:11-13; Is 6:5; Jer 46:18). Although God is not the earthly King of Israel, other references speak of a day when God shall become King and shall rule over his people (Is 24:23; 33:22; 52:7; Ob 1:21; Zep 3:15; Zec 14:9-11).<\/p>\n<p>This brief summary of God’s kingship provides the outline for the entire OT concept. While God is King over all the earth, he is in a special way King over his people, Israel. God’s rule is therefore something realized in Israel’s history. However, it is only partially and imperfectly realized. Israel again and again rebelled against the divine sovereignty. Furthermore, Israel was constantly plagued by wars with its pagan neighbors in which it was not always victorious. Again, there are evils in nature and the physical world that often bring suffering to God’s people. Therefore, the prophets look forward to a day when God’s rule will be fully experienced, not by Israel alone, but by all the world. The main emphasis of the prophets is on hope, the establishing of God’s perfect rule in the world.<\/p>\n<p>The prophets describe the final establishment of God’s kingdom in terms of a theophany—a divine visitation (Mi 1:3-4). Zechariah foresees a “Day of the Lord” when all nations will be gathered in battle against Jerusalem, when the Lord will go forth and fight against those nations (Zec 14:3, 5). Israel will be visited by the Lord (Is 29:6) and delivered from its enemies (35:4; 59:20). God’s coming will also mean judgment (2:21; 26:21). This final coming of God will mean the salvation of the Gentiles as well as of Israel (Zec 2:10-11; cf. Is 66:18-24).<\/p>\n<p>Behind this language is a distinct theology of “the God who comes.” It is a fact widely recognized in contemporary OT theology that the God of the OT is not a nature god, like the gods of other peoples, but a God of history—a God who visits his people in history to bless or to judge them. God visited Israel in Egypt to deliver them from bondage and to constitute them as his people. The rescue from Egypt was not merely an act of deliverance; it was an act through which God made himself known and through which Israel was to know and serve him.<\/p>\n<p>Because God has visited his people again and again in their history, he must finally come to them in the future to judge wickedness and to establish his kingdom. Israel’s hope is thus rooted in history, or rather in the God who works in history. God will finally break into history in a glorious theophany to establish his rule in all the earth. The source of the kingdom is not history itself but God.<\/p>\n<p>While the prophets visualize the kingdom as coming from God, the kingdom is always on earth. The divine irruption into the natural order is not designed to accomplish its destruction but to make way for a new, perfect order arising out of the old, imperfect one. The prophets do not present a single consistent picture of the new order. Sometimes the new order is described very much in this-worldly terms. “The terraced vineyards on the hills of Israel will drip with sweet wine” (Am 9:13, <span>nlt<\/span>). On the other hand, God will create new heavens and a new earth (Is 65:17; 66:22), where there will be untroubled joy, prosperity, peace, and righteousness. The final visitation of God will mean the redemption of the world, for a redeemed earth is the scene of the kingdom of God. The prophets look forward again and again to the deliverance of creation “from the bondage to decay.” The description is often couched in simple physical terms. The wilderness will become fruitful (32:15); the desert will blossom (35:2); sorrow and sighing will flee away (v 10). The burning sands will be cooled and the dry places become springs of water (v 7); peace will return to the animal world so that all injury and destruction are done away with (11:6). All this results because the earth becomes full of the knowledge of God (v 9).<\/p>\n<p>Such language is not mere poetry but reflects a profound theology of creation. Humans as creatures were made to dwell on the earth, and the earth shares in human destiny. The main point is that creation as such is good and not a hindrance to true spirituality, as was often true in Greek thought. Redemption always includes redemption of the earth, which then becomes the blessed environment God intended it to be. Salvation does not mean deliverance from creaturehood, for this is not an evil thing but an essential and permanent element of true, human existence. Salvation does not mean escape from bodily creaturely existence, as in some Greek thought. On the contrary, ultimate redemption will mean the redemption of the whole person. The emergence of the doctrine of bodily resurrection is a reflection of this theology of creaturehood. The corollary of this is that creation in its entirety must share in the blessing of redemption.<\/p>\n<p>A distinctive element in prophetic eschatology is the tension between history and eschatology. That is, as the prophets looked into the future, they saw an immediate historical judgment as well as a more remote eschatological visitation. For Amos, the Day of the Lord is both the immediate judgment of Israel by the Assyrians and a final eschatological salvation. Joel sees an imminent historical visitation of drought and locusts, but beyond this he sees the eschatological Day of the Lord. Zephaniah sees an imminent Day of the Lord in some undesignated historical visitation (Zep 1:2-18), but beyond it he sees the salvation of the Gentiles (3:9). The same God who acts in history to bless and judge his people will act at the end of history in an eschatological act of judgment and salvation. The prophets do not sharply distinguish between these two days, for it is one and the same God who is concerned to judge and save his people.<\/p>\n<p>The eschatological hope of the prophets is always an ethical hope. That is to say, the prophets are not interested in the future for its own sake but for the impact of the future on the present. The prophetic predictions were given that, in light of future judgment and salvation, Israel might be confronted in the present by the will of God. “Prepare to meet your God as he comes in judgment, you people of Israel” (Am 4:12, <span>nlt<\/span>) might well be taken as the keynote of all the prophets.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"IntheNewTestament\">In the New Testament<\/p>\n<h5>The Synoptic Gospels<\/h5>\n<p>Jesus’ teachings about the kingdom of God embodied the same contrast between the present order and the future age as that of the prophets, and he expressed it in the idiom “this age and the age to come.” This fact is obscured in the <span>kjv<\/span>, which translates the word for “age” by “world.” These are, however, two different concepts. A rich man asked Jesus what he must do to inherit eternal life (Mk 10:17). The context makes it clear that he was asking about eschatological life—the life of the resurrection (Dn 12:2). Jesus speaks of the difficulty of entering the kingdom of God. (The parallel passage in Matthew 19:23-24 has both “kingdom of God” and “kingdom of heaven,” proving that they are interchangeable terms.) In their reaction the disciples ask, “Then who can be saved?” Jesus’ answer contrasts the lot of his disciples “in this time” with the “age to come” (Mk 10:29-30) when they would inherit eternal life. It is clear from this passage that in some sense the kingdom of God, the kingdom of heaven, salvation, and eternal life all belong to the age to come. So far as this saying is concerned, God’s people will not experience eternal life until they do so in the new age.<\/p>\n<p>Matthew alone records the expression “the close of the age.” This age will be terminated by the coming of the Son of Man (Mt 24:3) and by the judgment of humanity (13:39-42). Then the righteous will be separated from the wicked (v 49). The same expression occurs in the promise of the risen Jesus assuring his disciples of his presence until the consummation of the age (28:20). It follows that if this age is to come to its consummation, it must be followed by another age—the age to come.<\/p>\n<p>The eschatological kingdom will be inaugurated by an apocalyptic event—the glorious coming of the Son of Man. This is made clear by two of the parables about the kingdom of God. In the parable of the tares, “the Son of man will send his angels, and they will gather out of his kingdom all causes of sin and all evildoers, and throw them into the furnace of fire” (Mt 13:41-42, <span>rsv<\/span>). The parable of the sheep and goats reflects the same eschatology. When the Son of Man comes in his glory, he will sit on his glorious throne to judge the nations, separating the sheep from the goats. The righteous—the sheep—are to “inherit the kingdom prepared for you from the foundation of the world”; and entrance into the kingdom is synonymous with entrance into life (25:31-46, <span>rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>The eschatological character of the kingdom of God is seen also in the other two parables of Matthew 25. “The kingdom of heaven shall be compared to ten maidens who took their lamps and went to meet the bridegroom” (v 1, <span>rsv<\/span>). However, five of them were foolish and did not provide an adequate supply of oil for their lamps. Thus they were late for the wedding and were excluded from the wedding feast—a symbol of the eschatological kingdom—while those properly prepared entered the kingdom. In the same way the two faithful servants who had been “faithful over a little” were granted to “enter into the joy of your master” (vv 21, 23), while the unfaithful servant was excluded from the kingdom and cast into outer darkness.<\/p>\n<p>Jesus almost never showed any interest in descriptions of the eschatological kingdom, but it is clear that its coming was constantly in his thoughts. The pure in heart will see God (Mt 5:8). The harvest will take place and the grain will be gathered into the barn (13:30, 39; Mk 4:29). Jesus frequently used the metaphor of a feast or table fellowship to describe life in the eschatological kingdom. He will drink wine again with his disciples in the kingdom of God. They will eat and drink at Jesus’ table in the kingdom (Lk 22:30). People will be gathered from all corners of the earth to sit at a table with the OT saints (Mt 8:11-12; Lk 13:29). The consummation is likened to a wedding feast (Mt 22:1-14) and a banquet (Lk 14:16-24). All of these metaphors picture the restoration of communion between God and people, a union that had been broken by sin.<\/p>\n<p>In most of the sayings cited to illustrate the future character of the kingdom, “kingdom” refers to the eschatological order—the eschaton, the age to come. However, when Jesus taught his disciples to pray “Thy kingdom come” (Mt 6:10), he was not referring to the new eschatological order; he was referring to the kingdom as God’s kingly rule, his reign. It is a prayer that God will effectively establish his sovereign rule in the world.<\/p>\n<p>In his teaching about the kingdom of God as the apocalyptic consummation, Jesus does not differ essentially from the OT prophets. The most distinctive element in Jesus’ teaching—indeed, the fact that characterizes his entire mission and message—is the fact that in some real sense of the word, the kingdom of God has come in history in an utterly unexpected way. This sets Jesus’ teaching apart from all contemporary Jewish thought.<\/p>\n<p>This is seen first of all in his repeated teaching that his mission is a fulfillment of the OT messianic prophets. Mark summarizes Jesus’ message with the words “The Kingdom of God is near! Turn from your sins and believe this Good News!” (Mk 1:15, <span>nlt<\/span>). This saying can have one of two meanings. It may refer to the imminent coming of the apocalyptic kingdom. Matthew summarizes the message of John the Baptist with nearly the same words: “Turn from your sins and turn to God, because the Kingdom of Heaven is near” (Mt 3:2, <span>nlt<\/span>). The Baptist expounds what he means by the approach of the kingdom of God: “He is ready to separate the chaff from the grain with his winnowing fork. Then he will clean up the threshing area, storing the grain in his barn but burning the chaff with never-ending fire” (v 12, <span>nlt<\/span>). John proclaimed an apocalyptic act; “unquenchable fire” can mean no strictly historical event but only an apocalyptic judgment. John expected Jesus to be the one in whom the cosmic event expected by the prophets would be carried out.<\/p>\n<p>It is possible that this was also Jesus’ meaning. However, another interpretation is possible that is better supported by the actual course of his mission: “The time is fulfilled.” The messianic promises of the prophets were not only about to be fulfilled; they were actually in process of fulfillment in his mission. In Jesus, God was visiting his people. The hope of the prophets in some real sense was being realized.<\/p>\n<p>The meaning of this can be seen in Luke’s introduction of Jesus’ ministry. Luke selects an event that occurred in Nazareth later in Jesus’ ministry (Lk 4:16-21) and places it at the beginning of his Gospel in order to sound this note of fulfillment. Jesus read from Isaiah a promise that looked forward to the messianic salvation: “The Spirit of the Lord is upon me, for he has appointed me to preach Good News to the poor. He has sent me to proclaim that captives will be released, that the blind will see, that the downtrodden will be freed from their oppressors, and that the time of the Lord’s favor has come” (vv 18-19, <span>nlt<\/span>). Then Jesus astonished his audience by the assertion “This Scripture has come true today before your very eyes!” (v 21, <span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>Here was an amazing claim. John the Baptist had announced an apocalyptic visitation of God that would mean the fulfillment of the eschatological hope and the consummation of the messianic age. Jesus proclaimed that the messianic promise was actually being fulfilled in his person. This is no apocalyptic kingdom but a present salvation. In these words Jesus did not proclaim the imminence of the apocalyptic kingdom. Rather, he boldly announced that the kingdom of God had come. The presence of the kingdom was a happening, an event, the gracious action of God. This was no new theology or new idea or new promise; it was a new event in history.<\/p>\n<p>The note of fulfillment is again sounded in Jesus’ answer to the question about fasting. “Do wedding guests fast while celebrating with the groom? Of course not. They can’t fast while they are with the groom” (Mk 2:19, <span>nlt<\/span>). The marriage feast had become a metaphor in Judaism for the messianic consummation. In these words Jesus announced the presence of the messianic time of salvation. It would be a contradiction in terms for the disciples to fast when they were enjoying the blessings of the messianic age. The time of fulfillment had come.<\/p>\n<p>A saying found in different contexts in Matthew and Luke touches this central note of the fulfillment in history of the OT hope: “Blessed are the eyes which see what you see! For I tell you that many prophets and kings desired to see what you see, and did not see it, and to hear what you hear, and did not hear it” (Lk 10:23-24, <span>rsv<\/span>; cf. Mt 13:16-17). Both Matthew and Luke associate this saying with the kingdom of God, and both agree that the hope of former generations has become an object of experience. Many prophets and kings looked forward to something, but they looked in vain, for it did not come to them. What they longed for has now come, and this can be nothing less than the promised messianic salvation.<\/p>\n<p>Fulfillment in history is again asserted in Jesus’ answer to John’s question about the one who is to come (Mt 11:2-3). “The deeds of the Christ” (Messiah) were not the deeds John had announced. Wicked rulers like Herod were not being judged in fire. Instead, Jesus was helping people, not bringing an apocalyptic kingdom. Jesus replied in words that echo the promise of the messianic salvation in Isaiah 35:5-6: “Go and tell John what you hear and see: the blind receive their sight and the lame walk, lepers are cleansed and the deaf hear, and the dead are raised up, and the poor have the gospel preached to them” (Mt 11:4-5, <span>rsv<\/span>). In these words Jesus claimed that the blessings of the messianic salvation are present. There was indeed reason for John’s perplexity, for the fulfillment was not taking place along expected lines. The apocalyptic consummation did not appear to be on the horizon. The point of Jesus’ answer was that fulfillment was taking place without the eschatological consummation. Therefore, Jesus pronounced a special blessing upon those who were not offended by the character of the messianic fulfillment (v 6). The fulfillment was indeed taking place, but not the apocalyptic consummation.<\/p>\n<p>The most unambiguous statement of the presence of the kingdom is found in the words about the binding of Satan. One of Jesus’ most characteristic acts was the exorcism of demons—deliverance from satanic power. The Pharisees admitted his power but attributed it to Satan. Jesus replied, “If Satan casts out Satan, he is divided against himself; how then will his kingdom stand? . . . But if it is by the Spirit of God that I cast out demons, then the kingdom of God is come upon you” (Mt 12:26, 28, <span>rsv<\/span>). Here the verb has the clear meaning “to come, to arrive” (cf. Rom 9:30; 2 Cor 10:14; Phil 3:16). Here is a clear affirmation that the kingdom of God has come among men.<\/p>\n<p>In explanation Jesus said, “Or how can one enter a strong man’s house and plunder his goods, unless he first binds the strong man? Then indeed he may plunder his house” (Mt 12:29, <span>rsv<\/span>). The strong man is Satan; this “present evil age” (Gal 1:4) is his “house”; his “goods” are demon-possessed men and women. Jesus has invaded the strong man’s house to snatch away from him men and women whom he has in his power, and this is the work of the kingdom of God. The kingly reign of God has come into history in the person of Jesus before the apocalyptic consummation when Satan will be destroyed, to render Satan a preliminary defeat. Jesus has already “bound” Satan (i.e., curbed his power). This has been accomplished by the presence of the kingdom of God in the mission of Jesus.<\/p>\n<p>A similar saying is found in Luke 10:18. Jesus had sent a band of his disciples on a preaching mission. Like Jesus, they were to proclaim the nearness of the kingdom of God (Lk 10:9). They, too, were to exorcize demons. When they returned to Jesus to report their success, Jesus said, “I saw Satan fall like lightning from heaven” (v 18, <span>rsv<\/span>). This again is metaphorical language that asserts that in the mission of Jesus’ disciples, as well as in Jesus himself, Satan has fallen from his place of power. Both “binding” and “falling” are metaphors that describe the same truth: the victory of the kingdom of God over Satan.<\/p>\n<p>Here is the element that sets Jesus apart from the OT and from all of contemporary Judaism. The prophets conceived of the kingdom being established by a heavenly supernatural being (Dn 7) or ruled by a powerful Davidic messianic king (Is 9, 11). The fulfillment of the messianic hope is everywhere in the prophets an eschatological hope. The same is true of the Jewish writers who despaired of history and cast all hope into the future.<\/p>\n<p>In contrast to all that had gone before him, Jesus proclaimed the kingdom of God as an event taking place in his own person and mission. God had again assumed the initiative; God was acting. No first-century Jew had any idea of the kingdom of God coming into history in the person of an ordinary man—a teacher who was meek and lowly.<\/p>\n<p>The presence of the kingdom is further seen in the fact that the rule of God, present in Jesus, is a gift to be received. This is also true of the kingdom in its eschatological consummation, where the kingdom is freely inherited by the righteous (Mt 25:34). In answer to the young man’s question about inheriting eternal life (Mk 10:17), Jesus spoke of entering the kingdom (vv 23-24) and receiving the gift of eternal life (v 30) as though they were synonymous. The kingdom is a gift that the Father is pleased to bestow upon the little flock of Jesus’ disciples (Lk 12:32).<\/p>\n<p>If God’s eschatological rule brings to his people the blessings of that kingdom, and if God’s kingdom is his rule invading history before the eschatological consummation, then we may expect God’s rule in the present to bring a preliminary blessing to his people. This fact is reflected in numerous sayings. The kingdom is something to be sought here and now (Mt 6:33) and to be received as children receive a gift (Mk 10:15; Lk 18:16-17). Although it is present in an unexpected form, the kingdom of God in Jesus’ person is like a hidden treasure or a pearl of great price whose possession outranks all other goods (Mt 13:44-46). The gift of the kingdom is also seen in that the deaf hear, the blind see, lepers are cleansed, and the poor have good news preached to them (11:5).<\/p>\n<h5>John’s Gospel<\/h5>\n<p>In the Gospel of John the concept of eternal life takes the place of the kingdom of God in Jesus’ teaching. The kingdom of God is mentioned twice (Jn 3:3, 5), and it is placed in connection with eternal life. The kingdom of God is here the eschatological kingdom, and eternal life is the life of the kingdom. Thus, as the kingdom of God in the synoptic Gospels is both future and present, so eternal life is both the life of the age to come (12:25) and also a present blessing (3:16, etc.).<\/p>\n<h5>Acts<\/h5>\n<p>In Acts it seems the earliest disciples generally failed to understand Jesus’ message about the kingdom of God as a present spiritual blessing. They gathered together to await the coming of the eschatological kingdom to Israel (Acts 1:6). Acts relates that the disciples continued to preach the kingdom of God, but usually it is an eschatological blessing (8:12; 14:22; 19:8; 20:25; 28:23, 31). However, the last two references make the kingdom of God synonymous with the gospel about Jesus Christ.<\/p>\n<p>One important theme in Acts is linked to that of the kingdom of God. On the Day of Pentecost, Peter announces that God has seated Jesus at his right hand in fulfillment of Psalm 110:1 (Acts 2:33-35). In the Psalms this is a prophecy of the enthronement of the Davidic king in Jerusalem. Peter asserts that this prophecy is now fulfilled in the heavenly reign of Jesus. Therefore, he has been made both Lord and Christ (Messiah). These are interchangeable terms, “Lord” meaning absolute sovereign, “Christ” meaning the messianic king.<\/p>\n<h5>Paul’s Writings<\/h5>\n<p>Paul carried further this theme of the heavenly rule of Christ, the anointed King. The kingdom is both an eschatological inheritance (1 Cor 6:9; 15:50; Gal 5:21; Eph 5:5; 1 Thes 2:12; 2 Thes 1:5; 2 Tm 4:1, 18) and a present blessing into which believers now enter (Rom 14:17; Col 1:13). The key to this is the interchangeable character of lordship and messianic kingship. Jesus is now exalted as Lord over all (Phil 2:11), and even as his lordship is invisible, it will become manifest to all at his second coming. In the same way, he has been enthroned as messianic King by virtue of his resurrection and heavenly session, and he must reign as King until he has put all his enemies under his feet (1 Cor 15:25; Eph 1:22). The last enemy to be destroyed is death.<\/p>\n<h5>Revelation<\/h5>\n<p>The central message of the Revelation to John is the consummation of God’s redemptive purpose, when the kingdom of this world becomes the kingdom of our Lord and of his Christ (Rv 11:15). Revelation pictures the plight of a persecuted church in a hostile world, but it assures the church that Christ has already won a victory over the powers of evil (5:5), by virtue of which he can finally destroy them (19:11–20:14). Again, the last enemy to be destroyed is death (20:13-14). Revelation closes with a highly symbolic picture of the kingdom of God (chs 21–22) when God comes to dwell among his people, and “they shall see his face” (22:4). Thus the NT ends: divine order is restored to a disordered world. This is the kingdom of God.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Jesus Christ, Teachings of; King; Parable.<\/p>","summary_ro":"KINGDOM OF GOD, KINGDOM OF HEAVEN The sovereign rule of God, initiated by Christ’s earthly ministry and consummated when the kingdom of the world becomes the kingdom of our Lord and of his Christ (Rv 11:15). Preview • Introduction • Old Testament Background • In the New Testament Introduction According to the testimony of the first three Gospels, the proclamation of the kingdom of God was Jesus’ central message. Matthew summarizes the Galilean ministry with the words “Jesus traveled throughou...","summary_en":"KINGDOM OF GOD, KINGDOM OF HEAVEN The sovereign rule of God, initiated by Christ’s earthly ministry and consummated when the kingdom of the world becomes the kingdom of our Lord and of his Christ (Rv 11:15). Preview • Introduction • Old Testament Background • In the New Testament Introduction According to the testimony of the first three Gospels, the proclamation of the kingdom of God was Jesus’ central message. Matthew summarizes the Galilean ministry with the words “Jesus traveled throughou...","source":"Articles\/K.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":39667,"type":"chart","type_label":"Diagramă","type_icon":"📊","type_color":"#3b82f6","title_ro":"Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles","title_en":"Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles","content_ro":"<h3>Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles<\/h3>\n<p>This chart follows the order of passages as they occur in Jeremiah.<\/p>\n<table>\n <tr>\n <td><p><em>Order<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>Jeremiah<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>2 Kings<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>2 Chronicles<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>Content<\/em><\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>1<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>37:1-2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:10-12<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah made king<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>39:1-8<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:1-10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah rebels; siege begins<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>7<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>39:10 and 40:5b<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:12 and 25:22b<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah made governor<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>8<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>40:7-9<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:23-24<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah urges fidelity to Babylon<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>9<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>41:1-3<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:25<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah assassinated<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>43:5-7<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:26<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Jews flee to Egypt<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>1<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:1-2 (cf. 37:1-2)<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:10-12<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah made king<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:3-5 (cf. 39:1-3)<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:20 and 25:1-2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:13-16<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah rebels; siege begins<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>3<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:6-14<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:3-10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah captured; Jerusalem destroyed<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>6<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:15<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:11<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:20<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>People deported<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>5<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:17-23<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:13-17<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:18<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Booty taken<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>4<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:24-27<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:18-21<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Nobles slain<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>11<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:31-34<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:27-30<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Later events<\/p><\/td><\/tr><\/table>","content_en":"<h3>Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles<\/h3>\n<p>This chart follows the order of passages as they occur in Jeremiah.<\/p>\n<table>\n <tr>\n <td><p><em>Order<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>Jeremiah<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>2 Kings<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>2 Chronicles<\/em><\/p><\/td>\n <td><p><em>Content<\/em><\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>1<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>37:1-2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:10-12<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah made king<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>39:1-8<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:1-10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah rebels; siege begins<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>7<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>39:10 and 40:5b<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:12 and 25:22b<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah made governor<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>8<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>40:7-9<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:23-24<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah urges fidelity to Babylon<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>9<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>41:1-3<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:25<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Gedaliah assassinated<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>43:5-7<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:26<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Jews flee to Egypt<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>1<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:1-2 (cf. 37:1-2)<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:10-12<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah made king<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:3-5 (cf. 39:1-3)<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>24:20 and 25:1-2<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:13-16<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah rebels; siege begins<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>3<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:6-14<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:3-10<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:17-19<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Zedekiah captured; Jerusalem destroyed<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>6<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:15<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:11<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:20<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>People deported<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>5<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:17-23<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:13-17<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>36:18<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>Booty taken<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>4<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:24-27<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:18-21<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Nobles slain<\/p><\/td><\/tr>\n <tr>\n <td><p>11<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>52:31-34<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p>25:27-30<\/p><\/td>\n <td><p class=\"td\"\/><\/td>\n <td><p>Later events<\/p><\/td><\/tr><\/table>","summary_ro":"Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles This chart follows the order of passages as they occur in Jeremiah. Order Jeremiah 2 Kings 2 Chronicles Content 1 37:1-2 24:17-19 36:10-12 Zedekiah made king 2 39:1-8 25:1-10 36:17-19 Zedekiah rebels; siege begins 7 39:10 and 40:5b 25:12 and 25:22b Gedaliah made governor 8 40:7-9 25:23-24 Gedaliah urges fidelity to Babylon 9 41:1-3 25:25 Gedaliah assassinated 10 43:5-7 25:26 Jews flee to Egypt 1 52:1-2 (cf. 37:1-2) 24:17-19 36:10-12 Zedekiah ...","summary_en":"Jeremiah’s Parallels with 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles This chart follows the order of passages as they occur in Jeremiah. Order Jeremiah 2 Kings 2 Chronicles Content 1 37:1-2 24:17-19 36:10-12 Zedekiah made king 2 39:1-8 25:1-10 36:17-19 Zedekiah rebels; siege begins 7 39:10 and 40:5b 25:12 and 25:22b Gedaliah made governor 8 40:7-9 25:23-24 Gedaliah urges fidelity to Babylon 9 41:1-3 25:25 Gedaliah assassinated 10 43:5-7 25:26 Jews flee to Egypt 1 52:1-2 (cf. 37:1-2) 24:17-19 36:10-12 Zedekiah ...","source":"Charts\/Charts.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":52859,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:31","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:31","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:31-34<\/strong> This paragraph repeats 2 Kgs 25:27-30. This part of the narrative supplies the fulfillment of Jeremiah’s prediction of Jehoiachin’s future (see Jer 22:24-30). • <em>Evil-merodach<\/em> reigned in Babylon 561–560 <span>BC<\/span>. Several inscriptions found in a basement near Babylon’s Ishtar Gate tell of rations of food provided to Jehoiachin and his family.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:31-34<\/strong> This paragraph repeats 2 Kgs 25:27-30. This part of the narrative supplies the fulfillment of Jeremiah’s prediction of Jehoiachin’s future (see Jer 22:24-30). • <em>Evil-merodach<\/em> reigned in Babylon 561–560 <span>BC<\/span>. Several inscriptions found in a basement near Babylon’s Ishtar Gate tell of rations of food provided to Jehoiachin and his family.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:31-34 This paragraph repeats 2 Kgs 25:27-30. This part of the narrative supplies the fulfillment of Jeremiah’s prediction of Jehoiachin’s future (see Jer 22:24-30). • Evil-merodach reigned in Babylon 561–560 BC. Several inscriptions found in a basement near Babylon’s Ishtar Gate tell of rations of food provided to Jehoiachin and his family.","summary_en":"52:31-34 This paragraph repeats 2 Kgs 25:27-30. This part of the narrative supplies the fulfillment of Jeremiah’s prediction of Jehoiachin’s future (see Jer 22:24-30). • Evil-merodach reigned in Babylon 561–560 BC. Several inscriptions found in a basement near Babylon’s Ishtar Gate tell of rations of food provided to Jehoiachin and his family.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":80485,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:31","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:31","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:31-34<\/strong> This paragraph repeats 2 Kgs 25:27-30. This part of the narrative supplies the fulfillment of Jeremiah’s prediction of Jehoiachin’s future (see Jer 22:24-30). • <em>Evil-merodach<\/em> reigned in Babylon 561–560 <span>BC<\/span>. Several inscriptions found in a basement near Babylon’s Ishtar Gate tell of rations of food provided to Jehoiachin and his family.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:31-34<\/strong> This paragraph repeats 2 Kgs 25:27-30. This part of the narrative supplies the fulfillment of Jeremiah’s prediction of Jehoiachin’s future (see Jer 22:24-30). • <em>Evil-merodach<\/em> reigned in Babylon 561–560 <span>BC<\/span>. Several inscriptions found in a basement near Babylon’s Ishtar Gate tell of rations of food provided to Jehoiachin and his family.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:31-34 This paragraph repeats 2 Kgs 25:27-30. This part of the narrative supplies the fulfillment of Jeremiah’s prediction of Jehoiachin’s future (see Jer 22:24-30). • Evil-merodach reigned in Babylon 561–560 BC. Several inscriptions found in a basement near Babylon’s Ishtar Gate tell of rations of food provided to Jehoiachin and his family.","summary_en":"52:31-34 This paragraph repeats 2 Kgs 25:27-30. This part of the narrative supplies the fulfillment of Jeremiah’s prediction of Jehoiachin’s future (see Jer 22:24-30). • Evil-merodach reigned in Babylon 561–560 BC. Several inscriptions found in a basement near Babylon’s Ishtar Gate tell of rations of food provided to Jehoiachin and his family.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":108111,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:31","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:31","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:31-34<\/strong> This paragraph repeats 2 Kgs 25:27-30. This part of the narrative supplies the fulfillment of Jeremiah’s prediction of Jehoiachin’s future (see Jer 22:24-30). • <em>Evil-merodach<\/em> reigned in Babylon 561–560 <span>BC<\/span>. Several inscriptions found in a basement near Babylon’s Ishtar Gate tell of rations of food provided to Jehoiachin and his family.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:31-34<\/strong> This paragraph repeats 2 Kgs 25:27-30. This part of the narrative supplies the fulfillment of Jeremiah’s prediction of Jehoiachin’s future (see Jer 22:24-30). • <em>Evil-merodach<\/em> reigned in Babylon 561–560 <span>BC<\/span>. Several inscriptions found in a basement near Babylon’s Ishtar Gate tell of rations of food provided to Jehoiachin and his family.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:31-34 This paragraph repeats 2 Kgs 25:27-30. This part of the narrative supplies the fulfillment of Jeremiah’s prediction of Jehoiachin’s future (see Jer 22:24-30). • Evil-merodach reigned in Babylon 561–560 BC. Several inscriptions found in a basement near Babylon’s Ishtar Gate tell of rations of food provided to Jehoiachin and his family.","summary_en":"52:31-34 This paragraph repeats 2 Kgs 25:27-30. This part of the narrative supplies the fulfillment of Jeremiah’s prediction of Jehoiachin’s future (see Jer 22:24-30). • Evil-merodach reigned in Babylon 561–560 BC. Several inscriptions found in a basement near Babylon’s Ishtar Gate tell of rations of food provided to Jehoiachin and his family.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":135737,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Ieremia 52:31","title_en":"Study Note: Ieremia 52:31","content_ro":"<p><strong>52:31-34<\/strong> This paragraph repeats 2 Kgs 25:27-30. This part of the narrative supplies the fulfillment of Jeremiah’s prediction of Jehoiachin’s future (see Jer 22:24-30). • <em>Evil-merodach<\/em> reigned in Babylon 561–560 <span>BC<\/span>. Several inscriptions found in a basement near Babylon’s Ishtar Gate tell of rations of food provided to Jehoiachin and his family.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>52:31-34<\/strong> This paragraph repeats 2 Kgs 25:27-30. This part of the narrative supplies the fulfillment of Jeremiah’s prediction of Jehoiachin’s future (see Jer 22:24-30). • <em>Evil-merodach<\/em> reigned in Babylon 561–560 <span>BC<\/span>. Several inscriptions found in a basement near Babylon’s Ishtar Gate tell of rations of food provided to Jehoiachin and his family.<\/p>","summary_ro":"52:31-34 This paragraph repeats 2 Kgs 25:27-30. This part of the narrative supplies the fulfillment of Jeremiah’s prediction of Jehoiachin’s future (see Jer 22:24-30). • Evil-merodach reigned in Babylon 561–560 BC. Several inscriptions found in a basement near Babylon’s Ishtar Gate tell of rations of food provided to Jehoiachin and his family.","summary_en":"52:31-34 This paragraph repeats 2 Kgs 25:27-30. This part of the narrative supplies the fulfillment of Jeremiah’s prediction of Jehoiachin’s future (see Jer 22:24-30). • Evil-merodach reigned in Babylon 561–560 BC. Several inscriptions found in a basement near Babylon’s Ishtar Gate tell of rations of food provided to Jehoiachin and his family.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"33":[{"id":18994,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Book of Jeremiah","title_en":"Book of Jeremiah","content_ro":"<h3>JEREMIAH, Book of<\/h3>\n\n<p>OT prophetic book, second in the canonical order of the Prophets.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Authenticity<\/p>\n<p>• The Book of Jeremiah and the Septuagint<\/p>\n<p>• Background<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Origin and Destination<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose<\/p>\n<p>• Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Outline and Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>Few doubt that the prophet from Anathoth wrote the book of Jeremiah, yet questions persist concerning some parts, particularly chapter 52. The use of the third person cannot be used to discredit Jeremiah’s authorship, for Jeremiah used the first and third person, and even the second person, in the same context. For example, 32:6-7 reads: “Jeremiah said [third person], ‘The word of the <span>Lord<\/span> came to me: [first person] . . . your uncle will come to you [second person]’ ” (<span>rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>The problem of the passage of time provides the strongest argument against the Jeremian authorship of chapter 52. Jeremiah was born about 657 <span>BC<\/span>. Evil-merodoch released Jehoiachin (52:31) about 95 years later. Jeremiah 52:33 summarizes the continuation of events beyond this time. The problem of location also argues against Jeremian authorship, for Jeremiah took up residence in Egypt (43:6-7) while Jehoiachin dwelt in Babylon. Note also that Jeremiah concludes his writing with chapter 51, making chapter 52 a true editorial appendix. Since chapter 52 parallels 2 Kings 24:18–25:30, it may be that other portions of Jeremiah that parallel sections of 2 Kings may have been written by someone other than Jeremiah.<\/p>\n<p>The following table shows such portions and includes harmonic passages in 2 Chronicles. The first column shows historical (chronological) sequence. The last column provides a brief condensation of content.<\/p>\n<p>Baruch served as the secretary for Jeremiah. The relationship between the two men apparently lasted many years; the prophet gave a word of encouragement as he blessed his helper (45:5). According to the custom of the people, it would have been legitimate for the scribe to write some of the prophet’s messages in his own words. This would not deny inspiration.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Authenticity\">Authenticity<\/p>\n<p>That Jeremiah lived and actually wrote the major part of the book bearing his name is authenticated by numerous references in both biblical and nonbiblical sources (e.g., Dn 9; Ecclus 49; Josephus’s <em>Antiquities<\/em> 10; Talmud: <em>Baba Bathra<\/em>). The veracity of the historical sections of Jeremiah have abundant confirmation in contemporary biblical books and in the secular histories preserved in Babylon, Egypt, and Persia.<\/p>\n<p>Higher critics sought to discredit the portions of Jeremiah that were omitted by the Septuagint, or to credit passages to a later writer because of style differences (e.g., chs 30–33) or spelling differences (as found in chs 27–29) or linguistic problems (as in 10:11, written in Aramaic, but this may be a gloss). Another reason for discrediting Jeremiah’s authorship is that critics dated some prophecies later than indicated in the context. This results from their requiring that predictive writing follow the record of its fulfillment. None of these reasons is sufficient cause for doubting authenticity. The Hebrew text deserves priority over the Septuagint. Aramaic contact with the Jews became commonplace during this period (cf. Ezr 4–7; Dn 2–7) and therefore explains the presence of Aramaic. Different styles may be expected from the same writer due to differing circumstances and differing purposes. Baruch may have been inspired to write parts of this book and\/or edited what Jeremiah wrote. Prediction preceding fulfillment presents no problem for believers.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheBookofJeremiahandtheSeptuagint\">The Book of Jeremiah and the Septuagint<\/p>\n<p>The special problems of the Septuagint translation of Jeremiah demand attention. The Septuagint translators evidently made an inaccurate translation. About 2,300 Hebrew words are omitted from the Septuagint. After chapter 23, the mistranslation, omissions, and mixed chronological order indicate confusion. However, the Dead Sea Scrolls display texts with both the Hebrew and the Septuagint order, indicating the antiquity of both editions. Both have suffered corruption at the hands of scribes and the ravages of the ages. The Septuagint evidently veers much further from the original, yet it has invaluable clues to help suggest answers to some textual problems. The most evident major shift in the Septuagint consists of the removal of chapters 46–51 of the Hebrew order, and the placement of them in the spot from which 25:13b-14 was removed. These chapters are renumbered 26–31 but are mixed and changed considerably from the order of the Hebrew Masoretic Text.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Background\">Background<\/p>\n<p>This is fully discussed in the previous entry. <em>See<\/em> Jeremiah (Person) #1.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>The chronological sequence of the messages of Jeremiah constitutes a major problem that cannot be wholly solved. Nonetheless, the book was written during Jeremiah’s ministry (c. 627–586 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"OriginandDestination\">Origin and Destination<\/p>\n<p>After beginning his ministry in Anathoth, Jeremiah moved to Jerusalem, where he remained until he was forced to join the disobedient refugees who arrived in Egypt about 584 <span>BC<\/span>. Until the deportation of Jehoiachin (597 <span>BC<\/span>), Jeremiah addressed his messages to the king and the people residing in Judah. Later messages addressed the same group, plus the captives in Babylon (e.g., ch 29). After the departure to Egypt, he addressed Jews in that land.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Purpose\">Purpose<\/p>\n<p>Part of God’s commission to Jeremiah stated the purpose of Jeremiah’s ministry: “Today I appoint you to stand up against nations and kingdoms. You are to uproot some and tear them down, to destroy and overthrow them. You are to build others up and plant them” (1:10, <span>nlt<\/span>). The first four parts of the commission required that Jeremiah, appointed as a “chief governor” over nations, should wreck the existing religious and social structures by his preaching against moral and spiritual sin. Doubtless, the physical destruction caused by the Egyptians, Assyrians, and Babylonians was the accoutrement for the truth uttered by the prophet. Jeremiah is consistent in his blasts at moral and religious wickedness, his call to submit to the punishment that God gives through Babylon, and his assurance that such submission will lead to blessing. When Zedekiah asks advice (38:14), we know what Jeremiah will say. When the captains of the refugees ask if they should go to Egypt, we already know the answer (42:3). We may also anticipate the obdurate rejection of God’s message on the part of the inquiring people, who apparently want to know God’s will but have no desire to obey it.<\/p>\n<p>Nevertheless, part of Jeremiah’s purpose focuses on the most distant future when the new covenant will supplant the old (31:31-37), and a transformed people bent on obedience rather than sin will receive God’s promised kingdom.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Teaching\">Teaching<\/p>\n<p>National sin brings national punishment. No truth blazes so clearly as this. Gentiles as well as Jews stand under the same judgment, for God is not the God of Israel only.<\/p>\n<p>Individuals are not overlooked in divine judgments on nations. God sets before each the way of life and the way of death (21:8) and appeals to each to choose life (27:13).<\/p>\n<p>Jeremiah illustrates human depravity by questioning if people can change their skin color or leopards their spots (13:23). The depths of depravity reach beyond man’s ability to measure (17:9-10). People even love falsehood (5:30-31). Yet God promises to transform willing subjects who call on him (33:3) by giving them a “new heart” (24:7; 32:38-41) as the climatic provision of the new covenant (31:33-35). The Messiah, who accomplishes the saving work, is called the Lord our Righteousness, the King, the righteous Branch, the Branch of David (23:5-6; 33:15-16).<\/p>\n<p>A future nation will be made up of individuals who accept this salvation. Passing through the night of tribulation as of travail (30:6-7), the Jews will understand the true identity of their Messiah, will believe and receive him with repentant sorrow, will be cleansed (33:8), and will be regathered from all countries (32:37) by the omnipotent God (v 27).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"OutlineandContent\">Outline and Content<\/p>\n<p>Though many see no logical order, a careful reading of Jeremiah will reveal a grouping on the basis of content, as suggested by the following outline:<\/p>\n<li> I. Introduction (1)<\/li>\n<li> II. Oracles against the Jews (2–25)<\/li>\n<li>III. History—Signs and Sufferings of Jeremiah before the Siege (26–29)<\/li>\n<li> IV. The Book of Hope written during the Siege (30–33)<\/li>\n<li> V. History—Signs and Sufferings of Jeremiah after the Siege (34–45)<\/li>\n<li> VI. Oracles against the Nations (46–51)<\/li>\n<li>VII. Conclusion (52)<\/li>\n<p>The prophet opens his ministry with a series of utterances against the sins of Jerusalem (2:1–3:5), followed by similar messages (through ch 4), concluding with words of judgment (chs 5–6). The message in the temple gate (chs 7–10) leads into the proclamation against covenant breakers (chs 11–13). The lamentation over the drought (ch 14) and subsequent miseries (ch 15) compares with many similar expressions of grief. Jeremiah did not differ from other prophets in his use of object lessons. The rotted linen waistband (ch 13), the broken jug (ch 19), figs (ch 24), and ox yoke (chs 27–28) may be supplemented by human object lessons (ch 35), and even the prophet himself, whose celibacy (16:1-4), resistance to sympathetic consolation (16:5-7), and withdrawal from feasts (16:8-9) all served to illustrate and confirm his message.<\/p>\n<p>Places where Jeremiah proclaimed his messages helped bear home his point. He stood in the public gate, where kings came and went, to proclaim that judgment (fire) would come through the gate (17:19, 27; 39:3). Then he went to the potter’s house (ch 18), and then to Hinnom or Topath, which would be called the Valley of Slaughter (ch 19).<\/p>\n<p>The persecution suffered by Jeremiah first hinted at (1:8), then predicted (v 19), expresses its venom privately from his home village (11:19-23). The prophet’s kindred join the opposition (12:6). Public opposition brings beatings and the stocks (20:2-3). Jeremiah prefers to keep silent rather than to speak and suffer (v 9), but he cannot withhold the word that is as fire in his bones. The result: all his familiars reproached, derided, terrorized, and denounced him, then sought his death (vv 7-18). Jeremiah escaped death at the hands of priests, prophets, and people only because he had a few faithful friends (26:8-24). When his prophecies began to materialize, hatred mounted. He was beaten and put into a dungeon for many days (37:14-17) on a false charge. Temporary relief at the guardhouse (v 21) lasted only a few days. Officials clamored again for his death (38:4) and put him into a cistern, where he sank in the mire (v 6). His rescue (v 10) preserved his life, but his imprisonment at the guardhouse continued (v 28). His writings were cut up and burned (36:23); his words were denied and rejected (43:1-7; 44:16).<\/p>\n<p>The “Book of Hope“ (chs 30–33) does contain some words of judgment (32:28-35), and other sections of the prophecy have a few bright spots (3:11-18; 16:14-16; 23:2-8; 29:10-14), but in a volume otherwise dark, these four chapters bring pleasant relief. The climax of hope, as indicated also in the longest NT quotation from Jeremiah (see Heb 8:8-12), predicts a new covenant (31:31-40). Other prophecies also describe the end of the Mosaic law and sacrament (e.g., 3:16), and the new covenant (32:40; 33:19-26).<\/p>\n<p>Little is known of Jeremiah’s activity or messages from c. 594–589 <span>BC<\/span>. Zedekiah’s counselors made clandestine plans for throwing off Babylon’s yoke by alliances with neighbor nations. A traitor may have reported the conspiracy to Babylon (perhaps Edom). After Babylon attacked, Zedekiah sought a hopeful report from Jeremiah but did not get it.<\/p>\n<p>The Recabite faithfulness to the Nazarite vow (ch 35) dates to the days of Jehoiakim but as an object lesson fits the siege context. Recabites received a human command that they obeyed; Jews received a divine command that they rejected. Recabites will be blessed (35:18-19); Judah, judged (vv 15-17). The reading of the scroll to Jehoiakim and his scornful rejection of it (ch 36) illustrates the prophetic assertion (35:15) that destruction follows the rejection of God’s message given through the prophets.<\/p>\n<p>The siege comes into focus in chapter 37 with another inquiry from Zedekiah (the nonchronological chs 35–36 serve as an illustrative parenthesis). Jeremiah 37:11 moves forward to the time of the lifting of the siege of 589 <span>BC<\/span> when Nebuchadnezzar drove Pharaoh Hophra’s army back to Egypt. During the reprieve, Jeremiah sought to attend a meeting of relatives to settle family matters at or near Anathoth. Perhaps the trip involved initiating the purchase that would be made two years later (32:6-15). However, as he was leaving the city, he was arrested for desertion to the Babylonians and jailed in a dungeon cell until Zedekiah granted him privileged prisoner status.<\/p>\n<p>The king’s officers had ample cause for the accusation of sedition: Jeremiah had encouraged desertion (21:9; 38:2). Traitors deserved death, and this was their verdict against Jeremiah (38:4-5). The violence of the time encouraged the officers to select a cruel method of execution: let Jeremiah starve and bury himself in the mire at the bottom of an abandoned cistern. A sympathetic Ethiopian, Ebed-melech, made the rescue. Immediately, the unadulterated prophecies of judgment came forth again from Jeremiah’s lips, including a message to the king that reflected Jeremiah’s own recent experience: “[Your friends] have betrayed and misled you. When your feet sank in the mud, they left you to your fate” (38:22, <span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>Jeremiah 39:1–43:7 records history from the fall of Jerusalem in 586 <span>BC<\/span> to the flight into Egypt, including the liberation of Jeremiah (ch 39), appointment and assassination of Gedaliah (chs 40–41), a warning from God against going to Egypt (ch 42), and the obdurate disobedience of the people (43:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>The latest writings of Jeremiah are found in chapter 44. The audience consisted of idolatrous Jews (44:4-6) gathered from various parts of Egypt as far as Aswan (Pathros). Jeremiah repeated the appeal of former prophets to reject false gods in favor of Jehovah, but to no avail (44:15-16).<\/p>\n<p>The message to Baruch (ch 45), written about 605 <span>BC<\/span>, is placed here to round out the main part of the book, which begins with the commission to “break down” and “pluck up” (1:10) and concludes with the same Hebrew words (45:4). If Baruch had ambition to obtain status in the Judean court like his brother Seraiah (51:59), he was advised that it would be useless because disaster would come, as the preceding chapters indicate.<\/p>\n<p>The oracles against the nations (46–51), introduced by a title superscription (46:1), constitute a distinct stylistic division similar to Isaiah 13–23, Ezekiel 25–32, and Amos 1:3–2:16.<\/p>\n<p>Some of the prophecies against foreign nations in Jeremiah carry dates that show that they were written at different points during his ministry but were collected together for the book.<\/p>\n<p>The prophecy against Egypt opens with a colorful description of Egypt’s expulsion from Carchemish (605 <span>BC<\/span>) after a short occupancy (Jer 46:1-12). The second message (vv 13-26) may picture the attack on Egypt in 601 <span>BC<\/span> when Neco stopped Nebuchadnezzar at the border; the attack in 589 <span>BC<\/span> when Hophra lost in his attempt to aid Zedekiah; or (most probably) the invasion of Egypt by Nebuchadnezzar in 568 <span>BC<\/span>, when Babylon took advantage of the weakness of Egypt to occupy it. At that time Nebuchadnezzar set up his judgment throne as predicted (43:10) and meted out death sentences to all rebels, including those Jews who might have been implicated in anti-Babylonian conspiracies. The conclusion of the Egypt oracle repeats part of the Book of Hope (46:27-28, cf. 30:10-11).<\/p>\n<p>Messages against Edom, Arabia, Phoenician cities, and Ammon generally condemn pride, cruelty, and idolatry. The oracle against Elam is unique. No other prophet speaks judgment against this people, whose dwelling east of Babylon meant rare contact with Judah. Jeremiah predicted that Elam would be doomed, then restored. Ezekiel counts Elamites among the inhabitants of Sheol (Ez 32:24).<\/p>\n<p>The final judgment indicates the unbiased attitude of the prophet. His messages placed him in an advantageous position with the Babylonians, who treated him with respect and kindness, in contrast to their cruelty to other Jews. But when God spoke against Babylon, Jeremiah uttered God’s words without respect to his own comfort, just as he had spoken against Egypt when silence would have been logical for self-preservation.<\/p>\n<p>Chapter 51 concludes “the words of Jeremiah.”<\/p>\n<p>Chapter 52 repeats historical facts previously stated prophetically by Jeremiah, and partially recorded also as history in chapter 39 (cf. 2 Kgs 25 and 2 Chr 36). The editor of Jeremiah evidently desired to climax the book with a historical confirmation of Jeremiah’s prophecy, but he included facts beyond those contained elsewhere.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Israel, History of; Jeremiah (Person) #1; Prophecy; Prophet, Prophetess.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JEREMIAH, Book of<\/h3>\n\n<p>OT prophetic book, second in the canonical order of the Prophets.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Authenticity<\/p>\n<p>• The Book of Jeremiah and the Septuagint<\/p>\n<p>• Background<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Origin and Destination<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose<\/p>\n<p>• Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Outline and Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>Few doubt that the prophet from Anathoth wrote the book of Jeremiah, yet questions persist concerning some parts, particularly chapter 52. The use of the third person cannot be used to discredit Jeremiah’s authorship, for Jeremiah used the first and third person, and even the second person, in the same context. For example, 32:6-7 reads: “Jeremiah said [third person], ‘The word of the <span>Lord<\/span> came to me: [first person] . . . your uncle will come to you [second person]’ ” (<span>rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>The problem of the passage of time provides the strongest argument against the Jeremian authorship of chapter 52. Jeremiah was born about 657 <span>BC<\/span>. Evil-merodoch released Jehoiachin (52:31) about 95 years later. Jeremiah 52:33 summarizes the continuation of events beyond this time. The problem of location also argues against Jeremian authorship, for Jeremiah took up residence in Egypt (43:6-7) while Jehoiachin dwelt in Babylon. Note also that Jeremiah concludes his writing with chapter 51, making chapter 52 a true editorial appendix. Since chapter 52 parallels 2 Kings 24:18–25:30, it may be that other portions of Jeremiah that parallel sections of 2 Kings may have been written by someone other than Jeremiah.<\/p>\n<p>The following table shows such portions and includes harmonic passages in 2 Chronicles. The first column shows historical (chronological) sequence. The last column provides a brief condensation of content.<\/p>\n<p>Baruch served as the secretary for Jeremiah. The relationship between the two men apparently lasted many years; the prophet gave a word of encouragement as he blessed his helper (45:5). According to the custom of the people, it would have been legitimate for the scribe to write some of the prophet’s messages in his own words. This would not deny inspiration.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Authenticity\">Authenticity<\/p>\n<p>That Jeremiah lived and actually wrote the major part of the book bearing his name is authenticated by numerous references in both biblical and nonbiblical sources (e.g., Dn 9; Ecclus 49; Josephus’s <em>Antiquities<\/em> 10; Talmud: <em>Baba Bathra<\/em>). The veracity of the historical sections of Jeremiah have abundant confirmation in contemporary biblical books and in the secular histories preserved in Babylon, Egypt, and Persia.<\/p>\n<p>Higher critics sought to discredit the portions of Jeremiah that were omitted by the Septuagint, or to credit passages to a later writer because of style differences (e.g., chs 30–33) or spelling differences (as found in chs 27–29) or linguistic problems (as in 10:11, written in Aramaic, but this may be a gloss). Another reason for discrediting Jeremiah’s authorship is that critics dated some prophecies later than indicated in the context. This results from their requiring that predictive writing follow the record of its fulfillment. None of these reasons is sufficient cause for doubting authenticity. The Hebrew text deserves priority over the Septuagint. Aramaic contact with the Jews became commonplace during this period (cf. Ezr 4–7; Dn 2–7) and therefore explains the presence of Aramaic. Different styles may be expected from the same writer due to differing circumstances and differing purposes. Baruch may have been inspired to write parts of this book and\/or edited what Jeremiah wrote. Prediction preceding fulfillment presents no problem for believers.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheBookofJeremiahandtheSeptuagint\">The Book of Jeremiah and the Septuagint<\/p>\n<p>The special problems of the Septuagint translation of Jeremiah demand attention. The Septuagint translators evidently made an inaccurate translation. About 2,300 Hebrew words are omitted from the Septuagint. After chapter 23, the mistranslation, omissions, and mixed chronological order indicate confusion. However, the Dead Sea Scrolls display texts with both the Hebrew and the Septuagint order, indicating the antiquity of both editions. Both have suffered corruption at the hands of scribes and the ravages of the ages. The Septuagint evidently veers much further from the original, yet it has invaluable clues to help suggest answers to some textual problems. The most evident major shift in the Septuagint consists of the removal of chapters 46–51 of the Hebrew order, and the placement of them in the spot from which 25:13b-14 was removed. These chapters are renumbered 26–31 but are mixed and changed considerably from the order of the Hebrew Masoretic Text.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Background\">Background<\/p>\n<p>This is fully discussed in the previous entry. <em>See<\/em> Jeremiah (Person) #1.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>The chronological sequence of the messages of Jeremiah constitutes a major problem that cannot be wholly solved. Nonetheless, the book was written during Jeremiah’s ministry (c. 627–586 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"OriginandDestination\">Origin and Destination<\/p>\n<p>After beginning his ministry in Anathoth, Jeremiah moved to Jerusalem, where he remained until he was forced to join the disobedient refugees who arrived in Egypt about 584 <span>BC<\/span>. Until the deportation of Jehoiachin (597 <span>BC<\/span>), Jeremiah addressed his messages to the king and the people residing in Judah. Later messages addressed the same group, plus the captives in Babylon (e.g., ch 29). After the departure to Egypt, he addressed Jews in that land.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Purpose\">Purpose<\/p>\n<p>Part of God’s commission to Jeremiah stated the purpose of Jeremiah’s ministry: “Today I appoint you to stand up against nations and kingdoms. You are to uproot some and tear them down, to destroy and overthrow them. You are to build others up and plant them” (1:10, <span>nlt<\/span>). The first four parts of the commission required that Jeremiah, appointed as a “chief governor” over nations, should wreck the existing religious and social structures by his preaching against moral and spiritual sin. Doubtless, the physical destruction caused by the Egyptians, Assyrians, and Babylonians was the accoutrement for the truth uttered by the prophet. Jeremiah is consistent in his blasts at moral and religious wickedness, his call to submit to the punishment that God gives through Babylon, and his assurance that such submission will lead to blessing. When Zedekiah asks advice (38:14), we know what Jeremiah will say. When the captains of the refugees ask if they should go to Egypt, we already know the answer (42:3). We may also anticipate the obdurate rejection of God’s message on the part of the inquiring people, who apparently want to know God’s will but have no desire to obey it.<\/p>\n<p>Nevertheless, part of Jeremiah’s purpose focuses on the most distant future when the new covenant will supplant the old (31:31-37), and a transformed people bent on obedience rather than sin will receive God’s promised kingdom.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Teaching\">Teaching<\/p>\n<p>National sin brings national punishment. No truth blazes so clearly as this. Gentiles as well as Jews stand under the same judgment, for God is not the God of Israel only.<\/p>\n<p>Individuals are not overlooked in divine judgments on nations. God sets before each the way of life and the way of death (21:8) and appeals to each to choose life (27:13).<\/p>\n<p>Jeremiah illustrates human depravity by questioning if people can change their skin color or leopards their spots (13:23). The depths of depravity reach beyond man’s ability to measure (17:9-10). People even love falsehood (5:30-31). Yet God promises to transform willing subjects who call on him (33:3) by giving them a “new heart” (24:7; 32:38-41) as the climatic provision of the new covenant (31:33-35). The Messiah, who accomplishes the saving work, is called the Lord our Righteousness, the King, the righteous Branch, the Branch of David (23:5-6; 33:15-16).<\/p>\n<p>A future nation will be made up of individuals who accept this salvation. Passing through the night of tribulation as of travail (30:6-7), the Jews will understand the true identity of their Messiah, will believe and receive him with repentant sorrow, will be cleansed (33:8), and will be regathered from all countries (32:37) by the omnipotent God (v 27).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"OutlineandContent\">Outline and Content<\/p>\n<p>Though many see no logical order, a careful reading of Jeremiah will reveal a grouping on the basis of content, as suggested by the following outline:<\/p>\n<li> I. Introduction (1)<\/li>\n<li> II. Oracles against the Jews (2–25)<\/li>\n<li>III. History—Signs and Sufferings of Jeremiah before the Siege (26–29)<\/li>\n<li> IV. The Book of Hope written during the Siege (30–33)<\/li>\n<li> V. History—Signs and Sufferings of Jeremiah after the Siege (34–45)<\/li>\n<li> VI. Oracles against the Nations (46–51)<\/li>\n<li>VII. Conclusion (52)<\/li>\n<p>The prophet opens his ministry with a series of utterances against the sins of Jerusalem (2:1–3:5), followed by similar messages (through ch 4), concluding with words of judgment (chs 5–6). The message in the temple gate (chs 7–10) leads into the proclamation against covenant breakers (chs 11–13). The lamentation over the drought (ch 14) and subsequent miseries (ch 15) compares with many similar expressions of grief. Jeremiah did not differ from other prophets in his use of object lessons. The rotted linen waistband (ch 13), the broken jug (ch 19), figs (ch 24), and ox yoke (chs 27–28) may be supplemented by human object lessons (ch 35), and even the prophet himself, whose celibacy (16:1-4), resistance to sympathetic consolation (16:5-7), and withdrawal from feasts (16:8-9) all served to illustrate and confirm his message.<\/p>\n<p>Places where Jeremiah proclaimed his messages helped bear home his point. He stood in the public gate, where kings came and went, to proclaim that judgment (fire) would come through the gate (17:19, 27; 39:3). Then he went to the potter’s house (ch 18), and then to Hinnom or Topath, which would be called the Valley of Slaughter (ch 19).<\/p>\n<p>The persecution suffered by Jeremiah first hinted at (1:8), then predicted (v 19), expresses its venom privately from his home village (11:19-23). The prophet’s kindred join the opposition (12:6). Public opposition brings beatings and the stocks (20:2-3). Jeremiah prefers to keep silent rather than to speak and suffer (v 9), but he cannot withhold the word that is as fire in his bones. The result: all his familiars reproached, derided, terrorized, and denounced him, then sought his death (vv 7-18). Jeremiah escaped death at the hands of priests, prophets, and people only because he had a few faithful friends (26:8-24). When his prophecies began to materialize, hatred mounted. He was beaten and put into a dungeon for many days (37:14-17) on a false charge. Temporary relief at the guardhouse (v 21) lasted only a few days. Officials clamored again for his death (38:4) and put him into a cistern, where he sank in the mire (v 6). His rescue (v 10) preserved his life, but his imprisonment at the guardhouse continued (v 28). His writings were cut up and burned (36:23); his words were denied and rejected (43:1-7; 44:16).<\/p>\n<p>The “Book of Hope“ (chs 30–33) does contain some words of judgment (32:28-35), and other sections of the prophecy have a few bright spots (3:11-18; 16:14-16; 23:2-8; 29:10-14), but in a volume otherwise dark, these four chapters bring pleasant relief. The climax of hope, as indicated also in the longest NT quotation from Jeremiah (see Heb 8:8-12), predicts a new covenant (31:31-40). Other prophecies also describe the end of the Mosaic law and sacrament (e.g., 3:16), and the new covenant (32:40; 33:19-26).<\/p>\n<p>Little is known of Jeremiah’s activity or messages from c. 594–589 <span>BC<\/span>. Zedekiah’s counselors made clandestine plans for throwing off Babylon’s yoke by alliances with neighbor nations. A traitor may have reported the conspiracy to Babylon (perhaps Edom). After Babylon attacked, Zedekiah sought a hopeful report from Jeremiah but did not get it.<\/p>\n<p>The Recabite faithfulness to the Nazarite vow (ch 35) dates to the days of Jehoiakim but as an object lesson fits the siege context. Recabites received a human command that they obeyed; Jews received a divine command that they rejected. Recabites will be blessed (35:18-19); Judah, judged (vv 15-17). The reading of the scroll to Jehoiakim and his scornful rejection of it (ch 36) illustrates the prophetic assertion (35:15) that destruction follows the rejection of God’s message given through the prophets.<\/p>\n<p>The siege comes into focus in chapter 37 with another inquiry from Zedekiah (the nonchronological chs 35–36 serve as an illustrative parenthesis). Jeremiah 37:11 moves forward to the time of the lifting of the siege of 589 <span>BC<\/span> when Nebuchadnezzar drove Pharaoh Hophra’s army back to Egypt. During the reprieve, Jeremiah sought to attend a meeting of relatives to settle family matters at or near Anathoth. Perhaps the trip involved initiating the purchase that would be made two years later (32:6-15). However, as he was leaving the city, he was arrested for desertion to the Babylonians and jailed in a dungeon cell until Zedekiah granted him privileged prisoner status.<\/p>\n<p>The king’s officers had ample cause for the accusation of sedition: Jeremiah had encouraged desertion (21:9; 38:2). Traitors deserved death, and this was their verdict against Jeremiah (38:4-5). The violence of the time encouraged the officers to select a cruel method of execution: let Jeremiah starve and bury himself in the mire at the bottom of an abandoned cistern. A sympathetic Ethiopian, Ebed-melech, made the rescue. Immediately, the unadulterated prophecies of judgment came forth again from Jeremiah’s lips, including a message to the king that reflected Jeremiah’s own recent experience: “[Your friends] have betrayed and misled you. When your feet sank in the mud, they left you to your fate” (38:22, <span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>Jeremiah 39:1–43:7 records history from the fall of Jerusalem in 586 <span>BC<\/span> to the flight into Egypt, including the liberation of Jeremiah (ch 39), appointment and assassination of Gedaliah (chs 40–41), a warning from God against going to Egypt (ch 42), and the obdurate disobedience of the people (43:1-7).<\/p>\n<p>The latest writings of Jeremiah are found in chapter 44. The audience consisted of idolatrous Jews (44:4-6) gathered from various parts of Egypt as far as Aswan (Pathros). Jeremiah repeated the appeal of former prophets to reject false gods in favor of Jehovah, but to no avail (44:15-16).<\/p>\n<p>The message to Baruch (ch 45), written about 605 <span>BC<\/span>, is placed here to round out the main part of the book, which begins with the commission to “break down” and “pluck up” (1:10) and concludes with the same Hebrew words (45:4). If Baruch had ambition to obtain status in the Judean court like his brother Seraiah (51:59), he was advised that it would be useless because disaster would come, as the preceding chapters indicate.<\/p>\n<p>The oracles against the nations (46–51), introduced by a title superscription (46:1), constitute a distinct stylistic division similar to Isaiah 13–23, Ezekiel 25–32, and Amos 1:3–2:16.<\/p>\n<p>Some of the prophecies against foreign nations in Jeremiah carry dates that show that they were written at different points during his ministry but were collected together for the book.<\/p>\n<p>The prophecy against Egypt opens with a colorful description of Egypt’s expulsion from Carchemish (605 <span>BC<\/span>) after a short occupancy (Jer 46:1-12). The second message (vv 13-26) may picture the attack on Egypt in 601 <span>BC<\/span> when Neco stopped Nebuchadnezzar at the border; the attack in 589 <span>BC<\/span> when Hophra lost in his attempt to aid Zedekiah; or (most probably) the invasion of Egypt by Nebuchadnezzar in 568 <span>BC<\/span>, when Babylon took advantage of the weakness of Egypt to occupy it. At that time Nebuchadnezzar set up his judgment throne as predicted (43:10) and meted out death sentences to all rebels, including those Jews who might have been implicated in anti-Babylonian conspiracies. The conclusion of the Egypt oracle repeats part of the Book of Hope (46:27-28, cf. 30:10-11).<\/p>\n<p>Messages against Edom, Arabia, Phoenician cities, and Ammon generally condemn pride, cruelty, and idolatry. The oracle against Elam is unique. No other prophet speaks judgment against this people, whose dwelling east of Babylon meant rare contact with Judah. Jeremiah predicted that Elam would be doomed, then restored. Ezekiel counts Elamites among the inhabitants of Sheol (Ez 32:24).<\/p>\n<p>The final judgment indicates the unbiased attitude of the prophet. His messages placed him in an advantageous position with the Babylonians, who treated him with respect and kindness, in contrast to their cruelty to other Jews. But when God spoke against Babylon, Jeremiah uttered God’s words without respect to his own comfort, just as he had spoken against Egypt when silence would have been logical for self-preservation.<\/p>\n<p>Chapter 51 concludes “the words of Jeremiah.”<\/p>\n<p>Chapter 52 repeats historical facts previously stated prophetically by Jeremiah, and partially recorded also as history in chapter 39 (cf. 2 Kgs 25 and 2 Chr 36). The editor of Jeremiah evidently desired to climax the book with a historical confirmation of Jeremiah’s prophecy, but he included facts beyond those contained elsewhere.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Israel, History of; Jeremiah (Person) #1; Prophecy; Prophet, Prophetess.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JEREMIAH, Book of OT prophetic book, second in the canonical order of the Prophets. Preview • Author • Authenticity • The Book of Jeremiah and the Septuagint • Background • Date • Origin and Destination • Purpose • Teaching • Outline and Content Author Few doubt that the prophet from Anathoth wrote the book of Jeremiah, yet questions persist concerning some parts, particularly chapter 52. The use of the third person cannot be used to discredit Jeremiah’s authorship, for Jeremiah used the firs...","summary_en":"JEREMIAH, Book of OT prophetic book, second in the canonical order of the Prophets. Preview • Author • Authenticity • The Book of Jeremiah and the Septuagint • Background • Date • Origin and Destination • Purpose • Teaching • Outline and Content Author Few doubt that the prophet from Anathoth wrote the book of Jeremiah, yet questions persist concerning some parts, particularly chapter 52. The use of the third person cannot be used to discredit Jeremiah’s authorship, for Jeremiah used the firs...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}]},"labels":{"article":"Articol","map":"Hartă","chart":"Diagramă","textbox":"Notă explicativă","picture":"Imagine","profile":"Profil","study_note":"Notă de studiu","theme_note":"Temă biblică"},"icons":{"article":"📖","map":"🗺️","chart":"📊","textbox":"💡","picture":"🖼️","profile":"👤","study_note":"📝","theme_note":"🎯"},"typeColors":{"article":"#d4af37","map":"#2d7d46","chart":"#3b82f6","textbox":"#8b5cf6","picture":"#ec4899","profile":"#f59e0b","study_note":"#06b6d4","theme_note":"#ef4444"}}
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Ieremia 52
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