1
După moartea lui Iosua, copiii lui Israel au întrebat pe Domnul, şi au zis: ,,Cine dintre noi să se suie întâi împotriva Cananiţilor, ca să pornească lupta cu ei?``
2
Domnul a răspuns: ,,Iuda să se suie; iată că am dat ţara în mânile lui.`
3
Şi Iuda a zis fratelui său Simeon: ,,Suie-te împreună cu mine în ţara care mi-a căzut la sorţ, şi să luptăm împotriva Cananiţilor; şi voi merge şi eu cu tine în ţara care ţi-a căzut la sorţ.`` Şi Simeon s-a dus cu el.
4
Iuda s-a suit, şi Domnul a dat pe Cananiţi şi pe Fereziţi în mânile lor; au ucis zece mii de oameni la Bezec.
5
Au găsit pe Adoni-Bezec la Bezec; au pornit lupta împotriva lui, şi au bătut pe Cananiţi şi Fereziţi.
6
Adoni-Bezec a luat fuga; dar ei l-au urmărit şi l-au prins, şi i-au tăiat degetele cele mari dela mâni şi dela picioare.
7
Adoni-Bezec a zis: ,,Şapte zeci de împăraţi, cu degetele cele mari dela mâni şi dela picioare tăiate, strângeau mâncare subt masa mea; Dumnezeu îmi răsplăteşte şi mie cum am făcut`.` L-au dus la Ierusalim şi a murit acolo.
8
Fiii lui Iuda au pornit lupta împotriva Ierusalimului şi l-au luat; l-au trecut prin ascuţişul săbiei şi au dat foc cetăţii.
9
Fiii lui Iuda s-au pogorât apoi, ca să bată pe Cananiţi, cari locuiau muntele, ţinutul de miazăzi şi câmpia.
10
Iuda a pornit împotriva Cananiţilor cari locuiau la Hebron, numit mai înainte Chiriat-Arba; şi a bătut pe Şeşai, pe Ahiman şi Talmai.
11
De acolo a pornit împotriva locuitorilor Debirului: Debirul se numea mai înainte Chiriat-Sefer.
12
Caleb a zis: ,,Voi da pe fiică-mea Acsa de nevastă cui va bate Chiriat-Seferul şi-l va lua.``
13
Otniel, fiul lui Chenaz, fratele cel mai mic al lui Caleb, a pus mâna pe cetate; şi Caleb i-a dat de nevastă pe fiică-sa Acsa.
14
Când a intrat ea la Otniel, l-a îndemnat să ceară un ogor dela tatăl ei. Ea s-a pogorât depe măgar; şi Caleb i-a zis: ,,Ce vrei?``
15
Ea i-a răspuns: ,,Dă-mi un dar, căci mi-ai dat un pământ secetos; dă-mi şi izvoare de apă.`` Şi Caleb i-a dat Izvoarele de sus şi Izvoarele de jos.
16
Fiii Chenitului, socrul lui Moise, s-au suit din cetatea Finicilor, împreună cu fiii lui Iuda, în pustia lui Iuda la miazăzi de Arad, şi s-au dus de s-au aşezat între popor.
17
Iuda a pornit cu fratele său Simeon, şi au bătut pe Cananiţi cari locuiau la Ţefat; au nimicit cetatea cu desăvârşire, şi au numit-o Horma (Nimicire).
18
Iuda a mai pus mâna pe Gaza şi pe ţinutul ei, pe Ascalon şi pe ţinutul lui, şi pe Ecron şi pe ţinutul lui.
19
Domnul a fost cu Iuda; şi Iuda a pus stăpânire pe munte, dar n-a putut să izgonească pe locuitorii din câmpie, pentrucă aveau cară de fer.
20
Au dat Hebronul lui Calebm cum spusese Moise; şi el a izgonit deacolo pe cei trei fii ai lui Anac.``
21
Fiii lui Beniamin n-au izgonit pe Iebusiţii cari locuiau la Ierusalim; şi Iebusiţii au locuit în Ierusalim cu fiii lui Beniamin până în ziua de azi.
22
Casa lui Iosif s-a suit şi ea împotriva Betelului, şi Domnul a fost cu ei.
23
Cei din casa lui Iosif au iscodit Betelul, care mai nainte se chema Luz.
24
Străjerii au văzut pe un om ieşind din cetate, şi i-au zis: ,,Arată-ne pe unde putem intra în cetate, şi vom avea milă de tine.``
25
El le-a arătat pe unde ar putea să intre în cetate. Şi au trecut cetatea prin ascuţişul săbiei; dar pe omul acela l-au lăsat să plece cu toată familia lui.
26
Omul acela s-a dus în ţara Hetiţilor; a zidit o cetate, şi i-a pus numele Luz, nume pe care l-a purtat până în ziua de azi.
27
Manase n-a izgonit nici el pe locuitorii din Bet-Şean şi din satele dimprejurul lui, din Taanac şi satele lui, din Dor şi satele dimprejurul lui, din Iibleam şi satele dimprejurul lui, din Meghido şi satele dimprejurul lui; aşa încât Cananiţii au izbutit să rămână în ţara aceasta.
28
Când Israel a fost destul de tare, a supus pe Cananiţi la un bir, dar nu i-a izgonit.
29
Efraim n-a izgonit pe Cananiţii cari locuiau la Ghezer, şi Cananiţii au locuit în mijlocul lui Efraim la Ghezer.
30
Zabulon n-a izgonit nici el pe locuitorii din Chitron, nici pe locuitorii din Nahalol; şi Cananiţii au locuit în mijlocul lui Zabulon, dar au fost supuşi la un bir.
31
Nici Aşer n-a izgonit pe locuitorii din Aco, nici pe locuitorii din Sidon, nici pe cei din Ahlab, din Aczib, din Helba, din Afic şi din Rehob;
32
şi Aşeriţii au locuit în mijlocul Cananiţilor, locuitorii ţării, căci nu i-au izgonit.
33
Neftali n-a izgonit pe locuitorii din Bet-Şemeş, nici pe locuitorii din Bet-Anat, şi a locuit în mijlocul Cananiţilor, locuitorii ţării; dar locuitorii din Bet-Şemeş şi din Bet-Anat au fost supuşi la un bir.
34
Amoriţii au dat înapoi în munte pe fiii lui Dan, şi nu i-au lăsat să se coboare în câmpie.
35
Amoriţii au izbutit să rămână la Har-Heres, la Aialon şi la Şaalbim; dar mâna casei lui Iosif a apăsat asupra lor, şi au fost supuşi la un bir.
36
Ţinutul Amoriţilor se întindea dela suişul Acrabim, dela Sela, şi în sus.
{"verseMap":{"1":[{"id":8511,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Tribe of Dan","title_en":"Tribe of Dan","content_ro":"<h3>DAN, Tribe of<\/h3>\n<p>Israelite tribe named for the patriarch Jacob’s fifth son. The tribe of Dan, descended from Dan’s only known son, Hushim (cf. “Shuham” in Nm 26:42-43), had little distinction in its early years. Some Danites are mentioned in the wilderness narratives: Oholiab, a craftsman of the tabernacle (Ex 31:6; 35:34; 38:23); another whose mother married an Egyptian and who blasphemed God (Lv 24:11); and Ahiezer, chief prince of Dan during the exodus (Nm 1:12).<\/p>\n<p>Dan was the second largest tribe at the first census taken in the wilderness (62,700 warriors—Nm 1:38-39). They were instructed to encamp on the north side of the Israelites’ camp along with Asher and Naphtali (Nm 2:25-31), and were to bring up the rear in the line of march (Nm 2:31; 10:25). At the second census 40 years later, just before entering the Promised Land, they had grown only to 64,400 (26:42-43), still second in size. The tribe does not stand out in the Conquest narratives (Dt 2:16–3:29; Jos 1–24; Jgs 1). Dan is listed among the tribes who reminded Israel of the covenant curses at Mt Ebal (Dt 27:13; cf. Jos 8:30-33). The tribe is called a “lion’s whelp” in Moses’ blessing (Dt 33:22). Some believe that the reference to “Bashan” in that blessing prefigured the Danites’ migration to the northern territory where they eventually settled.<\/p>\n<p>One of the most significant references to Dan’s tribe is the account of its northward migration (Jos 19:40-48; Jgs 18). The Danites had been allotted a portion of Canaan between Judah and Ephraim bordering the Mediterranean seacoast (Jos 19:40-46; Jgs 5:17), but were unable to occupy their territory except for the valley at Zorah and Eshtaol (Jgs 13:25; 18:2). As a result, a group of Danites, discouraged with their situation, marched north and captured Laish, located about 25 miles (40 kilometers) north of the Sea of Galilee and just below Israel’s northernmost border. Laish was renamed Dan at that time (18:27-29). Their association with that northern territory eventually gave rise to the expression “from Dan to Beersheba” (Jgs 20:1; 2 Sm 3:10) as designating Israel’s northern and southern borders.<\/p>\n<p>Southern Dan continued for some time, as illustrated in the exploits of Samson of the tribe of Dan (Jgs 13–16). Evidently the southern Danites gradually merged into the tribe of Judah, and no historical reference to the southern Danite tribe is made in the rest of the OT. The Danites were mentioned in King David’s time as mustering a considerable army loyal to David (1 Chr 12:35; 27:22).<\/p>\n<p>The Danites were among the tribes who did not drive the Canaanites from their territory (Jos 13:4-5; cf. Jgs 1:34-35). Joshua had to prod them into the task at the Shiloh assembly (Jos 18:1-4; 19:40-48). Eventually the Danites gave up the effort and sought other lands in the north, where conquest was easier. Their disobedience was further manifested in their open sin of setting up a “graven image” and establishing a rival priesthood, even though their priest was a Levite (Jgs 18:30-31). The result of that idolatry was that, at the division of the Israelite kingdom at the end of King Solomon’s reign, King Jeroboam of the northern kingdom of Israel chose the city of Dan as one of the idol shrines in which to set up the golden calves (1 Kgs 12:28-29). The Danites’ apostasy, and that of the other northern tribes, continued throughout their history (2 Kgs 10:29), and because of it they were eventually carried captive to Assyria (2 Kgs 17:1-23).<\/p>\n<p>The tribe name is mentioned in the prophet Ezekiel’s idealized description of the restored land and Jerusalem (Ez 48:1-2, 32). In the NT, the apostle John omitted the tribe from a list of Israel’s tribes (Rv 7:4-8).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Israel, History of; Dan (Person); Dan (Place).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>DAN, Tribe of<\/h3>\n<p>Israelite tribe named for the patriarch Jacob’s fifth son. The tribe of Dan, descended from Dan’s only known son, Hushim (cf. “Shuham” in Nm 26:42-43), had little distinction in its early years. Some Danites are mentioned in the wilderness narratives: Oholiab, a craftsman of the tabernacle (Ex 31:6; 35:34; 38:23); another whose mother married an Egyptian and who blasphemed God (Lv 24:11); and Ahiezer, chief prince of Dan during the exodus (Nm 1:12).<\/p>\n<p>Dan was the second largest tribe at the first census taken in the wilderness (62,700 warriors—Nm 1:38-39). They were instructed to encamp on the north side of the Israelites’ camp along with Asher and Naphtali (Nm 2:25-31), and were to bring up the rear in the line of march (Nm 2:31; 10:25). At the second census 40 years later, just before entering the Promised Land, they had grown only to 64,400 (26:42-43), still second in size. The tribe does not stand out in the Conquest narratives (Dt 2:16–3:29; Jos 1–24; Jgs 1). Dan is listed among the tribes who reminded Israel of the covenant curses at Mt Ebal (Dt 27:13; cf. Jos 8:30-33). The tribe is called a “lion’s whelp” in Moses’ blessing (Dt 33:22). Some believe that the reference to “Bashan” in that blessing prefigured the Danites’ migration to the northern territory where they eventually settled.<\/p>\n<p>One of the most significant references to Dan’s tribe is the account of its northward migration (Jos 19:40-48; Jgs 18). The Danites had been allotted a portion of Canaan between Judah and Ephraim bordering the Mediterranean seacoast (Jos 19:40-46; Jgs 5:17), but were unable to occupy their territory except for the valley at Zorah and Eshtaol (Jgs 13:25; 18:2). As a result, a group of Danites, discouraged with their situation, marched north and captured Laish, located about 25 miles (40 kilometers) north of the Sea of Galilee and just below Israel’s northernmost border. Laish was renamed Dan at that time (18:27-29). Their association with that northern territory eventually gave rise to the expression “from Dan to Beersheba” (Jgs 20:1; 2 Sm 3:10) as designating Israel’s northern and southern borders.<\/p>\n<p>Southern Dan continued for some time, as illustrated in the exploits of Samson of the tribe of Dan (Jgs 13–16). Evidently the southern Danites gradually merged into the tribe of Judah, and no historical reference to the southern Danite tribe is made in the rest of the OT. The Danites were mentioned in King David’s time as mustering a considerable army loyal to David (1 Chr 12:35; 27:22).<\/p>\n<p>The Danites were among the tribes who did not drive the Canaanites from their territory (Jos 13:4-5; cf. Jgs 1:34-35). Joshua had to prod them into the task at the Shiloh assembly (Jos 18:1-4; 19:40-48). Eventually the Danites gave up the effort and sought other lands in the north, where conquest was easier. Their disobedience was further manifested in their open sin of setting up a “graven image” and establishing a rival priesthood, even though their priest was a Levite (Jgs 18:30-31). The result of that idolatry was that, at the division of the Israelite kingdom at the end of King Solomon’s reign, King Jeroboam of the northern kingdom of Israel chose the city of Dan as one of the idol shrines in which to set up the golden calves (1 Kgs 12:28-29). The Danites’ apostasy, and that of the other northern tribes, continued throughout their history (2 Kgs 10:29), and because of it they were eventually carried captive to Assyria (2 Kgs 17:1-23).<\/p>\n<p>The tribe name is mentioned in the prophet Ezekiel’s idealized description of the restored land and Jerusalem (Ez 48:1-2, 32). In the NT, the apostle John omitted the tribe from a list of Israel’s tribes (Rv 7:4-8).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Israel, History of; Dan (Person); Dan (Place).<\/p>","summary_ro":"DAN, Tribe of Israelite tribe named for the patriarch Jacob’s fifth son. The tribe of Dan, descended from Dan’s only known son, Hushim (cf. “Shuham” in Nm 26:42-43), had little distinction in its early years. Some Danites are mentioned in the wilderness narratives: Oholiab, a craftsman of the tabernacle (Ex 31:6; 35:34; 38:23); another whose mother married an Egyptian and who blasphemed God (Lv 24:11); and Ahiezer, chief prince of Dan during the exodus (Nm 1:12). Dan was the second largest tr...","summary_en":"DAN, Tribe of Israelite tribe named for the patriarch Jacob’s fifth son. The tribe of Dan, descended from Dan’s only known son, Hushim (cf. “Shuham” in Nm 26:42-43), had little distinction in its early years. Some Danites are mentioned in the wilderness narratives: Oholiab, a craftsman of the tabernacle (Ex 31:6; 35:34; 38:23); another whose mother married an Egyptian and who blasphemed God (Lv 24:11); and Ahiezer, chief prince of Dan during the exodus (Nm 1:12). Dan was the second largest tr...","source":"Articles\/D.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":20803,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Book of Joshua","title_en":"Book of Joshua","content_ro":"<h3>JOSHUA, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>First of the historical books in the English Bible and the first of the Former Prophets (including Judges, the books of Samuel, and the books of Kings) in the Hebrew Bible. It begins with the Lord’s commission of Joshua (Jos 1:1-9) and concludes with the burial of Joshua, Eleazar, and the bones of Joseph (24:29-33). The purpose of the book is to show how Joshua continued in the footsteps of Moses, how the Lord gave the land to Israel, and how Israel might prosper in the land.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author and Date<\/p>\n<p>• Problems of Interpretation<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"AuthorandDate\">Author and Date<\/p>\n<p>According to the Talmud, Joshua wrote the book. This ancient tradition is possibly based on the brief statement that Joshua “recorded these things in the Book of the Law of God” (24:26, <span>nlt<\/span>). However, this applies only to the renewal of the covenant (ch 24). The issue of authorship is tied up with the dating of the book. Since the book has no unambiguous markers on date and authorship, neither critics nor conservative scholars have been able to come to any agreement on these issues. According to a conservative analysis of Joshua, the book was written between 1375 <span>BC<\/span> and 1045 <span>BC<\/span> (premonarchic). The argument is based on the references to the migration of Dan (19:47; cf. Jgs 18:27-31), to Jerusalem as a Jebusite city (Jos 15:8, 63; 18:16, 28), to Sidon rather than Tyre as the prominent Phoenician city (11:8; 13:4-6; 19:28), and also on the eyewitness style (5:1, 6—in the MT). But critical scholars have raised issues that they considered could best be resolved by positing a seventh-century <span>BC<\/span> or even an exilic date.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"ProblemsofInterpretation\">Problems of Interpretation<\/p>\n<h5>Holy War<\/h5>\n<p>The morality of the Conquest may be explained by the concept of holy war. The holy war motif would explain why Israel was to destroy the indigenous population (Dt 7:16; 20:16-18; Jos 6:21; 8:24-26; 10:10, 28-30, 35-42; 11:11). The justification may lie in the concept that Israel was God’s instrument of judgment on the Canaanite nations. This argument is related to the mention of the wickedness of the Canaanites (Gn 15:16; Dt 7:2-5, 25-26; 12:30-31; Jos 23:7; Jgs 2:11). However, the canonical narrative of the progression of the Conquest puts the responsibility on the Canaanites. They marched and fought against Israel (Nm 21:21-35; Jos 7:4-5; 8:5, 16-17; 9:1-2; 10:1-6; 11:1-5; 24:11). Therefore, it could be argued that in the process of war a sincere invitation to make peace was given to the kings (cf. Nm 21:21-22; Dt 20:10-11) but was refused. Instead, the kings took the initiative in battle. The responsibility for the destruction of the native population thus lay with the leadership. Yet all this was evidence of God’s working in human affairs, which the Bible simply states, “For it was the <span>Lord<\/span> himself who hardened their hearts to wage war against Israel, so that he might destroy them totally, exterminating them without mercy, as the <span>Lord<\/span> had commanded Moses” (Jos 11:20, <span>niv<\/span>). Even as Pharaoh, whose heart the Lord hardened, was responsible for the plagues in Egypt, so the Canaanite rulers were responsible for the extermination of their populations. The biblical account of the Conquest affirms the mystery of human responsibility and divine sovereignty without explaining it.<\/p>\n<h5>Nature of the Conquest<\/h5>\n<p>Various explanations of the nature of the Conquest have been given. The traditional view of a blitzkrieg type of conquest, which resulted in a complete occupation of the whole land (cf. Jos 10:40; 11:1-3, 16-19), does not fit within the whole picture of the book. The book presents a realistic description of the areas that still had to be conquered (13:1-7) and of the military strength of the indigenous population (cf. 13:13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18; 19:47). Moreover, Joshua promised that the Lord would continue to help Israel to occupy the land, as its population and needs developed (23:5). The occupation of Canaan was in two stages: conquest and gradual occupation (cf. Ex 23:29-30; Dt 7:22).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Purpose\">Purpose<\/p>\n<p>The role of the final (canonical) form of the book is to present Joshua’s obedience to the law of Moses. Victory and defeat are illustrations of obedience and disobedience. Of course, there is tension in this because the descriptions of the Conquest are complete and yet incomplete. The tension is a dynamic device to show that the Conquest and enjoyment of the land depend wholly on obedience. The period of Joshua is viewed as a paradigm of obedient Israel. Thus, a holistic reading of the book presents an appeal to covenant loyalty directed to future generations.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>Conquest of the Land, 1:1–12:24<\/h5>\n<h6>The Lord’s Commission of Joshua, 1:1-9<\/h6>\n<p>With the death of Moses (Jos 1:1), the Lord himself confirms Moses’ ordination of Joshua (Dt 34:9). He charges him with leadership in the conquest of Canaan (Jos 1:2-3), defines the geographical boundaries of the land (v 4), encourages him with his continued presence (vv 5, 9), and expects him to devoutly follow in “the law of Moses” (i.e., the law given in Dt; cf. Dt 31:9, 24-26; Jos 23:6), so that he may succeed in his mission (1:7-8). The original mission, as well as the ministry of Moses, find their continuity in Joshua.<\/p>\n<h6>Crossing the Jordan, 1:10–5:12<\/h6>\n<p>The first stage calls for the preparation of Israel. As their leader, Joshua must demonstrate to the people that he follows in the footsteps of Moses. He does this by reminding the Transjordan tribes to demonstrate loyalty to the command of Moses by joining with the other tribes in the conquest of Canaan (1:13-15; cf. Nm 32:20-27). They submitted to Joshua’s authority as to Moses’ (Jos 1:16-18). He demonstrates his military leadership in sending the two spies to Jericho (ch 2). His authority is accepted by priests (3:6; 4:10) and people (3:5-9) as they cross the Jordan. The crossing of the Jordan marks the public recognition of Joshua as a leader like Moses (4:14).<\/p>\n<p>The account of the crossing marks an important transition from the era of the exodus\/wilderness to the era of the Conquest. On the one hand, the story of Rahab illustrates how the Canaanites had heard about the Lord’s mighty acts (2:10-11) and reacted with great fear (cf. Ex 15:15; 23:27-28; Dt 2:25; 7:23; 11:25; 32:30). Rahab’s expression of faith in Israel’s God (2:11) anticipates the inclusion of the Gentiles in the covenant community as promised to the patriarchs (Gn 12:3). By faith Rahab was included in the covenant and was richly rewarded by the inclusion of her name in the lineage of Jesus (Mt 1:5).<\/p>\n<p>The Israelites crossed the Jordan with the knowledge that the fear of God had come on the Canaanites (Jos 2:24). However, they were also instructed to show their reverence for the Lord by keeping a safe distance between themselves and the ark of the covenant (3:4) and by consecrating themselves (v 5). The “living God” was among them and required holiness and reverence from his people (v 10). He, in turn, would demonstrate his loyalty in the marvelous passage through the Jordan River (v 13) and in the conquest of the land (3:10). After the tribes had crossed the river (4:1), each leader of the 12 tribes took up a stone out of the dried-up riverbed and set up a memorial at Gilgal (vv 1-9, 20). Thus, Israel was to remember that the stones, taken from the place where the priests who carried the ark had stood, were reminders of the majestic presence of God. Future generations who were to hear this report (vv 21-24) were hereby encouraged because the fear of God would fall on all the peoples of the land (v 24).<\/p>\n<p>The consecration before the conquest of Jericho is also symbolized by the act of circumcision (5:1-9) and by the celebration of the Passover (vv 10-12). The events are not necessarily chronologically related but were selected as examples of Israel’s responsiveness to Joshua’s ministry. Moses’ appeal to the new generation had its effect (cf. Dt 4:4-14; 6:1-5). The new generation served the Lord as long as Joshua and the elders were alive (Jos 24:31). Physical circumcision, neglected during the wilderness journey (5:5) due to unbelief, was a sign of spiritual responsiveness. The responsive nation received the external sign of the covenant with the anticipation that the Lord of the covenant would bless his people in giving them victory and the fruit of the land. Their reproach was rolled away (v 9). The covenant continuity is also brought out in the brief mention of the Passover celebration. The newness is their eating the fruit of the land. With the taste of the food of Canaan, the manna stopped. The desert experience was over. A new era was ushered in with their presence in the Promised Land (vv 11-12).<\/p>\n<h6>Conquest of Jericho, 5:13–6:27<\/h6>\n<p>The victory is the Lord’s. This is the message with which the battle of Jericho begins. The holy God who appeared to Moses in the burning bush (Ex 3:2–4:17) appeared to Joshua as the commander of the Lord’s army (Jos 5:14-15) with a message from the Lord (6:2). The city of Jericho will fall without a siege and ensuing battle. Israel’s response to Jericho’s preparedness for war (cf. 24:11) was strange, but the presence of the ark and the blowing of the trumpets symbolized that the Lord would fight for Israel, even as he had promised. However, Israel could not take any of the spoil. Because Yahweh fought for Israel, everything was to be devoted to him (6:17). The Lord honored the vow to Rahab, made by the spies, so that she and her family were kept alive (vv 17, 25), but they were temporarily placed outside the camp (v 23). The valuable metals were placed into the treasury (vv 19, 24), whereas everything else was burned by fire (v 24). Nothing was to be taken for personal gain; otherwise God’s judgment would rest on Israel (v 18). In order to emphasize God’s absolute ownership of Jericho, Joshua put a curse on anyone who would attempt to rebuild the city (6:26; cf. 1 Kgs 16:34). The rumors of Jericho’s destruction spread, and the peoples of Canaan knew that the Lord was with Joshua (Jos 6:27; cf. 1:5, 9).<\/p>\n<h6>Tragedy and Triumph at Ai, 7:1–8:29<\/h6>\n<p>Victory was short-lived because Achan defied God’s “ban,” took some of the objects, hid them in the ground under his tent (7:21), and brought God’s wrath on all of Israel (v 1). Israel was stunned by their defeat at Ai (vv 2-5). Joshua and the elders responded to the disaster by fasting and lamenting (vv 6-9). What a contrast between the reports of victory spread through the land and the anguished cry of God’s servant, fearful that the Canaanites would amass strength and wipe out Israel (v 9). Only after the people had consecrated themselves (v 13) and Achan was exposed and his memory removed (vv 25b-26) could they renew the attack on Ai with the encouraging promise of God’s presence and victory (8:1-2). Ai, too, was taken (vv 3-19) and the population execrated (vv 20-26), but Israel enjoyed the spoils by direct permission from the Lord (v 27). The ruins of Ai, the pile of stones covering the body of Ai’s king (vv 28-29), and the heap of rocks over Achan’s body were sobering reminders to Israel that God’s faithfulness requires absolute loyalty from his people.<\/p>\n<h6>Renewal of the Covenant, 8:30-35<\/h6>\n<p>Joshua led Israel in a ceremonial covenant renewal at Shechem, as Moses had instructed (Jos 8:31; cf. Dt 11:29; 27). Joshua took care in the proper preparation of the altar (cf. Ex 20:25) on which dedicatory and communal offerings were presented. He copied the law as a symbol of his royal leadership and his devotion to the Lord (Jos 8:32; cf. Dt 17:18). All Israel (officers and people, aliens and native-born Israelites) together presented themselves for the reading of the blessings and the curses (Jos 8:33-35). The whole book of Deuteronomy (i.e., “the Book of the Law,” cf. Dt 31:26) was read in their presence. Half the tribes stood on Mt Gerizim and said “Amen” to the blessings, and the other six stood on Mt Ebal, saying “Amen” to the curses (cf. Dt 27:9-26).<\/p>\n<h6>Covenant with the Gibeonites, 9:1-27<\/h6>\n<p>The rumors of God’s mighty acts had brought fear on the Canaanite kings (cf. Jos 2:8-11, 24; 5:1; 6:27). The first defeat at Ai had given them a ray of hope that Israel could be put down. Rather than submit themselves to Israel and suffer from humiliation as servants of Israel, they joined forces against Joshua and Israel (9:1-2).<\/p>\n<p>The Hivites from Gibeon, Kephirah, Beeroth, and Kiriath-jearim (9:7, 17) did not join with their fellow Canaanites. Instead, they developed an intricate plan to deceive Israel and to sue for full treaty status. The purpose of the treaty was that of friendship (namely, “peace”), promising each other to be of mutual assistance in case of attack. The concern was with the preservation of life (vv 15, 24). Their deception included a ruse about the great distance they had traveled (vv 11-14) and a false report of Israel’s victories in Transjordan with no mention of their crossing the Jordan (9:9-10; cf. 5:1). The law permitted the submissive city to subject its population to a type of suzerainty treaty, in which Israel defined the terms and expected the subjugated populace to serve as its forced laborers (Dt 20:11; cf. Jgs 1:28-35; 1 Kgs 9:15-21). However, the treaty permitted the Hivites to maintain their way of life with the advantage of Israel’s military protection.<\/p>\n<h6>The Southern Campaign, 10:1-43<\/h6>\n<p>The king of Jerusalem, Adoni-zedek, led the cities of Hebron, Jarmuth, Lachish, and Eglon in an alliance against Gibeon as a military ploy to take a stand against Israel (Jos 10:1-5). The Gibeonites appealed to Israel for help based on their covenantal relationship (v 6). Joshua led Israel on a 25-mile (40-kilometer) hike through the wilderness from Gilgal up to Gibeon during one night (vv 7-9). The Israelite attack surprised the Canaanites, who were already frightened of the Israelites. The camp of the Canaanites was thrown into confusion, and the soldiers fled the hill country via the road of Beth-horon to Azekah and Makkedah (v 10). But while running, they were tormented with large hailstones (v 11). The victory was the Lord’s. Miraculously, Israel could push the Canaanites farther from the hill country because of the long day (vv 12-14). The marvel of this day was long remembered in the Book of Jashar (cf. 2 Sm 1:18), because on it the Lord listened to a man, namely Joshua (Jos 10:14).<\/p>\n<p>The five kings hidden in a cave at Makkedah were discovered, killed, hanged on trees, and buried in the cave (10:16-27). Their foolish attempt to make war on Israel came to a quick end. Since the coalition of large cities had been put down, Joshua led Israel in a rapid campaign of the other southern cities (vv 29-43). The region was taken in one campaign with the Lord’s help (v 42).<\/p>\n<h6>The Northern Campaign, 11:1-15<\/h6>\n<p>The Israelites were again forced into battle, this time by the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor. Jabin rallied the kings of the northern cities who assembled their troops and horses by the waters of Merom for battle against Israel (11:1-5). The similarity to the southern campaign is a literary way to demonstrate that the kings of the south and north initiated the war and were consequently defeated. So it was with the northern kings, who were routed as far as the region of Sidon in Phoenicia (v 8). Their horses were hamstrung and their chariots burned (v 9), as the Lord had instructed (v 6). Israel was to depend on the Lord (cf. Ps 20:7). Hazor, the great and ancient city, the center of Canaanite power in the north, was completely destroyed (Jos 11:10-13). The burning of Jericho, Ai, and Hazor were exceptions, because Israel had been promised Canaanite houses, wells, and cities (Dt 6:10-11; cf. Jos 24:13). The campaign narrative stresses again the absolute loyalty of Joshua to the Lord and to Moses, the servant of the Lord (Jos 11:9-15).<\/p>\n<h6>Summary of the Campaigns, 11:16–12:24<\/h6>\n<p>Joshua led Israel in victory and rest because of his careful adherence to the Lord’s directions to Moses. Moses had described the land to be conquered in detail (Dt 1:7), and Joshua took the regions of which Moses had spoken. Though the cities could have sued for a peaceable arrangement under which they would have been forced laborers (Dt 20:11), none of the cities recognized Israel. In fear they plotted and schemed how to destroy Israel. They were the aggressors. God had hardened their hearts (Jos 11:20). The theological reason is a mystery, as it was in the case of Pharaoh. But the net result was that Canaan was conquered and the population exterminated, except for the Hivites at Gibeon and their surrounding cities (vv 19-20). Even the Anakites, who had brought fear on Israel some 40 years before (Nm 13:33; cf. Dt 2:10, 21), were execrated (Jos 11:21). Yet it is already apparent that not every square mile of land was taken (v 22), even though in a sense the entire land was Israel’s, because major centers of Canaanite resistance had been broken. The tension between fulfillment and complete fulfillment is apparent in these verses.<\/p>\n<p>The listing of defeated kings (ch 12) includes the victories over Sihon and Og under Moses’ leadership. Their juxtaposition with the list of kings conquered under Joshua demonstrates the continuity of leadership and purpose—two leaders, many campaigns, but one battle. The Land of Promise is now a fulfillment. Through the campaigns the borders of the land of inheritance were now more apparent. In Transjordan the limits are from the Arnon to Mt Hermon (vv 2-5). In Canaan the boundary extends from the region south of Sidon to the Negev (vv 7-8).<\/p>\n<h5>The Division of the Land, 13:1–22:34<\/h5>\n<h6>The Command to Divide the Land, 13:1-7<\/h6>\n<p>Because of Joshua’s advanced age, the “whole” land was not taken. Moses had forewarned Israel that the inheritance would result from conquest as well as from gradual extension of Israel’s narrow boundaries. Slowly Israel was to inherit the whole land, lest it be overwhelmed by the size and be unable to use it properly (Ex 23:29-30; Dt 7:22). The areas still to be occupied were: the region to the north of Galilee, Mt Hermon (east of the Sea of Galilee), the area occupied by the Philistines, and regional Canaanite enclaves (Jos 13:2-7; cf. Jgs 1). Israel was not to be concerned with the future rights of occupation, because the Lord promised to help them (Jos 13:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Division of Transjordan, 13:8-33<\/h6>\n<p>Joshua did not alter the Mosaic arrangement concerning the allotments to the tribes of Manasseh, Reuben, and Gad (Jos 13:8, 32-33; cf. Nm 32; Dt 3:12-17). Their territory also excluded certain regions still occupied by Canaanites (Jos 13:13). The clans of Reuben had received the territory from the Arnon River north to Heshbon (vv 15-23). The clans of Gad had received the territory of Gilead, south of the Jabbok River to Heshbon (vv 24-28). Several clans of Manasseh received the region south of the Wadi Yarmuk to the Jabbok (vv 29-31). The Levitical towns are not listed here, but a reference is made to them as not receiving a patrimony, because they were to live off the offerings and sacrifices made to the Lord (Jos 13:14; cf. Nm 18:20-24; 35:1-8).<\/p>\n<h6>The Tribal Divisions in Canaan, 14:1–19:51<\/h6>\n<p>Eleazar, the high priest, and Joshua together cast lots to determine the boundaries, size, and allocation for the remaining nine and a half tribes. Again the exclusion of the tribe of Levi is mentioned (Jos 14:4), because their cities will be dealt with in chapters 20–21. Another literary device is special mention of the inheritance of Caleb in the beginning (14:6-15) and of Joshua at the conclusion (19:49-50). These two were the only ones who had left Egypt as adults, had been faithful spies, and had entered into the Promised Land (Nm 14:24, 30; Dt 1:36-38).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah, 15:1-63 (cf. Jgs 1:10-15, 20)<\/h6>\n<p>The boundaries of Judah extended from the Dead Sea westward to the Mediterranean (Jos 15:2-12). The cities of Judah are listed in its four regions: 29 in the Negev (vv 21-32), 42 cities in the Shephelah (or western foothills) and coastal plains (vv 33-47), 38 cities in the hill country (15:48-60), and 6 cities in the desert (vv 61-62). Judah was unable to take Jerusalem (v 63) until David made it his capital (cf. Jgs 1:21; 2 Sm 5:6-16).<\/p>\n<h6>Ephraim and Manasseh, 16:1–17:18<\/h6>\n<p>These two tribes, descended from Joseph, were richly blessed (cf. Gn 48; 49:22-26; Dt 33:13-17) and had obtained prominence among the tribes. They received one allotment as “the allotment for Joseph” (Jos 16:1). Part of Manasseh had already received a patrimony east of the Jordan (13:29-31). The limits for Ephraim and the west half of Manasseh were from Bethel to Mt Gilboa in the north and from the Jordan to the Mediterranean (16:1-3). Ephraim received the smaller portion in the south (vv 5-9) but was unable to drive the Canaanites out of Gezer. The clans of Manasseh are given, including Zelophehad (17:3-6; cf. Nm 27:1-11; 36:1-12), in order to clearly distinguish them from the clans of Manasseh in Transjordan. The region of west Manasseh extended from Shechem to Mt Gilboa (Jos 17:7-11); but Manasseh, also, was incapable of driving out the Canaanites completely (vv 12-13).<\/p>\n<p>Though they had received the largest portion of the land (more than a third), the tribes of Joseph complained. They knew that the Lord had blessed them (17:14), and they expected to get more cultivable land. But Joshua urged them to use the available land by cutting down the forests (vv 15-18). When they expressed realistic concern about Canaanite military power, Joshua called on them to do their share in occupying the land.<\/p>\n<h6>Seven Tribes, 18:1–19:51<\/h6>\n<p>The Israelites assembled at Shiloh to set up the tabernacle (cf. 1 Sm 1). At that point seven tribes had not yet received their patrimony. Joshua called for each tribe to commission three men to survey the land. When they returned, Joshua cast lots at the tabernacle in Shiloh and divided the land (Jos 18:3-10). The territory of Benjamin was between Judah and Ephraim (vv 11-28). Simeon’s allotment was in southern Judah (19:1-9), resulting in its absorption into Judah (cf. Gn 49:7). Zebulun (Jos 19:10-16), Issachar (vv 17-23), Asher (vv 24-31), and Naphtali (vv 32-39) received a portion north of Manasseh in the region of Galilee. Dan received the seventh lot and suffered subsequently, when it could not maintain the allotted territory because of the pressure of Judah on the east and the Philistines to the west (vv 40-48). They migrated northward and found the sources of the Jordan to be a fruitful region (Jos 19:47; cf. Jgs 18).<\/p>\n<h6>Conclusion, 19:49-51<\/h6>\n<p>The conclusion is symmetric with the beginning (Jos 14:1-14) in that Joshua also received a gift. Again, mention is made that all divisions were in the presence of the Lord, witnessed to and executed by the high priest Eleazar and Joshua (19:51; cf. 14:1).<\/p>\n<h6>Cities of Refuge and the Levitical Cities, 20:1–21:45<\/h6>\n<p>According to the instructions of Moses, six Levitical cities were set apart, three on each side of the Jordan, as cities of refuge (Nm 35:9-34; Dt 4:41-43; 19:1-10). The purpose was to provide “refuge” (asylum) for those who were guilty of manslaughter but had not intentionally killed someone. This practice was not to provide a way out for someone who was guilty, but to allow for the legal process to be completed (Jos 20).<\/p>\n<p>The Levites received by clan a total of 48 cities, six of which also served as cities of refuge (21:1-42). The Levites could not cultivate the soil because they were dependent on the tithes of the people (Nm 18:21-24), but they were permitted to have land for grazing. The dimensions of the land are given in Numbers 35:4-5. A special allocation is made to the descendants of Aaron (Jos 21:9-19), because they served as priests and their 13 cities were in the Judah-Simeon region, in proximity to the Jerusalem temple of the Solomonic era.<\/p>\n<p>With the allocation of the Levitical cities, the division of the land is concluded. The promise of the land is fulfilled (21:43-45). God is faithful! This section emphasizes the fulfillment, the power, and the grace of God, by which Israel entered into its rest. However, the book of Joshua also hints of the struggle that is still ahead of the Israelites and of the test that ultimately they will fail (cf. Ps 95:11; Heb 3:7-11).<\/p>\n<h6>Return of the Transjordan Tribes, 22:1-34<\/h6>\n<p>Joshua dismissed the two and a half tribes with a commendation for their loyalty to the other tribes and to the Lord (Jos 22:1-4), with a warning not to succumb to idolatry but to love the Lord in accordance with the Deuteronomic law, and with a blessing (vv 5-8). However, as they returned they set up a large altar by the Jordan on the western side. The other tribes heard about it and met at Shiloh (v 12). They wisely commissioned Phinehas, the son of the high priest, with ten representatives of the tribes, to investigate the matter. The commission charged the Transjordan tribes with treachery (Jos 22:15-20; cf. Nm 25; Jos 7).<\/p>\n<p>The response of the Transjordan tribes demonstrated their concern for the unity of the tribes and for the worship of God. These tribes feared being excluded from the fellowship of God’s people and had purposefully constructed an altar, identical to that prescribed in the law, in order to demonstrate their common heritage (Jos 22:21-30). The altar was not for sacrifice or worship but functioned as a symbol of the covenantal unity of the people of God.<\/p>\n<p>Phinehas and the tribal representatives were pleased with the response and left with the assurance of God’s presence (22:30-31). Their report to the tribes led to reconciliation of all the tribes on this matter. The narrative concludes with a mention of the name given to the altar: “A witness between us and them that the <span>Lord<\/span> is our God, too” (v 34, <span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue: The Land Is a Sacred Trust, 23:1–24:33<\/h5>\n<p>The last two chapters contain Joshua’s farewell speeches to all the leaders and to all Israel.<\/p>\n<h6>Address to the Leaders, 23:1-16<\/h6>\n<p>Joshua reviews what the Lord has done for Israel in giving the land to the tribes. He has demonstrated his loyalty. And he will continue to be with his people so that no enemy can stand against them. He will fulfill every outstanding promise, even as he had already fulfilled promises. However, they must persevere in their loyalty to the Lord. Loyalty to the Lord is not apart from loyalty to the law of Moses. Apostasy will be severely punished, first by leaving the nations to ensnare Israel, and then by consuming them in his wrath.<\/p>\n<h6>Address to Israel, 24:1-28<\/h6>\n<p>The address ends with a covenant renewal at Shechem (Jos 24:1, 25-28; cf. 8:30-35). In the ancient Near East it was common when making a treaty (covenant) to give a brief historical summary of the relationship of the parties involved. Joshua reviewed Israel’s history from the patriarchs to their generation: patriarchs (24:2-4), exodus (vv 5-7), and conquest (vv 8-13).<\/p>\n<p>The goodness, presence, and loyalty of Yahweh was evident to them. Yahweh also expected “faithfulness” from his people in the form of whole allegiance, without any form of idolatry (Jos 24:14-15). As the head of his family, Joshua vowed to be loyal (v 15). The people responded by giving reasons for being loyal to the Lord (vv 16-18). But Joshua pushed them to a deeper commitment by challenging their profession (vv 19-20), then recording their vow and setting up a stone of witness against them (vv 25-27).<\/p>\n<h6>End of an Era, 24:29-33<\/h6>\n<p>The book began with a reference to the death of Moses (1:1-2) and concludes with the death and burial of Joshua (24:29-30) and of Eleazar the high priest (v 33). This marks the end of an era. The burial of Joseph’s bones (Jos 24:32; cf. Gn 50:25; Ex 13:19) in a plot purchased by Jacob (Gn 33:19) brings together the hope characteristic of the epoch of Moses and Joshua.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Cities of Refuge; Conquest and Allotment of the Land; Israel, History of; Joshua (Person) #1; Levitical Cities.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JOSHUA, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>First of the historical books in the English Bible and the first of the Former Prophets (including Judges, the books of Samuel, and the books of Kings) in the Hebrew Bible. It begins with the Lord’s commission of Joshua (Jos 1:1-9) and concludes with the burial of Joshua, Eleazar, and the bones of Joseph (24:29-33). The purpose of the book is to show how Joshua continued in the footsteps of Moses, how the Lord gave the land to Israel, and how Israel might prosper in the land.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author and Date<\/p>\n<p>• Problems of Interpretation<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"AuthorandDate\">Author and Date<\/p>\n<p>According to the Talmud, Joshua wrote the book. This ancient tradition is possibly based on the brief statement that Joshua “recorded these things in the Book of the Law of God” (24:26, <span>nlt<\/span>). However, this applies only to the renewal of the covenant (ch 24). The issue of authorship is tied up with the dating of the book. Since the book has no unambiguous markers on date and authorship, neither critics nor conservative scholars have been able to come to any agreement on these issues. According to a conservative analysis of Joshua, the book was written between 1375 <span>BC<\/span> and 1045 <span>BC<\/span> (premonarchic). The argument is based on the references to the migration of Dan (19:47; cf. Jgs 18:27-31), to Jerusalem as a Jebusite city (Jos 15:8, 63; 18:16, 28), to Sidon rather than Tyre as the prominent Phoenician city (11:8; 13:4-6; 19:28), and also on the eyewitness style (5:1, 6—in the MT). But critical scholars have raised issues that they considered could best be resolved by positing a seventh-century <span>BC<\/span> or even an exilic date.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"ProblemsofInterpretation\">Problems of Interpretation<\/p>\n<h5>Holy War<\/h5>\n<p>The morality of the Conquest may be explained by the concept of holy war. The holy war motif would explain why Israel was to destroy the indigenous population (Dt 7:16; 20:16-18; Jos 6:21; 8:24-26; 10:10, 28-30, 35-42; 11:11). The justification may lie in the concept that Israel was God’s instrument of judgment on the Canaanite nations. This argument is related to the mention of the wickedness of the Canaanites (Gn 15:16; Dt 7:2-5, 25-26; 12:30-31; Jos 23:7; Jgs 2:11). However, the canonical narrative of the progression of the Conquest puts the responsibility on the Canaanites. They marched and fought against Israel (Nm 21:21-35; Jos 7:4-5; 8:5, 16-17; 9:1-2; 10:1-6; 11:1-5; 24:11). Therefore, it could be argued that in the process of war a sincere invitation to make peace was given to the kings (cf. Nm 21:21-22; Dt 20:10-11) but was refused. Instead, the kings took the initiative in battle. The responsibility for the destruction of the native population thus lay with the leadership. Yet all this was evidence of God’s working in human affairs, which the Bible simply states, “For it was the <span>Lord<\/span> himself who hardened their hearts to wage war against Israel, so that he might destroy them totally, exterminating them without mercy, as the <span>Lord<\/span> had commanded Moses” (Jos 11:20, <span>niv<\/span>). Even as Pharaoh, whose heart the Lord hardened, was responsible for the plagues in Egypt, so the Canaanite rulers were responsible for the extermination of their populations. The biblical account of the Conquest affirms the mystery of human responsibility and divine sovereignty without explaining it.<\/p>\n<h5>Nature of the Conquest<\/h5>\n<p>Various explanations of the nature of the Conquest have been given. The traditional view of a blitzkrieg type of conquest, which resulted in a complete occupation of the whole land (cf. Jos 10:40; 11:1-3, 16-19), does not fit within the whole picture of the book. The book presents a realistic description of the areas that still had to be conquered (13:1-7) and of the military strength of the indigenous population (cf. 13:13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18; 19:47). Moreover, Joshua promised that the Lord would continue to help Israel to occupy the land, as its population and needs developed (23:5). The occupation of Canaan was in two stages: conquest and gradual occupation (cf. Ex 23:29-30; Dt 7:22).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Purpose\">Purpose<\/p>\n<p>The role of the final (canonical) form of the book is to present Joshua’s obedience to the law of Moses. Victory and defeat are illustrations of obedience and disobedience. Of course, there is tension in this because the descriptions of the Conquest are complete and yet incomplete. The tension is a dynamic device to show that the Conquest and enjoyment of the land depend wholly on obedience. The period of Joshua is viewed as a paradigm of obedient Israel. Thus, a holistic reading of the book presents an appeal to covenant loyalty directed to future generations.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>Conquest of the Land, 1:1–12:24<\/h5>\n<h6>The Lord’s Commission of Joshua, 1:1-9<\/h6>\n<p>With the death of Moses (Jos 1:1), the Lord himself confirms Moses’ ordination of Joshua (Dt 34:9). He charges him with leadership in the conquest of Canaan (Jos 1:2-3), defines the geographical boundaries of the land (v 4), encourages him with his continued presence (vv 5, 9), and expects him to devoutly follow in “the law of Moses” (i.e., the law given in Dt; cf. Dt 31:9, 24-26; Jos 23:6), so that he may succeed in his mission (1:7-8). The original mission, as well as the ministry of Moses, find their continuity in Joshua.<\/p>\n<h6>Crossing the Jordan, 1:10–5:12<\/h6>\n<p>The first stage calls for the preparation of Israel. As their leader, Joshua must demonstrate to the people that he follows in the footsteps of Moses. He does this by reminding the Transjordan tribes to demonstrate loyalty to the command of Moses by joining with the other tribes in the conquest of Canaan (1:13-15; cf. Nm 32:20-27). They submitted to Joshua’s authority as to Moses’ (Jos 1:16-18). He demonstrates his military leadership in sending the two spies to Jericho (ch 2). His authority is accepted by priests (3:6; 4:10) and people (3:5-9) as they cross the Jordan. The crossing of the Jordan marks the public recognition of Joshua as a leader like Moses (4:14).<\/p>\n<p>The account of the crossing marks an important transition from the era of the exodus\/wilderness to the era of the Conquest. On the one hand, the story of Rahab illustrates how the Canaanites had heard about the Lord’s mighty acts (2:10-11) and reacted with great fear (cf. Ex 15:15; 23:27-28; Dt 2:25; 7:23; 11:25; 32:30). Rahab’s expression of faith in Israel’s God (2:11) anticipates the inclusion of the Gentiles in the covenant community as promised to the patriarchs (Gn 12:3). By faith Rahab was included in the covenant and was richly rewarded by the inclusion of her name in the lineage of Jesus (Mt 1:5).<\/p>\n<p>The Israelites crossed the Jordan with the knowledge that the fear of God had come on the Canaanites (Jos 2:24). However, they were also instructed to show their reverence for the Lord by keeping a safe distance between themselves and the ark of the covenant (3:4) and by consecrating themselves (v 5). The “living God” was among them and required holiness and reverence from his people (v 10). He, in turn, would demonstrate his loyalty in the marvelous passage through the Jordan River (v 13) and in the conquest of the land (3:10). After the tribes had crossed the river (4:1), each leader of the 12 tribes took up a stone out of the dried-up riverbed and set up a memorial at Gilgal (vv 1-9, 20). Thus, Israel was to remember that the stones, taken from the place where the priests who carried the ark had stood, were reminders of the majestic presence of God. Future generations who were to hear this report (vv 21-24) were hereby encouraged because the fear of God would fall on all the peoples of the land (v 24).<\/p>\n<p>The consecration before the conquest of Jericho is also symbolized by the act of circumcision (5:1-9) and by the celebration of the Passover (vv 10-12). The events are not necessarily chronologically related but were selected as examples of Israel’s responsiveness to Joshua’s ministry. Moses’ appeal to the new generation had its effect (cf. Dt 4:4-14; 6:1-5). The new generation served the Lord as long as Joshua and the elders were alive (Jos 24:31). Physical circumcision, neglected during the wilderness journey (5:5) due to unbelief, was a sign of spiritual responsiveness. The responsive nation received the external sign of the covenant with the anticipation that the Lord of the covenant would bless his people in giving them victory and the fruit of the land. Their reproach was rolled away (v 9). The covenant continuity is also brought out in the brief mention of the Passover celebration. The newness is their eating the fruit of the land. With the taste of the food of Canaan, the manna stopped. The desert experience was over. A new era was ushered in with their presence in the Promised Land (vv 11-12).<\/p>\n<h6>Conquest of Jericho, 5:13–6:27<\/h6>\n<p>The victory is the Lord’s. This is the message with which the battle of Jericho begins. The holy God who appeared to Moses in the burning bush (Ex 3:2–4:17) appeared to Joshua as the commander of the Lord’s army (Jos 5:14-15) with a message from the Lord (6:2). The city of Jericho will fall without a siege and ensuing battle. Israel’s response to Jericho’s preparedness for war (cf. 24:11) was strange, but the presence of the ark and the blowing of the trumpets symbolized that the Lord would fight for Israel, even as he had promised. However, Israel could not take any of the spoil. Because Yahweh fought for Israel, everything was to be devoted to him (6:17). The Lord honored the vow to Rahab, made by the spies, so that she and her family were kept alive (vv 17, 25), but they were temporarily placed outside the camp (v 23). The valuable metals were placed into the treasury (vv 19, 24), whereas everything else was burned by fire (v 24). Nothing was to be taken for personal gain; otherwise God’s judgment would rest on Israel (v 18). In order to emphasize God’s absolute ownership of Jericho, Joshua put a curse on anyone who would attempt to rebuild the city (6:26; cf. 1 Kgs 16:34). The rumors of Jericho’s destruction spread, and the peoples of Canaan knew that the Lord was with Joshua (Jos 6:27; cf. 1:5, 9).<\/p>\n<h6>Tragedy and Triumph at Ai, 7:1–8:29<\/h6>\n<p>Victory was short-lived because Achan defied God’s “ban,” took some of the objects, hid them in the ground under his tent (7:21), and brought God’s wrath on all of Israel (v 1). Israel was stunned by their defeat at Ai (vv 2-5). Joshua and the elders responded to the disaster by fasting and lamenting (vv 6-9). What a contrast between the reports of victory spread through the land and the anguished cry of God’s servant, fearful that the Canaanites would amass strength and wipe out Israel (v 9). Only after the people had consecrated themselves (v 13) and Achan was exposed and his memory removed (vv 25b-26) could they renew the attack on Ai with the encouraging promise of God’s presence and victory (8:1-2). Ai, too, was taken (vv 3-19) and the population execrated (vv 20-26), but Israel enjoyed the spoils by direct permission from the Lord (v 27). The ruins of Ai, the pile of stones covering the body of Ai’s king (vv 28-29), and the heap of rocks over Achan’s body were sobering reminders to Israel that God’s faithfulness requires absolute loyalty from his people.<\/p>\n<h6>Renewal of the Covenant, 8:30-35<\/h6>\n<p>Joshua led Israel in a ceremonial covenant renewal at Shechem, as Moses had instructed (Jos 8:31; cf. Dt 11:29; 27). Joshua took care in the proper preparation of the altar (cf. Ex 20:25) on which dedicatory and communal offerings were presented. He copied the law as a symbol of his royal leadership and his devotion to the Lord (Jos 8:32; cf. Dt 17:18). All Israel (officers and people, aliens and native-born Israelites) together presented themselves for the reading of the blessings and the curses (Jos 8:33-35). The whole book of Deuteronomy (i.e., “the Book of the Law,” cf. Dt 31:26) was read in their presence. Half the tribes stood on Mt Gerizim and said “Amen” to the blessings, and the other six stood on Mt Ebal, saying “Amen” to the curses (cf. Dt 27:9-26).<\/p>\n<h6>Covenant with the Gibeonites, 9:1-27<\/h6>\n<p>The rumors of God’s mighty acts had brought fear on the Canaanite kings (cf. Jos 2:8-11, 24; 5:1; 6:27). The first defeat at Ai had given them a ray of hope that Israel could be put down. Rather than submit themselves to Israel and suffer from humiliation as servants of Israel, they joined forces against Joshua and Israel (9:1-2).<\/p>\n<p>The Hivites from Gibeon, Kephirah, Beeroth, and Kiriath-jearim (9:7, 17) did not join with their fellow Canaanites. Instead, they developed an intricate plan to deceive Israel and to sue for full treaty status. The purpose of the treaty was that of friendship (namely, “peace”), promising each other to be of mutual assistance in case of attack. The concern was with the preservation of life (vv 15, 24). Their deception included a ruse about the great distance they had traveled (vv 11-14) and a false report of Israel’s victories in Transjordan with no mention of their crossing the Jordan (9:9-10; cf. 5:1). The law permitted the submissive city to subject its population to a type of suzerainty treaty, in which Israel defined the terms and expected the subjugated populace to serve as its forced laborers (Dt 20:11; cf. Jgs 1:28-35; 1 Kgs 9:15-21). However, the treaty permitted the Hivites to maintain their way of life with the advantage of Israel’s military protection.<\/p>\n<h6>The Southern Campaign, 10:1-43<\/h6>\n<p>The king of Jerusalem, Adoni-zedek, led the cities of Hebron, Jarmuth, Lachish, and Eglon in an alliance against Gibeon as a military ploy to take a stand against Israel (Jos 10:1-5). The Gibeonites appealed to Israel for help based on their covenantal relationship (v 6). Joshua led Israel on a 25-mile (40-kilometer) hike through the wilderness from Gilgal up to Gibeon during one night (vv 7-9). The Israelite attack surprised the Canaanites, who were already frightened of the Israelites. The camp of the Canaanites was thrown into confusion, and the soldiers fled the hill country via the road of Beth-horon to Azekah and Makkedah (v 10). But while running, they were tormented with large hailstones (v 11). The victory was the Lord’s. Miraculously, Israel could push the Canaanites farther from the hill country because of the long day (vv 12-14). The marvel of this day was long remembered in the Book of Jashar (cf. 2 Sm 1:18), because on it the Lord listened to a man, namely Joshua (Jos 10:14).<\/p>\n<p>The five kings hidden in a cave at Makkedah were discovered, killed, hanged on trees, and buried in the cave (10:16-27). Their foolish attempt to make war on Israel came to a quick end. Since the coalition of large cities had been put down, Joshua led Israel in a rapid campaign of the other southern cities (vv 29-43). The region was taken in one campaign with the Lord’s help (v 42).<\/p>\n<h6>The Northern Campaign, 11:1-15<\/h6>\n<p>The Israelites were again forced into battle, this time by the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor. Jabin rallied the kings of the northern cities who assembled their troops and horses by the waters of Merom for battle against Israel (11:1-5). The similarity to the southern campaign is a literary way to demonstrate that the kings of the south and north initiated the war and were consequently defeated. So it was with the northern kings, who were routed as far as the region of Sidon in Phoenicia (v 8). Their horses were hamstrung and their chariots burned (v 9), as the Lord had instructed (v 6). Israel was to depend on the Lord (cf. Ps 20:7). Hazor, the great and ancient city, the center of Canaanite power in the north, was completely destroyed (Jos 11:10-13). The burning of Jericho, Ai, and Hazor were exceptions, because Israel had been promised Canaanite houses, wells, and cities (Dt 6:10-11; cf. Jos 24:13). The campaign narrative stresses again the absolute loyalty of Joshua to the Lord and to Moses, the servant of the Lord (Jos 11:9-15).<\/p>\n<h6>Summary of the Campaigns, 11:16–12:24<\/h6>\n<p>Joshua led Israel in victory and rest because of his careful adherence to the Lord’s directions to Moses. Moses had described the land to be conquered in detail (Dt 1:7), and Joshua took the regions of which Moses had spoken. Though the cities could have sued for a peaceable arrangement under which they would have been forced laborers (Dt 20:11), none of the cities recognized Israel. In fear they plotted and schemed how to destroy Israel. They were the aggressors. God had hardened their hearts (Jos 11:20). The theological reason is a mystery, as it was in the case of Pharaoh. But the net result was that Canaan was conquered and the population exterminated, except for the Hivites at Gibeon and their surrounding cities (vv 19-20). Even the Anakites, who had brought fear on Israel some 40 years before (Nm 13:33; cf. Dt 2:10, 21), were execrated (Jos 11:21). Yet it is already apparent that not every square mile of land was taken (v 22), even though in a sense the entire land was Israel’s, because major centers of Canaanite resistance had been broken. The tension between fulfillment and complete fulfillment is apparent in these verses.<\/p>\n<p>The listing of defeated kings (ch 12) includes the victories over Sihon and Og under Moses’ leadership. Their juxtaposition with the list of kings conquered under Joshua demonstrates the continuity of leadership and purpose—two leaders, many campaigns, but one battle. The Land of Promise is now a fulfillment. Through the campaigns the borders of the land of inheritance were now more apparent. In Transjordan the limits are from the Arnon to Mt Hermon (vv 2-5). In Canaan the boundary extends from the region south of Sidon to the Negev (vv 7-8).<\/p>\n<h5>The Division of the Land, 13:1–22:34<\/h5>\n<h6>The Command to Divide the Land, 13:1-7<\/h6>\n<p>Because of Joshua’s advanced age, the “whole” land was not taken. Moses had forewarned Israel that the inheritance would result from conquest as well as from gradual extension of Israel’s narrow boundaries. Slowly Israel was to inherit the whole land, lest it be overwhelmed by the size and be unable to use it properly (Ex 23:29-30; Dt 7:22). The areas still to be occupied were: the region to the north of Galilee, Mt Hermon (east of the Sea of Galilee), the area occupied by the Philistines, and regional Canaanite enclaves (Jos 13:2-7; cf. Jgs 1). Israel was not to be concerned with the future rights of occupation, because the Lord promised to help them (Jos 13:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Division of Transjordan, 13:8-33<\/h6>\n<p>Joshua did not alter the Mosaic arrangement concerning the allotments to the tribes of Manasseh, Reuben, and Gad (Jos 13:8, 32-33; cf. Nm 32; Dt 3:12-17). Their territory also excluded certain regions still occupied by Canaanites (Jos 13:13). The clans of Reuben had received the territory from the Arnon River north to Heshbon (vv 15-23). The clans of Gad had received the territory of Gilead, south of the Jabbok River to Heshbon (vv 24-28). Several clans of Manasseh received the region south of the Wadi Yarmuk to the Jabbok (vv 29-31). The Levitical towns are not listed here, but a reference is made to them as not receiving a patrimony, because they were to live off the offerings and sacrifices made to the Lord (Jos 13:14; cf. Nm 18:20-24; 35:1-8).<\/p>\n<h6>The Tribal Divisions in Canaan, 14:1–19:51<\/h6>\n<p>Eleazar, the high priest, and Joshua together cast lots to determine the boundaries, size, and allocation for the remaining nine and a half tribes. Again the exclusion of the tribe of Levi is mentioned (Jos 14:4), because their cities will be dealt with in chapters 20–21. Another literary device is special mention of the inheritance of Caleb in the beginning (14:6-15) and of Joshua at the conclusion (19:49-50). These two were the only ones who had left Egypt as adults, had been faithful spies, and had entered into the Promised Land (Nm 14:24, 30; Dt 1:36-38).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah, 15:1-63 (cf. Jgs 1:10-15, 20)<\/h6>\n<p>The boundaries of Judah extended from the Dead Sea westward to the Mediterranean (Jos 15:2-12). The cities of Judah are listed in its four regions: 29 in the Negev (vv 21-32), 42 cities in the Shephelah (or western foothills) and coastal plains (vv 33-47), 38 cities in the hill country (15:48-60), and 6 cities in the desert (vv 61-62). Judah was unable to take Jerusalem (v 63) until David made it his capital (cf. Jgs 1:21; 2 Sm 5:6-16).<\/p>\n<h6>Ephraim and Manasseh, 16:1–17:18<\/h6>\n<p>These two tribes, descended from Joseph, were richly blessed (cf. Gn 48; 49:22-26; Dt 33:13-17) and had obtained prominence among the tribes. They received one allotment as “the allotment for Joseph” (Jos 16:1). Part of Manasseh had already received a patrimony east of the Jordan (13:29-31). The limits for Ephraim and the west half of Manasseh were from Bethel to Mt Gilboa in the north and from the Jordan to the Mediterranean (16:1-3). Ephraim received the smaller portion in the south (vv 5-9) but was unable to drive the Canaanites out of Gezer. The clans of Manasseh are given, including Zelophehad (17:3-6; cf. Nm 27:1-11; 36:1-12), in order to clearly distinguish them from the clans of Manasseh in Transjordan. The region of west Manasseh extended from Shechem to Mt Gilboa (Jos 17:7-11); but Manasseh, also, was incapable of driving out the Canaanites completely (vv 12-13).<\/p>\n<p>Though they had received the largest portion of the land (more than a third), the tribes of Joseph complained. They knew that the Lord had blessed them (17:14), and they expected to get more cultivable land. But Joshua urged them to use the available land by cutting down the forests (vv 15-18). When they expressed realistic concern about Canaanite military power, Joshua called on them to do their share in occupying the land.<\/p>\n<h6>Seven Tribes, 18:1–19:51<\/h6>\n<p>The Israelites assembled at Shiloh to set up the tabernacle (cf. 1 Sm 1). At that point seven tribes had not yet received their patrimony. Joshua called for each tribe to commission three men to survey the land. When they returned, Joshua cast lots at the tabernacle in Shiloh and divided the land (Jos 18:3-10). The territory of Benjamin was between Judah and Ephraim (vv 11-28). Simeon’s allotment was in southern Judah (19:1-9), resulting in its absorption into Judah (cf. Gn 49:7). Zebulun (Jos 19:10-16), Issachar (vv 17-23), Asher (vv 24-31), and Naphtali (vv 32-39) received a portion north of Manasseh in the region of Galilee. Dan received the seventh lot and suffered subsequently, when it could not maintain the allotted territory because of the pressure of Judah on the east and the Philistines to the west (vv 40-48). They migrated northward and found the sources of the Jordan to be a fruitful region (Jos 19:47; cf. Jgs 18).<\/p>\n<h6>Conclusion, 19:49-51<\/h6>\n<p>The conclusion is symmetric with the beginning (Jos 14:1-14) in that Joshua also received a gift. Again, mention is made that all divisions were in the presence of the Lord, witnessed to and executed by the high priest Eleazar and Joshua (19:51; cf. 14:1).<\/p>\n<h6>Cities of Refuge and the Levitical Cities, 20:1–21:45<\/h6>\n<p>According to the instructions of Moses, six Levitical cities were set apart, three on each side of the Jordan, as cities of refuge (Nm 35:9-34; Dt 4:41-43; 19:1-10). The purpose was to provide “refuge” (asylum) for those who were guilty of manslaughter but had not intentionally killed someone. This practice was not to provide a way out for someone who was guilty, but to allow for the legal process to be completed (Jos 20).<\/p>\n<p>The Levites received by clan a total of 48 cities, six of which also served as cities of refuge (21:1-42). The Levites could not cultivate the soil because they were dependent on the tithes of the people (Nm 18:21-24), but they were permitted to have land for grazing. The dimensions of the land are given in Numbers 35:4-5. A special allocation is made to the descendants of Aaron (Jos 21:9-19), because they served as priests and their 13 cities were in the Judah-Simeon region, in proximity to the Jerusalem temple of the Solomonic era.<\/p>\n<p>With the allocation of the Levitical cities, the division of the land is concluded. The promise of the land is fulfilled (21:43-45). God is faithful! This section emphasizes the fulfillment, the power, and the grace of God, by which Israel entered into its rest. However, the book of Joshua also hints of the struggle that is still ahead of the Israelites and of the test that ultimately they will fail (cf. Ps 95:11; Heb 3:7-11).<\/p>\n<h6>Return of the Transjordan Tribes, 22:1-34<\/h6>\n<p>Joshua dismissed the two and a half tribes with a commendation for their loyalty to the other tribes and to the Lord (Jos 22:1-4), with a warning not to succumb to idolatry but to love the Lord in accordance with the Deuteronomic law, and with a blessing (vv 5-8). However, as they returned they set up a large altar by the Jordan on the western side. The other tribes heard about it and met at Shiloh (v 12). They wisely commissioned Phinehas, the son of the high priest, with ten representatives of the tribes, to investigate the matter. The commission charged the Transjordan tribes with treachery (Jos 22:15-20; cf. Nm 25; Jos 7).<\/p>\n<p>The response of the Transjordan tribes demonstrated their concern for the unity of the tribes and for the worship of God. These tribes feared being excluded from the fellowship of God’s people and had purposefully constructed an altar, identical to that prescribed in the law, in order to demonstrate their common heritage (Jos 22:21-30). The altar was not for sacrifice or worship but functioned as a symbol of the covenantal unity of the people of God.<\/p>\n<p>Phinehas and the tribal representatives were pleased with the response and left with the assurance of God’s presence (22:30-31). Their report to the tribes led to reconciliation of all the tribes on this matter. The narrative concludes with a mention of the name given to the altar: “A witness between us and them that the <span>Lord<\/span> is our God, too” (v 34, <span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue: The Land Is a Sacred Trust, 23:1–24:33<\/h5>\n<p>The last two chapters contain Joshua’s farewell speeches to all the leaders and to all Israel.<\/p>\n<h6>Address to the Leaders, 23:1-16<\/h6>\n<p>Joshua reviews what the Lord has done for Israel in giving the land to the tribes. He has demonstrated his loyalty. And he will continue to be with his people so that no enemy can stand against them. He will fulfill every outstanding promise, even as he had already fulfilled promises. However, they must persevere in their loyalty to the Lord. Loyalty to the Lord is not apart from loyalty to the law of Moses. Apostasy will be severely punished, first by leaving the nations to ensnare Israel, and then by consuming them in his wrath.<\/p>\n<h6>Address to Israel, 24:1-28<\/h6>\n<p>The address ends with a covenant renewal at Shechem (Jos 24:1, 25-28; cf. 8:30-35). In the ancient Near East it was common when making a treaty (covenant) to give a brief historical summary of the relationship of the parties involved. Joshua reviewed Israel’s history from the patriarchs to their generation: patriarchs (24:2-4), exodus (vv 5-7), and conquest (vv 8-13).<\/p>\n<p>The goodness, presence, and loyalty of Yahweh was evident to them. Yahweh also expected “faithfulness” from his people in the form of whole allegiance, without any form of idolatry (Jos 24:14-15). As the head of his family, Joshua vowed to be loyal (v 15). The people responded by giving reasons for being loyal to the Lord (vv 16-18). But Joshua pushed them to a deeper commitment by challenging their profession (vv 19-20), then recording their vow and setting up a stone of witness against them (vv 25-27).<\/p>\n<h6>End of an Era, 24:29-33<\/h6>\n<p>The book began with a reference to the death of Moses (1:1-2) and concludes with the death and burial of Joshua (24:29-30) and of Eleazar the high priest (v 33). This marks the end of an era. The burial of Joseph’s bones (Jos 24:32; cf. Gn 50:25; Ex 13:19) in a plot purchased by Jacob (Gn 33:19) brings together the hope characteristic of the epoch of Moses and Joshua.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Cities of Refuge; Conquest and Allotment of the Land; Israel, History of; Joshua (Person) #1; Levitical Cities.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JOSHUA, Book of First of the historical books in the English Bible and the first of the Former Prophets (including Judges, the books of Samuel, and the books of Kings) in the Hebrew Bible. It begins with the Lord’s commission of Joshua (Jos 1:1-9) and concludes with the burial of Joshua, Eleazar, and the bones of Joseph (24:29-33). The purpose of the book is to show how Joshua continued in the footsteps of Moses, how the Lord gave the land to Israel, and how Israel might prosper in the land. ...","summary_en":"JOSHUA, Book of First of the historical books in the English Bible and the first of the Former Prophets (including Judges, the books of Samuel, and the books of Kings) in the Hebrew Bible. It begins with the Lord’s commission of Joshua (Jos 1:1-9) and concludes with the burial of Joshua, Eleazar, and the bones of Joseph (24:29-33). The purpose of the book is to show how Joshua continued in the footsteps of Moses, how the Lord gave the land to Israel, and how Israel might prosper in the land. ...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":21205,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Book of Judges","title_en":"Book of Judges","content_ro":"<h3>JUDGES, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>The book reflects a final editing of the material in the period of the early monarchy. It may well be a polemic for the righteous rule of David over against the kingship of Saul, which was molded by a secular, Canaanite conception of kingship rather than by the law of God. The author was almost certainly not Samuel, as traditionally thought, but a later compiler who relied on ancient written materials.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>Though the judges succeeded in giving the tribes some rest from the incursions of surrounding enemies, the Israelites were continually harassed over long periods of time. Scholarly opinion differs on the duration of the period of the judges. The dating of the exodus affects the dating of the beginning of the judges. Those who take an early date for the exodus put the beginning around 1370–1360 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas others propose a date close to the end of the 13th century <span>BC<\/span>. A related issue pertains to the chronology of the judges. Does Judges give a chronological, sequential account of the period, or is the book a representative account of judges from various parts of Canaan and Transjordan who “judged” a region, a tribe, or several tribes simultaneously?<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LiteraryFramework\">Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>There is no doubt that the stories in the book bear the marks of literary creativity. The stories are classics in their own right. The poetry of Deborah’s song (Jgs 5) is very moving, and the fable of Jotham (9:8-15) is a fine example of figurative speech. The care given to the stories is also reflected in the construction of the book. There are two introductions: a political one (Jgs 1:1–2:5) and a socioreligious one (2:6–3:6). The political introduction connects Judges with the story of the Conquest, when the tribes attempted to occupy the land. It prepares the reader for the political and military problems of the era of the judges. The socioreligious introduction explains why Israel had so many adversities, why the institution of the judges arose, and why the Lord never gave Israel the promised lasting rest from its enemies. The main body of the book is the story of the judges (3:7–16:31). References to the minor judges (six in all) are set within the stories of the major judges in increasing frequency. As is evident from the schema, the number of minor judges increased in frequency in proportion to the decrease in number of major judges: two major, one minor; two major, two minor; one major, three minor; one major. There is a total of 12 judges, representative of the 12 tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>The purpose of the listing of 12 judges, representative of the various parts of Canaan and Transjordan, is to demonstrate that all tribes throughout the conquered territories experienced grave difficulties from a variety of enemies: Arameans, Moabites, Ammonites, Amalekites, Canaanites, and Philistines. Israel was hard pressed on nearly all its frontiers. The appendixes (chs 17–21), together with the two introductions, form the framework of the book. The political and socioreligious problems (1:1–3:6) are presented by way of several stories in the last chapters. The final editor who gave the book its canonical shape purposefully framed the stories of the judges so as to show lack of movement. The successes of the previous stages in redemptive history came to a standstill in the ebb and flow of the judges. Though the Lord delivered his people in many ways, they returned to the problems described in 1:1–3:6. The appendixes describe Israel’s problems representative of the period of the judges, when “there was no king in Israel” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTheologicalTeaching\">Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for deliverance, and God’s raising up of a judge reflects a deuteronomic perspective with its warnings concerning disobedience and judgment. The repetitiveness of the cycle supports the contention of the anonymous narrator that Israel remained unchanged by the grace of God. However, in spite of the moral, religious, and political anarchy as well as the civil wars, the last chapter shows that the tribes are still concerned with each other’s welfare. Though the unity of God’s people has been gravely challenged, the situation is not hopeless. The book ends on a note of hope—hope for a king who may deliver Israel.<\/p>\n\n<p>Thus, there are several purposes of the book: (1) to demonstrate the meaninglessness of this stage in Israel’s development; (2) to explain why the tribes did not occupy all the land promised to the patriarchs; (3) to justify the way of God, who was gracious and patient with Israel’s repeated acts of disobedience; (4) to set forth the legitimacy of a “shepherd” king in contrast to a despotic form of kingship; and (5) to explain the urgent need for a new momentum, lest Israel succumb to the Philistines and intertribal warfare.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>The Political Introduction (1:1–2:5)<\/h5>\n<p>In Joshua 1–12 the warfare under Joshua is portrayed as a mobilization of Canaanite forces against Israel. By the intervention of the Lord, the Canaanite resistance was put down and the land was occupied by the tribes (chs 13–21). Joshua 13–21, however, clearly shows that each tribe had problems ridding its territory of pockets of Canaanite resistance, which were usually centered around heavily guarded and well-fortified cities (cf. 13:2-6, 13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18).<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua emphasizes the successes and minimizes the problems, whereas the prologue to Judges sets the stage for the whole book by openly addressing Israel’s problems and failures. As the book unfolds, it is precisely these problems and failures that in due time bring Israel to the brink of disaster.<\/p>\n<p>The period of the judges began with the death of Joshua (Jgs 1:1; 2:8-9). The Israelites had inherited a legacy from Joshua: the law of the Lord (Jos 23:6; 24:26), the land, a challenge to obey the Lord (24:14-27), and a promise of God’s presence and help in subduing the Canaanites (23:5, 10).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah and Simeon (Jgs 1:2-20)<\/h6>\n<p>The prominence of Judah and Caleb parallels the position of Judah in Joshua (Jos 14:6–15:63; cf. also the house of Joseph, Jgs 1:22-29; cf. Jos 16–17). Judah was victorious over the cruel Adoni-bezek, who ruled over Bezek, a town of uncertain location. Judah successfully occupied the hill country, the Negev, and the western foothills. They even took Jerusalem, or an outlying suburb identified with Jerusalem (Jos 1:8), but could not retain control there (v 21) until David’s conquest of the city (2 Sm 5:6-9). Judah was victorious over the Canaanites in the region of Hebron, already conquered under Joshua (Jos 10:36). Hebron, also known as Kiriath-arba (“city of four” or “tetrapolis”), was a powerful ally of Jerusalem (v 3) and had been able to rally military support for a new assault on Israel, even after its first defeat. Caleb received Hebron, as Moses had promised (Jgs 1:20; cf. Jos 15:13). After the victory over Hebron, Judah extended its control over the southern hill country by an attack on Debir (Jgs 1:11-15; cf. Jos 15:14-19).<\/p>\n<p>The Kenites (Jgs 1:16), descendants of Jethro and therefore related to Moses by marriage, settled in the Negev around Arad and the City of Palms, which here probably refers to Tamar rather than Jericho.<\/p>\n<p>Judah secured the southern border by a victory over the Canaanites at Hormah (Jgs 1:17; cf. Nm 14:45; 21:3; Dt 1:44) and the coastal plain by victories at Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron. However, Judah’s successes in the coastal plain were resisted by a well-armed Canaanite force (Jgs 1:18-19). It occupied the Judean hill country and the Negev, but could not retain control over the plains. The Philistines were soon to take control over Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, and incorporate them into their pentapolis.<\/p>\n<h6>Benjamin (1:21)<\/h6>\n<p>Jerusalem was situated on the border between Judah and Benjamin. Judah took the city or a suburb (Jos 1:8) but was too far removed to retain control over it. Benjamin was too weak to subdue the Jebusites. Only David succeeded in this (2 Sm 5:6-9); he incorporated it into Judah (cf. Jos 15:63), even though it originally was allotted to Benjamin (Jos 18:28).<\/p>\n<h6>Joseph: Ephraim and Manasseh (1:22-29)<\/h6>\n<p>Ephraim took Bethel, known from the patriarchal stories as a significant cultic site (Gn 12:8; 13:3-4; 28:19; 31:13; 35:1-15). However, Manasseh was unsuccessful in taking the fortified cities in the valley of Jezreel (Esdraelon): Beth-shan, Taanach, Dor, Ibleam, and Megiddo. These cities controlled traffic along the east-west and north–south roads as well as the important passes through the Carmel range and the ford of the Jordan. Ephraim could not take full possession of the coastal plain, controlled by Gezer. The success of both Ephraim and Manasseh was limited.<\/p>\n<h6>The Other Four Tribes (1:30-36)<\/h6>\n<p>The other four tribes in Canaan receive brief mention. They, too, were only partially successful. Zebulun, Asher, Naphtali, and especially Dan did not fully succeed in driving out the Canaanites. At best they later subjected most of them to forced labor.<\/p>\n<h6>The Failure of Israel (2:1-5)<\/h6>\n<p>The failure to subdue the land and to wipe out the Canaanites and their culture led to intermarriage and idolatry (cf. Ex 23:33; 34:12-16; Nm 33:55; Dt 7:2-5, 16; Jos 23:7, 12).<\/p>\n<p>The identity of “the angel of the Lord” who appears at Bokim is far from certain. It may be a reference to the Lord himself, to an angelic messenger, or to a prophet (cf. Jgs 6:8). He rebuked the people in the prophetic spirit and pronounced God’s judgment as taking the form of continual confrontation between Israel and the Canaanites (2:3). Their weeping and sacrificing were to no avail (2:4-5; cf. Mal 2:13). Israel stood condemned within a generation after Joshua’s death.<\/p>\n<h5>The Theological Introduction (2:6–3:6)<\/h5>\n<p>The theological introduction begins where Joshua left off (Jos 24:28-31). The generation of Joshua was characterized by loyalty, but their loyalty to the Lord did not last long after the excitement of the Conquest and the demonstration of God’s presence (Jgs 2:10). Israel served Canaanite gods (Baal and Astarte) instead. Baal was the storm god, symbolic of rain and fertility, and Astarte was his cohort. The plural (Baals and Ashtaroth, 2:11-13) signifies the many local ways in which the Canaanite gods were worshiped. The religious unity was broken up into a great diversity. Thus Israel angered the Lord (vv 12-14), who sent them enemies and plunderers. Israel was unsuccessful in dealing with them, as Moses and Joshua had forewarned (Dt 28:25, 33; Jos 23:13, 16). The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for mercy, and deliverance is found throughout Judges. The people were rooted in the apostasy of their forefathers, even though the previous generation had been sensitive to God. Israel did not submit to the leadership of the judges, except to free itself from the oppressors. In fulfillment of the curses of the covenant, God swore not to give his people rest but to test them and to train them for warfare (Jgs 3:1-4), so that they might learn to respond to the challenges of a real world.<\/p>\n<h5>The Judges of Israel (3:7–16:31)<\/h5>\n<h6>Othniel (3:7-11)<\/h6>\n<p>Othniel is a transitional figure, linking the Conquest and the judges. He had involved himself in the conquest of Kiriath-sepher and was related to Caleb as his cousin and son-in-law (1:13). He repelled the Arameans led by Cushan-rishathaim, so that the land enjoyed peace for some 40 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ehud (3:12-30)<\/h6>\n<p>The Moabites, allied with the Ammonites and Amalekites, came against Israel from the east and oppressed them for 18 years under the leadership of Eglon. Ehud led the mission to bring tribute to Eglon at his palace, located probably by Jericho (the City of Palms). Ehud was uniquely qualified for this mission; being left-handed, he was able to use his double-edged sword in an unsuspecting manner to stab the king. Ehud’s success was the result of careful plotting and the element of surprise. He paid the tribute and left, only to return with a supposed oracle from the gods. The king fell for the deception and was murdered. The delay at the Moabite court gave the Israelites an opportunity to bring their forces together at the fords of the Jordan. Ehud’s success was complete; no Moabite escaped, and Israel enjoyed peace for 80 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Shamgar (3:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Shamgar’s exploits were against the Philistines in the coastal plains. He had a non-Israelite name but was probably an Israelite by birth. Like Samson he fought the Philistines with an unconventional weapon (an ox goad). His name is also mentioned in the song of Deborah (5:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Deborah and Barak (4:1–5:31)<\/h6>\n<p>The narrative now turns to the Canaanite aggressors in the north under the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor, and Sisera, of Harosheth-haggoyim (4:1-3). The ruins of Hazor (Jos 11:13) had been rebuilt, and another Jabin (cf. v 1) ruled over the region. He had regained his military power, as he had as many as 900 chariots of iron. He oppressed Israel for 20 years (Jgs 4:3).<\/p>\n<p>God had a prophetess in Israel who led his people during this dark time (4:4). She rendered judgments under a palm tree in southern Ephraim near Benjamin (v 5). She called on Barak to muster the armies of Naphtali and Zebulun, the tribes affected by the Canaanite raids, and to engage Sisera in a surprise attack by the Kishon River (vv 6-7). Barak’s hesitancy led him to request Deborah’s presence, which resulted in his forfeiture of the honor of killing Sisera, the commander of the Canaanite forces (vv 8-10). The Lord gave success to the surprise attack from Mt Tabor, so that the Canaanites were routed, unable to use their heavy chariots, which were mired down in the swamps of the Jezreel Valley (5:20-22). The Canaanites were routed, and Sisera was killed by Jael, the wife of Heber, a Kenite who had separated from the Kenites around Arad (4:17-18; cf. 1:16). She offered him hospitality, as her family had friendly relations with the Canaanites, but heroically put him to death with a tent peg (4:18-21; 5:26-27). In successive campaigns the Israelites gained freedom from Jabin, until they destroyed his power (4:24).<\/p>\n<p>The song of Deborah (ch 5) celebrates, in poetic fashion, the victory over Jabin. It is one of the oldest poems in the Bible. It praises the God of Israel as the King who comes to protect his covenant people, and before whom the mountains move (5:2-3). He is the God of Mt Sinai (Jgs 5:4-5; cf. Dt 33:2; Ps 68:7-8; Hb 3:3-4). Though the oppressors had despoiled Israel and had made the roads unsafe for travel, and Israel was unable to defend itself (Jgs 5:6-8), the Lord raised up Deborah and Barak to lead the nobles to war (vv 9-13). They came from Ephraim, Benjamin, Zebulun, Issachar, and Naphtali (vv 14-15a, 18), but the Transjordan tribes and Asher did not want to get involved (vv 15b-17). The song then moves to the battle scene, where torrential rains bogged the chariots down (vv 19-23). Jael is celebrated as “most blessed of women,” who used her simple way of life to bring an end to Sisera (vv 24-27). She stands in contrast to Sisera’s mother, who is portrayed with all her culture waiting in vain for Sisera’s return with all of his spoils (vv 28-30). The Lord has used the simple to confound the powerful. The conclusion is a prayer for God’s judgment on all of Israel’s enemies (Jgs 5:31a; cf. Ps 68:1-3).<\/p>\n<h6>Gideon (6:1–8:35)<\/h6>\n<p>Israel’s rest for 40 years (Jgs 5:31b) was disturbed by the invasion of Midianites and Amalekites from the East (6:1-3). They destroyed the economy by invading the country at harvesttime (vv 4-6). In response to Israel’s cry, God sent a prophet with a message similar to that of the angel of the Lord (2:1-5). Then an angel appeared to Gideon and called him to lead the people in battle (6:11-14). The Lord assured him of his presence (v 16) by a sign (vv 17-22). Gideon knew that he had been visited by the Lord and built an altar called “The <span>Lord<\/span> Is Peace” in Ophrah (v 24). He responded by destroying the cultic site dedicated to Baal and Asherah at Ophrah (vv 25-28) and by initiating worship at the new altar (v 28). Baal did not protect his own altar (vv 29-32), even when challenged by Gideon’s father (v 31). Consequently, Gideon was known as Jerubbaal (meaning, “let Baal contend with him,” v 32).<\/p>\n<p>Next, Gideon mustered an army of 32,000 men from Asher, Zebulun, and Naphtali (6:35; cf. 7:3b). In order to assure himself of the Lord’s presence, he asked for another sign: the sign of the fleece (6:36-40). It must be kept in mind that Gideon lived in an area in which the wonders of God had been scarce (v 13) and that he, like Moses, needed reassurance that God was with him. God responded to his growing faith. Gideon went forth with a greatly reduced army of 300 against the enemy. Of his original army, 22,000 had left because they were afraid (7:2-3; cf. Dt 20:8). Another 9,700 were sent home, though they were valiant men (7:4-8). After assuring Gideon by a dream of an enemy soldier, God used the 300 in a marvelous way to confound the Midianites (vv 9-15). God gave Israel victory over the Midianite leaders Oreb, Zeeb, Zebah, and Zalmunna (7:16–8:21). Gideon wisely avoided a possible military confrontation with Ephraim (8:1-3), pursued the enemy deep into the Transjordan, and punished the leaders of Succoth and Penuel, who did not assist him (vv 4-9, 13-16).<\/p>\n<p>This glorious victory created a new wave of interest in the idea of kingship. The men of Israel wished to establish the family of Gideon as their royal dynasty (8:22). Gideon refused, and instead wrongly set up an ephod, cast from the gold taken in battle (vv 23-27). The ephod was probably used for cultic practices, possibly divination (cf. 17:5).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s era also came to an end. He was God’s instrument, giving Israel rest for 40 years. He fathered 70 sons and died in old age. God had richly blessed him, even though he had led Israel astray with his ephod. Thereafter, Israel returned to Baal worship (8:33-35).<\/p>\n<p>In the wake of Gideon’s era, his son Abimelech attempted to establish dynastic continuity by having himself installed as king at Shechem (9:1-6). With the support of his relatives at Shechem, Abimelech had all his brothers killed except Jotham (vv 4-5). After Abimelech’s coronation, Jotham set forth his opposition to his brother in a proverbial manner (vv 7-20), and went into hiding. Three years later Abimelech’s evil schemes entrapped him when the citizens of Shechem rebelled. He furiously attacked the city and destroyed it. A short time later, however, he was wounded at Thebez by a millstone dropped by a woman from the tower in which she had sought refuge from him. His servant put him out of his misery as per his request. This episode demonstrates how bad a despotic king may be. Again, God’s justice prevailed.<\/p>\n<h6>Tola (10:1-2)<\/h6>\n<p>Tola was a minor judge from Issachar who judged Israel for 23 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jair (10:3-5)<\/h6>\n<p>Jair was a minor judge from Gilead who judged Israel for 22 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jephthah (10:6–12:7)<\/h6>\n<p>A recapitulation (10:6-16) of the cycle (idolatry, enemies, cry for help, momentary repentance) sets the introduction to the Jephthah narrative. Under attack from the Ammonites, the elders of Gilead requested help from Jephthah (10:17–11:8), who promised to help them on the condition that he remain their leader even after the war (vv 9-10). At a solemn ceremony he becomes their “head” at Mizpah (v 11). Jephthah opened up correspondence with the Ammonite king, in which he argued for Israel’s rights on the basis of the Israelites’ historic claim to the land as granted to them by the Lord (vv 12–27). Instead of going out immediately to war, he hoped that “the <span>Lord<\/span>, the Judge” would settle the dispute (v 27); but the Ammonite king was unimpressed. When the Spirit of God came over him, Jephthah led Israel into battle, but only after making a rash vow. He was victorious but found out that his vow to sacrifice whatever came first out of his house required him to sacrifice his daughter. Debate continues as to whether he offered her up as a human sacrifice or whether she sacrificed marriage (see discussion under Jephthah).<\/p>\n<p>The Ephraimites seemed to have had an insatiable desire for war. Earlier they had complained to Gideon, who successfully defused their threats (8:1-3). Jephthah fought them, however, because the Israelites living in Transjordan had been reviled as “renegades” (12:1-4). Forty-two thousand Ephraimites were killed by the fords of the Jordan in this civil war. Thereafter, Jephthah ruled for only six years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ibzan (12:8-10)<\/h6>\n<p>Ibzan was a minor judge from Bethlehem who ruled Israel for seven years.<\/p>\n<h6>Elon (12:11)<\/h6>\n<p>A minor judge from Zebulun, Elon ruled Israel for ten years.<\/p>\n<h6>Abdon (12:13-15)<\/h6>\n<p>Abdon was a minor judge from Pirathon, the location of which is uncertain. He ruled for eight years.<\/p>\n<h6>Samson (13:1–16:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Samson’s greatness in the history of redemption is due to his miraculous birth (13:1-24), his service as a Nazirite (13:7; cf. Nm 6:1-21), the repeated overpowering by the Spirit of the Lord (Jgs 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14), the single-handed exploits against the Philistines (Ashkelon, 14:19; the fields, 15:1-6; Ramath Etam, 15:7-17; Gaza, 16:1-3, 23-30), and his occasional dependence on the Lord (15:18-19; 16:28-30). However, his personal life was flawed because of his weakness for Philistine women (chs 14, 16). Having been seduced by Delilah, he was imprisoned at Gaza. He died in the collapse of Dagon’s temple, praying that the Lord would permit him to get revenge (16:28-30). He was buried in his father’s tomb in the territory of Dan (16:31).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue (17–21)<\/h5>\n<p>The cyclical nature of Israel’s existence was without movement. Rest from enemies was always temporary. Israel was not yet ready for dynastic kingship, and whatever one may say of the three years of Abimelech, it was a kingship of the worst sort. Israel vacillated between idolatry and belief in the true Lord. The period of the judges was unstable, marked by petty individualism and provincialism. Yet God remained sovereign in the affairs of his people. The epilogue contains two stories: the story of Micah and the Danite migration (chs 17–18) and the civil war (chs 19–21). The epilogue is bound together by the phrase “In those days Israel had no king; everyone did as he saw fit” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25, <span>niv<\/span>). The symmetric recurrence (two times in each narrative) emphasizes the anarchy and inability of the tribes to unite together to serve God as a covenant people.<\/p>\n<h6>Micah and the Danites (17–18)<\/h6>\n<p>Micah was an Ephraimite who established a shrine and hired one of his own sons, and then a Levite from Bethlehem, to serve as its priests (ch 17). Unable to keep their patrimony, the Danites left to establish themselves at the foot of Mt Hermon. They took the idols and the Levite from Micah’s shrine and set up a cultic city at the newly established city of Dan, built on the ruins of Laish (ch 18). Thus, they set up a cultic center that rivaled the tabernacle at Shiloh (18:31).<\/p>\n<h6>The Civil War (19–21)<\/h6>\n<p>The people of Gibeah, which belonged to Benjamin, sexually abused the concubine of a Levite so that she died. Like the Levite of chapters 17 and 18, she was from Bethlehem (19:1). Dramatically, the Levite sent pieces of her corpse to all the tribes, which assembled against the Benjamites because they protected the criminals of Gibeah (19:29–20:19). In the ensuing battle the population of Benjamin was decimated (20:20-48). The 11 tribes gave them 400 virgins taken in a civil war against Jabesh-gilead (21:6-15). These were not enough, however. Because of the threat of the extinction of Benjamin and the vow not to give their daughters in marriage to any Benjamite, the Israelites devised a plan by which the Benjamites could take Israelite virgins dancing in the festival at Shiloh. Benjamin thus was able to rebuild its towns and settlements.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Gideon; Jephthah; Samson.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JUDGES, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>The book reflects a final editing of the material in the period of the early monarchy. It may well be a polemic for the righteous rule of David over against the kingship of Saul, which was molded by a secular, Canaanite conception of kingship rather than by the law of God. The author was almost certainly not Samuel, as traditionally thought, but a later compiler who relied on ancient written materials.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>Though the judges succeeded in giving the tribes some rest from the incursions of surrounding enemies, the Israelites were continually harassed over long periods of time. Scholarly opinion differs on the duration of the period of the judges. The dating of the exodus affects the dating of the beginning of the judges. Those who take an early date for the exodus put the beginning around 1370–1360 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas others propose a date close to the end of the 13th century <span>BC<\/span>. A related issue pertains to the chronology of the judges. Does Judges give a chronological, sequential account of the period, or is the book a representative account of judges from various parts of Canaan and Transjordan who “judged” a region, a tribe, or several tribes simultaneously?<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LiteraryFramework\">Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>There is no doubt that the stories in the book bear the marks of literary creativity. The stories are classics in their own right. The poetry of Deborah’s song (Jgs 5) is very moving, and the fable of Jotham (9:8-15) is a fine example of figurative speech. The care given to the stories is also reflected in the construction of the book. There are two introductions: a political one (Jgs 1:1–2:5) and a socioreligious one (2:6–3:6). The political introduction connects Judges with the story of the Conquest, when the tribes attempted to occupy the land. It prepares the reader for the political and military problems of the era of the judges. The socioreligious introduction explains why Israel had so many adversities, why the institution of the judges arose, and why the Lord never gave Israel the promised lasting rest from its enemies. The main body of the book is the story of the judges (3:7–16:31). References to the minor judges (six in all) are set within the stories of the major judges in increasing frequency. As is evident from the schema, the number of minor judges increased in frequency in proportion to the decrease in number of major judges: two major, one minor; two major, two minor; one major, three minor; one major. There is a total of 12 judges, representative of the 12 tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>The purpose of the listing of 12 judges, representative of the various parts of Canaan and Transjordan, is to demonstrate that all tribes throughout the conquered territories experienced grave difficulties from a variety of enemies: Arameans, Moabites, Ammonites, Amalekites, Canaanites, and Philistines. Israel was hard pressed on nearly all its frontiers. The appendixes (chs 17–21), together with the two introductions, form the framework of the book. The political and socioreligious problems (1:1–3:6) are presented by way of several stories in the last chapters. The final editor who gave the book its canonical shape purposefully framed the stories of the judges so as to show lack of movement. The successes of the previous stages in redemptive history came to a standstill in the ebb and flow of the judges. Though the Lord delivered his people in many ways, they returned to the problems described in 1:1–3:6. The appendixes describe Israel’s problems representative of the period of the judges, when “there was no king in Israel” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTheologicalTeaching\">Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for deliverance, and God’s raising up of a judge reflects a deuteronomic perspective with its warnings concerning disobedience and judgment. The repetitiveness of the cycle supports the contention of the anonymous narrator that Israel remained unchanged by the grace of God. However, in spite of the moral, religious, and political anarchy as well as the civil wars, the last chapter shows that the tribes are still concerned with each other’s welfare. Though the unity of God’s people has been gravely challenged, the situation is not hopeless. The book ends on a note of hope—hope for a king who may deliver Israel.<\/p>\n\n<p>Thus, there are several purposes of the book: (1) to demonstrate the meaninglessness of this stage in Israel’s development; (2) to explain why the tribes did not occupy all the land promised to the patriarchs; (3) to justify the way of God, who was gracious and patient with Israel’s repeated acts of disobedience; (4) to set forth the legitimacy of a “shepherd” king in contrast to a despotic form of kingship; and (5) to explain the urgent need for a new momentum, lest Israel succumb to the Philistines and intertribal warfare.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>The Political Introduction (1:1–2:5)<\/h5>\n<p>In Joshua 1–12 the warfare under Joshua is portrayed as a mobilization of Canaanite forces against Israel. By the intervention of the Lord, the Canaanite resistance was put down and the land was occupied by the tribes (chs 13–21). Joshua 13–21, however, clearly shows that each tribe had problems ridding its territory of pockets of Canaanite resistance, which were usually centered around heavily guarded and well-fortified cities (cf. 13:2-6, 13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18).<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua emphasizes the successes and minimizes the problems, whereas the prologue to Judges sets the stage for the whole book by openly addressing Israel’s problems and failures. As the book unfolds, it is precisely these problems and failures that in due time bring Israel to the brink of disaster.<\/p>\n<p>The period of the judges began with the death of Joshua (Jgs 1:1; 2:8-9). The Israelites had inherited a legacy from Joshua: the law of the Lord (Jos 23:6; 24:26), the land, a challenge to obey the Lord (24:14-27), and a promise of God’s presence and help in subduing the Canaanites (23:5, 10).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah and Simeon (Jgs 1:2-20)<\/h6>\n<p>The prominence of Judah and Caleb parallels the position of Judah in Joshua (Jos 14:6–15:63; cf. also the house of Joseph, Jgs 1:22-29; cf. Jos 16–17). Judah was victorious over the cruel Adoni-bezek, who ruled over Bezek, a town of uncertain location. Judah successfully occupied the hill country, the Negev, and the western foothills. They even took Jerusalem, or an outlying suburb identified with Jerusalem (Jos 1:8), but could not retain control there (v 21) until David’s conquest of the city (2 Sm 5:6-9). Judah was victorious over the Canaanites in the region of Hebron, already conquered under Joshua (Jos 10:36). Hebron, also known as Kiriath-arba (“city of four” or “tetrapolis”), was a powerful ally of Jerusalem (v 3) and had been able to rally military support for a new assault on Israel, even after its first defeat. Caleb received Hebron, as Moses had promised (Jgs 1:20; cf. Jos 15:13). After the victory over Hebron, Judah extended its control over the southern hill country by an attack on Debir (Jgs 1:11-15; cf. Jos 15:14-19).<\/p>\n<p>The Kenites (Jgs 1:16), descendants of Jethro and therefore related to Moses by marriage, settled in the Negev around Arad and the City of Palms, which here probably refers to Tamar rather than Jericho.<\/p>\n<p>Judah secured the southern border by a victory over the Canaanites at Hormah (Jgs 1:17; cf. Nm 14:45; 21:3; Dt 1:44) and the coastal plain by victories at Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron. However, Judah’s successes in the coastal plain were resisted by a well-armed Canaanite force (Jgs 1:18-19). It occupied the Judean hill country and the Negev, but could not retain control over the plains. The Philistines were soon to take control over Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, and incorporate them into their pentapolis.<\/p>\n<h6>Benjamin (1:21)<\/h6>\n<p>Jerusalem was situated on the border between Judah and Benjamin. Judah took the city or a suburb (Jos 1:8) but was too far removed to retain control over it. Benjamin was too weak to subdue the Jebusites. Only David succeeded in this (2 Sm 5:6-9); he incorporated it into Judah (cf. Jos 15:63), even though it originally was allotted to Benjamin (Jos 18:28).<\/p>\n<h6>Joseph: Ephraim and Manasseh (1:22-29)<\/h6>\n<p>Ephraim took Bethel, known from the patriarchal stories as a significant cultic site (Gn 12:8; 13:3-4; 28:19; 31:13; 35:1-15). However, Manasseh was unsuccessful in taking the fortified cities in the valley of Jezreel (Esdraelon): Beth-shan, Taanach, Dor, Ibleam, and Megiddo. These cities controlled traffic along the east-west and north–south roads as well as the important passes through the Carmel range and the ford of the Jordan. Ephraim could not take full possession of the coastal plain, controlled by Gezer. The success of both Ephraim and Manasseh was limited.<\/p>\n<h6>The Other Four Tribes (1:30-36)<\/h6>\n<p>The other four tribes in Canaan receive brief mention. They, too, were only partially successful. Zebulun, Asher, Naphtali, and especially Dan did not fully succeed in driving out the Canaanites. At best they later subjected most of them to forced labor.<\/p>\n<h6>The Failure of Israel (2:1-5)<\/h6>\n<p>The failure to subdue the land and to wipe out the Canaanites and their culture led to intermarriage and idolatry (cf. Ex 23:33; 34:12-16; Nm 33:55; Dt 7:2-5, 16; Jos 23:7, 12).<\/p>\n<p>The identity of “the angel of the Lord” who appears at Bokim is far from certain. It may be a reference to the Lord himself, to an angelic messenger, or to a prophet (cf. Jgs 6:8). He rebuked the people in the prophetic spirit and pronounced God’s judgment as taking the form of continual confrontation between Israel and the Canaanites (2:3). Their weeping and sacrificing were to no avail (2:4-5; cf. Mal 2:13). Israel stood condemned within a generation after Joshua’s death.<\/p>\n<h5>The Theological Introduction (2:6–3:6)<\/h5>\n<p>The theological introduction begins where Joshua left off (Jos 24:28-31). The generation of Joshua was characterized by loyalty, but their loyalty to the Lord did not last long after the excitement of the Conquest and the demonstration of God’s presence (Jgs 2:10). Israel served Canaanite gods (Baal and Astarte) instead. Baal was the storm god, symbolic of rain and fertility, and Astarte was his cohort. The plural (Baals and Ashtaroth, 2:11-13) signifies the many local ways in which the Canaanite gods were worshiped. The religious unity was broken up into a great diversity. Thus Israel angered the Lord (vv 12-14), who sent them enemies and plunderers. Israel was unsuccessful in dealing with them, as Moses and Joshua had forewarned (Dt 28:25, 33; Jos 23:13, 16). The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for mercy, and deliverance is found throughout Judges. The people were rooted in the apostasy of their forefathers, even though the previous generation had been sensitive to God. Israel did not submit to the leadership of the judges, except to free itself from the oppressors. In fulfillment of the curses of the covenant, God swore not to give his people rest but to test them and to train them for warfare (Jgs 3:1-4), so that they might learn to respond to the challenges of a real world.<\/p>\n<h5>The Judges of Israel (3:7–16:31)<\/h5>\n<h6>Othniel (3:7-11)<\/h6>\n<p>Othniel is a transitional figure, linking the Conquest and the judges. He had involved himself in the conquest of Kiriath-sepher and was related to Caleb as his cousin and son-in-law (1:13). He repelled the Arameans led by Cushan-rishathaim, so that the land enjoyed peace for some 40 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ehud (3:12-30)<\/h6>\n<p>The Moabites, allied with the Ammonites and Amalekites, came against Israel from the east and oppressed them for 18 years under the leadership of Eglon. Ehud led the mission to bring tribute to Eglon at his palace, located probably by Jericho (the City of Palms). Ehud was uniquely qualified for this mission; being left-handed, he was able to use his double-edged sword in an unsuspecting manner to stab the king. Ehud’s success was the result of careful plotting and the element of surprise. He paid the tribute and left, only to return with a supposed oracle from the gods. The king fell for the deception and was murdered. The delay at the Moabite court gave the Israelites an opportunity to bring their forces together at the fords of the Jordan. Ehud’s success was complete; no Moabite escaped, and Israel enjoyed peace for 80 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Shamgar (3:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Shamgar’s exploits were against the Philistines in the coastal plains. He had a non-Israelite name but was probably an Israelite by birth. Like Samson he fought the Philistines with an unconventional weapon (an ox goad). His name is also mentioned in the song of Deborah (5:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Deborah and Barak (4:1–5:31)<\/h6>\n<p>The narrative now turns to the Canaanite aggressors in the north under the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor, and Sisera, of Harosheth-haggoyim (4:1-3). The ruins of Hazor (Jos 11:13) had been rebuilt, and another Jabin (cf. v 1) ruled over the region. He had regained his military power, as he had as many as 900 chariots of iron. He oppressed Israel for 20 years (Jgs 4:3).<\/p>\n<p>God had a prophetess in Israel who led his people during this dark time (4:4). She rendered judgments under a palm tree in southern Ephraim near Benjamin (v 5). She called on Barak to muster the armies of Naphtali and Zebulun, the tribes affected by the Canaanite raids, and to engage Sisera in a surprise attack by the Kishon River (vv 6-7). Barak’s hesitancy led him to request Deborah’s presence, which resulted in his forfeiture of the honor of killing Sisera, the commander of the Canaanite forces (vv 8-10). The Lord gave success to the surprise attack from Mt Tabor, so that the Canaanites were routed, unable to use their heavy chariots, which were mired down in the swamps of the Jezreel Valley (5:20-22). The Canaanites were routed, and Sisera was killed by Jael, the wife of Heber, a Kenite who had separated from the Kenites around Arad (4:17-18; cf. 1:16). She offered him hospitality, as her family had friendly relations with the Canaanites, but heroically put him to death with a tent peg (4:18-21; 5:26-27). In successive campaigns the Israelites gained freedom from Jabin, until they destroyed his power (4:24).<\/p>\n<p>The song of Deborah (ch 5) celebrates, in poetic fashion, the victory over Jabin. It is one of the oldest poems in the Bible. It praises the God of Israel as the King who comes to protect his covenant people, and before whom the mountains move (5:2-3). He is the God of Mt Sinai (Jgs 5:4-5; cf. Dt 33:2; Ps 68:7-8; Hb 3:3-4). Though the oppressors had despoiled Israel and had made the roads unsafe for travel, and Israel was unable to defend itself (Jgs 5:6-8), the Lord raised up Deborah and Barak to lead the nobles to war (vv 9-13). They came from Ephraim, Benjamin, Zebulun, Issachar, and Naphtali (vv 14-15a, 18), but the Transjordan tribes and Asher did not want to get involved (vv 15b-17). The song then moves to the battle scene, where torrential rains bogged the chariots down (vv 19-23). Jael is celebrated as “most blessed of women,” who used her simple way of life to bring an end to Sisera (vv 24-27). She stands in contrast to Sisera’s mother, who is portrayed with all her culture waiting in vain for Sisera’s return with all of his spoils (vv 28-30). The Lord has used the simple to confound the powerful. The conclusion is a prayer for God’s judgment on all of Israel’s enemies (Jgs 5:31a; cf. Ps 68:1-3).<\/p>\n<h6>Gideon (6:1–8:35)<\/h6>\n<p>Israel’s rest for 40 years (Jgs 5:31b) was disturbed by the invasion of Midianites and Amalekites from the East (6:1-3). They destroyed the economy by invading the country at harvesttime (vv 4-6). In response to Israel’s cry, God sent a prophet with a message similar to that of the angel of the Lord (2:1-5). Then an angel appeared to Gideon and called him to lead the people in battle (6:11-14). The Lord assured him of his presence (v 16) by a sign (vv 17-22). Gideon knew that he had been visited by the Lord and built an altar called “The <span>Lord<\/span> Is Peace” in Ophrah (v 24). He responded by destroying the cultic site dedicated to Baal and Asherah at Ophrah (vv 25-28) and by initiating worship at the new altar (v 28). Baal did not protect his own altar (vv 29-32), even when challenged by Gideon’s father (v 31). Consequently, Gideon was known as Jerubbaal (meaning, “let Baal contend with him,” v 32).<\/p>\n<p>Next, Gideon mustered an army of 32,000 men from Asher, Zebulun, and Naphtali (6:35; cf. 7:3b). In order to assure himself of the Lord’s presence, he asked for another sign: the sign of the fleece (6:36-40). It must be kept in mind that Gideon lived in an area in which the wonders of God had been scarce (v 13) and that he, like Moses, needed reassurance that God was with him. God responded to his growing faith. Gideon went forth with a greatly reduced army of 300 against the enemy. Of his original army, 22,000 had left because they were afraid (7:2-3; cf. Dt 20:8). Another 9,700 were sent home, though they were valiant men (7:4-8). After assuring Gideon by a dream of an enemy soldier, God used the 300 in a marvelous way to confound the Midianites (vv 9-15). God gave Israel victory over the Midianite leaders Oreb, Zeeb, Zebah, and Zalmunna (7:16–8:21). Gideon wisely avoided a possible military confrontation with Ephraim (8:1-3), pursued the enemy deep into the Transjordan, and punished the leaders of Succoth and Penuel, who did not assist him (vv 4-9, 13-16).<\/p>\n<p>This glorious victory created a new wave of interest in the idea of kingship. The men of Israel wished to establish the family of Gideon as their royal dynasty (8:22). Gideon refused, and instead wrongly set up an ephod, cast from the gold taken in battle (vv 23-27). The ephod was probably used for cultic practices, possibly divination (cf. 17:5).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s era also came to an end. He was God’s instrument, giving Israel rest for 40 years. He fathered 70 sons and died in old age. God had richly blessed him, even though he had led Israel astray with his ephod. Thereafter, Israel returned to Baal worship (8:33-35).<\/p>\n<p>In the wake of Gideon’s era, his son Abimelech attempted to establish dynastic continuity by having himself installed as king at Shechem (9:1-6). With the support of his relatives at Shechem, Abimelech had all his brothers killed except Jotham (vv 4-5). After Abimelech’s coronation, Jotham set forth his opposition to his brother in a proverbial manner (vv 7-20), and went into hiding. Three years later Abimelech’s evil schemes entrapped him when the citizens of Shechem rebelled. He furiously attacked the city and destroyed it. A short time later, however, he was wounded at Thebez by a millstone dropped by a woman from the tower in which she had sought refuge from him. His servant put him out of his misery as per his request. This episode demonstrates how bad a despotic king may be. Again, God’s justice prevailed.<\/p>\n<h6>Tola (10:1-2)<\/h6>\n<p>Tola was a minor judge from Issachar who judged Israel for 23 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jair (10:3-5)<\/h6>\n<p>Jair was a minor judge from Gilead who judged Israel for 22 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jephthah (10:6–12:7)<\/h6>\n<p>A recapitulation (10:6-16) of the cycle (idolatry, enemies, cry for help, momentary repentance) sets the introduction to the Jephthah narrative. Under attack from the Ammonites, the elders of Gilead requested help from Jephthah (10:17–11:8), who promised to help them on the condition that he remain their leader even after the war (vv 9-10). At a solemn ceremony he becomes their “head” at Mizpah (v 11). Jephthah opened up correspondence with the Ammonite king, in which he argued for Israel’s rights on the basis of the Israelites’ historic claim to the land as granted to them by the Lord (vv 12–27). Instead of going out immediately to war, he hoped that “the <span>Lord<\/span>, the Judge” would settle the dispute (v 27); but the Ammonite king was unimpressed. When the Spirit of God came over him, Jephthah led Israel into battle, but only after making a rash vow. He was victorious but found out that his vow to sacrifice whatever came first out of his house required him to sacrifice his daughter. Debate continues as to whether he offered her up as a human sacrifice or whether she sacrificed marriage (see discussion under Jephthah).<\/p>\n<p>The Ephraimites seemed to have had an insatiable desire for war. Earlier they had complained to Gideon, who successfully defused their threats (8:1-3). Jephthah fought them, however, because the Israelites living in Transjordan had been reviled as “renegades” (12:1-4). Forty-two thousand Ephraimites were killed by the fords of the Jordan in this civil war. Thereafter, Jephthah ruled for only six years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ibzan (12:8-10)<\/h6>\n<p>Ibzan was a minor judge from Bethlehem who ruled Israel for seven years.<\/p>\n<h6>Elon (12:11)<\/h6>\n<p>A minor judge from Zebulun, Elon ruled Israel for ten years.<\/p>\n<h6>Abdon (12:13-15)<\/h6>\n<p>Abdon was a minor judge from Pirathon, the location of which is uncertain. He ruled for eight years.<\/p>\n<h6>Samson (13:1–16:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Samson’s greatness in the history of redemption is due to his miraculous birth (13:1-24), his service as a Nazirite (13:7; cf. Nm 6:1-21), the repeated overpowering by the Spirit of the Lord (Jgs 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14), the single-handed exploits against the Philistines (Ashkelon, 14:19; the fields, 15:1-6; Ramath Etam, 15:7-17; Gaza, 16:1-3, 23-30), and his occasional dependence on the Lord (15:18-19; 16:28-30). However, his personal life was flawed because of his weakness for Philistine women (chs 14, 16). Having been seduced by Delilah, he was imprisoned at Gaza. He died in the collapse of Dagon’s temple, praying that the Lord would permit him to get revenge (16:28-30). He was buried in his father’s tomb in the territory of Dan (16:31).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue (17–21)<\/h5>\n<p>The cyclical nature of Israel’s existence was without movement. Rest from enemies was always temporary. Israel was not yet ready for dynastic kingship, and whatever one may say of the three years of Abimelech, it was a kingship of the worst sort. Israel vacillated between idolatry and belief in the true Lord. The period of the judges was unstable, marked by petty individualism and provincialism. Yet God remained sovereign in the affairs of his people. The epilogue contains two stories: the story of Micah and the Danite migration (chs 17–18) and the civil war (chs 19–21). The epilogue is bound together by the phrase “In those days Israel had no king; everyone did as he saw fit” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25, <span>niv<\/span>). The symmetric recurrence (two times in each narrative) emphasizes the anarchy and inability of the tribes to unite together to serve God as a covenant people.<\/p>\n<h6>Micah and the Danites (17–18)<\/h6>\n<p>Micah was an Ephraimite who established a shrine and hired one of his own sons, and then a Levite from Bethlehem, to serve as its priests (ch 17). Unable to keep their patrimony, the Danites left to establish themselves at the foot of Mt Hermon. They took the idols and the Levite from Micah’s shrine and set up a cultic city at the newly established city of Dan, built on the ruins of Laish (ch 18). Thus, they set up a cultic center that rivaled the tabernacle at Shiloh (18:31).<\/p>\n<h6>The Civil War (19–21)<\/h6>\n<p>The people of Gibeah, which belonged to Benjamin, sexually abused the concubine of a Levite so that she died. Like the Levite of chapters 17 and 18, she was from Bethlehem (19:1). Dramatically, the Levite sent pieces of her corpse to all the tribes, which assembled against the Benjamites because they protected the criminals of Gibeah (19:29–20:19). In the ensuing battle the population of Benjamin was decimated (20:20-48). The 11 tribes gave them 400 virgins taken in a civil war against Jabesh-gilead (21:6-15). These were not enough, however. Because of the threat of the extinction of Benjamin and the vow not to give their daughters in marriage to any Benjamite, the Israelites devised a plan by which the Benjamites could take Israelite virgins dancing in the festival at Shiloh. Benjamin thus was able to rebuild its towns and settlements.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Gideon; Jephthah; Samson.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JUDGES, Book of Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail. Preview • Author • Date • Li...","summary_en":"JUDGES, Book of Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail. Preview • Author • Date • Li...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":22514,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Land","title_en":"Land","content_ro":"<h3>LAND<\/h3>\n<p>The relationship of humans to the land is a prominent theme in the OT. In Genesis the earth with its dry land was created as a place for humans to dwell in fellowship with God. Humans were given the task of subduing the earth and ruling over the animal creation to satisfy their own needs and to bring glory to the Creator. Subsequent to humanity’s fall into sin they suffered alienation not only from God and their fellow human beings but also from the land on which they lived. They were driven from the Garden of Eden, and the earth became cursed. They were forced to toil and sweat in order to subdue the earth and provide for their own subsistence because the harvest was choked by thorns and thistles.<\/p>\n<p>After murdering his brother, Cain receives an individual intensification of the land curse as punishment. He is told that the earth will not yield its produce for him even with hard labor, forcing him to wander from one place to another. With no permanent homeland, Cain is denied the enjoyment of rest and prosperity. Because of sin, the important human aspiration for a sense of place is refused to Cain (Gn 4:12).<\/p>\n<p>After the Flood, which was God’s judgment on an exceedingly wicked human race, humans again provoked God’s wrath; the construction of the Tower of Babel exalts human might apart from God. God intervenes to confuse the people’s language and “scatter them abroad upon the face of the earth” (11:9). Genesis 1–11 is thus characterized by a sequence of narratives describing land loss with its attendant deprivations as a consequence of sin and rebellion against God.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LandandtheAbrahamicCovenant\">Land and the Abrahamic Covenant<\/p>\n<p>In the time of Abraham, God intervened in human affairs to provide a special homeland for a select group of people who are set apart unto himself. It is here that the Promised Land theme is introduced in Scripture. God said to Abraham, “Leave your country, your relatives, and your father’s house, and go to the land that I will show you. I will cause you to become the father of a great nation” (Gn 12:1-2, <span>nlt<\/span>). This promise to Abraham is enlarged upon in Genesis 12:7; 13:14-18; 15:7-21; 17:7-8. Abraham is told that the land of Canaan is to be the “everlasting possession” of his descendants (17:8).<\/p>\n<p>The OT narrative then traces Abraham’s line of descent through Isaac and Jacob, and tells of the migration of Jacob’s family to Egypt, where during approximately four centuries they became a great and numerous people. During this period, the promise of possession of the land of Canaan is reiterated (Gn 28:15; 35:11-12; 46:3-4; 50:24) and held before Abraham’s descendants as an integral feature of God’s covenantal promises.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LandandtheMosaicCovenant\">Land and the Mosaic Covenant<\/p>\n<p>When God called Moses to lead the Israelites out of Egypt, he associated Moses’ task with the fulfillment of the promises to the patriarchs: “I have remembered my covenant with them. . . . I will make you my own special people, and I will be your God. . . . I will bring you into the land I swore to give to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. It will be your very own property” (Ex 6:5-8, <span>nlt<\/span>). Israel is to be delivered from Egypt for two reasons: first, in order to be established as God’s covenant people at Mt Sinai, and second, in order to possess the land promised to their fathers. It is of utmost significance, however, that with the establishment of the Mosaic covenant the continued possession of the land is made dependent on obedience. Should Israel violate the covenantal obligations, it will bring upon itself the covenant curses, the most severe of which is banishment from the Promised Land (Lv 26:32-33). This does not mean that God will abandon his people and the land totally or forever, because God also promises that when the people repent, “then I will remember my covenant with Jacob . . . and I will remember the land” (Lv 26:42, <span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>During the reign of King David, the promise of land received at least a provisional fulfillment. Although it is true that initial fulfillment occurred when Joshua entered the land, at that time the territory did not extend to the borders promised Abraham (Gn 15:18) and much of the land that was occupied still contained pockets of resistance by the former inhabitants (Jos 13:1-6; Jgs 1). It was not until the time of David that the land was fully possessed as originally promised (2 Sm 8; 1 Kgs 4:21, 24).<\/p>\n<p>The responsibility of the king to observe the law, and the connection between covenantal obedience and possession of the land is again made clear when Solomon dedicates the temple (1 Kgs 9:4-9). Disobedience will bring not only expulsion from the land but also the destruction of the temple.<\/p>\n<p>The subsequent history of the divided-kingdom era is for the most part a history of covenant abrogation, by the people as well as the kings. The Lord sent repeated warnings through the prophets that such disobedience could only lead to expulsion from the land. But their message fell on deaf ears (Is 6:11-12; Am 5:27; 7:17; Hos 9:17). The kings repeatedly proved themselves to be unworthy of the office.<\/p>\n<p>As the people persisted in their evil way, Jeremiah announced that Nebuchadnezzar was to be the Lord’s agent to drive them from the land (Jer 21:2; 22:25; 25:8-9; 27:6; 28:14; 29:21). However, Jeremiah and other prophets also looked beyond the exile to a future restoration and return to the land (Jer 32:6-25). Historically, this was accomplished under the rule of Cyrus the Great of Persia (538 <span>BC<\/span>) and is described in the books of Ezra and Nehemiah.<\/p>\n<p>A difficulty of interpretation arises in finding an adequate fulfillment of certain prophecies of the return (cf. Ez 37; Am 9:14-15), which envision great prosperity and permanent possession of the land under the rule of a Davidic king. The intertestamental period does not seem to be a suitable fulfillment for these predictions.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LandandtheNewCovenant\">Land and the New Covenant<\/p>\n<p>In the NT the land theme is much less prominent and seems mostly to be given a spiritual symbolism. The writer of Hebrews suggests that Abraham understood the land promise as something that pointed beyond a merely geographical fulfillment to a higher and far more satisfying heavenly home. Realizing the imperfection and transitory nature of all that this world offers, Abraham looked beyond the temporal fulfillment of the land promise for a city whose builder and maker is God (Heb 11:10), and he sought a “better country, that is, a heavenly one” (v 16). In the NT it appears that Israel’s land promise and entrance into Canaan is to be understood as typifying something of the future heavenly rest awaiting God’s people (Heb 3–4). Perhaps this explains the OT stress on the connection between Israel’s living in obedience to God’s law and their possession of the land. When the Israelites do not typify a condition of holiness, they disqualify themselves from typifying a condition of blessedness, and thus are either denied access to or driven from the land. The NT indicates that it is God’s purpose to prepare an eternal homeland for his people where the rule of the divine King is direct and just, where all things are subject to his will, where death and sin are abolished, and where the needs of his people are completely satisfied (Heb 11:13-16; Rv 21).<\/p>\n<p>The OT land promises have been viewed by some as having only typical significance. In the light of Christ’s incarnation any statement of Scripture concerning a future for the land is to be interpreted as fulfilled in a spiritual sense in the church. The church is now the new Israel and heir of the OT promises. Because God’s kingdom is now a spiritual reality, it is considered a misunderstanding of the OT to expect yet future fulfillments of the OT prophecies of Israel’s return to the land and an establishment of a period of peace and prosperity under the rule of Christ, the Son of David (cf. Is 2:1-5; 11:6-11; Ez 37; Am 9:14-15). To abide in Christ is considered an adequate fulfillment of the physical and geographical promises of the OT economy.<\/p>\n<p>Others, while not denying typical significance for these OT realities, would suggest that the land promises are still operative in the physical and geographical categories in which they were given. It is pointed out that Paul argues in Romans 9–11 that there is yet a future for national Israel. In spite of Israel’s history of disobedience, climaxing in the rejection of the Messiah, the election and calling of God is irrevocable, and Israel is yet to be reingrafted in the olive tree from which it had previously been cut off. Luke says that Jerusalem will be trodden down by the Gentiles until the times of the Gentiles are fulfilled (Lk 21:24), indicating that there is to be a future time when Jerusalem will again be possessed by the Jewish nation. This does not necessarily mean that one must view the present state of Israel as the direct fulfillment of the OT promises of return to the land. The OT indicates that the return will be occasioned by belief (Dt 30:1-16). The present return is in unbelief. At the same time, the remarkable preservation of the Jewish people over the centuries and the recent reestablishment of the nation are perhaps to be understood as anticipations or signs of a future and more complete realization of the OT land promises.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>LAND<\/h3>\n<p>The relationship of humans to the land is a prominent theme in the OT. In Genesis the earth with its dry land was created as a place for humans to dwell in fellowship with God. Humans were given the task of subduing the earth and ruling over the animal creation to satisfy their own needs and to bring glory to the Creator. Subsequent to humanity’s fall into sin they suffered alienation not only from God and their fellow human beings but also from the land on which they lived. They were driven from the Garden of Eden, and the earth became cursed. They were forced to toil and sweat in order to subdue the earth and provide for their own subsistence because the harvest was choked by thorns and thistles.<\/p>\n<p>After murdering his brother, Cain receives an individual intensification of the land curse as punishment. He is told that the earth will not yield its produce for him even with hard labor, forcing him to wander from one place to another. With no permanent homeland, Cain is denied the enjoyment of rest and prosperity. Because of sin, the important human aspiration for a sense of place is refused to Cain (Gn 4:12).<\/p>\n<p>After the Flood, which was God’s judgment on an exceedingly wicked human race, humans again provoked God’s wrath; the construction of the Tower of Babel exalts human might apart from God. God intervenes to confuse the people’s language and “scatter them abroad upon the face of the earth” (11:9). Genesis 1–11 is thus characterized by a sequence of narratives describing land loss with its attendant deprivations as a consequence of sin and rebellion against God.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LandandtheAbrahamicCovenant\">Land and the Abrahamic Covenant<\/p>\n<p>In the time of Abraham, God intervened in human affairs to provide a special homeland for a select group of people who are set apart unto himself. It is here that the Promised Land theme is introduced in Scripture. God said to Abraham, “Leave your country, your relatives, and your father’s house, and go to the land that I will show you. I will cause you to become the father of a great nation” (Gn 12:1-2, <span>nlt<\/span>). This promise to Abraham is enlarged upon in Genesis 12:7; 13:14-18; 15:7-21; 17:7-8. Abraham is told that the land of Canaan is to be the “everlasting possession” of his descendants (17:8).<\/p>\n<p>The OT narrative then traces Abraham’s line of descent through Isaac and Jacob, and tells of the migration of Jacob’s family to Egypt, where during approximately four centuries they became a great and numerous people. During this period, the promise of possession of the land of Canaan is reiterated (Gn 28:15; 35:11-12; 46:3-4; 50:24) and held before Abraham’s descendants as an integral feature of God’s covenantal promises.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LandandtheMosaicCovenant\">Land and the Mosaic Covenant<\/p>\n<p>When God called Moses to lead the Israelites out of Egypt, he associated Moses’ task with the fulfillment of the promises to the patriarchs: “I have remembered my covenant with them. . . . I will make you my own special people, and I will be your God. . . . I will bring you into the land I swore to give to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. It will be your very own property” (Ex 6:5-8, <span>nlt<\/span>). Israel is to be delivered from Egypt for two reasons: first, in order to be established as God’s covenant people at Mt Sinai, and second, in order to possess the land promised to their fathers. It is of utmost significance, however, that with the establishment of the Mosaic covenant the continued possession of the land is made dependent on obedience. Should Israel violate the covenantal obligations, it will bring upon itself the covenant curses, the most severe of which is banishment from the Promised Land (Lv 26:32-33). This does not mean that God will abandon his people and the land totally or forever, because God also promises that when the people repent, “then I will remember my covenant with Jacob . . . and I will remember the land” (Lv 26:42, <span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>During the reign of King David, the promise of land received at least a provisional fulfillment. Although it is true that initial fulfillment occurred when Joshua entered the land, at that time the territory did not extend to the borders promised Abraham (Gn 15:18) and much of the land that was occupied still contained pockets of resistance by the former inhabitants (Jos 13:1-6; Jgs 1). It was not until the time of David that the land was fully possessed as originally promised (2 Sm 8; 1 Kgs 4:21, 24).<\/p>\n<p>The responsibility of the king to observe the law, and the connection between covenantal obedience and possession of the land is again made clear when Solomon dedicates the temple (1 Kgs 9:4-9). Disobedience will bring not only expulsion from the land but also the destruction of the temple.<\/p>\n<p>The subsequent history of the divided-kingdom era is for the most part a history of covenant abrogation, by the people as well as the kings. The Lord sent repeated warnings through the prophets that such disobedience could only lead to expulsion from the land. But their message fell on deaf ears (Is 6:11-12; Am 5:27; 7:17; Hos 9:17). The kings repeatedly proved themselves to be unworthy of the office.<\/p>\n<p>As the people persisted in their evil way, Jeremiah announced that Nebuchadnezzar was to be the Lord’s agent to drive them from the land (Jer 21:2; 22:25; 25:8-9; 27:6; 28:14; 29:21). However, Jeremiah and other prophets also looked beyond the exile to a future restoration and return to the land (Jer 32:6-25). Historically, this was accomplished under the rule of Cyrus the Great of Persia (538 <span>BC<\/span>) and is described in the books of Ezra and Nehemiah.<\/p>\n<p>A difficulty of interpretation arises in finding an adequate fulfillment of certain prophecies of the return (cf. Ez 37; Am 9:14-15), which envision great prosperity and permanent possession of the land under the rule of a Davidic king. The intertestamental period does not seem to be a suitable fulfillment for these predictions.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LandandtheNewCovenant\">Land and the New Covenant<\/p>\n<p>In the NT the land theme is much less prominent and seems mostly to be given a spiritual symbolism. The writer of Hebrews suggests that Abraham understood the land promise as something that pointed beyond a merely geographical fulfillment to a higher and far more satisfying heavenly home. Realizing the imperfection and transitory nature of all that this world offers, Abraham looked beyond the temporal fulfillment of the land promise for a city whose builder and maker is God (Heb 11:10), and he sought a “better country, that is, a heavenly one” (v 16). In the NT it appears that Israel’s land promise and entrance into Canaan is to be understood as typifying something of the future heavenly rest awaiting God’s people (Heb 3–4). Perhaps this explains the OT stress on the connection between Israel’s living in obedience to God’s law and their possession of the land. When the Israelites do not typify a condition of holiness, they disqualify themselves from typifying a condition of blessedness, and thus are either denied access to or driven from the land. The NT indicates that it is God’s purpose to prepare an eternal homeland for his people where the rule of the divine King is direct and just, where all things are subject to his will, where death and sin are abolished, and where the needs of his people are completely satisfied (Heb 11:13-16; Rv 21).<\/p>\n<p>The OT land promises have been viewed by some as having only typical significance. In the light of Christ’s incarnation any statement of Scripture concerning a future for the land is to be interpreted as fulfilled in a spiritual sense in the church. The church is now the new Israel and heir of the OT promises. Because God’s kingdom is now a spiritual reality, it is considered a misunderstanding of the OT to expect yet future fulfillments of the OT prophecies of Israel’s return to the land and an establishment of a period of peace and prosperity under the rule of Christ, the Son of David (cf. Is 2:1-5; 11:6-11; Ez 37; Am 9:14-15). To abide in Christ is considered an adequate fulfillment of the physical and geographical promises of the OT economy.<\/p>\n<p>Others, while not denying typical significance for these OT realities, would suggest that the land promises are still operative in the physical and geographical categories in which they were given. It is pointed out that Paul argues in Romans 9–11 that there is yet a future for national Israel. In spite of Israel’s history of disobedience, climaxing in the rejection of the Messiah, the election and calling of God is irrevocable, and Israel is yet to be reingrafted in the olive tree from which it had previously been cut off. Luke says that Jerusalem will be trodden down by the Gentiles until the times of the Gentiles are fulfilled (Lk 21:24), indicating that there is to be a future time when Jerusalem will again be possessed by the Jewish nation. This does not necessarily mean that one must view the present state of Israel as the direct fulfillment of the OT promises of return to the land. The OT indicates that the return will be occasioned by belief (Dt 30:1-16). The present return is in unbelief. At the same time, the remarkable preservation of the Jewish people over the centuries and the recent reestablishment of the nation are perhaps to be understood as anticipations or signs of a future and more complete realization of the OT land promises.<\/p>","summary_ro":"LAND The relationship of humans to the land is a prominent theme in the OT. In Genesis the earth with its dry land was created as a place for humans to dwell in fellowship with God. Humans were given the task of subduing the earth and ruling over the animal creation to satisfy their own needs and to bring glory to the Creator. Subsequent to humanity’s fall into sin they suffered alienation not only from God and their fellow human beings but also from the land on which they lived. They were dr...","summary_en":"LAND The relationship of humans to the land is a prominent theme in the OT. In Genesis the earth with its dry land was created as a place for humans to dwell in fellowship with God. Humans were given the task of subduing the earth and ruling over the animal creation to satisfy their own needs and to bring glory to the Creator. Subsequent to humanity’s fall into sin they suffered alienation not only from God and their fellow human beings but also from the land on which they lived. They were dr...","source":"Articles\/L.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":45668,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:1","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:1–3:6<\/strong> Two prologues (1:1–2:5 and 2:6–3:6) preface the body of the book. Both begin with <em>the death of Joshua<\/em> (1:1; cp. 2:8), thus connecting Judges with the preceding narrative (Josh 24:29-33; cp. Josh 1:1; 2 Sam 1:1).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:1–3:6<\/strong> Two prologues (1:1–2:5 and 2:6–3:6) preface the body of the book. Both begin with <em>the death of Joshua<\/em> (1:1; cp. 2:8), thus connecting Judges with the preceding narrative (Josh 24:29-33; cp. Josh 1:1; 2 Sam 1:1).<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:1–3:6 Two prologues (1:1–2:5 and 2:6–3:6) preface the body of the book. Both begin with the death of Joshua (1:1; cp. 2:8), thus connecting Judges with the preceding narrative (Josh 24:29-33; cp. Josh 1:1; 2 Sam 1:1).","summary_en":"1:1–3:6 Two prologues (1:1–2:5 and 2:6–3:6) preface the body of the book. Both begin with the death of Joshua (1:1; cp. 2:8), thus connecting Judges with the preceding narrative (Josh 24:29-33; cp. Josh 1:1; 2 Sam 1:1).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":45669,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:1","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:1–2:5<\/strong> The first prologue describes the unfaithfulness of the tribes in their failure to carry out Joshua’s farewell charge (Josh 23).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:1–2:5<\/strong> The first prologue describes the unfaithfulness of the tribes in their failure to carry out Joshua’s farewell charge (Josh 23).<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:1–2:5 The first prologue describes the unfaithfulness of the tribes in their failure to carry out Joshua’s farewell charge (Josh 23).","summary_en":"1:1–2:5 The first prologue describes the unfaithfulness of the tribes in their failure to carry out Joshua’s farewell charge (Josh 23).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":45670,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:1","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:1<\/strong> The request for divine guidance (see Exod 28:30; Num 27:21; 1 Sam 14:41; 28:6; cp. Josh 7:14) is a reminder that the Lord’s covenant with Israel included the taking of the land.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:1<\/strong> The request for divine guidance (see Exod 28:30; Num 27:21; 1 Sam 14:41; 28:6; cp. Josh 7:14) is a reminder that the Lord’s covenant with Israel included the taking of the land.<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:1 The request for divine guidance (see Exod 28:30; Num 27:21; 1 Sam 14:41; 28:6; cp. Josh 7:14) is a reminder that the Lord’s covenant with Israel included the taking of the land.","summary_en":"1:1 The request for divine guidance (see Exod 28:30; Num 27:21; 1 Sam 14:41; 28:6; cp. Josh 7:14) is a reminder that the Lord’s covenant with Israel included the taking of the land.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73294,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:1","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:1–3:6<\/strong> Two prologues (1:1–2:5 and 2:6–3:6) preface the body of the book. Both begin with <em>the death of Joshua<\/em> (1:1; cp. 2:8), thus connecting Judges with the preceding narrative (Josh 24:29-33; cp. Josh 1:1; 2 Sam 1:1).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:1–3:6<\/strong> Two prologues (1:1–2:5 and 2:6–3:6) preface the body of the book. Both begin with <em>the death of Joshua<\/em> (1:1; cp. 2:8), thus connecting Judges with the preceding narrative (Josh 24:29-33; cp. Josh 1:1; 2 Sam 1:1).<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:1–3:6 Two prologues (1:1–2:5 and 2:6–3:6) preface the body of the book. Both begin with the death of Joshua (1:1; cp. 2:8), thus connecting Judges with the preceding narrative (Josh 24:29-33; cp. Josh 1:1; 2 Sam 1:1).","summary_en":"1:1–3:6 Two prologues (1:1–2:5 and 2:6–3:6) preface the body of the book. Both begin with the death of Joshua (1:1; cp. 2:8), thus connecting Judges with the preceding narrative (Josh 24:29-33; cp. Josh 1:1; 2 Sam 1:1).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73295,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:1","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:1–2:5<\/strong> The first prologue describes the unfaithfulness of the tribes in their failure to carry out Joshua’s farewell charge (Josh 23).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:1–2:5<\/strong> The first prologue describes the unfaithfulness of the tribes in their failure to carry out Joshua’s farewell charge (Josh 23).<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:1–2:5 The first prologue describes the unfaithfulness of the tribes in their failure to carry out Joshua’s farewell charge (Josh 23).","summary_en":"1:1–2:5 The first prologue describes the unfaithfulness of the tribes in their failure to carry out Joshua’s farewell charge (Josh 23).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73296,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:1","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:1<\/strong> The request for divine guidance (see Exod 28:30; Num 27:21; 1 Sam 14:41; 28:6; cp. Josh 7:14) is a reminder that the Lord’s covenant with Israel included the taking of the land.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:1<\/strong> The request for divine guidance (see Exod 28:30; Num 27:21; 1 Sam 14:41; 28:6; cp. Josh 7:14) is a reminder that the Lord’s covenant with Israel included the taking of the land.<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:1 The request for divine guidance (see Exod 28:30; Num 27:21; 1 Sam 14:41; 28:6; cp. Josh 7:14) is a reminder that the Lord’s covenant with Israel included the taking of the land.","summary_en":"1:1 The request for divine guidance (see Exod 28:30; Num 27:21; 1 Sam 14:41; 28:6; cp. Josh 7:14) is a reminder that the Lord’s covenant with Israel included the taking of the land.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":100920,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:1","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:1–3:6<\/strong> Two prologues (1:1–2:5 and 2:6–3:6) preface the body of the book. Both begin with <em>the death of Joshua<\/em> (1:1; cp. 2:8), thus connecting Judges with the preceding narrative (Josh 24:29-33; cp. Josh 1:1; 2 Sam 1:1).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:1–3:6<\/strong> Two prologues (1:1–2:5 and 2:6–3:6) preface the body of the book. Both begin with <em>the death of Joshua<\/em> (1:1; cp. 2:8), thus connecting Judges with the preceding narrative (Josh 24:29-33; cp. Josh 1:1; 2 Sam 1:1).<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:1–3:6 Two prologues (1:1–2:5 and 2:6–3:6) preface the body of the book. Both begin with the death of Joshua (1:1; cp. 2:8), thus connecting Judges with the preceding narrative (Josh 24:29-33; cp. Josh 1:1; 2 Sam 1:1).","summary_en":"1:1–3:6 Two prologues (1:1–2:5 and 2:6–3:6) preface the body of the book. Both begin with the death of Joshua (1:1; cp. 2:8), thus connecting Judges with the preceding narrative (Josh 24:29-33; cp. Josh 1:1; 2 Sam 1:1).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":100921,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:1","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:1–2:5<\/strong> The first prologue describes the unfaithfulness of the tribes in their failure to carry out Joshua’s farewell charge (Josh 23).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:1–2:5<\/strong> The first prologue describes the unfaithfulness of the tribes in their failure to carry out Joshua’s farewell charge (Josh 23).<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:1–2:5 The first prologue describes the unfaithfulness of the tribes in their failure to carry out Joshua’s farewell charge (Josh 23).","summary_en":"1:1–2:5 The first prologue describes the unfaithfulness of the tribes in their failure to carry out Joshua’s farewell charge (Josh 23).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":100922,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:1","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:1<\/strong> The request for divine guidance (see Exod 28:30; Num 27:21; 1 Sam 14:41; 28:6; cp. Josh 7:14) is a reminder that the Lord’s covenant with Israel included the taking of the land.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:1<\/strong> The request for divine guidance (see Exod 28:30; Num 27:21; 1 Sam 14:41; 28:6; cp. Josh 7:14) is a reminder that the Lord’s covenant with Israel included the taking of the land.<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:1 The request for divine guidance (see Exod 28:30; Num 27:21; 1 Sam 14:41; 28:6; cp. Josh 7:14) is a reminder that the Lord’s covenant with Israel included the taking of the land.","summary_en":"1:1 The request for divine guidance (see Exod 28:30; Num 27:21; 1 Sam 14:41; 28:6; cp. Josh 7:14) is a reminder that the Lord’s covenant with Israel included the taking of the land.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128546,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:1","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:1–3:6<\/strong> Two prologues (1:1–2:5 and 2:6–3:6) preface the body of the book. Both begin with <em>the death of Joshua<\/em> (1:1; cp. 2:8), thus connecting Judges with the preceding narrative (Josh 24:29-33; cp. Josh 1:1; 2 Sam 1:1).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:1–3:6<\/strong> Two prologues (1:1–2:5 and 2:6–3:6) preface the body of the book. Both begin with <em>the death of Joshua<\/em> (1:1; cp. 2:8), thus connecting Judges with the preceding narrative (Josh 24:29-33; cp. Josh 1:1; 2 Sam 1:1).<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:1–3:6 Two prologues (1:1–2:5 and 2:6–3:6) preface the body of the book. Both begin with the death of Joshua (1:1; cp. 2:8), thus connecting Judges with the preceding narrative (Josh 24:29-33; cp. Josh 1:1; 2 Sam 1:1).","summary_en":"1:1–3:6 Two prologues (1:1–2:5 and 2:6–3:6) preface the body of the book. Both begin with the death of Joshua (1:1; cp. 2:8), thus connecting Judges with the preceding narrative (Josh 24:29-33; cp. Josh 1:1; 2 Sam 1:1).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128547,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:1","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:1–2:5<\/strong> The first prologue describes the unfaithfulness of the tribes in their failure to carry out Joshua’s farewell charge (Josh 23).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:1–2:5<\/strong> The first prologue describes the unfaithfulness of the tribes in their failure to carry out Joshua’s farewell charge (Josh 23).<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:1–2:5 The first prologue describes the unfaithfulness of the tribes in their failure to carry out Joshua’s farewell charge (Josh 23).","summary_en":"1:1–2:5 The first prologue describes the unfaithfulness of the tribes in their failure to carry out Joshua’s farewell charge (Josh 23).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128548,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:1","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:1<\/strong> The request for divine guidance (see Exod 28:30; Num 27:21; 1 Sam 14:41; 28:6; cp. Josh 7:14) is a reminder that the Lord’s covenant with Israel included the taking of the land.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:1<\/strong> The request for divine guidance (see Exod 28:30; Num 27:21; 1 Sam 14:41; 28:6; cp. Josh 7:14) is a reminder that the Lord’s covenant with Israel included the taking of the land.<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:1 The request for divine guidance (see Exod 28:30; Num 27:21; 1 Sam 14:41; 28:6; cp. Josh 7:14) is a reminder that the Lord’s covenant with Israel included the taking of the land.","summary_en":"1:1 The request for divine guidance (see Exod 28:30; Num 27:21; 1 Sam 14:41; 28:6; cp. Josh 7:14) is a reminder that the Lord’s covenant with Israel included the taking of the land.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"2":[{"id":21224,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Book of Judges","title_en":"Book of Judges","content_ro":"<h3>JUDGES, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>The book reflects a final editing of the material in the period of the early monarchy. It may well be a polemic for the righteous rule of David over against the kingship of Saul, which was molded by a secular, Canaanite conception of kingship rather than by the law of God. The author was almost certainly not Samuel, as traditionally thought, but a later compiler who relied on ancient written materials.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>Though the judges succeeded in giving the tribes some rest from the incursions of surrounding enemies, the Israelites were continually harassed over long periods of time. Scholarly opinion differs on the duration of the period of the judges. The dating of the exodus affects the dating of the beginning of the judges. Those who take an early date for the exodus put the beginning around 1370–1360 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas others propose a date close to the end of the 13th century <span>BC<\/span>. A related issue pertains to the chronology of the judges. Does Judges give a chronological, sequential account of the period, or is the book a representative account of judges from various parts of Canaan and Transjordan who “judged” a region, a tribe, or several tribes simultaneously?<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LiteraryFramework\">Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>There is no doubt that the stories in the book bear the marks of literary creativity. The stories are classics in their own right. The poetry of Deborah’s song (Jgs 5) is very moving, and the fable of Jotham (9:8-15) is a fine example of figurative speech. The care given to the stories is also reflected in the construction of the book. There are two introductions: a political one (Jgs 1:1–2:5) and a socioreligious one (2:6–3:6). The political introduction connects Judges with the story of the Conquest, when the tribes attempted to occupy the land. It prepares the reader for the political and military problems of the era of the judges. The socioreligious introduction explains why Israel had so many adversities, why the institution of the judges arose, and why the Lord never gave Israel the promised lasting rest from its enemies. The main body of the book is the story of the judges (3:7–16:31). References to the minor judges (six in all) are set within the stories of the major judges in increasing frequency. As is evident from the schema, the number of minor judges increased in frequency in proportion to the decrease in number of major judges: two major, one minor; two major, two minor; one major, three minor; one major. There is a total of 12 judges, representative of the 12 tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>The purpose of the listing of 12 judges, representative of the various parts of Canaan and Transjordan, is to demonstrate that all tribes throughout the conquered territories experienced grave difficulties from a variety of enemies: Arameans, Moabites, Ammonites, Amalekites, Canaanites, and Philistines. Israel was hard pressed on nearly all its frontiers. The appendixes (chs 17–21), together with the two introductions, form the framework of the book. The political and socioreligious problems (1:1–3:6) are presented by way of several stories in the last chapters. The final editor who gave the book its canonical shape purposefully framed the stories of the judges so as to show lack of movement. The successes of the previous stages in redemptive history came to a standstill in the ebb and flow of the judges. Though the Lord delivered his people in many ways, they returned to the problems described in 1:1–3:6. The appendixes describe Israel’s problems representative of the period of the judges, when “there was no king in Israel” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTheologicalTeaching\">Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for deliverance, and God’s raising up of a judge reflects a deuteronomic perspective with its warnings concerning disobedience and judgment. The repetitiveness of the cycle supports the contention of the anonymous narrator that Israel remained unchanged by the grace of God. However, in spite of the moral, religious, and political anarchy as well as the civil wars, the last chapter shows that the tribes are still concerned with each other’s welfare. Though the unity of God’s people has been gravely challenged, the situation is not hopeless. The book ends on a note of hope—hope for a king who may deliver Israel.<\/p>\n\n<p>Thus, there are several purposes of the book: (1) to demonstrate the meaninglessness of this stage in Israel’s development; (2) to explain why the tribes did not occupy all the land promised to the patriarchs; (3) to justify the way of God, who was gracious and patient with Israel’s repeated acts of disobedience; (4) to set forth the legitimacy of a “shepherd” king in contrast to a despotic form of kingship; and (5) to explain the urgent need for a new momentum, lest Israel succumb to the Philistines and intertribal warfare.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>The Political Introduction (1:1–2:5)<\/h5>\n<p>In Joshua 1–12 the warfare under Joshua is portrayed as a mobilization of Canaanite forces against Israel. By the intervention of the Lord, the Canaanite resistance was put down and the land was occupied by the tribes (chs 13–21). Joshua 13–21, however, clearly shows that each tribe had problems ridding its territory of pockets of Canaanite resistance, which were usually centered around heavily guarded and well-fortified cities (cf. 13:2-6, 13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18).<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua emphasizes the successes and minimizes the problems, whereas the prologue to Judges sets the stage for the whole book by openly addressing Israel’s problems and failures. As the book unfolds, it is precisely these problems and failures that in due time bring Israel to the brink of disaster.<\/p>\n<p>The period of the judges began with the death of Joshua (Jgs 1:1; 2:8-9). The Israelites had inherited a legacy from Joshua: the law of the Lord (Jos 23:6; 24:26), the land, a challenge to obey the Lord (24:14-27), and a promise of God’s presence and help in subduing the Canaanites (23:5, 10).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah and Simeon (Jgs 1:2-20)<\/h6>\n<p>The prominence of Judah and Caleb parallels the position of Judah in Joshua (Jos 14:6–15:63; cf. also the house of Joseph, Jgs 1:22-29; cf. Jos 16–17). Judah was victorious over the cruel Adoni-bezek, who ruled over Bezek, a town of uncertain location. Judah successfully occupied the hill country, the Negev, and the western foothills. They even took Jerusalem, or an outlying suburb identified with Jerusalem (Jos 1:8), but could not retain control there (v 21) until David’s conquest of the city (2 Sm 5:6-9). Judah was victorious over the Canaanites in the region of Hebron, already conquered under Joshua (Jos 10:36). Hebron, also known as Kiriath-arba (“city of four” or “tetrapolis”), was a powerful ally of Jerusalem (v 3) and had been able to rally military support for a new assault on Israel, even after its first defeat. Caleb received Hebron, as Moses had promised (Jgs 1:20; cf. Jos 15:13). After the victory over Hebron, Judah extended its control over the southern hill country by an attack on Debir (Jgs 1:11-15; cf. Jos 15:14-19).<\/p>\n<p>The Kenites (Jgs 1:16), descendants of Jethro and therefore related to Moses by marriage, settled in the Negev around Arad and the City of Palms, which here probably refers to Tamar rather than Jericho.<\/p>\n<p>Judah secured the southern border by a victory over the Canaanites at Hormah (Jgs 1:17; cf. Nm 14:45; 21:3; Dt 1:44) and the coastal plain by victories at Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron. However, Judah’s successes in the coastal plain were resisted by a well-armed Canaanite force (Jgs 1:18-19). It occupied the Judean hill country and the Negev, but could not retain control over the plains. The Philistines were soon to take control over Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, and incorporate them into their pentapolis.<\/p>\n<h6>Benjamin (1:21)<\/h6>\n<p>Jerusalem was situated on the border between Judah and Benjamin. Judah took the city or a suburb (Jos 1:8) but was too far removed to retain control over it. Benjamin was too weak to subdue the Jebusites. Only David succeeded in this (2 Sm 5:6-9); he incorporated it into Judah (cf. Jos 15:63), even though it originally was allotted to Benjamin (Jos 18:28).<\/p>\n<h6>Joseph: Ephraim and Manasseh (1:22-29)<\/h6>\n<p>Ephraim took Bethel, known from the patriarchal stories as a significant cultic site (Gn 12:8; 13:3-4; 28:19; 31:13; 35:1-15). However, Manasseh was unsuccessful in taking the fortified cities in the valley of Jezreel (Esdraelon): Beth-shan, Taanach, Dor, Ibleam, and Megiddo. These cities controlled traffic along the east-west and north–south roads as well as the important passes through the Carmel range and the ford of the Jordan. Ephraim could not take full possession of the coastal plain, controlled by Gezer. The success of both Ephraim and Manasseh was limited.<\/p>\n<h6>The Other Four Tribes (1:30-36)<\/h6>\n<p>The other four tribes in Canaan receive brief mention. They, too, were only partially successful. Zebulun, Asher, Naphtali, and especially Dan did not fully succeed in driving out the Canaanites. At best they later subjected most of them to forced labor.<\/p>\n<h6>The Failure of Israel (2:1-5)<\/h6>\n<p>The failure to subdue the land and to wipe out the Canaanites and their culture led to intermarriage and idolatry (cf. Ex 23:33; 34:12-16; Nm 33:55; Dt 7:2-5, 16; Jos 23:7, 12).<\/p>\n<p>The identity of “the angel of the Lord” who appears at Bokim is far from certain. It may be a reference to the Lord himself, to an angelic messenger, or to a prophet (cf. Jgs 6:8). He rebuked the people in the prophetic spirit and pronounced God’s judgment as taking the form of continual confrontation between Israel and the Canaanites (2:3). Their weeping and sacrificing were to no avail (2:4-5; cf. Mal 2:13). Israel stood condemned within a generation after Joshua’s death.<\/p>\n<h5>The Theological Introduction (2:6–3:6)<\/h5>\n<p>The theological introduction begins where Joshua left off (Jos 24:28-31). The generation of Joshua was characterized by loyalty, but their loyalty to the Lord did not last long after the excitement of the Conquest and the demonstration of God’s presence (Jgs 2:10). Israel served Canaanite gods (Baal and Astarte) instead. Baal was the storm god, symbolic of rain and fertility, and Astarte was his cohort. The plural (Baals and Ashtaroth, 2:11-13) signifies the many local ways in which the Canaanite gods were worshiped. The religious unity was broken up into a great diversity. Thus Israel angered the Lord (vv 12-14), who sent them enemies and plunderers. Israel was unsuccessful in dealing with them, as Moses and Joshua had forewarned (Dt 28:25, 33; Jos 23:13, 16). The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for mercy, and deliverance is found throughout Judges. The people were rooted in the apostasy of their forefathers, even though the previous generation had been sensitive to God. Israel did not submit to the leadership of the judges, except to free itself from the oppressors. In fulfillment of the curses of the covenant, God swore not to give his people rest but to test them and to train them for warfare (Jgs 3:1-4), so that they might learn to respond to the challenges of a real world.<\/p>\n<h5>The Judges of Israel (3:7–16:31)<\/h5>\n<h6>Othniel (3:7-11)<\/h6>\n<p>Othniel is a transitional figure, linking the Conquest and the judges. He had involved himself in the conquest of Kiriath-sepher and was related to Caleb as his cousin and son-in-law (1:13). He repelled the Arameans led by Cushan-rishathaim, so that the land enjoyed peace for some 40 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ehud (3:12-30)<\/h6>\n<p>The Moabites, allied with the Ammonites and Amalekites, came against Israel from the east and oppressed them for 18 years under the leadership of Eglon. Ehud led the mission to bring tribute to Eglon at his palace, located probably by Jericho (the City of Palms). Ehud was uniquely qualified for this mission; being left-handed, he was able to use his double-edged sword in an unsuspecting manner to stab the king. Ehud’s success was the result of careful plotting and the element of surprise. He paid the tribute and left, only to return with a supposed oracle from the gods. The king fell for the deception and was murdered. The delay at the Moabite court gave the Israelites an opportunity to bring their forces together at the fords of the Jordan. Ehud’s success was complete; no Moabite escaped, and Israel enjoyed peace for 80 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Shamgar (3:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Shamgar’s exploits were against the Philistines in the coastal plains. He had a non-Israelite name but was probably an Israelite by birth. Like Samson he fought the Philistines with an unconventional weapon (an ox goad). His name is also mentioned in the song of Deborah (5:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Deborah and Barak (4:1–5:31)<\/h6>\n<p>The narrative now turns to the Canaanite aggressors in the north under the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor, and Sisera, of Harosheth-haggoyim (4:1-3). The ruins of Hazor (Jos 11:13) had been rebuilt, and another Jabin (cf. v 1) ruled over the region. He had regained his military power, as he had as many as 900 chariots of iron. He oppressed Israel for 20 years (Jgs 4:3).<\/p>\n<p>God had a prophetess in Israel who led his people during this dark time (4:4). She rendered judgments under a palm tree in southern Ephraim near Benjamin (v 5). She called on Barak to muster the armies of Naphtali and Zebulun, the tribes affected by the Canaanite raids, and to engage Sisera in a surprise attack by the Kishon River (vv 6-7). Barak’s hesitancy led him to request Deborah’s presence, which resulted in his forfeiture of the honor of killing Sisera, the commander of the Canaanite forces (vv 8-10). The Lord gave success to the surprise attack from Mt Tabor, so that the Canaanites were routed, unable to use their heavy chariots, which were mired down in the swamps of the Jezreel Valley (5:20-22). The Canaanites were routed, and Sisera was killed by Jael, the wife of Heber, a Kenite who had separated from the Kenites around Arad (4:17-18; cf. 1:16). She offered him hospitality, as her family had friendly relations with the Canaanites, but heroically put him to death with a tent peg (4:18-21; 5:26-27). In successive campaigns the Israelites gained freedom from Jabin, until they destroyed his power (4:24).<\/p>\n<p>The song of Deborah (ch 5) celebrates, in poetic fashion, the victory over Jabin. It is one of the oldest poems in the Bible. It praises the God of Israel as the King who comes to protect his covenant people, and before whom the mountains move (5:2-3). He is the God of Mt Sinai (Jgs 5:4-5; cf. Dt 33:2; Ps 68:7-8; Hb 3:3-4). Though the oppressors had despoiled Israel and had made the roads unsafe for travel, and Israel was unable to defend itself (Jgs 5:6-8), the Lord raised up Deborah and Barak to lead the nobles to war (vv 9-13). They came from Ephraim, Benjamin, Zebulun, Issachar, and Naphtali (vv 14-15a, 18), but the Transjordan tribes and Asher did not want to get involved (vv 15b-17). The song then moves to the battle scene, where torrential rains bogged the chariots down (vv 19-23). Jael is celebrated as “most blessed of women,” who used her simple way of life to bring an end to Sisera (vv 24-27). She stands in contrast to Sisera’s mother, who is portrayed with all her culture waiting in vain for Sisera’s return with all of his spoils (vv 28-30). The Lord has used the simple to confound the powerful. The conclusion is a prayer for God’s judgment on all of Israel’s enemies (Jgs 5:31a; cf. Ps 68:1-3).<\/p>\n<h6>Gideon (6:1–8:35)<\/h6>\n<p>Israel’s rest for 40 years (Jgs 5:31b) was disturbed by the invasion of Midianites and Amalekites from the East (6:1-3). They destroyed the economy by invading the country at harvesttime (vv 4-6). In response to Israel’s cry, God sent a prophet with a message similar to that of the angel of the Lord (2:1-5). Then an angel appeared to Gideon and called him to lead the people in battle (6:11-14). The Lord assured him of his presence (v 16) by a sign (vv 17-22). Gideon knew that he had been visited by the Lord and built an altar called “The <span>Lord<\/span> Is Peace” in Ophrah (v 24). He responded by destroying the cultic site dedicated to Baal and Asherah at Ophrah (vv 25-28) and by initiating worship at the new altar (v 28). Baal did not protect his own altar (vv 29-32), even when challenged by Gideon’s father (v 31). Consequently, Gideon was known as Jerubbaal (meaning, “let Baal contend with him,” v 32).<\/p>\n<p>Next, Gideon mustered an army of 32,000 men from Asher, Zebulun, and Naphtali (6:35; cf. 7:3b). In order to assure himself of the Lord’s presence, he asked for another sign: the sign of the fleece (6:36-40). It must be kept in mind that Gideon lived in an area in which the wonders of God had been scarce (v 13) and that he, like Moses, needed reassurance that God was with him. God responded to his growing faith. Gideon went forth with a greatly reduced army of 300 against the enemy. Of his original army, 22,000 had left because they were afraid (7:2-3; cf. Dt 20:8). Another 9,700 were sent home, though they were valiant men (7:4-8). After assuring Gideon by a dream of an enemy soldier, God used the 300 in a marvelous way to confound the Midianites (vv 9-15). God gave Israel victory over the Midianite leaders Oreb, Zeeb, Zebah, and Zalmunna (7:16–8:21). Gideon wisely avoided a possible military confrontation with Ephraim (8:1-3), pursued the enemy deep into the Transjordan, and punished the leaders of Succoth and Penuel, who did not assist him (vv 4-9, 13-16).<\/p>\n<p>This glorious victory created a new wave of interest in the idea of kingship. The men of Israel wished to establish the family of Gideon as their royal dynasty (8:22). Gideon refused, and instead wrongly set up an ephod, cast from the gold taken in battle (vv 23-27). The ephod was probably used for cultic practices, possibly divination (cf. 17:5).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s era also came to an end. He was God’s instrument, giving Israel rest for 40 years. He fathered 70 sons and died in old age. God had richly blessed him, even though he had led Israel astray with his ephod. Thereafter, Israel returned to Baal worship (8:33-35).<\/p>\n<p>In the wake of Gideon’s era, his son Abimelech attempted to establish dynastic continuity by having himself installed as king at Shechem (9:1-6). With the support of his relatives at Shechem, Abimelech had all his brothers killed except Jotham (vv 4-5). After Abimelech’s coronation, Jotham set forth his opposition to his brother in a proverbial manner (vv 7-20), and went into hiding. Three years later Abimelech’s evil schemes entrapped him when the citizens of Shechem rebelled. He furiously attacked the city and destroyed it. A short time later, however, he was wounded at Thebez by a millstone dropped by a woman from the tower in which she had sought refuge from him. His servant put him out of his misery as per his request. This episode demonstrates how bad a despotic king may be. Again, God’s justice prevailed.<\/p>\n<h6>Tola (10:1-2)<\/h6>\n<p>Tola was a minor judge from Issachar who judged Israel for 23 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jair (10:3-5)<\/h6>\n<p>Jair was a minor judge from Gilead who judged Israel for 22 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jephthah (10:6–12:7)<\/h6>\n<p>A recapitulation (10:6-16) of the cycle (idolatry, enemies, cry for help, momentary repentance) sets the introduction to the Jephthah narrative. Under attack from the Ammonites, the elders of Gilead requested help from Jephthah (10:17–11:8), who promised to help them on the condition that he remain their leader even after the war (vv 9-10). At a solemn ceremony he becomes their “head” at Mizpah (v 11). Jephthah opened up correspondence with the Ammonite king, in which he argued for Israel’s rights on the basis of the Israelites’ historic claim to the land as granted to them by the Lord (vv 12–27). Instead of going out immediately to war, he hoped that “the <span>Lord<\/span>, the Judge” would settle the dispute (v 27); but the Ammonite king was unimpressed. When the Spirit of God came over him, Jephthah led Israel into battle, but only after making a rash vow. He was victorious but found out that his vow to sacrifice whatever came first out of his house required him to sacrifice his daughter. Debate continues as to whether he offered her up as a human sacrifice or whether she sacrificed marriage (see discussion under Jephthah).<\/p>\n<p>The Ephraimites seemed to have had an insatiable desire for war. Earlier they had complained to Gideon, who successfully defused their threats (8:1-3). Jephthah fought them, however, because the Israelites living in Transjordan had been reviled as “renegades” (12:1-4). Forty-two thousand Ephraimites were killed by the fords of the Jordan in this civil war. Thereafter, Jephthah ruled for only six years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ibzan (12:8-10)<\/h6>\n<p>Ibzan was a minor judge from Bethlehem who ruled Israel for seven years.<\/p>\n<h6>Elon (12:11)<\/h6>\n<p>A minor judge from Zebulun, Elon ruled Israel for ten years.<\/p>\n<h6>Abdon (12:13-15)<\/h6>\n<p>Abdon was a minor judge from Pirathon, the location of which is uncertain. He ruled for eight years.<\/p>\n<h6>Samson (13:1–16:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Samson’s greatness in the history of redemption is due to his miraculous birth (13:1-24), his service as a Nazirite (13:7; cf. Nm 6:1-21), the repeated overpowering by the Spirit of the Lord (Jgs 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14), the single-handed exploits against the Philistines (Ashkelon, 14:19; the fields, 15:1-6; Ramath Etam, 15:7-17; Gaza, 16:1-3, 23-30), and his occasional dependence on the Lord (15:18-19; 16:28-30). However, his personal life was flawed because of his weakness for Philistine women (chs 14, 16). Having been seduced by Delilah, he was imprisoned at Gaza. He died in the collapse of Dagon’s temple, praying that the Lord would permit him to get revenge (16:28-30). He was buried in his father’s tomb in the territory of Dan (16:31).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue (17–21)<\/h5>\n<p>The cyclical nature of Israel’s existence was without movement. Rest from enemies was always temporary. Israel was not yet ready for dynastic kingship, and whatever one may say of the three years of Abimelech, it was a kingship of the worst sort. Israel vacillated between idolatry and belief in the true Lord. The period of the judges was unstable, marked by petty individualism and provincialism. Yet God remained sovereign in the affairs of his people. The epilogue contains two stories: the story of Micah and the Danite migration (chs 17–18) and the civil war (chs 19–21). The epilogue is bound together by the phrase “In those days Israel had no king; everyone did as he saw fit” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25, <span>niv<\/span>). The symmetric recurrence (two times in each narrative) emphasizes the anarchy and inability of the tribes to unite together to serve God as a covenant people.<\/p>\n<h6>Micah and the Danites (17–18)<\/h6>\n<p>Micah was an Ephraimite who established a shrine and hired one of his own sons, and then a Levite from Bethlehem, to serve as its priests (ch 17). Unable to keep their patrimony, the Danites left to establish themselves at the foot of Mt Hermon. They took the idols and the Levite from Micah’s shrine and set up a cultic city at the newly established city of Dan, built on the ruins of Laish (ch 18). Thus, they set up a cultic center that rivaled the tabernacle at Shiloh (18:31).<\/p>\n<h6>The Civil War (19–21)<\/h6>\n<p>The people of Gibeah, which belonged to Benjamin, sexually abused the concubine of a Levite so that she died. Like the Levite of chapters 17 and 18, she was from Bethlehem (19:1). Dramatically, the Levite sent pieces of her corpse to all the tribes, which assembled against the Benjamites because they protected the criminals of Gibeah (19:29–20:19). In the ensuing battle the population of Benjamin was decimated (20:20-48). The 11 tribes gave them 400 virgins taken in a civil war against Jabesh-gilead (21:6-15). These were not enough, however. Because of the threat of the extinction of Benjamin and the vow not to give their daughters in marriage to any Benjamite, the Israelites devised a plan by which the Benjamites could take Israelite virgins dancing in the festival at Shiloh. Benjamin thus was able to rebuild its towns and settlements.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Gideon; Jephthah; Samson.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JUDGES, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>The book reflects a final editing of the material in the period of the early monarchy. It may well be a polemic for the righteous rule of David over against the kingship of Saul, which was molded by a secular, Canaanite conception of kingship rather than by the law of God. The author was almost certainly not Samuel, as traditionally thought, but a later compiler who relied on ancient written materials.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>Though the judges succeeded in giving the tribes some rest from the incursions of surrounding enemies, the Israelites were continually harassed over long periods of time. Scholarly opinion differs on the duration of the period of the judges. The dating of the exodus affects the dating of the beginning of the judges. Those who take an early date for the exodus put the beginning around 1370–1360 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas others propose a date close to the end of the 13th century <span>BC<\/span>. A related issue pertains to the chronology of the judges. Does Judges give a chronological, sequential account of the period, or is the book a representative account of judges from various parts of Canaan and Transjordan who “judged” a region, a tribe, or several tribes simultaneously?<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LiteraryFramework\">Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>There is no doubt that the stories in the book bear the marks of literary creativity. The stories are classics in their own right. The poetry of Deborah’s song (Jgs 5) is very moving, and the fable of Jotham (9:8-15) is a fine example of figurative speech. The care given to the stories is also reflected in the construction of the book. There are two introductions: a political one (Jgs 1:1–2:5) and a socioreligious one (2:6–3:6). The political introduction connects Judges with the story of the Conquest, when the tribes attempted to occupy the land. It prepares the reader for the political and military problems of the era of the judges. The socioreligious introduction explains why Israel had so many adversities, why the institution of the judges arose, and why the Lord never gave Israel the promised lasting rest from its enemies. The main body of the book is the story of the judges (3:7–16:31). References to the minor judges (six in all) are set within the stories of the major judges in increasing frequency. As is evident from the schema, the number of minor judges increased in frequency in proportion to the decrease in number of major judges: two major, one minor; two major, two minor; one major, three minor; one major. There is a total of 12 judges, representative of the 12 tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>The purpose of the listing of 12 judges, representative of the various parts of Canaan and Transjordan, is to demonstrate that all tribes throughout the conquered territories experienced grave difficulties from a variety of enemies: Arameans, Moabites, Ammonites, Amalekites, Canaanites, and Philistines. Israel was hard pressed on nearly all its frontiers. The appendixes (chs 17–21), together with the two introductions, form the framework of the book. The political and socioreligious problems (1:1–3:6) are presented by way of several stories in the last chapters. The final editor who gave the book its canonical shape purposefully framed the stories of the judges so as to show lack of movement. The successes of the previous stages in redemptive history came to a standstill in the ebb and flow of the judges. Though the Lord delivered his people in many ways, they returned to the problems described in 1:1–3:6. The appendixes describe Israel’s problems representative of the period of the judges, when “there was no king in Israel” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTheologicalTeaching\">Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for deliverance, and God’s raising up of a judge reflects a deuteronomic perspective with its warnings concerning disobedience and judgment. The repetitiveness of the cycle supports the contention of the anonymous narrator that Israel remained unchanged by the grace of God. However, in spite of the moral, religious, and political anarchy as well as the civil wars, the last chapter shows that the tribes are still concerned with each other’s welfare. Though the unity of God’s people has been gravely challenged, the situation is not hopeless. The book ends on a note of hope—hope for a king who may deliver Israel.<\/p>\n\n<p>Thus, there are several purposes of the book: (1) to demonstrate the meaninglessness of this stage in Israel’s development; (2) to explain why the tribes did not occupy all the land promised to the patriarchs; (3) to justify the way of God, who was gracious and patient with Israel’s repeated acts of disobedience; (4) to set forth the legitimacy of a “shepherd” king in contrast to a despotic form of kingship; and (5) to explain the urgent need for a new momentum, lest Israel succumb to the Philistines and intertribal warfare.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>The Political Introduction (1:1–2:5)<\/h5>\n<p>In Joshua 1–12 the warfare under Joshua is portrayed as a mobilization of Canaanite forces against Israel. By the intervention of the Lord, the Canaanite resistance was put down and the land was occupied by the tribes (chs 13–21). Joshua 13–21, however, clearly shows that each tribe had problems ridding its territory of pockets of Canaanite resistance, which were usually centered around heavily guarded and well-fortified cities (cf. 13:2-6, 13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18).<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua emphasizes the successes and minimizes the problems, whereas the prologue to Judges sets the stage for the whole book by openly addressing Israel’s problems and failures. As the book unfolds, it is precisely these problems and failures that in due time bring Israel to the brink of disaster.<\/p>\n<p>The period of the judges began with the death of Joshua (Jgs 1:1; 2:8-9). The Israelites had inherited a legacy from Joshua: the law of the Lord (Jos 23:6; 24:26), the land, a challenge to obey the Lord (24:14-27), and a promise of God’s presence and help in subduing the Canaanites (23:5, 10).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah and Simeon (Jgs 1:2-20)<\/h6>\n<p>The prominence of Judah and Caleb parallels the position of Judah in Joshua (Jos 14:6–15:63; cf. also the house of Joseph, Jgs 1:22-29; cf. Jos 16–17). Judah was victorious over the cruel Adoni-bezek, who ruled over Bezek, a town of uncertain location. Judah successfully occupied the hill country, the Negev, and the western foothills. They even took Jerusalem, or an outlying suburb identified with Jerusalem (Jos 1:8), but could not retain control there (v 21) until David’s conquest of the city (2 Sm 5:6-9). Judah was victorious over the Canaanites in the region of Hebron, already conquered under Joshua (Jos 10:36). Hebron, also known as Kiriath-arba (“city of four” or “tetrapolis”), was a powerful ally of Jerusalem (v 3) and had been able to rally military support for a new assault on Israel, even after its first defeat. Caleb received Hebron, as Moses had promised (Jgs 1:20; cf. Jos 15:13). After the victory over Hebron, Judah extended its control over the southern hill country by an attack on Debir (Jgs 1:11-15; cf. Jos 15:14-19).<\/p>\n<p>The Kenites (Jgs 1:16), descendants of Jethro and therefore related to Moses by marriage, settled in the Negev around Arad and the City of Palms, which here probably refers to Tamar rather than Jericho.<\/p>\n<p>Judah secured the southern border by a victory over the Canaanites at Hormah (Jgs 1:17; cf. Nm 14:45; 21:3; Dt 1:44) and the coastal plain by victories at Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron. However, Judah’s successes in the coastal plain were resisted by a well-armed Canaanite force (Jgs 1:18-19). It occupied the Judean hill country and the Negev, but could not retain control over the plains. The Philistines were soon to take control over Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, and incorporate them into their pentapolis.<\/p>\n<h6>Benjamin (1:21)<\/h6>\n<p>Jerusalem was situated on the border between Judah and Benjamin. Judah took the city or a suburb (Jos 1:8) but was too far removed to retain control over it. Benjamin was too weak to subdue the Jebusites. Only David succeeded in this (2 Sm 5:6-9); he incorporated it into Judah (cf. Jos 15:63), even though it originally was allotted to Benjamin (Jos 18:28).<\/p>\n<h6>Joseph: Ephraim and Manasseh (1:22-29)<\/h6>\n<p>Ephraim took Bethel, known from the patriarchal stories as a significant cultic site (Gn 12:8; 13:3-4; 28:19; 31:13; 35:1-15). However, Manasseh was unsuccessful in taking the fortified cities in the valley of Jezreel (Esdraelon): Beth-shan, Taanach, Dor, Ibleam, and Megiddo. These cities controlled traffic along the east-west and north–south roads as well as the important passes through the Carmel range and the ford of the Jordan. Ephraim could not take full possession of the coastal plain, controlled by Gezer. The success of both Ephraim and Manasseh was limited.<\/p>\n<h6>The Other Four Tribes (1:30-36)<\/h6>\n<p>The other four tribes in Canaan receive brief mention. They, too, were only partially successful. Zebulun, Asher, Naphtali, and especially Dan did not fully succeed in driving out the Canaanites. At best they later subjected most of them to forced labor.<\/p>\n<h6>The Failure of Israel (2:1-5)<\/h6>\n<p>The failure to subdue the land and to wipe out the Canaanites and their culture led to intermarriage and idolatry (cf. Ex 23:33; 34:12-16; Nm 33:55; Dt 7:2-5, 16; Jos 23:7, 12).<\/p>\n<p>The identity of “the angel of the Lord” who appears at Bokim is far from certain. It may be a reference to the Lord himself, to an angelic messenger, or to a prophet (cf. Jgs 6:8). He rebuked the people in the prophetic spirit and pronounced God’s judgment as taking the form of continual confrontation between Israel and the Canaanites (2:3). Their weeping and sacrificing were to no avail (2:4-5; cf. Mal 2:13). Israel stood condemned within a generation after Joshua’s death.<\/p>\n<h5>The Theological Introduction (2:6–3:6)<\/h5>\n<p>The theological introduction begins where Joshua left off (Jos 24:28-31). The generation of Joshua was characterized by loyalty, but their loyalty to the Lord did not last long after the excitement of the Conquest and the demonstration of God’s presence (Jgs 2:10). Israel served Canaanite gods (Baal and Astarte) instead. Baal was the storm god, symbolic of rain and fertility, and Astarte was his cohort. The plural (Baals and Ashtaroth, 2:11-13) signifies the many local ways in which the Canaanite gods were worshiped. The religious unity was broken up into a great diversity. Thus Israel angered the Lord (vv 12-14), who sent them enemies and plunderers. Israel was unsuccessful in dealing with them, as Moses and Joshua had forewarned (Dt 28:25, 33; Jos 23:13, 16). The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for mercy, and deliverance is found throughout Judges. The people were rooted in the apostasy of their forefathers, even though the previous generation had been sensitive to God. Israel did not submit to the leadership of the judges, except to free itself from the oppressors. In fulfillment of the curses of the covenant, God swore not to give his people rest but to test them and to train them for warfare (Jgs 3:1-4), so that they might learn to respond to the challenges of a real world.<\/p>\n<h5>The Judges of Israel (3:7–16:31)<\/h5>\n<h6>Othniel (3:7-11)<\/h6>\n<p>Othniel is a transitional figure, linking the Conquest and the judges. He had involved himself in the conquest of Kiriath-sepher and was related to Caleb as his cousin and son-in-law (1:13). He repelled the Arameans led by Cushan-rishathaim, so that the land enjoyed peace for some 40 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ehud (3:12-30)<\/h6>\n<p>The Moabites, allied with the Ammonites and Amalekites, came against Israel from the east and oppressed them for 18 years under the leadership of Eglon. Ehud led the mission to bring tribute to Eglon at his palace, located probably by Jericho (the City of Palms). Ehud was uniquely qualified for this mission; being left-handed, he was able to use his double-edged sword in an unsuspecting manner to stab the king. Ehud’s success was the result of careful plotting and the element of surprise. He paid the tribute and left, only to return with a supposed oracle from the gods. The king fell for the deception and was murdered. The delay at the Moabite court gave the Israelites an opportunity to bring their forces together at the fords of the Jordan. Ehud’s success was complete; no Moabite escaped, and Israel enjoyed peace for 80 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Shamgar (3:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Shamgar’s exploits were against the Philistines in the coastal plains. He had a non-Israelite name but was probably an Israelite by birth. Like Samson he fought the Philistines with an unconventional weapon (an ox goad). His name is also mentioned in the song of Deborah (5:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Deborah and Barak (4:1–5:31)<\/h6>\n<p>The narrative now turns to the Canaanite aggressors in the north under the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor, and Sisera, of Harosheth-haggoyim (4:1-3). The ruins of Hazor (Jos 11:13) had been rebuilt, and another Jabin (cf. v 1) ruled over the region. He had regained his military power, as he had as many as 900 chariots of iron. He oppressed Israel for 20 years (Jgs 4:3).<\/p>\n<p>God had a prophetess in Israel who led his people during this dark time (4:4). She rendered judgments under a palm tree in southern Ephraim near Benjamin (v 5). She called on Barak to muster the armies of Naphtali and Zebulun, the tribes affected by the Canaanite raids, and to engage Sisera in a surprise attack by the Kishon River (vv 6-7). Barak’s hesitancy led him to request Deborah’s presence, which resulted in his forfeiture of the honor of killing Sisera, the commander of the Canaanite forces (vv 8-10). The Lord gave success to the surprise attack from Mt Tabor, so that the Canaanites were routed, unable to use their heavy chariots, which were mired down in the swamps of the Jezreel Valley (5:20-22). The Canaanites were routed, and Sisera was killed by Jael, the wife of Heber, a Kenite who had separated from the Kenites around Arad (4:17-18; cf. 1:16). She offered him hospitality, as her family had friendly relations with the Canaanites, but heroically put him to death with a tent peg (4:18-21; 5:26-27). In successive campaigns the Israelites gained freedom from Jabin, until they destroyed his power (4:24).<\/p>\n<p>The song of Deborah (ch 5) celebrates, in poetic fashion, the victory over Jabin. It is one of the oldest poems in the Bible. It praises the God of Israel as the King who comes to protect his covenant people, and before whom the mountains move (5:2-3). He is the God of Mt Sinai (Jgs 5:4-5; cf. Dt 33:2; Ps 68:7-8; Hb 3:3-4). Though the oppressors had despoiled Israel and had made the roads unsafe for travel, and Israel was unable to defend itself (Jgs 5:6-8), the Lord raised up Deborah and Barak to lead the nobles to war (vv 9-13). They came from Ephraim, Benjamin, Zebulun, Issachar, and Naphtali (vv 14-15a, 18), but the Transjordan tribes and Asher did not want to get involved (vv 15b-17). The song then moves to the battle scene, where torrential rains bogged the chariots down (vv 19-23). Jael is celebrated as “most blessed of women,” who used her simple way of life to bring an end to Sisera (vv 24-27). She stands in contrast to Sisera’s mother, who is portrayed with all her culture waiting in vain for Sisera’s return with all of his spoils (vv 28-30). The Lord has used the simple to confound the powerful. The conclusion is a prayer for God’s judgment on all of Israel’s enemies (Jgs 5:31a; cf. Ps 68:1-3).<\/p>\n<h6>Gideon (6:1–8:35)<\/h6>\n<p>Israel’s rest for 40 years (Jgs 5:31b) was disturbed by the invasion of Midianites and Amalekites from the East (6:1-3). They destroyed the economy by invading the country at harvesttime (vv 4-6). In response to Israel’s cry, God sent a prophet with a message similar to that of the angel of the Lord (2:1-5). Then an angel appeared to Gideon and called him to lead the people in battle (6:11-14). The Lord assured him of his presence (v 16) by a sign (vv 17-22). Gideon knew that he had been visited by the Lord and built an altar called “The <span>Lord<\/span> Is Peace” in Ophrah (v 24). He responded by destroying the cultic site dedicated to Baal and Asherah at Ophrah (vv 25-28) and by initiating worship at the new altar (v 28). Baal did not protect his own altar (vv 29-32), even when challenged by Gideon’s father (v 31). Consequently, Gideon was known as Jerubbaal (meaning, “let Baal contend with him,” v 32).<\/p>\n<p>Next, Gideon mustered an army of 32,000 men from Asher, Zebulun, and Naphtali (6:35; cf. 7:3b). In order to assure himself of the Lord’s presence, he asked for another sign: the sign of the fleece (6:36-40). It must be kept in mind that Gideon lived in an area in which the wonders of God had been scarce (v 13) and that he, like Moses, needed reassurance that God was with him. God responded to his growing faith. Gideon went forth with a greatly reduced army of 300 against the enemy. Of his original army, 22,000 had left because they were afraid (7:2-3; cf. Dt 20:8). Another 9,700 were sent home, though they were valiant men (7:4-8). After assuring Gideon by a dream of an enemy soldier, God used the 300 in a marvelous way to confound the Midianites (vv 9-15). God gave Israel victory over the Midianite leaders Oreb, Zeeb, Zebah, and Zalmunna (7:16–8:21). Gideon wisely avoided a possible military confrontation with Ephraim (8:1-3), pursued the enemy deep into the Transjordan, and punished the leaders of Succoth and Penuel, who did not assist him (vv 4-9, 13-16).<\/p>\n<p>This glorious victory created a new wave of interest in the idea of kingship. The men of Israel wished to establish the family of Gideon as their royal dynasty (8:22). Gideon refused, and instead wrongly set up an ephod, cast from the gold taken in battle (vv 23-27). The ephod was probably used for cultic practices, possibly divination (cf. 17:5).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s era also came to an end. He was God’s instrument, giving Israel rest for 40 years. He fathered 70 sons and died in old age. God had richly blessed him, even though he had led Israel astray with his ephod. Thereafter, Israel returned to Baal worship (8:33-35).<\/p>\n<p>In the wake of Gideon’s era, his son Abimelech attempted to establish dynastic continuity by having himself installed as king at Shechem (9:1-6). With the support of his relatives at Shechem, Abimelech had all his brothers killed except Jotham (vv 4-5). After Abimelech’s coronation, Jotham set forth his opposition to his brother in a proverbial manner (vv 7-20), and went into hiding. Three years later Abimelech’s evil schemes entrapped him when the citizens of Shechem rebelled. He furiously attacked the city and destroyed it. A short time later, however, he was wounded at Thebez by a millstone dropped by a woman from the tower in which she had sought refuge from him. His servant put him out of his misery as per his request. This episode demonstrates how bad a despotic king may be. Again, God’s justice prevailed.<\/p>\n<h6>Tola (10:1-2)<\/h6>\n<p>Tola was a minor judge from Issachar who judged Israel for 23 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jair (10:3-5)<\/h6>\n<p>Jair was a minor judge from Gilead who judged Israel for 22 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jephthah (10:6–12:7)<\/h6>\n<p>A recapitulation (10:6-16) of the cycle (idolatry, enemies, cry for help, momentary repentance) sets the introduction to the Jephthah narrative. Under attack from the Ammonites, the elders of Gilead requested help from Jephthah (10:17–11:8), who promised to help them on the condition that he remain their leader even after the war (vv 9-10). At a solemn ceremony he becomes their “head” at Mizpah (v 11). Jephthah opened up correspondence with the Ammonite king, in which he argued for Israel’s rights on the basis of the Israelites’ historic claim to the land as granted to them by the Lord (vv 12–27). Instead of going out immediately to war, he hoped that “the <span>Lord<\/span>, the Judge” would settle the dispute (v 27); but the Ammonite king was unimpressed. When the Spirit of God came over him, Jephthah led Israel into battle, but only after making a rash vow. He was victorious but found out that his vow to sacrifice whatever came first out of his house required him to sacrifice his daughter. Debate continues as to whether he offered her up as a human sacrifice or whether she sacrificed marriage (see discussion under Jephthah).<\/p>\n<p>The Ephraimites seemed to have had an insatiable desire for war. Earlier they had complained to Gideon, who successfully defused their threats (8:1-3). Jephthah fought them, however, because the Israelites living in Transjordan had been reviled as “renegades” (12:1-4). Forty-two thousand Ephraimites were killed by the fords of the Jordan in this civil war. Thereafter, Jephthah ruled for only six years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ibzan (12:8-10)<\/h6>\n<p>Ibzan was a minor judge from Bethlehem who ruled Israel for seven years.<\/p>\n<h6>Elon (12:11)<\/h6>\n<p>A minor judge from Zebulun, Elon ruled Israel for ten years.<\/p>\n<h6>Abdon (12:13-15)<\/h6>\n<p>Abdon was a minor judge from Pirathon, the location of which is uncertain. He ruled for eight years.<\/p>\n<h6>Samson (13:1–16:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Samson’s greatness in the history of redemption is due to his miraculous birth (13:1-24), his service as a Nazirite (13:7; cf. Nm 6:1-21), the repeated overpowering by the Spirit of the Lord (Jgs 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14), the single-handed exploits against the Philistines (Ashkelon, 14:19; the fields, 15:1-6; Ramath Etam, 15:7-17; Gaza, 16:1-3, 23-30), and his occasional dependence on the Lord (15:18-19; 16:28-30). However, his personal life was flawed because of his weakness for Philistine women (chs 14, 16). Having been seduced by Delilah, he was imprisoned at Gaza. He died in the collapse of Dagon’s temple, praying that the Lord would permit him to get revenge (16:28-30). He was buried in his father’s tomb in the territory of Dan (16:31).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue (17–21)<\/h5>\n<p>The cyclical nature of Israel’s existence was without movement. Rest from enemies was always temporary. Israel was not yet ready for dynastic kingship, and whatever one may say of the three years of Abimelech, it was a kingship of the worst sort. Israel vacillated between idolatry and belief in the true Lord. The period of the judges was unstable, marked by petty individualism and provincialism. Yet God remained sovereign in the affairs of his people. The epilogue contains two stories: the story of Micah and the Danite migration (chs 17–18) and the civil war (chs 19–21). The epilogue is bound together by the phrase “In those days Israel had no king; everyone did as he saw fit” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25, <span>niv<\/span>). The symmetric recurrence (two times in each narrative) emphasizes the anarchy and inability of the tribes to unite together to serve God as a covenant people.<\/p>\n<h6>Micah and the Danites (17–18)<\/h6>\n<p>Micah was an Ephraimite who established a shrine and hired one of his own sons, and then a Levite from Bethlehem, to serve as its priests (ch 17). Unable to keep their patrimony, the Danites left to establish themselves at the foot of Mt Hermon. They took the idols and the Levite from Micah’s shrine and set up a cultic city at the newly established city of Dan, built on the ruins of Laish (ch 18). Thus, they set up a cultic center that rivaled the tabernacle at Shiloh (18:31).<\/p>\n<h6>The Civil War (19–21)<\/h6>\n<p>The people of Gibeah, which belonged to Benjamin, sexually abused the concubine of a Levite so that she died. Like the Levite of chapters 17 and 18, she was from Bethlehem (19:1). Dramatically, the Levite sent pieces of her corpse to all the tribes, which assembled against the Benjamites because they protected the criminals of Gibeah (19:29–20:19). In the ensuing battle the population of Benjamin was decimated (20:20-48). The 11 tribes gave them 400 virgins taken in a civil war against Jabesh-gilead (21:6-15). These were not enough, however. Because of the threat of the extinction of Benjamin and the vow not to give their daughters in marriage to any Benjamite, the Israelites devised a plan by which the Benjamites could take Israelite virgins dancing in the festival at Shiloh. Benjamin thus was able to rebuild its towns and settlements.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Gideon; Jephthah; Samson.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JUDGES, Book of Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail. Preview • Author • Date • Li...","summary_en":"JUDGES, Book of Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail. Preview • Author • Date • Li...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":45671,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:2","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:2","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:2<\/strong> This verse, which is paralleled in the epilogues (20:18), shows the primacy of <em>Judah<\/em>. This tribe did not figure in the downward cycles of the judges (cp. 15:9-13) after Othniel, the model judge who was linked to Judah through Caleb (Josh 14:6; 15:13, 17).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:2<\/strong> This verse, which is paralleled in the epilogues (20:18), shows the primacy of <em>Judah<\/em>. This tribe did not figure in the downward cycles of the judges (cp. 15:9-13) after Othniel, the model judge who was linked to Judah through Caleb (Josh 14:6; 15:13, 17).<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:2 This verse, which is paralleled in the epilogues (20:18), shows the primacy of Judah. This tribe did not figure in the downward cycles of the judges (cp. 15:9-13) after Othniel, the model judge who was linked to Judah through Caleb (Josh 14:6; 15:13, 17).","summary_en":"1:2 This verse, which is paralleled in the epilogues (20:18), shows the primacy of Judah. This tribe did not figure in the downward cycles of the judges (cp. 15:9-13) after Othniel, the model judge who was linked to Judah through Caleb (Josh 14:6; 15:13, 17).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73297,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:2","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:2","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:2<\/strong> This verse, which is paralleled in the epilogues (20:18), shows the primacy of <em>Judah<\/em>. This tribe did not figure in the downward cycles of the judges (cp. 15:9-13) after Othniel, the model judge who was linked to Judah through Caleb (Josh 14:6; 15:13, 17).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:2<\/strong> This verse, which is paralleled in the epilogues (20:18), shows the primacy of <em>Judah<\/em>. This tribe did not figure in the downward cycles of the judges (cp. 15:9-13) after Othniel, the model judge who was linked to Judah through Caleb (Josh 14:6; 15:13, 17).<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:2 This verse, which is paralleled in the epilogues (20:18), shows the primacy of Judah. This tribe did not figure in the downward cycles of the judges (cp. 15:9-13) after Othniel, the model judge who was linked to Judah through Caleb (Josh 14:6; 15:13, 17).","summary_en":"1:2 This verse, which is paralleled in the epilogues (20:18), shows the primacy of Judah. This tribe did not figure in the downward cycles of the judges (cp. 15:9-13) after Othniel, the model judge who was linked to Judah through Caleb (Josh 14:6; 15:13, 17).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":100923,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:2","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:2","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:2<\/strong> This verse, which is paralleled in the epilogues (20:18), shows the primacy of <em>Judah<\/em>. This tribe did not figure in the downward cycles of the judges (cp. 15:9-13) after Othniel, the model judge who was linked to Judah through Caleb (Josh 14:6; 15:13, 17).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:2<\/strong> This verse, which is paralleled in the epilogues (20:18), shows the primacy of <em>Judah<\/em>. This tribe did not figure in the downward cycles of the judges (cp. 15:9-13) after Othniel, the model judge who was linked to Judah through Caleb (Josh 14:6; 15:13, 17).<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:2 This verse, which is paralleled in the epilogues (20:18), shows the primacy of Judah. This tribe did not figure in the downward cycles of the judges (cp. 15:9-13) after Othniel, the model judge who was linked to Judah through Caleb (Josh 14:6; 15:13, 17).","summary_en":"1:2 This verse, which is paralleled in the epilogues (20:18), shows the primacy of Judah. This tribe did not figure in the downward cycles of the judges (cp. 15:9-13) after Othniel, the model judge who was linked to Judah through Caleb (Josh 14:6; 15:13, 17).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128549,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:2","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:2","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:2<\/strong> This verse, which is paralleled in the epilogues (20:18), shows the primacy of <em>Judah<\/em>. This tribe did not figure in the downward cycles of the judges (cp. 15:9-13) after Othniel, the model judge who was linked to Judah through Caleb (Josh 14:6; 15:13, 17).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:2<\/strong> This verse, which is paralleled in the epilogues (20:18), shows the primacy of <em>Judah<\/em>. This tribe did not figure in the downward cycles of the judges (cp. 15:9-13) after Othniel, the model judge who was linked to Judah through Caleb (Josh 14:6; 15:13, 17).<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:2 This verse, which is paralleled in the epilogues (20:18), shows the primacy of Judah. This tribe did not figure in the downward cycles of the judges (cp. 15:9-13) after Othniel, the model judge who was linked to Judah through Caleb (Josh 14:6; 15:13, 17).","summary_en":"1:2 This verse, which is paralleled in the epilogues (20:18), shows the primacy of Judah. This tribe did not figure in the downward cycles of the judges (cp. 15:9-13) after Othniel, the model judge who was linked to Judah through Caleb (Josh 14:6; 15:13, 17).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"3":[{"id":4614,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Bezek","title_en":"Bezek","content_ro":"<h3>BEZEK<\/h3>\n<li>1. Site of a major victory for the tribes of Simeon and Judah over the Perizzites and Canaanites (Jgs 1:3-7). Adoni-bezek, which means “lord of Bezek,” was king of the city at that time. Bezek was perhaps located at Khirbet Bezqa, a few miles northwest of Jerusalem.<\/li>\n<li>2. Place where Saul gathered an army to attack the Ammonites who were troubling Jabesh-gilead (1 Sm 11:8-11). This Bezek is usually located at Khirbet Ibziq, a little south of Mt Gilboa.<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>BEZEK<\/h3>\n<li>1. Site of a major victory for the tribes of Simeon and Judah over the Perizzites and Canaanites (Jgs 1:3-7). Adoni-bezek, which means “lord of Bezek,” was king of the city at that time. Bezek was perhaps located at Khirbet Bezqa, a few miles northwest of Jerusalem.<\/li>\n<li>2. Place where Saul gathered an army to attack the Ammonites who were troubling Jabesh-gilead (1 Sm 11:8-11). This Bezek is usually located at Khirbet Ibziq, a little south of Mt Gilboa.<\/li>","summary_ro":"BEZEK 1. Site of a major victory for the tribes of Simeon and Judah over the Perizzites and Canaanites (Jgs 1:3-7). Adoni-bezek, which means “lord of Bezek,” was king of the city at that time. Bezek was perhaps located at Khirbet Bezqa, a few miles northwest of Jerusalem. 2. Place where Saul gathered an army to attack the Ammonites who were troubling Jabesh-gilead (1 Sm 11:8-11). This Bezek is usually located at Khirbet Ibziq, a little south of Mt Gilboa.","summary_en":"BEZEK 1. Site of a major victory for the tribes of Simeon and Judah over the Perizzites and Canaanites (Jgs 1:3-7). Adoni-bezek, which means “lord of Bezek,” was king of the city at that time. Bezek was perhaps located at Khirbet Bezqa, a few miles northwest of Jerusalem. 2. Place where Saul gathered an army to attack the Ammonites who were troubling Jabesh-gilead (1 Sm 11:8-11). This Bezek is usually located at Khirbet Ibziq, a little south of Mt Gilboa.","source":"Articles\/B.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":23538,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Casting of Lots","title_en":"Casting of Lots","content_ro":"<h3>LOTS, Casting of<\/h3>\n<p>Practice common in the OT, less common in the NT prior to Pentecost, and absent in the biblical narrative after Pentecost.<\/p>\n<p>In the Bible the practice was used in a variety of circumstances, including (1) the selection of the scapegoat (Lv 16:8-10); (2) the allocation of the tribal inheritance in the Promised Land (Nm 26:55-56; Jos 14:2; Jgs 1:3); (3) the determination of the families who had to relocate to give a proper distribution of the populace or of those warriors who had to go to war where only a percentage was required (Jgs 20:9; Neh 11:1); (4) the order of the priests and their duties (1 Chr 24:5-19; Neh 10:34); (5) the determination of an offender (Jos 7:14-18; cf. Prv 18:18).<\/p>\n<p>According to biblical usage, lots seem to have been used only when the decision was important and where wisdom or biblical injunctions did not give sufficient guidance. One of the advantages of the casting of lots was the impartiality of the choice. It was held that the Lord directed the lots (Prv 16:33). The method of casting lots is not specified or described and seems to have varied according to the need of the situation (cf. Lv 16:8; Nm 26:55-56; Jgs 20:9).<\/p>\n<p>The practice of casting lots was never condemned by God and on several occasions was sanctioned by him (Lv 16:8; Prv 18:18; Is 34:17). The principle behind the procedure is set forth in Proverbs 16:33, which affirms that the disposition or result of the lot is determined by God; therefore, the theory was that the lot pronounced the will of God.<\/p>\n<p>In the NT the soldiers cast lots over Jesus’ garments (Mt 27:35), and the disciples cast lots when they selected Matthias to the apostleship in place of Judas (Acts 1:26). After the outpouring of the Holy Spirit upon the church, the practice of casting lots ceased. Some scholars think that there was no further need for the practice to continue, as the Holy Spirit guided the church in its decisions.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Urim and Thummim.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>LOTS, Casting of<\/h3>\n<p>Practice common in the OT, less common in the NT prior to Pentecost, and absent in the biblical narrative after Pentecost.<\/p>\n<p>In the Bible the practice was used in a variety of circumstances, including (1) the selection of the scapegoat (Lv 16:8-10); (2) the allocation of the tribal inheritance in the Promised Land (Nm 26:55-56; Jos 14:2; Jgs 1:3); (3) the determination of the families who had to relocate to give a proper distribution of the populace or of those warriors who had to go to war where only a percentage was required (Jgs 20:9; Neh 11:1); (4) the order of the priests and their duties (1 Chr 24:5-19; Neh 10:34); (5) the determination of an offender (Jos 7:14-18; cf. Prv 18:18).<\/p>\n<p>According to biblical usage, lots seem to have been used only when the decision was important and where wisdom or biblical injunctions did not give sufficient guidance. One of the advantages of the casting of lots was the impartiality of the choice. It was held that the Lord directed the lots (Prv 16:33). The method of casting lots is not specified or described and seems to have varied according to the need of the situation (cf. Lv 16:8; Nm 26:55-56; Jgs 20:9).<\/p>\n<p>The practice of casting lots was never condemned by God and on several occasions was sanctioned by him (Lv 16:8; Prv 18:18; Is 34:17). The principle behind the procedure is set forth in Proverbs 16:33, which affirms that the disposition or result of the lot is determined by God; therefore, the theory was that the lot pronounced the will of God.<\/p>\n<p>In the NT the soldiers cast lots over Jesus’ garments (Mt 27:35), and the disciples cast lots when they selected Matthias to the apostleship in place of Judas (Acts 1:26). After the outpouring of the Holy Spirit upon the church, the practice of casting lots ceased. Some scholars think that there was no further need for the practice to continue, as the Holy Spirit guided the church in its decisions.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Urim and Thummim.<\/p>","summary_ro":"LOTS, Casting of Practice common in the OT, less common in the NT prior to Pentecost, and absent in the biblical narrative after Pentecost. In the Bible the practice was used in a variety of circumstances, including (1) the selection of the scapegoat (Lv 16:8-10); (2) the allocation of the tribal inheritance in the Promised Land (Nm 26:55-56; Jos 14:2; Jgs 1:3); (3) the determination of the families who had to relocate to give a proper distribution of the populace or of those warriors who had...","summary_en":"LOTS, Casting of Practice common in the OT, less common in the NT prior to Pentecost, and absent in the biblical narrative after Pentecost. In the Bible the practice was used in a variety of circumstances, including (1) the selection of the scapegoat (Lv 16:8-10); (2) the allocation of the tribal inheritance in the Promised Land (Nm 26:55-56; Jos 14:2; Jgs 1:3); (3) the determination of the families who had to relocate to give a proper distribution of the populace or of those warriors who had...","source":"Articles\/L.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":35416,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Tribe of Simeon","title_en":"Tribe of Simeon","content_ro":"<h3>SIMEON, Tribe of<\/h3>\n<p>One of the 12 tribes of Israel descended from Jacob’s second son. Because of Simeon’s evil deed at Shechem, Jacob foretold that Simeon’s descendants would be dispersed among the other tribes of Israel (Gn 49:7).<\/p>\n<p>According to the book of Joshua, Simeon’s inheritance was included in Judah’s territory (Jos 19:1, 9). Judges 1:3 points to a close bond between the tribes of Simeon and Judah—they march and fight together as brothers to establish themselves in Canaan. In addition, the list of Levitical towns included Simeon’s with Judah’s (Jos 21:9-16). Inevitably, then, the Simeonites were linked to the kingdom of Judah throughout the period of the monarchy, and its tribal destiny was tied to that of the southern division of the divided monarchy. However, in spite of their minor inheritance within Judah’s tribe, the Simeonites were able to preserve to some extent their own tribal identity, unity, and traditions, as indicated by the keeping of genealogical records, even to the days of Hezekiah, king of Judah (1 Chr 4:24-42).<\/p>\n<p>During Hezekiah’s reign, Simeonites took possession of and settled the Arab areas of Seir (1 Chr 4:24-43) and perhaps the hill country of Ephraim (2 Chr 15:9). Although Simeon was Jacob’s second-oldest son, his progeny never achieved a position of prominence in Israel, either before or after the conquest and occupation of Canaan. For example, the tribe apparently provided no judges, and the Song of Deborah contains no references to this group (see Jgs 5). According to 1 Chronicles 4:28-33, Simeon’s tribe settled in the southern extremes of Canaan (called the Negev in Hebrew)—an extensive region, consisting largely of dry, parched land, but with an annual rainfall and perennial springs that ensured fertility in the early summer. This explains why Simeon’s territory is also called “the Negev of Judah,” a phrase that serves to differentiate them from other racial groups occupying parts of southern Canaan (1 Sm 27:10; 30:14; 2 Sm 24:7).<\/p>\n<p>The genealogies of the Simeonites reveal a certain amount of intermarriage with other Israelite tribes and, indeed, with non-Israelites as well. Shaul, Simeon’s son, was the son of a Canaanite woman (Gn 46:10; Ex 6:15). Two of Simeon’s sons (1 Chr 4:25) bear names of Ishmael’s sons (Gn 25:13-14; 1 Chr 1:29-30), and Jamin (Gn 46:10; Ex 6:15) was a descendant of Ram (1 Chr 2:27).<\/p>\n<p>In the NT, Simeon’s tribe appears seventh in the list of the tribes who are sealed by God (Rv 7:7).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>SIMEON, Tribe of<\/h3>\n<p>One of the 12 tribes of Israel descended from Jacob’s second son. Because of Simeon’s evil deed at Shechem, Jacob foretold that Simeon’s descendants would be dispersed among the other tribes of Israel (Gn 49:7).<\/p>\n<p>According to the book of Joshua, Simeon’s inheritance was included in Judah’s territory (Jos 19:1, 9). Judges 1:3 points to a close bond between the tribes of Simeon and Judah—they march and fight together as brothers to establish themselves in Canaan. In addition, the list of Levitical towns included Simeon’s with Judah’s (Jos 21:9-16). Inevitably, then, the Simeonites were linked to the kingdom of Judah throughout the period of the monarchy, and its tribal destiny was tied to that of the southern division of the divided monarchy. However, in spite of their minor inheritance within Judah’s tribe, the Simeonites were able to preserve to some extent their own tribal identity, unity, and traditions, as indicated by the keeping of genealogical records, even to the days of Hezekiah, king of Judah (1 Chr 4:24-42).<\/p>\n<p>During Hezekiah’s reign, Simeonites took possession of and settled the Arab areas of Seir (1 Chr 4:24-43) and perhaps the hill country of Ephraim (2 Chr 15:9). Although Simeon was Jacob’s second-oldest son, his progeny never achieved a position of prominence in Israel, either before or after the conquest and occupation of Canaan. For example, the tribe apparently provided no judges, and the Song of Deborah contains no references to this group (see Jgs 5). According to 1 Chronicles 4:28-33, Simeon’s tribe settled in the southern extremes of Canaan (called the Negev in Hebrew)—an extensive region, consisting largely of dry, parched land, but with an annual rainfall and perennial springs that ensured fertility in the early summer. This explains why Simeon’s territory is also called “the Negev of Judah,” a phrase that serves to differentiate them from other racial groups occupying parts of southern Canaan (1 Sm 27:10; 30:14; 2 Sm 24:7).<\/p>\n<p>The genealogies of the Simeonites reveal a certain amount of intermarriage with other Israelite tribes and, indeed, with non-Israelites as well. Shaul, Simeon’s son, was the son of a Canaanite woman (Gn 46:10; Ex 6:15). Two of Simeon’s sons (1 Chr 4:25) bear names of Ishmael’s sons (Gn 25:13-14; 1 Chr 1:29-30), and Jamin (Gn 46:10; Ex 6:15) was a descendant of Ram (1 Chr 2:27).<\/p>\n<p>In the NT, Simeon’s tribe appears seventh in the list of the tribes who are sealed by God (Rv 7:7).<\/p>","summary_ro":"SIMEON, Tribe of One of the 12 tribes of Israel descended from Jacob’s second son. Because of Simeon’s evil deed at Shechem, Jacob foretold that Simeon’s descendants would be dispersed among the other tribes of Israel (Gn 49:7). According to the book of Joshua, Simeon’s inheritance was included in Judah’s territory (Jos 19:1, 9). Judges 1:3 points to a close bond between the tribes of Simeon and Judah—they march and fight together as brothers to establish themselves in Canaan. In addition, th...","summary_en":"SIMEON, Tribe of One of the 12 tribes of Israel descended from Jacob’s second son. Because of Simeon’s evil deed at Shechem, Jacob foretold that Simeon’s descendants would be dispersed among the other tribes of Israel (Gn 49:7). According to the book of Joshua, Simeon’s inheritance was included in Judah’s territory (Jos 19:1, 9). Judges 1:3 points to a close bond between the tribes of Simeon and Judah—they march and fight together as brothers to establish themselves in Canaan. In addition, th...","source":"Articles\/S.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":45672,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:3","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:3","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:3<\/strong> <em>The tribe of Simeon<\/em> virtually disappeared within the land assigned to Judah (Josh 19:1). • <em>fight against the Canaanites . . . help you conquer:<\/em> See Josh 16:10; 17:13; 23:4-13.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:3<\/strong> <em>The tribe of Simeon<\/em> virtually disappeared within the land assigned to Judah (Josh 19:1). • <em>fight against the Canaanites . . . help you conquer:<\/em> See Josh 16:10; 17:13; 23:4-13.<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:3 The tribe of Simeon virtually disappeared within the land assigned to Judah (Josh 19:1). • fight against the Canaanites . . . help you conquer: See Josh 16:10; 17:13; 23:4-13.","summary_en":"1:3 The tribe of Simeon virtually disappeared within the land assigned to Judah (Josh 19:1). • fight against the Canaanites . . . help you conquer: See Josh 16:10; 17:13; 23:4-13.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73298,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:3","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:3","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:3<\/strong> <em>The tribe of Simeon<\/em> virtually disappeared within the land assigned to Judah (Josh 19:1). • <em>fight against the Canaanites . . . help you conquer:<\/em> See Josh 16:10; 17:13; 23:4-13.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:3<\/strong> <em>The tribe of Simeon<\/em> virtually disappeared within the land assigned to Judah (Josh 19:1). • <em>fight against the Canaanites . . . help you conquer:<\/em> See Josh 16:10; 17:13; 23:4-13.<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:3 The tribe of Simeon virtually disappeared within the land assigned to Judah (Josh 19:1). • fight against the Canaanites . . . help you conquer: See Josh 16:10; 17:13; 23:4-13.","summary_en":"1:3 The tribe of Simeon virtually disappeared within the land assigned to Judah (Josh 19:1). • fight against the Canaanites . . . help you conquer: See Josh 16:10; 17:13; 23:4-13.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":100924,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:3","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:3","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:3<\/strong> <em>The tribe of Simeon<\/em> virtually disappeared within the land assigned to Judah (Josh 19:1). • <em>fight against the Canaanites . . . help you conquer:<\/em> See Josh 16:10; 17:13; 23:4-13.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:3<\/strong> <em>The tribe of Simeon<\/em> virtually disappeared within the land assigned to Judah (Josh 19:1). • <em>fight against the Canaanites . . . help you conquer:<\/em> See Josh 16:10; 17:13; 23:4-13.<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:3 The tribe of Simeon virtually disappeared within the land assigned to Judah (Josh 19:1). • fight against the Canaanites . . . help you conquer: See Josh 16:10; 17:13; 23:4-13.","summary_en":"1:3 The tribe of Simeon virtually disappeared within the land assigned to Judah (Josh 19:1). • fight against the Canaanites . . . help you conquer: See Josh 16:10; 17:13; 23:4-13.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128550,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:3","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:3","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:3<\/strong> <em>The tribe of Simeon<\/em> virtually disappeared within the land assigned to Judah (Josh 19:1). • <em>fight against the Canaanites . . . help you conquer:<\/em> See Josh 16:10; 17:13; 23:4-13.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:3<\/strong> <em>The tribe of Simeon<\/em> virtually disappeared within the land assigned to Judah (Josh 19:1). • <em>fight against the Canaanites . . . help you conquer:<\/em> See Josh 16:10; 17:13; 23:4-13.<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:3 The tribe of Simeon virtually disappeared within the land assigned to Judah (Josh 19:1). • fight against the Canaanites . . . help you conquer: See Josh 16:10; 17:13; 23:4-13.","summary_en":"1:3 The tribe of Simeon virtually disappeared within the land assigned to Judah (Josh 19:1). • fight against the Canaanites . . . help you conquer: See Josh 16:10; 17:13; 23:4-13.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"4":[{"id":29670,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Perizzite","title_en":"Perizzite","content_ro":"<h3>PERIZZITE<\/h3>\n<p>One of several population segments occupying the land of Palestine prior to and subsequent to the Israelite conquest (Gn 15:20; Ex 3:8, 17; 23:23; 33:2; 34:11; Dt 7:1; 20:17; Jos 3:10; 9:1; 11:3; 12:8; 24:11; 1 Kgs 9:20; 2 Chr 8:7; Ezr 9:1; Neh 9:8). The enumeration of these peoples throughout the OT serves a variety of purposes, none of which is strictly historical or geographical. It serves to inform the reader that, no matter how numerous, the doom of these people is sure when God’s time has come (Gn 15:20; Ex 3:8). At other times, they are mentioned to illustrate the hostility of the enemies of God against Israel’s onward march into the land promised to them by the Lord (Jos 9:1; 11:3; 24:11). But they are also portrayed as conquered and reduced to servile labor (Jos 12:8; 1 Kgs 9:20). In the postexilic period, they continue to be a threat to the purity of life of the covenant community recently settled in the land of their fathers (Ezr 9:1).<\/p>\n<p>There are a few instances where the word “Perizzites” occurs in conjunction with “Canaanites” (Gn 13:7; 34:30; Jgs 1:4-5), and in one instance it is combined with “Rephaites” (Jos 17:15). The name “Pirizzi” also occurs once in the tablets of El Amarna.<\/p>\n<p>The exact identity of the Perizzites has thus far remained obscure. In a few instances in which the name occurs in conjunction with “Canaanites,” it seems to refer to one of the major components of Canaan’s population. Some have even suggested that the Perizzites were the pre-Canaanite population of Palestine, in view of the omission of them in the list of Genesis 10. But this cannot be proven. Others have attempted to read this name as an appellative meaning “inhabitants of unwalled villages.” This view finds some support in another Hebrew word, <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">perazoth<\/span><em>,<\/em> “unwalled villages” (Est 9:19; Ez 38:11; Zec 2:4; cf. also <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">perazi<\/span><em>,<\/em> “open country,” Dt 3:5; 1 Sm 6:18). But the fact that the name occurs so frequently among other peoples whose identity is known should caution against such an approach.<\/p>\n<p>Several commentators, instead of regarding the Perizzites as one of the major components of Canaan’s population, have sought to localize them, either in the vicinity of Bethel (cf. Gn 13:7) or of Shechem (34:30), or in the territory of Judah (Jgs 1:4-5). But these locales are by no means contiguous. The reference to the Rephaim (<span>nlt<\/span>, <span>niv<\/span> “Rephaites”) in Joshua 17:15 has prompted the suggestion that the Perizzites belonged to the Transjordan region, but this does not follow either from the immediate context or from the use of the word “Rephaim” elsewhere.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Canaan, Canaanite.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>PERIZZITE<\/h3>\n<p>One of several population segments occupying the land of Palestine prior to and subsequent to the Israelite conquest (Gn 15:20; Ex 3:8, 17; 23:23; 33:2; 34:11; Dt 7:1; 20:17; Jos 3:10; 9:1; 11:3; 12:8; 24:11; 1 Kgs 9:20; 2 Chr 8:7; Ezr 9:1; Neh 9:8). The enumeration of these peoples throughout the OT serves a variety of purposes, none of which is strictly historical or geographical. It serves to inform the reader that, no matter how numerous, the doom of these people is sure when God’s time has come (Gn 15:20; Ex 3:8). At other times, they are mentioned to illustrate the hostility of the enemies of God against Israel’s onward march into the land promised to them by the Lord (Jos 9:1; 11:3; 24:11). But they are also portrayed as conquered and reduced to servile labor (Jos 12:8; 1 Kgs 9:20). In the postexilic period, they continue to be a threat to the purity of life of the covenant community recently settled in the land of their fathers (Ezr 9:1).<\/p>\n<p>There are a few instances where the word “Perizzites” occurs in conjunction with “Canaanites” (Gn 13:7; 34:30; Jgs 1:4-5), and in one instance it is combined with “Rephaites” (Jos 17:15). The name “Pirizzi” also occurs once in the tablets of El Amarna.<\/p>\n<p>The exact identity of the Perizzites has thus far remained obscure. In a few instances in which the name occurs in conjunction with “Canaanites,” it seems to refer to one of the major components of Canaan’s population. Some have even suggested that the Perizzites were the pre-Canaanite population of Palestine, in view of the omission of them in the list of Genesis 10. But this cannot be proven. Others have attempted to read this name as an appellative meaning “inhabitants of unwalled villages.” This view finds some support in another Hebrew word, <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">perazoth<\/span><em>,<\/em> “unwalled villages” (Est 9:19; Ez 38:11; Zec 2:4; cf. also <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">perazi<\/span><em>,<\/em> “open country,” Dt 3:5; 1 Sm 6:18). But the fact that the name occurs so frequently among other peoples whose identity is known should caution against such an approach.<\/p>\n<p>Several commentators, instead of regarding the Perizzites as one of the major components of Canaan’s population, have sought to localize them, either in the vicinity of Bethel (cf. Gn 13:7) or of Shechem (34:30), or in the territory of Judah (Jgs 1:4-5). But these locales are by no means contiguous. The reference to the Rephaim (<span>nlt<\/span>, <span>niv<\/span> “Rephaites”) in Joshua 17:15 has prompted the suggestion that the Perizzites belonged to the Transjordan region, but this does not follow either from the immediate context or from the use of the word “Rephaim” elsewhere.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Canaan, Canaanite.<\/p>","summary_ro":"PERIZZITE One of several population segments occupying the land of Palestine prior to and subsequent to the Israelite conquest (Gn 15:20; Ex 3:8, 17; 23:23; 33:2; 34:11; Dt 7:1; 20:17; Jos 3:10; 9:1; 11:3; 12:8; 24:11; 1 Kgs 9:20; 2 Chr 8:7; Ezr 9:1; Neh 9:8). The enumeration of these peoples throughout the OT serves a variety of purposes, none of which is strictly historical or geographical. It serves to inform the reader that, no matter how numerous, the doom of these people is sure when Go...","summary_en":"PERIZZITE One of several population segments occupying the land of Palestine prior to and subsequent to the Israelite conquest (Gn 15:20; Ex 3:8, 17; 23:23; 33:2; 34:11; Dt 7:1; 20:17; Jos 3:10; 9:1; 11:3; 12:8; 24:11; 1 Kgs 9:20; 2 Chr 8:7; Ezr 9:1; Neh 9:8). The enumeration of these peoples throughout the OT serves a variety of purposes, none of which is strictly historical or geographical. It serves to inform the reader that, no matter how numerous, the doom of these people is sure when Go...","source":"Articles\/P.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"5":[{"id":607,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Adoni-Bezek","title_en":"Adoni-Bezek","content_ro":"<h3>ADONI-BEZEK<\/h3>\n<p>Title of the Canaanite king of Bezek, a city in northern Palestine. Soon after Joshua’s death, the tribes of Judah and Simeon defeated Adoni-bezek and amputated his thumbs and big toes. Adoni-bezek himself had treated many captured kings that way, so he regarded his fate as divine retribution (Jgs 1:5-7). Some have suggested that he and Adoni-zedek (Jos 10:1) were the same person.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>ADONI-BEZEK<\/h3>\n<p>Title of the Canaanite king of Bezek, a city in northern Palestine. Soon after Joshua’s death, the tribes of Judah and Simeon defeated Adoni-bezek and amputated his thumbs and big toes. Adoni-bezek himself had treated many captured kings that way, so he regarded his fate as divine retribution (Jgs 1:5-7). Some have suggested that he and Adoni-zedek (Jos 10:1) were the same person.<\/p>","summary_ro":"ADONI-BEZEK Title of the Canaanite king of Bezek, a city in northern Palestine. Soon after Joshua’s death, the tribes of Judah and Simeon defeated Adoni-bezek and amputated his thumbs and big toes. Adoni-bezek himself had treated many captured kings that way, so he regarded his fate as divine retribution (Jgs 1:5-7). Some have suggested that he and Adoni-zedek (Jos 10:1) were the same person.","summary_en":"ADONI-BEZEK Title of the Canaanite king of Bezek, a city in northern Palestine. Soon after Joshua’s death, the tribes of Judah and Simeon defeated Adoni-bezek and amputated his thumbs and big toes. Adoni-bezek himself had treated many captured kings that way, so he regarded his fate as divine retribution (Jgs 1:5-7). Some have suggested that he and Adoni-zedek (Jos 10:1) were the same person.","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"7":[{"id":12936,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Furniture","title_en":"Furniture","content_ro":"<h3>FURNITURE<\/h3>\n<p>Items of material culture used in homes, palaces, and temples. Because of its close geographical proximity to other nations, Israel had extensive contact with neighboring cultures. Historical surveys document parallels between the furniture of Israel and that of other tribes and countries.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PalestineinOldTestamentTimes\">Palestine in Old Testament Times<\/p>\n<p>OT passages supply most of the information about furniture in ancient Palestine, although there are also significant archaeological data. There are many references to beds in the OT, using at least three Hebrew nouns. Jacob is pictured as sitting up in bed (Gn 48:2) and as dying on his bed (49:33). Moses threatened that frogs would invade the bedroom and bed of the Egyptian pharaoh (Ex 8:3). Michal, Saul’s daughter, placed an effigy in David’s bed (1 Sm 19:11-17) when Saul sent messengers to capture him there. King David condemned the practice of killing a defenseless person sleeping in bed (2 Sm 4:7, 11). The prophet Elijah laid a dead boy on his bed and revived him (1 Kgs 17:19).<\/p>\n<p>King Ahab sulked on his bed (1 Kgs 21:4), and King Ahaziah lay on his sick bed (2 Kgs 1:4-6, 16). The prophet Amos criticized the rich who lay on beds of ivory and stretched out on their couches (Am 6:4). The prophet Ezekiel spoke symbolically of disobedient Jerusalem as a prostitute sitting on a stately couch with the Lord’s incense and oil on a table nearby (Ez 23:41). Isaiah promised that the righteous would rest in their beds (Is 57:2) and also spoke of the unrighteous setting their beds among false worshipers (vv 7-8). The psalmist flooded his bed with tears (Ps 6:6), and Proverbs refers to a sluggard on his bed (Prv 26:14).<\/p>\n<p>“Table” in the OT refers both to the temple table for the bread of the Presence and to the table used in the palace or home for meals or banquets. King Adoni-bezek had his captives scrambling for scraps under his table (Jgs 1:7). Jonathan’s disabled son Mephibosheth was allowed to sit at David’s table (2 Sm 9:7, 10-13; 19:28). Solomon’s table is described several times (1 Kgs 2:7; 4:27). The queen of Sheba was particularly impressed by the food and table service in Solomon’s palace (10:5). The prophets frequently refer to tables (Is 21:5; 28:8; 65:11; Ez 40:39-43). The few references to chairs describe people reclining at meals and indicate couches rather than actual chairs (Am 6:4).<\/p>\n<p>There are numerous mentions of thrones, including those of the pharaoh (Gn 41:40; Ex 11:5), David (2 Sm 3:10; 7:13), Solomon (1 Kgs 10:18), the kings of Israel and Judah (1 Kgs 22:10), and God (1 Kgs 22:19; Pss 9:4, 7; 11:4; 93:2). The OT writers sometimes indicate thrones decorated with ivory (1 Kgs 10:18).<\/p>\n<p>The exact character of furniture in Palestine is difficult to determine. Bas-reliefs and wall paintings are more common among Israel’s neighbors. Excavations in Jericho, however, have unearthed some valuable archaeological clues. Tombs of the middle Bronze Age produced reasonably well-preserved tables, stools, and boxes, making possible a study of ancient joinery methods. A variety of small trinket boxes show evidence of bone inlay and incised decoration. Some large slabs of timber may have been beds. Although primarily Canaanite styles, the furniture reflects the household furniture used in Israel in the centuries to follow.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"GreekandRoman\">Greek and Roman<\/p>\n<p>Historians are quite informed about Greek furniture because of the abundance of decorated vases, bas-reliefs, bronze and terra-cotta statuettes, and literary descriptions. That archaeological evidence indicates that Greek furniture was influenced by preceding civilizations. The picture is generally one of comparative simplicity, far removed from the cluttered and crowded rooms of later civilizations.<\/p>\n<p>The Greeks made several types of seats: (1) the throne, often with a back, legs of various shapes, and armrests; (2) the lighter curved-back chair with arm supports; (3) the four-legged stool; (4) the folding stool with crossed legs traceable to Egyptian models; and (5) the bench. Representations that regularly appear on monuments dating from the eighth to the second century <span>BC<\/span> link Greek chairs to Egyptian and Assyrian prototypes.<\/p>\n<p>Greeks used couches for sleeping and for reclining at meals. Footstools were used to rest the feet or as a step up to higher couches. Like chair legs, couch legs varied in style. Some were carved in the shape of animal legs, some were turned, some were rectangular. From about the sixth century <span>BC<\/span>, the legs projected above the frame. Such projections later became headboards and footboards. In Hellenistic times these headrests and footrests were carved and carried bronze medallions in high relief depicting children, satyrs, and animals. Turned legs replaced the rectangular ones. Couches were normally in wood, although bronze and marble couches are known.<\/p>\n<p>Tables were used during meals to hold dishes and food and were removed after the meal. They were made of wood, bronze, and marble and normally had four legs, but three-legged tables were occasionally used. Chests, large and small, served to store clothes, jewelry, and other articles. They were normally of wood, although some were bronze.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Rome\">Rome<\/p>\n<p>Roman furniture continued many Greek patterns. The eruption of the volcano Vesuvius in <span>AD<\/span> 79 preserved actual pieces of Roman furniture in its lava flow.<\/p>\n<p>Chairs with backs were heavier than their Greek counterparts and widely used. There were several types of stools: the folding stool, mostly wooden, though sometimes metal; and a newly developed decorative stool, often of bronze, that was supported by four curved legs ornamented with scrolls.<\/p>\n<p>A variety of couches were in use. Some followed Greek models, but others were of Roman invention. Excellent examples of bronze bed frames have been preserved. Presumably, interlaced strips of leather or cords were stretched crisscross on the frame. Gold, silver, tortoiseshell, bone, and ivory decoration were used along with veneer work in rare timber. Later, couches in Italy and in other lands had high backs and sides. The Romans seem to have used tables more widely than Greeks. They appear often as permanent supports for vases and other possessions. Tables were normally rectangular with four legs, but table makers also constructed some with three legs, or even resting on a single support. Round tabletops and legs of animals became popular from the fourth century <span>BC<\/span> on. Plain, undecorated wooden tables and benches were used in kitchens and workshops. Outdoor tables were usually of marble with carved animal legs or decorative figures of animals and monsters.<\/p>\n<p>There were various chests and boxes in daily use. Shelves and cupboards became much more popular than in Greek times.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PalestineinNewTestamentTimes\">Palestine in New Testament Times<\/p>\n<p>The nature of furniture in the NT is probably best understood in relation to contemporaneous Roman models. The NT refers to beds in several passages. People brought a paralytic lying on his bed to Jesus (Mt 9:2, 6; Lk 5:18). When the apostles went into Solomon’s portico, people brought the sick to them on beds (Acts 5:15). A Syro-Phoenician woman’s sick child lay on a bed (Mk 7:30). Jesus spoke of setting a lamp on a stand and not placing it under a bed (Mk 4:21; Lk 8:16), and described what would happen to people in bed when the Day of the Lord came (Lk 17:34). In another parable Jesus spoke of a needy person begging for bread at midnight from a friend who was already in bed with his family (Lk 11:7). Beds of the poor and sick were probably only pallets or mattresses (Mk 6:55; Jn 5:8). When people reclined at meals, they would have been lying on a couch (Jn 13:23).<\/p>\n<p>There are numerous NT references to tables. Jesus mentioned crumbs falling from a rich man’s table (Mt 15:27; Mk 7:28; Lk 16:21). Jesus overthrew the money changers’ tables in the temple (Mt 21:12; Mk 11:15). Jesus sat with his disciples at a table for the Passover meal (Lk 22:21) and promised his disciples that they would sit at his table in God’s kingdom. The apostles were relieved of serving tables in order to preach (Acts 6:2).<\/p>\n<p>The household lamp is referred to a number of times (Mt 25:1; Mk 4:21). Terra-cotta domestic lamps have been found in abundance in excavations.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>FURNITURE<\/h3>\n<p>Items of material culture used in homes, palaces, and temples. Because of its close geographical proximity to other nations, Israel had extensive contact with neighboring cultures. Historical surveys document parallels between the furniture of Israel and that of other tribes and countries.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PalestineinOldTestamentTimes\">Palestine in Old Testament Times<\/p>\n<p>OT passages supply most of the information about furniture in ancient Palestine, although there are also significant archaeological data. There are many references to beds in the OT, using at least three Hebrew nouns. Jacob is pictured as sitting up in bed (Gn 48:2) and as dying on his bed (49:33). Moses threatened that frogs would invade the bedroom and bed of the Egyptian pharaoh (Ex 8:3). Michal, Saul’s daughter, placed an effigy in David’s bed (1 Sm 19:11-17) when Saul sent messengers to capture him there. King David condemned the practice of killing a defenseless person sleeping in bed (2 Sm 4:7, 11). The prophet Elijah laid a dead boy on his bed and revived him (1 Kgs 17:19).<\/p>\n<p>King Ahab sulked on his bed (1 Kgs 21:4), and King Ahaziah lay on his sick bed (2 Kgs 1:4-6, 16). The prophet Amos criticized the rich who lay on beds of ivory and stretched out on their couches (Am 6:4). The prophet Ezekiel spoke symbolically of disobedient Jerusalem as a prostitute sitting on a stately couch with the Lord’s incense and oil on a table nearby (Ez 23:41). Isaiah promised that the righteous would rest in their beds (Is 57:2) and also spoke of the unrighteous setting their beds among false worshipers (vv 7-8). The psalmist flooded his bed with tears (Ps 6:6), and Proverbs refers to a sluggard on his bed (Prv 26:14).<\/p>\n<p>“Table” in the OT refers both to the temple table for the bread of the Presence and to the table used in the palace or home for meals or banquets. King Adoni-bezek had his captives scrambling for scraps under his table (Jgs 1:7). Jonathan’s disabled son Mephibosheth was allowed to sit at David’s table (2 Sm 9:7, 10-13; 19:28). Solomon’s table is described several times (1 Kgs 2:7; 4:27). The queen of Sheba was particularly impressed by the food and table service in Solomon’s palace (10:5). The prophets frequently refer to tables (Is 21:5; 28:8; 65:11; Ez 40:39-43). The few references to chairs describe people reclining at meals and indicate couches rather than actual chairs (Am 6:4).<\/p>\n<p>There are numerous mentions of thrones, including those of the pharaoh (Gn 41:40; Ex 11:5), David (2 Sm 3:10; 7:13), Solomon (1 Kgs 10:18), the kings of Israel and Judah (1 Kgs 22:10), and God (1 Kgs 22:19; Pss 9:4, 7; 11:4; 93:2). The OT writers sometimes indicate thrones decorated with ivory (1 Kgs 10:18).<\/p>\n<p>The exact character of furniture in Palestine is difficult to determine. Bas-reliefs and wall paintings are more common among Israel’s neighbors. Excavations in Jericho, however, have unearthed some valuable archaeological clues. Tombs of the middle Bronze Age produced reasonably well-preserved tables, stools, and boxes, making possible a study of ancient joinery methods. A variety of small trinket boxes show evidence of bone inlay and incised decoration. Some large slabs of timber may have been beds. Although primarily Canaanite styles, the furniture reflects the household furniture used in Israel in the centuries to follow.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"GreekandRoman\">Greek and Roman<\/p>\n<p>Historians are quite informed about Greek furniture because of the abundance of decorated vases, bas-reliefs, bronze and terra-cotta statuettes, and literary descriptions. That archaeological evidence indicates that Greek furniture was influenced by preceding civilizations. The picture is generally one of comparative simplicity, far removed from the cluttered and crowded rooms of later civilizations.<\/p>\n<p>The Greeks made several types of seats: (1) the throne, often with a back, legs of various shapes, and armrests; (2) the lighter curved-back chair with arm supports; (3) the four-legged stool; (4) the folding stool with crossed legs traceable to Egyptian models; and (5) the bench. Representations that regularly appear on monuments dating from the eighth to the second century <span>BC<\/span> link Greek chairs to Egyptian and Assyrian prototypes.<\/p>\n<p>Greeks used couches for sleeping and for reclining at meals. Footstools were used to rest the feet or as a step up to higher couches. Like chair legs, couch legs varied in style. Some were carved in the shape of animal legs, some were turned, some were rectangular. From about the sixth century <span>BC<\/span>, the legs projected above the frame. Such projections later became headboards and footboards. In Hellenistic times these headrests and footrests were carved and carried bronze medallions in high relief depicting children, satyrs, and animals. Turned legs replaced the rectangular ones. Couches were normally in wood, although bronze and marble couches are known.<\/p>\n<p>Tables were used during meals to hold dishes and food and were removed after the meal. They were made of wood, bronze, and marble and normally had four legs, but three-legged tables were occasionally used. Chests, large and small, served to store clothes, jewelry, and other articles. They were normally of wood, although some were bronze.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Rome\">Rome<\/p>\n<p>Roman furniture continued many Greek patterns. The eruption of the volcano Vesuvius in <span>AD<\/span> 79 preserved actual pieces of Roman furniture in its lava flow.<\/p>\n<p>Chairs with backs were heavier than their Greek counterparts and widely used. There were several types of stools: the folding stool, mostly wooden, though sometimes metal; and a newly developed decorative stool, often of bronze, that was supported by four curved legs ornamented with scrolls.<\/p>\n<p>A variety of couches were in use. Some followed Greek models, but others were of Roman invention. Excellent examples of bronze bed frames have been preserved. Presumably, interlaced strips of leather or cords were stretched crisscross on the frame. Gold, silver, tortoiseshell, bone, and ivory decoration were used along with veneer work in rare timber. Later, couches in Italy and in other lands had high backs and sides. The Romans seem to have used tables more widely than Greeks. They appear often as permanent supports for vases and other possessions. Tables were normally rectangular with four legs, but table makers also constructed some with three legs, or even resting on a single support. Round tabletops and legs of animals became popular from the fourth century <span>BC<\/span> on. Plain, undecorated wooden tables and benches were used in kitchens and workshops. Outdoor tables were usually of marble with carved animal legs or decorative figures of animals and monsters.<\/p>\n<p>There were various chests and boxes in daily use. Shelves and cupboards became much more popular than in Greek times.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PalestineinNewTestamentTimes\">Palestine in New Testament Times<\/p>\n<p>The nature of furniture in the NT is probably best understood in relation to contemporaneous Roman models. The NT refers to beds in several passages. People brought a paralytic lying on his bed to Jesus (Mt 9:2, 6; Lk 5:18). When the apostles went into Solomon’s portico, people brought the sick to them on beds (Acts 5:15). A Syro-Phoenician woman’s sick child lay on a bed (Mk 7:30). Jesus spoke of setting a lamp on a stand and not placing it under a bed (Mk 4:21; Lk 8:16), and described what would happen to people in bed when the Day of the Lord came (Lk 17:34). In another parable Jesus spoke of a needy person begging for bread at midnight from a friend who was already in bed with his family (Lk 11:7). Beds of the poor and sick were probably only pallets or mattresses (Mk 6:55; Jn 5:8). When people reclined at meals, they would have been lying on a couch (Jn 13:23).<\/p>\n<p>There are numerous NT references to tables. Jesus mentioned crumbs falling from a rich man’s table (Mt 15:27; Mk 7:28; Lk 16:21). Jesus overthrew the money changers’ tables in the temple (Mt 21:12; Mk 11:15). Jesus sat with his disciples at a table for the Passover meal (Lk 22:21) and promised his disciples that they would sit at his table in God’s kingdom. The apostles were relieved of serving tables in order to preach (Acts 6:2).<\/p>\n<p>The household lamp is referred to a number of times (Mt 25:1; Mk 4:21). Terra-cotta domestic lamps have been found in abundance in excavations.<\/p>","summary_ro":"FURNITURE Items of material culture used in homes, palaces, and temples. Because of its close geographical proximity to other nations, Israel had extensive contact with neighboring cultures. Historical surveys document parallels between the furniture of Israel and that of other tribes and countries. Palestine in Old Testament Times OT passages supply most of the information about furniture in ancient Palestine, although there are also significant archaeological data. There are many references...","summary_en":"FURNITURE Items of material culture used in homes, palaces, and temples. Because of its close geographical proximity to other nations, Israel had extensive contact with neighboring cultures. Historical surveys document parallels between the furniture of Israel and that of other tribes and countries. Palestine in Old Testament Times OT passages supply most of the information about furniture in ancient Palestine, although there are also significant archaeological data. There are many references...","source":"Articles\/F.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"8":[{"id":19219,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Jerusalem","title_en":"Jerusalem","content_ro":"<h3>JERUSALEM<\/h3>\n<p>Historic city sacred to Christians, Jews, and Muslims; the chief city of ancient Palestine and of the modern state of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Meaning of the Name<\/p>\n<p>• Geographical Situation<\/p>\n<p>• History<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"MeaningoftheName\">Meaning of the Name<\/p>\n<h5>Egyptian Meaning<\/h5>\n<p>The earliest mention of the name occurs in the Egyptian Execration Texts of the 19th and 18th centuries <span>BC<\/span> in the form probably transliterated <em>Urusalimum.<\/em><\/p>\n<h5>Semitic Meaning<\/h5>\n<p>In the 14th century <span>BC<\/span> the name appears in the Abdi-Hepa correspondence from Tell el-Amarna, written <em>Urusalim.<\/em> Later it is found in the inscription of the Assyrian monarch Sennacherib, written <em>Ursalimmu.<\/em> The two transparently Semitic elements, <em>uru<\/em> (city) and <em>salim<\/em> (a divine name), have produced the hyphenated composite meaning “the city of [the god] Salim.” Hyphenating geographic names to incorporate divine elements was a common practice in the ancient Near Eastern world, and the deity Salim, or Shalem (Akkadian, Shulmanu; cf. Solomon), was a member of the Amorite pantheon (cf. Ez 16:3). Since the oldest textual evidence—Egyptian, West Semitic, and Akkadian—supports only <em>urusalim,<\/em> and since the OT itself attests that Jerusalem was not originally a Hebrew city, it is probable that the Semitic etymological origin of this name produced the meaning “the city of [the god] Salim.”<\/p>\n<h5>Hebrew\/Aramaic Meaning<\/h5>\n<p>In the Hebrew OT, Jerusalem is written <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">yerushalayim<\/span><em>,<\/em> and in the Aramaic portions the name is rendered <em>yerushalem.<\/em> Containing the elements <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">yarah<\/span> (“to found,” cf. Jb 38:6) and <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">shalem<\/span> (a divine name), it yields the meaning “the foundation of [the god] Shalem,” the <em>sh<\/em> of the Hebrew\/Aramaic to be taken as the phonemic equivalent of the Akkadian <em>s.<\/em><\/p>\n<h5>Greek Meaning<\/h5>\n<p>In the NT, Jerusalem translates the two Greek words <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">Ierousalem<\/span> and <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">Hierosoluma<\/span><em>.<\/em> The former is simply the Greek transliteration of the OT Aramaic form; the latter reflects the word <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">hieros<\/span> (holy), representing a Hellenized paronomasia, corresponding neither with the Semitic root of the name nor with the city’s historical reality.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"GeographicalSituation\">Geographical Situation<\/p>\n<p>Jerusalem is situated 31º 46’ 45” north latitude and 35º 13’ 25” east longitude. The city rises to just over 2,500 feet (762 meters) above sea level and rests some 14 miles (22.5 kilometers) west of the northern end of the Dead Sea and approximately 33 miles (53 kilometers) east of the Mediterranean coast.<\/p>\n<p>A Mediterranean climate pervades Jerusalem. From October to May, the city experiences its rainy season, with an annual accumulation of about 25 inches (63.5 centimeters). Throughout January and February the rains are often driven by winds, and the mercury drops to near freezing (cf. Ezr 10:9); the coldest weather coincides with the days of heaviest rainfall. Snow falls two years out of three. There is no rain between May and September, and a high percentage of solar radiation produces oppressive heat.<\/p>\n<p>Like Rome, Jerusalem is a city set on hills. A cluster of five hills comprise the denuded quadrilateral landmass roughly one mile (1.6 kilometers) long and one-half mile (.8 kilometer) wide, bordered on all sides, except the north, by deep ravines. Stationed astride the crest of Palestine’s central plateau and located at the crossroad of the watershed route connecting Hebron, Bethlehem, Shechem (Nablus), and points north with the longitudinal route from the Jordan Valley and the several arteries to the Mediterranean, Jerusalem is commercially central to the country. The lateral highway through the Judean mountains and eastward could not pass south of Jerusalem, being blocked by the Dead Sea and its sheer cliffs. Because it lacked significant water supply, the city’s strategic commercial location was probably the deciding criterion for its original occupation.<\/p>\n<p>Water, a lifeline of civilization, has always been in meager supply at Jerusalem. The only natural source of permanent water was the spring at Gihon, today sometimes called the Virgin’s Fountain, located in the Kidron Valley immediately east of the ancient fortress conquered by David. Tunnels were burrowed to provide access to the Gihon when Jerusalem was besieged. Later, the Siloam Tunnel was cut through nearly 1,800 feet (548.6 meters) of limestone, allowing the waters of the Gihon to pass through the hill of Zion to the pool of Siloam.<\/p>\n<p>Farther south, where the Kidron and Hinnom Valleys converge, there was another spring, called En-rogel in the Bible (modern Bir Eyyub). Owing to the lowering of the water table, this source of water ceased to percolate and was subsequently converted into a well.<\/p>\n<p>These two sources were clearly insufficient to sustain a sizable population, and both were too deep in the Kidron to be employed for irrigation. Hence, a vast network of cisterns, reservoirs, and water conduits for supplemental supply has been devised since ancient times.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"History\">History<\/p>\n<h5>The Pre-Israelite Period<\/h5>\n<p>Paleolithic and Mesolithic flint implements of an Acheulian type found in the plain of the Rephaim constitute the earliest evidence of the existence of human beings in the area of Jerusalem. Near the beginning of the fourth millennium <span>BC<\/span>, the southeastern hill was first occupied by a sedentary group, a fact evinced from the artifactual remains recovered from three graves and the pottery type discovered on bedrock. By 1800 <span>BC<\/span>, the crest of the southeastern hill was walled in rudimentary form.<\/p>\n<p>From the Bible one learns that Abraham paid tithes to Melchizedek, king of Salem (Gn 14:17-20). Again (ch 22) the great patriarch visited an area later incorporated into Jerusalem, Mt Moriah, the site where Isaac was nearly sacrificed. Second Chronicles 3:1 identifies Mt Moriah as the temple hill. In the 15th century <span>BC<\/span> or thereabouts the Hurrians (possibly the biblical Horites) penetrated into Palestine. About the same time at Jerusalem, extensive building activities were initiated and improved fortification methods were introduced. Accordingly, most writers attribute these projects at Jerusalem to the Hurrian infiltration.<\/p>\n<h5>Conquest and Settlement Period<\/h5>\n<p>Upon learning of Gibeon’s placation of Joshua’s army (Jos 9), Adoni-zedek, king of Jerusalem, formed a coalition with the kings of Hebron, Jarmuth, Lachish, and Eglon and attacked Gibeon. In response, Joshua marshaled his forces and defeated the coalition, killing all five monarchs at Makkedah (Jos 10:16-27). It appears that the tribe of Judah temporarily took control of Jerusalem and burned it in the wake of this victory (Jgs 1:8). However, the Jebusites reoccupied the site (Jos 15:63; 1 Chr 11:4-5). Apparently, the Jebusites more or less maintained control of Jerusalem until the time of David.<\/p>\n<p>The city appears again as a boundary separating the tribal inheritances of Judah and Benjamin, becoming the southern border of the latter’s domain. The identification of the “shoulder of the Jebusite” (<span>rsv<\/span> Jos 15:8; 18:16) with Jerusalem is usually explained as a reference to the southwestern hill, probably held also by the Jebusites at this time.<\/p>\n<h5>David’s Jerusalem<\/h5>\n<p>Following the Philistine victory atop Mt Gilboa, where Saul and Jonathan were killed in battle (1 Sm 31), David reigned over the tribe of Judah from Hebron, while a surviving son of Saul, Ishbosheth, ruled over the northern tribes from Mahanaim. During the two-year struggle that ensued, the house of David grew stronger while the forces of Ishbosheth shrunk considerably (2 Sm 3:1). This struggle culminated in the death and decapitation of Ishbosheth and the dispersion of his forces. David became the undisputed monarch of all the tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n\n<p>But the new monarch recognized that a consolidated national capital acceptable to both the north and the south would have to be created. Jerusalem had remained neutral in the conflict, being the site of a Jebusite enclave. It also represented a location that was militarily desirable, and by being commercially central to the fledgling nation, it was ideally suited.<\/p>\n<p>In the course of David’s 33-year reign at Jerusalem he made the city into the center of an empire that stretched from Egypt to the Euphrates River. He engaged in considerable building and expansion of the city. He fortified the Canaanite walls and prepared an extension of the city, possibly along the east slope of Zion.<\/p>\n<p>David also constructed a royal residence, receiving the technology and many materials from Hiram, king of Tyre (2 Sm 5:11). Nehemiah 12:37 suggests that this palace also may have been near the east side of the southeastern hill. It was from a window of this house that Michal saw David dancing in an undignified manner—according to her perception (2 Sm 6:16-23). From the roof of this palace David gazed upon Bathsheba as she bathed (11:2-5), and from this residence he plotted the murder of her husband, Uriah (vv 14-25).<\/p>\n<p>By bringing the ark of the covenant to Jerusalem (2 Sm 6:1-15)—implying that Yahweh would reside there—David displayed his most profound leadership. For in this perceptive act he merged for the first time in Israel’s history its political and religious capitals. Jerusalem took on the unique character of a holy city <em>and<\/em> a royal city. As a result, the city would be known as the “city of David” (5:7) as well as the “city of God” (Ps 46:4). Adult male Jews would make their pilgrimages to Jerusalem to take part in the feasts and offerings. It only remained for David to make this arrangement permanent, to enshrine Yahweh at Jerusalem forever by building him a temple. David aspired to do so (2 Sm 7), but God responded that such an undertaking was to be reserved for a son of the king.<\/p>\n<h5>The First Temple Period<\/h5>\n<p>A growing national realization of the extent and impact of the Davidic empire was employed by Solomon to full advantage. Himself an innovative and dynamic administrator, Solomon turned Jerusalem into a cosmopolitan center. The revenues of caravans from Egypt to Babylonia as well as the Phoenician trade with Elath, the Red Sea, and Ophir passed through his royal capital. Solomon’s own naval fleet traveled as far as Tarshish, most likely located on an island along the western coast of Spain. These expeditions returned every three years with such exotic commodities as apes, peacocks, silver, iron, tin, ivory, and gold. The capital swelled with residents and visitors, and the monarch’s fame became proverbial (1 Kgs 10).<\/p>\n<p>Solomon was the great OT builder of Jerusalem. His most significant building enterprise was undoubtedly the first temple. Erected on the summit of the temple hill, this edifice required seven years to construct, from April\/May 966 (1 Kgs 6:1) to October\/November 959 (v 38). Hiram again provided both the technology and the cedar beams.<\/p>\n<p>One may find in 1 Kings 10:27 a succinct encapsulation of the economic wealth lavished upon Jerusalem by Solomon: silver became as abundant as stone, and cedar was as common as sycamore. It is estimated that the annual revenues that coursed into Jerusalem were as high as $17 million. Ironically, it was the fiscal factor that became the burden of Solomon’s monarchy. Overextending himself financially, his economic and political programs soon required the levying of heavy taxes (1 Kgs 4:7-19) and the drafting of Israelites into forced labor (1 Kgs 5:13-18; cf. 9:20-23). These were the primary factors that prompted the schism in Israel’s political structure after the death of Solomon and resulted in a divided monarchy by 930 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>When the Babylonian army laid final siege to Jerusalem (588 <span>BC<\/span>), capturing it after many months, the city was completely decimated. The temple and Solomon’s palace were destroyed with fire; the city walls were demolished. The temple treasures were completely plundered, and the citizens were deported in large numbers.<\/p>\n<h5>The Second Temple Period<\/h5>\n<p>Jerusalem’s doom and 70-year captivity had been spelled out by Jeremiah (Jer 25:11; 29:10; cf. 2 Chr 36:21; Dn 9:2). In 538 <span>BC<\/span>, after the fall of Babylon, Cyrus, king of Persia, issued his famous proclamation (2 Chr 36:22-23; Ezr 1:1-4; cf. Is 44:28; 45:1). Thereupon, a humble group of Jews returned to Jerusalem with Sheshbazzar, a prince of Judah (Ezr 1:8-11) and Zerubbabel (2:2). In 515 <span>BC<\/span>, the doors of the second temple were opened officially, and the Passover feast was again observed from Jerusalem (6:15-18).<\/p>\n<p>Ezra came to Jerusalem in the seventh year of Artaxerxes (Ezr 7:7). Assuming this is a reference to Artaxerxes I, the date of Ezra’s return would have been 458 <span>BC<\/span>. Again, it was only a meager remnant who felt the compelling urge to make that difficult journey (cf. Josephus’s <em>Antiquities<\/em> 11.1.3).<\/p>\n<p>Moved by reports of troubled conditions (Neh 1:3-4), Nehemiah, in the 20th year of Artaxerxes (445 <span>BC<\/span>), was able to leave his post as cup-bearer to the king and to go to Jerusalem. If the concern of the earlier returnees focused upon the temple, Nehemiah’s was upon the city walls. His is the most comprehensive description of Jerusalem’s postexilic city walls and topography (Neh 2:11-16). Spurred on by his energetic enthusiasm, the people completed the task of rebuilding the walls in 52 days (6:15).<\/p>\n\n<h5>The Roman Period<\/h5>\n<p>In 40 <span>BC<\/span>, with the aid of the Parthians, Antigonus attacked and seized Jerusalem, forcing Herod to escape by night. He journeyed to Rome, where the Senate appointed him as “king of the Jews” (cf. Mt 2:1). Armed with this new authority, Herod marshaled two Roman legions, and in 37 <span>BC<\/span>, he succeeded in forever expelling the Parthians. So began the long and infamous rule of Herod, who reigned at Jerusalem for 33 years (37–4 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>It cannot be denied that Jerusalem enjoyed prosperous and peaceful years during his reign. Herod transformed the external aspect of Jerusalem. He transferred the seat of government to the southwestern hill. Here he erected a lavish palace, an arena for athletic contests, a theater, and a vast aqueduct network.<\/p>\n<p>Other building projects concerned the temple hill. Herod transformed the old Maccabean fortress into a much larger structure and named it Antonia, in honor of Mark Antony. In the temple area proper he enlarged the esplanade on both the north and south sides, giving it a rectangular shape. Herod’s reconstruction of the temple was undertaken in 20 <span>BC<\/span>, and it was not completed until around <span>AD<\/span> 64, just six years prior to its destruction by Titus (cf. Jn 2:20).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Israel, History of; Jerusalem, New; Judaism; Zion; Zion, Daughter of.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JERUSALEM<\/h3>\n<p>Historic city sacred to Christians, Jews, and Muslims; the chief city of ancient Palestine and of the modern state of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Meaning of the Name<\/p>\n<p>• Geographical Situation<\/p>\n<p>• History<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"MeaningoftheName\">Meaning of the Name<\/p>\n<h5>Egyptian Meaning<\/h5>\n<p>The earliest mention of the name occurs in the Egyptian Execration Texts of the 19th and 18th centuries <span>BC<\/span> in the form probably transliterated <em>Urusalimum.<\/em><\/p>\n<h5>Semitic Meaning<\/h5>\n<p>In the 14th century <span>BC<\/span> the name appears in the Abdi-Hepa correspondence from Tell el-Amarna, written <em>Urusalim.<\/em> Later it is found in the inscription of the Assyrian monarch Sennacherib, written <em>Ursalimmu.<\/em> The two transparently Semitic elements, <em>uru<\/em> (city) and <em>salim<\/em> (a divine name), have produced the hyphenated composite meaning “the city of [the god] Salim.” Hyphenating geographic names to incorporate divine elements was a common practice in the ancient Near Eastern world, and the deity Salim, or Shalem (Akkadian, Shulmanu; cf. Solomon), was a member of the Amorite pantheon (cf. Ez 16:3). Since the oldest textual evidence—Egyptian, West Semitic, and Akkadian—supports only <em>urusalim,<\/em> and since the OT itself attests that Jerusalem was not originally a Hebrew city, it is probable that the Semitic etymological origin of this name produced the meaning “the city of [the god] Salim.”<\/p>\n<h5>Hebrew\/Aramaic Meaning<\/h5>\n<p>In the Hebrew OT, Jerusalem is written <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">yerushalayim<\/span><em>,<\/em> and in the Aramaic portions the name is rendered <em>yerushalem.<\/em> Containing the elements <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">yarah<\/span> (“to found,” cf. Jb 38:6) and <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">shalem<\/span> (a divine name), it yields the meaning “the foundation of [the god] Shalem,” the <em>sh<\/em> of the Hebrew\/Aramaic to be taken as the phonemic equivalent of the Akkadian <em>s.<\/em><\/p>\n<h5>Greek Meaning<\/h5>\n<p>In the NT, Jerusalem translates the two Greek words <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">Ierousalem<\/span> and <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">Hierosoluma<\/span><em>.<\/em> The former is simply the Greek transliteration of the OT Aramaic form; the latter reflects the word <span class=\"greek\" lang=\"el\">hieros<\/span> (holy), representing a Hellenized paronomasia, corresponding neither with the Semitic root of the name nor with the city’s historical reality.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"GeographicalSituation\">Geographical Situation<\/p>\n<p>Jerusalem is situated 31º 46’ 45” north latitude and 35º 13’ 25” east longitude. The city rises to just over 2,500 feet (762 meters) above sea level and rests some 14 miles (22.5 kilometers) west of the northern end of the Dead Sea and approximately 33 miles (53 kilometers) east of the Mediterranean coast.<\/p>\n<p>A Mediterranean climate pervades Jerusalem. From October to May, the city experiences its rainy season, with an annual accumulation of about 25 inches (63.5 centimeters). Throughout January and February the rains are often driven by winds, and the mercury drops to near freezing (cf. Ezr 10:9); the coldest weather coincides with the days of heaviest rainfall. Snow falls two years out of three. There is no rain between May and September, and a high percentage of solar radiation produces oppressive heat.<\/p>\n<p>Like Rome, Jerusalem is a city set on hills. A cluster of five hills comprise the denuded quadrilateral landmass roughly one mile (1.6 kilometers) long and one-half mile (.8 kilometer) wide, bordered on all sides, except the north, by deep ravines. Stationed astride the crest of Palestine’s central plateau and located at the crossroad of the watershed route connecting Hebron, Bethlehem, Shechem (Nablus), and points north with the longitudinal route from the Jordan Valley and the several arteries to the Mediterranean, Jerusalem is commercially central to the country. The lateral highway through the Judean mountains and eastward could not pass south of Jerusalem, being blocked by the Dead Sea and its sheer cliffs. Because it lacked significant water supply, the city’s strategic commercial location was probably the deciding criterion for its original occupation.<\/p>\n<p>Water, a lifeline of civilization, has always been in meager supply at Jerusalem. The only natural source of permanent water was the spring at Gihon, today sometimes called the Virgin’s Fountain, located in the Kidron Valley immediately east of the ancient fortress conquered by David. Tunnels were burrowed to provide access to the Gihon when Jerusalem was besieged. Later, the Siloam Tunnel was cut through nearly 1,800 feet (548.6 meters) of limestone, allowing the waters of the Gihon to pass through the hill of Zion to the pool of Siloam.<\/p>\n<p>Farther south, where the Kidron and Hinnom Valleys converge, there was another spring, called En-rogel in the Bible (modern Bir Eyyub). Owing to the lowering of the water table, this source of water ceased to percolate and was subsequently converted into a well.<\/p>\n<p>These two sources were clearly insufficient to sustain a sizable population, and both were too deep in the Kidron to be employed for irrigation. Hence, a vast network of cisterns, reservoirs, and water conduits for supplemental supply has been devised since ancient times.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"History\">History<\/p>\n<h5>The Pre-Israelite Period<\/h5>\n<p>Paleolithic and Mesolithic flint implements of an Acheulian type found in the plain of the Rephaim constitute the earliest evidence of the existence of human beings in the area of Jerusalem. Near the beginning of the fourth millennium <span>BC<\/span>, the southeastern hill was first occupied by a sedentary group, a fact evinced from the artifactual remains recovered from three graves and the pottery type discovered on bedrock. By 1800 <span>BC<\/span>, the crest of the southeastern hill was walled in rudimentary form.<\/p>\n<p>From the Bible one learns that Abraham paid tithes to Melchizedek, king of Salem (Gn 14:17-20). Again (ch 22) the great patriarch visited an area later incorporated into Jerusalem, Mt Moriah, the site where Isaac was nearly sacrificed. Second Chronicles 3:1 identifies Mt Moriah as the temple hill. In the 15th century <span>BC<\/span> or thereabouts the Hurrians (possibly the biblical Horites) penetrated into Palestine. About the same time at Jerusalem, extensive building activities were initiated and improved fortification methods were introduced. Accordingly, most writers attribute these projects at Jerusalem to the Hurrian infiltration.<\/p>\n<h5>Conquest and Settlement Period<\/h5>\n<p>Upon learning of Gibeon’s placation of Joshua’s army (Jos 9), Adoni-zedek, king of Jerusalem, formed a coalition with the kings of Hebron, Jarmuth, Lachish, and Eglon and attacked Gibeon. In response, Joshua marshaled his forces and defeated the coalition, killing all five monarchs at Makkedah (Jos 10:16-27). It appears that the tribe of Judah temporarily took control of Jerusalem and burned it in the wake of this victory (Jgs 1:8). However, the Jebusites reoccupied the site (Jos 15:63; 1 Chr 11:4-5). Apparently, the Jebusites more or less maintained control of Jerusalem until the time of David.<\/p>\n<p>The city appears again as a boundary separating the tribal inheritances of Judah and Benjamin, becoming the southern border of the latter’s domain. The identification of the “shoulder of the Jebusite” (<span>rsv<\/span> Jos 15:8; 18:16) with Jerusalem is usually explained as a reference to the southwestern hill, probably held also by the Jebusites at this time.<\/p>\n<h5>David’s Jerusalem<\/h5>\n<p>Following the Philistine victory atop Mt Gilboa, where Saul and Jonathan were killed in battle (1 Sm 31), David reigned over the tribe of Judah from Hebron, while a surviving son of Saul, Ishbosheth, ruled over the northern tribes from Mahanaim. During the two-year struggle that ensued, the house of David grew stronger while the forces of Ishbosheth shrunk considerably (2 Sm 3:1). This struggle culminated in the death and decapitation of Ishbosheth and the dispersion of his forces. David became the undisputed monarch of all the tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n\n<p>But the new monarch recognized that a consolidated national capital acceptable to both the north and the south would have to be created. Jerusalem had remained neutral in the conflict, being the site of a Jebusite enclave. It also represented a location that was militarily desirable, and by being commercially central to the fledgling nation, it was ideally suited.<\/p>\n<p>In the course of David’s 33-year reign at Jerusalem he made the city into the center of an empire that stretched from Egypt to the Euphrates River. He engaged in considerable building and expansion of the city. He fortified the Canaanite walls and prepared an extension of the city, possibly along the east slope of Zion.<\/p>\n<p>David also constructed a royal residence, receiving the technology and many materials from Hiram, king of Tyre (2 Sm 5:11). Nehemiah 12:37 suggests that this palace also may have been near the east side of the southeastern hill. It was from a window of this house that Michal saw David dancing in an undignified manner—according to her perception (2 Sm 6:16-23). From the roof of this palace David gazed upon Bathsheba as she bathed (11:2-5), and from this residence he plotted the murder of her husband, Uriah (vv 14-25).<\/p>\n<p>By bringing the ark of the covenant to Jerusalem (2 Sm 6:1-15)—implying that Yahweh would reside there—David displayed his most profound leadership. For in this perceptive act he merged for the first time in Israel’s history its political and religious capitals. Jerusalem took on the unique character of a holy city <em>and<\/em> a royal city. As a result, the city would be known as the “city of David” (5:7) as well as the “city of God” (Ps 46:4). Adult male Jews would make their pilgrimages to Jerusalem to take part in the feasts and offerings. It only remained for David to make this arrangement permanent, to enshrine Yahweh at Jerusalem forever by building him a temple. David aspired to do so (2 Sm 7), but God responded that such an undertaking was to be reserved for a son of the king.<\/p>\n<h5>The First Temple Period<\/h5>\n<p>A growing national realization of the extent and impact of the Davidic empire was employed by Solomon to full advantage. Himself an innovative and dynamic administrator, Solomon turned Jerusalem into a cosmopolitan center. The revenues of caravans from Egypt to Babylonia as well as the Phoenician trade with Elath, the Red Sea, and Ophir passed through his royal capital. Solomon’s own naval fleet traveled as far as Tarshish, most likely located on an island along the western coast of Spain. These expeditions returned every three years with such exotic commodities as apes, peacocks, silver, iron, tin, ivory, and gold. The capital swelled with residents and visitors, and the monarch’s fame became proverbial (1 Kgs 10).<\/p>\n<p>Solomon was the great OT builder of Jerusalem. His most significant building enterprise was undoubtedly the first temple. Erected on the summit of the temple hill, this edifice required seven years to construct, from April\/May 966 (1 Kgs 6:1) to October\/November 959 (v 38). Hiram again provided both the technology and the cedar beams.<\/p>\n<p>One may find in 1 Kings 10:27 a succinct encapsulation of the economic wealth lavished upon Jerusalem by Solomon: silver became as abundant as stone, and cedar was as common as sycamore. It is estimated that the annual revenues that coursed into Jerusalem were as high as $17 million. Ironically, it was the fiscal factor that became the burden of Solomon’s monarchy. Overextending himself financially, his economic and political programs soon required the levying of heavy taxes (1 Kgs 4:7-19) and the drafting of Israelites into forced labor (1 Kgs 5:13-18; cf. 9:20-23). These were the primary factors that prompted the schism in Israel’s political structure after the death of Solomon and resulted in a divided monarchy by 930 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>When the Babylonian army laid final siege to Jerusalem (588 <span>BC<\/span>), capturing it after many months, the city was completely decimated. The temple and Solomon’s palace were destroyed with fire; the city walls were demolished. The temple treasures were completely plundered, and the citizens were deported in large numbers.<\/p>\n<h5>The Second Temple Period<\/h5>\n<p>Jerusalem’s doom and 70-year captivity had been spelled out by Jeremiah (Jer 25:11; 29:10; cf. 2 Chr 36:21; Dn 9:2). In 538 <span>BC<\/span>, after the fall of Babylon, Cyrus, king of Persia, issued his famous proclamation (2 Chr 36:22-23; Ezr 1:1-4; cf. Is 44:28; 45:1). Thereupon, a humble group of Jews returned to Jerusalem with Sheshbazzar, a prince of Judah (Ezr 1:8-11) and Zerubbabel (2:2). In 515 <span>BC<\/span>, the doors of the second temple were opened officially, and the Passover feast was again observed from Jerusalem (6:15-18).<\/p>\n<p>Ezra came to Jerusalem in the seventh year of Artaxerxes (Ezr 7:7). Assuming this is a reference to Artaxerxes I, the date of Ezra’s return would have been 458 <span>BC<\/span>. Again, it was only a meager remnant who felt the compelling urge to make that difficult journey (cf. Josephus’s <em>Antiquities<\/em> 11.1.3).<\/p>\n<p>Moved by reports of troubled conditions (Neh 1:3-4), Nehemiah, in the 20th year of Artaxerxes (445 <span>BC<\/span>), was able to leave his post as cup-bearer to the king and to go to Jerusalem. If the concern of the earlier returnees focused upon the temple, Nehemiah’s was upon the city walls. His is the most comprehensive description of Jerusalem’s postexilic city walls and topography (Neh 2:11-16). Spurred on by his energetic enthusiasm, the people completed the task of rebuilding the walls in 52 days (6:15).<\/p>\n\n<h5>The Roman Period<\/h5>\n<p>In 40 <span>BC<\/span>, with the aid of the Parthians, Antigonus attacked and seized Jerusalem, forcing Herod to escape by night. He journeyed to Rome, where the Senate appointed him as “king of the Jews” (cf. Mt 2:1). Armed with this new authority, Herod marshaled two Roman legions, and in 37 <span>BC<\/span>, he succeeded in forever expelling the Parthians. So began the long and infamous rule of Herod, who reigned at Jerusalem for 33 years (37–4 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>It cannot be denied that Jerusalem enjoyed prosperous and peaceful years during his reign. Herod transformed the external aspect of Jerusalem. He transferred the seat of government to the southwestern hill. Here he erected a lavish palace, an arena for athletic contests, a theater, and a vast aqueduct network.<\/p>\n<p>Other building projects concerned the temple hill. Herod transformed the old Maccabean fortress into a much larger structure and named it Antonia, in honor of Mark Antony. In the temple area proper he enlarged the esplanade on both the north and south sides, giving it a rectangular shape. Herod’s reconstruction of the temple was undertaken in 20 <span>BC<\/span>, and it was not completed until around <span>AD<\/span> 64, just six years prior to its destruction by Titus (cf. Jn 2:20).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Israel, History of; Jerusalem, New; Judaism; Zion; Zion, Daughter of.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JERUSALEM Historic city sacred to Christians, Jews, and Muslims; the chief city of ancient Palestine and of the modern state of Israel. Preview • Meaning of the Name • Geographical Situation • History Meaning of the Name Egyptian Meaning The earliest mention of the name occurs in the Egyptian Execration Texts of the 19th and 18th centuries BC in the form probably transliterated Urusalimum. Semitic Meaning In the 14th century BC the name appears in the Abdi-Hepa correspondence from Tell el-Ama...","summary_en":"JERUSALEM Historic city sacred to Christians, Jews, and Muslims; the chief city of ancient Palestine and of the modern state of Israel. Preview • Meaning of the Name • Geographical Situation • History Meaning of the Name Egyptian Meaning The earliest mention of the name occurs in the Egyptian Execration Texts of the 19th and 18th centuries BC in the form probably transliterated Urusalimum. Semitic Meaning In the 14th century BC the name appears in the Abdi-Hepa correspondence from Tell el-Ama...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":21030,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Tribe of Judah","title_en":"Tribe of Judah","content_ro":"<h3>JUDAH, Tribe of<\/h3>\n<p>One of the 12 tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"GeographicalTerritory\">Geographical Territory<\/p>\n<p>The frontiers of Judah are well defined in Joshua 15, which describes the inheritance of the tribe after the Conquest. Second Kings 23:8 describes Judah as extending from Geba to Beersheba: Geba is about 8 miles (13 kilometers) north of Jerusalem, and Beersheba about 40 miles (64 kilometers) south. Judah thus held a strip of mountain land on the central spine of southern Palestine, about 50 miles (80 kilometers) from north to south and 20 miles (32 kilometers) from east to west. Of this 1,000 square miles, half was desert (on the south and east); the rest was stony and not well watered. The central ridge, upon which are situated Jerusalem, Hebron, and Beersheba, rises to over 3,000 feet (914 meters) in places before tapering off into the desert in the south. Along this ridge, connecting these towns, runs the chief road. To the east, the ridge drops steeply to the Dead Sea, nearly 5,000 feet (1,524 meters) below. To the west it drops less sharply to the “lowlands,” actually a plateau some 1,000 feet (305 meters) high, before descending to the Philistine plain, which stretches to the sea.<\/p>\n<p>Judah proper (Jerusalem was a later addition) was remote and secure in its hills. Its true center and capital was Hebron, 3,500 feet (1,067 meters) up. Only on the north was it vulnerable to attackers marching south along the ridge road. However, three great valleys led up from the western lowlands into the hills: the valley of Ajalon, the valley of Sorek, and the valley of Elah. Battles would rage up and down these valleys from the days of Joshua to the time of David and long afterward. The few roads to the east (the one from Jerusalem to Jericho is the best known) were not so important, although it was by this “back door” that Joshua had invaded the hill country (Jos 10:9). Judah was thus geographically well out of the mainstream of Israelite life, since only the territory of Simeon lay to the south.<\/p>\n<p>The area occupied by Judah falls easily into three natural regions: the central mountain ridge, fairly densely settled, especially on its western side, where rainfall and dew were greatest; the eastern slopes, almost uninhabited and mostly desert; and the southern pastoral region round Beersheba, where the mountains fall away into dry prairie, with sparse settlement throughout.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"EconomicLife\">Economic Life<\/p>\n<p>To Israel, Palestine was a land flowing with milk and honey (Nm 13:27). Half of Judah might be desert, but the rest had reasonably good soil, and on the western slopes the rain was usually adequate. Wheat, barley, olives, figs, and especially vineyards, grew freely. The land might be stony, but stones could be collected and used for walls and buildings. Not as rich as the great northern valleys like Jezreel, Judah was still good mixed farming country, although it required hard work. Sheep and goats were plentiful, and that meant wool and milk. Cattle were probably rarer; Judah was not cattle country like Bashan (Nm 32:1). Wool meant cloth, and hide meant leather. In those days the hills were forested, which meant fuel and building materials. Clay for pottery was readily available for domestic utensils. Copper came from Edom in the south, and iron from Philistia in the west; these could be obtained by bartering agricultural produce. Whether they realized it or not, God had dealt graciously with the people of Judah in giving them adequate resources. Nonetheless, the climate was bracing: a cold, wet winter, with snow and hail at times, and a long, rainless summer, with low humidity and cool nights. This brought heavy dews on the eastern slopes (Jgs 6:38), and precious rainwater was conserved in rock-hewn cisterns (Jer 2:13). Permanent streams of any size did not exist in Judah, but springs or “wells” were abundant, from Jerusalem to Beersheba. It was not until Judah got caught up into the economic life of Solomon’s trading empire that its simple pattern of life changed; even then, the change in the hills of Judah was far less than elsewhere. Judah had no seaport of its own and controlled no rich caravan routes. It had no coveted raw materials, like the copper of Edom or the cedars of Lebanon; no luxury goods for trade, like the purple dye of Phoenicia or the gold of Ophir; no lush land to tempt the greed of others. In God’s mercy Judah’s temptations were few. Its faith was also less liable to be corrupted: comparatively few Canaanites had ever settled in this area, while the Conquest had been more thorough in the south than in the north.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"HistoryandSignificance\">History and Significance<\/p>\n<p>The earliest blessings on Judah are recorded in Genesis 49:8-12 and Deuteronomy 33:7. After the exodus, the tribe of Judah took first place in the desert camping arrangement (Nm 2:3). Caleb, one of the two faithful spies, was a tribal chieftain of Judah (13:6). In Joshua’s invasion of Palestine, the highlands allotted to Judah were the first to be cleared of Canaanites, after the initial fighting around Jericho and Ai (Jos 6; 8). The book of Joshua is a summary account of the whole campaign.<\/p>\n\n<p>After Joshua’s death, Simeon and Judah continued the fight against the Canaanites and marched together against the hill country of the south, led by Caleb and Othniel. Although God’s gift to Judah had been the whole land westward as far as the sea, Judah failed to take anything but the hills. The plain was controlled by iron-protected chariots and fortress cities. The king of Jerusalem was killed and Jerusalem was burned (Jgs 1:8), but the Jebusites continued to occupy the area until David’s day (v 21). The men of Judah, like other Israelites, might burn Canaanite towns, but they did not usually occupy the old sites themselves. Under the judges, the tribe of Judah was still isolated, though Othniel was of Judah (ch 3). In the great battle against Sisera, Judah is not even mentioned (ch 5). This tribal isolation was soon lost, first through Philistine invasions from the west, and then through David’s capture of Jerusalem and the placing of the national and religious capital there. Although in Judges 15:11 the men of Judah are prepared even to hand over Samson to the Philistines, with Samuel as judge, everything changes. The ark returns (1 Sm 7:1); lost territory is regained (v 14). Indeed, Samuel’s sons act as judges in Beersheba (8:2), although they are corrupt.<\/p>\n<p>David finally breaks the power of the Philistines in a series of victories and rules as king first in Hebron, Judah’s chief town (2 Sm 2:1-4). When he is crowned king of all Israel, however, he moves the capital to the newly conquered Jerusalem, on the northern frontier of the tribe of Judah (5:6-10). Here the ark was to be brought (ch 6), and here Solomon was to build the temple (7:13). All God’s promises will henceforth cluster around Jerusalem, the temple, and David’s line. Most important, the Messiah would come from Judah (Gn 49:10).<\/p>\n<p>The division between the northern and southern tribes had begun in David’s lifetime, after Absalom’s revolt (2 Sm 20:1); after Solomon’s death, the rift became complete (1 Kgs 12:16). Henceforth for 200 years, until the fall of the northern kingdom in 722 <span>BC<\/span>, there were two little kingdoms side by side: a larger one in the north and east, called Israel (the “ten tribes” of 1 Kgs 11:35), and a smaller one in the south, called Judah. With this, the history of Judah as a tribe virtually comes to an end, for although still called by the old tribal name, this little kingdom was really a “Greater Judah.” It now contained not only the old tribe of Judah but also the newly conquered Jebusite territory of Jerusalem, some of the old Philistine country, and the tribes of Benjamin and Simeon, as well as many Levites (2 Chr 11:14) and other “loyalists” from the north. Indeed, from now on, “tribe” had far less meaning than before; it was more important where a person lived than of what tribe the person was, although, within the family, tribal origins continued to be remembered. For 250 more years the little kingdom of Judah persisted alone. Even after the exile it was the tiny province of Judah that emerged under Nehemiah (Neh 1:2-3), and Judea still remained as a district in NT days (Lk 3:1). In fact, the vast majority of later Jews were of the tribe of Judah, as the very name “Jew” shows. But the chief glory of the tribe of Judah, now as ever, was that the house of David sprang from it. When Jesus Christ was born, he was to be of David’s line and Judah’s tribe. So it is that in Revelation 7:5, when 12,000 are sealed from each tribe, Judah has pride of place in the list, as it had in Numbers (Nm 2:3) so long before.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Judah (Person) #1.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JUDAH, Tribe of<\/h3>\n<p>One of the 12 tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"GeographicalTerritory\">Geographical Territory<\/p>\n<p>The frontiers of Judah are well defined in Joshua 15, which describes the inheritance of the tribe after the Conquest. Second Kings 23:8 describes Judah as extending from Geba to Beersheba: Geba is about 8 miles (13 kilometers) north of Jerusalem, and Beersheba about 40 miles (64 kilometers) south. Judah thus held a strip of mountain land on the central spine of southern Palestine, about 50 miles (80 kilometers) from north to south and 20 miles (32 kilometers) from east to west. Of this 1,000 square miles, half was desert (on the south and east); the rest was stony and not well watered. The central ridge, upon which are situated Jerusalem, Hebron, and Beersheba, rises to over 3,000 feet (914 meters) in places before tapering off into the desert in the south. Along this ridge, connecting these towns, runs the chief road. To the east, the ridge drops steeply to the Dead Sea, nearly 5,000 feet (1,524 meters) below. To the west it drops less sharply to the “lowlands,” actually a plateau some 1,000 feet (305 meters) high, before descending to the Philistine plain, which stretches to the sea.<\/p>\n<p>Judah proper (Jerusalem was a later addition) was remote and secure in its hills. Its true center and capital was Hebron, 3,500 feet (1,067 meters) up. Only on the north was it vulnerable to attackers marching south along the ridge road. However, three great valleys led up from the western lowlands into the hills: the valley of Ajalon, the valley of Sorek, and the valley of Elah. Battles would rage up and down these valleys from the days of Joshua to the time of David and long afterward. The few roads to the east (the one from Jerusalem to Jericho is the best known) were not so important, although it was by this “back door” that Joshua had invaded the hill country (Jos 10:9). Judah was thus geographically well out of the mainstream of Israelite life, since only the territory of Simeon lay to the south.<\/p>\n<p>The area occupied by Judah falls easily into three natural regions: the central mountain ridge, fairly densely settled, especially on its western side, where rainfall and dew were greatest; the eastern slopes, almost uninhabited and mostly desert; and the southern pastoral region round Beersheba, where the mountains fall away into dry prairie, with sparse settlement throughout.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"EconomicLife\">Economic Life<\/p>\n<p>To Israel, Palestine was a land flowing with milk and honey (Nm 13:27). Half of Judah might be desert, but the rest had reasonably good soil, and on the western slopes the rain was usually adequate. Wheat, barley, olives, figs, and especially vineyards, grew freely. The land might be stony, but stones could be collected and used for walls and buildings. Not as rich as the great northern valleys like Jezreel, Judah was still good mixed farming country, although it required hard work. Sheep and goats were plentiful, and that meant wool and milk. Cattle were probably rarer; Judah was not cattle country like Bashan (Nm 32:1). Wool meant cloth, and hide meant leather. In those days the hills were forested, which meant fuel and building materials. Clay for pottery was readily available for domestic utensils. Copper came from Edom in the south, and iron from Philistia in the west; these could be obtained by bartering agricultural produce. Whether they realized it or not, God had dealt graciously with the people of Judah in giving them adequate resources. Nonetheless, the climate was bracing: a cold, wet winter, with snow and hail at times, and a long, rainless summer, with low humidity and cool nights. This brought heavy dews on the eastern slopes (Jgs 6:38), and precious rainwater was conserved in rock-hewn cisterns (Jer 2:13). Permanent streams of any size did not exist in Judah, but springs or “wells” were abundant, from Jerusalem to Beersheba. It was not until Judah got caught up into the economic life of Solomon’s trading empire that its simple pattern of life changed; even then, the change in the hills of Judah was far less than elsewhere. Judah had no seaport of its own and controlled no rich caravan routes. It had no coveted raw materials, like the copper of Edom or the cedars of Lebanon; no luxury goods for trade, like the purple dye of Phoenicia or the gold of Ophir; no lush land to tempt the greed of others. In God’s mercy Judah’s temptations were few. Its faith was also less liable to be corrupted: comparatively few Canaanites had ever settled in this area, while the Conquest had been more thorough in the south than in the north.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"HistoryandSignificance\">History and Significance<\/p>\n<p>The earliest blessings on Judah are recorded in Genesis 49:8-12 and Deuteronomy 33:7. After the exodus, the tribe of Judah took first place in the desert camping arrangement (Nm 2:3). Caleb, one of the two faithful spies, was a tribal chieftain of Judah (13:6). In Joshua’s invasion of Palestine, the highlands allotted to Judah were the first to be cleared of Canaanites, after the initial fighting around Jericho and Ai (Jos 6; 8). The book of Joshua is a summary account of the whole campaign.<\/p>\n\n<p>After Joshua’s death, Simeon and Judah continued the fight against the Canaanites and marched together against the hill country of the south, led by Caleb and Othniel. Although God’s gift to Judah had been the whole land westward as far as the sea, Judah failed to take anything but the hills. The plain was controlled by iron-protected chariots and fortress cities. The king of Jerusalem was killed and Jerusalem was burned (Jgs 1:8), but the Jebusites continued to occupy the area until David’s day (v 21). The men of Judah, like other Israelites, might burn Canaanite towns, but they did not usually occupy the old sites themselves. Under the judges, the tribe of Judah was still isolated, though Othniel was of Judah (ch 3). In the great battle against Sisera, Judah is not even mentioned (ch 5). This tribal isolation was soon lost, first through Philistine invasions from the west, and then through David’s capture of Jerusalem and the placing of the national and religious capital there. Although in Judges 15:11 the men of Judah are prepared even to hand over Samson to the Philistines, with Samuel as judge, everything changes. The ark returns (1 Sm 7:1); lost territory is regained (v 14). Indeed, Samuel’s sons act as judges in Beersheba (8:2), although they are corrupt.<\/p>\n<p>David finally breaks the power of the Philistines in a series of victories and rules as king first in Hebron, Judah’s chief town (2 Sm 2:1-4). When he is crowned king of all Israel, however, he moves the capital to the newly conquered Jerusalem, on the northern frontier of the tribe of Judah (5:6-10). Here the ark was to be brought (ch 6), and here Solomon was to build the temple (7:13). All God’s promises will henceforth cluster around Jerusalem, the temple, and David’s line. Most important, the Messiah would come from Judah (Gn 49:10).<\/p>\n<p>The division between the northern and southern tribes had begun in David’s lifetime, after Absalom’s revolt (2 Sm 20:1); after Solomon’s death, the rift became complete (1 Kgs 12:16). Henceforth for 200 years, until the fall of the northern kingdom in 722 <span>BC<\/span>, there were two little kingdoms side by side: a larger one in the north and east, called Israel (the “ten tribes” of 1 Kgs 11:35), and a smaller one in the south, called Judah. With this, the history of Judah as a tribe virtually comes to an end, for although still called by the old tribal name, this little kingdom was really a “Greater Judah.” It now contained not only the old tribe of Judah but also the newly conquered Jebusite territory of Jerusalem, some of the old Philistine country, and the tribes of Benjamin and Simeon, as well as many Levites (2 Chr 11:14) and other “loyalists” from the north. Indeed, from now on, “tribe” had far less meaning than before; it was more important where a person lived than of what tribe the person was, although, within the family, tribal origins continued to be remembered. For 250 more years the little kingdom of Judah persisted alone. Even after the exile it was the tiny province of Judah that emerged under Nehemiah (Neh 1:2-3), and Judea still remained as a district in NT days (Lk 3:1). In fact, the vast majority of later Jews were of the tribe of Judah, as the very name “Jew” shows. But the chief glory of the tribe of Judah, now as ever, was that the house of David sprang from it. When Jesus Christ was born, he was to be of David’s line and Judah’s tribe. So it is that in Revelation 7:5, when 12,000 are sealed from each tribe, Judah has pride of place in the list, as it had in Numbers (Nm 2:3) so long before.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Judah (Person) #1.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JUDAH, Tribe of One of the 12 tribes of Israel. Geographical Territory The frontiers of Judah are well defined in Joshua 15, which describes the inheritance of the tribe after the Conquest. Second Kings 23:8 describes Judah as extending from Geba to Beersheba: Geba is about 8 miles (13 kilometers) north of Jerusalem, and Beersheba about 40 miles (64 kilometers) south. Judah thus held a strip of mountain land on the central spine of southern Palestine, about 50 miles (80 kilometers) from north...","summary_en":"JUDAH, Tribe of One of the 12 tribes of Israel. Geographical Territory The frontiers of Judah are well defined in Joshua 15, which describes the inheritance of the tribe after the Conquest. Second Kings 23:8 describes Judah as extending from Geba to Beersheba: Geba is about 8 miles (13 kilometers) north of Jerusalem, and Beersheba about 40 miles (64 kilometers) south. Judah thus held a strip of mountain land on the central spine of southern Palestine, about 50 miles (80 kilometers) from north...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":61403,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"Jerusalem","title_en":"Jerusalem","content_ro":"<h3>Jerusalem<\/h3>\n<p>Jerusalem was a functioning city as early as four hundred years before the time of David. It was never fully captured during the conquest and the period of the judges (Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21), and peaceful relations were evidently established between the autonomous Jebusite enclave and the surrounding Israelites (Judg 19:10-12). So impregnable was Jerusalem that the Old Testament records only three successful invaders: David, Jehoash (2 Kgs 14:11-14), and Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon (2 Kgs 25:1-10).<\/p>\n<p>Whatever David’s method of capturing Jerusalem (his use of a water tunnel is debatable—see study note on 5:8), he secured Jerusalem as the political, and eventually spiritual, capital of Israel. Psalm 48 speaks beautifully and powerfully of Jerusalem as a fortress. Its towers, bulwarks, and easily defensible citadels with their rugged terrain could produce a false sense of security, if not idolatry. Psalm 48:1-3 reminds the reader that God’s living presence, not the topography of the city, made Jerusalem safe.<\/p>\n<p>Both the Old Testament and the New Testament call Jerusalem a “holy city” (see Neh 11:1, 18; Isa 52:1; Dan 9:24; Matt 4:5; 27:53; Rev 21:2). It is the only city so described in the Bible. Wherein lies this city’s holiness? It cannot be a reflection of the holiness of its occupants. In fact, so unholy was the populace that the city was decimated by the Babylonians in 586 <span>BC<\/span>. Nor was it a holy city because it was Israel’s capital for several centuries. Jerusalem was a holy city, first of all, because God chose it (1 Kgs 8:44, 48; 11:13, 32, 36; 2 Chr 6:5, 34). And because he chose it, he put his glory and his name there (see 1 Kgs 14:21; 2 Chr 12:13; Ezek 8–10; 43:1-27).<\/p>\n<p>In the Gospels and Acts, Jerusalem was still a city of great importance. Herod the Great (37–4 <span>BC<\/span>) had expanded the city and conducted extensive building projects—including the Temple. It remained the center of Israel’s spiritual life (see e.g., Acts 2:46; 3:1-26; 5:12), and many events in the lives of Jesus and his followers occurred in Jerusalem. Jesus had some harsh words for Jerusalem (see Matt 23:37-39)—especially its leadership—and he was eventually put to death there. Jesus warned of impending judgment on the city (see Mark 13:1-2; Luke 21:20-24), and his words were actualized in the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans in <span>AD<\/span> 70.<\/p>\n<p>But the New Testament also introduces the new Jerusalem, the heavenly city comprised of God’s holy people (Heb 11:10; Rev 3:12; 21:2). As the earthly Jerusalem was the sphere in which the glorious presence and reign of God was partially actualized through King David and his successors, the new Jerusalem represents the government of Jesus Christ, the son of David, and his everlasting presence with his people (cp. John 1:14; Rev 21:3).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21; 2 Sam 5:6-9; 1 Kgs 8:1; 2 Kgs 18:13-17; 25:1-10; 2 Chr 3:1; 12:1-12; 26:9, 15; 32:1-5, 27-30; Ezra 1:1-6; Neh 1:1–6:19; Ps 48:1-3; 125:2; Isa 14:32; 52:1-3; Gal 4:25-26; Heb 12:22-24<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Jerusalem<\/h3>\n<p>Jerusalem was a functioning city as early as four hundred years before the time of David. It was never fully captured during the conquest and the period of the judges (Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21), and peaceful relations were evidently established between the autonomous Jebusite enclave and the surrounding Israelites (Judg 19:10-12). So impregnable was Jerusalem that the Old Testament records only three successful invaders: David, Jehoash (2 Kgs 14:11-14), and Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon (2 Kgs 25:1-10).<\/p>\n<p>Whatever David’s method of capturing Jerusalem (his use of a water tunnel is debatable—see study note on 5:8), he secured Jerusalem as the political, and eventually spiritual, capital of Israel. Psalm 48 speaks beautifully and powerfully of Jerusalem as a fortress. Its towers, bulwarks, and easily defensible citadels with their rugged terrain could produce a false sense of security, if not idolatry. Psalm 48:1-3 reminds the reader that God’s living presence, not the topography of the city, made Jerusalem safe.<\/p>\n<p>Both the Old Testament and the New Testament call Jerusalem a “holy city” (see Neh 11:1, 18; Isa 52:1; Dan 9:24; Matt 4:5; 27:53; Rev 21:2). It is the only city so described in the Bible. Wherein lies this city’s holiness? It cannot be a reflection of the holiness of its occupants. In fact, so unholy was the populace that the city was decimated by the Babylonians in 586 <span>BC<\/span>. Nor was it a holy city because it was Israel’s capital for several centuries. Jerusalem was a holy city, first of all, because God chose it (1 Kgs 8:44, 48; 11:13, 32, 36; 2 Chr 6:5, 34). And because he chose it, he put his glory and his name there (see 1 Kgs 14:21; 2 Chr 12:13; Ezek 8–10; 43:1-27).<\/p>\n<p>In the Gospels and Acts, Jerusalem was still a city of great importance. Herod the Great (37–4 <span>BC<\/span>) had expanded the city and conducted extensive building projects—including the Temple. It remained the center of Israel’s spiritual life (see e.g., Acts 2:46; 3:1-26; 5:12), and many events in the lives of Jesus and his followers occurred in Jerusalem. Jesus had some harsh words for Jerusalem (see Matt 23:37-39)—especially its leadership—and he was eventually put to death there. Jesus warned of impending judgment on the city (see Mark 13:1-2; Luke 21:20-24), and his words were actualized in the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans in <span>AD<\/span> 70.<\/p>\n<p>But the New Testament also introduces the new Jerusalem, the heavenly city comprised of God’s holy people (Heb 11:10; Rev 3:12; 21:2). As the earthly Jerusalem was the sphere in which the glorious presence and reign of God was partially actualized through King David and his successors, the new Jerusalem represents the government of Jesus Christ, the son of David, and his everlasting presence with his people (cp. John 1:14; Rev 21:3).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21; 2 Sam 5:6-9; 1 Kgs 8:1; 2 Kgs 18:13-17; 25:1-10; 2 Chr 3:1; 12:1-12; 26:9, 15; 32:1-5, 27-30; Ezra 1:1-6; Neh 1:1–6:19; Ps 48:1-3; 125:2; Isa 14:32; 52:1-3; Gal 4:25-26; Heb 12:22-24<\/p>","summary_ro":"Jerusalem Jerusalem was a functioning city as early as four hundred years before the time of David. It was never fully captured during the conquest and the period of the judges (Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21), and peaceful relations were evidently established between the autonomous Jebusite enclave and the surrounding Israelites (Judg 19:10-12). So impregnable was Jerusalem that the Old Testament records only three successful invaders: David, Jehoash (2 Kgs 14:11-14), and Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon...","summary_en":"Jerusalem Jerusalem was a functioning city as early as four hundred years before the time of David. It was never fully captured during the conquest and the period of the judges (Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21), and peaceful relations were evidently established between the autonomous Jebusite enclave and the surrounding Israelites (Judg 19:10-12). So impregnable was Jerusalem that the Old Testament records only three successful invaders: David, Jehoash (2 Kgs 14:11-14), and Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":89029,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"Jerusalem","title_en":"Jerusalem","content_ro":"<h3>Jerusalem<\/h3>\n<p>Jerusalem was a functioning city as early as four hundred years before the time of David. It was never fully captured during the conquest and the period of the judges (Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21), and peaceful relations were evidently established between the autonomous Jebusite enclave and the surrounding Israelites (Judg 19:10-12). So impregnable was Jerusalem that the Old Testament records only three successful invaders: David, Jehoash (2 Kgs 14:11-14), and Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon (2 Kgs 25:1-10).<\/p>\n<p>Whatever David’s method of capturing Jerusalem (his use of a water tunnel is debatable—see study note on 5:8), he secured Jerusalem as the political, and eventually spiritual, capital of Israel. Psalm 48 speaks beautifully and powerfully of Jerusalem as a fortress. Its towers, bulwarks, and easily defensible citadels with their rugged terrain could produce a false sense of security, if not idolatry. Psalm 48:1-3 reminds the reader that God’s living presence, not the topography of the city, made Jerusalem safe.<\/p>\n<p>Both the Old Testament and the New Testament call Jerusalem a “holy city” (see Neh 11:1, 18; Isa 52:1; Dan 9:24; Matt 4:5; 27:53; Rev 21:2). It is the only city so described in the Bible. Wherein lies this city’s holiness? It cannot be a reflection of the holiness of its occupants. In fact, so unholy was the populace that the city was decimated by the Babylonians in 586 <span>BC<\/span>. Nor was it a holy city because it was Israel’s capital for several centuries. Jerusalem was a holy city, first of all, because God chose it (1 Kgs 8:44, 48; 11:13, 32, 36; 2 Chr 6:5, 34). And because he chose it, he put his glory and his name there (see 1 Kgs 14:21; 2 Chr 12:13; Ezek 8–10; 43:1-27).<\/p>\n<p>In the Gospels and Acts, Jerusalem was still a city of great importance. Herod the Great (37–4 <span>BC<\/span>) had expanded the city and conducted extensive building projects—including the Temple. It remained the center of Israel’s spiritual life (see e.g., Acts 2:46; 3:1-26; 5:12), and many events in the lives of Jesus and his followers occurred in Jerusalem. Jesus had some harsh words for Jerusalem (see Matt 23:37-39)—especially its leadership—and he was eventually put to death there. Jesus warned of impending judgment on the city (see Mark 13:1-2; Luke 21:20-24), and his words were actualized in the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans in <span>AD<\/span> 70.<\/p>\n<p>But the New Testament also introduces the new Jerusalem, the heavenly city comprised of God’s holy people (Heb 11:10; Rev 3:12; 21:2). As the earthly Jerusalem was the sphere in which the glorious presence and reign of God was partially actualized through King David and his successors, the new Jerusalem represents the government of Jesus Christ, the son of David, and his everlasting presence with his people (cp. John 1:14; Rev 21:3).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21; 2 Sam 5:6-9; 1 Kgs 8:1; 2 Kgs 18:13-17; 25:1-10; 2 Chr 3:1; 12:1-12; 26:9, 15; 32:1-5, 27-30; Ezra 1:1-6; Neh 1:1–6:19; Ps 48:1-3; 125:2; Isa 14:32; 52:1-3; Gal 4:25-26; Heb 12:22-24<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Jerusalem<\/h3>\n<p>Jerusalem was a functioning city as early as four hundred years before the time of David. It was never fully captured during the conquest and the period of the judges (Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21), and peaceful relations were evidently established between the autonomous Jebusite enclave and the surrounding Israelites (Judg 19:10-12). So impregnable was Jerusalem that the Old Testament records only three successful invaders: David, Jehoash (2 Kgs 14:11-14), and Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon (2 Kgs 25:1-10).<\/p>\n<p>Whatever David’s method of capturing Jerusalem (his use of a water tunnel is debatable—see study note on 5:8), he secured Jerusalem as the political, and eventually spiritual, capital of Israel. Psalm 48 speaks beautifully and powerfully of Jerusalem as a fortress. Its towers, bulwarks, and easily defensible citadels with their rugged terrain could produce a false sense of security, if not idolatry. Psalm 48:1-3 reminds the reader that God’s living presence, not the topography of the city, made Jerusalem safe.<\/p>\n<p>Both the Old Testament and the New Testament call Jerusalem a “holy city” (see Neh 11:1, 18; Isa 52:1; Dan 9:24; Matt 4:5; 27:53; Rev 21:2). It is the only city so described in the Bible. Wherein lies this city’s holiness? It cannot be a reflection of the holiness of its occupants. In fact, so unholy was the populace that the city was decimated by the Babylonians in 586 <span>BC<\/span>. Nor was it a holy city because it was Israel’s capital for several centuries. Jerusalem was a holy city, first of all, because God chose it (1 Kgs 8:44, 48; 11:13, 32, 36; 2 Chr 6:5, 34). And because he chose it, he put his glory and his name there (see 1 Kgs 14:21; 2 Chr 12:13; Ezek 8–10; 43:1-27).<\/p>\n<p>In the Gospels and Acts, Jerusalem was still a city of great importance. Herod the Great (37–4 <span>BC<\/span>) had expanded the city and conducted extensive building projects—including the Temple. It remained the center of Israel’s spiritual life (see e.g., Acts 2:46; 3:1-26; 5:12), and many events in the lives of Jesus and his followers occurred in Jerusalem. Jesus had some harsh words for Jerusalem (see Matt 23:37-39)—especially its leadership—and he was eventually put to death there. Jesus warned of impending judgment on the city (see Mark 13:1-2; Luke 21:20-24), and his words were actualized in the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans in <span>AD<\/span> 70.<\/p>\n<p>But the New Testament also introduces the new Jerusalem, the heavenly city comprised of God’s holy people (Heb 11:10; Rev 3:12; 21:2). As the earthly Jerusalem was the sphere in which the glorious presence and reign of God was partially actualized through King David and his successors, the new Jerusalem represents the government of Jesus Christ, the son of David, and his everlasting presence with his people (cp. John 1:14; Rev 21:3).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21; 2 Sam 5:6-9; 1 Kgs 8:1; 2 Kgs 18:13-17; 25:1-10; 2 Chr 3:1; 12:1-12; 26:9, 15; 32:1-5, 27-30; Ezra 1:1-6; Neh 1:1–6:19; Ps 48:1-3; 125:2; Isa 14:32; 52:1-3; Gal 4:25-26; Heb 12:22-24<\/p>","summary_ro":"Jerusalem Jerusalem was a functioning city as early as four hundred years before the time of David. It was never fully captured during the conquest and the period of the judges (Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21), and peaceful relations were evidently established between the autonomous Jebusite enclave and the surrounding Israelites (Judg 19:10-12). So impregnable was Jerusalem that the Old Testament records only three successful invaders: David, Jehoash (2 Kgs 14:11-14), and Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon...","summary_en":"Jerusalem Jerusalem was a functioning city as early as four hundred years before the time of David. It was never fully captured during the conquest and the period of the judges (Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21), and peaceful relations were evidently established between the autonomous Jebusite enclave and the surrounding Israelites (Judg 19:10-12). So impregnable was Jerusalem that the Old Testament records only three successful invaders: David, Jehoash (2 Kgs 14:11-14), and Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":116655,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"Jerusalem","title_en":"Jerusalem","content_ro":"<h3>Jerusalem<\/h3>\n<p>Jerusalem was a functioning city as early as four hundred years before the time of David. It was never fully captured during the conquest and the period of the judges (Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21), and peaceful relations were evidently established between the autonomous Jebusite enclave and the surrounding Israelites (Judg 19:10-12). So impregnable was Jerusalem that the Old Testament records only three successful invaders: David, Jehoash (2 Kgs 14:11-14), and Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon (2 Kgs 25:1-10).<\/p>\n<p>Whatever David’s method of capturing Jerusalem (his use of a water tunnel is debatable—see study note on 5:8), he secured Jerusalem as the political, and eventually spiritual, capital of Israel. Psalm 48 speaks beautifully and powerfully of Jerusalem as a fortress. Its towers, bulwarks, and easily defensible citadels with their rugged terrain could produce a false sense of security, if not idolatry. Psalm 48:1-3 reminds the reader that God’s living presence, not the topography of the city, made Jerusalem safe.<\/p>\n<p>Both the Old Testament and the New Testament call Jerusalem a “holy city” (see Neh 11:1, 18; Isa 52:1; Dan 9:24; Matt 4:5; 27:53; Rev 21:2). It is the only city so described in the Bible. Wherein lies this city’s holiness? It cannot be a reflection of the holiness of its occupants. In fact, so unholy was the populace that the city was decimated by the Babylonians in 586 <span>BC<\/span>. Nor was it a holy city because it was Israel’s capital for several centuries. Jerusalem was a holy city, first of all, because God chose it (1 Kgs 8:44, 48; 11:13, 32, 36; 2 Chr 6:5, 34). And because he chose it, he put his glory and his name there (see 1 Kgs 14:21; 2 Chr 12:13; Ezek 8–10; 43:1-27).<\/p>\n<p>In the Gospels and Acts, Jerusalem was still a city of great importance. Herod the Great (37–4 <span>BC<\/span>) had expanded the city and conducted extensive building projects—including the Temple. It remained the center of Israel’s spiritual life (see e.g., Acts 2:46; 3:1-26; 5:12), and many events in the lives of Jesus and his followers occurred in Jerusalem. Jesus had some harsh words for Jerusalem (see Matt 23:37-39)—especially its leadership—and he was eventually put to death there. Jesus warned of impending judgment on the city (see Mark 13:1-2; Luke 21:20-24), and his words were actualized in the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans in <span>AD<\/span> 70.<\/p>\n<p>But the New Testament also introduces the new Jerusalem, the heavenly city comprised of God’s holy people (Heb 11:10; Rev 3:12; 21:2). As the earthly Jerusalem was the sphere in which the glorious presence and reign of God was partially actualized through King David and his successors, the new Jerusalem represents the government of Jesus Christ, the son of David, and his everlasting presence with his people (cp. John 1:14; Rev 21:3).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21; 2 Sam 5:6-9; 1 Kgs 8:1; 2 Kgs 18:13-17; 25:1-10; 2 Chr 3:1; 12:1-12; 26:9, 15; 32:1-5, 27-30; Ezra 1:1-6; Neh 1:1–6:19; Ps 48:1-3; 125:2; Isa 14:32; 52:1-3; Gal 4:25-26; Heb 12:22-24<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Jerusalem<\/h3>\n<p>Jerusalem was a functioning city as early as four hundred years before the time of David. It was never fully captured during the conquest and the period of the judges (Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21), and peaceful relations were evidently established between the autonomous Jebusite enclave and the surrounding Israelites (Judg 19:10-12). So impregnable was Jerusalem that the Old Testament records only three successful invaders: David, Jehoash (2 Kgs 14:11-14), and Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon (2 Kgs 25:1-10).<\/p>\n<p>Whatever David’s method of capturing Jerusalem (his use of a water tunnel is debatable—see study note on 5:8), he secured Jerusalem as the political, and eventually spiritual, capital of Israel. Psalm 48 speaks beautifully and powerfully of Jerusalem as a fortress. Its towers, bulwarks, and easily defensible citadels with their rugged terrain could produce a false sense of security, if not idolatry. Psalm 48:1-3 reminds the reader that God’s living presence, not the topography of the city, made Jerusalem safe.<\/p>\n<p>Both the Old Testament and the New Testament call Jerusalem a “holy city” (see Neh 11:1, 18; Isa 52:1; Dan 9:24; Matt 4:5; 27:53; Rev 21:2). It is the only city so described in the Bible. Wherein lies this city’s holiness? It cannot be a reflection of the holiness of its occupants. In fact, so unholy was the populace that the city was decimated by the Babylonians in 586 <span>BC<\/span>. Nor was it a holy city because it was Israel’s capital for several centuries. Jerusalem was a holy city, first of all, because God chose it (1 Kgs 8:44, 48; 11:13, 32, 36; 2 Chr 6:5, 34). And because he chose it, he put his glory and his name there (see 1 Kgs 14:21; 2 Chr 12:13; Ezek 8–10; 43:1-27).<\/p>\n<p>In the Gospels and Acts, Jerusalem was still a city of great importance. Herod the Great (37–4 <span>BC<\/span>) had expanded the city and conducted extensive building projects—including the Temple. It remained the center of Israel’s spiritual life (see e.g., Acts 2:46; 3:1-26; 5:12), and many events in the lives of Jesus and his followers occurred in Jerusalem. Jesus had some harsh words for Jerusalem (see Matt 23:37-39)—especially its leadership—and he was eventually put to death there. Jesus warned of impending judgment on the city (see Mark 13:1-2; Luke 21:20-24), and his words were actualized in the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans in <span>AD<\/span> 70.<\/p>\n<p>But the New Testament also introduces the new Jerusalem, the heavenly city comprised of God’s holy people (Heb 11:10; Rev 3:12; 21:2). As the earthly Jerusalem was the sphere in which the glorious presence and reign of God was partially actualized through King David and his successors, the new Jerusalem represents the government of Jesus Christ, the son of David, and his everlasting presence with his people (cp. John 1:14; Rev 21:3).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21; 2 Sam 5:6-9; 1 Kgs 8:1; 2 Kgs 18:13-17; 25:1-10; 2 Chr 3:1; 12:1-12; 26:9, 15; 32:1-5, 27-30; Ezra 1:1-6; Neh 1:1–6:19; Ps 48:1-3; 125:2; Isa 14:32; 52:1-3; Gal 4:25-26; Heb 12:22-24<\/p>","summary_ro":"Jerusalem Jerusalem was a functioning city as early as four hundred years before the time of David. It was never fully captured during the conquest and the period of the judges (Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21), and peaceful relations were evidently established between the autonomous Jebusite enclave and the surrounding Israelites (Judg 19:10-12). So impregnable was Jerusalem that the Old Testament records only three successful invaders: David, Jehoash (2 Kgs 14:11-14), and Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon...","summary_en":"Jerusalem Jerusalem was a functioning city as early as four hundred years before the time of David. It was never fully captured during the conquest and the period of the judges (Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21), and peaceful relations were evidently established between the autonomous Jebusite enclave and the surrounding Israelites (Judg 19:10-12). So impregnable was Jerusalem that the Old Testament records only three successful invaders: David, Jehoash (2 Kgs 14:11-14), and Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":144281,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"Jerusalem","title_en":"Jerusalem","content_ro":"<h3>Jerusalem<\/h3>\n<p>Jerusalem was a functioning city as early as four hundred years before the time of David. It was never fully captured during the conquest and the period of the judges (Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21), and peaceful relations were evidently established between the autonomous Jebusite enclave and the surrounding Israelites (Judg 19:10-12). So impregnable was Jerusalem that the Old Testament records only three successful invaders: David, Jehoash (2 Kgs 14:11-14), and Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon (2 Kgs 25:1-10).<\/p>\n<p>Whatever David’s method of capturing Jerusalem (his use of a water tunnel is debatable—see study note on 5:8), he secured Jerusalem as the political, and eventually spiritual, capital of Israel. Psalm 48 speaks beautifully and powerfully of Jerusalem as a fortress. Its towers, bulwarks, and easily defensible citadels with their rugged terrain could produce a false sense of security, if not idolatry. Psalm 48:1-3 reminds the reader that God’s living presence, not the topography of the city, made Jerusalem safe.<\/p>\n<p>Both the Old Testament and the New Testament call Jerusalem a “holy city” (see Neh 11:1, 18; Isa 52:1; Dan 9:24; Matt 4:5; 27:53; Rev 21:2). It is the only city so described in the Bible. Wherein lies this city’s holiness? It cannot be a reflection of the holiness of its occupants. In fact, so unholy was the populace that the city was decimated by the Babylonians in 586 <span>BC<\/span>. Nor was it a holy city because it was Israel’s capital for several centuries. Jerusalem was a holy city, first of all, because God chose it (1 Kgs 8:44, 48; 11:13, 32, 36; 2 Chr 6:5, 34). And because he chose it, he put his glory and his name there (see 1 Kgs 14:21; 2 Chr 12:13; Ezek 8–10; 43:1-27).<\/p>\n<p>In the Gospels and Acts, Jerusalem was still a city of great importance. Herod the Great (37–4 <span>BC<\/span>) had expanded the city and conducted extensive building projects—including the Temple. It remained the center of Israel’s spiritual life (see e.g., Acts 2:46; 3:1-26; 5:12), and many events in the lives of Jesus and his followers occurred in Jerusalem. Jesus had some harsh words for Jerusalem (see Matt 23:37-39)—especially its leadership—and he was eventually put to death there. Jesus warned of impending judgment on the city (see Mark 13:1-2; Luke 21:20-24), and his words were actualized in the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans in <span>AD<\/span> 70.<\/p>\n<p>But the New Testament also introduces the new Jerusalem, the heavenly city comprised of God’s holy people (Heb 11:10; Rev 3:12; 21:2). As the earthly Jerusalem was the sphere in which the glorious presence and reign of God was partially actualized through King David and his successors, the new Jerusalem represents the government of Jesus Christ, the son of David, and his everlasting presence with his people (cp. John 1:14; Rev 21:3).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21; 2 Sam 5:6-9; 1 Kgs 8:1; 2 Kgs 18:13-17; 25:1-10; 2 Chr 3:1; 12:1-12; 26:9, 15; 32:1-5, 27-30; Ezra 1:1-6; Neh 1:1–6:19; Ps 48:1-3; 125:2; Isa 14:32; 52:1-3; Gal 4:25-26; Heb 12:22-24<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Jerusalem<\/h3>\n<p>Jerusalem was a functioning city as early as four hundred years before the time of David. It was never fully captured during the conquest and the period of the judges (Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21), and peaceful relations were evidently established between the autonomous Jebusite enclave and the surrounding Israelites (Judg 19:10-12). So impregnable was Jerusalem that the Old Testament records only three successful invaders: David, Jehoash (2 Kgs 14:11-14), and Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon (2 Kgs 25:1-10).<\/p>\n<p>Whatever David’s method of capturing Jerusalem (his use of a water tunnel is debatable—see study note on 5:8), he secured Jerusalem as the political, and eventually spiritual, capital of Israel. Psalm 48 speaks beautifully and powerfully of Jerusalem as a fortress. Its towers, bulwarks, and easily defensible citadels with their rugged terrain could produce a false sense of security, if not idolatry. Psalm 48:1-3 reminds the reader that God’s living presence, not the topography of the city, made Jerusalem safe.<\/p>\n<p>Both the Old Testament and the New Testament call Jerusalem a “holy city” (see Neh 11:1, 18; Isa 52:1; Dan 9:24; Matt 4:5; 27:53; Rev 21:2). It is the only city so described in the Bible. Wherein lies this city’s holiness? It cannot be a reflection of the holiness of its occupants. In fact, so unholy was the populace that the city was decimated by the Babylonians in 586 <span>BC<\/span>. Nor was it a holy city because it was Israel’s capital for several centuries. Jerusalem was a holy city, first of all, because God chose it (1 Kgs 8:44, 48; 11:13, 32, 36; 2 Chr 6:5, 34). And because he chose it, he put his glory and his name there (see 1 Kgs 14:21; 2 Chr 12:13; Ezek 8–10; 43:1-27).<\/p>\n<p>In the Gospels and Acts, Jerusalem was still a city of great importance. Herod the Great (37–4 <span>BC<\/span>) had expanded the city and conducted extensive building projects—including the Temple. It remained the center of Israel’s spiritual life (see e.g., Acts 2:46; 3:1-26; 5:12), and many events in the lives of Jesus and his followers occurred in Jerusalem. Jesus had some harsh words for Jerusalem (see Matt 23:37-39)—especially its leadership—and he was eventually put to death there. Jesus warned of impending judgment on the city (see Mark 13:1-2; Luke 21:20-24), and his words were actualized in the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans in <span>AD<\/span> 70.<\/p>\n<p>But the New Testament also introduces the new Jerusalem, the heavenly city comprised of God’s holy people (Heb 11:10; Rev 3:12; 21:2). As the earthly Jerusalem was the sphere in which the glorious presence and reign of God was partially actualized through King David and his successors, the new Jerusalem represents the government of Jesus Christ, the son of David, and his everlasting presence with his people (cp. John 1:14; Rev 21:3).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21; 2 Sam 5:6-9; 1 Kgs 8:1; 2 Kgs 18:13-17; 25:1-10; 2 Chr 3:1; 12:1-12; 26:9, 15; 32:1-5, 27-30; Ezra 1:1-6; Neh 1:1–6:19; Ps 48:1-3; 125:2; Isa 14:32; 52:1-3; Gal 4:25-26; Heb 12:22-24<\/p>","summary_ro":"Jerusalem Jerusalem was a functioning city as early as four hundred years before the time of David. It was never fully captured during the conquest and the period of the judges (Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21), and peaceful relations were evidently established between the autonomous Jebusite enclave and the surrounding Israelites (Judg 19:10-12). So impregnable was Jerusalem that the Old Testament records only three successful invaders: David, Jehoash (2 Kgs 14:11-14), and Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon...","summary_en":"Jerusalem Jerusalem was a functioning city as early as four hundred years before the time of David. It was never fully captured during the conquest and the period of the judges (Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21), and peaceful relations were evidently established between the autonomous Jebusite enclave and the surrounding Israelites (Judg 19:10-12). So impregnable was Jerusalem that the Old Testament records only three successful invaders: David, Jehoash (2 Kgs 14:11-14), and Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"10":[{"id":911,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Ahiman","title_en":"Ahiman","content_ro":"<h3>AHIMAN<\/h3>\n<li>1. One of Anak’s three sons. The Ahimanites were one of the Anakim clans living in Hebron when the 12 Israelite spies scouted the land of Canaan (Nm 13:22; Jos 15:13-14; Jgs 1:10).<\/li>\n<li>2. Levite gatekeeper in postexilic Jerusalem (1 Chr 9:17).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>AHIMAN<\/h3>\n<li>1. One of Anak’s three sons. The Ahimanites were one of the Anakim clans living in Hebron when the 12 Israelite spies scouted the land of Canaan (Nm 13:22; Jos 15:13-14; Jgs 1:10).<\/li>\n<li>2. Levite gatekeeper in postexilic Jerusalem (1 Chr 9:17).<\/li>","summary_ro":"AHIMAN 1. One of Anak’s three sons. The Ahimanites were one of the Anakim clans living in Hebron when the 12 Israelite spies scouted the land of Canaan (Nm 13:22; Jos 15:13-14; Jgs 1:10). 2. Levite gatekeeper in postexilic Jerusalem (1 Chr 9:17).","summary_en":"AHIMAN 1. One of Anak’s three sons. The Ahimanites were one of the Anakim clans living in Hebron when the 12 Israelite spies scouted the land of Canaan (Nm 13:22; Jos 15:13-14; Jgs 1:10). 2. Levite gatekeeper in postexilic Jerusalem (1 Chr 9:17).","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":20822,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Book of Joshua","title_en":"Book of Joshua","content_ro":"<h3>JOSHUA, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>First of the historical books in the English Bible and the first of the Former Prophets (including Judges, the books of Samuel, and the books of Kings) in the Hebrew Bible. It begins with the Lord’s commission of Joshua (Jos 1:1-9) and concludes with the burial of Joshua, Eleazar, and the bones of Joseph (24:29-33). The purpose of the book is to show how Joshua continued in the footsteps of Moses, how the Lord gave the land to Israel, and how Israel might prosper in the land.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author and Date<\/p>\n<p>• Problems of Interpretation<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"AuthorandDate\">Author and Date<\/p>\n<p>According to the Talmud, Joshua wrote the book. This ancient tradition is possibly based on the brief statement that Joshua “recorded these things in the Book of the Law of God” (24:26, <span>nlt<\/span>). However, this applies only to the renewal of the covenant (ch 24). The issue of authorship is tied up with the dating of the book. Since the book has no unambiguous markers on date and authorship, neither critics nor conservative scholars have been able to come to any agreement on these issues. According to a conservative analysis of Joshua, the book was written between 1375 <span>BC<\/span> and 1045 <span>BC<\/span> (premonarchic). The argument is based on the references to the migration of Dan (19:47; cf. Jgs 18:27-31), to Jerusalem as a Jebusite city (Jos 15:8, 63; 18:16, 28), to Sidon rather than Tyre as the prominent Phoenician city (11:8; 13:4-6; 19:28), and also on the eyewitness style (5:1, 6—in the MT). But critical scholars have raised issues that they considered could best be resolved by positing a seventh-century <span>BC<\/span> or even an exilic date.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"ProblemsofInterpretation\">Problems of Interpretation<\/p>\n<h5>Holy War<\/h5>\n<p>The morality of the Conquest may be explained by the concept of holy war. The holy war motif would explain why Israel was to destroy the indigenous population (Dt 7:16; 20:16-18; Jos 6:21; 8:24-26; 10:10, 28-30, 35-42; 11:11). The justification may lie in the concept that Israel was God’s instrument of judgment on the Canaanite nations. This argument is related to the mention of the wickedness of the Canaanites (Gn 15:16; Dt 7:2-5, 25-26; 12:30-31; Jos 23:7; Jgs 2:11). However, the canonical narrative of the progression of the Conquest puts the responsibility on the Canaanites. They marched and fought against Israel (Nm 21:21-35; Jos 7:4-5; 8:5, 16-17; 9:1-2; 10:1-6; 11:1-5; 24:11). Therefore, it could be argued that in the process of war a sincere invitation to make peace was given to the kings (cf. Nm 21:21-22; Dt 20:10-11) but was refused. Instead, the kings took the initiative in battle. The responsibility for the destruction of the native population thus lay with the leadership. Yet all this was evidence of God’s working in human affairs, which the Bible simply states, “For it was the <span>Lord<\/span> himself who hardened their hearts to wage war against Israel, so that he might destroy them totally, exterminating them without mercy, as the <span>Lord<\/span> had commanded Moses” (Jos 11:20, <span>niv<\/span>). Even as Pharaoh, whose heart the Lord hardened, was responsible for the plagues in Egypt, so the Canaanite rulers were responsible for the extermination of their populations. The biblical account of the Conquest affirms the mystery of human responsibility and divine sovereignty without explaining it.<\/p>\n<h5>Nature of the Conquest<\/h5>\n<p>Various explanations of the nature of the Conquest have been given. The traditional view of a blitzkrieg type of conquest, which resulted in a complete occupation of the whole land (cf. Jos 10:40; 11:1-3, 16-19), does not fit within the whole picture of the book. The book presents a realistic description of the areas that still had to be conquered (13:1-7) and of the military strength of the indigenous population (cf. 13:13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18; 19:47). Moreover, Joshua promised that the Lord would continue to help Israel to occupy the land, as its population and needs developed (23:5). The occupation of Canaan was in two stages: conquest and gradual occupation (cf. Ex 23:29-30; Dt 7:22).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Purpose\">Purpose<\/p>\n<p>The role of the final (canonical) form of the book is to present Joshua’s obedience to the law of Moses. Victory and defeat are illustrations of obedience and disobedience. Of course, there is tension in this because the descriptions of the Conquest are complete and yet incomplete. The tension is a dynamic device to show that the Conquest and enjoyment of the land depend wholly on obedience. The period of Joshua is viewed as a paradigm of obedient Israel. Thus, a holistic reading of the book presents an appeal to covenant loyalty directed to future generations.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>Conquest of the Land, 1:1–12:24<\/h5>\n<h6>The Lord’s Commission of Joshua, 1:1-9<\/h6>\n<p>With the death of Moses (Jos 1:1), the Lord himself confirms Moses’ ordination of Joshua (Dt 34:9). He charges him with leadership in the conquest of Canaan (Jos 1:2-3), defines the geographical boundaries of the land (v 4), encourages him with his continued presence (vv 5, 9), and expects him to devoutly follow in “the law of Moses” (i.e., the law given in Dt; cf. Dt 31:9, 24-26; Jos 23:6), so that he may succeed in his mission (1:7-8). The original mission, as well as the ministry of Moses, find their continuity in Joshua.<\/p>\n<h6>Crossing the Jordan, 1:10–5:12<\/h6>\n<p>The first stage calls for the preparation of Israel. As their leader, Joshua must demonstrate to the people that he follows in the footsteps of Moses. He does this by reminding the Transjordan tribes to demonstrate loyalty to the command of Moses by joining with the other tribes in the conquest of Canaan (1:13-15; cf. Nm 32:20-27). They submitted to Joshua’s authority as to Moses’ (Jos 1:16-18). He demonstrates his military leadership in sending the two spies to Jericho (ch 2). His authority is accepted by priests (3:6; 4:10) and people (3:5-9) as they cross the Jordan. The crossing of the Jordan marks the public recognition of Joshua as a leader like Moses (4:14).<\/p>\n<p>The account of the crossing marks an important transition from the era of the exodus\/wilderness to the era of the Conquest. On the one hand, the story of Rahab illustrates how the Canaanites had heard about the Lord’s mighty acts (2:10-11) and reacted with great fear (cf. Ex 15:15; 23:27-28; Dt 2:25; 7:23; 11:25; 32:30). Rahab’s expression of faith in Israel’s God (2:11) anticipates the inclusion of the Gentiles in the covenant community as promised to the patriarchs (Gn 12:3). By faith Rahab was included in the covenant and was richly rewarded by the inclusion of her name in the lineage of Jesus (Mt 1:5).<\/p>\n<p>The Israelites crossed the Jordan with the knowledge that the fear of God had come on the Canaanites (Jos 2:24). However, they were also instructed to show their reverence for the Lord by keeping a safe distance between themselves and the ark of the covenant (3:4) and by consecrating themselves (v 5). The “living God” was among them and required holiness and reverence from his people (v 10). He, in turn, would demonstrate his loyalty in the marvelous passage through the Jordan River (v 13) and in the conquest of the land (3:10). After the tribes had crossed the river (4:1), each leader of the 12 tribes took up a stone out of the dried-up riverbed and set up a memorial at Gilgal (vv 1-9, 20). Thus, Israel was to remember that the stones, taken from the place where the priests who carried the ark had stood, were reminders of the majestic presence of God. Future generations who were to hear this report (vv 21-24) were hereby encouraged because the fear of God would fall on all the peoples of the land (v 24).<\/p>\n<p>The consecration before the conquest of Jericho is also symbolized by the act of circumcision (5:1-9) and by the celebration of the Passover (vv 10-12). The events are not necessarily chronologically related but were selected as examples of Israel’s responsiveness to Joshua’s ministry. Moses’ appeal to the new generation had its effect (cf. Dt 4:4-14; 6:1-5). The new generation served the Lord as long as Joshua and the elders were alive (Jos 24:31). Physical circumcision, neglected during the wilderness journey (5:5) due to unbelief, was a sign of spiritual responsiveness. The responsive nation received the external sign of the covenant with the anticipation that the Lord of the covenant would bless his people in giving them victory and the fruit of the land. Their reproach was rolled away (v 9). The covenant continuity is also brought out in the brief mention of the Passover celebration. The newness is their eating the fruit of the land. With the taste of the food of Canaan, the manna stopped. The desert experience was over. A new era was ushered in with their presence in the Promised Land (vv 11-12).<\/p>\n<h6>Conquest of Jericho, 5:13–6:27<\/h6>\n<p>The victory is the Lord’s. This is the message with which the battle of Jericho begins. The holy God who appeared to Moses in the burning bush (Ex 3:2–4:17) appeared to Joshua as the commander of the Lord’s army (Jos 5:14-15) with a message from the Lord (6:2). The city of Jericho will fall without a siege and ensuing battle. Israel’s response to Jericho’s preparedness for war (cf. 24:11) was strange, but the presence of the ark and the blowing of the trumpets symbolized that the Lord would fight for Israel, even as he had promised. However, Israel could not take any of the spoil. Because Yahweh fought for Israel, everything was to be devoted to him (6:17). The Lord honored the vow to Rahab, made by the spies, so that she and her family were kept alive (vv 17, 25), but they were temporarily placed outside the camp (v 23). The valuable metals were placed into the treasury (vv 19, 24), whereas everything else was burned by fire (v 24). Nothing was to be taken for personal gain; otherwise God’s judgment would rest on Israel (v 18). In order to emphasize God’s absolute ownership of Jericho, Joshua put a curse on anyone who would attempt to rebuild the city (6:26; cf. 1 Kgs 16:34). The rumors of Jericho’s destruction spread, and the peoples of Canaan knew that the Lord was with Joshua (Jos 6:27; cf. 1:5, 9).<\/p>\n<h6>Tragedy and Triumph at Ai, 7:1–8:29<\/h6>\n<p>Victory was short-lived because Achan defied God’s “ban,” took some of the objects, hid them in the ground under his tent (7:21), and brought God’s wrath on all of Israel (v 1). Israel was stunned by their defeat at Ai (vv 2-5). Joshua and the elders responded to the disaster by fasting and lamenting (vv 6-9). What a contrast between the reports of victory spread through the land and the anguished cry of God’s servant, fearful that the Canaanites would amass strength and wipe out Israel (v 9). Only after the people had consecrated themselves (v 13) and Achan was exposed and his memory removed (vv 25b-26) could they renew the attack on Ai with the encouraging promise of God’s presence and victory (8:1-2). Ai, too, was taken (vv 3-19) and the population execrated (vv 20-26), but Israel enjoyed the spoils by direct permission from the Lord (v 27). The ruins of Ai, the pile of stones covering the body of Ai’s king (vv 28-29), and the heap of rocks over Achan’s body were sobering reminders to Israel that God’s faithfulness requires absolute loyalty from his people.<\/p>\n<h6>Renewal of the Covenant, 8:30-35<\/h6>\n<p>Joshua led Israel in a ceremonial covenant renewal at Shechem, as Moses had instructed (Jos 8:31; cf. Dt 11:29; 27). Joshua took care in the proper preparation of the altar (cf. Ex 20:25) on which dedicatory and communal offerings were presented. He copied the law as a symbol of his royal leadership and his devotion to the Lord (Jos 8:32; cf. Dt 17:18). All Israel (officers and people, aliens and native-born Israelites) together presented themselves for the reading of the blessings and the curses (Jos 8:33-35). The whole book of Deuteronomy (i.e., “the Book of the Law,” cf. Dt 31:26) was read in their presence. Half the tribes stood on Mt Gerizim and said “Amen” to the blessings, and the other six stood on Mt Ebal, saying “Amen” to the curses (cf. Dt 27:9-26).<\/p>\n<h6>Covenant with the Gibeonites, 9:1-27<\/h6>\n<p>The rumors of God’s mighty acts had brought fear on the Canaanite kings (cf. Jos 2:8-11, 24; 5:1; 6:27). The first defeat at Ai had given them a ray of hope that Israel could be put down. Rather than submit themselves to Israel and suffer from humiliation as servants of Israel, they joined forces against Joshua and Israel (9:1-2).<\/p>\n<p>The Hivites from Gibeon, Kephirah, Beeroth, and Kiriath-jearim (9:7, 17) did not join with their fellow Canaanites. Instead, they developed an intricate plan to deceive Israel and to sue for full treaty status. The purpose of the treaty was that of friendship (namely, “peace”), promising each other to be of mutual assistance in case of attack. The concern was with the preservation of life (vv 15, 24). Their deception included a ruse about the great distance they had traveled (vv 11-14) and a false report of Israel’s victories in Transjordan with no mention of their crossing the Jordan (9:9-10; cf. 5:1). The law permitted the submissive city to subject its population to a type of suzerainty treaty, in which Israel defined the terms and expected the subjugated populace to serve as its forced laborers (Dt 20:11; cf. Jgs 1:28-35; 1 Kgs 9:15-21). However, the treaty permitted the Hivites to maintain their way of life with the advantage of Israel’s military protection.<\/p>\n<h6>The Southern Campaign, 10:1-43<\/h6>\n<p>The king of Jerusalem, Adoni-zedek, led the cities of Hebron, Jarmuth, Lachish, and Eglon in an alliance against Gibeon as a military ploy to take a stand against Israel (Jos 10:1-5). The Gibeonites appealed to Israel for help based on their covenantal relationship (v 6). Joshua led Israel on a 25-mile (40-kilometer) hike through the wilderness from Gilgal up to Gibeon during one night (vv 7-9). The Israelite attack surprised the Canaanites, who were already frightened of the Israelites. The camp of the Canaanites was thrown into confusion, and the soldiers fled the hill country via the road of Beth-horon to Azekah and Makkedah (v 10). But while running, they were tormented with large hailstones (v 11). The victory was the Lord’s. Miraculously, Israel could push the Canaanites farther from the hill country because of the long day (vv 12-14). The marvel of this day was long remembered in the Book of Jashar (cf. 2 Sm 1:18), because on it the Lord listened to a man, namely Joshua (Jos 10:14).<\/p>\n<p>The five kings hidden in a cave at Makkedah were discovered, killed, hanged on trees, and buried in the cave (10:16-27). Their foolish attempt to make war on Israel came to a quick end. Since the coalition of large cities had been put down, Joshua led Israel in a rapid campaign of the other southern cities (vv 29-43). The region was taken in one campaign with the Lord’s help (v 42).<\/p>\n<h6>The Northern Campaign, 11:1-15<\/h6>\n<p>The Israelites were again forced into battle, this time by the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor. Jabin rallied the kings of the northern cities who assembled their troops and horses by the waters of Merom for battle against Israel (11:1-5). The similarity to the southern campaign is a literary way to demonstrate that the kings of the south and north initiated the war and were consequently defeated. So it was with the northern kings, who were routed as far as the region of Sidon in Phoenicia (v 8). Their horses were hamstrung and their chariots burned (v 9), as the Lord had instructed (v 6). Israel was to depend on the Lord (cf. Ps 20:7). Hazor, the great and ancient city, the center of Canaanite power in the north, was completely destroyed (Jos 11:10-13). The burning of Jericho, Ai, and Hazor were exceptions, because Israel had been promised Canaanite houses, wells, and cities (Dt 6:10-11; cf. Jos 24:13). The campaign narrative stresses again the absolute loyalty of Joshua to the Lord and to Moses, the servant of the Lord (Jos 11:9-15).<\/p>\n<h6>Summary of the Campaigns, 11:16–12:24<\/h6>\n<p>Joshua led Israel in victory and rest because of his careful adherence to the Lord’s directions to Moses. Moses had described the land to be conquered in detail (Dt 1:7), and Joshua took the regions of which Moses had spoken. Though the cities could have sued for a peaceable arrangement under which they would have been forced laborers (Dt 20:11), none of the cities recognized Israel. In fear they plotted and schemed how to destroy Israel. They were the aggressors. God had hardened their hearts (Jos 11:20). The theological reason is a mystery, as it was in the case of Pharaoh. But the net result was that Canaan was conquered and the population exterminated, except for the Hivites at Gibeon and their surrounding cities (vv 19-20). Even the Anakites, who had brought fear on Israel some 40 years before (Nm 13:33; cf. Dt 2:10, 21), were execrated (Jos 11:21). Yet it is already apparent that not every square mile of land was taken (v 22), even though in a sense the entire land was Israel’s, because major centers of Canaanite resistance had been broken. The tension between fulfillment and complete fulfillment is apparent in these verses.<\/p>\n<p>The listing of defeated kings (ch 12) includes the victories over Sihon and Og under Moses’ leadership. Their juxtaposition with the list of kings conquered under Joshua demonstrates the continuity of leadership and purpose—two leaders, many campaigns, but one battle. The Land of Promise is now a fulfillment. Through the campaigns the borders of the land of inheritance were now more apparent. In Transjordan the limits are from the Arnon to Mt Hermon (vv 2-5). In Canaan the boundary extends from the region south of Sidon to the Negev (vv 7-8).<\/p>\n<h5>The Division of the Land, 13:1–22:34<\/h5>\n<h6>The Command to Divide the Land, 13:1-7<\/h6>\n<p>Because of Joshua’s advanced age, the “whole” land was not taken. Moses had forewarned Israel that the inheritance would result from conquest as well as from gradual extension of Israel’s narrow boundaries. Slowly Israel was to inherit the whole land, lest it be overwhelmed by the size and be unable to use it properly (Ex 23:29-30; Dt 7:22). The areas still to be occupied were: the region to the north of Galilee, Mt Hermon (east of the Sea of Galilee), the area occupied by the Philistines, and regional Canaanite enclaves (Jos 13:2-7; cf. Jgs 1). Israel was not to be concerned with the future rights of occupation, because the Lord promised to help them (Jos 13:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Division of Transjordan, 13:8-33<\/h6>\n<p>Joshua did not alter the Mosaic arrangement concerning the allotments to the tribes of Manasseh, Reuben, and Gad (Jos 13:8, 32-33; cf. Nm 32; Dt 3:12-17). Their territory also excluded certain regions still occupied by Canaanites (Jos 13:13). The clans of Reuben had received the territory from the Arnon River north to Heshbon (vv 15-23). The clans of Gad had received the territory of Gilead, south of the Jabbok River to Heshbon (vv 24-28). Several clans of Manasseh received the region south of the Wadi Yarmuk to the Jabbok (vv 29-31). The Levitical towns are not listed here, but a reference is made to them as not receiving a patrimony, because they were to live off the offerings and sacrifices made to the Lord (Jos 13:14; cf. Nm 18:20-24; 35:1-8).<\/p>\n<h6>The Tribal Divisions in Canaan, 14:1–19:51<\/h6>\n<p>Eleazar, the high priest, and Joshua together cast lots to determine the boundaries, size, and allocation for the remaining nine and a half tribes. Again the exclusion of the tribe of Levi is mentioned (Jos 14:4), because their cities will be dealt with in chapters 20–21. Another literary device is special mention of the inheritance of Caleb in the beginning (14:6-15) and of Joshua at the conclusion (19:49-50). These two were the only ones who had left Egypt as adults, had been faithful spies, and had entered into the Promised Land (Nm 14:24, 30; Dt 1:36-38).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah, 15:1-63 (cf. Jgs 1:10-15, 20)<\/h6>\n<p>The boundaries of Judah extended from the Dead Sea westward to the Mediterranean (Jos 15:2-12). The cities of Judah are listed in its four regions: 29 in the Negev (vv 21-32), 42 cities in the Shephelah (or western foothills) and coastal plains (vv 33-47), 38 cities in the hill country (15:48-60), and 6 cities in the desert (vv 61-62). Judah was unable to take Jerusalem (v 63) until David made it his capital (cf. Jgs 1:21; 2 Sm 5:6-16).<\/p>\n<h6>Ephraim and Manasseh, 16:1–17:18<\/h6>\n<p>These two tribes, descended from Joseph, were richly blessed (cf. Gn 48; 49:22-26; Dt 33:13-17) and had obtained prominence among the tribes. They received one allotment as “the allotment for Joseph” (Jos 16:1). Part of Manasseh had already received a patrimony east of the Jordan (13:29-31). The limits for Ephraim and the west half of Manasseh were from Bethel to Mt Gilboa in the north and from the Jordan to the Mediterranean (16:1-3). Ephraim received the smaller portion in the south (vv 5-9) but was unable to drive the Canaanites out of Gezer. The clans of Manasseh are given, including Zelophehad (17:3-6; cf. Nm 27:1-11; 36:1-12), in order to clearly distinguish them from the clans of Manasseh in Transjordan. The region of west Manasseh extended from Shechem to Mt Gilboa (Jos 17:7-11); but Manasseh, also, was incapable of driving out the Canaanites completely (vv 12-13).<\/p>\n<p>Though they had received the largest portion of the land (more than a third), the tribes of Joseph complained. They knew that the Lord had blessed them (17:14), and they expected to get more cultivable land. But Joshua urged them to use the available land by cutting down the forests (vv 15-18). When they expressed realistic concern about Canaanite military power, Joshua called on them to do their share in occupying the land.<\/p>\n<h6>Seven Tribes, 18:1–19:51<\/h6>\n<p>The Israelites assembled at Shiloh to set up the tabernacle (cf. 1 Sm 1). At that point seven tribes had not yet received their patrimony. Joshua called for each tribe to commission three men to survey the land. When they returned, Joshua cast lots at the tabernacle in Shiloh and divided the land (Jos 18:3-10). The territory of Benjamin was between Judah and Ephraim (vv 11-28). Simeon’s allotment was in southern Judah (19:1-9), resulting in its absorption into Judah (cf. Gn 49:7). Zebulun (Jos 19:10-16), Issachar (vv 17-23), Asher (vv 24-31), and Naphtali (vv 32-39) received a portion north of Manasseh in the region of Galilee. Dan received the seventh lot and suffered subsequently, when it could not maintain the allotted territory because of the pressure of Judah on the east and the Philistines to the west (vv 40-48). They migrated northward and found the sources of the Jordan to be a fruitful region (Jos 19:47; cf. Jgs 18).<\/p>\n<h6>Conclusion, 19:49-51<\/h6>\n<p>The conclusion is symmetric with the beginning (Jos 14:1-14) in that Joshua also received a gift. Again, mention is made that all divisions were in the presence of the Lord, witnessed to and executed by the high priest Eleazar and Joshua (19:51; cf. 14:1).<\/p>\n<h6>Cities of Refuge and the Levitical Cities, 20:1–21:45<\/h6>\n<p>According to the instructions of Moses, six Levitical cities were set apart, three on each side of the Jordan, as cities of refuge (Nm 35:9-34; Dt 4:41-43; 19:1-10). The purpose was to provide “refuge” (asylum) for those who were guilty of manslaughter but had not intentionally killed someone. This practice was not to provide a way out for someone who was guilty, but to allow for the legal process to be completed (Jos 20).<\/p>\n<p>The Levites received by clan a total of 48 cities, six of which also served as cities of refuge (21:1-42). The Levites could not cultivate the soil because they were dependent on the tithes of the people (Nm 18:21-24), but they were permitted to have land for grazing. The dimensions of the land are given in Numbers 35:4-5. A special allocation is made to the descendants of Aaron (Jos 21:9-19), because they served as priests and their 13 cities were in the Judah-Simeon region, in proximity to the Jerusalem temple of the Solomonic era.<\/p>\n<p>With the allocation of the Levitical cities, the division of the land is concluded. The promise of the land is fulfilled (21:43-45). God is faithful! This section emphasizes the fulfillment, the power, and the grace of God, by which Israel entered into its rest. However, the book of Joshua also hints of the struggle that is still ahead of the Israelites and of the test that ultimately they will fail (cf. Ps 95:11; Heb 3:7-11).<\/p>\n<h6>Return of the Transjordan Tribes, 22:1-34<\/h6>\n<p>Joshua dismissed the two and a half tribes with a commendation for their loyalty to the other tribes and to the Lord (Jos 22:1-4), with a warning not to succumb to idolatry but to love the Lord in accordance with the Deuteronomic law, and with a blessing (vv 5-8). However, as they returned they set up a large altar by the Jordan on the western side. The other tribes heard about it and met at Shiloh (v 12). They wisely commissioned Phinehas, the son of the high priest, with ten representatives of the tribes, to investigate the matter. The commission charged the Transjordan tribes with treachery (Jos 22:15-20; cf. Nm 25; Jos 7).<\/p>\n<p>The response of the Transjordan tribes demonstrated their concern for the unity of the tribes and for the worship of God. These tribes feared being excluded from the fellowship of God’s people and had purposefully constructed an altar, identical to that prescribed in the law, in order to demonstrate their common heritage (Jos 22:21-30). The altar was not for sacrifice or worship but functioned as a symbol of the covenantal unity of the people of God.<\/p>\n<p>Phinehas and the tribal representatives were pleased with the response and left with the assurance of God’s presence (22:30-31). Their report to the tribes led to reconciliation of all the tribes on this matter. The narrative concludes with a mention of the name given to the altar: “A witness between us and them that the <span>Lord<\/span> is our God, too” (v 34, <span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue: The Land Is a Sacred Trust, 23:1–24:33<\/h5>\n<p>The last two chapters contain Joshua’s farewell speeches to all the leaders and to all Israel.<\/p>\n<h6>Address to the Leaders, 23:1-16<\/h6>\n<p>Joshua reviews what the Lord has done for Israel in giving the land to the tribes. He has demonstrated his loyalty. And he will continue to be with his people so that no enemy can stand against them. He will fulfill every outstanding promise, even as he had already fulfilled promises. However, they must persevere in their loyalty to the Lord. Loyalty to the Lord is not apart from loyalty to the law of Moses. Apostasy will be severely punished, first by leaving the nations to ensnare Israel, and then by consuming them in his wrath.<\/p>\n<h6>Address to Israel, 24:1-28<\/h6>\n<p>The address ends with a covenant renewal at Shechem (Jos 24:1, 25-28; cf. 8:30-35). In the ancient Near East it was common when making a treaty (covenant) to give a brief historical summary of the relationship of the parties involved. Joshua reviewed Israel’s history from the patriarchs to their generation: patriarchs (24:2-4), exodus (vv 5-7), and conquest (vv 8-13).<\/p>\n<p>The goodness, presence, and loyalty of Yahweh was evident to them. Yahweh also expected “faithfulness” from his people in the form of whole allegiance, without any form of idolatry (Jos 24:14-15). As the head of his family, Joshua vowed to be loyal (v 15). The people responded by giving reasons for being loyal to the Lord (vv 16-18). But Joshua pushed them to a deeper commitment by challenging their profession (vv 19-20), then recording their vow and setting up a stone of witness against them (vv 25-27).<\/p>\n<h6>End of an Era, 24:29-33<\/h6>\n<p>The book began with a reference to the death of Moses (1:1-2) and concludes with the death and burial of Joshua (24:29-30) and of Eleazar the high priest (v 33). This marks the end of an era. The burial of Joseph’s bones (Jos 24:32; cf. Gn 50:25; Ex 13:19) in a plot purchased by Jacob (Gn 33:19) brings together the hope characteristic of the epoch of Moses and Joshua.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Cities of Refuge; Conquest and Allotment of the Land; Israel, History of; Joshua (Person) #1; Levitical Cities.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JOSHUA, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>First of the historical books in the English Bible and the first of the Former Prophets (including Judges, the books of Samuel, and the books of Kings) in the Hebrew Bible. It begins with the Lord’s commission of Joshua (Jos 1:1-9) and concludes with the burial of Joshua, Eleazar, and the bones of Joseph (24:29-33). The purpose of the book is to show how Joshua continued in the footsteps of Moses, how the Lord gave the land to Israel, and how Israel might prosper in the land.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author and Date<\/p>\n<p>• Problems of Interpretation<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"AuthorandDate\">Author and Date<\/p>\n<p>According to the Talmud, Joshua wrote the book. This ancient tradition is possibly based on the brief statement that Joshua “recorded these things in the Book of the Law of God” (24:26, <span>nlt<\/span>). However, this applies only to the renewal of the covenant (ch 24). The issue of authorship is tied up with the dating of the book. Since the book has no unambiguous markers on date and authorship, neither critics nor conservative scholars have been able to come to any agreement on these issues. According to a conservative analysis of Joshua, the book was written between 1375 <span>BC<\/span> and 1045 <span>BC<\/span> (premonarchic). The argument is based on the references to the migration of Dan (19:47; cf. Jgs 18:27-31), to Jerusalem as a Jebusite city (Jos 15:8, 63; 18:16, 28), to Sidon rather than Tyre as the prominent Phoenician city (11:8; 13:4-6; 19:28), and also on the eyewitness style (5:1, 6—in the MT). But critical scholars have raised issues that they considered could best be resolved by positing a seventh-century <span>BC<\/span> or even an exilic date.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"ProblemsofInterpretation\">Problems of Interpretation<\/p>\n<h5>Holy War<\/h5>\n<p>The morality of the Conquest may be explained by the concept of holy war. The holy war motif would explain why Israel was to destroy the indigenous population (Dt 7:16; 20:16-18; Jos 6:21; 8:24-26; 10:10, 28-30, 35-42; 11:11). The justification may lie in the concept that Israel was God’s instrument of judgment on the Canaanite nations. This argument is related to the mention of the wickedness of the Canaanites (Gn 15:16; Dt 7:2-5, 25-26; 12:30-31; Jos 23:7; Jgs 2:11). However, the canonical narrative of the progression of the Conquest puts the responsibility on the Canaanites. They marched and fought against Israel (Nm 21:21-35; Jos 7:4-5; 8:5, 16-17; 9:1-2; 10:1-6; 11:1-5; 24:11). Therefore, it could be argued that in the process of war a sincere invitation to make peace was given to the kings (cf. Nm 21:21-22; Dt 20:10-11) but was refused. Instead, the kings took the initiative in battle. The responsibility for the destruction of the native population thus lay with the leadership. Yet all this was evidence of God’s working in human affairs, which the Bible simply states, “For it was the <span>Lord<\/span> himself who hardened their hearts to wage war against Israel, so that he might destroy them totally, exterminating them without mercy, as the <span>Lord<\/span> had commanded Moses” (Jos 11:20, <span>niv<\/span>). Even as Pharaoh, whose heart the Lord hardened, was responsible for the plagues in Egypt, so the Canaanite rulers were responsible for the extermination of their populations. The biblical account of the Conquest affirms the mystery of human responsibility and divine sovereignty without explaining it.<\/p>\n<h5>Nature of the Conquest<\/h5>\n<p>Various explanations of the nature of the Conquest have been given. The traditional view of a blitzkrieg type of conquest, which resulted in a complete occupation of the whole land (cf. Jos 10:40; 11:1-3, 16-19), does not fit within the whole picture of the book. The book presents a realistic description of the areas that still had to be conquered (13:1-7) and of the military strength of the indigenous population (cf. 13:13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18; 19:47). Moreover, Joshua promised that the Lord would continue to help Israel to occupy the land, as its population and needs developed (23:5). The occupation of Canaan was in two stages: conquest and gradual occupation (cf. Ex 23:29-30; Dt 7:22).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Purpose\">Purpose<\/p>\n<p>The role of the final (canonical) form of the book is to present Joshua’s obedience to the law of Moses. Victory and defeat are illustrations of obedience and disobedience. Of course, there is tension in this because the descriptions of the Conquest are complete and yet incomplete. The tension is a dynamic device to show that the Conquest and enjoyment of the land depend wholly on obedience. The period of Joshua is viewed as a paradigm of obedient Israel. Thus, a holistic reading of the book presents an appeal to covenant loyalty directed to future generations.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>Conquest of the Land, 1:1–12:24<\/h5>\n<h6>The Lord’s Commission of Joshua, 1:1-9<\/h6>\n<p>With the death of Moses (Jos 1:1), the Lord himself confirms Moses’ ordination of Joshua (Dt 34:9). He charges him with leadership in the conquest of Canaan (Jos 1:2-3), defines the geographical boundaries of the land (v 4), encourages him with his continued presence (vv 5, 9), and expects him to devoutly follow in “the law of Moses” (i.e., the law given in Dt; cf. Dt 31:9, 24-26; Jos 23:6), so that he may succeed in his mission (1:7-8). The original mission, as well as the ministry of Moses, find their continuity in Joshua.<\/p>\n<h6>Crossing the Jordan, 1:10–5:12<\/h6>\n<p>The first stage calls for the preparation of Israel. As their leader, Joshua must demonstrate to the people that he follows in the footsteps of Moses. He does this by reminding the Transjordan tribes to demonstrate loyalty to the command of Moses by joining with the other tribes in the conquest of Canaan (1:13-15; cf. Nm 32:20-27). They submitted to Joshua’s authority as to Moses’ (Jos 1:16-18). He demonstrates his military leadership in sending the two spies to Jericho (ch 2). His authority is accepted by priests (3:6; 4:10) and people (3:5-9) as they cross the Jordan. The crossing of the Jordan marks the public recognition of Joshua as a leader like Moses (4:14).<\/p>\n<p>The account of the crossing marks an important transition from the era of the exodus\/wilderness to the era of the Conquest. On the one hand, the story of Rahab illustrates how the Canaanites had heard about the Lord’s mighty acts (2:10-11) and reacted with great fear (cf. Ex 15:15; 23:27-28; Dt 2:25; 7:23; 11:25; 32:30). Rahab’s expression of faith in Israel’s God (2:11) anticipates the inclusion of the Gentiles in the covenant community as promised to the patriarchs (Gn 12:3). By faith Rahab was included in the covenant and was richly rewarded by the inclusion of her name in the lineage of Jesus (Mt 1:5).<\/p>\n<p>The Israelites crossed the Jordan with the knowledge that the fear of God had come on the Canaanites (Jos 2:24). However, they were also instructed to show their reverence for the Lord by keeping a safe distance between themselves and the ark of the covenant (3:4) and by consecrating themselves (v 5). The “living God” was among them and required holiness and reverence from his people (v 10). He, in turn, would demonstrate his loyalty in the marvelous passage through the Jordan River (v 13) and in the conquest of the land (3:10). After the tribes had crossed the river (4:1), each leader of the 12 tribes took up a stone out of the dried-up riverbed and set up a memorial at Gilgal (vv 1-9, 20). Thus, Israel was to remember that the stones, taken from the place where the priests who carried the ark had stood, were reminders of the majestic presence of God. Future generations who were to hear this report (vv 21-24) were hereby encouraged because the fear of God would fall on all the peoples of the land (v 24).<\/p>\n<p>The consecration before the conquest of Jericho is also symbolized by the act of circumcision (5:1-9) and by the celebration of the Passover (vv 10-12). The events are not necessarily chronologically related but were selected as examples of Israel’s responsiveness to Joshua’s ministry. Moses’ appeal to the new generation had its effect (cf. Dt 4:4-14; 6:1-5). The new generation served the Lord as long as Joshua and the elders were alive (Jos 24:31). Physical circumcision, neglected during the wilderness journey (5:5) due to unbelief, was a sign of spiritual responsiveness. The responsive nation received the external sign of the covenant with the anticipation that the Lord of the covenant would bless his people in giving them victory and the fruit of the land. Their reproach was rolled away (v 9). The covenant continuity is also brought out in the brief mention of the Passover celebration. The newness is their eating the fruit of the land. With the taste of the food of Canaan, the manna stopped. The desert experience was over. A new era was ushered in with their presence in the Promised Land (vv 11-12).<\/p>\n<h6>Conquest of Jericho, 5:13–6:27<\/h6>\n<p>The victory is the Lord’s. This is the message with which the battle of Jericho begins. The holy God who appeared to Moses in the burning bush (Ex 3:2–4:17) appeared to Joshua as the commander of the Lord’s army (Jos 5:14-15) with a message from the Lord (6:2). The city of Jericho will fall without a siege and ensuing battle. Israel’s response to Jericho’s preparedness for war (cf. 24:11) was strange, but the presence of the ark and the blowing of the trumpets symbolized that the Lord would fight for Israel, even as he had promised. However, Israel could not take any of the spoil. Because Yahweh fought for Israel, everything was to be devoted to him (6:17). The Lord honored the vow to Rahab, made by the spies, so that she and her family were kept alive (vv 17, 25), but they were temporarily placed outside the camp (v 23). The valuable metals were placed into the treasury (vv 19, 24), whereas everything else was burned by fire (v 24). Nothing was to be taken for personal gain; otherwise God’s judgment would rest on Israel (v 18). In order to emphasize God’s absolute ownership of Jericho, Joshua put a curse on anyone who would attempt to rebuild the city (6:26; cf. 1 Kgs 16:34). The rumors of Jericho’s destruction spread, and the peoples of Canaan knew that the Lord was with Joshua (Jos 6:27; cf. 1:5, 9).<\/p>\n<h6>Tragedy and Triumph at Ai, 7:1–8:29<\/h6>\n<p>Victory was short-lived because Achan defied God’s “ban,” took some of the objects, hid them in the ground under his tent (7:21), and brought God’s wrath on all of Israel (v 1). Israel was stunned by their defeat at Ai (vv 2-5). Joshua and the elders responded to the disaster by fasting and lamenting (vv 6-9). What a contrast between the reports of victory spread through the land and the anguished cry of God’s servant, fearful that the Canaanites would amass strength and wipe out Israel (v 9). Only after the people had consecrated themselves (v 13) and Achan was exposed and his memory removed (vv 25b-26) could they renew the attack on Ai with the encouraging promise of God’s presence and victory (8:1-2). Ai, too, was taken (vv 3-19) and the population execrated (vv 20-26), but Israel enjoyed the spoils by direct permission from the Lord (v 27). The ruins of Ai, the pile of stones covering the body of Ai’s king (vv 28-29), and the heap of rocks over Achan’s body were sobering reminders to Israel that God’s faithfulness requires absolute loyalty from his people.<\/p>\n<h6>Renewal of the Covenant, 8:30-35<\/h6>\n<p>Joshua led Israel in a ceremonial covenant renewal at Shechem, as Moses had instructed (Jos 8:31; cf. Dt 11:29; 27). Joshua took care in the proper preparation of the altar (cf. Ex 20:25) on which dedicatory and communal offerings were presented. He copied the law as a symbol of his royal leadership and his devotion to the Lord (Jos 8:32; cf. Dt 17:18). All Israel (officers and people, aliens and native-born Israelites) together presented themselves for the reading of the blessings and the curses (Jos 8:33-35). The whole book of Deuteronomy (i.e., “the Book of the Law,” cf. Dt 31:26) was read in their presence. Half the tribes stood on Mt Gerizim and said “Amen” to the blessings, and the other six stood on Mt Ebal, saying “Amen” to the curses (cf. Dt 27:9-26).<\/p>\n<h6>Covenant with the Gibeonites, 9:1-27<\/h6>\n<p>The rumors of God’s mighty acts had brought fear on the Canaanite kings (cf. Jos 2:8-11, 24; 5:1; 6:27). The first defeat at Ai had given them a ray of hope that Israel could be put down. Rather than submit themselves to Israel and suffer from humiliation as servants of Israel, they joined forces against Joshua and Israel (9:1-2).<\/p>\n<p>The Hivites from Gibeon, Kephirah, Beeroth, and Kiriath-jearim (9:7, 17) did not join with their fellow Canaanites. Instead, they developed an intricate plan to deceive Israel and to sue for full treaty status. The purpose of the treaty was that of friendship (namely, “peace”), promising each other to be of mutual assistance in case of attack. The concern was with the preservation of life (vv 15, 24). Their deception included a ruse about the great distance they had traveled (vv 11-14) and a false report of Israel’s victories in Transjordan with no mention of their crossing the Jordan (9:9-10; cf. 5:1). The law permitted the submissive city to subject its population to a type of suzerainty treaty, in which Israel defined the terms and expected the subjugated populace to serve as its forced laborers (Dt 20:11; cf. Jgs 1:28-35; 1 Kgs 9:15-21). However, the treaty permitted the Hivites to maintain their way of life with the advantage of Israel’s military protection.<\/p>\n<h6>The Southern Campaign, 10:1-43<\/h6>\n<p>The king of Jerusalem, Adoni-zedek, led the cities of Hebron, Jarmuth, Lachish, and Eglon in an alliance against Gibeon as a military ploy to take a stand against Israel (Jos 10:1-5). The Gibeonites appealed to Israel for help based on their covenantal relationship (v 6). Joshua led Israel on a 25-mile (40-kilometer) hike through the wilderness from Gilgal up to Gibeon during one night (vv 7-9). The Israelite attack surprised the Canaanites, who were already frightened of the Israelites. The camp of the Canaanites was thrown into confusion, and the soldiers fled the hill country via the road of Beth-horon to Azekah and Makkedah (v 10). But while running, they were tormented with large hailstones (v 11). The victory was the Lord’s. Miraculously, Israel could push the Canaanites farther from the hill country because of the long day (vv 12-14). The marvel of this day was long remembered in the Book of Jashar (cf. 2 Sm 1:18), because on it the Lord listened to a man, namely Joshua (Jos 10:14).<\/p>\n<p>The five kings hidden in a cave at Makkedah were discovered, killed, hanged on trees, and buried in the cave (10:16-27). Their foolish attempt to make war on Israel came to a quick end. Since the coalition of large cities had been put down, Joshua led Israel in a rapid campaign of the other southern cities (vv 29-43). The region was taken in one campaign with the Lord’s help (v 42).<\/p>\n<h6>The Northern Campaign, 11:1-15<\/h6>\n<p>The Israelites were again forced into battle, this time by the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor. Jabin rallied the kings of the northern cities who assembled their troops and horses by the waters of Merom for battle against Israel (11:1-5). The similarity to the southern campaign is a literary way to demonstrate that the kings of the south and north initiated the war and were consequently defeated. So it was with the northern kings, who were routed as far as the region of Sidon in Phoenicia (v 8). Their horses were hamstrung and their chariots burned (v 9), as the Lord had instructed (v 6). Israel was to depend on the Lord (cf. Ps 20:7). Hazor, the great and ancient city, the center of Canaanite power in the north, was completely destroyed (Jos 11:10-13). The burning of Jericho, Ai, and Hazor were exceptions, because Israel had been promised Canaanite houses, wells, and cities (Dt 6:10-11; cf. Jos 24:13). The campaign narrative stresses again the absolute loyalty of Joshua to the Lord and to Moses, the servant of the Lord (Jos 11:9-15).<\/p>\n<h6>Summary of the Campaigns, 11:16–12:24<\/h6>\n<p>Joshua led Israel in victory and rest because of his careful adherence to the Lord’s directions to Moses. Moses had described the land to be conquered in detail (Dt 1:7), and Joshua took the regions of which Moses had spoken. Though the cities could have sued for a peaceable arrangement under which they would have been forced laborers (Dt 20:11), none of the cities recognized Israel. In fear they plotted and schemed how to destroy Israel. They were the aggressors. God had hardened their hearts (Jos 11:20). The theological reason is a mystery, as it was in the case of Pharaoh. But the net result was that Canaan was conquered and the population exterminated, except for the Hivites at Gibeon and their surrounding cities (vv 19-20). Even the Anakites, who had brought fear on Israel some 40 years before (Nm 13:33; cf. Dt 2:10, 21), were execrated (Jos 11:21). Yet it is already apparent that not every square mile of land was taken (v 22), even though in a sense the entire land was Israel’s, because major centers of Canaanite resistance had been broken. The tension between fulfillment and complete fulfillment is apparent in these verses.<\/p>\n<p>The listing of defeated kings (ch 12) includes the victories over Sihon and Og under Moses’ leadership. Their juxtaposition with the list of kings conquered under Joshua demonstrates the continuity of leadership and purpose—two leaders, many campaigns, but one battle. The Land of Promise is now a fulfillment. Through the campaigns the borders of the land of inheritance were now more apparent. In Transjordan the limits are from the Arnon to Mt Hermon (vv 2-5). In Canaan the boundary extends from the region south of Sidon to the Negev (vv 7-8).<\/p>\n<h5>The Division of the Land, 13:1–22:34<\/h5>\n<h6>The Command to Divide the Land, 13:1-7<\/h6>\n<p>Because of Joshua’s advanced age, the “whole” land was not taken. Moses had forewarned Israel that the inheritance would result from conquest as well as from gradual extension of Israel’s narrow boundaries. Slowly Israel was to inherit the whole land, lest it be overwhelmed by the size and be unable to use it properly (Ex 23:29-30; Dt 7:22). The areas still to be occupied were: the region to the north of Galilee, Mt Hermon (east of the Sea of Galilee), the area occupied by the Philistines, and regional Canaanite enclaves (Jos 13:2-7; cf. Jgs 1). Israel was not to be concerned with the future rights of occupation, because the Lord promised to help them (Jos 13:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Division of Transjordan, 13:8-33<\/h6>\n<p>Joshua did not alter the Mosaic arrangement concerning the allotments to the tribes of Manasseh, Reuben, and Gad (Jos 13:8, 32-33; cf. Nm 32; Dt 3:12-17). Their territory also excluded certain regions still occupied by Canaanites (Jos 13:13). The clans of Reuben had received the territory from the Arnon River north to Heshbon (vv 15-23). The clans of Gad had received the territory of Gilead, south of the Jabbok River to Heshbon (vv 24-28). Several clans of Manasseh received the region south of the Wadi Yarmuk to the Jabbok (vv 29-31). The Levitical towns are not listed here, but a reference is made to them as not receiving a patrimony, because they were to live off the offerings and sacrifices made to the Lord (Jos 13:14; cf. Nm 18:20-24; 35:1-8).<\/p>\n<h6>The Tribal Divisions in Canaan, 14:1–19:51<\/h6>\n<p>Eleazar, the high priest, and Joshua together cast lots to determine the boundaries, size, and allocation for the remaining nine and a half tribes. Again the exclusion of the tribe of Levi is mentioned (Jos 14:4), because their cities will be dealt with in chapters 20–21. Another literary device is special mention of the inheritance of Caleb in the beginning (14:6-15) and of Joshua at the conclusion (19:49-50). These two were the only ones who had left Egypt as adults, had been faithful spies, and had entered into the Promised Land (Nm 14:24, 30; Dt 1:36-38).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah, 15:1-63 (cf. Jgs 1:10-15, 20)<\/h6>\n<p>The boundaries of Judah extended from the Dead Sea westward to the Mediterranean (Jos 15:2-12). The cities of Judah are listed in its four regions: 29 in the Negev (vv 21-32), 42 cities in the Shephelah (or western foothills) and coastal plains (vv 33-47), 38 cities in the hill country (15:48-60), and 6 cities in the desert (vv 61-62). Judah was unable to take Jerusalem (v 63) until David made it his capital (cf. Jgs 1:21; 2 Sm 5:6-16).<\/p>\n<h6>Ephraim and Manasseh, 16:1–17:18<\/h6>\n<p>These two tribes, descended from Joseph, were richly blessed (cf. Gn 48; 49:22-26; Dt 33:13-17) and had obtained prominence among the tribes. They received one allotment as “the allotment for Joseph” (Jos 16:1). Part of Manasseh had already received a patrimony east of the Jordan (13:29-31). The limits for Ephraim and the west half of Manasseh were from Bethel to Mt Gilboa in the north and from the Jordan to the Mediterranean (16:1-3). Ephraim received the smaller portion in the south (vv 5-9) but was unable to drive the Canaanites out of Gezer. The clans of Manasseh are given, including Zelophehad (17:3-6; cf. Nm 27:1-11; 36:1-12), in order to clearly distinguish them from the clans of Manasseh in Transjordan. The region of west Manasseh extended from Shechem to Mt Gilboa (Jos 17:7-11); but Manasseh, also, was incapable of driving out the Canaanites completely (vv 12-13).<\/p>\n<p>Though they had received the largest portion of the land (more than a third), the tribes of Joseph complained. They knew that the Lord had blessed them (17:14), and they expected to get more cultivable land. But Joshua urged them to use the available land by cutting down the forests (vv 15-18). When they expressed realistic concern about Canaanite military power, Joshua called on them to do their share in occupying the land.<\/p>\n<h6>Seven Tribes, 18:1–19:51<\/h6>\n<p>The Israelites assembled at Shiloh to set up the tabernacle (cf. 1 Sm 1). At that point seven tribes had not yet received their patrimony. Joshua called for each tribe to commission three men to survey the land. When they returned, Joshua cast lots at the tabernacle in Shiloh and divided the land (Jos 18:3-10). The territory of Benjamin was between Judah and Ephraim (vv 11-28). Simeon’s allotment was in southern Judah (19:1-9), resulting in its absorption into Judah (cf. Gn 49:7). Zebulun (Jos 19:10-16), Issachar (vv 17-23), Asher (vv 24-31), and Naphtali (vv 32-39) received a portion north of Manasseh in the region of Galilee. Dan received the seventh lot and suffered subsequently, when it could not maintain the allotted territory because of the pressure of Judah on the east and the Philistines to the west (vv 40-48). They migrated northward and found the sources of the Jordan to be a fruitful region (Jos 19:47; cf. Jgs 18).<\/p>\n<h6>Conclusion, 19:49-51<\/h6>\n<p>The conclusion is symmetric with the beginning (Jos 14:1-14) in that Joshua also received a gift. Again, mention is made that all divisions were in the presence of the Lord, witnessed to and executed by the high priest Eleazar and Joshua (19:51; cf. 14:1).<\/p>\n<h6>Cities of Refuge and the Levitical Cities, 20:1–21:45<\/h6>\n<p>According to the instructions of Moses, six Levitical cities were set apart, three on each side of the Jordan, as cities of refuge (Nm 35:9-34; Dt 4:41-43; 19:1-10). The purpose was to provide “refuge” (asylum) for those who were guilty of manslaughter but had not intentionally killed someone. This practice was not to provide a way out for someone who was guilty, but to allow for the legal process to be completed (Jos 20).<\/p>\n<p>The Levites received by clan a total of 48 cities, six of which also served as cities of refuge (21:1-42). The Levites could not cultivate the soil because they were dependent on the tithes of the people (Nm 18:21-24), but they were permitted to have land for grazing. The dimensions of the land are given in Numbers 35:4-5. A special allocation is made to the descendants of Aaron (Jos 21:9-19), because they served as priests and their 13 cities were in the Judah-Simeon region, in proximity to the Jerusalem temple of the Solomonic era.<\/p>\n<p>With the allocation of the Levitical cities, the division of the land is concluded. The promise of the land is fulfilled (21:43-45). God is faithful! This section emphasizes the fulfillment, the power, and the grace of God, by which Israel entered into its rest. However, the book of Joshua also hints of the struggle that is still ahead of the Israelites and of the test that ultimately they will fail (cf. Ps 95:11; Heb 3:7-11).<\/p>\n<h6>Return of the Transjordan Tribes, 22:1-34<\/h6>\n<p>Joshua dismissed the two and a half tribes with a commendation for their loyalty to the other tribes and to the Lord (Jos 22:1-4), with a warning not to succumb to idolatry but to love the Lord in accordance with the Deuteronomic law, and with a blessing (vv 5-8). However, as they returned they set up a large altar by the Jordan on the western side. The other tribes heard about it and met at Shiloh (v 12). They wisely commissioned Phinehas, the son of the high priest, with ten representatives of the tribes, to investigate the matter. The commission charged the Transjordan tribes with treachery (Jos 22:15-20; cf. Nm 25; Jos 7).<\/p>\n<p>The response of the Transjordan tribes demonstrated their concern for the unity of the tribes and for the worship of God. These tribes feared being excluded from the fellowship of God’s people and had purposefully constructed an altar, identical to that prescribed in the law, in order to demonstrate their common heritage (Jos 22:21-30). The altar was not for sacrifice or worship but functioned as a symbol of the covenantal unity of the people of God.<\/p>\n<p>Phinehas and the tribal representatives were pleased with the response and left with the assurance of God’s presence (22:30-31). Their report to the tribes led to reconciliation of all the tribes on this matter. The narrative concludes with a mention of the name given to the altar: “A witness between us and them that the <span>Lord<\/span> is our God, too” (v 34, <span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue: The Land Is a Sacred Trust, 23:1–24:33<\/h5>\n<p>The last two chapters contain Joshua’s farewell speeches to all the leaders and to all Israel.<\/p>\n<h6>Address to the Leaders, 23:1-16<\/h6>\n<p>Joshua reviews what the Lord has done for Israel in giving the land to the tribes. He has demonstrated his loyalty. And he will continue to be with his people so that no enemy can stand against them. He will fulfill every outstanding promise, even as he had already fulfilled promises. However, they must persevere in their loyalty to the Lord. Loyalty to the Lord is not apart from loyalty to the law of Moses. Apostasy will be severely punished, first by leaving the nations to ensnare Israel, and then by consuming them in his wrath.<\/p>\n<h6>Address to Israel, 24:1-28<\/h6>\n<p>The address ends with a covenant renewal at Shechem (Jos 24:1, 25-28; cf. 8:30-35). In the ancient Near East it was common when making a treaty (covenant) to give a brief historical summary of the relationship of the parties involved. Joshua reviewed Israel’s history from the patriarchs to their generation: patriarchs (24:2-4), exodus (vv 5-7), and conquest (vv 8-13).<\/p>\n<p>The goodness, presence, and loyalty of Yahweh was evident to them. Yahweh also expected “faithfulness” from his people in the form of whole allegiance, without any form of idolatry (Jos 24:14-15). As the head of his family, Joshua vowed to be loyal (v 15). The people responded by giving reasons for being loyal to the Lord (vv 16-18). But Joshua pushed them to a deeper commitment by challenging their profession (vv 19-20), then recording their vow and setting up a stone of witness against them (vv 25-27).<\/p>\n<h6>End of an Era, 24:29-33<\/h6>\n<p>The book began with a reference to the death of Moses (1:1-2) and concludes with the death and burial of Joshua (24:29-30) and of Eleazar the high priest (v 33). This marks the end of an era. The burial of Joseph’s bones (Jos 24:32; cf. Gn 50:25; Ex 13:19) in a plot purchased by Jacob (Gn 33:19) brings together the hope characteristic of the epoch of Moses and Joshua.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Cities of Refuge; Conquest and Allotment of the Land; Israel, History of; Joshua (Person) #1; Levitical Cities.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JOSHUA, Book of First of the historical books in the English Bible and the first of the Former Prophets (including Judges, the books of Samuel, and the books of Kings) in the Hebrew Bible. It begins with the Lord’s commission of Joshua (Jos 1:1-9) and concludes with the burial of Joshua, Eleazar, and the bones of Joseph (24:29-33). The purpose of the book is to show how Joshua continued in the footsteps of Moses, how the Lord gave the land to Israel, and how Israel might prosper in the land. ...","summary_en":"JOSHUA, Book of First of the historical books in the English Bible and the first of the Former Prophets (including Judges, the books of Samuel, and the books of Kings) in the Hebrew Bible. It begins with the Lord’s commission of Joshua (Jos 1:1-9) and concludes with the burial of Joshua, Eleazar, and the bones of Joseph (24:29-33). The purpose of the book is to show how Joshua continued in the footsteps of Moses, how the Lord gave the land to Israel, and how Israel might prosper in the land. ...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":22155,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Kiriath-Arba","title_en":"Kiriath-Arba","content_ro":"<h3>KIRIATH-ARBA<\/h3>\n<p>Ancient name of Hebron, near which is the cave of Machpelah, the burial place of the patriarchs (Gn 23:2; Jos 14:15; Jgs 1:10). <em>See<\/em> Hebron (Place) #1.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>KIRIATH-ARBA<\/h3>\n<p>Ancient name of Hebron, near which is the cave of Machpelah, the burial place of the patriarchs (Gn 23:2; Jos 14:15; Jgs 1:10). <em>See<\/em> Hebron (Place) #1.<\/p>","summary_ro":"KIRIATH-ARBA Ancient name of Hebron, near which is the cave of Machpelah, the burial place of the patriarchs (Gn 23:2; Jos 14:15; Jgs 1:10). See Hebron (Place) #1.","summary_en":"KIRIATH-ARBA Ancient name of Hebron, near which is the cave of Machpelah, the burial place of the patriarchs (Gn 23:2; Jos 14:15; Jgs 1:10). See Hebron (Place) #1.","source":"Articles\/K.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":35022,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Sheshai","title_en":"Sheshai","content_ro":"<h3>SHESHAI<\/h3>\n<p>Descendant of Anak who was at Hebron when the 12 spies searched out the land of Canaan (Nm 13:22); he was defeated and displaced by Israel (Jos 15:14; Jgs 1:10).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>SHESHAI<\/h3>\n<p>Descendant of Anak who was at Hebron when the 12 spies searched out the land of Canaan (Nm 13:22); he was defeated and displaced by Israel (Jos 15:14; Jgs 1:10).<\/p>","summary_ro":"SHESHAI Descendant of Anak who was at Hebron when the 12 spies searched out the land of Canaan (Nm 13:22); he was defeated and displaced by Israel (Jos 15:14; Jgs 1:10).","summary_en":"SHESHAI Descendant of Anak who was at Hebron when the 12 spies searched out the land of Canaan (Nm 13:22); he was defeated and displaced by Israel (Jos 15:14; Jgs 1:10).","source":"Articles\/S.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":36721,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Talmai","title_en":"Talmai","content_ro":"<h3>TALMAI<\/h3>\n<li>1. Son of Anak and brother of Ahiman and Sheshai. Talmai and his people were observed by the 12 Israelite spies when they searched out the land (Nm 13:22). Later, Caleb successfully defeated Talmai and his brothers, who were living in Hebron (Jos 15:14; Jgs 1:10).<\/li>\n<li>2. Son of Ammihud and father of Maacah. Maacah gave birth to Absalom, David’s third son (2 Sm 3:3; 1 Chr 3:2). Absalom eventually sought refuge in Talmai’s small kingdom of Geshur after murdering Amnon (2 Sm 13:37).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>TALMAI<\/h3>\n<li>1. Son of Anak and brother of Ahiman and Sheshai. Talmai and his people were observed by the 12 Israelite spies when they searched out the land (Nm 13:22). Later, Caleb successfully defeated Talmai and his brothers, who were living in Hebron (Jos 15:14; Jgs 1:10).<\/li>\n<li>2. Son of Ammihud and father of Maacah. Maacah gave birth to Absalom, David’s third son (2 Sm 3:3; 1 Chr 3:2). Absalom eventually sought refuge in Talmai’s small kingdom of Geshur after murdering Amnon (2 Sm 13:37).<\/li>","summary_ro":"TALMAI 1. Son of Anak and brother of Ahiman and Sheshai. Talmai and his people were observed by the 12 Israelite spies when they searched out the land (Nm 13:22). Later, Caleb successfully defeated Talmai and his brothers, who were living in Hebron (Jos 15:14; Jgs 1:10). 2. Son of Ammihud and father of Maacah. Maacah gave birth to Absalom, David’s third son (2 Sm 3:3; 1 Chr 3:2). Absalom eventually sought refuge in Talmai’s small kingdom of Geshur after murdering Amnon (2 Sm 13:37).","summary_en":"TALMAI 1. Son of Anak and brother of Ahiman and Sheshai. Talmai and his people were observed by the 12 Israelite spies when they searched out the land (Nm 13:22). Later, Caleb successfully defeated Talmai and his brothers, who were living in Hebron (Jos 15:14; Jgs 1:10). 2. Son of Ammihud and father of Maacah. Maacah gave birth to Absalom, David’s third son (2 Sm 3:3; 1 Chr 3:2). Absalom eventually sought refuge in Talmai’s small kingdom of Geshur after murdering Amnon (2 Sm 13:37).","source":"Articles\/T.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":45673,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:10","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:10","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:10<\/strong> <em>Hebron<\/em> was the city nearest to Abraham’s dwelling by the oaks of Mamre (Gen 13:18); the patriarchs later lived and were buried there (Gen 23:19; 35:27; 49:29-32). It was originally called <em>Kiriath-arba<\/em> (“City of Arba”), after the legendary Arba, who was “a great hero of the descendants of Anak” and “Anak’s ancestor” (Josh 14:15; 15:13). The Anakites, in turn, are identified with the dreaded Nephilites (Num 13:33; see Gen 6:4).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:10<\/strong> <em>Hebron<\/em> was the city nearest to Abraham’s dwelling by the oaks of Mamre (Gen 13:18); the patriarchs later lived and were buried there (Gen 23:19; 35:27; 49:29-32). It was originally called <em>Kiriath-arba<\/em> (“City of Arba”), after the legendary Arba, who was “a great hero of the descendants of Anak” and “Anak’s ancestor” (Josh 14:15; 15:13). The Anakites, in turn, are identified with the dreaded Nephilites (Num 13:33; see Gen 6:4).<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:10 Hebron was the city nearest to Abraham’s dwelling by the oaks of Mamre (Gen 13:18); the patriarchs later lived and were buried there (Gen 23:19; 35:27; 49:29-32). It was originally called Kiriath-arba (“City of Arba”), after the legendary Arba, who was “a great hero of the descendants of Anak” and “Anak’s ancestor” (Josh 14:15; 15:13). The Anakites, in turn, are identified with the dreaded Nephilites (Num 13:33; see Gen 6:4).","summary_en":"1:10 Hebron was the city nearest to Abraham’s dwelling by the oaks of Mamre (Gen 13:18); the patriarchs later lived and were buried there (Gen 23:19; 35:27; 49:29-32). It was originally called Kiriath-arba (“City of Arba”), after the legendary Arba, who was “a great hero of the descendants of Anak” and “Anak’s ancestor” (Josh 14:15; 15:13). The Anakites, in turn, are identified with the dreaded Nephilites (Num 13:33; see Gen 6:4).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73299,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:10","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:10","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:10<\/strong> <em>Hebron<\/em> was the city nearest to Abraham’s dwelling by the oaks of Mamre (Gen 13:18); the patriarchs later lived and were buried there (Gen 23:19; 35:27; 49:29-32). It was originally called <em>Kiriath-arba<\/em> (“City of Arba”), after the legendary Arba, who was “a great hero of the descendants of Anak” and “Anak’s ancestor” (Josh 14:15; 15:13). The Anakites, in turn, are identified with the dreaded Nephilites (Num 13:33; see Gen 6:4).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:10<\/strong> <em>Hebron<\/em> was the city nearest to Abraham’s dwelling by the oaks of Mamre (Gen 13:18); the patriarchs later lived and were buried there (Gen 23:19; 35:27; 49:29-32). It was originally called <em>Kiriath-arba<\/em> (“City of Arba”), after the legendary Arba, who was “a great hero of the descendants of Anak” and “Anak’s ancestor” (Josh 14:15; 15:13). The Anakites, in turn, are identified with the dreaded Nephilites (Num 13:33; see Gen 6:4).<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:10 Hebron was the city nearest to Abraham’s dwelling by the oaks of Mamre (Gen 13:18); the patriarchs later lived and were buried there (Gen 23:19; 35:27; 49:29-32). It was originally called Kiriath-arba (“City of Arba”), after the legendary Arba, who was “a great hero of the descendants of Anak” and “Anak’s ancestor” (Josh 14:15; 15:13). The Anakites, in turn, are identified with the dreaded Nephilites (Num 13:33; see Gen 6:4).","summary_en":"1:10 Hebron was the city nearest to Abraham’s dwelling by the oaks of Mamre (Gen 13:18); the patriarchs later lived and were buried there (Gen 23:19; 35:27; 49:29-32). It was originally called Kiriath-arba (“City of Arba”), after the legendary Arba, who was “a great hero of the descendants of Anak” and “Anak’s ancestor” (Josh 14:15; 15:13). The Anakites, in turn, are identified with the dreaded Nephilites (Num 13:33; see Gen 6:4).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":100925,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:10","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:10","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:10<\/strong> <em>Hebron<\/em> was the city nearest to Abraham’s dwelling by the oaks of Mamre (Gen 13:18); the patriarchs later lived and were buried there (Gen 23:19; 35:27; 49:29-32). It was originally called <em>Kiriath-arba<\/em> (“City of Arba”), after the legendary Arba, who was “a great hero of the descendants of Anak” and “Anak’s ancestor” (Josh 14:15; 15:13). The Anakites, in turn, are identified with the dreaded Nephilites (Num 13:33; see Gen 6:4).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:10<\/strong> <em>Hebron<\/em> was the city nearest to Abraham’s dwelling by the oaks of Mamre (Gen 13:18); the patriarchs later lived and were buried there (Gen 23:19; 35:27; 49:29-32). It was originally called <em>Kiriath-arba<\/em> (“City of Arba”), after the legendary Arba, who was “a great hero of the descendants of Anak” and “Anak’s ancestor” (Josh 14:15; 15:13). The Anakites, in turn, are identified with the dreaded Nephilites (Num 13:33; see Gen 6:4).<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:10 Hebron was the city nearest to Abraham’s dwelling by the oaks of Mamre (Gen 13:18); the patriarchs later lived and were buried there (Gen 23:19; 35:27; 49:29-32). It was originally called Kiriath-arba (“City of Arba”), after the legendary Arba, who was “a great hero of the descendants of Anak” and “Anak’s ancestor” (Josh 14:15; 15:13). The Anakites, in turn, are identified with the dreaded Nephilites (Num 13:33; see Gen 6:4).","summary_en":"1:10 Hebron was the city nearest to Abraham’s dwelling by the oaks of Mamre (Gen 13:18); the patriarchs later lived and were buried there (Gen 23:19; 35:27; 49:29-32). It was originally called Kiriath-arba (“City of Arba”), after the legendary Arba, who was “a great hero of the descendants of Anak” and “Anak’s ancestor” (Josh 14:15; 15:13). The Anakites, in turn, are identified with the dreaded Nephilites (Num 13:33; see Gen 6:4).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128551,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:10","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:10","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:10<\/strong> <em>Hebron<\/em> was the city nearest to Abraham’s dwelling by the oaks of Mamre (Gen 13:18); the patriarchs later lived and were buried there (Gen 23:19; 35:27; 49:29-32). It was originally called <em>Kiriath-arba<\/em> (“City of Arba”), after the legendary Arba, who was “a great hero of the descendants of Anak” and “Anak’s ancestor” (Josh 14:15; 15:13). The Anakites, in turn, are identified with the dreaded Nephilites (Num 13:33; see Gen 6:4).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:10<\/strong> <em>Hebron<\/em> was the city nearest to Abraham’s dwelling by the oaks of Mamre (Gen 13:18); the patriarchs later lived and were buried there (Gen 23:19; 35:27; 49:29-32). It was originally called <em>Kiriath-arba<\/em> (“City of Arba”), after the legendary Arba, who was “a great hero of the descendants of Anak” and “Anak’s ancestor” (Josh 14:15; 15:13). The Anakites, in turn, are identified with the dreaded Nephilites (Num 13:33; see Gen 6:4).<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:10 Hebron was the city nearest to Abraham’s dwelling by the oaks of Mamre (Gen 13:18); the patriarchs later lived and were buried there (Gen 23:19; 35:27; 49:29-32). It was originally called Kiriath-arba (“City of Arba”), after the legendary Arba, who was “a great hero of the descendants of Anak” and “Anak’s ancestor” (Josh 14:15; 15:13). The Anakites, in turn, are identified with the dreaded Nephilites (Num 13:33; see Gen 6:4).","summary_en":"1:10 Hebron was the city nearest to Abraham’s dwelling by the oaks of Mamre (Gen 13:18); the patriarchs later lived and were buried there (Gen 23:19; 35:27; 49:29-32). It was originally called Kiriath-arba (“City of Arba”), after the legendary Arba, who was “a great hero of the descendants of Anak” and “Anak’s ancestor” (Josh 14:15; 15:13). The Anakites, in turn, are identified with the dreaded Nephilites (Num 13:33; see Gen 6:4).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"11":[{"id":41129,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Caleb","title_en":"Caleb","content_ro":"<h3>Caleb<\/h3>\n<p>Caleb stands as an inspiring example of faith in God. He was the son of Jephunneh the Kenizzite (Josh 14:6; Num 32:12). The Kenizzites lived in the Negev, the southern desert region of Canaan (see Gen 15:18-21). Jephunneh apparently married into the tribe of Judah a generation before Israel left Egypt.<\/p>\n<p>Caleb first appears as one of twelve spies Moses sent to scout out the land of Canaan. Upon returning, all twelve confirmed the land’s magnificence, but ten of the scouts focused on the land’s fearsome inhabitants (Num 13:31-33). Only Joshua and Caleb believed that God would enable Israel to conquer the Canaanites (Num 14:6-9), advising that the Israelites immediately take the land (Num 13:30). Although the people wanted to stone both Caleb and Joshua (Num 14:10), God protected them and punished the people (Num 14:11-38). God ultimately rewarded Caleb and Joshua for their faithfulness: Among all the adults who left Egypt, they were the only ones to enter the Promised Land.<\/p>\n<p>After many years in the wilderness, and after fighting many battles, Caleb received his personal inheritance in the land (Josh 14:6-15). Caleb’s faith did not diminish in the intervening forty-five years; his testimony reveals his character and rock-solid faith in God. Although Caleb was eighty-five years old, he was still strong and able to fight. Caleb acquired Hebron, which would become his land, by driving out the giant Anakites who had terrified the earlier scouts (Josh 15:13-14; see Num 13:28, 33). Caleb’s city of Hebron, about twenty miles south of Jerusalem (not far from Kenizzite territory), later became a Levitical city of refuge (Josh 21:13; 1 Chr 6:54-57).<\/p>\n<p>Caleb looked beyond serious obstacles to God’s unbreakable promise that Israel would occupy Canaan. With unabated vigor, he stood ready to conquer the territory Joshua assigned him. Caleb’s staunch confidence in the reliability of God’s promises earned him an honored place among the faithful. Even when outnumbered by enemies, Caleb trusted God, and God richly rewarded him.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Num 13:1–14:38; 26:65; 32:12; 34:19; Deut 1:36; Josh 14:6-15; 15:13-19; Judg 1:11-15, 20; 1 Chr 4:15<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Caleb<\/h3>\n<p>Caleb stands as an inspiring example of faith in God. He was the son of Jephunneh the Kenizzite (Josh 14:6; Num 32:12). The Kenizzites lived in the Negev, the southern desert region of Canaan (see Gen 15:18-21). Jephunneh apparently married into the tribe of Judah a generation before Israel left Egypt.<\/p>\n<p>Caleb first appears as one of twelve spies Moses sent to scout out the land of Canaan. Upon returning, all twelve confirmed the land’s magnificence, but ten of the scouts focused on the land’s fearsome inhabitants (Num 13:31-33). Only Joshua and Caleb believed that God would enable Israel to conquer the Canaanites (Num 14:6-9), advising that the Israelites immediately take the land (Num 13:30). Although the people wanted to stone both Caleb and Joshua (Num 14:10), God protected them and punished the people (Num 14:11-38). God ultimately rewarded Caleb and Joshua for their faithfulness: Among all the adults who left Egypt, they were the only ones to enter the Promised Land.<\/p>\n<p>After many years in the wilderness, and after fighting many battles, Caleb received his personal inheritance in the land (Josh 14:6-15). Caleb’s faith did not diminish in the intervening forty-five years; his testimony reveals his character and rock-solid faith in God. Although Caleb was eighty-five years old, he was still strong and able to fight. Caleb acquired Hebron, which would become his land, by driving out the giant Anakites who had terrified the earlier scouts (Josh 15:13-14; see Num 13:28, 33). Caleb’s city of Hebron, about twenty miles south of Jerusalem (not far from Kenizzite territory), later became a Levitical city of refuge (Josh 21:13; 1 Chr 6:54-57).<\/p>\n<p>Caleb looked beyond serious obstacles to God’s unbreakable promise that Israel would occupy Canaan. With unabated vigor, he stood ready to conquer the territory Joshua assigned him. Caleb’s staunch confidence in the reliability of God’s promises earned him an honored place among the faithful. Even when outnumbered by enemies, Caleb trusted God, and God richly rewarded him.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Num 13:1–14:38; 26:65; 32:12; 34:19; Deut 1:36; Josh 14:6-15; 15:13-19; Judg 1:11-15, 20; 1 Chr 4:15<\/p>","summary_ro":"Caleb Caleb stands as an inspiring example of faith in God. He was the son of Jephunneh the Kenizzite (Josh 14:6; Num 32:12). The Kenizzites lived in the Negev, the southern desert region of Canaan (see Gen 15:18-21). Jephunneh apparently married into the tribe of Judah a generation before Israel left Egypt. Caleb first appears as one of twelve spies Moses sent to scout out the land of Canaan. Upon returning, all twelve confirmed the land’s magnificence, but ten of the scouts focused on the l...","summary_en":"Caleb Caleb stands as an inspiring example of faith in God. He was the son of Jephunneh the Kenizzite (Josh 14:6; Num 32:12). The Kenizzites lived in the Negev, the southern desert region of Canaan (see Gen 15:18-21). Jephunneh apparently married into the tribe of Judah a generation before Israel left Egypt. Caleb first appears as one of twelve spies Moses sent to scout out the land of Canaan. Upon returning, all twelve confirmed the land’s magnificence, but ten of the scouts focused on the l...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":68755,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Caleb","title_en":"Caleb","content_ro":"<h3>Caleb<\/h3>\n<p>Caleb stands as an inspiring example of faith in God. He was the son of Jephunneh the Kenizzite (Josh 14:6; Num 32:12). The Kenizzites lived in the Negev, the southern desert region of Canaan (see Gen 15:18-21). Jephunneh apparently married into the tribe of Judah a generation before Israel left Egypt.<\/p>\n<p>Caleb first appears as one of twelve spies Moses sent to scout out the land of Canaan. Upon returning, all twelve confirmed the land’s magnificence, but ten of the scouts focused on the land’s fearsome inhabitants (Num 13:31-33). Only Joshua and Caleb believed that God would enable Israel to conquer the Canaanites (Num 14:6-9), advising that the Israelites immediately take the land (Num 13:30). Although the people wanted to stone both Caleb and Joshua (Num 14:10), God protected them and punished the people (Num 14:11-38). God ultimately rewarded Caleb and Joshua for their faithfulness: Among all the adults who left Egypt, they were the only ones to enter the Promised Land.<\/p>\n<p>After many years in the wilderness, and after fighting many battles, Caleb received his personal inheritance in the land (Josh 14:6-15). Caleb’s faith did not diminish in the intervening forty-five years; his testimony reveals his character and rock-solid faith in God. Although Caleb was eighty-five years old, he was still strong and able to fight. Caleb acquired Hebron, which would become his land, by driving out the giant Anakites who had terrified the earlier scouts (Josh 15:13-14; see Num 13:28, 33). Caleb’s city of Hebron, about twenty miles south of Jerusalem (not far from Kenizzite territory), later became a Levitical city of refuge (Josh 21:13; 1 Chr 6:54-57).<\/p>\n<p>Caleb looked beyond serious obstacles to God’s unbreakable promise that Israel would occupy Canaan. With unabated vigor, he stood ready to conquer the territory Joshua assigned him. Caleb’s staunch confidence in the reliability of God’s promises earned him an honored place among the faithful. Even when outnumbered by enemies, Caleb trusted God, and God richly rewarded him.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Num 13:1–14:38; 26:65; 32:12; 34:19; Deut 1:36; Josh 14:6-15; 15:13-19; Judg 1:11-15, 20; 1 Chr 4:15<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Caleb<\/h3>\n<p>Caleb stands as an inspiring example of faith in God. He was the son of Jephunneh the Kenizzite (Josh 14:6; Num 32:12). The Kenizzites lived in the Negev, the southern desert region of Canaan (see Gen 15:18-21). Jephunneh apparently married into the tribe of Judah a generation before Israel left Egypt.<\/p>\n<p>Caleb first appears as one of twelve spies Moses sent to scout out the land of Canaan. Upon returning, all twelve confirmed the land’s magnificence, but ten of the scouts focused on the land’s fearsome inhabitants (Num 13:31-33). Only Joshua and Caleb believed that God would enable Israel to conquer the Canaanites (Num 14:6-9), advising that the Israelites immediately take the land (Num 13:30). Although the people wanted to stone both Caleb and Joshua (Num 14:10), God protected them and punished the people (Num 14:11-38). God ultimately rewarded Caleb and Joshua for their faithfulness: Among all the adults who left Egypt, they were the only ones to enter the Promised Land.<\/p>\n<p>After many years in the wilderness, and after fighting many battles, Caleb received his personal inheritance in the land (Josh 14:6-15). Caleb’s faith did not diminish in the intervening forty-five years; his testimony reveals his character and rock-solid faith in God. Although Caleb was eighty-five years old, he was still strong and able to fight. Caleb acquired Hebron, which would become his land, by driving out the giant Anakites who had terrified the earlier scouts (Josh 15:13-14; see Num 13:28, 33). Caleb’s city of Hebron, about twenty miles south of Jerusalem (not far from Kenizzite territory), later became a Levitical city of refuge (Josh 21:13; 1 Chr 6:54-57).<\/p>\n<p>Caleb looked beyond serious obstacles to God’s unbreakable promise that Israel would occupy Canaan. With unabated vigor, he stood ready to conquer the territory Joshua assigned him. Caleb’s staunch confidence in the reliability of God’s promises earned him an honored place among the faithful. Even when outnumbered by enemies, Caleb trusted God, and God richly rewarded him.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Num 13:1–14:38; 26:65; 32:12; 34:19; Deut 1:36; Josh 14:6-15; 15:13-19; Judg 1:11-15, 20; 1 Chr 4:15<\/p>","summary_ro":"Caleb Caleb stands as an inspiring example of faith in God. He was the son of Jephunneh the Kenizzite (Josh 14:6; Num 32:12). The Kenizzites lived in the Negev, the southern desert region of Canaan (see Gen 15:18-21). Jephunneh apparently married into the tribe of Judah a generation before Israel left Egypt. Caleb first appears as one of twelve spies Moses sent to scout out the land of Canaan. Upon returning, all twelve confirmed the land’s magnificence, but ten of the scouts focused on the l...","summary_en":"Caleb Caleb stands as an inspiring example of faith in God. He was the son of Jephunneh the Kenizzite (Josh 14:6; Num 32:12). The Kenizzites lived in the Negev, the southern desert region of Canaan (see Gen 15:18-21). Jephunneh apparently married into the tribe of Judah a generation before Israel left Egypt. Caleb first appears as one of twelve spies Moses sent to scout out the land of Canaan. Upon returning, all twelve confirmed the land’s magnificence, but ten of the scouts focused on the l...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":96381,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Caleb","title_en":"Caleb","content_ro":"<h3>Caleb<\/h3>\n<p>Caleb stands as an inspiring example of faith in God. He was the son of Jephunneh the Kenizzite (Josh 14:6; Num 32:12). The Kenizzites lived in the Negev, the southern desert region of Canaan (see Gen 15:18-21). Jephunneh apparently married into the tribe of Judah a generation before Israel left Egypt.<\/p>\n<p>Caleb first appears as one of twelve spies Moses sent to scout out the land of Canaan. Upon returning, all twelve confirmed the land’s magnificence, but ten of the scouts focused on the land’s fearsome inhabitants (Num 13:31-33). Only Joshua and Caleb believed that God would enable Israel to conquer the Canaanites (Num 14:6-9), advising that the Israelites immediately take the land (Num 13:30). Although the people wanted to stone both Caleb and Joshua (Num 14:10), God protected them and punished the people (Num 14:11-38). God ultimately rewarded Caleb and Joshua for their faithfulness: Among all the adults who left Egypt, they were the only ones to enter the Promised Land.<\/p>\n<p>After many years in the wilderness, and after fighting many battles, Caleb received his personal inheritance in the land (Josh 14:6-15). Caleb’s faith did not diminish in the intervening forty-five years; his testimony reveals his character and rock-solid faith in God. Although Caleb was eighty-five years old, he was still strong and able to fight. Caleb acquired Hebron, which would become his land, by driving out the giant Anakites who had terrified the earlier scouts (Josh 15:13-14; see Num 13:28, 33). Caleb’s city of Hebron, about twenty miles south of Jerusalem (not far from Kenizzite territory), later became a Levitical city of refuge (Josh 21:13; 1 Chr 6:54-57).<\/p>\n<p>Caleb looked beyond serious obstacles to God’s unbreakable promise that Israel would occupy Canaan. With unabated vigor, he stood ready to conquer the territory Joshua assigned him. Caleb’s staunch confidence in the reliability of God’s promises earned him an honored place among the faithful. Even when outnumbered by enemies, Caleb trusted God, and God richly rewarded him.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Num 13:1–14:38; 26:65; 32:12; 34:19; Deut 1:36; Josh 14:6-15; 15:13-19; Judg 1:11-15, 20; 1 Chr 4:15<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Caleb<\/h3>\n<p>Caleb stands as an inspiring example of faith in God. He was the son of Jephunneh the Kenizzite (Josh 14:6; Num 32:12). The Kenizzites lived in the Negev, the southern desert region of Canaan (see Gen 15:18-21). Jephunneh apparently married into the tribe of Judah a generation before Israel left Egypt.<\/p>\n<p>Caleb first appears as one of twelve spies Moses sent to scout out the land of Canaan. Upon returning, all twelve confirmed the land’s magnificence, but ten of the scouts focused on the land’s fearsome inhabitants (Num 13:31-33). Only Joshua and Caleb believed that God would enable Israel to conquer the Canaanites (Num 14:6-9), advising that the Israelites immediately take the land (Num 13:30). Although the people wanted to stone both Caleb and Joshua (Num 14:10), God protected them and punished the people (Num 14:11-38). God ultimately rewarded Caleb and Joshua for their faithfulness: Among all the adults who left Egypt, they were the only ones to enter the Promised Land.<\/p>\n<p>After many years in the wilderness, and after fighting many battles, Caleb received his personal inheritance in the land (Josh 14:6-15). Caleb’s faith did not diminish in the intervening forty-five years; his testimony reveals his character and rock-solid faith in God. Although Caleb was eighty-five years old, he was still strong and able to fight. Caleb acquired Hebron, which would become his land, by driving out the giant Anakites who had terrified the earlier scouts (Josh 15:13-14; see Num 13:28, 33). Caleb’s city of Hebron, about twenty miles south of Jerusalem (not far from Kenizzite territory), later became a Levitical city of refuge (Josh 21:13; 1 Chr 6:54-57).<\/p>\n<p>Caleb looked beyond serious obstacles to God’s unbreakable promise that Israel would occupy Canaan. With unabated vigor, he stood ready to conquer the territory Joshua assigned him. Caleb’s staunch confidence in the reliability of God’s promises earned him an honored place among the faithful. Even when outnumbered by enemies, Caleb trusted God, and God richly rewarded him.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Num 13:1–14:38; 26:65; 32:12; 34:19; Deut 1:36; Josh 14:6-15; 15:13-19; Judg 1:11-15, 20; 1 Chr 4:15<\/p>","summary_ro":"Caleb Caleb stands as an inspiring example of faith in God. He was the son of Jephunneh the Kenizzite (Josh 14:6; Num 32:12). The Kenizzites lived in the Negev, the southern desert region of Canaan (see Gen 15:18-21). Jephunneh apparently married into the tribe of Judah a generation before Israel left Egypt. Caleb first appears as one of twelve spies Moses sent to scout out the land of Canaan. Upon returning, all twelve confirmed the land’s magnificence, but ten of the scouts focused on the l...","summary_en":"Caleb Caleb stands as an inspiring example of faith in God. He was the son of Jephunneh the Kenizzite (Josh 14:6; Num 32:12). The Kenizzites lived in the Negev, the southern desert region of Canaan (see Gen 15:18-21). Jephunneh apparently married into the tribe of Judah a generation before Israel left Egypt. Caleb first appears as one of twelve spies Moses sent to scout out the land of Canaan. Upon returning, all twelve confirmed the land’s magnificence, but ten of the scouts focused on the l...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":124007,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Caleb","title_en":"Caleb","content_ro":"<h3>Caleb<\/h3>\n<p>Caleb stands as an inspiring example of faith in God. He was the son of Jephunneh the Kenizzite (Josh 14:6; Num 32:12). The Kenizzites lived in the Negev, the southern desert region of Canaan (see Gen 15:18-21). Jephunneh apparently married into the tribe of Judah a generation before Israel left Egypt.<\/p>\n<p>Caleb first appears as one of twelve spies Moses sent to scout out the land of Canaan. Upon returning, all twelve confirmed the land’s magnificence, but ten of the scouts focused on the land’s fearsome inhabitants (Num 13:31-33). Only Joshua and Caleb believed that God would enable Israel to conquer the Canaanites (Num 14:6-9), advising that the Israelites immediately take the land (Num 13:30). Although the people wanted to stone both Caleb and Joshua (Num 14:10), God protected them and punished the people (Num 14:11-38). God ultimately rewarded Caleb and Joshua for their faithfulness: Among all the adults who left Egypt, they were the only ones to enter the Promised Land.<\/p>\n<p>After many years in the wilderness, and after fighting many battles, Caleb received his personal inheritance in the land (Josh 14:6-15). Caleb’s faith did not diminish in the intervening forty-five years; his testimony reveals his character and rock-solid faith in God. Although Caleb was eighty-five years old, he was still strong and able to fight. Caleb acquired Hebron, which would become his land, by driving out the giant Anakites who had terrified the earlier scouts (Josh 15:13-14; see Num 13:28, 33). Caleb’s city of Hebron, about twenty miles south of Jerusalem (not far from Kenizzite territory), later became a Levitical city of refuge (Josh 21:13; 1 Chr 6:54-57).<\/p>\n<p>Caleb looked beyond serious obstacles to God’s unbreakable promise that Israel would occupy Canaan. With unabated vigor, he stood ready to conquer the territory Joshua assigned him. Caleb’s staunch confidence in the reliability of God’s promises earned him an honored place among the faithful. Even when outnumbered by enemies, Caleb trusted God, and God richly rewarded him.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Num 13:1–14:38; 26:65; 32:12; 34:19; Deut 1:36; Josh 14:6-15; 15:13-19; Judg 1:11-15, 20; 1 Chr 4:15<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Caleb<\/h3>\n<p>Caleb stands as an inspiring example of faith in God. He was the son of Jephunneh the Kenizzite (Josh 14:6; Num 32:12). The Kenizzites lived in the Negev, the southern desert region of Canaan (see Gen 15:18-21). Jephunneh apparently married into the tribe of Judah a generation before Israel left Egypt.<\/p>\n<p>Caleb first appears as one of twelve spies Moses sent to scout out the land of Canaan. Upon returning, all twelve confirmed the land’s magnificence, but ten of the scouts focused on the land’s fearsome inhabitants (Num 13:31-33). Only Joshua and Caleb believed that God would enable Israel to conquer the Canaanites (Num 14:6-9), advising that the Israelites immediately take the land (Num 13:30). Although the people wanted to stone both Caleb and Joshua (Num 14:10), God protected them and punished the people (Num 14:11-38). God ultimately rewarded Caleb and Joshua for their faithfulness: Among all the adults who left Egypt, they were the only ones to enter the Promised Land.<\/p>\n<p>After many years in the wilderness, and after fighting many battles, Caleb received his personal inheritance in the land (Josh 14:6-15). Caleb’s faith did not diminish in the intervening forty-five years; his testimony reveals his character and rock-solid faith in God. Although Caleb was eighty-five years old, he was still strong and able to fight. Caleb acquired Hebron, which would become his land, by driving out the giant Anakites who had terrified the earlier scouts (Josh 15:13-14; see Num 13:28, 33). Caleb’s city of Hebron, about twenty miles south of Jerusalem (not far from Kenizzite territory), later became a Levitical city of refuge (Josh 21:13; 1 Chr 6:54-57).<\/p>\n<p>Caleb looked beyond serious obstacles to God’s unbreakable promise that Israel would occupy Canaan. With unabated vigor, he stood ready to conquer the territory Joshua assigned him. Caleb’s staunch confidence in the reliability of God’s promises earned him an honored place among the faithful. Even when outnumbered by enemies, Caleb trusted God, and God richly rewarded him.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Num 13:1–14:38; 26:65; 32:12; 34:19; Deut 1:36; Josh 14:6-15; 15:13-19; Judg 1:11-15, 20; 1 Chr 4:15<\/p>","summary_ro":"Caleb Caleb stands as an inspiring example of faith in God. He was the son of Jephunneh the Kenizzite (Josh 14:6; Num 32:12). The Kenizzites lived in the Negev, the southern desert region of Canaan (see Gen 15:18-21). Jephunneh apparently married into the tribe of Judah a generation before Israel left Egypt. Caleb first appears as one of twelve spies Moses sent to scout out the land of Canaan. Upon returning, all twelve confirmed the land’s magnificence, but ten of the scouts focused on the l...","summary_en":"Caleb Caleb stands as an inspiring example of faith in God. He was the son of Jephunneh the Kenizzite (Josh 14:6; Num 32:12). The Kenizzites lived in the Negev, the southern desert region of Canaan (see Gen 15:18-21). Jephunneh apparently married into the tribe of Judah a generation before Israel left Egypt. Caleb first appears as one of twelve spies Moses sent to scout out the land of Canaan. Upon returning, all twelve confirmed the land’s magnificence, but ten of the scouts focused on the l...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":21235,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Book of Judges","title_en":"Book of Judges","content_ro":"<h3>JUDGES, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>The book reflects a final editing of the material in the period of the early monarchy. It may well be a polemic for the righteous rule of David over against the kingship of Saul, which was molded by a secular, Canaanite conception of kingship rather than by the law of God. The author was almost certainly not Samuel, as traditionally thought, but a later compiler who relied on ancient written materials.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>Though the judges succeeded in giving the tribes some rest from the incursions of surrounding enemies, the Israelites were continually harassed over long periods of time. Scholarly opinion differs on the duration of the period of the judges. The dating of the exodus affects the dating of the beginning of the judges. Those who take an early date for the exodus put the beginning around 1370–1360 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas others propose a date close to the end of the 13th century <span>BC<\/span>. A related issue pertains to the chronology of the judges. Does Judges give a chronological, sequential account of the period, or is the book a representative account of judges from various parts of Canaan and Transjordan who “judged” a region, a tribe, or several tribes simultaneously?<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LiteraryFramework\">Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>There is no doubt that the stories in the book bear the marks of literary creativity. The stories are classics in their own right. The poetry of Deborah’s song (Jgs 5) is very moving, and the fable of Jotham (9:8-15) is a fine example of figurative speech. The care given to the stories is also reflected in the construction of the book. There are two introductions: a political one (Jgs 1:1–2:5) and a socioreligious one (2:6–3:6). The political introduction connects Judges with the story of the Conquest, when the tribes attempted to occupy the land. It prepares the reader for the political and military problems of the era of the judges. The socioreligious introduction explains why Israel had so many adversities, why the institution of the judges arose, and why the Lord never gave Israel the promised lasting rest from its enemies. The main body of the book is the story of the judges (3:7–16:31). References to the minor judges (six in all) are set within the stories of the major judges in increasing frequency. As is evident from the schema, the number of minor judges increased in frequency in proportion to the decrease in number of major judges: two major, one minor; two major, two minor; one major, three minor; one major. There is a total of 12 judges, representative of the 12 tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>The purpose of the listing of 12 judges, representative of the various parts of Canaan and Transjordan, is to demonstrate that all tribes throughout the conquered territories experienced grave difficulties from a variety of enemies: Arameans, Moabites, Ammonites, Amalekites, Canaanites, and Philistines. Israel was hard pressed on nearly all its frontiers. The appendixes (chs 17–21), together with the two introductions, form the framework of the book. The political and socioreligious problems (1:1–3:6) are presented by way of several stories in the last chapters. The final editor who gave the book its canonical shape purposefully framed the stories of the judges so as to show lack of movement. The successes of the previous stages in redemptive history came to a standstill in the ebb and flow of the judges. Though the Lord delivered his people in many ways, they returned to the problems described in 1:1–3:6. The appendixes describe Israel’s problems representative of the period of the judges, when “there was no king in Israel” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTheologicalTeaching\">Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for deliverance, and God’s raising up of a judge reflects a deuteronomic perspective with its warnings concerning disobedience and judgment. The repetitiveness of the cycle supports the contention of the anonymous narrator that Israel remained unchanged by the grace of God. However, in spite of the moral, religious, and political anarchy as well as the civil wars, the last chapter shows that the tribes are still concerned with each other’s welfare. Though the unity of God’s people has been gravely challenged, the situation is not hopeless. The book ends on a note of hope—hope for a king who may deliver Israel.<\/p>\n\n<p>Thus, there are several purposes of the book: (1) to demonstrate the meaninglessness of this stage in Israel’s development; (2) to explain why the tribes did not occupy all the land promised to the patriarchs; (3) to justify the way of God, who was gracious and patient with Israel’s repeated acts of disobedience; (4) to set forth the legitimacy of a “shepherd” king in contrast to a despotic form of kingship; and (5) to explain the urgent need for a new momentum, lest Israel succumb to the Philistines and intertribal warfare.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>The Political Introduction (1:1–2:5)<\/h5>\n<p>In Joshua 1–12 the warfare under Joshua is portrayed as a mobilization of Canaanite forces against Israel. By the intervention of the Lord, the Canaanite resistance was put down and the land was occupied by the tribes (chs 13–21). Joshua 13–21, however, clearly shows that each tribe had problems ridding its territory of pockets of Canaanite resistance, which were usually centered around heavily guarded and well-fortified cities (cf. 13:2-6, 13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18).<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua emphasizes the successes and minimizes the problems, whereas the prologue to Judges sets the stage for the whole book by openly addressing Israel’s problems and failures. As the book unfolds, it is precisely these problems and failures that in due time bring Israel to the brink of disaster.<\/p>\n<p>The period of the judges began with the death of Joshua (Jgs 1:1; 2:8-9). The Israelites had inherited a legacy from Joshua: the law of the Lord (Jos 23:6; 24:26), the land, a challenge to obey the Lord (24:14-27), and a promise of God’s presence and help in subduing the Canaanites (23:5, 10).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah and Simeon (Jgs 1:2-20)<\/h6>\n<p>The prominence of Judah and Caleb parallels the position of Judah in Joshua (Jos 14:6–15:63; cf. also the house of Joseph, Jgs 1:22-29; cf. Jos 16–17). Judah was victorious over the cruel Adoni-bezek, who ruled over Bezek, a town of uncertain location. Judah successfully occupied the hill country, the Negev, and the western foothills. They even took Jerusalem, or an outlying suburb identified with Jerusalem (Jos 1:8), but could not retain control there (v 21) until David’s conquest of the city (2 Sm 5:6-9). Judah was victorious over the Canaanites in the region of Hebron, already conquered under Joshua (Jos 10:36). Hebron, also known as Kiriath-arba (“city of four” or “tetrapolis”), was a powerful ally of Jerusalem (v 3) and had been able to rally military support for a new assault on Israel, even after its first defeat. Caleb received Hebron, as Moses had promised (Jgs 1:20; cf. Jos 15:13). After the victory over Hebron, Judah extended its control over the southern hill country by an attack on Debir (Jgs 1:11-15; cf. Jos 15:14-19).<\/p>\n<p>The Kenites (Jgs 1:16), descendants of Jethro and therefore related to Moses by marriage, settled in the Negev around Arad and the City of Palms, which here probably refers to Tamar rather than Jericho.<\/p>\n<p>Judah secured the southern border by a victory over the Canaanites at Hormah (Jgs 1:17; cf. Nm 14:45; 21:3; Dt 1:44) and the coastal plain by victories at Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron. However, Judah’s successes in the coastal plain were resisted by a well-armed Canaanite force (Jgs 1:18-19). It occupied the Judean hill country and the Negev, but could not retain control over the plains. The Philistines were soon to take control over Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, and incorporate them into their pentapolis.<\/p>\n<h6>Benjamin (1:21)<\/h6>\n<p>Jerusalem was situated on the border between Judah and Benjamin. Judah took the city or a suburb (Jos 1:8) but was too far removed to retain control over it. Benjamin was too weak to subdue the Jebusites. Only David succeeded in this (2 Sm 5:6-9); he incorporated it into Judah (cf. Jos 15:63), even though it originally was allotted to Benjamin (Jos 18:28).<\/p>\n<h6>Joseph: Ephraim and Manasseh (1:22-29)<\/h6>\n<p>Ephraim took Bethel, known from the patriarchal stories as a significant cultic site (Gn 12:8; 13:3-4; 28:19; 31:13; 35:1-15). However, Manasseh was unsuccessful in taking the fortified cities in the valley of Jezreel (Esdraelon): Beth-shan, Taanach, Dor, Ibleam, and Megiddo. These cities controlled traffic along the east-west and north–south roads as well as the important passes through the Carmel range and the ford of the Jordan. Ephraim could not take full possession of the coastal plain, controlled by Gezer. The success of both Ephraim and Manasseh was limited.<\/p>\n<h6>The Other Four Tribes (1:30-36)<\/h6>\n<p>The other four tribes in Canaan receive brief mention. They, too, were only partially successful. Zebulun, Asher, Naphtali, and especially Dan did not fully succeed in driving out the Canaanites. At best they later subjected most of them to forced labor.<\/p>\n<h6>The Failure of Israel (2:1-5)<\/h6>\n<p>The failure to subdue the land and to wipe out the Canaanites and their culture led to intermarriage and idolatry (cf. Ex 23:33; 34:12-16; Nm 33:55; Dt 7:2-5, 16; Jos 23:7, 12).<\/p>\n<p>The identity of “the angel of the Lord” who appears at Bokim is far from certain. It may be a reference to the Lord himself, to an angelic messenger, or to a prophet (cf. Jgs 6:8). He rebuked the people in the prophetic spirit and pronounced God’s judgment as taking the form of continual confrontation between Israel and the Canaanites (2:3). Their weeping and sacrificing were to no avail (2:4-5; cf. Mal 2:13). Israel stood condemned within a generation after Joshua’s death.<\/p>\n<h5>The Theological Introduction (2:6–3:6)<\/h5>\n<p>The theological introduction begins where Joshua left off (Jos 24:28-31). The generation of Joshua was characterized by loyalty, but their loyalty to the Lord did not last long after the excitement of the Conquest and the demonstration of God’s presence (Jgs 2:10). Israel served Canaanite gods (Baal and Astarte) instead. Baal was the storm god, symbolic of rain and fertility, and Astarte was his cohort. The plural (Baals and Ashtaroth, 2:11-13) signifies the many local ways in which the Canaanite gods were worshiped. The religious unity was broken up into a great diversity. Thus Israel angered the Lord (vv 12-14), who sent them enemies and plunderers. Israel was unsuccessful in dealing with them, as Moses and Joshua had forewarned (Dt 28:25, 33; Jos 23:13, 16). The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for mercy, and deliverance is found throughout Judges. The people were rooted in the apostasy of their forefathers, even though the previous generation had been sensitive to God. Israel did not submit to the leadership of the judges, except to free itself from the oppressors. In fulfillment of the curses of the covenant, God swore not to give his people rest but to test them and to train them for warfare (Jgs 3:1-4), so that they might learn to respond to the challenges of a real world.<\/p>\n<h5>The Judges of Israel (3:7–16:31)<\/h5>\n<h6>Othniel (3:7-11)<\/h6>\n<p>Othniel is a transitional figure, linking the Conquest and the judges. He had involved himself in the conquest of Kiriath-sepher and was related to Caleb as his cousin and son-in-law (1:13). He repelled the Arameans led by Cushan-rishathaim, so that the land enjoyed peace for some 40 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ehud (3:12-30)<\/h6>\n<p>The Moabites, allied with the Ammonites and Amalekites, came against Israel from the east and oppressed them for 18 years under the leadership of Eglon. Ehud led the mission to bring tribute to Eglon at his palace, located probably by Jericho (the City of Palms). Ehud was uniquely qualified for this mission; being left-handed, he was able to use his double-edged sword in an unsuspecting manner to stab the king. Ehud’s success was the result of careful plotting and the element of surprise. He paid the tribute and left, only to return with a supposed oracle from the gods. The king fell for the deception and was murdered. The delay at the Moabite court gave the Israelites an opportunity to bring their forces together at the fords of the Jordan. Ehud’s success was complete; no Moabite escaped, and Israel enjoyed peace for 80 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Shamgar (3:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Shamgar’s exploits were against the Philistines in the coastal plains. He had a non-Israelite name but was probably an Israelite by birth. Like Samson he fought the Philistines with an unconventional weapon (an ox goad). His name is also mentioned in the song of Deborah (5:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Deborah and Barak (4:1–5:31)<\/h6>\n<p>The narrative now turns to the Canaanite aggressors in the north under the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor, and Sisera, of Harosheth-haggoyim (4:1-3). The ruins of Hazor (Jos 11:13) had been rebuilt, and another Jabin (cf. v 1) ruled over the region. He had regained his military power, as he had as many as 900 chariots of iron. He oppressed Israel for 20 years (Jgs 4:3).<\/p>\n<p>God had a prophetess in Israel who led his people during this dark time (4:4). She rendered judgments under a palm tree in southern Ephraim near Benjamin (v 5). She called on Barak to muster the armies of Naphtali and Zebulun, the tribes affected by the Canaanite raids, and to engage Sisera in a surprise attack by the Kishon River (vv 6-7). Barak’s hesitancy led him to request Deborah’s presence, which resulted in his forfeiture of the honor of killing Sisera, the commander of the Canaanite forces (vv 8-10). The Lord gave success to the surprise attack from Mt Tabor, so that the Canaanites were routed, unable to use their heavy chariots, which were mired down in the swamps of the Jezreel Valley (5:20-22). The Canaanites were routed, and Sisera was killed by Jael, the wife of Heber, a Kenite who had separated from the Kenites around Arad (4:17-18; cf. 1:16). She offered him hospitality, as her family had friendly relations with the Canaanites, but heroically put him to death with a tent peg (4:18-21; 5:26-27). In successive campaigns the Israelites gained freedom from Jabin, until they destroyed his power (4:24).<\/p>\n<p>The song of Deborah (ch 5) celebrates, in poetic fashion, the victory over Jabin. It is one of the oldest poems in the Bible. It praises the God of Israel as the King who comes to protect his covenant people, and before whom the mountains move (5:2-3). He is the God of Mt Sinai (Jgs 5:4-5; cf. Dt 33:2; Ps 68:7-8; Hb 3:3-4). Though the oppressors had despoiled Israel and had made the roads unsafe for travel, and Israel was unable to defend itself (Jgs 5:6-8), the Lord raised up Deborah and Barak to lead the nobles to war (vv 9-13). They came from Ephraim, Benjamin, Zebulun, Issachar, and Naphtali (vv 14-15a, 18), but the Transjordan tribes and Asher did not want to get involved (vv 15b-17). The song then moves to the battle scene, where torrential rains bogged the chariots down (vv 19-23). Jael is celebrated as “most blessed of women,” who used her simple way of life to bring an end to Sisera (vv 24-27). She stands in contrast to Sisera’s mother, who is portrayed with all her culture waiting in vain for Sisera’s return with all of his spoils (vv 28-30). The Lord has used the simple to confound the powerful. The conclusion is a prayer for God’s judgment on all of Israel’s enemies (Jgs 5:31a; cf. Ps 68:1-3).<\/p>\n<h6>Gideon (6:1–8:35)<\/h6>\n<p>Israel’s rest for 40 years (Jgs 5:31b) was disturbed by the invasion of Midianites and Amalekites from the East (6:1-3). They destroyed the economy by invading the country at harvesttime (vv 4-6). In response to Israel’s cry, God sent a prophet with a message similar to that of the angel of the Lord (2:1-5). Then an angel appeared to Gideon and called him to lead the people in battle (6:11-14). The Lord assured him of his presence (v 16) by a sign (vv 17-22). Gideon knew that he had been visited by the Lord and built an altar called “The <span>Lord<\/span> Is Peace” in Ophrah (v 24). He responded by destroying the cultic site dedicated to Baal and Asherah at Ophrah (vv 25-28) and by initiating worship at the new altar (v 28). Baal did not protect his own altar (vv 29-32), even when challenged by Gideon’s father (v 31). Consequently, Gideon was known as Jerubbaal (meaning, “let Baal contend with him,” v 32).<\/p>\n<p>Next, Gideon mustered an army of 32,000 men from Asher, Zebulun, and Naphtali (6:35; cf. 7:3b). In order to assure himself of the Lord’s presence, he asked for another sign: the sign of the fleece (6:36-40). It must be kept in mind that Gideon lived in an area in which the wonders of God had been scarce (v 13) and that he, like Moses, needed reassurance that God was with him. God responded to his growing faith. Gideon went forth with a greatly reduced army of 300 against the enemy. Of his original army, 22,000 had left because they were afraid (7:2-3; cf. Dt 20:8). Another 9,700 were sent home, though they were valiant men (7:4-8). After assuring Gideon by a dream of an enemy soldier, God used the 300 in a marvelous way to confound the Midianites (vv 9-15). God gave Israel victory over the Midianite leaders Oreb, Zeeb, Zebah, and Zalmunna (7:16–8:21). Gideon wisely avoided a possible military confrontation with Ephraim (8:1-3), pursued the enemy deep into the Transjordan, and punished the leaders of Succoth and Penuel, who did not assist him (vv 4-9, 13-16).<\/p>\n<p>This glorious victory created a new wave of interest in the idea of kingship. The men of Israel wished to establish the family of Gideon as their royal dynasty (8:22). Gideon refused, and instead wrongly set up an ephod, cast from the gold taken in battle (vv 23-27). The ephod was probably used for cultic practices, possibly divination (cf. 17:5).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s era also came to an end. He was God’s instrument, giving Israel rest for 40 years. He fathered 70 sons and died in old age. God had richly blessed him, even though he had led Israel astray with his ephod. Thereafter, Israel returned to Baal worship (8:33-35).<\/p>\n<p>In the wake of Gideon’s era, his son Abimelech attempted to establish dynastic continuity by having himself installed as king at Shechem (9:1-6). With the support of his relatives at Shechem, Abimelech had all his brothers killed except Jotham (vv 4-5). After Abimelech’s coronation, Jotham set forth his opposition to his brother in a proverbial manner (vv 7-20), and went into hiding. Three years later Abimelech’s evil schemes entrapped him when the citizens of Shechem rebelled. He furiously attacked the city and destroyed it. A short time later, however, he was wounded at Thebez by a millstone dropped by a woman from the tower in which she had sought refuge from him. His servant put him out of his misery as per his request. This episode demonstrates how bad a despotic king may be. Again, God’s justice prevailed.<\/p>\n<h6>Tola (10:1-2)<\/h6>\n<p>Tola was a minor judge from Issachar who judged Israel for 23 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jair (10:3-5)<\/h6>\n<p>Jair was a minor judge from Gilead who judged Israel for 22 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jephthah (10:6–12:7)<\/h6>\n<p>A recapitulation (10:6-16) of the cycle (idolatry, enemies, cry for help, momentary repentance) sets the introduction to the Jephthah narrative. Under attack from the Ammonites, the elders of Gilead requested help from Jephthah (10:17–11:8), who promised to help them on the condition that he remain their leader even after the war (vv 9-10). At a solemn ceremony he becomes their “head” at Mizpah (v 11). Jephthah opened up correspondence with the Ammonite king, in which he argued for Israel’s rights on the basis of the Israelites’ historic claim to the land as granted to them by the Lord (vv 12–27). Instead of going out immediately to war, he hoped that “the <span>Lord<\/span>, the Judge” would settle the dispute (v 27); but the Ammonite king was unimpressed. When the Spirit of God came over him, Jephthah led Israel into battle, but only after making a rash vow. He was victorious but found out that his vow to sacrifice whatever came first out of his house required him to sacrifice his daughter. Debate continues as to whether he offered her up as a human sacrifice or whether she sacrificed marriage (see discussion under Jephthah).<\/p>\n<p>The Ephraimites seemed to have had an insatiable desire for war. Earlier they had complained to Gideon, who successfully defused their threats (8:1-3). Jephthah fought them, however, because the Israelites living in Transjordan had been reviled as “renegades” (12:1-4). Forty-two thousand Ephraimites were killed by the fords of the Jordan in this civil war. Thereafter, Jephthah ruled for only six years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ibzan (12:8-10)<\/h6>\n<p>Ibzan was a minor judge from Bethlehem who ruled Israel for seven years.<\/p>\n<h6>Elon (12:11)<\/h6>\n<p>A minor judge from Zebulun, Elon ruled Israel for ten years.<\/p>\n<h6>Abdon (12:13-15)<\/h6>\n<p>Abdon was a minor judge from Pirathon, the location of which is uncertain. He ruled for eight years.<\/p>\n<h6>Samson (13:1–16:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Samson’s greatness in the history of redemption is due to his miraculous birth (13:1-24), his service as a Nazirite (13:7; cf. Nm 6:1-21), the repeated overpowering by the Spirit of the Lord (Jgs 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14), the single-handed exploits against the Philistines (Ashkelon, 14:19; the fields, 15:1-6; Ramath Etam, 15:7-17; Gaza, 16:1-3, 23-30), and his occasional dependence on the Lord (15:18-19; 16:28-30). However, his personal life was flawed because of his weakness for Philistine women (chs 14, 16). Having been seduced by Delilah, he was imprisoned at Gaza. He died in the collapse of Dagon’s temple, praying that the Lord would permit him to get revenge (16:28-30). He was buried in his father’s tomb in the territory of Dan (16:31).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue (17–21)<\/h5>\n<p>The cyclical nature of Israel’s existence was without movement. Rest from enemies was always temporary. Israel was not yet ready for dynastic kingship, and whatever one may say of the three years of Abimelech, it was a kingship of the worst sort. Israel vacillated between idolatry and belief in the true Lord. The period of the judges was unstable, marked by petty individualism and provincialism. Yet God remained sovereign in the affairs of his people. The epilogue contains two stories: the story of Micah and the Danite migration (chs 17–18) and the civil war (chs 19–21). The epilogue is bound together by the phrase “In those days Israel had no king; everyone did as he saw fit” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25, <span>niv<\/span>). The symmetric recurrence (two times in each narrative) emphasizes the anarchy and inability of the tribes to unite together to serve God as a covenant people.<\/p>\n<h6>Micah and the Danites (17–18)<\/h6>\n<p>Micah was an Ephraimite who established a shrine and hired one of his own sons, and then a Levite from Bethlehem, to serve as its priests (ch 17). Unable to keep their patrimony, the Danites left to establish themselves at the foot of Mt Hermon. They took the idols and the Levite from Micah’s shrine and set up a cultic city at the newly established city of Dan, built on the ruins of Laish (ch 18). Thus, they set up a cultic center that rivaled the tabernacle at Shiloh (18:31).<\/p>\n<h6>The Civil War (19–21)<\/h6>\n<p>The people of Gibeah, which belonged to Benjamin, sexually abused the concubine of a Levite so that she died. Like the Levite of chapters 17 and 18, she was from Bethlehem (19:1). Dramatically, the Levite sent pieces of her corpse to all the tribes, which assembled against the Benjamites because they protected the criminals of Gibeah (19:29–20:19). In the ensuing battle the population of Benjamin was decimated (20:20-48). The 11 tribes gave them 400 virgins taken in a civil war against Jabesh-gilead (21:6-15). These were not enough, however. Because of the threat of the extinction of Benjamin and the vow not to give their daughters in marriage to any Benjamite, the Israelites devised a plan by which the Benjamites could take Israelite virgins dancing in the festival at Shiloh. Benjamin thus was able to rebuild its towns and settlements.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Gideon; Jephthah; Samson.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JUDGES, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>The book reflects a final editing of the material in the period of the early monarchy. It may well be a polemic for the righteous rule of David over against the kingship of Saul, which was molded by a secular, Canaanite conception of kingship rather than by the law of God. The author was almost certainly not Samuel, as traditionally thought, but a later compiler who relied on ancient written materials.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>Though the judges succeeded in giving the tribes some rest from the incursions of surrounding enemies, the Israelites were continually harassed over long periods of time. Scholarly opinion differs on the duration of the period of the judges. The dating of the exodus affects the dating of the beginning of the judges. Those who take an early date for the exodus put the beginning around 1370–1360 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas others propose a date close to the end of the 13th century <span>BC<\/span>. A related issue pertains to the chronology of the judges. Does Judges give a chronological, sequential account of the period, or is the book a representative account of judges from various parts of Canaan and Transjordan who “judged” a region, a tribe, or several tribes simultaneously?<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LiteraryFramework\">Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>There is no doubt that the stories in the book bear the marks of literary creativity. The stories are classics in their own right. The poetry of Deborah’s song (Jgs 5) is very moving, and the fable of Jotham (9:8-15) is a fine example of figurative speech. The care given to the stories is also reflected in the construction of the book. There are two introductions: a political one (Jgs 1:1–2:5) and a socioreligious one (2:6–3:6). The political introduction connects Judges with the story of the Conquest, when the tribes attempted to occupy the land. It prepares the reader for the political and military problems of the era of the judges. The socioreligious introduction explains why Israel had so many adversities, why the institution of the judges arose, and why the Lord never gave Israel the promised lasting rest from its enemies. The main body of the book is the story of the judges (3:7–16:31). References to the minor judges (six in all) are set within the stories of the major judges in increasing frequency. As is evident from the schema, the number of minor judges increased in frequency in proportion to the decrease in number of major judges: two major, one minor; two major, two minor; one major, three minor; one major. There is a total of 12 judges, representative of the 12 tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>The purpose of the listing of 12 judges, representative of the various parts of Canaan and Transjordan, is to demonstrate that all tribes throughout the conquered territories experienced grave difficulties from a variety of enemies: Arameans, Moabites, Ammonites, Amalekites, Canaanites, and Philistines. Israel was hard pressed on nearly all its frontiers. The appendixes (chs 17–21), together with the two introductions, form the framework of the book. The political and socioreligious problems (1:1–3:6) are presented by way of several stories in the last chapters. The final editor who gave the book its canonical shape purposefully framed the stories of the judges so as to show lack of movement. The successes of the previous stages in redemptive history came to a standstill in the ebb and flow of the judges. Though the Lord delivered his people in many ways, they returned to the problems described in 1:1–3:6. The appendixes describe Israel’s problems representative of the period of the judges, when “there was no king in Israel” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTheologicalTeaching\">Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for deliverance, and God’s raising up of a judge reflects a deuteronomic perspective with its warnings concerning disobedience and judgment. The repetitiveness of the cycle supports the contention of the anonymous narrator that Israel remained unchanged by the grace of God. However, in spite of the moral, religious, and political anarchy as well as the civil wars, the last chapter shows that the tribes are still concerned with each other’s welfare. Though the unity of God’s people has been gravely challenged, the situation is not hopeless. The book ends on a note of hope—hope for a king who may deliver Israel.<\/p>\n\n<p>Thus, there are several purposes of the book: (1) to demonstrate the meaninglessness of this stage in Israel’s development; (2) to explain why the tribes did not occupy all the land promised to the patriarchs; (3) to justify the way of God, who was gracious and patient with Israel’s repeated acts of disobedience; (4) to set forth the legitimacy of a “shepherd” king in contrast to a despotic form of kingship; and (5) to explain the urgent need for a new momentum, lest Israel succumb to the Philistines and intertribal warfare.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>The Political Introduction (1:1–2:5)<\/h5>\n<p>In Joshua 1–12 the warfare under Joshua is portrayed as a mobilization of Canaanite forces against Israel. By the intervention of the Lord, the Canaanite resistance was put down and the land was occupied by the tribes (chs 13–21). Joshua 13–21, however, clearly shows that each tribe had problems ridding its territory of pockets of Canaanite resistance, which were usually centered around heavily guarded and well-fortified cities (cf. 13:2-6, 13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18).<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua emphasizes the successes and minimizes the problems, whereas the prologue to Judges sets the stage for the whole book by openly addressing Israel’s problems and failures. As the book unfolds, it is precisely these problems and failures that in due time bring Israel to the brink of disaster.<\/p>\n<p>The period of the judges began with the death of Joshua (Jgs 1:1; 2:8-9). The Israelites had inherited a legacy from Joshua: the law of the Lord (Jos 23:6; 24:26), the land, a challenge to obey the Lord (24:14-27), and a promise of God’s presence and help in subduing the Canaanites (23:5, 10).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah and Simeon (Jgs 1:2-20)<\/h6>\n<p>The prominence of Judah and Caleb parallels the position of Judah in Joshua (Jos 14:6–15:63; cf. also the house of Joseph, Jgs 1:22-29; cf. Jos 16–17). Judah was victorious over the cruel Adoni-bezek, who ruled over Bezek, a town of uncertain location. Judah successfully occupied the hill country, the Negev, and the western foothills. They even took Jerusalem, or an outlying suburb identified with Jerusalem (Jos 1:8), but could not retain control there (v 21) until David’s conquest of the city (2 Sm 5:6-9). Judah was victorious over the Canaanites in the region of Hebron, already conquered under Joshua (Jos 10:36). Hebron, also known as Kiriath-arba (“city of four” or “tetrapolis”), was a powerful ally of Jerusalem (v 3) and had been able to rally military support for a new assault on Israel, even after its first defeat. Caleb received Hebron, as Moses had promised (Jgs 1:20; cf. Jos 15:13). After the victory over Hebron, Judah extended its control over the southern hill country by an attack on Debir (Jgs 1:11-15; cf. Jos 15:14-19).<\/p>\n<p>The Kenites (Jgs 1:16), descendants of Jethro and therefore related to Moses by marriage, settled in the Negev around Arad and the City of Palms, which here probably refers to Tamar rather than Jericho.<\/p>\n<p>Judah secured the southern border by a victory over the Canaanites at Hormah (Jgs 1:17; cf. Nm 14:45; 21:3; Dt 1:44) and the coastal plain by victories at Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron. However, Judah’s successes in the coastal plain were resisted by a well-armed Canaanite force (Jgs 1:18-19). It occupied the Judean hill country and the Negev, but could not retain control over the plains. The Philistines were soon to take control over Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, and incorporate them into their pentapolis.<\/p>\n<h6>Benjamin (1:21)<\/h6>\n<p>Jerusalem was situated on the border between Judah and Benjamin. Judah took the city or a suburb (Jos 1:8) but was too far removed to retain control over it. Benjamin was too weak to subdue the Jebusites. Only David succeeded in this (2 Sm 5:6-9); he incorporated it into Judah (cf. Jos 15:63), even though it originally was allotted to Benjamin (Jos 18:28).<\/p>\n<h6>Joseph: Ephraim and Manasseh (1:22-29)<\/h6>\n<p>Ephraim took Bethel, known from the patriarchal stories as a significant cultic site (Gn 12:8; 13:3-4; 28:19; 31:13; 35:1-15). However, Manasseh was unsuccessful in taking the fortified cities in the valley of Jezreel (Esdraelon): Beth-shan, Taanach, Dor, Ibleam, and Megiddo. These cities controlled traffic along the east-west and north–south roads as well as the important passes through the Carmel range and the ford of the Jordan. Ephraim could not take full possession of the coastal plain, controlled by Gezer. The success of both Ephraim and Manasseh was limited.<\/p>\n<h6>The Other Four Tribes (1:30-36)<\/h6>\n<p>The other four tribes in Canaan receive brief mention. They, too, were only partially successful. Zebulun, Asher, Naphtali, and especially Dan did not fully succeed in driving out the Canaanites. At best they later subjected most of them to forced labor.<\/p>\n<h6>The Failure of Israel (2:1-5)<\/h6>\n<p>The failure to subdue the land and to wipe out the Canaanites and their culture led to intermarriage and idolatry (cf. Ex 23:33; 34:12-16; Nm 33:55; Dt 7:2-5, 16; Jos 23:7, 12).<\/p>\n<p>The identity of “the angel of the Lord” who appears at Bokim is far from certain. It may be a reference to the Lord himself, to an angelic messenger, or to a prophet (cf. Jgs 6:8). He rebuked the people in the prophetic spirit and pronounced God’s judgment as taking the form of continual confrontation between Israel and the Canaanites (2:3). Their weeping and sacrificing were to no avail (2:4-5; cf. Mal 2:13). Israel stood condemned within a generation after Joshua’s death.<\/p>\n<h5>The Theological Introduction (2:6–3:6)<\/h5>\n<p>The theological introduction begins where Joshua left off (Jos 24:28-31). The generation of Joshua was characterized by loyalty, but their loyalty to the Lord did not last long after the excitement of the Conquest and the demonstration of God’s presence (Jgs 2:10). Israel served Canaanite gods (Baal and Astarte) instead. Baal was the storm god, symbolic of rain and fertility, and Astarte was his cohort. The plural (Baals and Ashtaroth, 2:11-13) signifies the many local ways in which the Canaanite gods were worshiped. The religious unity was broken up into a great diversity. Thus Israel angered the Lord (vv 12-14), who sent them enemies and plunderers. Israel was unsuccessful in dealing with them, as Moses and Joshua had forewarned (Dt 28:25, 33; Jos 23:13, 16). The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for mercy, and deliverance is found throughout Judges. The people were rooted in the apostasy of their forefathers, even though the previous generation had been sensitive to God. Israel did not submit to the leadership of the judges, except to free itself from the oppressors. In fulfillment of the curses of the covenant, God swore not to give his people rest but to test them and to train them for warfare (Jgs 3:1-4), so that they might learn to respond to the challenges of a real world.<\/p>\n<h5>The Judges of Israel (3:7–16:31)<\/h5>\n<h6>Othniel (3:7-11)<\/h6>\n<p>Othniel is a transitional figure, linking the Conquest and the judges. He had involved himself in the conquest of Kiriath-sepher and was related to Caleb as his cousin and son-in-law (1:13). He repelled the Arameans led by Cushan-rishathaim, so that the land enjoyed peace for some 40 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ehud (3:12-30)<\/h6>\n<p>The Moabites, allied with the Ammonites and Amalekites, came against Israel from the east and oppressed them for 18 years under the leadership of Eglon. Ehud led the mission to bring tribute to Eglon at his palace, located probably by Jericho (the City of Palms). Ehud was uniquely qualified for this mission; being left-handed, he was able to use his double-edged sword in an unsuspecting manner to stab the king. Ehud’s success was the result of careful plotting and the element of surprise. He paid the tribute and left, only to return with a supposed oracle from the gods. The king fell for the deception and was murdered. The delay at the Moabite court gave the Israelites an opportunity to bring their forces together at the fords of the Jordan. Ehud’s success was complete; no Moabite escaped, and Israel enjoyed peace for 80 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Shamgar (3:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Shamgar’s exploits were against the Philistines in the coastal plains. He had a non-Israelite name but was probably an Israelite by birth. Like Samson he fought the Philistines with an unconventional weapon (an ox goad). His name is also mentioned in the song of Deborah (5:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Deborah and Barak (4:1–5:31)<\/h6>\n<p>The narrative now turns to the Canaanite aggressors in the north under the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor, and Sisera, of Harosheth-haggoyim (4:1-3). The ruins of Hazor (Jos 11:13) had been rebuilt, and another Jabin (cf. v 1) ruled over the region. He had regained his military power, as he had as many as 900 chariots of iron. He oppressed Israel for 20 years (Jgs 4:3).<\/p>\n<p>God had a prophetess in Israel who led his people during this dark time (4:4). She rendered judgments under a palm tree in southern Ephraim near Benjamin (v 5). She called on Barak to muster the armies of Naphtali and Zebulun, the tribes affected by the Canaanite raids, and to engage Sisera in a surprise attack by the Kishon River (vv 6-7). Barak’s hesitancy led him to request Deborah’s presence, which resulted in his forfeiture of the honor of killing Sisera, the commander of the Canaanite forces (vv 8-10). The Lord gave success to the surprise attack from Mt Tabor, so that the Canaanites were routed, unable to use their heavy chariots, which were mired down in the swamps of the Jezreel Valley (5:20-22). The Canaanites were routed, and Sisera was killed by Jael, the wife of Heber, a Kenite who had separated from the Kenites around Arad (4:17-18; cf. 1:16). She offered him hospitality, as her family had friendly relations with the Canaanites, but heroically put him to death with a tent peg (4:18-21; 5:26-27). In successive campaigns the Israelites gained freedom from Jabin, until they destroyed his power (4:24).<\/p>\n<p>The song of Deborah (ch 5) celebrates, in poetic fashion, the victory over Jabin. It is one of the oldest poems in the Bible. It praises the God of Israel as the King who comes to protect his covenant people, and before whom the mountains move (5:2-3). He is the God of Mt Sinai (Jgs 5:4-5; cf. Dt 33:2; Ps 68:7-8; Hb 3:3-4). Though the oppressors had despoiled Israel and had made the roads unsafe for travel, and Israel was unable to defend itself (Jgs 5:6-8), the Lord raised up Deborah and Barak to lead the nobles to war (vv 9-13). They came from Ephraim, Benjamin, Zebulun, Issachar, and Naphtali (vv 14-15a, 18), but the Transjordan tribes and Asher did not want to get involved (vv 15b-17). The song then moves to the battle scene, where torrential rains bogged the chariots down (vv 19-23). Jael is celebrated as “most blessed of women,” who used her simple way of life to bring an end to Sisera (vv 24-27). She stands in contrast to Sisera’s mother, who is portrayed with all her culture waiting in vain for Sisera’s return with all of his spoils (vv 28-30). The Lord has used the simple to confound the powerful. The conclusion is a prayer for God’s judgment on all of Israel’s enemies (Jgs 5:31a; cf. Ps 68:1-3).<\/p>\n<h6>Gideon (6:1–8:35)<\/h6>\n<p>Israel’s rest for 40 years (Jgs 5:31b) was disturbed by the invasion of Midianites and Amalekites from the East (6:1-3). They destroyed the economy by invading the country at harvesttime (vv 4-6). In response to Israel’s cry, God sent a prophet with a message similar to that of the angel of the Lord (2:1-5). Then an angel appeared to Gideon and called him to lead the people in battle (6:11-14). The Lord assured him of his presence (v 16) by a sign (vv 17-22). Gideon knew that he had been visited by the Lord and built an altar called “The <span>Lord<\/span> Is Peace” in Ophrah (v 24). He responded by destroying the cultic site dedicated to Baal and Asherah at Ophrah (vv 25-28) and by initiating worship at the new altar (v 28). Baal did not protect his own altar (vv 29-32), even when challenged by Gideon’s father (v 31). Consequently, Gideon was known as Jerubbaal (meaning, “let Baal contend with him,” v 32).<\/p>\n<p>Next, Gideon mustered an army of 32,000 men from Asher, Zebulun, and Naphtali (6:35; cf. 7:3b). In order to assure himself of the Lord’s presence, he asked for another sign: the sign of the fleece (6:36-40). It must be kept in mind that Gideon lived in an area in which the wonders of God had been scarce (v 13) and that he, like Moses, needed reassurance that God was with him. God responded to his growing faith. Gideon went forth with a greatly reduced army of 300 against the enemy. Of his original army, 22,000 had left because they were afraid (7:2-3; cf. Dt 20:8). Another 9,700 were sent home, though they were valiant men (7:4-8). After assuring Gideon by a dream of an enemy soldier, God used the 300 in a marvelous way to confound the Midianites (vv 9-15). God gave Israel victory over the Midianite leaders Oreb, Zeeb, Zebah, and Zalmunna (7:16–8:21). Gideon wisely avoided a possible military confrontation with Ephraim (8:1-3), pursued the enemy deep into the Transjordan, and punished the leaders of Succoth and Penuel, who did not assist him (vv 4-9, 13-16).<\/p>\n<p>This glorious victory created a new wave of interest in the idea of kingship. The men of Israel wished to establish the family of Gideon as their royal dynasty (8:22). Gideon refused, and instead wrongly set up an ephod, cast from the gold taken in battle (vv 23-27). The ephod was probably used for cultic practices, possibly divination (cf. 17:5).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s era also came to an end. He was God’s instrument, giving Israel rest for 40 years. He fathered 70 sons and died in old age. God had richly blessed him, even though he had led Israel astray with his ephod. Thereafter, Israel returned to Baal worship (8:33-35).<\/p>\n<p>In the wake of Gideon’s era, his son Abimelech attempted to establish dynastic continuity by having himself installed as king at Shechem (9:1-6). With the support of his relatives at Shechem, Abimelech had all his brothers killed except Jotham (vv 4-5). After Abimelech’s coronation, Jotham set forth his opposition to his brother in a proverbial manner (vv 7-20), and went into hiding. Three years later Abimelech’s evil schemes entrapped him when the citizens of Shechem rebelled. He furiously attacked the city and destroyed it. A short time later, however, he was wounded at Thebez by a millstone dropped by a woman from the tower in which she had sought refuge from him. His servant put him out of his misery as per his request. This episode demonstrates how bad a despotic king may be. Again, God’s justice prevailed.<\/p>\n<h6>Tola (10:1-2)<\/h6>\n<p>Tola was a minor judge from Issachar who judged Israel for 23 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jair (10:3-5)<\/h6>\n<p>Jair was a minor judge from Gilead who judged Israel for 22 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jephthah (10:6–12:7)<\/h6>\n<p>A recapitulation (10:6-16) of the cycle (idolatry, enemies, cry for help, momentary repentance) sets the introduction to the Jephthah narrative. Under attack from the Ammonites, the elders of Gilead requested help from Jephthah (10:17–11:8), who promised to help them on the condition that he remain their leader even after the war (vv 9-10). At a solemn ceremony he becomes their “head” at Mizpah (v 11). Jephthah opened up correspondence with the Ammonite king, in which he argued for Israel’s rights on the basis of the Israelites’ historic claim to the land as granted to them by the Lord (vv 12–27). Instead of going out immediately to war, he hoped that “the <span>Lord<\/span>, the Judge” would settle the dispute (v 27); but the Ammonite king was unimpressed. When the Spirit of God came over him, Jephthah led Israel into battle, but only after making a rash vow. He was victorious but found out that his vow to sacrifice whatever came first out of his house required him to sacrifice his daughter. Debate continues as to whether he offered her up as a human sacrifice or whether she sacrificed marriage (see discussion under Jephthah).<\/p>\n<p>The Ephraimites seemed to have had an insatiable desire for war. Earlier they had complained to Gideon, who successfully defused their threats (8:1-3). Jephthah fought them, however, because the Israelites living in Transjordan had been reviled as “renegades” (12:1-4). Forty-two thousand Ephraimites were killed by the fords of the Jordan in this civil war. Thereafter, Jephthah ruled for only six years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ibzan (12:8-10)<\/h6>\n<p>Ibzan was a minor judge from Bethlehem who ruled Israel for seven years.<\/p>\n<h6>Elon (12:11)<\/h6>\n<p>A minor judge from Zebulun, Elon ruled Israel for ten years.<\/p>\n<h6>Abdon (12:13-15)<\/h6>\n<p>Abdon was a minor judge from Pirathon, the location of which is uncertain. He ruled for eight years.<\/p>\n<h6>Samson (13:1–16:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Samson’s greatness in the history of redemption is due to his miraculous birth (13:1-24), his service as a Nazirite (13:7; cf. Nm 6:1-21), the repeated overpowering by the Spirit of the Lord (Jgs 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14), the single-handed exploits against the Philistines (Ashkelon, 14:19; the fields, 15:1-6; Ramath Etam, 15:7-17; Gaza, 16:1-3, 23-30), and his occasional dependence on the Lord (15:18-19; 16:28-30). However, his personal life was flawed because of his weakness for Philistine women (chs 14, 16). Having been seduced by Delilah, he was imprisoned at Gaza. He died in the collapse of Dagon’s temple, praying that the Lord would permit him to get revenge (16:28-30). He was buried in his father’s tomb in the territory of Dan (16:31).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue (17–21)<\/h5>\n<p>The cyclical nature of Israel’s existence was without movement. Rest from enemies was always temporary. Israel was not yet ready for dynastic kingship, and whatever one may say of the three years of Abimelech, it was a kingship of the worst sort. Israel vacillated between idolatry and belief in the true Lord. The period of the judges was unstable, marked by petty individualism and provincialism. Yet God remained sovereign in the affairs of his people. The epilogue contains two stories: the story of Micah and the Danite migration (chs 17–18) and the civil war (chs 19–21). The epilogue is bound together by the phrase “In those days Israel had no king; everyone did as he saw fit” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25, <span>niv<\/span>). The symmetric recurrence (two times in each narrative) emphasizes the anarchy and inability of the tribes to unite together to serve God as a covenant people.<\/p>\n<h6>Micah and the Danites (17–18)<\/h6>\n<p>Micah was an Ephraimite who established a shrine and hired one of his own sons, and then a Levite from Bethlehem, to serve as its priests (ch 17). Unable to keep their patrimony, the Danites left to establish themselves at the foot of Mt Hermon. They took the idols and the Levite from Micah’s shrine and set up a cultic city at the newly established city of Dan, built on the ruins of Laish (ch 18). Thus, they set up a cultic center that rivaled the tabernacle at Shiloh (18:31).<\/p>\n<h6>The Civil War (19–21)<\/h6>\n<p>The people of Gibeah, which belonged to Benjamin, sexually abused the concubine of a Levite so that she died. Like the Levite of chapters 17 and 18, she was from Bethlehem (19:1). Dramatically, the Levite sent pieces of her corpse to all the tribes, which assembled against the Benjamites because they protected the criminals of Gibeah (19:29–20:19). In the ensuing battle the population of Benjamin was decimated (20:20-48). The 11 tribes gave them 400 virgins taken in a civil war against Jabesh-gilead (21:6-15). These were not enough, however. Because of the threat of the extinction of Benjamin and the vow not to give their daughters in marriage to any Benjamite, the Israelites devised a plan by which the Benjamites could take Israelite virgins dancing in the festival at Shiloh. Benjamin thus was able to rebuild its towns and settlements.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Gideon; Jephthah; Samson.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JUDGES, Book of Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail. Preview • Author • Date • Li...","summary_en":"JUDGES, Book of Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail. Preview • Author • Date • Li...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":21612,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Kenizzites","title_en":"Kenizzites","content_ro":"<h3>KENIZZITES<\/h3>\n<p>A people related to Kenaz, grandson of Esau (Gn 36:11, 15). The Kenizzites were of Edomite stock and resided to the southeast of Judah in the vicinity of the Kenites. They are thought to belong to the pre-Israelite population of Canaan (Gn 15:19). Their territory was to be given to the Israelites along with that of the Kenites, the Amorites, and the Canaanites (vv 19-21).<\/p>\n<p>In Numbers and Joshua, Caleb, the faithful spy, is reckoned to belong to the Kenizzites (Nm 32:12; Jos 14:6, 14). According to 1 Chronicles 4:15, Caleb’s genealogy is traced back to Judah (1 Chr 4:1). The relationship of Caleb to the Kenizzites is far from clear. Caleb established his patrimony at Kiriath-sepher (Jgs 1:11-13), which is in Judah but which is also situated close to the territory of the Kenizzites. Critical opinion views the Kenizzites as non-Israelites who occupied Hebron, Debir, and the southernmost hill country of the Negev and became politically incorporated into Judah.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>KENIZZITES<\/h3>\n<p>A people related to Kenaz, grandson of Esau (Gn 36:11, 15). The Kenizzites were of Edomite stock and resided to the southeast of Judah in the vicinity of the Kenites. They are thought to belong to the pre-Israelite population of Canaan (Gn 15:19). Their territory was to be given to the Israelites along with that of the Kenites, the Amorites, and the Canaanites (vv 19-21).<\/p>\n<p>In Numbers and Joshua, Caleb, the faithful spy, is reckoned to belong to the Kenizzites (Nm 32:12; Jos 14:6, 14). According to 1 Chronicles 4:15, Caleb’s genealogy is traced back to Judah (1 Chr 4:1). The relationship of Caleb to the Kenizzites is far from clear. Caleb established his patrimony at Kiriath-sepher (Jgs 1:11-13), which is in Judah but which is also situated close to the territory of the Kenizzites. Critical opinion views the Kenizzites as non-Israelites who occupied Hebron, Debir, and the southernmost hill country of the Negev and became politically incorporated into Judah.<\/p>","summary_ro":"KENIZZITES A people related to Kenaz, grandson of Esau (Gn 36:11, 15). The Kenizzites were of Edomite stock and resided to the southeast of Judah in the vicinity of the Kenites. They are thought to belong to the pre-Israelite population of Canaan (Gn 15:19). Their territory was to be given to the Israelites along with that of the Kenites, the Amorites, and the Canaanites (vv 19-21). In Numbers and Joshua, Caleb, the faithful spy, is reckoned to belong to the Kenizzites (Nm 32:12; Jos 14:6, 14...","summary_en":"KENIZZITES A people related to Kenaz, grandson of Esau (Gn 36:11, 15). The Kenizzites were of Edomite stock and resided to the southeast of Judah in the vicinity of the Kenites. They are thought to belong to the pre-Israelite population of Canaan (Gn 15:19). Their territory was to be given to the Israelites along with that of the Kenites, the Amorites, and the Canaanites (vv 19-21). In Numbers and Joshua, Caleb, the faithful spy, is reckoned to belong to the Kenizzites (Nm 32:12; Jos 14:6, 14...","source":"Articles\/K.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":22183,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Kirjath-Sepher*","title_en":"Kirjath-Sepher*","content_ro":"<h3>KIRJATH-SEPHER*<\/h3>\n<p>KJV spelling of Kiriath-sepher in Joshua 15:15-16 and Judges 1:11-12. <em>See<\/em> Debir (Place) #1.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>KIRJATH-SEPHER*<\/h3>\n<p>KJV spelling of Kiriath-sepher in Joshua 15:15-16 and Judges 1:11-12. <em>See<\/em> Debir (Place) #1.<\/p>","summary_ro":"KIRJATH-SEPHER* KJV spelling of Kiriath-sepher in Joshua 15:15-16 and Judges 1:11-12. See Debir (Place) #1.","summary_en":"KIRJATH-SEPHER* KJV spelling of Kiriath-sepher in Joshua 15:15-16 and Judges 1:11-12. See Debir (Place) #1.","source":"Articles\/K.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":28656,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Othniel","title_en":"Othniel","content_ro":"<h3>OTHNIEL<\/h3>\n<p>Judge of Israel, mentioned as the son of Kenaz and Caleb’s nephew (or perhaps brother), who delivered Israel from the tyranny of Cushan-rishathaim, and who earlier distinguished himself by capturing Debir (Jos 15:15-17; Jgs 1:11-13; 3:8-11).<\/p>\n<p>At Caleb’s prompting (promising his daughter Achsah to anyone who could conquer Debir), Othniel took Kiriath-sepher (Debir) and received Achsah for his wife. When Caleb gave her and her land as a present, Achsah asked for a water source and was given the upper springs and the lower springs (Jos 15:19; Jgs 1:15).<\/p>\n<p>Later, Othniel delivered the Israelites from the oppressive Cushan-rishathaim, king of Mesopotamia (Aram-naharaim), whom the Israelites had served for eight years on account of their sin (Jgs 3:7). When the people cried for relief, the Lord raised up Othniel. Delivering them, he was described as someone that the “Spirit of the Lord came upon” (v 10). The effects of his work as judge lasted for a generation (vv 9-11).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Judges, Book of.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>OTHNIEL<\/h3>\n<p>Judge of Israel, mentioned as the son of Kenaz and Caleb’s nephew (or perhaps brother), who delivered Israel from the tyranny of Cushan-rishathaim, and who earlier distinguished himself by capturing Debir (Jos 15:15-17; Jgs 1:11-13; 3:8-11).<\/p>\n<p>At Caleb’s prompting (promising his daughter Achsah to anyone who could conquer Debir), Othniel took Kiriath-sepher (Debir) and received Achsah for his wife. When Caleb gave her and her land as a present, Achsah asked for a water source and was given the upper springs and the lower springs (Jos 15:19; Jgs 1:15).<\/p>\n<p>Later, Othniel delivered the Israelites from the oppressive Cushan-rishathaim, king of Mesopotamia (Aram-naharaim), whom the Israelites had served for eight years on account of their sin (Jgs 3:7). When the people cried for relief, the Lord raised up Othniel. Delivering them, he was described as someone that the “Spirit of the Lord came upon” (v 10). The effects of his work as judge lasted for a generation (vv 9-11).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Judges, Book of.<\/p>","summary_ro":"OTHNIEL Judge of Israel, mentioned as the son of Kenaz and Caleb’s nephew (or perhaps brother), who delivered Israel from the tyranny of Cushan-rishathaim, and who earlier distinguished himself by capturing Debir (Jos 15:15-17; Jgs 1:11-13; 3:8-11). At Caleb’s prompting (promising his daughter Achsah to anyone who could conquer Debir), Othniel took Kiriath-sepher (Debir) and received Achsah for his wife. When Caleb gave her and her land as a present, Achsah asked for a water source and was gi...","summary_en":"OTHNIEL Judge of Israel, mentioned as the son of Kenaz and Caleb’s nephew (or perhaps brother), who delivered Israel from the tyranny of Cushan-rishathaim, and who earlier distinguished himself by capturing Debir (Jos 15:15-17; Jgs 1:11-13; 3:8-11). At Caleb’s prompting (promising his daughter Achsah to anyone who could conquer Debir), Othniel took Kiriath-sepher (Debir) and received Achsah for his wife. When Caleb gave her and her land as a present, Achsah asked for a water source and was gi...","source":"Articles\/O.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":45674,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:11","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:11","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:11<\/strong> <em>Debir<\/em> or <em>Kiriath-sepher<\/em> (“City of the Book”): This major Anakite town of the hill country (Josh 11:21) is not firmly identified but is traditionally understood as being either southwest or east of Hebron.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:11<\/strong> <em>Debir<\/em> or <em>Kiriath-sepher<\/em> (“City of the Book”): This major Anakite town of the hill country (Josh 11:21) is not firmly identified but is traditionally understood as being either southwest or east of Hebron.<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:11 Debir or Kiriath-sepher (“City of the Book”): This major Anakite town of the hill country (Josh 11:21) is not firmly identified but is traditionally understood as being either southwest or east of Hebron.","summary_en":"1:11 Debir or Kiriath-sepher (“City of the Book”): This major Anakite town of the hill country (Josh 11:21) is not firmly identified but is traditionally understood as being either southwest or east of Hebron.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73300,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:11","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:11","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:11<\/strong> <em>Debir<\/em> or <em>Kiriath-sepher<\/em> (“City of the Book”): This major Anakite town of the hill country (Josh 11:21) is not firmly identified but is traditionally understood as being either southwest or east of Hebron.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:11<\/strong> <em>Debir<\/em> or <em>Kiriath-sepher<\/em> (“City of the Book”): This major Anakite town of the hill country (Josh 11:21) is not firmly identified but is traditionally understood as being either southwest or east of Hebron.<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:11 Debir or Kiriath-sepher (“City of the Book”): This major Anakite town of the hill country (Josh 11:21) is not firmly identified but is traditionally understood as being either southwest or east of Hebron.","summary_en":"1:11 Debir or Kiriath-sepher (“City of the Book”): This major Anakite town of the hill country (Josh 11:21) is not firmly identified but is traditionally understood as being either southwest or east of Hebron.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":100926,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:11","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:11","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:11<\/strong> <em>Debir<\/em> or <em>Kiriath-sepher<\/em> (“City of the Book”): This major Anakite town of the hill country (Josh 11:21) is not firmly identified but is traditionally understood as being either southwest or east of Hebron.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:11<\/strong> <em>Debir<\/em> or <em>Kiriath-sepher<\/em> (“City of the Book”): This major Anakite town of the hill country (Josh 11:21) is not firmly identified but is traditionally understood as being either southwest or east of Hebron.<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:11 Debir or Kiriath-sepher (“City of the Book”): This major Anakite town of the hill country (Josh 11:21) is not firmly identified but is traditionally understood as being either southwest or east of Hebron.","summary_en":"1:11 Debir or Kiriath-sepher (“City of the Book”): This major Anakite town of the hill country (Josh 11:21) is not firmly identified but is traditionally understood as being either southwest or east of Hebron.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128552,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:11","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:11","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:11<\/strong> <em>Debir<\/em> or <em>Kiriath-sepher<\/em> (“City of the Book”): This major Anakite town of the hill country (Josh 11:21) is not firmly identified but is traditionally understood as being either southwest or east of Hebron.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:11<\/strong> <em>Debir<\/em> or <em>Kiriath-sepher<\/em> (“City of the Book”): This major Anakite town of the hill country (Josh 11:21) is not firmly identified but is traditionally understood as being either southwest or east of Hebron.<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:11 Debir or Kiriath-sepher (“City of the Book”): This major Anakite town of the hill country (Josh 11:21) is not firmly identified but is traditionally understood as being either southwest or east of Hebron.","summary_en":"1:11 Debir or Kiriath-sepher (“City of the Book”): This major Anakite town of the hill country (Josh 11:21) is not firmly identified but is traditionally understood as being either southwest or east of Hebron.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"12":[{"id":347,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Achsa*, Achsah*","title_en":"Achsa*, Achsah*","content_ro":"<h3>ACHSA*, ACHSAH*<\/h3>\n<p>Caleb’s daughter (1 Chr 2:49). Othniel, Caleb’s nephew, accepted his uncle’s challenge to capture Kiriath-sepher in order to marry Achsah. She persuaded Othniel to ask her father, Caleb, for a field, and she herself asked Caleb for two springs of water, a necessity for life in the desert (Jos 15:16-19; Jgs 1:12-15).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>ACHSA*, ACHSAH*<\/h3>\n<p>Caleb’s daughter (1 Chr 2:49). Othniel, Caleb’s nephew, accepted his uncle’s challenge to capture Kiriath-sepher in order to marry Achsah. She persuaded Othniel to ask her father, Caleb, for a field, and she herself asked Caleb for two springs of water, a necessity for life in the desert (Jos 15:16-19; Jgs 1:12-15).<\/p>","summary_ro":"ACHSA*, ACHSAH* Caleb’s daughter (1 Chr 2:49). Othniel, Caleb’s nephew, accepted his uncle’s challenge to capture Kiriath-sepher in order to marry Achsah. She persuaded Othniel to ask her father, Caleb, for a field, and she herself asked Caleb for two springs of water, a necessity for life in the desert (Jos 15:16-19; Jgs 1:12-15).","summary_en":"ACHSA*, ACHSAH* Caleb’s daughter (1 Chr 2:49). Othniel, Caleb’s nephew, accepted his uncle’s challenge to capture Kiriath-sepher in order to marry Achsah. She persuaded Othniel to ask her father, Caleb, for a field, and she herself asked Caleb for two springs of water, a necessity for life in the desert (Jos 15:16-19; Jgs 1:12-15).","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"13":[{"id":5955,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Caleb","title_en":"Caleb","content_ro":"<h3>CALEB<\/h3>\n<li>1. Son of Jephunneh the Kenizzite (Nm 32:12; Jos 14:6) and older brother of Kenaz (Jgs 1:13). Caleb was one of the 12 spies sent to scout out the land of Canaan. Although he and Joshua, another spy, recommended an immediate attack, their suggestion was rejected by the Israelite tribes because of other reports of heavily defended fortresses. Consequently, entrance into Canaan, the Promised Land, was delayed for some years as a divine judgment (Nm 14:21-23, 34-35).<\/li>\n<p>When Israel under Joshua’s leadership finally occupied Canaan, Caleb, at age 85 (Jos 14:6-7, 10), was assigned Hebron, which he conquered by overcoming its Anakim inhabitants (vv 13-14). Caleb offered his daughter Achsah to whomever would overthrow nearby Debir (Kiriath-sepher). Othniel, Kenaz’s son and Achsah’s cousin, was able to claim her as his wife by conquering the town (15:16-17).<\/p>\n<p>Hebron later became a Levitical city of refuge (Jos 21:13; 1 Chr 6:55-57). In some portion of Caleb’s territory David spent time as an outlaw and met his future wife Abigail, then the wife of Nabal, a Calebite (1 Sm 25:3). Here also his wives were captured by Amalekite marauders who had raided southern Judah and “the Negev of Caleb” (1 Sm 30:14).<\/p>\n<li>2. Hezron’s son and brother of Jerahmeel (1 Chr 2:18, 42), also called Chelubai (v 9). Many scholars, however, believe that this Caleb is the same as #1 above because (1) Achsah is mentioned as the daughter of both (v 49); and (2) the prominent place of an otherwise unknown Caleb in the genealogy would be hard to account for. According to these scholars, Caleb was listed as a son of Hezron (the grandson of Judah) in order to establish his position and inheritance in Judah’s tribe. In reality, however, Caleb was a foreigner, son of Jephunneh, a Kenizzite, who had joined himself and his clan to Judah’s tribe. Some support this view by arguing that Caleb is a Horite rather than Israelite name.<\/li>\n<li>3. Hur’s son, according to the <span>kjv<\/span> (1 Chr 2:50). Most likely, however, the <span>kjv<\/span> joins what should be two separate phrases. The <span>nlt<\/span> correctly renders it, “These were all descendants of Caleb. The sons of Hur . . .”<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>CALEB<\/h3>\n<li>1. Son of Jephunneh the Kenizzite (Nm 32:12; Jos 14:6) and older brother of Kenaz (Jgs 1:13). Caleb was one of the 12 spies sent to scout out the land of Canaan. Although he and Joshua, another spy, recommended an immediate attack, their suggestion was rejected by the Israelite tribes because of other reports of heavily defended fortresses. Consequently, entrance into Canaan, the Promised Land, was delayed for some years as a divine judgment (Nm 14:21-23, 34-35).<\/li>\n<p>When Israel under Joshua’s leadership finally occupied Canaan, Caleb, at age 85 (Jos 14:6-7, 10), was assigned Hebron, which he conquered by overcoming its Anakim inhabitants (vv 13-14). Caleb offered his daughter Achsah to whomever would overthrow nearby Debir (Kiriath-sepher). Othniel, Kenaz’s son and Achsah’s cousin, was able to claim her as his wife by conquering the town (15:16-17).<\/p>\n<p>Hebron later became a Levitical city of refuge (Jos 21:13; 1 Chr 6:55-57). In some portion of Caleb’s territory David spent time as an outlaw and met his future wife Abigail, then the wife of Nabal, a Calebite (1 Sm 25:3). Here also his wives were captured by Amalekite marauders who had raided southern Judah and “the Negev of Caleb” (1 Sm 30:14).<\/p>\n<li>2. Hezron’s son and brother of Jerahmeel (1 Chr 2:18, 42), also called Chelubai (v 9). Many scholars, however, believe that this Caleb is the same as #1 above because (1) Achsah is mentioned as the daughter of both (v 49); and (2) the prominent place of an otherwise unknown Caleb in the genealogy would be hard to account for. According to these scholars, Caleb was listed as a son of Hezron (the grandson of Judah) in order to establish his position and inheritance in Judah’s tribe. In reality, however, Caleb was a foreigner, son of Jephunneh, a Kenizzite, who had joined himself and his clan to Judah’s tribe. Some support this view by arguing that Caleb is a Horite rather than Israelite name.<\/li>\n<li>3. Hur’s son, according to the <span>kjv<\/span> (1 Chr 2:50). Most likely, however, the <span>kjv<\/span> joins what should be two separate phrases. The <span>nlt<\/span> correctly renders it, “These were all descendants of Caleb. The sons of Hur . . .”<\/li>","summary_ro":"CALEB 1. Son of Jephunneh the Kenizzite (Nm 32:12; Jos 14:6) and older brother of Kenaz (Jgs 1:13). Caleb was one of the 12 spies sent to scout out the land of Canaan. Although he and Joshua, another spy, recommended an immediate attack, their suggestion was rejected by the Israelite tribes because of other reports of heavily defended fortresses. Consequently, entrance into Canaan, the Promised Land, was delayed for some years as a divine judgment (Nm 14:21-23, 34-35). When Israel under Joshu...","summary_en":"CALEB 1. Son of Jephunneh the Kenizzite (Nm 32:12; Jos 14:6) and older brother of Kenaz (Jgs 1:13). Caleb was one of the 12 spies sent to scout out the land of Canaan. Although he and Joshua, another spy, recommended an immediate attack, their suggestion was rejected by the Israelite tribes because of other reports of heavily defended fortresses. Consequently, entrance into Canaan, the Promised Land, was delayed for some years as a divine judgment (Nm 14:21-23, 34-35). When Israel under Joshu...","source":"Articles\/C.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":21268,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Book of Judges","title_en":"Book of Judges","content_ro":"<h3>JUDGES, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>The book reflects a final editing of the material in the period of the early monarchy. It may well be a polemic for the righteous rule of David over against the kingship of Saul, which was molded by a secular, Canaanite conception of kingship rather than by the law of God. The author was almost certainly not Samuel, as traditionally thought, but a later compiler who relied on ancient written materials.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>Though the judges succeeded in giving the tribes some rest from the incursions of surrounding enemies, the Israelites were continually harassed over long periods of time. Scholarly opinion differs on the duration of the period of the judges. The dating of the exodus affects the dating of the beginning of the judges. Those who take an early date for the exodus put the beginning around 1370–1360 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas others propose a date close to the end of the 13th century <span>BC<\/span>. A related issue pertains to the chronology of the judges. Does Judges give a chronological, sequential account of the period, or is the book a representative account of judges from various parts of Canaan and Transjordan who “judged” a region, a tribe, or several tribes simultaneously?<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LiteraryFramework\">Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>There is no doubt that the stories in the book bear the marks of literary creativity. The stories are classics in their own right. The poetry of Deborah’s song (Jgs 5) is very moving, and the fable of Jotham (9:8-15) is a fine example of figurative speech. The care given to the stories is also reflected in the construction of the book. There are two introductions: a political one (Jgs 1:1–2:5) and a socioreligious one (2:6–3:6). The political introduction connects Judges with the story of the Conquest, when the tribes attempted to occupy the land. It prepares the reader for the political and military problems of the era of the judges. The socioreligious introduction explains why Israel had so many adversities, why the institution of the judges arose, and why the Lord never gave Israel the promised lasting rest from its enemies. The main body of the book is the story of the judges (3:7–16:31). References to the minor judges (six in all) are set within the stories of the major judges in increasing frequency. As is evident from the schema, the number of minor judges increased in frequency in proportion to the decrease in number of major judges: two major, one minor; two major, two minor; one major, three minor; one major. There is a total of 12 judges, representative of the 12 tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>The purpose of the listing of 12 judges, representative of the various parts of Canaan and Transjordan, is to demonstrate that all tribes throughout the conquered territories experienced grave difficulties from a variety of enemies: Arameans, Moabites, Ammonites, Amalekites, Canaanites, and Philistines. Israel was hard pressed on nearly all its frontiers. The appendixes (chs 17–21), together with the two introductions, form the framework of the book. The political and socioreligious problems (1:1–3:6) are presented by way of several stories in the last chapters. The final editor who gave the book its canonical shape purposefully framed the stories of the judges so as to show lack of movement. The successes of the previous stages in redemptive history came to a standstill in the ebb and flow of the judges. Though the Lord delivered his people in many ways, they returned to the problems described in 1:1–3:6. The appendixes describe Israel’s problems representative of the period of the judges, when “there was no king in Israel” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTheologicalTeaching\">Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for deliverance, and God’s raising up of a judge reflects a deuteronomic perspective with its warnings concerning disobedience and judgment. The repetitiveness of the cycle supports the contention of the anonymous narrator that Israel remained unchanged by the grace of God. However, in spite of the moral, religious, and political anarchy as well as the civil wars, the last chapter shows that the tribes are still concerned with each other’s welfare. Though the unity of God’s people has been gravely challenged, the situation is not hopeless. The book ends on a note of hope—hope for a king who may deliver Israel.<\/p>\n\n<p>Thus, there are several purposes of the book: (1) to demonstrate the meaninglessness of this stage in Israel’s development; (2) to explain why the tribes did not occupy all the land promised to the patriarchs; (3) to justify the way of God, who was gracious and patient with Israel’s repeated acts of disobedience; (4) to set forth the legitimacy of a “shepherd” king in contrast to a despotic form of kingship; and (5) to explain the urgent need for a new momentum, lest Israel succumb to the Philistines and intertribal warfare.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>The Political Introduction (1:1–2:5)<\/h5>\n<p>In Joshua 1–12 the warfare under Joshua is portrayed as a mobilization of Canaanite forces against Israel. By the intervention of the Lord, the Canaanite resistance was put down and the land was occupied by the tribes (chs 13–21). Joshua 13–21, however, clearly shows that each tribe had problems ridding its territory of pockets of Canaanite resistance, which were usually centered around heavily guarded and well-fortified cities (cf. 13:2-6, 13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18).<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua emphasizes the successes and minimizes the problems, whereas the prologue to Judges sets the stage for the whole book by openly addressing Israel’s problems and failures. As the book unfolds, it is precisely these problems and failures that in due time bring Israel to the brink of disaster.<\/p>\n<p>The period of the judges began with the death of Joshua (Jgs 1:1; 2:8-9). The Israelites had inherited a legacy from Joshua: the law of the Lord (Jos 23:6; 24:26), the land, a challenge to obey the Lord (24:14-27), and a promise of God’s presence and help in subduing the Canaanites (23:5, 10).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah and Simeon (Jgs 1:2-20)<\/h6>\n<p>The prominence of Judah and Caleb parallels the position of Judah in Joshua (Jos 14:6–15:63; cf. also the house of Joseph, Jgs 1:22-29; cf. Jos 16–17). Judah was victorious over the cruel Adoni-bezek, who ruled over Bezek, a town of uncertain location. Judah successfully occupied the hill country, the Negev, and the western foothills. They even took Jerusalem, or an outlying suburb identified with Jerusalem (Jos 1:8), but could not retain control there (v 21) until David’s conquest of the city (2 Sm 5:6-9). Judah was victorious over the Canaanites in the region of Hebron, already conquered under Joshua (Jos 10:36). Hebron, also known as Kiriath-arba (“city of four” or “tetrapolis”), was a powerful ally of Jerusalem (v 3) and had been able to rally military support for a new assault on Israel, even after its first defeat. Caleb received Hebron, as Moses had promised (Jgs 1:20; cf. Jos 15:13). After the victory over Hebron, Judah extended its control over the southern hill country by an attack on Debir (Jgs 1:11-15; cf. Jos 15:14-19).<\/p>\n<p>The Kenites (Jgs 1:16), descendants of Jethro and therefore related to Moses by marriage, settled in the Negev around Arad and the City of Palms, which here probably refers to Tamar rather than Jericho.<\/p>\n<p>Judah secured the southern border by a victory over the Canaanites at Hormah (Jgs 1:17; cf. Nm 14:45; 21:3; Dt 1:44) and the coastal plain by victories at Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron. However, Judah’s successes in the coastal plain were resisted by a well-armed Canaanite force (Jgs 1:18-19). It occupied the Judean hill country and the Negev, but could not retain control over the plains. The Philistines were soon to take control over Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, and incorporate them into their pentapolis.<\/p>\n<h6>Benjamin (1:21)<\/h6>\n<p>Jerusalem was situated on the border between Judah and Benjamin. Judah took the city or a suburb (Jos 1:8) but was too far removed to retain control over it. Benjamin was too weak to subdue the Jebusites. Only David succeeded in this (2 Sm 5:6-9); he incorporated it into Judah (cf. Jos 15:63), even though it originally was allotted to Benjamin (Jos 18:28).<\/p>\n<h6>Joseph: Ephraim and Manasseh (1:22-29)<\/h6>\n<p>Ephraim took Bethel, known from the patriarchal stories as a significant cultic site (Gn 12:8; 13:3-4; 28:19; 31:13; 35:1-15). However, Manasseh was unsuccessful in taking the fortified cities in the valley of Jezreel (Esdraelon): Beth-shan, Taanach, Dor, Ibleam, and Megiddo. These cities controlled traffic along the east-west and north–south roads as well as the important passes through the Carmel range and the ford of the Jordan. Ephraim could not take full possession of the coastal plain, controlled by Gezer. The success of both Ephraim and Manasseh was limited.<\/p>\n<h6>The Other Four Tribes (1:30-36)<\/h6>\n<p>The other four tribes in Canaan receive brief mention. They, too, were only partially successful. Zebulun, Asher, Naphtali, and especially Dan did not fully succeed in driving out the Canaanites. At best they later subjected most of them to forced labor.<\/p>\n<h6>The Failure of Israel (2:1-5)<\/h6>\n<p>The failure to subdue the land and to wipe out the Canaanites and their culture led to intermarriage and idolatry (cf. Ex 23:33; 34:12-16; Nm 33:55; Dt 7:2-5, 16; Jos 23:7, 12).<\/p>\n<p>The identity of “the angel of the Lord” who appears at Bokim is far from certain. It may be a reference to the Lord himself, to an angelic messenger, or to a prophet (cf. Jgs 6:8). He rebuked the people in the prophetic spirit and pronounced God’s judgment as taking the form of continual confrontation between Israel and the Canaanites (2:3). Their weeping and sacrificing were to no avail (2:4-5; cf. Mal 2:13). Israel stood condemned within a generation after Joshua’s death.<\/p>\n<h5>The Theological Introduction (2:6–3:6)<\/h5>\n<p>The theological introduction begins where Joshua left off (Jos 24:28-31). The generation of Joshua was characterized by loyalty, but their loyalty to the Lord did not last long after the excitement of the Conquest and the demonstration of God’s presence (Jgs 2:10). Israel served Canaanite gods (Baal and Astarte) instead. Baal was the storm god, symbolic of rain and fertility, and Astarte was his cohort. The plural (Baals and Ashtaroth, 2:11-13) signifies the many local ways in which the Canaanite gods were worshiped. The religious unity was broken up into a great diversity. Thus Israel angered the Lord (vv 12-14), who sent them enemies and plunderers. Israel was unsuccessful in dealing with them, as Moses and Joshua had forewarned (Dt 28:25, 33; Jos 23:13, 16). The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for mercy, and deliverance is found throughout Judges. The people were rooted in the apostasy of their forefathers, even though the previous generation had been sensitive to God. Israel did not submit to the leadership of the judges, except to free itself from the oppressors. In fulfillment of the curses of the covenant, God swore not to give his people rest but to test them and to train them for warfare (Jgs 3:1-4), so that they might learn to respond to the challenges of a real world.<\/p>\n<h5>The Judges of Israel (3:7–16:31)<\/h5>\n<h6>Othniel (3:7-11)<\/h6>\n<p>Othniel is a transitional figure, linking the Conquest and the judges. He had involved himself in the conquest of Kiriath-sepher and was related to Caleb as his cousin and son-in-law (1:13). He repelled the Arameans led by Cushan-rishathaim, so that the land enjoyed peace for some 40 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ehud (3:12-30)<\/h6>\n<p>The Moabites, allied with the Ammonites and Amalekites, came against Israel from the east and oppressed them for 18 years under the leadership of Eglon. Ehud led the mission to bring tribute to Eglon at his palace, located probably by Jericho (the City of Palms). Ehud was uniquely qualified for this mission; being left-handed, he was able to use his double-edged sword in an unsuspecting manner to stab the king. Ehud’s success was the result of careful plotting and the element of surprise. He paid the tribute and left, only to return with a supposed oracle from the gods. The king fell for the deception and was murdered. The delay at the Moabite court gave the Israelites an opportunity to bring their forces together at the fords of the Jordan. Ehud’s success was complete; no Moabite escaped, and Israel enjoyed peace for 80 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Shamgar (3:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Shamgar’s exploits were against the Philistines in the coastal plains. He had a non-Israelite name but was probably an Israelite by birth. Like Samson he fought the Philistines with an unconventional weapon (an ox goad). His name is also mentioned in the song of Deborah (5:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Deborah and Barak (4:1–5:31)<\/h6>\n<p>The narrative now turns to the Canaanite aggressors in the north under the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor, and Sisera, of Harosheth-haggoyim (4:1-3). The ruins of Hazor (Jos 11:13) had been rebuilt, and another Jabin (cf. v 1) ruled over the region. He had regained his military power, as he had as many as 900 chariots of iron. He oppressed Israel for 20 years (Jgs 4:3).<\/p>\n<p>God had a prophetess in Israel who led his people during this dark time (4:4). She rendered judgments under a palm tree in southern Ephraim near Benjamin (v 5). She called on Barak to muster the armies of Naphtali and Zebulun, the tribes affected by the Canaanite raids, and to engage Sisera in a surprise attack by the Kishon River (vv 6-7). Barak’s hesitancy led him to request Deborah’s presence, which resulted in his forfeiture of the honor of killing Sisera, the commander of the Canaanite forces (vv 8-10). The Lord gave success to the surprise attack from Mt Tabor, so that the Canaanites were routed, unable to use their heavy chariots, which were mired down in the swamps of the Jezreel Valley (5:20-22). The Canaanites were routed, and Sisera was killed by Jael, the wife of Heber, a Kenite who had separated from the Kenites around Arad (4:17-18; cf. 1:16). She offered him hospitality, as her family had friendly relations with the Canaanites, but heroically put him to death with a tent peg (4:18-21; 5:26-27). In successive campaigns the Israelites gained freedom from Jabin, until they destroyed his power (4:24).<\/p>\n<p>The song of Deborah (ch 5) celebrates, in poetic fashion, the victory over Jabin. It is one of the oldest poems in the Bible. It praises the God of Israel as the King who comes to protect his covenant people, and before whom the mountains move (5:2-3). He is the God of Mt Sinai (Jgs 5:4-5; cf. Dt 33:2; Ps 68:7-8; Hb 3:3-4). Though the oppressors had despoiled Israel and had made the roads unsafe for travel, and Israel was unable to defend itself (Jgs 5:6-8), the Lord raised up Deborah and Barak to lead the nobles to war (vv 9-13). They came from Ephraim, Benjamin, Zebulun, Issachar, and Naphtali (vv 14-15a, 18), but the Transjordan tribes and Asher did not want to get involved (vv 15b-17). The song then moves to the battle scene, where torrential rains bogged the chariots down (vv 19-23). Jael is celebrated as “most blessed of women,” who used her simple way of life to bring an end to Sisera (vv 24-27). She stands in contrast to Sisera’s mother, who is portrayed with all her culture waiting in vain for Sisera’s return with all of his spoils (vv 28-30). The Lord has used the simple to confound the powerful. The conclusion is a prayer for God’s judgment on all of Israel’s enemies (Jgs 5:31a; cf. Ps 68:1-3).<\/p>\n<h6>Gideon (6:1–8:35)<\/h6>\n<p>Israel’s rest for 40 years (Jgs 5:31b) was disturbed by the invasion of Midianites and Amalekites from the East (6:1-3). They destroyed the economy by invading the country at harvesttime (vv 4-6). In response to Israel’s cry, God sent a prophet with a message similar to that of the angel of the Lord (2:1-5). Then an angel appeared to Gideon and called him to lead the people in battle (6:11-14). The Lord assured him of his presence (v 16) by a sign (vv 17-22). Gideon knew that he had been visited by the Lord and built an altar called “The <span>Lord<\/span> Is Peace” in Ophrah (v 24). He responded by destroying the cultic site dedicated to Baal and Asherah at Ophrah (vv 25-28) and by initiating worship at the new altar (v 28). Baal did not protect his own altar (vv 29-32), even when challenged by Gideon’s father (v 31). Consequently, Gideon was known as Jerubbaal (meaning, “let Baal contend with him,” v 32).<\/p>\n<p>Next, Gideon mustered an army of 32,000 men from Asher, Zebulun, and Naphtali (6:35; cf. 7:3b). In order to assure himself of the Lord’s presence, he asked for another sign: the sign of the fleece (6:36-40). It must be kept in mind that Gideon lived in an area in which the wonders of God had been scarce (v 13) and that he, like Moses, needed reassurance that God was with him. God responded to his growing faith. Gideon went forth with a greatly reduced army of 300 against the enemy. Of his original army, 22,000 had left because they were afraid (7:2-3; cf. Dt 20:8). Another 9,700 were sent home, though they were valiant men (7:4-8). After assuring Gideon by a dream of an enemy soldier, God used the 300 in a marvelous way to confound the Midianites (vv 9-15). God gave Israel victory over the Midianite leaders Oreb, Zeeb, Zebah, and Zalmunna (7:16–8:21). Gideon wisely avoided a possible military confrontation with Ephraim (8:1-3), pursued the enemy deep into the Transjordan, and punished the leaders of Succoth and Penuel, who did not assist him (vv 4-9, 13-16).<\/p>\n<p>This glorious victory created a new wave of interest in the idea of kingship. The men of Israel wished to establish the family of Gideon as their royal dynasty (8:22). Gideon refused, and instead wrongly set up an ephod, cast from the gold taken in battle (vv 23-27). The ephod was probably used for cultic practices, possibly divination (cf. 17:5).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s era also came to an end. He was God’s instrument, giving Israel rest for 40 years. He fathered 70 sons and died in old age. God had richly blessed him, even though he had led Israel astray with his ephod. Thereafter, Israel returned to Baal worship (8:33-35).<\/p>\n<p>In the wake of Gideon’s era, his son Abimelech attempted to establish dynastic continuity by having himself installed as king at Shechem (9:1-6). With the support of his relatives at Shechem, Abimelech had all his brothers killed except Jotham (vv 4-5). After Abimelech’s coronation, Jotham set forth his opposition to his brother in a proverbial manner (vv 7-20), and went into hiding. Three years later Abimelech’s evil schemes entrapped him when the citizens of Shechem rebelled. He furiously attacked the city and destroyed it. A short time later, however, he was wounded at Thebez by a millstone dropped by a woman from the tower in which she had sought refuge from him. His servant put him out of his misery as per his request. This episode demonstrates how bad a despotic king may be. Again, God’s justice prevailed.<\/p>\n<h6>Tola (10:1-2)<\/h6>\n<p>Tola was a minor judge from Issachar who judged Israel for 23 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jair (10:3-5)<\/h6>\n<p>Jair was a minor judge from Gilead who judged Israel for 22 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jephthah (10:6–12:7)<\/h6>\n<p>A recapitulation (10:6-16) of the cycle (idolatry, enemies, cry for help, momentary repentance) sets the introduction to the Jephthah narrative. Under attack from the Ammonites, the elders of Gilead requested help from Jephthah (10:17–11:8), who promised to help them on the condition that he remain their leader even after the war (vv 9-10). At a solemn ceremony he becomes their “head” at Mizpah (v 11). Jephthah opened up correspondence with the Ammonite king, in which he argued for Israel’s rights on the basis of the Israelites’ historic claim to the land as granted to them by the Lord (vv 12–27). Instead of going out immediately to war, he hoped that “the <span>Lord<\/span>, the Judge” would settle the dispute (v 27); but the Ammonite king was unimpressed. When the Spirit of God came over him, Jephthah led Israel into battle, but only after making a rash vow. He was victorious but found out that his vow to sacrifice whatever came first out of his house required him to sacrifice his daughter. Debate continues as to whether he offered her up as a human sacrifice or whether she sacrificed marriage (see discussion under Jephthah).<\/p>\n<p>The Ephraimites seemed to have had an insatiable desire for war. Earlier they had complained to Gideon, who successfully defused their threats (8:1-3). Jephthah fought them, however, because the Israelites living in Transjordan had been reviled as “renegades” (12:1-4). Forty-two thousand Ephraimites were killed by the fords of the Jordan in this civil war. Thereafter, Jephthah ruled for only six years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ibzan (12:8-10)<\/h6>\n<p>Ibzan was a minor judge from Bethlehem who ruled Israel for seven years.<\/p>\n<h6>Elon (12:11)<\/h6>\n<p>A minor judge from Zebulun, Elon ruled Israel for ten years.<\/p>\n<h6>Abdon (12:13-15)<\/h6>\n<p>Abdon was a minor judge from Pirathon, the location of which is uncertain. He ruled for eight years.<\/p>\n<h6>Samson (13:1–16:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Samson’s greatness in the history of redemption is due to his miraculous birth (13:1-24), his service as a Nazirite (13:7; cf. Nm 6:1-21), the repeated overpowering by the Spirit of the Lord (Jgs 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14), the single-handed exploits against the Philistines (Ashkelon, 14:19; the fields, 15:1-6; Ramath Etam, 15:7-17; Gaza, 16:1-3, 23-30), and his occasional dependence on the Lord (15:18-19; 16:28-30). However, his personal life was flawed because of his weakness for Philistine women (chs 14, 16). Having been seduced by Delilah, he was imprisoned at Gaza. He died in the collapse of Dagon’s temple, praying that the Lord would permit him to get revenge (16:28-30). He was buried in his father’s tomb in the territory of Dan (16:31).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue (17–21)<\/h5>\n<p>The cyclical nature of Israel’s existence was without movement. Rest from enemies was always temporary. Israel was not yet ready for dynastic kingship, and whatever one may say of the three years of Abimelech, it was a kingship of the worst sort. Israel vacillated between idolatry and belief in the true Lord. The period of the judges was unstable, marked by petty individualism and provincialism. Yet God remained sovereign in the affairs of his people. The epilogue contains two stories: the story of Micah and the Danite migration (chs 17–18) and the civil war (chs 19–21). The epilogue is bound together by the phrase “In those days Israel had no king; everyone did as he saw fit” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25, <span>niv<\/span>). The symmetric recurrence (two times in each narrative) emphasizes the anarchy and inability of the tribes to unite together to serve God as a covenant people.<\/p>\n<h6>Micah and the Danites (17–18)<\/h6>\n<p>Micah was an Ephraimite who established a shrine and hired one of his own sons, and then a Levite from Bethlehem, to serve as its priests (ch 17). Unable to keep their patrimony, the Danites left to establish themselves at the foot of Mt Hermon. They took the idols and the Levite from Micah’s shrine and set up a cultic city at the newly established city of Dan, built on the ruins of Laish (ch 18). Thus, they set up a cultic center that rivaled the tabernacle at Shiloh (18:31).<\/p>\n<h6>The Civil War (19–21)<\/h6>\n<p>The people of Gibeah, which belonged to Benjamin, sexually abused the concubine of a Levite so that she died. Like the Levite of chapters 17 and 18, she was from Bethlehem (19:1). Dramatically, the Levite sent pieces of her corpse to all the tribes, which assembled against the Benjamites because they protected the criminals of Gibeah (19:29–20:19). In the ensuing battle the population of Benjamin was decimated (20:20-48). The 11 tribes gave them 400 virgins taken in a civil war against Jabesh-gilead (21:6-15). These were not enough, however. Because of the threat of the extinction of Benjamin and the vow not to give their daughters in marriage to any Benjamite, the Israelites devised a plan by which the Benjamites could take Israelite virgins dancing in the festival at Shiloh. Benjamin thus was able to rebuild its towns and settlements.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Gideon; Jephthah; Samson.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JUDGES, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>The book reflects a final editing of the material in the period of the early monarchy. It may well be a polemic for the righteous rule of David over against the kingship of Saul, which was molded by a secular, Canaanite conception of kingship rather than by the law of God. The author was almost certainly not Samuel, as traditionally thought, but a later compiler who relied on ancient written materials.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>Though the judges succeeded in giving the tribes some rest from the incursions of surrounding enemies, the Israelites were continually harassed over long periods of time. Scholarly opinion differs on the duration of the period of the judges. The dating of the exodus affects the dating of the beginning of the judges. Those who take an early date for the exodus put the beginning around 1370–1360 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas others propose a date close to the end of the 13th century <span>BC<\/span>. A related issue pertains to the chronology of the judges. Does Judges give a chronological, sequential account of the period, or is the book a representative account of judges from various parts of Canaan and Transjordan who “judged” a region, a tribe, or several tribes simultaneously?<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LiteraryFramework\">Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>There is no doubt that the stories in the book bear the marks of literary creativity. The stories are classics in their own right. The poetry of Deborah’s song (Jgs 5) is very moving, and the fable of Jotham (9:8-15) is a fine example of figurative speech. The care given to the stories is also reflected in the construction of the book. There are two introductions: a political one (Jgs 1:1–2:5) and a socioreligious one (2:6–3:6). The political introduction connects Judges with the story of the Conquest, when the tribes attempted to occupy the land. It prepares the reader for the political and military problems of the era of the judges. The socioreligious introduction explains why Israel had so many adversities, why the institution of the judges arose, and why the Lord never gave Israel the promised lasting rest from its enemies. The main body of the book is the story of the judges (3:7–16:31). References to the minor judges (six in all) are set within the stories of the major judges in increasing frequency. As is evident from the schema, the number of minor judges increased in frequency in proportion to the decrease in number of major judges: two major, one minor; two major, two minor; one major, three minor; one major. There is a total of 12 judges, representative of the 12 tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>The purpose of the listing of 12 judges, representative of the various parts of Canaan and Transjordan, is to demonstrate that all tribes throughout the conquered territories experienced grave difficulties from a variety of enemies: Arameans, Moabites, Ammonites, Amalekites, Canaanites, and Philistines. Israel was hard pressed on nearly all its frontiers. The appendixes (chs 17–21), together with the two introductions, form the framework of the book. The political and socioreligious problems (1:1–3:6) are presented by way of several stories in the last chapters. The final editor who gave the book its canonical shape purposefully framed the stories of the judges so as to show lack of movement. The successes of the previous stages in redemptive history came to a standstill in the ebb and flow of the judges. Though the Lord delivered his people in many ways, they returned to the problems described in 1:1–3:6. The appendixes describe Israel’s problems representative of the period of the judges, when “there was no king in Israel” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTheologicalTeaching\">Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for deliverance, and God’s raising up of a judge reflects a deuteronomic perspective with its warnings concerning disobedience and judgment. The repetitiveness of the cycle supports the contention of the anonymous narrator that Israel remained unchanged by the grace of God. However, in spite of the moral, religious, and political anarchy as well as the civil wars, the last chapter shows that the tribes are still concerned with each other’s welfare. Though the unity of God’s people has been gravely challenged, the situation is not hopeless. The book ends on a note of hope—hope for a king who may deliver Israel.<\/p>\n\n<p>Thus, there are several purposes of the book: (1) to demonstrate the meaninglessness of this stage in Israel’s development; (2) to explain why the tribes did not occupy all the land promised to the patriarchs; (3) to justify the way of God, who was gracious and patient with Israel’s repeated acts of disobedience; (4) to set forth the legitimacy of a “shepherd” king in contrast to a despotic form of kingship; and (5) to explain the urgent need for a new momentum, lest Israel succumb to the Philistines and intertribal warfare.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>The Political Introduction (1:1–2:5)<\/h5>\n<p>In Joshua 1–12 the warfare under Joshua is portrayed as a mobilization of Canaanite forces against Israel. By the intervention of the Lord, the Canaanite resistance was put down and the land was occupied by the tribes (chs 13–21). Joshua 13–21, however, clearly shows that each tribe had problems ridding its territory of pockets of Canaanite resistance, which were usually centered around heavily guarded and well-fortified cities (cf. 13:2-6, 13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18).<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua emphasizes the successes and minimizes the problems, whereas the prologue to Judges sets the stage for the whole book by openly addressing Israel’s problems and failures. As the book unfolds, it is precisely these problems and failures that in due time bring Israel to the brink of disaster.<\/p>\n<p>The period of the judges began with the death of Joshua (Jgs 1:1; 2:8-9). The Israelites had inherited a legacy from Joshua: the law of the Lord (Jos 23:6; 24:26), the land, a challenge to obey the Lord (24:14-27), and a promise of God’s presence and help in subduing the Canaanites (23:5, 10).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah and Simeon (Jgs 1:2-20)<\/h6>\n<p>The prominence of Judah and Caleb parallels the position of Judah in Joshua (Jos 14:6–15:63; cf. also the house of Joseph, Jgs 1:22-29; cf. Jos 16–17). Judah was victorious over the cruel Adoni-bezek, who ruled over Bezek, a town of uncertain location. Judah successfully occupied the hill country, the Negev, and the western foothills. They even took Jerusalem, or an outlying suburb identified with Jerusalem (Jos 1:8), but could not retain control there (v 21) until David’s conquest of the city (2 Sm 5:6-9). Judah was victorious over the Canaanites in the region of Hebron, already conquered under Joshua (Jos 10:36). Hebron, also known as Kiriath-arba (“city of four” or “tetrapolis”), was a powerful ally of Jerusalem (v 3) and had been able to rally military support for a new assault on Israel, even after its first defeat. Caleb received Hebron, as Moses had promised (Jgs 1:20; cf. Jos 15:13). After the victory over Hebron, Judah extended its control over the southern hill country by an attack on Debir (Jgs 1:11-15; cf. Jos 15:14-19).<\/p>\n<p>The Kenites (Jgs 1:16), descendants of Jethro and therefore related to Moses by marriage, settled in the Negev around Arad and the City of Palms, which here probably refers to Tamar rather than Jericho.<\/p>\n<p>Judah secured the southern border by a victory over the Canaanites at Hormah (Jgs 1:17; cf. Nm 14:45; 21:3; Dt 1:44) and the coastal plain by victories at Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron. However, Judah’s successes in the coastal plain were resisted by a well-armed Canaanite force (Jgs 1:18-19). It occupied the Judean hill country and the Negev, but could not retain control over the plains. The Philistines were soon to take control over Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, and incorporate them into their pentapolis.<\/p>\n<h6>Benjamin (1:21)<\/h6>\n<p>Jerusalem was situated on the border between Judah and Benjamin. Judah took the city or a suburb (Jos 1:8) but was too far removed to retain control over it. Benjamin was too weak to subdue the Jebusites. Only David succeeded in this (2 Sm 5:6-9); he incorporated it into Judah (cf. Jos 15:63), even though it originally was allotted to Benjamin (Jos 18:28).<\/p>\n<h6>Joseph: Ephraim and Manasseh (1:22-29)<\/h6>\n<p>Ephraim took Bethel, known from the patriarchal stories as a significant cultic site (Gn 12:8; 13:3-4; 28:19; 31:13; 35:1-15). However, Manasseh was unsuccessful in taking the fortified cities in the valley of Jezreel (Esdraelon): Beth-shan, Taanach, Dor, Ibleam, and Megiddo. These cities controlled traffic along the east-west and north–south roads as well as the important passes through the Carmel range and the ford of the Jordan. Ephraim could not take full possession of the coastal plain, controlled by Gezer. The success of both Ephraim and Manasseh was limited.<\/p>\n<h6>The Other Four Tribes (1:30-36)<\/h6>\n<p>The other four tribes in Canaan receive brief mention. They, too, were only partially successful. Zebulun, Asher, Naphtali, and especially Dan did not fully succeed in driving out the Canaanites. At best they later subjected most of them to forced labor.<\/p>\n<h6>The Failure of Israel (2:1-5)<\/h6>\n<p>The failure to subdue the land and to wipe out the Canaanites and their culture led to intermarriage and idolatry (cf. Ex 23:33; 34:12-16; Nm 33:55; Dt 7:2-5, 16; Jos 23:7, 12).<\/p>\n<p>The identity of “the angel of the Lord” who appears at Bokim is far from certain. It may be a reference to the Lord himself, to an angelic messenger, or to a prophet (cf. Jgs 6:8). He rebuked the people in the prophetic spirit and pronounced God’s judgment as taking the form of continual confrontation between Israel and the Canaanites (2:3). Their weeping and sacrificing were to no avail (2:4-5; cf. Mal 2:13). Israel stood condemned within a generation after Joshua’s death.<\/p>\n<h5>The Theological Introduction (2:6–3:6)<\/h5>\n<p>The theological introduction begins where Joshua left off (Jos 24:28-31). The generation of Joshua was characterized by loyalty, but their loyalty to the Lord did not last long after the excitement of the Conquest and the demonstration of God’s presence (Jgs 2:10). Israel served Canaanite gods (Baal and Astarte) instead. Baal was the storm god, symbolic of rain and fertility, and Astarte was his cohort. The plural (Baals and Ashtaroth, 2:11-13) signifies the many local ways in which the Canaanite gods were worshiped. The religious unity was broken up into a great diversity. Thus Israel angered the Lord (vv 12-14), who sent them enemies and plunderers. Israel was unsuccessful in dealing with them, as Moses and Joshua had forewarned (Dt 28:25, 33; Jos 23:13, 16). The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for mercy, and deliverance is found throughout Judges. The people were rooted in the apostasy of their forefathers, even though the previous generation had been sensitive to God. Israel did not submit to the leadership of the judges, except to free itself from the oppressors. In fulfillment of the curses of the covenant, God swore not to give his people rest but to test them and to train them for warfare (Jgs 3:1-4), so that they might learn to respond to the challenges of a real world.<\/p>\n<h5>The Judges of Israel (3:7–16:31)<\/h5>\n<h6>Othniel (3:7-11)<\/h6>\n<p>Othniel is a transitional figure, linking the Conquest and the judges. He had involved himself in the conquest of Kiriath-sepher and was related to Caleb as his cousin and son-in-law (1:13). He repelled the Arameans led by Cushan-rishathaim, so that the land enjoyed peace for some 40 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ehud (3:12-30)<\/h6>\n<p>The Moabites, allied with the Ammonites and Amalekites, came against Israel from the east and oppressed them for 18 years under the leadership of Eglon. Ehud led the mission to bring tribute to Eglon at his palace, located probably by Jericho (the City of Palms). Ehud was uniquely qualified for this mission; being left-handed, he was able to use his double-edged sword in an unsuspecting manner to stab the king. Ehud’s success was the result of careful plotting and the element of surprise. He paid the tribute and left, only to return with a supposed oracle from the gods. The king fell for the deception and was murdered. The delay at the Moabite court gave the Israelites an opportunity to bring their forces together at the fords of the Jordan. Ehud’s success was complete; no Moabite escaped, and Israel enjoyed peace for 80 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Shamgar (3:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Shamgar’s exploits were against the Philistines in the coastal plains. He had a non-Israelite name but was probably an Israelite by birth. Like Samson he fought the Philistines with an unconventional weapon (an ox goad). His name is also mentioned in the song of Deborah (5:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Deborah and Barak (4:1–5:31)<\/h6>\n<p>The narrative now turns to the Canaanite aggressors in the north under the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor, and Sisera, of Harosheth-haggoyim (4:1-3). The ruins of Hazor (Jos 11:13) had been rebuilt, and another Jabin (cf. v 1) ruled over the region. He had regained his military power, as he had as many as 900 chariots of iron. He oppressed Israel for 20 years (Jgs 4:3).<\/p>\n<p>God had a prophetess in Israel who led his people during this dark time (4:4). She rendered judgments under a palm tree in southern Ephraim near Benjamin (v 5). She called on Barak to muster the armies of Naphtali and Zebulun, the tribes affected by the Canaanite raids, and to engage Sisera in a surprise attack by the Kishon River (vv 6-7). Barak’s hesitancy led him to request Deborah’s presence, which resulted in his forfeiture of the honor of killing Sisera, the commander of the Canaanite forces (vv 8-10). The Lord gave success to the surprise attack from Mt Tabor, so that the Canaanites were routed, unable to use their heavy chariots, which were mired down in the swamps of the Jezreel Valley (5:20-22). The Canaanites were routed, and Sisera was killed by Jael, the wife of Heber, a Kenite who had separated from the Kenites around Arad (4:17-18; cf. 1:16). She offered him hospitality, as her family had friendly relations with the Canaanites, but heroically put him to death with a tent peg (4:18-21; 5:26-27). In successive campaigns the Israelites gained freedom from Jabin, until they destroyed his power (4:24).<\/p>\n<p>The song of Deborah (ch 5) celebrates, in poetic fashion, the victory over Jabin. It is one of the oldest poems in the Bible. It praises the God of Israel as the King who comes to protect his covenant people, and before whom the mountains move (5:2-3). He is the God of Mt Sinai (Jgs 5:4-5; cf. Dt 33:2; Ps 68:7-8; Hb 3:3-4). Though the oppressors had despoiled Israel and had made the roads unsafe for travel, and Israel was unable to defend itself (Jgs 5:6-8), the Lord raised up Deborah and Barak to lead the nobles to war (vv 9-13). They came from Ephraim, Benjamin, Zebulun, Issachar, and Naphtali (vv 14-15a, 18), but the Transjordan tribes and Asher did not want to get involved (vv 15b-17). The song then moves to the battle scene, where torrential rains bogged the chariots down (vv 19-23). Jael is celebrated as “most blessed of women,” who used her simple way of life to bring an end to Sisera (vv 24-27). She stands in contrast to Sisera’s mother, who is portrayed with all her culture waiting in vain for Sisera’s return with all of his spoils (vv 28-30). The Lord has used the simple to confound the powerful. The conclusion is a prayer for God’s judgment on all of Israel’s enemies (Jgs 5:31a; cf. Ps 68:1-3).<\/p>\n<h6>Gideon (6:1–8:35)<\/h6>\n<p>Israel’s rest for 40 years (Jgs 5:31b) was disturbed by the invasion of Midianites and Amalekites from the East (6:1-3). They destroyed the economy by invading the country at harvesttime (vv 4-6). In response to Israel’s cry, God sent a prophet with a message similar to that of the angel of the Lord (2:1-5). Then an angel appeared to Gideon and called him to lead the people in battle (6:11-14). The Lord assured him of his presence (v 16) by a sign (vv 17-22). Gideon knew that he had been visited by the Lord and built an altar called “The <span>Lord<\/span> Is Peace” in Ophrah (v 24). He responded by destroying the cultic site dedicated to Baal and Asherah at Ophrah (vv 25-28) and by initiating worship at the new altar (v 28). Baal did not protect his own altar (vv 29-32), even when challenged by Gideon’s father (v 31). Consequently, Gideon was known as Jerubbaal (meaning, “let Baal contend with him,” v 32).<\/p>\n<p>Next, Gideon mustered an army of 32,000 men from Asher, Zebulun, and Naphtali (6:35; cf. 7:3b). In order to assure himself of the Lord’s presence, he asked for another sign: the sign of the fleece (6:36-40). It must be kept in mind that Gideon lived in an area in which the wonders of God had been scarce (v 13) and that he, like Moses, needed reassurance that God was with him. God responded to his growing faith. Gideon went forth with a greatly reduced army of 300 against the enemy. Of his original army, 22,000 had left because they were afraid (7:2-3; cf. Dt 20:8). Another 9,700 were sent home, though they were valiant men (7:4-8). After assuring Gideon by a dream of an enemy soldier, God used the 300 in a marvelous way to confound the Midianites (vv 9-15). God gave Israel victory over the Midianite leaders Oreb, Zeeb, Zebah, and Zalmunna (7:16–8:21). Gideon wisely avoided a possible military confrontation with Ephraim (8:1-3), pursued the enemy deep into the Transjordan, and punished the leaders of Succoth and Penuel, who did not assist him (vv 4-9, 13-16).<\/p>\n<p>This glorious victory created a new wave of interest in the idea of kingship. The men of Israel wished to establish the family of Gideon as their royal dynasty (8:22). Gideon refused, and instead wrongly set up an ephod, cast from the gold taken in battle (vv 23-27). The ephod was probably used for cultic practices, possibly divination (cf. 17:5).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s era also came to an end. He was God’s instrument, giving Israel rest for 40 years. He fathered 70 sons and died in old age. God had richly blessed him, even though he had led Israel astray with his ephod. Thereafter, Israel returned to Baal worship (8:33-35).<\/p>\n<p>In the wake of Gideon’s era, his son Abimelech attempted to establish dynastic continuity by having himself installed as king at Shechem (9:1-6). With the support of his relatives at Shechem, Abimelech had all his brothers killed except Jotham (vv 4-5). After Abimelech’s coronation, Jotham set forth his opposition to his brother in a proverbial manner (vv 7-20), and went into hiding. Three years later Abimelech’s evil schemes entrapped him when the citizens of Shechem rebelled. He furiously attacked the city and destroyed it. A short time later, however, he was wounded at Thebez by a millstone dropped by a woman from the tower in which she had sought refuge from him. His servant put him out of his misery as per his request. This episode demonstrates how bad a despotic king may be. Again, God’s justice prevailed.<\/p>\n<h6>Tola (10:1-2)<\/h6>\n<p>Tola was a minor judge from Issachar who judged Israel for 23 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jair (10:3-5)<\/h6>\n<p>Jair was a minor judge from Gilead who judged Israel for 22 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jephthah (10:6–12:7)<\/h6>\n<p>A recapitulation (10:6-16) of the cycle (idolatry, enemies, cry for help, momentary repentance) sets the introduction to the Jephthah narrative. Under attack from the Ammonites, the elders of Gilead requested help from Jephthah (10:17–11:8), who promised to help them on the condition that he remain their leader even after the war (vv 9-10). At a solemn ceremony he becomes their “head” at Mizpah (v 11). Jephthah opened up correspondence with the Ammonite king, in which he argued for Israel’s rights on the basis of the Israelites’ historic claim to the land as granted to them by the Lord (vv 12–27). Instead of going out immediately to war, he hoped that “the <span>Lord<\/span>, the Judge” would settle the dispute (v 27); but the Ammonite king was unimpressed. When the Spirit of God came over him, Jephthah led Israel into battle, but only after making a rash vow. He was victorious but found out that his vow to sacrifice whatever came first out of his house required him to sacrifice his daughter. Debate continues as to whether he offered her up as a human sacrifice or whether she sacrificed marriage (see discussion under Jephthah).<\/p>\n<p>The Ephraimites seemed to have had an insatiable desire for war. Earlier they had complained to Gideon, who successfully defused their threats (8:1-3). Jephthah fought them, however, because the Israelites living in Transjordan had been reviled as “renegades” (12:1-4). Forty-two thousand Ephraimites were killed by the fords of the Jordan in this civil war. Thereafter, Jephthah ruled for only six years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ibzan (12:8-10)<\/h6>\n<p>Ibzan was a minor judge from Bethlehem who ruled Israel for seven years.<\/p>\n<h6>Elon (12:11)<\/h6>\n<p>A minor judge from Zebulun, Elon ruled Israel for ten years.<\/p>\n<h6>Abdon (12:13-15)<\/h6>\n<p>Abdon was a minor judge from Pirathon, the location of which is uncertain. He ruled for eight years.<\/p>\n<h6>Samson (13:1–16:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Samson’s greatness in the history of redemption is due to his miraculous birth (13:1-24), his service as a Nazirite (13:7; cf. Nm 6:1-21), the repeated overpowering by the Spirit of the Lord (Jgs 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14), the single-handed exploits against the Philistines (Ashkelon, 14:19; the fields, 15:1-6; Ramath Etam, 15:7-17; Gaza, 16:1-3, 23-30), and his occasional dependence on the Lord (15:18-19; 16:28-30). However, his personal life was flawed because of his weakness for Philistine women (chs 14, 16). Having been seduced by Delilah, he was imprisoned at Gaza. He died in the collapse of Dagon’s temple, praying that the Lord would permit him to get revenge (16:28-30). He was buried in his father’s tomb in the territory of Dan (16:31).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue (17–21)<\/h5>\n<p>The cyclical nature of Israel’s existence was without movement. Rest from enemies was always temporary. Israel was not yet ready for dynastic kingship, and whatever one may say of the three years of Abimelech, it was a kingship of the worst sort. Israel vacillated between idolatry and belief in the true Lord. The period of the judges was unstable, marked by petty individualism and provincialism. Yet God remained sovereign in the affairs of his people. The epilogue contains two stories: the story of Micah and the Danite migration (chs 17–18) and the civil war (chs 19–21). The epilogue is bound together by the phrase “In those days Israel had no king; everyone did as he saw fit” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25, <span>niv<\/span>). The symmetric recurrence (two times in each narrative) emphasizes the anarchy and inability of the tribes to unite together to serve God as a covenant people.<\/p>\n<h6>Micah and the Danites (17–18)<\/h6>\n<p>Micah was an Ephraimite who established a shrine and hired one of his own sons, and then a Levite from Bethlehem, to serve as its priests (ch 17). Unable to keep their patrimony, the Danites left to establish themselves at the foot of Mt Hermon. They took the idols and the Levite from Micah’s shrine and set up a cultic city at the newly established city of Dan, built on the ruins of Laish (ch 18). Thus, they set up a cultic center that rivaled the tabernacle at Shiloh (18:31).<\/p>\n<h6>The Civil War (19–21)<\/h6>\n<p>The people of Gibeah, which belonged to Benjamin, sexually abused the concubine of a Levite so that she died. Like the Levite of chapters 17 and 18, she was from Bethlehem (19:1). Dramatically, the Levite sent pieces of her corpse to all the tribes, which assembled against the Benjamites because they protected the criminals of Gibeah (19:29–20:19). In the ensuing battle the population of Benjamin was decimated (20:20-48). The 11 tribes gave them 400 virgins taken in a civil war against Jabesh-gilead (21:6-15). These were not enough, however. Because of the threat of the extinction of Benjamin and the vow not to give their daughters in marriage to any Benjamite, the Israelites devised a plan by which the Benjamites could take Israelite virgins dancing in the festival at Shiloh. Benjamin thus was able to rebuild its towns and settlements.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Gideon; Jephthah; Samson.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JUDGES, Book of Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail. Preview • Author • Date • Li...","summary_en":"JUDGES, Book of Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail. Preview • Author • Date • Li...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":21589,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Kenaz","title_en":"Kenaz","content_ro":"<h3>KENAZ<\/h3>\n<p>Singular form of the name of the Kenizzite tribe, whose land was promised to Abraham’s descendants (Gn 15:19). The appearance of three men by this name in the OT may be explained by the spread of the Kenizzite tribe over Edom and southern Judah before the Israelite conquest.<\/p>\n<p>1. Grandson of Esau and chieftain of Edom (Gn 36:11, 15, 42; 1 Chr 1:36, 53).<\/p>\n<li>2. Father of Othniel (Jos 15:17; Jgs 1:13; 3:9-11) and Seraiah (1 Chr 4:13).<\/li>\n<li>3. Caleb’s descendant (1 Chr 4:15). <em>See<\/em> Kenizzites.<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>KENAZ<\/h3>\n<p>Singular form of the name of the Kenizzite tribe, whose land was promised to Abraham’s descendants (Gn 15:19). The appearance of three men by this name in the OT may be explained by the spread of the Kenizzite tribe over Edom and southern Judah before the Israelite conquest.<\/p>\n<p>1. Grandson of Esau and chieftain of Edom (Gn 36:11, 15, 42; 1 Chr 1:36, 53).<\/p>\n<li>2. Father of Othniel (Jos 15:17; Jgs 1:13; 3:9-11) and Seraiah (1 Chr 4:13).<\/li>\n<li>3. Caleb’s descendant (1 Chr 4:15). <em>See<\/em> Kenizzites.<\/li>","summary_ro":"KENAZ Singular form of the name of the Kenizzite tribe, whose land was promised to Abraham’s descendants (Gn 15:19). The appearance of three men by this name in the OT may be explained by the spread of the Kenizzite tribe over Edom and southern Judah before the Israelite conquest. 1. Grandson of Esau and chieftain of Edom (Gn 36:11, 15, 42; 1 Chr 1:36, 53). 2. Father of Othniel (Jos 15:17; Jgs 1:13; 3:9-11) and Seraiah (1 Chr 4:13). 3. Caleb’s descendant (1 Chr 4:15). See Kenizzites.","summary_en":"KENAZ Singular form of the name of the Kenizzite tribe, whose land was promised to Abraham’s descendants (Gn 15:19). The appearance of three men by this name in the OT may be explained by the spread of the Kenizzite tribe over Edom and southern Judah before the Israelite conquest. 1. Grandson of Esau and chieftain of Edom (Gn 36:11, 15, 42; 1 Chr 1:36, 53). 2. Father of Othniel (Jos 15:17; Jgs 1:13; 3:9-11) and Seraiah (1 Chr 4:13). 3. Caleb’s descendant (1 Chr 4:15). See Kenizzites.","source":"Articles\/K.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"14":[{"id":45675,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:14","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:14","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:14<\/strong> <em>she urged him:<\/em> See study note on Josh 15:18-19.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:14<\/strong> <em>she urged him:<\/em> See study note on Josh 15:18-19.<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:14 she urged him: See study note on Josh 15:18-19.","summary_en":"1:14 she urged him: See study note on Josh 15:18-19.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73301,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:14","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:14","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:14<\/strong> <em>she urged him:<\/em> See study note on Josh 15:18-19.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:14<\/strong> <em>she urged him:<\/em> See study note on Josh 15:18-19.<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:14 she urged him: See study note on Josh 15:18-19.","summary_en":"1:14 she urged him: See study note on Josh 15:18-19.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":100927,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:14","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:14","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:14<\/strong> <em>she urged him:<\/em> See study note on Josh 15:18-19.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:14<\/strong> <em>she urged him:<\/em> See study note on Josh 15:18-19.<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:14 she urged him: See study note on Josh 15:18-19.","summary_en":"1:14 she urged him: See study note on Josh 15:18-19.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128553,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:14","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:14","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:14<\/strong> <em>she urged him:<\/em> See study note on Josh 15:18-19.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:14<\/strong> <em>she urged him:<\/em> See study note on Josh 15:18-19.<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:14 she urged him: See study note on Josh 15:18-19.","summary_en":"1:14 she urged him: See study note on Josh 15:18-19.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"15":[{"id":11930,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Family Life and Relations","title_en":"Family Life and Relations","content_ro":"<h3>FAMILY LIFE AND RELATIONS<\/h3>\n<p>In Bible times, the family comprised members of a household, including not only parents and children, along with other relatives and concubines, but also servants, travelers, aliens, and anyone else who happened to be within the house and was therefore under the protection of the head of the family. The family of Jacob, for example, comprised three generations (Gn 46:8-26). Biblically, the term “family” is interchangeable with “house,” and “founding a house” can refer to setting up a separate dwelling as well as establishing a family. In the broader sense, “house” may refer to an entire nation (“house of Israel”). The heads of families returning from Babylon in the postexilic period controlled sometimes several hundred family members (Ezr 8:1-14). The family was a smaller part of a clan and tribe. In nomadic times the responsibilities and allegiances centered on the larger family group.<\/p>\n<p>Those who belonged to the clan knew that they had to work for common interests and accept responsibility for the whole group. All members of the family were to be protected and assisted in time of need.<\/p>\n<p>As the life of the Israelites became more settled, families (in the wider sense of the term) lived in villages surrounded by fields of wheat, barley, and flax, with areas of grazing land for sheep and goats. Each group of villages consisted of an intermarried, interdependent family group, such as that of the Danites of Zorah and Eshtaol (Jgs 18:11). The hard life of those days demanded a sharing of work and the loyal cooperation of the entire family for survival.<\/p>\n<p>As crafts and trades developed, along with a more sedentary lifestyle, sons learned their fathers’ skills and continued the family trade. Consequently, the whole village might follow a particular craft (1 Chr 4:14; Neh 11:35). By specializing in such trades, however, the villagers became less self-sufficient, depending more on farmers for food and on other specialized villages for the production of cloth or pottery (1 Chr 4:21-23).<\/p>\n<p>With the growth of cities, related groups lived together in specific areas. Many members of the tribes of Benjamin and Judah were listed in the census of Jerusalem by Nehemiah (Neh 11:4-8), and by the writer of Chronicles (1 Chr 9:3-9). One consequence of life in the cities was the fragmentation of the family group. As the bonds of the wider family were loosened, the unit consisted increasingly of a husband and wife with their children, living in one house. The size of houses that have been excavated precludes the idea of any larger family unit as the norm in OT societies.<\/p>\n<p>During the kingdom period, King David’s sons Amnon and Absalom set up their own separate houses (2 Sm 13:7-8, 20). At that time there were few slaves in Hebrew society, but they also were considered members of the family. As bonds of the wider family loosened, and the master of the household lost a degree of authority, the society became one in which the king was sovereign and all the people were his subjects.<\/p>\n<p>The early kings of Israel promoted such a change in order to establish a central ruling authority for the entire country. The king’s subjects fell broadly into the categories of employers and employees, corresponding to the rich and poor of society. By the eighth century <span>BC<\/span>, members of the wider family no longer worked for the communal good under the authority of the clan’s head; rather, individuals worked primarily for the good of their own immediate family. Hence one’s labor and devotion were focused more narrowly, and the greatest beneficiary was the king, the personal symbol of the nation.<\/p>\n<p>Emphasis on the smaller family unit increased, and old duties that had been willingly accepted by the wider groups in former times came to be neglected. People did not always help relatives in times of need, and they frequently had to be reminded of their obligations, particularly toward widows and orphans (Is 1:17; Jer 7:6). Family feuds also declined because members no longer felt responsible to take vengeance as a way to uphold the honor of the clan (2 Sm 3:27; 16:8; 2 Kgs 9:26). Nevertheless, Nehemiah expected Israelites to fight for their family honor (Neh 4:14). In NT times, the family was such a unit that it could be sold for a debt incurred by one of its members (Mt 18:25).<\/p>\n<p>The Hebrew religion’s emphasis on family participation in certain celebrations strengthened the small unit. The Passover, for example, was always celebrated as a family thanksgiving meal (Ex 12:3-4, 46). The prophet Samuel’s parents made a traditional annual pilgrimage to the shrine at Shiloh (1 Sm 2:19). In modern times, a young Jewish boy’s arrival at the threshold of manhood is celebrated with the Bar Mitzvah ceremony. Being so honored in the midst of a religious family preserves the ancient Hebrew tradition of family participation in religious ceremonies.<\/p>\n<p>In his preaching Jesus used the family as a symbol for the relationship of God to his people (Mt 19:14; 23:9; Lk 8:21). From the cross he handed over responsibility for the care of his mother to his disciple John (Jn 19:27).<\/p>\n<p>In NT times, the communion meals in the Jerusalem church took place by households (Acts 2:46). Early Christian meetings were held in the homes of believers because of opposition by the authorities. The book of Acts contains examples of entire families being converted to Christianity (Acts 10:24, 44-48; 16:15, 31-32). Timothy learned the gospel from his grandmother and mother (2 Tm 1:5).<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Status of Family Members<\/p>\n<p>• Marital Security<\/p>\n<p>• Position of Children<\/p>\n<p>• The Rights of Children<\/p>\n<p>• Daily Life of the Hebrew Family<\/p>\n<p>• In New Testament Times<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"StatusofFamilyMembers\">Status of Family Members<\/p>\n<p>From nomadic times, a father’s authority held the family group together in their encampment, and he became the symbol of their security. In ancient patriarchal societies, the father was an absolute master who had the power of life and death over family members, ruling with unchallenged authority. Although he had extensive responsibilities for those under his care, his power was awesome and his status unquestioned.<\/p>\n<p>A man’s possessions included his wife, servants, slaves, and animals (Ex 20:17; Dt 5:21). In fact, the phrase “to marry a wife” comes from a Hebrew root meaning “to become the master of a wife.” A husband was as much the master of his wife as he was of his home or his fields. Consequently, the wife addressed him in a subservient manner, as a slave would address a master (Gn 18:12; Jgs 19:26). This low status for a woman extended to a daughter’s position in the ancient household. Females were always under the authority of a male relative: first, the father; then a husband. If a woman became a widow, she was subject to her husband’s nearest male relative, who became her “redeemer.” The bride price (Gn 29:18, 27; Ex 22:16-17; 1 Sm 18:25; 2 Sm 3:14) paid by her husband was not exactly a purchase of the woman from her father, but the exchange of money did stigmatize her. The amount of a bride price depended on the father’s status (Gn 34:12). The usual price was probably 20 to 30 shekels of silver. The bride received gifts of jewelry, ornaments, and clothing from her future husband, and she occasionally enjoyed some sort of financial or material return from the bride price for her own use (Jos 15:19; Jgs 1:15). When her father or husband died, the money frequently reverted to her.<\/p>\n<p>An engaged woman was considered her fiancé’s property just as much as if she were already married to him (Dt 22:23-27). The woman left her own family at marriage, to live with and become part of her new husband’s family. Normally, any succeeding marriages would be with members of that family.<\/p>\n<p>Despite the low legal status of the mother of the family, her life was not as bad as one might suppose. She was the legal wife, not an unpaid servant, and she frequently took a strong role as adviser to her husband in family affairs. Her most important function, aside from childbearing, was organization of the household, of which she was generally the respected manager. Even though the wife might have been acquired through capture in war (Dt 21:10-14), she could not be sold as a slave or daughter could (Ex 21:7; Neh 5:5).<\/p>\n<p>Nevertheless, her position was precarious, in that she could be disowned or divorced by her husband as the result of a simple renunciation: “She is no longer my wife, and I am no longer her husband.” Perhaps he had found fault with her culinary skills, or possibly he was casting his eyes on another woman. In any event, a husband knew that if his wife did not obey even a signal or a glance, he was within his rights to obtain a divorce (cf. Ecclus 25:26). The wife, however, obtained a certain degree of protection in the letter of repudiation, by which her freedom was formally restored. Under Jewish tradition, a wife could not divorce her husband.<\/p>\n<p>In matters of domestic protocol, the Hebrew wife was not introduced to her husband’s guests, a tradition that subsequently led to considerable embarrassment for Abraham’s wife, Sarah, and for Rebekah (Gn 20:16). A woman normally remained veiled in public (24:65; 38:14; Is 47:2).<\/p>\n<p>The imagery in Proverbs 19:13 and 27:15 draws a vigorous comparison between a contentious woman and water dripping from a leaky roof. The OT leaves little doubt about the type of behavior expected from a woman. She was expected to be charming, soft-spoken, discreet, and calm (Prv 9:13; 11:16, 22; 21:9). She was also to be responsible, well-organized, intelligent, thoughtful, reverent, and a good manager of both the household and the family purse (31:10-31). A woman should also be pious and beautiful, and in NT tradition, submissive to her husband, as befitted a woman adorned with the priceless jewel of a gentle and quiet spirit (Ti 2:4-5; 1 Pt 3:1-6).<\/p>\n<p>The actions of a few women whose roles in life do not seem to fit the pattern of the meek, passive female pictured above, are recorded in the Bible and the Apocrypha. The books of Judith and Esther recount heroic tales of how national fortunes were saved by women. Deborah and Jael were renowned heroines (Jgs 4–5), and the kingdom of Judah was ruled by a vicious woman, Athaliah, for several years (2 Kgs 11). The women who stepped to the forefront of public life were exceptional and few in number. Judith was a rich widow, an unusual thing in Israel.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"MaritalSecurity\">Marital Security<\/p>\n<p>The security of a wife’s position improved considerably when she produced her first child, particularly if it was a son. A woman’s primary duty to her husband and his family was procreation (Gn 1:28; 9:1), and until she gave birth to a son, she feared displacement by a second wife or a concubine. Polygamous marriages were by no means rare, especially in wealthy families. They resulted in two ill-defined family groups, controlled by the mothers but under the overall authority of fathers; there were inevitable jealousies and frictions.<\/p>\n<p>The legal status of a woman was consistently poor in Bible times. With no evidence at all, a husband could accuse his wife of adultery, and she was compelled to face a trial by ordeal. She had to abase herself by taking an oath, eating dust and a cereal offering, and drinking bitter water. A priest, meanwhile, made pronouncements regarding the dire results that would come to her if she were guilty: she would become an outcast with no hope of survival. But if she maintained her serenity, and if her thigh did not rot nor her abdomen swell, she was considered to have “proved” her innocence. In such an event she would go free, and her husband bore no blame whatsoever for his false accusation (Nm 5:12-31).<\/p>\n<p>If a woman took a vow, it was legal only as long as her father or husband approved it. If she became a widow, the vow still remained in force and could be used against her (Nm 30:3-15).<\/p>\n<p>A woman in Israel was always under the protection of a male, be it her father, grandfather, great-grandfather, brother, husband, or some other member of her husband’s family. She had few legal rights and, in contrast to Babylonian traditions, could not inherit at her husband’s death. It is small wonder that widows were classed with orphans and the poor. A childless widow could on occasion return to her father’s family (Gn 38:11; Lv 22:13; Ru 1:8), thus becoming subject again to the authority of her father. A Hebrew widow could also remain with her late husband’s family. She would then come under the protection of her “redeemer,” a male relative of her husband’s family who assumed responsibility for her. If a husband died leaving a woman childless, it was the responsibility of the husband’s brother to marry her. The first son born of such a union was then regarded as the heir of the first husband.<\/p>\n<p>It was normal for a brother to accept the obligation for such a marriage (levirate). It could be refused on various grounds, but such refusal was considered dishonorable, for it was a man’s duty to perpetuate his brother’s name and to safeguard the family fortune.<\/p>\n<p>A redeemer’s responsibilities were considerable. In addition to the marriage, he was perhaps involved in avenging the family reputation, and he had to ensure that family property increased and remained within family control.<\/p>\n<p>If an Israelite fell into debt and was forced to sell himself into slavery, he would normally be “redeemed” by one of his relatives (Lv 25:47-49). If in his penury an Israelite had to sell his land or his house, the redeemer had the right of first refusal over all other prospective purchasers. It was as much his duty as his right to prevent family property from passing into the hands of strangers (v 25). The prophet Jeremiah bought his cousin Hanamel’s field under similar circumstances (Jer 32:6-15).<\/p>\n<p>The most familiar OT story of a childless widow, her “redeemer,” and their levirate marriage is recorded in the book of Ruth. One of Naomi’s two sons married Ruth. When Ruth was widowed, her impoverished mother-in-law, Naomi, left her home in Moab and returned to Bethlehem to sell some of the family property. Although a close relative was prepared to buy the land and keep it in the family, he was not ready to marry Ruth as well (Ru 3:12; 4:4). He knew that a son of that union would be deemed a son of the deceased, bearing the dead husband’s name, and thus ultimately inheriting the land (4:4-6). The next relative in order of kinship was Boaz, who became Ruth’s “redeemer.” He was prepared to accept the double obligation of purchasing the land and marrying Ruth (4:9-10).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PositionofChildren\">Position of Children<\/p>\n<p>Children were generally well loved, but their childhood was short and they were often regarded as laborers for the house or fields. According to the law of primogeniture, the eldest son received a double portion of the estate as his birthright (Dt 21:17). Thus, he was assured of the position of family head. Even during his father’s lifetime, the eldest son took precedence over his brothers and sisters (Gn 43:33). Where twins were born, the first to emerge from the womb was considered the elder, with all the attendant privileges (25:24-26; 38:27-30).<\/p>\n<p>For a serious offense, the eldest son could lose the right of primogeniture (Gn 35:22; 49:3-4; 1 Chr 5:1), or it could be surrendered voluntarily, as Esau did by selling his birthright to his brother Jacob (Gn 25:29-34). There was a law protecting the eldest son from his father’s favoritism for a younger brother (Dt 21:15-17). Nevertheless, King David gave his kingdom to Solomon, his youngest son (1 Kgs 2:15).<\/p>\n<p>In a family with no sons, a daughter could inherit property (Nm 27:8). Frequently, parents consulted neither sons nor daughters when marriage partners were arranged for them. Marriage was often an alliance or contract between two families, and thus the wishes and concerns of individuals were considered unimportant. Love matches were few, although occasionally a son would marry in defiance of his parents, as Esau did (Gn 26:34-35). Although it was rare for young people to express their feelings and preferences about marriage in an open fashion, Saul’s daughter, Michal, made known her love for David (1 Sm 18:20).<\/p>\n<p>There is no record of legal adoption among the Hebrews, but it was practiced from ancient times in Mesopotamia. It was especially useful as a means of ensuring a childless couple that their land would be tilled and that they would be cared for in their old age. All examples of adoption mentioned in the OT took place outside the land of Israel (Ex 2:10; 1 Kgs 11:20; Est 2:7, 15) and are not examples of true adoption as a lifetime member of a family.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheRightsofChildren\">The Rights of Children<\/p>\n<p>The nature of patriarchal society made for unfortunate distinctions between male and female children. The position of a daughter, who could be sold into slavery or sold to be the concubine of a man and then possibly sold again (Ex 21:7-11), was certainly inferior to that of a son. In the patriarchal period, however, both a son and a daughter could be put to death for disobeying the head of the family. One’s children could also be sacrificed in worship rituals (see Gn 22; Jgs 11). It is probable that infant sacrifice was practiced by nations neighboring Israel, including Canaan and Ammon.<\/p>\n<p>The rights of children were improved considerably with the promulgation of the code of Mosaic law. A father was no longer permitted to put his child to death without referring the case to the elders (Dt 21:18-21). Both sons and daughters could be brought before such authorities and accused of being disobedient, gluttonous, or drunkards. A father’s absolute authority even extended to his married son and family if they were living under his roof. The law also prohibited children from being held responsible for the crimes of their parents (Dt 24:16). In King David’s time a person convicted by the community had the right of appeal to the king (2 Sm 14:4-11).<\/p>\n<p>In Hebrew families both parents were held in high respect. Honor had to be given to both mother and father (Ex 20:12), and the law condemned offenses against either parent (21:17; Lv 20:9; Dt 21:18; 27:16). Respect due to the mother is a recurrent theme in the Wisdom Literature (Prv 19:26; 20:20; cf. Ecclus 3:1-16).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"DailyLifeoftheHebrewFamily\">Daily Life of the Hebrew Family<\/p>\n<p>In the everyday affairs of a Hebrew household, it was the father’s responsibility to maintain the family fortune and to be the provider. He might work in the fields, most probably with crops of flax, barley, or wheat. Or he would work at a trade, possibly as a weaver, builder, potter, dyer, fuller, or a worker in copper or bronze. If he lived near the shore, he might be a fisherman.<\/p>\n<p>The father was also responsible for the religious well-being of the family. It was his duty to take over his sons’ education from the mother at an early age, teaching them the tenets of Hebrew religion (Ex 10:2; 12:26; Dt 4:9; 6:7). He also explained all the facets of the law and the interwoven history of the nation.<\/p>\n<p>The father was the disciplinarian of the family, with the rod being used to drive home the lessons taught (Prv 13:24; 22:15; 29:15-17). Though children were loved and valued, they were not pampered (Ecclus 30:9-12). In postexilic times education also took place within the precincts of the synagogue, and shortly before the time of Christ, a general elementary education was introduced. It was also imperative that a father teach his sons a trade, normally his own, for a man without a trade either starved or became a thief. Another important paternal responsibility was to provide wives for male offspring in the household.<\/p>\n<p>The mother was responsible for her sons’ and daughters’ early education (Prv 1:8; 6:20), teaching them religious songs and prayers as soon as they could talk. A father took over the education of his sons, but the mother continued with the daughters, training them to spin, weave, cook, clean, trim the lamps, and generally to become competent in all the household duties (31:13-31).<\/p>\n<p>With little furniture, keeping a house clean meant sweeping the floors to keep them free from dust and dirt. Cooking was at once simple and difficult. It was simple in that much of the food was cooked in the form of a soup or stew, or else made into a cake and cooked on a griddle. It was difficult in that the corn had to be ground by hand and bread was baked daily.<\/p>\n<p>A mother was expected to take wool, card it, spin it, and often weave and make clothes for her family. In addition, she would help her husband in the fields at harvesttime. Because many families had one or more olive trees, a few grapevines, and fig trees, the mother would also assist in picking the fruit. She would sometimes work at the press when the olives or grapes were being processed. Frequently the treading of grapes in the family vat would be done together by husband and wife. Drawing water from the well was considered a menial task and was generally the wife’s responsibility, although sometimes it was assigned to the children (Gn 24:15-16).<\/p>\n<p>As in all societies, there was a time when children laughed and played together (Zec 8:5; Mt 11:16), although childhood and adolescence were not recognized as specific stages of development. Children were considered as sucklings if under three, but were regarded as boys or girls when they were able to take care of themselves. A small child sat on his mother’s lap and was played with (Is 66:12). There is no evidence of organized sports for children. Toys, including whistles, rattles, dolls, and miniature cooking utensils, have been excavated at Palestinian sites.<\/p>\n<p>As soon as a boy was old enough, he took his place in the family and accepted his appointed task. Among other things, children were expected to gather fuel (Jer 7:18). Young boys and girls tended the flocks. The sheep had to be protected from marauding wild beasts, guarded against their own folly when they wandered near crevices, steered toward good pasture and water, and carried home when sick or injured (Gn 29:6; Ex 2:16). The care of cattle was also the responsibility of children (1 Sm 16:11). Of necessity, boys were trained in the various arts of war.<\/p>\n<p>Children sometimes joined their fathers in the fields, and their presence was always welcome. From earliest times, boys in particular would watch their fathers until they too picked up a tool or implement to try their skill; girls watched and learned from their mothers. Young children frequently listened to the talk of the elders at the city gates or in the villages. A visit to a sanctuary at festival time was a family affair, furnishing an ideal learning experience. As a child, Jesus accompanied his parents, Mary and Joseph, to the temple in Jerusalem (Lk 2:42-47).<\/p>\n<p>Young girls were surprisingly free to go about their appointed tasks. They were not secluded or veiled and could visit uninhibited with friends and neighbors (Gn 34:1). They were also able to converse with men without embarrassment (24:15-25; 29:11-12; 1 Sm 9:11-13).<\/p>\n<p>Mealtimes were strictly family times. It is doubtful whether a meal comparable to a breakfast was eaten, and a farmer would probably have a light lunch in the fields. The main meal of the day was prepared by the mother, and it would be eaten in the early evening. Although the variety of food available was limited, its preparation was time-consuming.<\/p>\n<p>Feast times were periods of great religious significance and were also the days when family members participated in the symbolic rituals of their faith. Among the Israelites several kinds of food were fundamental to their religious ritual. Family unity and the national religion were molded together by special meals in the home.<\/p>\n<p>Daylight played an important part in the daily habits of the people in antiquity. Although oil lamps were readily available in later periods, it was customary to rise with the sun and go to bed relatively soon after dark. The wife would probably be up before sunrise and might continue her labor after dark.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"InNewTestamentTimes\">In New Testament Times<\/p>\n<p>By NT times, for those who followed the Greek and Roman style, life became more elegant. Despite that, the status of many family members did not change substantially. Wealthier families had more slaves, and the children were more likely to have formal education, sometimes spending less effort on family chores. Even in Roman times, however, the father still had a legal right to accept or reject his child.<\/p>\n<p>The status of the woman had definitely improved by the NT period. A Roman matron was highly respected and exerted a strong influence over her husband. She was not sequestered in a particular section of the house, as a Greek woman was, but managed and supervised tasks in any part of her home. She helped her husband in business, had her own place in theaters, games, and religious festivals, and sometimes managed her own property. Palestinian women began to enjoy a new status and dignity as the result of Jesus’ attitude toward women and its influence on the early Christian church.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Education; Marriage, Marriage Customs; Sex, Sexuality; Widow; Woman.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>FAMILY LIFE AND RELATIONS<\/h3>\n<p>In Bible times, the family comprised members of a household, including not only parents and children, along with other relatives and concubines, but also servants, travelers, aliens, and anyone else who happened to be within the house and was therefore under the protection of the head of the family. The family of Jacob, for example, comprised three generations (Gn 46:8-26). Biblically, the term “family” is interchangeable with “house,” and “founding a house” can refer to setting up a separate dwelling as well as establishing a family. In the broader sense, “house” may refer to an entire nation (“house of Israel”). The heads of families returning from Babylon in the postexilic period controlled sometimes several hundred family members (Ezr 8:1-14). The family was a smaller part of a clan and tribe. In nomadic times the responsibilities and allegiances centered on the larger family group.<\/p>\n<p>Those who belonged to the clan knew that they had to work for common interests and accept responsibility for the whole group. All members of the family were to be protected and assisted in time of need.<\/p>\n<p>As the life of the Israelites became more settled, families (in the wider sense of the term) lived in villages surrounded by fields of wheat, barley, and flax, with areas of grazing land for sheep and goats. Each group of villages consisted of an intermarried, interdependent family group, such as that of the Danites of Zorah and Eshtaol (Jgs 18:11). The hard life of those days demanded a sharing of work and the loyal cooperation of the entire family for survival.<\/p>\n<p>As crafts and trades developed, along with a more sedentary lifestyle, sons learned their fathers’ skills and continued the family trade. Consequently, the whole village might follow a particular craft (1 Chr 4:14; Neh 11:35). By specializing in such trades, however, the villagers became less self-sufficient, depending more on farmers for food and on other specialized villages for the production of cloth or pottery (1 Chr 4:21-23).<\/p>\n<p>With the growth of cities, related groups lived together in specific areas. Many members of the tribes of Benjamin and Judah were listed in the census of Jerusalem by Nehemiah (Neh 11:4-8), and by the writer of Chronicles (1 Chr 9:3-9). One consequence of life in the cities was the fragmentation of the family group. As the bonds of the wider family were loosened, the unit consisted increasingly of a husband and wife with their children, living in one house. The size of houses that have been excavated precludes the idea of any larger family unit as the norm in OT societies.<\/p>\n<p>During the kingdom period, King David’s sons Amnon and Absalom set up their own separate houses (2 Sm 13:7-8, 20). At that time there were few slaves in Hebrew society, but they also were considered members of the family. As bonds of the wider family loosened, and the master of the household lost a degree of authority, the society became one in which the king was sovereign and all the people were his subjects.<\/p>\n<p>The early kings of Israel promoted such a change in order to establish a central ruling authority for the entire country. The king’s subjects fell broadly into the categories of employers and employees, corresponding to the rich and poor of society. By the eighth century <span>BC<\/span>, members of the wider family no longer worked for the communal good under the authority of the clan’s head; rather, individuals worked primarily for the good of their own immediate family. Hence one’s labor and devotion were focused more narrowly, and the greatest beneficiary was the king, the personal symbol of the nation.<\/p>\n<p>Emphasis on the smaller family unit increased, and old duties that had been willingly accepted by the wider groups in former times came to be neglected. People did not always help relatives in times of need, and they frequently had to be reminded of their obligations, particularly toward widows and orphans (Is 1:17; Jer 7:6). Family feuds also declined because members no longer felt responsible to take vengeance as a way to uphold the honor of the clan (2 Sm 3:27; 16:8; 2 Kgs 9:26). Nevertheless, Nehemiah expected Israelites to fight for their family honor (Neh 4:14). In NT times, the family was such a unit that it could be sold for a debt incurred by one of its members (Mt 18:25).<\/p>\n<p>The Hebrew religion’s emphasis on family participation in certain celebrations strengthened the small unit. The Passover, for example, was always celebrated as a family thanksgiving meal (Ex 12:3-4, 46). The prophet Samuel’s parents made a traditional annual pilgrimage to the shrine at Shiloh (1 Sm 2:19). In modern times, a young Jewish boy’s arrival at the threshold of manhood is celebrated with the Bar Mitzvah ceremony. Being so honored in the midst of a religious family preserves the ancient Hebrew tradition of family participation in religious ceremonies.<\/p>\n<p>In his preaching Jesus used the family as a symbol for the relationship of God to his people (Mt 19:14; 23:9; Lk 8:21). From the cross he handed over responsibility for the care of his mother to his disciple John (Jn 19:27).<\/p>\n<p>In NT times, the communion meals in the Jerusalem church took place by households (Acts 2:46). Early Christian meetings were held in the homes of believers because of opposition by the authorities. The book of Acts contains examples of entire families being converted to Christianity (Acts 10:24, 44-48; 16:15, 31-32). Timothy learned the gospel from his grandmother and mother (2 Tm 1:5).<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Status of Family Members<\/p>\n<p>• Marital Security<\/p>\n<p>• Position of Children<\/p>\n<p>• The Rights of Children<\/p>\n<p>• Daily Life of the Hebrew Family<\/p>\n<p>• In New Testament Times<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"StatusofFamilyMembers\">Status of Family Members<\/p>\n<p>From nomadic times, a father’s authority held the family group together in their encampment, and he became the symbol of their security. In ancient patriarchal societies, the father was an absolute master who had the power of life and death over family members, ruling with unchallenged authority. Although he had extensive responsibilities for those under his care, his power was awesome and his status unquestioned.<\/p>\n<p>A man’s possessions included his wife, servants, slaves, and animals (Ex 20:17; Dt 5:21). In fact, the phrase “to marry a wife” comes from a Hebrew root meaning “to become the master of a wife.” A husband was as much the master of his wife as he was of his home or his fields. Consequently, the wife addressed him in a subservient manner, as a slave would address a master (Gn 18:12; Jgs 19:26). This low status for a woman extended to a daughter’s position in the ancient household. Females were always under the authority of a male relative: first, the father; then a husband. If a woman became a widow, she was subject to her husband’s nearest male relative, who became her “redeemer.” The bride price (Gn 29:18, 27; Ex 22:16-17; 1 Sm 18:25; 2 Sm 3:14) paid by her husband was not exactly a purchase of the woman from her father, but the exchange of money did stigmatize her. The amount of a bride price depended on the father’s status (Gn 34:12). The usual price was probably 20 to 30 shekels of silver. The bride received gifts of jewelry, ornaments, and clothing from her future husband, and she occasionally enjoyed some sort of financial or material return from the bride price for her own use (Jos 15:19; Jgs 1:15). When her father or husband died, the money frequently reverted to her.<\/p>\n<p>An engaged woman was considered her fiancé’s property just as much as if she were already married to him (Dt 22:23-27). The woman left her own family at marriage, to live with and become part of her new husband’s family. Normally, any succeeding marriages would be with members of that family.<\/p>\n<p>Despite the low legal status of the mother of the family, her life was not as bad as one might suppose. She was the legal wife, not an unpaid servant, and she frequently took a strong role as adviser to her husband in family affairs. Her most important function, aside from childbearing, was organization of the household, of which she was generally the respected manager. Even though the wife might have been acquired through capture in war (Dt 21:10-14), she could not be sold as a slave or daughter could (Ex 21:7; Neh 5:5).<\/p>\n<p>Nevertheless, her position was precarious, in that she could be disowned or divorced by her husband as the result of a simple renunciation: “She is no longer my wife, and I am no longer her husband.” Perhaps he had found fault with her culinary skills, or possibly he was casting his eyes on another woman. In any event, a husband knew that if his wife did not obey even a signal or a glance, he was within his rights to obtain a divorce (cf. Ecclus 25:26). The wife, however, obtained a certain degree of protection in the letter of repudiation, by which her freedom was formally restored. Under Jewish tradition, a wife could not divorce her husband.<\/p>\n<p>In matters of domestic protocol, the Hebrew wife was not introduced to her husband’s guests, a tradition that subsequently led to considerable embarrassment for Abraham’s wife, Sarah, and for Rebekah (Gn 20:16). A woman normally remained veiled in public (24:65; 38:14; Is 47:2).<\/p>\n<p>The imagery in Proverbs 19:13 and 27:15 draws a vigorous comparison between a contentious woman and water dripping from a leaky roof. The OT leaves little doubt about the type of behavior expected from a woman. She was expected to be charming, soft-spoken, discreet, and calm (Prv 9:13; 11:16, 22; 21:9). She was also to be responsible, well-organized, intelligent, thoughtful, reverent, and a good manager of both the household and the family purse (31:10-31). A woman should also be pious and beautiful, and in NT tradition, submissive to her husband, as befitted a woman adorned with the priceless jewel of a gentle and quiet spirit (Ti 2:4-5; 1 Pt 3:1-6).<\/p>\n<p>The actions of a few women whose roles in life do not seem to fit the pattern of the meek, passive female pictured above, are recorded in the Bible and the Apocrypha. The books of Judith and Esther recount heroic tales of how national fortunes were saved by women. Deborah and Jael were renowned heroines (Jgs 4–5), and the kingdom of Judah was ruled by a vicious woman, Athaliah, for several years (2 Kgs 11). The women who stepped to the forefront of public life were exceptional and few in number. Judith was a rich widow, an unusual thing in Israel.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"MaritalSecurity\">Marital Security<\/p>\n<p>The security of a wife’s position improved considerably when she produced her first child, particularly if it was a son. A woman’s primary duty to her husband and his family was procreation (Gn 1:28; 9:1), and until she gave birth to a son, she feared displacement by a second wife or a concubine. Polygamous marriages were by no means rare, especially in wealthy families. They resulted in two ill-defined family groups, controlled by the mothers but under the overall authority of fathers; there were inevitable jealousies and frictions.<\/p>\n<p>The legal status of a woman was consistently poor in Bible times. With no evidence at all, a husband could accuse his wife of adultery, and she was compelled to face a trial by ordeal. She had to abase herself by taking an oath, eating dust and a cereal offering, and drinking bitter water. A priest, meanwhile, made pronouncements regarding the dire results that would come to her if she were guilty: she would become an outcast with no hope of survival. But if she maintained her serenity, and if her thigh did not rot nor her abdomen swell, she was considered to have “proved” her innocence. In such an event she would go free, and her husband bore no blame whatsoever for his false accusation (Nm 5:12-31).<\/p>\n<p>If a woman took a vow, it was legal only as long as her father or husband approved it. If she became a widow, the vow still remained in force and could be used against her (Nm 30:3-15).<\/p>\n<p>A woman in Israel was always under the protection of a male, be it her father, grandfather, great-grandfather, brother, husband, or some other member of her husband’s family. She had few legal rights and, in contrast to Babylonian traditions, could not inherit at her husband’s death. It is small wonder that widows were classed with orphans and the poor. A childless widow could on occasion return to her father’s family (Gn 38:11; Lv 22:13; Ru 1:8), thus becoming subject again to the authority of her father. A Hebrew widow could also remain with her late husband’s family. She would then come under the protection of her “redeemer,” a male relative of her husband’s family who assumed responsibility for her. If a husband died leaving a woman childless, it was the responsibility of the husband’s brother to marry her. The first son born of such a union was then regarded as the heir of the first husband.<\/p>\n<p>It was normal for a brother to accept the obligation for such a marriage (levirate). It could be refused on various grounds, but such refusal was considered dishonorable, for it was a man’s duty to perpetuate his brother’s name and to safeguard the family fortune.<\/p>\n<p>A redeemer’s responsibilities were considerable. In addition to the marriage, he was perhaps involved in avenging the family reputation, and he had to ensure that family property increased and remained within family control.<\/p>\n<p>If an Israelite fell into debt and was forced to sell himself into slavery, he would normally be “redeemed” by one of his relatives (Lv 25:47-49). If in his penury an Israelite had to sell his land or his house, the redeemer had the right of first refusal over all other prospective purchasers. It was as much his duty as his right to prevent family property from passing into the hands of strangers (v 25). The prophet Jeremiah bought his cousin Hanamel’s field under similar circumstances (Jer 32:6-15).<\/p>\n<p>The most familiar OT story of a childless widow, her “redeemer,” and their levirate marriage is recorded in the book of Ruth. One of Naomi’s two sons married Ruth. When Ruth was widowed, her impoverished mother-in-law, Naomi, left her home in Moab and returned to Bethlehem to sell some of the family property. Although a close relative was prepared to buy the land and keep it in the family, he was not ready to marry Ruth as well (Ru 3:12; 4:4). He knew that a son of that union would be deemed a son of the deceased, bearing the dead husband’s name, and thus ultimately inheriting the land (4:4-6). The next relative in order of kinship was Boaz, who became Ruth’s “redeemer.” He was prepared to accept the double obligation of purchasing the land and marrying Ruth (4:9-10).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PositionofChildren\">Position of Children<\/p>\n<p>Children were generally well loved, but their childhood was short and they were often regarded as laborers for the house or fields. According to the law of primogeniture, the eldest son received a double portion of the estate as his birthright (Dt 21:17). Thus, he was assured of the position of family head. Even during his father’s lifetime, the eldest son took precedence over his brothers and sisters (Gn 43:33). Where twins were born, the first to emerge from the womb was considered the elder, with all the attendant privileges (25:24-26; 38:27-30).<\/p>\n<p>For a serious offense, the eldest son could lose the right of primogeniture (Gn 35:22; 49:3-4; 1 Chr 5:1), or it could be surrendered voluntarily, as Esau did by selling his birthright to his brother Jacob (Gn 25:29-34). There was a law protecting the eldest son from his father’s favoritism for a younger brother (Dt 21:15-17). Nevertheless, King David gave his kingdom to Solomon, his youngest son (1 Kgs 2:15).<\/p>\n<p>In a family with no sons, a daughter could inherit property (Nm 27:8). Frequently, parents consulted neither sons nor daughters when marriage partners were arranged for them. Marriage was often an alliance or contract between two families, and thus the wishes and concerns of individuals were considered unimportant. Love matches were few, although occasionally a son would marry in defiance of his parents, as Esau did (Gn 26:34-35). Although it was rare for young people to express their feelings and preferences about marriage in an open fashion, Saul’s daughter, Michal, made known her love for David (1 Sm 18:20).<\/p>\n<p>There is no record of legal adoption among the Hebrews, but it was practiced from ancient times in Mesopotamia. It was especially useful as a means of ensuring a childless couple that their land would be tilled and that they would be cared for in their old age. All examples of adoption mentioned in the OT took place outside the land of Israel (Ex 2:10; 1 Kgs 11:20; Est 2:7, 15) and are not examples of true adoption as a lifetime member of a family.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheRightsofChildren\">The Rights of Children<\/p>\n<p>The nature of patriarchal society made for unfortunate distinctions between male and female children. The position of a daughter, who could be sold into slavery or sold to be the concubine of a man and then possibly sold again (Ex 21:7-11), was certainly inferior to that of a son. In the patriarchal period, however, both a son and a daughter could be put to death for disobeying the head of the family. One’s children could also be sacrificed in worship rituals (see Gn 22; Jgs 11). It is probable that infant sacrifice was practiced by nations neighboring Israel, including Canaan and Ammon.<\/p>\n<p>The rights of children were improved considerably with the promulgation of the code of Mosaic law. A father was no longer permitted to put his child to death without referring the case to the elders (Dt 21:18-21). Both sons and daughters could be brought before such authorities and accused of being disobedient, gluttonous, or drunkards. A father’s absolute authority even extended to his married son and family if they were living under his roof. The law also prohibited children from being held responsible for the crimes of their parents (Dt 24:16). In King David’s time a person convicted by the community had the right of appeal to the king (2 Sm 14:4-11).<\/p>\n<p>In Hebrew families both parents were held in high respect. Honor had to be given to both mother and father (Ex 20:12), and the law condemned offenses against either parent (21:17; Lv 20:9; Dt 21:18; 27:16). Respect due to the mother is a recurrent theme in the Wisdom Literature (Prv 19:26; 20:20; cf. Ecclus 3:1-16).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"DailyLifeoftheHebrewFamily\">Daily Life of the Hebrew Family<\/p>\n<p>In the everyday affairs of a Hebrew household, it was the father’s responsibility to maintain the family fortune and to be the provider. He might work in the fields, most probably with crops of flax, barley, or wheat. Or he would work at a trade, possibly as a weaver, builder, potter, dyer, fuller, or a worker in copper or bronze. If he lived near the shore, he might be a fisherman.<\/p>\n<p>The father was also responsible for the religious well-being of the family. It was his duty to take over his sons’ education from the mother at an early age, teaching them the tenets of Hebrew religion (Ex 10:2; 12:26; Dt 4:9; 6:7). He also explained all the facets of the law and the interwoven history of the nation.<\/p>\n<p>The father was the disciplinarian of the family, with the rod being used to drive home the lessons taught (Prv 13:24; 22:15; 29:15-17). Though children were loved and valued, they were not pampered (Ecclus 30:9-12). In postexilic times education also took place within the precincts of the synagogue, and shortly before the time of Christ, a general elementary education was introduced. It was also imperative that a father teach his sons a trade, normally his own, for a man without a trade either starved or became a thief. Another important paternal responsibility was to provide wives for male offspring in the household.<\/p>\n<p>The mother was responsible for her sons’ and daughters’ early education (Prv 1:8; 6:20), teaching them religious songs and prayers as soon as they could talk. A father took over the education of his sons, but the mother continued with the daughters, training them to spin, weave, cook, clean, trim the lamps, and generally to become competent in all the household duties (31:13-31).<\/p>\n<p>With little furniture, keeping a house clean meant sweeping the floors to keep them free from dust and dirt. Cooking was at once simple and difficult. It was simple in that much of the food was cooked in the form of a soup or stew, or else made into a cake and cooked on a griddle. It was difficult in that the corn had to be ground by hand and bread was baked daily.<\/p>\n<p>A mother was expected to take wool, card it, spin it, and often weave and make clothes for her family. In addition, she would help her husband in the fields at harvesttime. Because many families had one or more olive trees, a few grapevines, and fig trees, the mother would also assist in picking the fruit. She would sometimes work at the press when the olives or grapes were being processed. Frequently the treading of grapes in the family vat would be done together by husband and wife. Drawing water from the well was considered a menial task and was generally the wife’s responsibility, although sometimes it was assigned to the children (Gn 24:15-16).<\/p>\n<p>As in all societies, there was a time when children laughed and played together (Zec 8:5; Mt 11:16), although childhood and adolescence were not recognized as specific stages of development. Children were considered as sucklings if under three, but were regarded as boys or girls when they were able to take care of themselves. A small child sat on his mother’s lap and was played with (Is 66:12). There is no evidence of organized sports for children. Toys, including whistles, rattles, dolls, and miniature cooking utensils, have been excavated at Palestinian sites.<\/p>\n<p>As soon as a boy was old enough, he took his place in the family and accepted his appointed task. Among other things, children were expected to gather fuel (Jer 7:18). Young boys and girls tended the flocks. The sheep had to be protected from marauding wild beasts, guarded against their own folly when they wandered near crevices, steered toward good pasture and water, and carried home when sick or injured (Gn 29:6; Ex 2:16). The care of cattle was also the responsibility of children (1 Sm 16:11). Of necessity, boys were trained in the various arts of war.<\/p>\n<p>Children sometimes joined their fathers in the fields, and their presence was always welcome. From earliest times, boys in particular would watch their fathers until they too picked up a tool or implement to try their skill; girls watched and learned from their mothers. Young children frequently listened to the talk of the elders at the city gates or in the villages. A visit to a sanctuary at festival time was a family affair, furnishing an ideal learning experience. As a child, Jesus accompanied his parents, Mary and Joseph, to the temple in Jerusalem (Lk 2:42-47).<\/p>\n<p>Young girls were surprisingly free to go about their appointed tasks. They were not secluded or veiled and could visit uninhibited with friends and neighbors (Gn 34:1). They were also able to converse with men without embarrassment (24:15-25; 29:11-12; 1 Sm 9:11-13).<\/p>\n<p>Mealtimes were strictly family times. It is doubtful whether a meal comparable to a breakfast was eaten, and a farmer would probably have a light lunch in the fields. The main meal of the day was prepared by the mother, and it would be eaten in the early evening. Although the variety of food available was limited, its preparation was time-consuming.<\/p>\n<p>Feast times were periods of great religious significance and were also the days when family members participated in the symbolic rituals of their faith. Among the Israelites several kinds of food were fundamental to their religious ritual. Family unity and the national religion were molded together by special meals in the home.<\/p>\n<p>Daylight played an important part in the daily habits of the people in antiquity. Although oil lamps were readily available in later periods, it was customary to rise with the sun and go to bed relatively soon after dark. The wife would probably be up before sunrise and might continue her labor after dark.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"InNewTestamentTimes\">In New Testament Times<\/p>\n<p>By NT times, for those who followed the Greek and Roman style, life became more elegant. Despite that, the status of many family members did not change substantially. Wealthier families had more slaves, and the children were more likely to have formal education, sometimes spending less effort on family chores. Even in Roman times, however, the father still had a legal right to accept or reject his child.<\/p>\n<p>The status of the woman had definitely improved by the NT period. A Roman matron was highly respected and exerted a strong influence over her husband. She was not sequestered in a particular section of the house, as a Greek woman was, but managed and supervised tasks in any part of her home. She helped her husband in business, had her own place in theaters, games, and religious festivals, and sometimes managed her own property. Palestinian women began to enjoy a new status and dignity as the result of Jesus’ attitude toward women and its influence on the early Christian church.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Education; Marriage, Marriage Customs; Sex, Sexuality; Widow; Woman.<\/p>","summary_ro":"FAMILY LIFE AND RELATIONS In Bible times, the family comprised members of a household, including not only parents and children, along with other relatives and concubines, but also servants, travelers, aliens, and anyone else who happened to be within the house and was therefore under the protection of the head of the family. The family of Jacob, for example, comprised three generations (Gn 46:8-26). Biblically, the term “family” is interchangeable with “house,” and “founding a house” can refe...","summary_en":"FAMILY LIFE AND RELATIONS In Bible times, the family comprised members of a household, including not only parents and children, along with other relatives and concubines, but also servants, travelers, aliens, and anyone else who happened to be within the house and was therefore under the protection of the head of the family. The family of Jacob, for example, comprised three generations (Gn 46:8-26). Biblically, the term “family” is interchangeable with “house,” and “founding a house” can refe...","source":"Articles\/F.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":28659,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Othniel","title_en":"Othniel","content_ro":"<h3>OTHNIEL<\/h3>\n<p>Judge of Israel, mentioned as the son of Kenaz and Caleb’s nephew (or perhaps brother), who delivered Israel from the tyranny of Cushan-rishathaim, and who earlier distinguished himself by capturing Debir (Jos 15:15-17; Jgs 1:11-13; 3:8-11).<\/p>\n<p>At Caleb’s prompting (promising his daughter Achsah to anyone who could conquer Debir), Othniel took Kiriath-sepher (Debir) and received Achsah for his wife. When Caleb gave her and her land as a present, Achsah asked for a water source and was given the upper springs and the lower springs (Jos 15:19; Jgs 1:15).<\/p>\n<p>Later, Othniel delivered the Israelites from the oppressive Cushan-rishathaim, king of Mesopotamia (Aram-naharaim), whom the Israelites had served for eight years on account of their sin (Jgs 3:7). When the people cried for relief, the Lord raised up Othniel. Delivering them, he was described as someone that the “Spirit of the Lord came upon” (v 10). The effects of his work as judge lasted for a generation (vv 9-11).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Judges, Book of.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>OTHNIEL<\/h3>\n<p>Judge of Israel, mentioned as the son of Kenaz and Caleb’s nephew (or perhaps brother), who delivered Israel from the tyranny of Cushan-rishathaim, and who earlier distinguished himself by capturing Debir (Jos 15:15-17; Jgs 1:11-13; 3:8-11).<\/p>\n<p>At Caleb’s prompting (promising his daughter Achsah to anyone who could conquer Debir), Othniel took Kiriath-sepher (Debir) and received Achsah for his wife. When Caleb gave her and her land as a present, Achsah asked for a water source and was given the upper springs and the lower springs (Jos 15:19; Jgs 1:15).<\/p>\n<p>Later, Othniel delivered the Israelites from the oppressive Cushan-rishathaim, king of Mesopotamia (Aram-naharaim), whom the Israelites had served for eight years on account of their sin (Jgs 3:7). When the people cried for relief, the Lord raised up Othniel. Delivering them, he was described as someone that the “Spirit of the Lord came upon” (v 10). The effects of his work as judge lasted for a generation (vv 9-11).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Judges, Book of.<\/p>","summary_ro":"OTHNIEL Judge of Israel, mentioned as the son of Kenaz and Caleb’s nephew (or perhaps brother), who delivered Israel from the tyranny of Cushan-rishathaim, and who earlier distinguished himself by capturing Debir (Jos 15:15-17; Jgs 1:11-13; 3:8-11). At Caleb’s prompting (promising his daughter Achsah to anyone who could conquer Debir), Othniel took Kiriath-sepher (Debir) and received Achsah for his wife. When Caleb gave her and her land as a present, Achsah asked for a water source and was gi...","summary_en":"OTHNIEL Judge of Israel, mentioned as the son of Kenaz and Caleb’s nephew (or perhaps brother), who delivered Israel from the tyranny of Cushan-rishathaim, and who earlier distinguished himself by capturing Debir (Jos 15:15-17; Jgs 1:11-13; 3:8-11). At Caleb’s prompting (promising his daughter Achsah to anyone who could conquer Debir), Othniel took Kiriath-sepher (Debir) and received Achsah for his wife. When Caleb gave her and her land as a present, Achsah asked for a water source and was gi...","source":"Articles\/O.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"16":[{"id":40944,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Jethro (Reuel)","title_en":"Jethro (Reuel)","content_ro":"<h3>Jethro (Reuel)<\/h3>\n<p>Jethro, also called Reuel (Exod 2:16-18; Num 10:29), was “the priest of Midian” (Exod 2:16). Moses rescued Jethro’s seven daughters from the rough treatment of other shepherds at a well and helped them water their flocks. At home they told their father of this surprising encounter with “an Egyptian.” Jethro responded gratefully by inviting Moses for a meal, and Moses proceeded to settle there. At a later point, Jethro gave his daughter Zipporah to Moses in marriage.<\/p>\n<p>While Moses was still living in Midian near his father-in-law, he encountered God at the burning bush (Exod 3:1-2). Before leaving for Egypt, Moses asked Jethro’s permission to go; he later sent his family to stay with Jethro during the Exodus.<\/p>\n<p>When Moses and the Israelites were in the wilderness, Jethro returned with Moses’ family. Jethro, having heard of Yahweh’s deliverance of his people from Egypt, acknowledged him as the God of all gods. He worshiped Yahweh with a burnt offering and sacrifices, thereby identifying himself with Israel (18:11). In response, Israel’s leaders joined him for “a sacrificial meal in God’s presence” (18:12).<\/p>\n<p>Jethro saw that Moses was overwhelmed with caring for the vast numbers of Israelites, so he gave Moses good administrative advice about organizing the people more efficiently and about judging disputes among the people (18:13-23). Moses listened to this counsel and appointed able men to assist him as leaders and judges over the people (18:24-27). Jethro returned to Midian and seems not to have interacted further with Israel, but his son (Num 10:29-33) and other descendants later settled with the Israelites (Judg 1:16; 4:11).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 2:16-25; 3:1; 18:1-27; Num 10:29; Judg 1:16; 4:11<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Jethro (Reuel)<\/h3>\n<p>Jethro, also called Reuel (Exod 2:16-18; Num 10:29), was “the priest of Midian” (Exod 2:16). Moses rescued Jethro’s seven daughters from the rough treatment of other shepherds at a well and helped them water their flocks. At home they told their father of this surprising encounter with “an Egyptian.” Jethro responded gratefully by inviting Moses for a meal, and Moses proceeded to settle there. At a later point, Jethro gave his daughter Zipporah to Moses in marriage.<\/p>\n<p>While Moses was still living in Midian near his father-in-law, he encountered God at the burning bush (Exod 3:1-2). Before leaving for Egypt, Moses asked Jethro’s permission to go; he later sent his family to stay with Jethro during the Exodus.<\/p>\n<p>When Moses and the Israelites were in the wilderness, Jethro returned with Moses’ family. Jethro, having heard of Yahweh’s deliverance of his people from Egypt, acknowledged him as the God of all gods. He worshiped Yahweh with a burnt offering and sacrifices, thereby identifying himself with Israel (18:11). In response, Israel’s leaders joined him for “a sacrificial meal in God’s presence” (18:12).<\/p>\n<p>Jethro saw that Moses was overwhelmed with caring for the vast numbers of Israelites, so he gave Moses good administrative advice about organizing the people more efficiently and about judging disputes among the people (18:13-23). Moses listened to this counsel and appointed able men to assist him as leaders and judges over the people (18:24-27). Jethro returned to Midian and seems not to have interacted further with Israel, but his son (Num 10:29-33) and other descendants later settled with the Israelites (Judg 1:16; 4:11).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 2:16-25; 3:1; 18:1-27; Num 10:29; Judg 1:16; 4:11<\/p>","summary_ro":"Jethro (Reuel) Jethro, also called Reuel (Exod 2:16-18; Num 10:29), was “the priest of Midian” (Exod 2:16). Moses rescued Jethro’s seven daughters from the rough treatment of other shepherds at a well and helped them water their flocks. At home they told their father of this surprising encounter with “an Egyptian.” Jethro responded gratefully by inviting Moses for a meal, and Moses proceeded to settle there. At a later point, Jethro gave his daughter Zipporah to Moses in marriage. While Moses...","summary_en":"Jethro (Reuel) Jethro, also called Reuel (Exod 2:16-18; Num 10:29), was “the priest of Midian” (Exod 2:16). Moses rescued Jethro’s seven daughters from the rough treatment of other shepherds at a well and helped them water their flocks. At home they told their father of this surprising encounter with “an Egyptian.” Jethro responded gratefully by inviting Moses for a meal, and Moses proceeded to settle there. At a later point, Jethro gave his daughter Zipporah to Moses in marriage. While Moses...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":68570,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Jethro (Reuel)","title_en":"Jethro (Reuel)","content_ro":"<h3>Jethro (Reuel)<\/h3>\n<p>Jethro, also called Reuel (Exod 2:16-18; Num 10:29), was “the priest of Midian” (Exod 2:16). Moses rescued Jethro’s seven daughters from the rough treatment of other shepherds at a well and helped them water their flocks. At home they told their father of this surprising encounter with “an Egyptian.” Jethro responded gratefully by inviting Moses for a meal, and Moses proceeded to settle there. At a later point, Jethro gave his daughter Zipporah to Moses in marriage.<\/p>\n<p>While Moses was still living in Midian near his father-in-law, he encountered God at the burning bush (Exod 3:1-2). Before leaving for Egypt, Moses asked Jethro’s permission to go; he later sent his family to stay with Jethro during the Exodus.<\/p>\n<p>When Moses and the Israelites were in the wilderness, Jethro returned with Moses’ family. Jethro, having heard of Yahweh’s deliverance of his people from Egypt, acknowledged him as the God of all gods. He worshiped Yahweh with a burnt offering and sacrifices, thereby identifying himself with Israel (18:11). In response, Israel’s leaders joined him for “a sacrificial meal in God’s presence” (18:12).<\/p>\n<p>Jethro saw that Moses was overwhelmed with caring for the vast numbers of Israelites, so he gave Moses good administrative advice about organizing the people more efficiently and about judging disputes among the people (18:13-23). Moses listened to this counsel and appointed able men to assist him as leaders and judges over the people (18:24-27). Jethro returned to Midian and seems not to have interacted further with Israel, but his son (Num 10:29-33) and other descendants later settled with the Israelites (Judg 1:16; 4:11).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 2:16-25; 3:1; 18:1-27; Num 10:29; Judg 1:16; 4:11<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Jethro (Reuel)<\/h3>\n<p>Jethro, also called Reuel (Exod 2:16-18; Num 10:29), was “the priest of Midian” (Exod 2:16). Moses rescued Jethro’s seven daughters from the rough treatment of other shepherds at a well and helped them water their flocks. At home they told their father of this surprising encounter with “an Egyptian.” Jethro responded gratefully by inviting Moses for a meal, and Moses proceeded to settle there. At a later point, Jethro gave his daughter Zipporah to Moses in marriage.<\/p>\n<p>While Moses was still living in Midian near his father-in-law, he encountered God at the burning bush (Exod 3:1-2). Before leaving for Egypt, Moses asked Jethro’s permission to go; he later sent his family to stay with Jethro during the Exodus.<\/p>\n<p>When Moses and the Israelites were in the wilderness, Jethro returned with Moses’ family. Jethro, having heard of Yahweh’s deliverance of his people from Egypt, acknowledged him as the God of all gods. He worshiped Yahweh with a burnt offering and sacrifices, thereby identifying himself with Israel (18:11). In response, Israel’s leaders joined him for “a sacrificial meal in God’s presence” (18:12).<\/p>\n<p>Jethro saw that Moses was overwhelmed with caring for the vast numbers of Israelites, so he gave Moses good administrative advice about organizing the people more efficiently and about judging disputes among the people (18:13-23). Moses listened to this counsel and appointed able men to assist him as leaders and judges over the people (18:24-27). Jethro returned to Midian and seems not to have interacted further with Israel, but his son (Num 10:29-33) and other descendants later settled with the Israelites (Judg 1:16; 4:11).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 2:16-25; 3:1; 18:1-27; Num 10:29; Judg 1:16; 4:11<\/p>","summary_ro":"Jethro (Reuel) Jethro, also called Reuel (Exod 2:16-18; Num 10:29), was “the priest of Midian” (Exod 2:16). Moses rescued Jethro’s seven daughters from the rough treatment of other shepherds at a well and helped them water their flocks. At home they told their father of this surprising encounter with “an Egyptian.” Jethro responded gratefully by inviting Moses for a meal, and Moses proceeded to settle there. At a later point, Jethro gave his daughter Zipporah to Moses in marriage. While Moses...","summary_en":"Jethro (Reuel) Jethro, also called Reuel (Exod 2:16-18; Num 10:29), was “the priest of Midian” (Exod 2:16). Moses rescued Jethro’s seven daughters from the rough treatment of other shepherds at a well and helped them water their flocks. At home they told their father of this surprising encounter with “an Egyptian.” Jethro responded gratefully by inviting Moses for a meal, and Moses proceeded to settle there. At a later point, Jethro gave his daughter Zipporah to Moses in marriage. While Moses...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":96196,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Jethro (Reuel)","title_en":"Jethro (Reuel)","content_ro":"<h3>Jethro (Reuel)<\/h3>\n<p>Jethro, also called Reuel (Exod 2:16-18; Num 10:29), was “the priest of Midian” (Exod 2:16). Moses rescued Jethro’s seven daughters from the rough treatment of other shepherds at a well and helped them water their flocks. At home they told their father of this surprising encounter with “an Egyptian.” Jethro responded gratefully by inviting Moses for a meal, and Moses proceeded to settle there. At a later point, Jethro gave his daughter Zipporah to Moses in marriage.<\/p>\n<p>While Moses was still living in Midian near his father-in-law, he encountered God at the burning bush (Exod 3:1-2). Before leaving for Egypt, Moses asked Jethro’s permission to go; he later sent his family to stay with Jethro during the Exodus.<\/p>\n<p>When Moses and the Israelites were in the wilderness, Jethro returned with Moses’ family. Jethro, having heard of Yahweh’s deliverance of his people from Egypt, acknowledged him as the God of all gods. He worshiped Yahweh with a burnt offering and sacrifices, thereby identifying himself with Israel (18:11). In response, Israel’s leaders joined him for “a sacrificial meal in God’s presence” (18:12).<\/p>\n<p>Jethro saw that Moses was overwhelmed with caring for the vast numbers of Israelites, so he gave Moses good administrative advice about organizing the people more efficiently and about judging disputes among the people (18:13-23). Moses listened to this counsel and appointed able men to assist him as leaders and judges over the people (18:24-27). Jethro returned to Midian and seems not to have interacted further with Israel, but his son (Num 10:29-33) and other descendants later settled with the Israelites (Judg 1:16; 4:11).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 2:16-25; 3:1; 18:1-27; Num 10:29; Judg 1:16; 4:11<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Jethro (Reuel)<\/h3>\n<p>Jethro, also called Reuel (Exod 2:16-18; Num 10:29), was “the priest of Midian” (Exod 2:16). Moses rescued Jethro’s seven daughters from the rough treatment of other shepherds at a well and helped them water their flocks. At home they told their father of this surprising encounter with “an Egyptian.” Jethro responded gratefully by inviting Moses for a meal, and Moses proceeded to settle there. At a later point, Jethro gave his daughter Zipporah to Moses in marriage.<\/p>\n<p>While Moses was still living in Midian near his father-in-law, he encountered God at the burning bush (Exod 3:1-2). Before leaving for Egypt, Moses asked Jethro’s permission to go; he later sent his family to stay with Jethro during the Exodus.<\/p>\n<p>When Moses and the Israelites were in the wilderness, Jethro returned with Moses’ family. Jethro, having heard of Yahweh’s deliverance of his people from Egypt, acknowledged him as the God of all gods. He worshiped Yahweh with a burnt offering and sacrifices, thereby identifying himself with Israel (18:11). In response, Israel’s leaders joined him for “a sacrificial meal in God’s presence” (18:12).<\/p>\n<p>Jethro saw that Moses was overwhelmed with caring for the vast numbers of Israelites, so he gave Moses good administrative advice about organizing the people more efficiently and about judging disputes among the people (18:13-23). Moses listened to this counsel and appointed able men to assist him as leaders and judges over the people (18:24-27). Jethro returned to Midian and seems not to have interacted further with Israel, but his son (Num 10:29-33) and other descendants later settled with the Israelites (Judg 1:16; 4:11).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 2:16-25; 3:1; 18:1-27; Num 10:29; Judg 1:16; 4:11<\/p>","summary_ro":"Jethro (Reuel) Jethro, also called Reuel (Exod 2:16-18; Num 10:29), was “the priest of Midian” (Exod 2:16). Moses rescued Jethro’s seven daughters from the rough treatment of other shepherds at a well and helped them water their flocks. At home they told their father of this surprising encounter with “an Egyptian.” Jethro responded gratefully by inviting Moses for a meal, and Moses proceeded to settle there. At a later point, Jethro gave his daughter Zipporah to Moses in marriage. While Moses...","summary_en":"Jethro (Reuel) Jethro, also called Reuel (Exod 2:16-18; Num 10:29), was “the priest of Midian” (Exod 2:16). Moses rescued Jethro’s seven daughters from the rough treatment of other shepherds at a well and helped them water their flocks. At home they told their father of this surprising encounter with “an Egyptian.” Jethro responded gratefully by inviting Moses for a meal, and Moses proceeded to settle there. At a later point, Jethro gave his daughter Zipporah to Moses in marriage. While Moses...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":123822,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Jethro (Reuel)","title_en":"Jethro (Reuel)","content_ro":"<h3>Jethro (Reuel)<\/h3>\n<p>Jethro, also called Reuel (Exod 2:16-18; Num 10:29), was “the priest of Midian” (Exod 2:16). Moses rescued Jethro’s seven daughters from the rough treatment of other shepherds at a well and helped them water their flocks. At home they told their father of this surprising encounter with “an Egyptian.” Jethro responded gratefully by inviting Moses for a meal, and Moses proceeded to settle there. At a later point, Jethro gave his daughter Zipporah to Moses in marriage.<\/p>\n<p>While Moses was still living in Midian near his father-in-law, he encountered God at the burning bush (Exod 3:1-2). Before leaving for Egypt, Moses asked Jethro’s permission to go; he later sent his family to stay with Jethro during the Exodus.<\/p>\n<p>When Moses and the Israelites were in the wilderness, Jethro returned with Moses’ family. Jethro, having heard of Yahweh’s deliverance of his people from Egypt, acknowledged him as the God of all gods. He worshiped Yahweh with a burnt offering and sacrifices, thereby identifying himself with Israel (18:11). In response, Israel’s leaders joined him for “a sacrificial meal in God’s presence” (18:12).<\/p>\n<p>Jethro saw that Moses was overwhelmed with caring for the vast numbers of Israelites, so he gave Moses good administrative advice about organizing the people more efficiently and about judging disputes among the people (18:13-23). Moses listened to this counsel and appointed able men to assist him as leaders and judges over the people (18:24-27). Jethro returned to Midian and seems not to have interacted further with Israel, but his son (Num 10:29-33) and other descendants later settled with the Israelites (Judg 1:16; 4:11).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 2:16-25; 3:1; 18:1-27; Num 10:29; Judg 1:16; 4:11<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Jethro (Reuel)<\/h3>\n<p>Jethro, also called Reuel (Exod 2:16-18; Num 10:29), was “the priest of Midian” (Exod 2:16). Moses rescued Jethro’s seven daughters from the rough treatment of other shepherds at a well and helped them water their flocks. At home they told their father of this surprising encounter with “an Egyptian.” Jethro responded gratefully by inviting Moses for a meal, and Moses proceeded to settle there. At a later point, Jethro gave his daughter Zipporah to Moses in marriage.<\/p>\n<p>While Moses was still living in Midian near his father-in-law, he encountered God at the burning bush (Exod 3:1-2). Before leaving for Egypt, Moses asked Jethro’s permission to go; he later sent his family to stay with Jethro during the Exodus.<\/p>\n<p>When Moses and the Israelites were in the wilderness, Jethro returned with Moses’ family. Jethro, having heard of Yahweh’s deliverance of his people from Egypt, acknowledged him as the God of all gods. He worshiped Yahweh with a burnt offering and sacrifices, thereby identifying himself with Israel (18:11). In response, Israel’s leaders joined him for “a sacrificial meal in God’s presence” (18:12).<\/p>\n<p>Jethro saw that Moses was overwhelmed with caring for the vast numbers of Israelites, so he gave Moses good administrative advice about organizing the people more efficiently and about judging disputes among the people (18:13-23). Moses listened to this counsel and appointed able men to assist him as leaders and judges over the people (18:24-27). Jethro returned to Midian and seems not to have interacted further with Israel, but his son (Num 10:29-33) and other descendants later settled with the Israelites (Judg 1:16; 4:11).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exod 2:16-25; 3:1; 18:1-27; Num 10:29; Judg 1:16; 4:11<\/p>","summary_ro":"Jethro (Reuel) Jethro, also called Reuel (Exod 2:16-18; Num 10:29), was “the priest of Midian” (Exod 2:16). Moses rescued Jethro’s seven daughters from the rough treatment of other shepherds at a well and helped them water their flocks. At home they told their father of this surprising encounter with “an Egyptian.” Jethro responded gratefully by inviting Moses for a meal, and Moses proceeded to settle there. At a later point, Jethro gave his daughter Zipporah to Moses in marriage. While Moses...","summary_en":"Jethro (Reuel) Jethro, also called Reuel (Exod 2:16-18; Num 10:29), was “the priest of Midian” (Exod 2:16). Moses rescued Jethro’s seven daughters from the rough treatment of other shepherds at a well and helped them water their flocks. At home they told their father of this surprising encounter with “an Egyptian.” Jethro responded gratefully by inviting Moses for a meal, and Moses proceeded to settle there. At a later point, Jethro gave his daughter Zipporah to Moses in marriage. While Moses...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":1202,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Amalekites Amalek","title_en":"Amalekites Amalek","content_ro":"<h3>AMALEK, AMALEKITES<\/h3>\n<p>Amalek was the son of Eliphaz (Esau’s son) by his concubine, Timna (Gn 36:12; 1 Chr 1:36). Descendants of this tribal chief of Edom were known as Amalekites. They settled in the Negev Desert and became allies of the Edomites, Ammonites, Moabites, Ishmaelites, and Midianites. The Amalekites were notable enemies of Israel. Amalek inherited the fraternal feud that had begun with his grandfather Esau’s antagonism toward Jacob. Since Jacob was one of the progenitors of Israel, the conflict between Amalek and Israel had both a theological and political basis.<\/p>\n<p>The territory of the nomadic Amalekites in the Negev ranged at times from south of Beersheba to the southeast as far as Elath and Ezion-geber. They undoubtedly raided westward into the coastal plain, eastward into the Arabah wastelands, and possibly over into Arabia. In the Negev they blocked the path of the Israelites during the exodus (Ex 17:8-16).<\/p>\n<p>Israel’s first encounter with the warriors of Amalek came at Rephidim near Sinai. Moses stood on top of a hill and held up the rod of God until Israel won the battle, then built an altar and named it “The Lord Is My Banner” (Ex 17:1, 8-16). The Amalekites attacked stragglers during Israel’s desert wanderings (Dt 25:17-18). After reaching the boundary of the Promised Land but rejecting Caleb and Joshua’s report of it, the unbelieving and disheartened Israelites attacked the Amalekites and were defeated (Nm 14:39-45).<\/p>\n<p>When Balaam was summoned by King Balak of Moab to curse Israel, he turned his curse upon Moab and in his last oracle predicted the end of Amalek’s tribe (Nm 24:20). Moses, in his farewell speech, reminded the children of Israel that they had been harassed by Amalek’s descendants and should blot out all remembrance of the name Amalek (Dt 25:17-19).<\/p>\n<p>During the period of the judges Amalekites continued to occupy their traditional area and became associated with the Kenites (1 Sm 15:5-6), descendants of Moses’ father-in-law, who settled in the Negev south of Arad (Jgs 1:16). The Amalekites, still associated with other nomadic tribes (Moabites, Ammonites, Midianites), were rallied by Eglon, king of Moab, to defeat Israel and seize Jericho (Jgs 3:12-14). The Song of Deborah cites Amalek as one of a coalition of tribes against Israel (Jgs 5:14, <span>kjv<\/span>). The name is omitted in a number of modern translations, and in others translated as “into the valley” (<span>rsv<\/span>). However, Amalekite harassment is referred to in other passages of the time of Deborah and Barak (Jgs 6:3, 33; 7:12). Gideon defeated the coalition (Jgs 7:12-25), but there is no evidence that the Amalekites were driven out of the Negev.<\/p>\n<p>According to 1 Samuel, Saul sent his armies out against the Amalekites (14:47-48) and received a command from God to destroy them and all their possessions (15:1-3). He did attack their city (15:4-7) but did not kill their king, Agag (15:8). Saul distributed the choicest Amalekite livestock to his men (15:9), for which the Lord condemned him and sent Samuel to tell him that his kingship was ended because of his sin (15:10-31). Samuel then slaughtered Agag (15:32-35). A remnant of Amalekites must have escaped, since they appeared again as David’s foes while he was still a young warrior (27:8). He rescued his two wives carried off by Amalekites and killed most of the raiding party (30:1-20). The Amalekites were Israel’s sworn enemies throughout King David’s reign (2 Sm 1:1). They are listed among the enemies of Israel (2 Sm 8:12; 1 Chr 18:11; Ps 83:7). Destruction of the few surviving Amalekites came several hundred years after David during the reign of Hezekiah of the southern kingdom of Judah (1 Chr 4:41-43).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>AMALEK, AMALEKITES<\/h3>\n<p>Amalek was the son of Eliphaz (Esau’s son) by his concubine, Timna (Gn 36:12; 1 Chr 1:36). Descendants of this tribal chief of Edom were known as Amalekites. They settled in the Negev Desert and became allies of the Edomites, Ammonites, Moabites, Ishmaelites, and Midianites. The Amalekites were notable enemies of Israel. Amalek inherited the fraternal feud that had begun with his grandfather Esau’s antagonism toward Jacob. Since Jacob was one of the progenitors of Israel, the conflict between Amalek and Israel had both a theological and political basis.<\/p>\n<p>The territory of the nomadic Amalekites in the Negev ranged at times from south of Beersheba to the southeast as far as Elath and Ezion-geber. They undoubtedly raided westward into the coastal plain, eastward into the Arabah wastelands, and possibly over into Arabia. In the Negev they blocked the path of the Israelites during the exodus (Ex 17:8-16).<\/p>\n<p>Israel’s first encounter with the warriors of Amalek came at Rephidim near Sinai. Moses stood on top of a hill and held up the rod of God until Israel won the battle, then built an altar and named it “The Lord Is My Banner” (Ex 17:1, 8-16). The Amalekites attacked stragglers during Israel’s desert wanderings (Dt 25:17-18). After reaching the boundary of the Promised Land but rejecting Caleb and Joshua’s report of it, the unbelieving and disheartened Israelites attacked the Amalekites and were defeated (Nm 14:39-45).<\/p>\n<p>When Balaam was summoned by King Balak of Moab to curse Israel, he turned his curse upon Moab and in his last oracle predicted the end of Amalek’s tribe (Nm 24:20). Moses, in his farewell speech, reminded the children of Israel that they had been harassed by Amalek’s descendants and should blot out all remembrance of the name Amalek (Dt 25:17-19).<\/p>\n<p>During the period of the judges Amalekites continued to occupy their traditional area and became associated with the Kenites (1 Sm 15:5-6), descendants of Moses’ father-in-law, who settled in the Negev south of Arad (Jgs 1:16). The Amalekites, still associated with other nomadic tribes (Moabites, Ammonites, Midianites), were rallied by Eglon, king of Moab, to defeat Israel and seize Jericho (Jgs 3:12-14). The Song of Deborah cites Amalek as one of a coalition of tribes against Israel (Jgs 5:14, <span>kjv<\/span>). The name is omitted in a number of modern translations, and in others translated as “into the valley” (<span>rsv<\/span>). However, Amalekite harassment is referred to in other passages of the time of Deborah and Barak (Jgs 6:3, 33; 7:12). Gideon defeated the coalition (Jgs 7:12-25), but there is no evidence that the Amalekites were driven out of the Negev.<\/p>\n<p>According to 1 Samuel, Saul sent his armies out against the Amalekites (14:47-48) and received a command from God to destroy them and all their possessions (15:1-3). He did attack their city (15:4-7) but did not kill their king, Agag (15:8). Saul distributed the choicest Amalekite livestock to his men (15:9), for which the Lord condemned him and sent Samuel to tell him that his kingship was ended because of his sin (15:10-31). Samuel then slaughtered Agag (15:32-35). A remnant of Amalekites must have escaped, since they appeared again as David’s foes while he was still a young warrior (27:8). He rescued his two wives carried off by Amalekites and killed most of the raiding party (30:1-20). The Amalekites were Israel’s sworn enemies throughout King David’s reign (2 Sm 1:1). They are listed among the enemies of Israel (2 Sm 8:12; 1 Chr 18:11; Ps 83:7). Destruction of the few surviving Amalekites came several hundred years after David during the reign of Hezekiah of the southern kingdom of Judah (1 Chr 4:41-43).<\/p>","summary_ro":"AMALEK, AMALEKITES Amalek was the son of Eliphaz (Esau’s son) by his concubine, Timna (Gn 36:12; 1 Chr 1:36). Descendants of this tribal chief of Edom were known as Amalekites. They settled in the Negev Desert and became allies of the Edomites, Ammonites, Moabites, Ishmaelites, and Midianites. The Amalekites were notable enemies of Israel. Amalek inherited the fraternal feud that had begun with his grandfather Esau’s antagonism toward Jacob. Since Jacob was one of the progenitors of Israel, t...","summary_en":"AMALEK, AMALEKITES Amalek was the son of Eliphaz (Esau’s son) by his concubine, Timna (Gn 36:12; 1 Chr 1:36). Descendants of this tribal chief of Edom were known as Amalekites. They settled in the Negev Desert and became allies of the Edomites, Ammonites, Moabites, Ishmaelites, and Midianites. The Amalekites were notable enemies of Israel. Amalek inherited the fraternal feud that had begun with his grandfather Esau’s antagonism toward Jacob. Since Jacob was one of the progenitors of Israel, t...","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":2491,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Arad (Place)","title_en":"Arad (Place)","content_ro":"<h3>ARAD (P<span>lace<\/span>)<\/h3>\n<p>Name of a Canaanite settlement or region in the Negev Desert at the time of the Israelite conquest of Canaan. The king of Arad attacked the Israelites and was defeated (Nm 21:1-3; 33:40). Consequently the Israelites renamed the place Hormah (“destruction”). Arad was later conquered by Joshua (Jos 12:14).<\/p>\n<p>Until recently archaeologists thought this Arad was the modern Tell Arad. Excavations at Tell Arad, however, have shown that this site was uninhabited at the time of the Israelite conquest of Canaan. Some scholars have suggested that the Arad mentioned in Numbers and Joshua was a region and not a specific place. Others say there were two Arads, the Canaanite city located possibly at Tell Malhata about 7.5 miles (12 kilometers) southwest of Tell Arad, and the Israelite city located at modern Tell Arad. This second suggestion is supported by an inscription of Shishak, an Egyptian pharaoh (940?–915 <span>BC<\/span>), which indicates that two cities named Arad existed during the early first millennium <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>The only possible mention of modern Tell Arad is in Judges 1:16, where Arad is used as a reference point for the land settled by the Kenites. Tell Arad had been a large important city during the early Bronze Age, but after being destroyed around 2600 <span>BC<\/span>, it was not reoccupied until shortly before 1000 <span>BC<\/span>. From the time of King Solomon (970–930 <span>BC<\/span>) until the Jews were taken into exile, Tell Arad served as a fortified citadel on Judah’s southern border.<\/p>\n<p>Several interesting discoveries were made during the excavation of Tell Arad. An Israelite sanctuary was uncovered that is very similar in plan to the tabernacle and the temple, with an altar of the dimensions described in Exodus 27:1. It has been suggested that this sanctuary might have served as the worship center of the Kenite clan. Tell Arad has also provided us with a number of inscribed potsherds, called ostraca. One such ostracon contains a reference to the “house of Yahweh,” a possible reference to the temple in Jerusalem.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>ARAD (P<span>lace<\/span>)<\/h3>\n<p>Name of a Canaanite settlement or region in the Negev Desert at the time of the Israelite conquest of Canaan. The king of Arad attacked the Israelites and was defeated (Nm 21:1-3; 33:40). Consequently the Israelites renamed the place Hormah (“destruction”). Arad was later conquered by Joshua (Jos 12:14).<\/p>\n<p>Until recently archaeologists thought this Arad was the modern Tell Arad. Excavations at Tell Arad, however, have shown that this site was uninhabited at the time of the Israelite conquest of Canaan. Some scholars have suggested that the Arad mentioned in Numbers and Joshua was a region and not a specific place. Others say there were two Arads, the Canaanite city located possibly at Tell Malhata about 7.5 miles (12 kilometers) southwest of Tell Arad, and the Israelite city located at modern Tell Arad. This second suggestion is supported by an inscription of Shishak, an Egyptian pharaoh (940?–915 <span>BC<\/span>), which indicates that two cities named Arad existed during the early first millennium <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>The only possible mention of modern Tell Arad is in Judges 1:16, where Arad is used as a reference point for the land settled by the Kenites. Tell Arad had been a large important city during the early Bronze Age, but after being destroyed around 2600 <span>BC<\/span>, it was not reoccupied until shortly before 1000 <span>BC<\/span>. From the time of King Solomon (970–930 <span>BC<\/span>) until the Jews were taken into exile, Tell Arad served as a fortified citadel on Judah’s southern border.<\/p>\n<p>Several interesting discoveries were made during the excavation of Tell Arad. An Israelite sanctuary was uncovered that is very similar in plan to the tabernacle and the temple, with an altar of the dimensions described in Exodus 27:1. It has been suggested that this sanctuary might have served as the worship center of the Kenite clan. Tell Arad has also provided us with a number of inscribed potsherds, called ostraca. One such ostracon contains a reference to the “house of Yahweh,” a possible reference to the temple in Jerusalem.<\/p>","summary_ro":"ARAD (Place) Name of a Canaanite settlement or region in the Negev Desert at the time of the Israelite conquest of Canaan. The king of Arad attacked the Israelites and was defeated (Nm 21:1-3; 33:40). Consequently the Israelites renamed the place Hormah (“destruction”). Arad was later conquered by Joshua (Jos 12:14). Until recently archaeologists thought this Arad was the modern Tell Arad. Excavations at Tell Arad, however, have shown that this site was uninhabited at the time of the Israelit...","summary_en":"ARAD (Place) Name of a Canaanite settlement or region in the Negev Desert at the time of the Israelite conquest of Canaan. The king of Arad attacked the Israelites and was defeated (Nm 21:1-3; 33:40). Consequently the Israelites renamed the place Hormah (“destruction”). Arad was later conquered by Joshua (Jos 12:14). Until recently archaeologists thought this Arad was the modern Tell Arad. Excavations at Tell Arad, however, have shown that this site was uninhabited at the time of the Israelit...","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":16492,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Hobab","title_en":"Hobab","content_ro":"<h3>HOBAB<\/h3>\n<p>Name associated with Moses’ father-in-law (Nm 10:29; Jgs 4:11, <span>nlt<\/span> mg), who was a priest of Midian (Ex 18:1) and ancestor of the Kenites (Jgs 4:11). He is usually called Jethro (Ex 3:1; 4:18; 18:1-12), but also Reuel (Ex 2:18).<\/p>\n<p>The confusion surrounding the name Hobab has never been satisfactorily resolved. Judges 4:11 seems to identify Hobab with Jethro; there is some manuscript evidence for adding “Hobab” to “the Kenite, Moses’ father-in-law” in Judges 1:16, and to the mention of Reuel in Exodus 2:18. But Hobab could be Jethro’s son, on one reading of Numbers 10:29a: “Hobab the son of Reuel the Midianite, Moses’ father-in-law.” In this passage Moses requests that Hobab accompany Israel as guide and adviser in the wilderness.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Jethro.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>HOBAB<\/h3>\n<p>Name associated with Moses’ father-in-law (Nm 10:29; Jgs 4:11, <span>nlt<\/span> mg), who was a priest of Midian (Ex 18:1) and ancestor of the Kenites (Jgs 4:11). He is usually called Jethro (Ex 3:1; 4:18; 18:1-12), but also Reuel (Ex 2:18).<\/p>\n<p>The confusion surrounding the name Hobab has never been satisfactorily resolved. Judges 4:11 seems to identify Hobab with Jethro; there is some manuscript evidence for adding “Hobab” to “the Kenite, Moses’ father-in-law” in Judges 1:16, and to the mention of Reuel in Exodus 2:18. But Hobab could be Jethro’s son, on one reading of Numbers 10:29a: “Hobab the son of Reuel the Midianite, Moses’ father-in-law.” In this passage Moses requests that Hobab accompany Israel as guide and adviser in the wilderness.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Jethro.<\/p>","summary_ro":"HOBAB Name associated with Moses’ father-in-law (Nm 10:29; Jgs 4:11, nlt mg), who was a priest of Midian (Ex 18:1) and ancestor of the Kenites (Jgs 4:11). He is usually called Jethro (Ex 3:1; 4:18; 18:1-12), but also Reuel (Ex 2:18). The confusion surrounding the name Hobab has never been satisfactorily resolved. Judges 4:11 seems to identify Hobab with Jethro; there is some manuscript evidence for adding “Hobab” to “the Kenite, Moses’ father-in-law” in Judges 1:16, and to the mention of Reue...","summary_en":"HOBAB Name associated with Moses’ father-in-law (Nm 10:29; Jgs 4:11, nlt mg), who was a priest of Midian (Ex 18:1) and ancestor of the Kenites (Jgs 4:11). He is usually called Jethro (Ex 3:1; 4:18; 18:1-12), but also Reuel (Ex 2:18). The confusion surrounding the name Hobab has never been satisfactorily resolved. Judges 4:11 seems to identify Hobab with Jethro; there is some manuscript evidence for adding “Hobab” to “the Kenite, Moses’ father-in-law” in Judges 1:16, and to the mention of Reue...","source":"Articles\/H.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":19742,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Jethro","title_en":"Jethro","content_ro":"<h3>JETHRO<\/h3>\n<p>Father-in-law of Moses. Zipporah, Jethro’s daughter, became Moses’ wife while he was a fugitive in the wilderness (Ex 2:21). When Moses departed for Egypt, he took Zipporah and his sons with him (4:20), but he must have sent them back. Jethro brought them to Moses after the Israelites arrived in Sinai (18:1-7). Through this familial relationship with Moses, Jethro became involved with Israel.<\/p>\n<p>Jethro’s relationship with Israel has been variously interpreted. Jethro was a priest of Midian (Ex 2:16; 3:1). It is not definitely known what the religion of the Midianites was, but some scholars have suggested that the Kenites, who were a tribe included in the nation of Midianites (Jgs 1:16), had a tribal god named Yahweh whom Jethro served as priest. Scholars who have suggested that Jethro’s tribal god, Yahweh, was introduced to Israel by Moses have not been able to establish their case. Biblical evidence does not support this interpretation. That Jethro was a god-fearing and god-serving man is quite clear. The biblical record could be understood to teach that Jethro knew of Israel’s God because he was a descendant of Abraham (Gn 25:2). Having heard of Yahweh’s deliverance of his people from Egypt, Jethro acknowledged him as God, greatest of all gods. He also brought a burnt offering and sacrifices, thereby worshiping Yahweh and identifying with Israel (Ex 18:11). This action has been interpreted as Jethro’s acceptance of a covenant with Israel, but the interpretation rests upon a faulty reading of what Jethro actually did and the meaning of sacrifice and a fellowship meal. Upon receiving Jethro’s good counsel concerning procedures for judging disputes among the people, Moses appointed able men as heads and judges over the people (vv 13-27). Jethro departed to his own land and seems to have had no further interaction with Israel, but his son (Nm 10:29-33) and other descendants later became a part of Israel (Jgs 1:16; 4:11).<\/p>\n<p> Jethro is referred to by other names, both in the Scriptures and later. The Talmud records that his name was Jether originally, but after his conversion it became Jethro; there is no definite evidence to support this. He is called Reuel, the father of seven daughters whom Moses met at a well (Ex 2:16-18; Nm 10:29). He is also referred to by the name Hobab (Jgs 4:11); and he is said to be the son of Reuel (Nm 10:29). The Scriptures do not explain the use of the different names. Suggestions include the following: (1) each Midianite tribe he served as a priest knew him by a different name; (2) Reuel was a tribal name, not personal; (3) Hobab, the son’s name, was used to refer to the father; (4) a gloss appears in the text at Exodus 2:18 and Judges 4:11. It can be quite clearly established, however, that Jethro had a son named Hobab.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Midian, Midianite; Moses.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JETHRO<\/h3>\n<p>Father-in-law of Moses. Zipporah, Jethro’s daughter, became Moses’ wife while he was a fugitive in the wilderness (Ex 2:21). When Moses departed for Egypt, he took Zipporah and his sons with him (4:20), but he must have sent them back. Jethro brought them to Moses after the Israelites arrived in Sinai (18:1-7). Through this familial relationship with Moses, Jethro became involved with Israel.<\/p>\n<p>Jethro’s relationship with Israel has been variously interpreted. Jethro was a priest of Midian (Ex 2:16; 3:1). It is not definitely known what the religion of the Midianites was, but some scholars have suggested that the Kenites, who were a tribe included in the nation of Midianites (Jgs 1:16), had a tribal god named Yahweh whom Jethro served as priest. Scholars who have suggested that Jethro’s tribal god, Yahweh, was introduced to Israel by Moses have not been able to establish their case. Biblical evidence does not support this interpretation. That Jethro was a god-fearing and god-serving man is quite clear. The biblical record could be understood to teach that Jethro knew of Israel’s God because he was a descendant of Abraham (Gn 25:2). Having heard of Yahweh’s deliverance of his people from Egypt, Jethro acknowledged him as God, greatest of all gods. He also brought a burnt offering and sacrifices, thereby worshiping Yahweh and identifying with Israel (Ex 18:11). This action has been interpreted as Jethro’s acceptance of a covenant with Israel, but the interpretation rests upon a faulty reading of what Jethro actually did and the meaning of sacrifice and a fellowship meal. Upon receiving Jethro’s good counsel concerning procedures for judging disputes among the people, Moses appointed able men as heads and judges over the people (vv 13-27). Jethro departed to his own land and seems to have had no further interaction with Israel, but his son (Nm 10:29-33) and other descendants later became a part of Israel (Jgs 1:16; 4:11).<\/p>\n<p> Jethro is referred to by other names, both in the Scriptures and later. The Talmud records that his name was Jether originally, but after his conversion it became Jethro; there is no definite evidence to support this. He is called Reuel, the father of seven daughters whom Moses met at a well (Ex 2:16-18; Nm 10:29). He is also referred to by the name Hobab (Jgs 4:11); and he is said to be the son of Reuel (Nm 10:29). The Scriptures do not explain the use of the different names. Suggestions include the following: (1) each Midianite tribe he served as a priest knew him by a different name; (2) Reuel was a tribal name, not personal; (3) Hobab, the son’s name, was used to refer to the father; (4) a gloss appears in the text at Exodus 2:18 and Judges 4:11. It can be quite clearly established, however, that Jethro had a son named Hobab.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Midian, Midianite; Moses.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JETHRO Father-in-law of Moses. Zipporah, Jethro’s daughter, became Moses’ wife while he was a fugitive in the wilderness (Ex 2:21). When Moses departed for Egypt, he took Zipporah and his sons with him (4:20), but he must have sent them back. Jethro brought them to Moses after the Israelites arrived in Sinai (18:1-7). Through this familial relationship with Moses, Jethro became involved with Israel. Jethro’s relationship with Israel has been variously interpreted. Jethro was a priest of Midia...","summary_en":"JETHRO Father-in-law of Moses. Zipporah, Jethro’s daughter, became Moses’ wife while he was a fugitive in the wilderness (Ex 2:21). When Moses departed for Egypt, he took Zipporah and his sons with him (4:20), but he must have sent them back. Jethro brought them to Moses after the Israelites arrived in Sinai (18:1-7). Through this familial relationship with Moses, Jethro became involved with Israel. Jethro’s relationship with Israel has been variously interpreted. Jethro was a priest of Midia...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":21237,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Book of Judges","title_en":"Book of Judges","content_ro":"<h3>JUDGES, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>The book reflects a final editing of the material in the period of the early monarchy. It may well be a polemic for the righteous rule of David over against the kingship of Saul, which was molded by a secular, Canaanite conception of kingship rather than by the law of God. The author was almost certainly not Samuel, as traditionally thought, but a later compiler who relied on ancient written materials.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>Though the judges succeeded in giving the tribes some rest from the incursions of surrounding enemies, the Israelites were continually harassed over long periods of time. Scholarly opinion differs on the duration of the period of the judges. The dating of the exodus affects the dating of the beginning of the judges. Those who take an early date for the exodus put the beginning around 1370–1360 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas others propose a date close to the end of the 13th century <span>BC<\/span>. A related issue pertains to the chronology of the judges. Does Judges give a chronological, sequential account of the period, or is the book a representative account of judges from various parts of Canaan and Transjordan who “judged” a region, a tribe, or several tribes simultaneously?<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LiteraryFramework\">Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>There is no doubt that the stories in the book bear the marks of literary creativity. The stories are classics in their own right. The poetry of Deborah’s song (Jgs 5) is very moving, and the fable of Jotham (9:8-15) is a fine example of figurative speech. The care given to the stories is also reflected in the construction of the book. There are two introductions: a political one (Jgs 1:1–2:5) and a socioreligious one (2:6–3:6). The political introduction connects Judges with the story of the Conquest, when the tribes attempted to occupy the land. It prepares the reader for the political and military problems of the era of the judges. The socioreligious introduction explains why Israel had so many adversities, why the institution of the judges arose, and why the Lord never gave Israel the promised lasting rest from its enemies. The main body of the book is the story of the judges (3:7–16:31). References to the minor judges (six in all) are set within the stories of the major judges in increasing frequency. As is evident from the schema, the number of minor judges increased in frequency in proportion to the decrease in number of major judges: two major, one minor; two major, two minor; one major, three minor; one major. There is a total of 12 judges, representative of the 12 tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>The purpose of the listing of 12 judges, representative of the various parts of Canaan and Transjordan, is to demonstrate that all tribes throughout the conquered territories experienced grave difficulties from a variety of enemies: Arameans, Moabites, Ammonites, Amalekites, Canaanites, and Philistines. Israel was hard pressed on nearly all its frontiers. The appendixes (chs 17–21), together with the two introductions, form the framework of the book. The political and socioreligious problems (1:1–3:6) are presented by way of several stories in the last chapters. The final editor who gave the book its canonical shape purposefully framed the stories of the judges so as to show lack of movement. The successes of the previous stages in redemptive history came to a standstill in the ebb and flow of the judges. Though the Lord delivered his people in many ways, they returned to the problems described in 1:1–3:6. The appendixes describe Israel’s problems representative of the period of the judges, when “there was no king in Israel” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTheologicalTeaching\">Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for deliverance, and God’s raising up of a judge reflects a deuteronomic perspective with its warnings concerning disobedience and judgment. The repetitiveness of the cycle supports the contention of the anonymous narrator that Israel remained unchanged by the grace of God. However, in spite of the moral, religious, and political anarchy as well as the civil wars, the last chapter shows that the tribes are still concerned with each other’s welfare. Though the unity of God’s people has been gravely challenged, the situation is not hopeless. The book ends on a note of hope—hope for a king who may deliver Israel.<\/p>\n\n<p>Thus, there are several purposes of the book: (1) to demonstrate the meaninglessness of this stage in Israel’s development; (2) to explain why the tribes did not occupy all the land promised to the patriarchs; (3) to justify the way of God, who was gracious and patient with Israel’s repeated acts of disobedience; (4) to set forth the legitimacy of a “shepherd” king in contrast to a despotic form of kingship; and (5) to explain the urgent need for a new momentum, lest Israel succumb to the Philistines and intertribal warfare.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>The Political Introduction (1:1–2:5)<\/h5>\n<p>In Joshua 1–12 the warfare under Joshua is portrayed as a mobilization of Canaanite forces against Israel. By the intervention of the Lord, the Canaanite resistance was put down and the land was occupied by the tribes (chs 13–21). Joshua 13–21, however, clearly shows that each tribe had problems ridding its territory of pockets of Canaanite resistance, which were usually centered around heavily guarded and well-fortified cities (cf. 13:2-6, 13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18).<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua emphasizes the successes and minimizes the problems, whereas the prologue to Judges sets the stage for the whole book by openly addressing Israel’s problems and failures. As the book unfolds, it is precisely these problems and failures that in due time bring Israel to the brink of disaster.<\/p>\n<p>The period of the judges began with the death of Joshua (Jgs 1:1; 2:8-9). The Israelites had inherited a legacy from Joshua: the law of the Lord (Jos 23:6; 24:26), the land, a challenge to obey the Lord (24:14-27), and a promise of God’s presence and help in subduing the Canaanites (23:5, 10).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah and Simeon (Jgs 1:2-20)<\/h6>\n<p>The prominence of Judah and Caleb parallels the position of Judah in Joshua (Jos 14:6–15:63; cf. also the house of Joseph, Jgs 1:22-29; cf. Jos 16–17). Judah was victorious over the cruel Adoni-bezek, who ruled over Bezek, a town of uncertain location. Judah successfully occupied the hill country, the Negev, and the western foothills. They even took Jerusalem, or an outlying suburb identified with Jerusalem (Jos 1:8), but could not retain control there (v 21) until David’s conquest of the city (2 Sm 5:6-9). Judah was victorious over the Canaanites in the region of Hebron, already conquered under Joshua (Jos 10:36). Hebron, also known as Kiriath-arba (“city of four” or “tetrapolis”), was a powerful ally of Jerusalem (v 3) and had been able to rally military support for a new assault on Israel, even after its first defeat. Caleb received Hebron, as Moses had promised (Jgs 1:20; cf. Jos 15:13). After the victory over Hebron, Judah extended its control over the southern hill country by an attack on Debir (Jgs 1:11-15; cf. Jos 15:14-19).<\/p>\n<p>The Kenites (Jgs 1:16), descendants of Jethro and therefore related to Moses by marriage, settled in the Negev around Arad and the City of Palms, which here probably refers to Tamar rather than Jericho.<\/p>\n<p>Judah secured the southern border by a victory over the Canaanites at Hormah (Jgs 1:17; cf. Nm 14:45; 21:3; Dt 1:44) and the coastal plain by victories at Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron. However, Judah’s successes in the coastal plain were resisted by a well-armed Canaanite force (Jgs 1:18-19). It occupied the Judean hill country and the Negev, but could not retain control over the plains. The Philistines were soon to take control over Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, and incorporate them into their pentapolis.<\/p>\n<h6>Benjamin (1:21)<\/h6>\n<p>Jerusalem was situated on the border between Judah and Benjamin. Judah took the city or a suburb (Jos 1:8) but was too far removed to retain control over it. Benjamin was too weak to subdue the Jebusites. Only David succeeded in this (2 Sm 5:6-9); he incorporated it into Judah (cf. Jos 15:63), even though it originally was allotted to Benjamin (Jos 18:28).<\/p>\n<h6>Joseph: Ephraim and Manasseh (1:22-29)<\/h6>\n<p>Ephraim took Bethel, known from the patriarchal stories as a significant cultic site (Gn 12:8; 13:3-4; 28:19; 31:13; 35:1-15). However, Manasseh was unsuccessful in taking the fortified cities in the valley of Jezreel (Esdraelon): Beth-shan, Taanach, Dor, Ibleam, and Megiddo. These cities controlled traffic along the east-west and north–south roads as well as the important passes through the Carmel range and the ford of the Jordan. Ephraim could not take full possession of the coastal plain, controlled by Gezer. The success of both Ephraim and Manasseh was limited.<\/p>\n<h6>The Other Four Tribes (1:30-36)<\/h6>\n<p>The other four tribes in Canaan receive brief mention. They, too, were only partially successful. Zebulun, Asher, Naphtali, and especially Dan did not fully succeed in driving out the Canaanites. At best they later subjected most of them to forced labor.<\/p>\n<h6>The Failure of Israel (2:1-5)<\/h6>\n<p>The failure to subdue the land and to wipe out the Canaanites and their culture led to intermarriage and idolatry (cf. Ex 23:33; 34:12-16; Nm 33:55; Dt 7:2-5, 16; Jos 23:7, 12).<\/p>\n<p>The identity of “the angel of the Lord” who appears at Bokim is far from certain. It may be a reference to the Lord himself, to an angelic messenger, or to a prophet (cf. Jgs 6:8). He rebuked the people in the prophetic spirit and pronounced God’s judgment as taking the form of continual confrontation between Israel and the Canaanites (2:3). Their weeping and sacrificing were to no avail (2:4-5; cf. Mal 2:13). Israel stood condemned within a generation after Joshua’s death.<\/p>\n<h5>The Theological Introduction (2:6–3:6)<\/h5>\n<p>The theological introduction begins where Joshua left off (Jos 24:28-31). The generation of Joshua was characterized by loyalty, but their loyalty to the Lord did not last long after the excitement of the Conquest and the demonstration of God’s presence (Jgs 2:10). Israel served Canaanite gods (Baal and Astarte) instead. Baal was the storm god, symbolic of rain and fertility, and Astarte was his cohort. The plural (Baals and Ashtaroth, 2:11-13) signifies the many local ways in which the Canaanite gods were worshiped. The religious unity was broken up into a great diversity. Thus Israel angered the Lord (vv 12-14), who sent them enemies and plunderers. Israel was unsuccessful in dealing with them, as Moses and Joshua had forewarned (Dt 28:25, 33; Jos 23:13, 16). The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for mercy, and deliverance is found throughout Judges. The people were rooted in the apostasy of their forefathers, even though the previous generation had been sensitive to God. Israel did not submit to the leadership of the judges, except to free itself from the oppressors. In fulfillment of the curses of the covenant, God swore not to give his people rest but to test them and to train them for warfare (Jgs 3:1-4), so that they might learn to respond to the challenges of a real world.<\/p>\n<h5>The Judges of Israel (3:7–16:31)<\/h5>\n<h6>Othniel (3:7-11)<\/h6>\n<p>Othniel is a transitional figure, linking the Conquest and the judges. He had involved himself in the conquest of Kiriath-sepher and was related to Caleb as his cousin and son-in-law (1:13). He repelled the Arameans led by Cushan-rishathaim, so that the land enjoyed peace for some 40 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ehud (3:12-30)<\/h6>\n<p>The Moabites, allied with the Ammonites and Amalekites, came against Israel from the east and oppressed them for 18 years under the leadership of Eglon. Ehud led the mission to bring tribute to Eglon at his palace, located probably by Jericho (the City of Palms). Ehud was uniquely qualified for this mission; being left-handed, he was able to use his double-edged sword in an unsuspecting manner to stab the king. Ehud’s success was the result of careful plotting and the element of surprise. He paid the tribute and left, only to return with a supposed oracle from the gods. The king fell for the deception and was murdered. The delay at the Moabite court gave the Israelites an opportunity to bring their forces together at the fords of the Jordan. Ehud’s success was complete; no Moabite escaped, and Israel enjoyed peace for 80 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Shamgar (3:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Shamgar’s exploits were against the Philistines in the coastal plains. He had a non-Israelite name but was probably an Israelite by birth. Like Samson he fought the Philistines with an unconventional weapon (an ox goad). His name is also mentioned in the song of Deborah (5:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Deborah and Barak (4:1–5:31)<\/h6>\n<p>The narrative now turns to the Canaanite aggressors in the north under the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor, and Sisera, of Harosheth-haggoyim (4:1-3). The ruins of Hazor (Jos 11:13) had been rebuilt, and another Jabin (cf. v 1) ruled over the region. He had regained his military power, as he had as many as 900 chariots of iron. He oppressed Israel for 20 years (Jgs 4:3).<\/p>\n<p>God had a prophetess in Israel who led his people during this dark time (4:4). She rendered judgments under a palm tree in southern Ephraim near Benjamin (v 5). She called on Barak to muster the armies of Naphtali and Zebulun, the tribes affected by the Canaanite raids, and to engage Sisera in a surprise attack by the Kishon River (vv 6-7). Barak’s hesitancy led him to request Deborah’s presence, which resulted in his forfeiture of the honor of killing Sisera, the commander of the Canaanite forces (vv 8-10). The Lord gave success to the surprise attack from Mt Tabor, so that the Canaanites were routed, unable to use their heavy chariots, which were mired down in the swamps of the Jezreel Valley (5:20-22). The Canaanites were routed, and Sisera was killed by Jael, the wife of Heber, a Kenite who had separated from the Kenites around Arad (4:17-18; cf. 1:16). She offered him hospitality, as her family had friendly relations with the Canaanites, but heroically put him to death with a tent peg (4:18-21; 5:26-27). In successive campaigns the Israelites gained freedom from Jabin, until they destroyed his power (4:24).<\/p>\n<p>The song of Deborah (ch 5) celebrates, in poetic fashion, the victory over Jabin. It is one of the oldest poems in the Bible. It praises the God of Israel as the King who comes to protect his covenant people, and before whom the mountains move (5:2-3). He is the God of Mt Sinai (Jgs 5:4-5; cf. Dt 33:2; Ps 68:7-8; Hb 3:3-4). Though the oppressors had despoiled Israel and had made the roads unsafe for travel, and Israel was unable to defend itself (Jgs 5:6-8), the Lord raised up Deborah and Barak to lead the nobles to war (vv 9-13). They came from Ephraim, Benjamin, Zebulun, Issachar, and Naphtali (vv 14-15a, 18), but the Transjordan tribes and Asher did not want to get involved (vv 15b-17). The song then moves to the battle scene, where torrential rains bogged the chariots down (vv 19-23). Jael is celebrated as “most blessed of women,” who used her simple way of life to bring an end to Sisera (vv 24-27). She stands in contrast to Sisera’s mother, who is portrayed with all her culture waiting in vain for Sisera’s return with all of his spoils (vv 28-30). The Lord has used the simple to confound the powerful. The conclusion is a prayer for God’s judgment on all of Israel’s enemies (Jgs 5:31a; cf. Ps 68:1-3).<\/p>\n<h6>Gideon (6:1–8:35)<\/h6>\n<p>Israel’s rest for 40 years (Jgs 5:31b) was disturbed by the invasion of Midianites and Amalekites from the East (6:1-3). They destroyed the economy by invading the country at harvesttime (vv 4-6). In response to Israel’s cry, God sent a prophet with a message similar to that of the angel of the Lord (2:1-5). Then an angel appeared to Gideon and called him to lead the people in battle (6:11-14). The Lord assured him of his presence (v 16) by a sign (vv 17-22). Gideon knew that he had been visited by the Lord and built an altar called “The <span>Lord<\/span> Is Peace” in Ophrah (v 24). He responded by destroying the cultic site dedicated to Baal and Asherah at Ophrah (vv 25-28) and by initiating worship at the new altar (v 28). Baal did not protect his own altar (vv 29-32), even when challenged by Gideon’s father (v 31). Consequently, Gideon was known as Jerubbaal (meaning, “let Baal contend with him,” v 32).<\/p>\n<p>Next, Gideon mustered an army of 32,000 men from Asher, Zebulun, and Naphtali (6:35; cf. 7:3b). In order to assure himself of the Lord’s presence, he asked for another sign: the sign of the fleece (6:36-40). It must be kept in mind that Gideon lived in an area in which the wonders of God had been scarce (v 13) and that he, like Moses, needed reassurance that God was with him. God responded to his growing faith. Gideon went forth with a greatly reduced army of 300 against the enemy. Of his original army, 22,000 had left because they were afraid (7:2-3; cf. Dt 20:8). Another 9,700 were sent home, though they were valiant men (7:4-8). After assuring Gideon by a dream of an enemy soldier, God used the 300 in a marvelous way to confound the Midianites (vv 9-15). God gave Israel victory over the Midianite leaders Oreb, Zeeb, Zebah, and Zalmunna (7:16–8:21). Gideon wisely avoided a possible military confrontation with Ephraim (8:1-3), pursued the enemy deep into the Transjordan, and punished the leaders of Succoth and Penuel, who did not assist him (vv 4-9, 13-16).<\/p>\n<p>This glorious victory created a new wave of interest in the idea of kingship. The men of Israel wished to establish the family of Gideon as their royal dynasty (8:22). Gideon refused, and instead wrongly set up an ephod, cast from the gold taken in battle (vv 23-27). The ephod was probably used for cultic practices, possibly divination (cf. 17:5).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s era also came to an end. He was God’s instrument, giving Israel rest for 40 years. He fathered 70 sons and died in old age. God had richly blessed him, even though he had led Israel astray with his ephod. Thereafter, Israel returned to Baal worship (8:33-35).<\/p>\n<p>In the wake of Gideon’s era, his son Abimelech attempted to establish dynastic continuity by having himself installed as king at Shechem (9:1-6). With the support of his relatives at Shechem, Abimelech had all his brothers killed except Jotham (vv 4-5). After Abimelech’s coronation, Jotham set forth his opposition to his brother in a proverbial manner (vv 7-20), and went into hiding. Three years later Abimelech’s evil schemes entrapped him when the citizens of Shechem rebelled. He furiously attacked the city and destroyed it. A short time later, however, he was wounded at Thebez by a millstone dropped by a woman from the tower in which she had sought refuge from him. His servant put him out of his misery as per his request. This episode demonstrates how bad a despotic king may be. Again, God’s justice prevailed.<\/p>\n<h6>Tola (10:1-2)<\/h6>\n<p>Tola was a minor judge from Issachar who judged Israel for 23 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jair (10:3-5)<\/h6>\n<p>Jair was a minor judge from Gilead who judged Israel for 22 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jephthah (10:6–12:7)<\/h6>\n<p>A recapitulation (10:6-16) of the cycle (idolatry, enemies, cry for help, momentary repentance) sets the introduction to the Jephthah narrative. Under attack from the Ammonites, the elders of Gilead requested help from Jephthah (10:17–11:8), who promised to help them on the condition that he remain their leader even after the war (vv 9-10). At a solemn ceremony he becomes their “head” at Mizpah (v 11). Jephthah opened up correspondence with the Ammonite king, in which he argued for Israel’s rights on the basis of the Israelites’ historic claim to the land as granted to them by the Lord (vv 12–27). Instead of going out immediately to war, he hoped that “the <span>Lord<\/span>, the Judge” would settle the dispute (v 27); but the Ammonite king was unimpressed. When the Spirit of God came over him, Jephthah led Israel into battle, but only after making a rash vow. He was victorious but found out that his vow to sacrifice whatever came first out of his house required him to sacrifice his daughter. Debate continues as to whether he offered her up as a human sacrifice or whether she sacrificed marriage (see discussion under Jephthah).<\/p>\n<p>The Ephraimites seemed to have had an insatiable desire for war. Earlier they had complained to Gideon, who successfully defused their threats (8:1-3). Jephthah fought them, however, because the Israelites living in Transjordan had been reviled as “renegades” (12:1-4). Forty-two thousand Ephraimites were killed by the fords of the Jordan in this civil war. Thereafter, Jephthah ruled for only six years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ibzan (12:8-10)<\/h6>\n<p>Ibzan was a minor judge from Bethlehem who ruled Israel for seven years.<\/p>\n<h6>Elon (12:11)<\/h6>\n<p>A minor judge from Zebulun, Elon ruled Israel for ten years.<\/p>\n<h6>Abdon (12:13-15)<\/h6>\n<p>Abdon was a minor judge from Pirathon, the location of which is uncertain. He ruled for eight years.<\/p>\n<h6>Samson (13:1–16:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Samson’s greatness in the history of redemption is due to his miraculous birth (13:1-24), his service as a Nazirite (13:7; cf. Nm 6:1-21), the repeated overpowering by the Spirit of the Lord (Jgs 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14), the single-handed exploits against the Philistines (Ashkelon, 14:19; the fields, 15:1-6; Ramath Etam, 15:7-17; Gaza, 16:1-3, 23-30), and his occasional dependence on the Lord (15:18-19; 16:28-30). However, his personal life was flawed because of his weakness for Philistine women (chs 14, 16). Having been seduced by Delilah, he was imprisoned at Gaza. He died in the collapse of Dagon’s temple, praying that the Lord would permit him to get revenge (16:28-30). He was buried in his father’s tomb in the territory of Dan (16:31).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue (17–21)<\/h5>\n<p>The cyclical nature of Israel’s existence was without movement. Rest from enemies was always temporary. Israel was not yet ready for dynastic kingship, and whatever one may say of the three years of Abimelech, it was a kingship of the worst sort. Israel vacillated between idolatry and belief in the true Lord. The period of the judges was unstable, marked by petty individualism and provincialism. Yet God remained sovereign in the affairs of his people. The epilogue contains two stories: the story of Micah and the Danite migration (chs 17–18) and the civil war (chs 19–21). The epilogue is bound together by the phrase “In those days Israel had no king; everyone did as he saw fit” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25, <span>niv<\/span>). The symmetric recurrence (two times in each narrative) emphasizes the anarchy and inability of the tribes to unite together to serve God as a covenant people.<\/p>\n<h6>Micah and the Danites (17–18)<\/h6>\n<p>Micah was an Ephraimite who established a shrine and hired one of his own sons, and then a Levite from Bethlehem, to serve as its priests (ch 17). Unable to keep their patrimony, the Danites left to establish themselves at the foot of Mt Hermon. They took the idols and the Levite from Micah’s shrine and set up a cultic city at the newly established city of Dan, built on the ruins of Laish (ch 18). Thus, they set up a cultic center that rivaled the tabernacle at Shiloh (18:31).<\/p>\n<h6>The Civil War (19–21)<\/h6>\n<p>The people of Gibeah, which belonged to Benjamin, sexually abused the concubine of a Levite so that she died. Like the Levite of chapters 17 and 18, she was from Bethlehem (19:1). Dramatically, the Levite sent pieces of her corpse to all the tribes, which assembled against the Benjamites because they protected the criminals of Gibeah (19:29–20:19). In the ensuing battle the population of Benjamin was decimated (20:20-48). The 11 tribes gave them 400 virgins taken in a civil war against Jabesh-gilead (21:6-15). These were not enough, however. Because of the threat of the extinction of Benjamin and the vow not to give their daughters in marriage to any Benjamite, the Israelites devised a plan by which the Benjamites could take Israelite virgins dancing in the festival at Shiloh. Benjamin thus was able to rebuild its towns and settlements.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Gideon; Jephthah; Samson.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JUDGES, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>The book reflects a final editing of the material in the period of the early monarchy. It may well be a polemic for the righteous rule of David over against the kingship of Saul, which was molded by a secular, Canaanite conception of kingship rather than by the law of God. The author was almost certainly not Samuel, as traditionally thought, but a later compiler who relied on ancient written materials.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>Though the judges succeeded in giving the tribes some rest from the incursions of surrounding enemies, the Israelites were continually harassed over long periods of time. Scholarly opinion differs on the duration of the period of the judges. The dating of the exodus affects the dating of the beginning of the judges. Those who take an early date for the exodus put the beginning around 1370–1360 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas others propose a date close to the end of the 13th century <span>BC<\/span>. A related issue pertains to the chronology of the judges. Does Judges give a chronological, sequential account of the period, or is the book a representative account of judges from various parts of Canaan and Transjordan who “judged” a region, a tribe, or several tribes simultaneously?<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LiteraryFramework\">Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>There is no doubt that the stories in the book bear the marks of literary creativity. The stories are classics in their own right. The poetry of Deborah’s song (Jgs 5) is very moving, and the fable of Jotham (9:8-15) is a fine example of figurative speech. The care given to the stories is also reflected in the construction of the book. There are two introductions: a political one (Jgs 1:1–2:5) and a socioreligious one (2:6–3:6). The political introduction connects Judges with the story of the Conquest, when the tribes attempted to occupy the land. It prepares the reader for the political and military problems of the era of the judges. The socioreligious introduction explains why Israel had so many adversities, why the institution of the judges arose, and why the Lord never gave Israel the promised lasting rest from its enemies. The main body of the book is the story of the judges (3:7–16:31). References to the minor judges (six in all) are set within the stories of the major judges in increasing frequency. As is evident from the schema, the number of minor judges increased in frequency in proportion to the decrease in number of major judges: two major, one minor; two major, two minor; one major, three minor; one major. There is a total of 12 judges, representative of the 12 tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>The purpose of the listing of 12 judges, representative of the various parts of Canaan and Transjordan, is to demonstrate that all tribes throughout the conquered territories experienced grave difficulties from a variety of enemies: Arameans, Moabites, Ammonites, Amalekites, Canaanites, and Philistines. Israel was hard pressed on nearly all its frontiers. The appendixes (chs 17–21), together with the two introductions, form the framework of the book. The political and socioreligious problems (1:1–3:6) are presented by way of several stories in the last chapters. The final editor who gave the book its canonical shape purposefully framed the stories of the judges so as to show lack of movement. The successes of the previous stages in redemptive history came to a standstill in the ebb and flow of the judges. Though the Lord delivered his people in many ways, they returned to the problems described in 1:1–3:6. The appendixes describe Israel’s problems representative of the period of the judges, when “there was no king in Israel” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTheologicalTeaching\">Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for deliverance, and God’s raising up of a judge reflects a deuteronomic perspective with its warnings concerning disobedience and judgment. The repetitiveness of the cycle supports the contention of the anonymous narrator that Israel remained unchanged by the grace of God. However, in spite of the moral, religious, and political anarchy as well as the civil wars, the last chapter shows that the tribes are still concerned with each other’s welfare. Though the unity of God’s people has been gravely challenged, the situation is not hopeless. The book ends on a note of hope—hope for a king who may deliver Israel.<\/p>\n\n<p>Thus, there are several purposes of the book: (1) to demonstrate the meaninglessness of this stage in Israel’s development; (2) to explain why the tribes did not occupy all the land promised to the patriarchs; (3) to justify the way of God, who was gracious and patient with Israel’s repeated acts of disobedience; (4) to set forth the legitimacy of a “shepherd” king in contrast to a despotic form of kingship; and (5) to explain the urgent need for a new momentum, lest Israel succumb to the Philistines and intertribal warfare.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>The Political Introduction (1:1–2:5)<\/h5>\n<p>In Joshua 1–12 the warfare under Joshua is portrayed as a mobilization of Canaanite forces against Israel. By the intervention of the Lord, the Canaanite resistance was put down and the land was occupied by the tribes (chs 13–21). Joshua 13–21, however, clearly shows that each tribe had problems ridding its territory of pockets of Canaanite resistance, which were usually centered around heavily guarded and well-fortified cities (cf. 13:2-6, 13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18).<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua emphasizes the successes and minimizes the problems, whereas the prologue to Judges sets the stage for the whole book by openly addressing Israel’s problems and failures. As the book unfolds, it is precisely these problems and failures that in due time bring Israel to the brink of disaster.<\/p>\n<p>The period of the judges began with the death of Joshua (Jgs 1:1; 2:8-9). The Israelites had inherited a legacy from Joshua: the law of the Lord (Jos 23:6; 24:26), the land, a challenge to obey the Lord (24:14-27), and a promise of God’s presence and help in subduing the Canaanites (23:5, 10).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah and Simeon (Jgs 1:2-20)<\/h6>\n<p>The prominence of Judah and Caleb parallels the position of Judah in Joshua (Jos 14:6–15:63; cf. also the house of Joseph, Jgs 1:22-29; cf. Jos 16–17). Judah was victorious over the cruel Adoni-bezek, who ruled over Bezek, a town of uncertain location. Judah successfully occupied the hill country, the Negev, and the western foothills. They even took Jerusalem, or an outlying suburb identified with Jerusalem (Jos 1:8), but could not retain control there (v 21) until David’s conquest of the city (2 Sm 5:6-9). Judah was victorious over the Canaanites in the region of Hebron, already conquered under Joshua (Jos 10:36). Hebron, also known as Kiriath-arba (“city of four” or “tetrapolis”), was a powerful ally of Jerusalem (v 3) and had been able to rally military support for a new assault on Israel, even after its first defeat. Caleb received Hebron, as Moses had promised (Jgs 1:20; cf. Jos 15:13). After the victory over Hebron, Judah extended its control over the southern hill country by an attack on Debir (Jgs 1:11-15; cf. Jos 15:14-19).<\/p>\n<p>The Kenites (Jgs 1:16), descendants of Jethro and therefore related to Moses by marriage, settled in the Negev around Arad and the City of Palms, which here probably refers to Tamar rather than Jericho.<\/p>\n<p>Judah secured the southern border by a victory over the Canaanites at Hormah (Jgs 1:17; cf. Nm 14:45; 21:3; Dt 1:44) and the coastal plain by victories at Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron. However, Judah’s successes in the coastal plain were resisted by a well-armed Canaanite force (Jgs 1:18-19). It occupied the Judean hill country and the Negev, but could not retain control over the plains. The Philistines were soon to take control over Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, and incorporate them into their pentapolis.<\/p>\n<h6>Benjamin (1:21)<\/h6>\n<p>Jerusalem was situated on the border between Judah and Benjamin. Judah took the city or a suburb (Jos 1:8) but was too far removed to retain control over it. Benjamin was too weak to subdue the Jebusites. Only David succeeded in this (2 Sm 5:6-9); he incorporated it into Judah (cf. Jos 15:63), even though it originally was allotted to Benjamin (Jos 18:28).<\/p>\n<h6>Joseph: Ephraim and Manasseh (1:22-29)<\/h6>\n<p>Ephraim took Bethel, known from the patriarchal stories as a significant cultic site (Gn 12:8; 13:3-4; 28:19; 31:13; 35:1-15). However, Manasseh was unsuccessful in taking the fortified cities in the valley of Jezreel (Esdraelon): Beth-shan, Taanach, Dor, Ibleam, and Megiddo. These cities controlled traffic along the east-west and north–south roads as well as the important passes through the Carmel range and the ford of the Jordan. Ephraim could not take full possession of the coastal plain, controlled by Gezer. The success of both Ephraim and Manasseh was limited.<\/p>\n<h6>The Other Four Tribes (1:30-36)<\/h6>\n<p>The other four tribes in Canaan receive brief mention. They, too, were only partially successful. Zebulun, Asher, Naphtali, and especially Dan did not fully succeed in driving out the Canaanites. At best they later subjected most of them to forced labor.<\/p>\n<h6>The Failure of Israel (2:1-5)<\/h6>\n<p>The failure to subdue the land and to wipe out the Canaanites and their culture led to intermarriage and idolatry (cf. Ex 23:33; 34:12-16; Nm 33:55; Dt 7:2-5, 16; Jos 23:7, 12).<\/p>\n<p>The identity of “the angel of the Lord” who appears at Bokim is far from certain. It may be a reference to the Lord himself, to an angelic messenger, or to a prophet (cf. Jgs 6:8). He rebuked the people in the prophetic spirit and pronounced God’s judgment as taking the form of continual confrontation between Israel and the Canaanites (2:3). Their weeping and sacrificing were to no avail (2:4-5; cf. Mal 2:13). Israel stood condemned within a generation after Joshua’s death.<\/p>\n<h5>The Theological Introduction (2:6–3:6)<\/h5>\n<p>The theological introduction begins where Joshua left off (Jos 24:28-31). The generation of Joshua was characterized by loyalty, but their loyalty to the Lord did not last long after the excitement of the Conquest and the demonstration of God’s presence (Jgs 2:10). Israel served Canaanite gods (Baal and Astarte) instead. Baal was the storm god, symbolic of rain and fertility, and Astarte was his cohort. The plural (Baals and Ashtaroth, 2:11-13) signifies the many local ways in which the Canaanite gods were worshiped. The religious unity was broken up into a great diversity. Thus Israel angered the Lord (vv 12-14), who sent them enemies and plunderers. Israel was unsuccessful in dealing with them, as Moses and Joshua had forewarned (Dt 28:25, 33; Jos 23:13, 16). The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for mercy, and deliverance is found throughout Judges. The people were rooted in the apostasy of their forefathers, even though the previous generation had been sensitive to God. Israel did not submit to the leadership of the judges, except to free itself from the oppressors. In fulfillment of the curses of the covenant, God swore not to give his people rest but to test them and to train them for warfare (Jgs 3:1-4), so that they might learn to respond to the challenges of a real world.<\/p>\n<h5>The Judges of Israel (3:7–16:31)<\/h5>\n<h6>Othniel (3:7-11)<\/h6>\n<p>Othniel is a transitional figure, linking the Conquest and the judges. He had involved himself in the conquest of Kiriath-sepher and was related to Caleb as his cousin and son-in-law (1:13). He repelled the Arameans led by Cushan-rishathaim, so that the land enjoyed peace for some 40 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ehud (3:12-30)<\/h6>\n<p>The Moabites, allied with the Ammonites and Amalekites, came against Israel from the east and oppressed them for 18 years under the leadership of Eglon. Ehud led the mission to bring tribute to Eglon at his palace, located probably by Jericho (the City of Palms). Ehud was uniquely qualified for this mission; being left-handed, he was able to use his double-edged sword in an unsuspecting manner to stab the king. Ehud’s success was the result of careful plotting and the element of surprise. He paid the tribute and left, only to return with a supposed oracle from the gods. The king fell for the deception and was murdered. The delay at the Moabite court gave the Israelites an opportunity to bring their forces together at the fords of the Jordan. Ehud’s success was complete; no Moabite escaped, and Israel enjoyed peace for 80 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Shamgar (3:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Shamgar’s exploits were against the Philistines in the coastal plains. He had a non-Israelite name but was probably an Israelite by birth. Like Samson he fought the Philistines with an unconventional weapon (an ox goad). His name is also mentioned in the song of Deborah (5:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Deborah and Barak (4:1–5:31)<\/h6>\n<p>The narrative now turns to the Canaanite aggressors in the north under the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor, and Sisera, of Harosheth-haggoyim (4:1-3). The ruins of Hazor (Jos 11:13) had been rebuilt, and another Jabin (cf. v 1) ruled over the region. He had regained his military power, as he had as many as 900 chariots of iron. He oppressed Israel for 20 years (Jgs 4:3).<\/p>\n<p>God had a prophetess in Israel who led his people during this dark time (4:4). She rendered judgments under a palm tree in southern Ephraim near Benjamin (v 5). She called on Barak to muster the armies of Naphtali and Zebulun, the tribes affected by the Canaanite raids, and to engage Sisera in a surprise attack by the Kishon River (vv 6-7). Barak’s hesitancy led him to request Deborah’s presence, which resulted in his forfeiture of the honor of killing Sisera, the commander of the Canaanite forces (vv 8-10). The Lord gave success to the surprise attack from Mt Tabor, so that the Canaanites were routed, unable to use their heavy chariots, which were mired down in the swamps of the Jezreel Valley (5:20-22). The Canaanites were routed, and Sisera was killed by Jael, the wife of Heber, a Kenite who had separated from the Kenites around Arad (4:17-18; cf. 1:16). She offered him hospitality, as her family had friendly relations with the Canaanites, but heroically put him to death with a tent peg (4:18-21; 5:26-27). In successive campaigns the Israelites gained freedom from Jabin, until they destroyed his power (4:24).<\/p>\n<p>The song of Deborah (ch 5) celebrates, in poetic fashion, the victory over Jabin. It is one of the oldest poems in the Bible. It praises the God of Israel as the King who comes to protect his covenant people, and before whom the mountains move (5:2-3). He is the God of Mt Sinai (Jgs 5:4-5; cf. Dt 33:2; Ps 68:7-8; Hb 3:3-4). Though the oppressors had despoiled Israel and had made the roads unsafe for travel, and Israel was unable to defend itself (Jgs 5:6-8), the Lord raised up Deborah and Barak to lead the nobles to war (vv 9-13). They came from Ephraim, Benjamin, Zebulun, Issachar, and Naphtali (vv 14-15a, 18), but the Transjordan tribes and Asher did not want to get involved (vv 15b-17). The song then moves to the battle scene, where torrential rains bogged the chariots down (vv 19-23). Jael is celebrated as “most blessed of women,” who used her simple way of life to bring an end to Sisera (vv 24-27). She stands in contrast to Sisera’s mother, who is portrayed with all her culture waiting in vain for Sisera’s return with all of his spoils (vv 28-30). The Lord has used the simple to confound the powerful. The conclusion is a prayer for God’s judgment on all of Israel’s enemies (Jgs 5:31a; cf. Ps 68:1-3).<\/p>\n<h6>Gideon (6:1–8:35)<\/h6>\n<p>Israel’s rest for 40 years (Jgs 5:31b) was disturbed by the invasion of Midianites and Amalekites from the East (6:1-3). They destroyed the economy by invading the country at harvesttime (vv 4-6). In response to Israel’s cry, God sent a prophet with a message similar to that of the angel of the Lord (2:1-5). Then an angel appeared to Gideon and called him to lead the people in battle (6:11-14). The Lord assured him of his presence (v 16) by a sign (vv 17-22). Gideon knew that he had been visited by the Lord and built an altar called “The <span>Lord<\/span> Is Peace” in Ophrah (v 24). He responded by destroying the cultic site dedicated to Baal and Asherah at Ophrah (vv 25-28) and by initiating worship at the new altar (v 28). Baal did not protect his own altar (vv 29-32), even when challenged by Gideon’s father (v 31). Consequently, Gideon was known as Jerubbaal (meaning, “let Baal contend with him,” v 32).<\/p>\n<p>Next, Gideon mustered an army of 32,000 men from Asher, Zebulun, and Naphtali (6:35; cf. 7:3b). In order to assure himself of the Lord’s presence, he asked for another sign: the sign of the fleece (6:36-40). It must be kept in mind that Gideon lived in an area in which the wonders of God had been scarce (v 13) and that he, like Moses, needed reassurance that God was with him. God responded to his growing faith. Gideon went forth with a greatly reduced army of 300 against the enemy. Of his original army, 22,000 had left because they were afraid (7:2-3; cf. Dt 20:8). Another 9,700 were sent home, though they were valiant men (7:4-8). After assuring Gideon by a dream of an enemy soldier, God used the 300 in a marvelous way to confound the Midianites (vv 9-15). God gave Israel victory over the Midianite leaders Oreb, Zeeb, Zebah, and Zalmunna (7:16–8:21). Gideon wisely avoided a possible military confrontation with Ephraim (8:1-3), pursued the enemy deep into the Transjordan, and punished the leaders of Succoth and Penuel, who did not assist him (vv 4-9, 13-16).<\/p>\n<p>This glorious victory created a new wave of interest in the idea of kingship. The men of Israel wished to establish the family of Gideon as their royal dynasty (8:22). Gideon refused, and instead wrongly set up an ephod, cast from the gold taken in battle (vv 23-27). The ephod was probably used for cultic practices, possibly divination (cf. 17:5).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s era also came to an end. He was God’s instrument, giving Israel rest for 40 years. He fathered 70 sons and died in old age. God had richly blessed him, even though he had led Israel astray with his ephod. Thereafter, Israel returned to Baal worship (8:33-35).<\/p>\n<p>In the wake of Gideon’s era, his son Abimelech attempted to establish dynastic continuity by having himself installed as king at Shechem (9:1-6). With the support of his relatives at Shechem, Abimelech had all his brothers killed except Jotham (vv 4-5). After Abimelech’s coronation, Jotham set forth his opposition to his brother in a proverbial manner (vv 7-20), and went into hiding. Three years later Abimelech’s evil schemes entrapped him when the citizens of Shechem rebelled. He furiously attacked the city and destroyed it. A short time later, however, he was wounded at Thebez by a millstone dropped by a woman from the tower in which she had sought refuge from him. His servant put him out of his misery as per his request. This episode demonstrates how bad a despotic king may be. Again, God’s justice prevailed.<\/p>\n<h6>Tola (10:1-2)<\/h6>\n<p>Tola was a minor judge from Issachar who judged Israel for 23 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jair (10:3-5)<\/h6>\n<p>Jair was a minor judge from Gilead who judged Israel for 22 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jephthah (10:6–12:7)<\/h6>\n<p>A recapitulation (10:6-16) of the cycle (idolatry, enemies, cry for help, momentary repentance) sets the introduction to the Jephthah narrative. Under attack from the Ammonites, the elders of Gilead requested help from Jephthah (10:17–11:8), who promised to help them on the condition that he remain their leader even after the war (vv 9-10). At a solemn ceremony he becomes their “head” at Mizpah (v 11). Jephthah opened up correspondence with the Ammonite king, in which he argued for Israel’s rights on the basis of the Israelites’ historic claim to the land as granted to them by the Lord (vv 12–27). Instead of going out immediately to war, he hoped that “the <span>Lord<\/span>, the Judge” would settle the dispute (v 27); but the Ammonite king was unimpressed. When the Spirit of God came over him, Jephthah led Israel into battle, but only after making a rash vow. He was victorious but found out that his vow to sacrifice whatever came first out of his house required him to sacrifice his daughter. Debate continues as to whether he offered her up as a human sacrifice or whether she sacrificed marriage (see discussion under Jephthah).<\/p>\n<p>The Ephraimites seemed to have had an insatiable desire for war. Earlier they had complained to Gideon, who successfully defused their threats (8:1-3). Jephthah fought them, however, because the Israelites living in Transjordan had been reviled as “renegades” (12:1-4). Forty-two thousand Ephraimites were killed by the fords of the Jordan in this civil war. Thereafter, Jephthah ruled for only six years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ibzan (12:8-10)<\/h6>\n<p>Ibzan was a minor judge from Bethlehem who ruled Israel for seven years.<\/p>\n<h6>Elon (12:11)<\/h6>\n<p>A minor judge from Zebulun, Elon ruled Israel for ten years.<\/p>\n<h6>Abdon (12:13-15)<\/h6>\n<p>Abdon was a minor judge from Pirathon, the location of which is uncertain. He ruled for eight years.<\/p>\n<h6>Samson (13:1–16:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Samson’s greatness in the history of redemption is due to his miraculous birth (13:1-24), his service as a Nazirite (13:7; cf. Nm 6:1-21), the repeated overpowering by the Spirit of the Lord (Jgs 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14), the single-handed exploits against the Philistines (Ashkelon, 14:19; the fields, 15:1-6; Ramath Etam, 15:7-17; Gaza, 16:1-3, 23-30), and his occasional dependence on the Lord (15:18-19; 16:28-30). However, his personal life was flawed because of his weakness for Philistine women (chs 14, 16). Having been seduced by Delilah, he was imprisoned at Gaza. He died in the collapse of Dagon’s temple, praying that the Lord would permit him to get revenge (16:28-30). He was buried in his father’s tomb in the territory of Dan (16:31).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue (17–21)<\/h5>\n<p>The cyclical nature of Israel’s existence was without movement. Rest from enemies was always temporary. Israel was not yet ready for dynastic kingship, and whatever one may say of the three years of Abimelech, it was a kingship of the worst sort. Israel vacillated between idolatry and belief in the true Lord. The period of the judges was unstable, marked by petty individualism and provincialism. Yet God remained sovereign in the affairs of his people. The epilogue contains two stories: the story of Micah and the Danite migration (chs 17–18) and the civil war (chs 19–21). The epilogue is bound together by the phrase “In those days Israel had no king; everyone did as he saw fit” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25, <span>niv<\/span>). The symmetric recurrence (two times in each narrative) emphasizes the anarchy and inability of the tribes to unite together to serve God as a covenant people.<\/p>\n<h6>Micah and the Danites (17–18)<\/h6>\n<p>Micah was an Ephraimite who established a shrine and hired one of his own sons, and then a Levite from Bethlehem, to serve as its priests (ch 17). Unable to keep their patrimony, the Danites left to establish themselves at the foot of Mt Hermon. They took the idols and the Levite from Micah’s shrine and set up a cultic city at the newly established city of Dan, built on the ruins of Laish (ch 18). Thus, they set up a cultic center that rivaled the tabernacle at Shiloh (18:31).<\/p>\n<h6>The Civil War (19–21)<\/h6>\n<p>The people of Gibeah, which belonged to Benjamin, sexually abused the concubine of a Levite so that she died. Like the Levite of chapters 17 and 18, she was from Bethlehem (19:1). Dramatically, the Levite sent pieces of her corpse to all the tribes, which assembled against the Benjamites because they protected the criminals of Gibeah (19:29–20:19). In the ensuing battle the population of Benjamin was decimated (20:20-48). The 11 tribes gave them 400 virgins taken in a civil war against Jabesh-gilead (21:6-15). These were not enough, however. Because of the threat of the extinction of Benjamin and the vow not to give their daughters in marriage to any Benjamite, the Israelites devised a plan by which the Benjamites could take Israelite virgins dancing in the festival at Shiloh. Benjamin thus was able to rebuild its towns and settlements.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Gideon; Jephthah; Samson.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JUDGES, Book of Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail. Preview • Author • Date • Li...","summary_en":"JUDGES, Book of Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail. Preview • Author • Date • Li...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":21711,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Kinah","title_en":"Kinah","content_ro":"<h3>KINAH<\/h3>\n<p>Town in the Negev of Judah (Jos 15:22), perhaps named after the Kenites who lived in the area (Jgs 1:16). According to a letter discovered at Arad, troops were sent from Kinah to reinforce Ramoth-negev against an Edomite attack. The ancient name is preserved in Wadi el-Qeini, in the eastern Negev.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>KINAH<\/h3>\n<p>Town in the Negev of Judah (Jos 15:22), perhaps named after the Kenites who lived in the area (Jgs 1:16). According to a letter discovered at Arad, troops were sent from Kinah to reinforce Ramoth-negev against an Edomite attack. The ancient name is preserved in Wadi el-Qeini, in the eastern Negev.<\/p>","summary_ro":"KINAH Town in the Negev of Judah (Jos 15:22), perhaps named after the Kenites who lived in the area (Jgs 1:16). According to a letter discovered at Arad, troops were sent from Kinah to reinforce Ramoth-negev against an Edomite attack. The ancient name is preserved in Wadi el-Qeini, in the eastern Negev.","summary_en":"KINAH Town in the Negev of Judah (Jos 15:22), perhaps named after the Kenites who lived in the area (Jgs 1:16). According to a letter discovered at Arad, troops were sent from Kinah to reinforce Ramoth-negev against an Edomite attack. The ancient name is preserved in Wadi el-Qeini, in the eastern Negev.","source":"Articles\/K.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":45676,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:16","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:16","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:16<\/strong> The <em>Kenites<\/em> were a southern desert tribe associated with <em>Moses’<\/em> in-laws, who were also called Midianites (Exod 18:1; Num 10:29). Moses offered them a share in the covenant blessing (Num 10:29-32). At least one clan of Kenites accepted the offer and was adopted into Judah, though members of the clan later shifted allegiance to King Jabin of Hazor (Judg 4:11, 17).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:16<\/strong> The <em>Kenites<\/em> were a southern desert tribe associated with <em>Moses’<\/em> in-laws, who were also called Midianites (Exod 18:1; Num 10:29). Moses offered them a share in the covenant blessing (Num 10:29-32). At least one clan of Kenites accepted the offer and was adopted into Judah, though members of the clan later shifted allegiance to King Jabin of Hazor (Judg 4:11, 17).<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:16 The Kenites were a southern desert tribe associated with Moses’ in-laws, who were also called Midianites (Exod 18:1; Num 10:29). Moses offered them a share in the covenant blessing (Num 10:29-32). At least one clan of Kenites accepted the offer and was adopted into Judah, though members of the clan later shifted allegiance to King Jabin of Hazor (Judg 4:11, 17).","summary_en":"1:16 The Kenites were a southern desert tribe associated with Moses’ in-laws, who were also called Midianites (Exod 18:1; Num 10:29). Moses offered them a share in the covenant blessing (Num 10:29-32). At least one clan of Kenites accepted the offer and was adopted into Judah, though members of the clan later shifted allegiance to King Jabin of Hazor (Judg 4:11, 17).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73302,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:16","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:16","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:16<\/strong> The <em>Kenites<\/em> were a southern desert tribe associated with <em>Moses’<\/em> in-laws, who were also called Midianites (Exod 18:1; Num 10:29). Moses offered them a share in the covenant blessing (Num 10:29-32). At least one clan of Kenites accepted the offer and was adopted into Judah, though members of the clan later shifted allegiance to King Jabin of Hazor (Judg 4:11, 17).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:16<\/strong> The <em>Kenites<\/em> were a southern desert tribe associated with <em>Moses’<\/em> in-laws, who were also called Midianites (Exod 18:1; Num 10:29). Moses offered them a share in the covenant blessing (Num 10:29-32). At least one clan of Kenites accepted the offer and was adopted into Judah, though members of the clan later shifted allegiance to King Jabin of Hazor (Judg 4:11, 17).<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:16 The Kenites were a southern desert tribe associated with Moses’ in-laws, who were also called Midianites (Exod 18:1; Num 10:29). Moses offered them a share in the covenant blessing (Num 10:29-32). At least one clan of Kenites accepted the offer and was adopted into Judah, though members of the clan later shifted allegiance to King Jabin of Hazor (Judg 4:11, 17).","summary_en":"1:16 The Kenites were a southern desert tribe associated with Moses’ in-laws, who were also called Midianites (Exod 18:1; Num 10:29). Moses offered them a share in the covenant blessing (Num 10:29-32). At least one clan of Kenites accepted the offer and was adopted into Judah, though members of the clan later shifted allegiance to King Jabin of Hazor (Judg 4:11, 17).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":100928,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:16","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:16","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:16<\/strong> The <em>Kenites<\/em> were a southern desert tribe associated with <em>Moses’<\/em> in-laws, who were also called Midianites (Exod 18:1; Num 10:29). Moses offered them a share in the covenant blessing (Num 10:29-32). At least one clan of Kenites accepted the offer and was adopted into Judah, though members of the clan later shifted allegiance to King Jabin of Hazor (Judg 4:11, 17).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:16<\/strong> The <em>Kenites<\/em> were a southern desert tribe associated with <em>Moses’<\/em> in-laws, who were also called Midianites (Exod 18:1; Num 10:29). Moses offered them a share in the covenant blessing (Num 10:29-32). At least one clan of Kenites accepted the offer and was adopted into Judah, though members of the clan later shifted allegiance to King Jabin of Hazor (Judg 4:11, 17).<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:16 The Kenites were a southern desert tribe associated with Moses’ in-laws, who were also called Midianites (Exod 18:1; Num 10:29). Moses offered them a share in the covenant blessing (Num 10:29-32). At least one clan of Kenites accepted the offer and was adopted into Judah, though members of the clan later shifted allegiance to King Jabin of Hazor (Judg 4:11, 17).","summary_en":"1:16 The Kenites were a southern desert tribe associated with Moses’ in-laws, who were also called Midianites (Exod 18:1; Num 10:29). Moses offered them a share in the covenant blessing (Num 10:29-32). At least one clan of Kenites accepted the offer and was adopted into Judah, though members of the clan later shifted allegiance to King Jabin of Hazor (Judg 4:11, 17).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128554,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:16","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:16","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:16<\/strong> The <em>Kenites<\/em> were a southern desert tribe associated with <em>Moses’<\/em> in-laws, who were also called Midianites (Exod 18:1; Num 10:29). Moses offered them a share in the covenant blessing (Num 10:29-32). At least one clan of Kenites accepted the offer and was adopted into Judah, though members of the clan later shifted allegiance to King Jabin of Hazor (Judg 4:11, 17).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:16<\/strong> The <em>Kenites<\/em> were a southern desert tribe associated with <em>Moses’<\/em> in-laws, who were also called Midianites (Exod 18:1; Num 10:29). Moses offered them a share in the covenant blessing (Num 10:29-32). At least one clan of Kenites accepted the offer and was adopted into Judah, though members of the clan later shifted allegiance to King Jabin of Hazor (Judg 4:11, 17).<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:16 The Kenites were a southern desert tribe associated with Moses’ in-laws, who were also called Midianites (Exod 18:1; Num 10:29). Moses offered them a share in the covenant blessing (Num 10:29-32). At least one clan of Kenites accepted the offer and was adopted into Judah, though members of the clan later shifted allegiance to King Jabin of Hazor (Judg 4:11, 17).","summary_en":"1:16 The Kenites were a southern desert tribe associated with Moses’ in-laws, who were also called Midianites (Exod 18:1; Num 10:29). Moses offered them a share in the covenant blessing (Num 10:29-32). At least one clan of Kenites accepted the offer and was adopted into Judah, though members of the clan later shifted allegiance to King Jabin of Hazor (Judg 4:11, 17).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"17":[{"id":16676,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Hormah","title_en":"Hormah","content_ro":"<h3>HORMAH<\/h3>\n<p>Town near Beersheba in the Negev and on the border of the tribes of Judah and Simeon. Originally a Canaanite settlement, it became Judah’s according to Joshua 15:30 and then Simeon’s according to Joshua 19:4, 9. Judah dominated it again by the time of the early monarchy (1 Sm 30:30). The change of the Canaanite name Zephath to Hormah when the Hebrews first conquered it is noted in Judges 1:17. Hormah took David’s side during his running feud with King Saul and David rewarded the town by sending it some of the spoils of Ziklag (1 Sm 30). Joshua 15:30 describes it as being in the south near Kesil and Ziklag, but its precise location remains unknown. From the reference in Numbers 14:45, it could well be south of Kadesh-barnea, where the Israelites spent much of the wilderness period.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>HORMAH<\/h3>\n<p>Town near Beersheba in the Negev and on the border of the tribes of Judah and Simeon. Originally a Canaanite settlement, it became Judah’s according to Joshua 15:30 and then Simeon’s according to Joshua 19:4, 9. Judah dominated it again by the time of the early monarchy (1 Sm 30:30). The change of the Canaanite name Zephath to Hormah when the Hebrews first conquered it is noted in Judges 1:17. Hormah took David’s side during his running feud with King Saul and David rewarded the town by sending it some of the spoils of Ziklag (1 Sm 30). Joshua 15:30 describes it as being in the south near Kesil and Ziklag, but its precise location remains unknown. From the reference in Numbers 14:45, it could well be south of Kadesh-barnea, where the Israelites spent much of the wilderness period.<\/p>","summary_ro":"HORMAH Town near Beersheba in the Negev and on the border of the tribes of Judah and Simeon. Originally a Canaanite settlement, it became Judah’s according to Joshua 15:30 and then Simeon’s according to Joshua 19:4, 9. Judah dominated it again by the time of the early monarchy (1 Sm 30:30). The change of the Canaanite name Zephath to Hormah when the Hebrews first conquered it is noted in Judges 1:17. Hormah took David’s side during his running feud with King Saul and David rewarded the town b...","summary_en":"HORMAH Town near Beersheba in the Negev and on the border of the tribes of Judah and Simeon. Originally a Canaanite settlement, it became Judah’s according to Joshua 15:30 and then Simeon’s according to Joshua 19:4, 9. Judah dominated it again by the time of the early monarchy (1 Sm 30:30). The change of the Canaanite name Zephath to Hormah when the Hebrews first conquered it is noted in Judges 1:17. Hormah took David’s side during his running feud with King Saul and David rewarded the town b...","source":"Articles\/H.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":21238,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Book of Judges","title_en":"Book of Judges","content_ro":"<h3>JUDGES, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>The book reflects a final editing of the material in the period of the early monarchy. It may well be a polemic for the righteous rule of David over against the kingship of Saul, which was molded by a secular, Canaanite conception of kingship rather than by the law of God. The author was almost certainly not Samuel, as traditionally thought, but a later compiler who relied on ancient written materials.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>Though the judges succeeded in giving the tribes some rest from the incursions of surrounding enemies, the Israelites were continually harassed over long periods of time. Scholarly opinion differs on the duration of the period of the judges. The dating of the exodus affects the dating of the beginning of the judges. Those who take an early date for the exodus put the beginning around 1370–1360 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas others propose a date close to the end of the 13th century <span>BC<\/span>. A related issue pertains to the chronology of the judges. Does Judges give a chronological, sequential account of the period, or is the book a representative account of judges from various parts of Canaan and Transjordan who “judged” a region, a tribe, or several tribes simultaneously?<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LiteraryFramework\">Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>There is no doubt that the stories in the book bear the marks of literary creativity. The stories are classics in their own right. The poetry of Deborah’s song (Jgs 5) is very moving, and the fable of Jotham (9:8-15) is a fine example of figurative speech. The care given to the stories is also reflected in the construction of the book. There are two introductions: a political one (Jgs 1:1–2:5) and a socioreligious one (2:6–3:6). The political introduction connects Judges with the story of the Conquest, when the tribes attempted to occupy the land. It prepares the reader for the political and military problems of the era of the judges. The socioreligious introduction explains why Israel had so many adversities, why the institution of the judges arose, and why the Lord never gave Israel the promised lasting rest from its enemies. The main body of the book is the story of the judges (3:7–16:31). References to the minor judges (six in all) are set within the stories of the major judges in increasing frequency. As is evident from the schema, the number of minor judges increased in frequency in proportion to the decrease in number of major judges: two major, one minor; two major, two minor; one major, three minor; one major. There is a total of 12 judges, representative of the 12 tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>The purpose of the listing of 12 judges, representative of the various parts of Canaan and Transjordan, is to demonstrate that all tribes throughout the conquered territories experienced grave difficulties from a variety of enemies: Arameans, Moabites, Ammonites, Amalekites, Canaanites, and Philistines. Israel was hard pressed on nearly all its frontiers. The appendixes (chs 17–21), together with the two introductions, form the framework of the book. The political and socioreligious problems (1:1–3:6) are presented by way of several stories in the last chapters. The final editor who gave the book its canonical shape purposefully framed the stories of the judges so as to show lack of movement. The successes of the previous stages in redemptive history came to a standstill in the ebb and flow of the judges. Though the Lord delivered his people in many ways, they returned to the problems described in 1:1–3:6. The appendixes describe Israel’s problems representative of the period of the judges, when “there was no king in Israel” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTheologicalTeaching\">Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for deliverance, and God’s raising up of a judge reflects a deuteronomic perspective with its warnings concerning disobedience and judgment. The repetitiveness of the cycle supports the contention of the anonymous narrator that Israel remained unchanged by the grace of God. However, in spite of the moral, religious, and political anarchy as well as the civil wars, the last chapter shows that the tribes are still concerned with each other’s welfare. Though the unity of God’s people has been gravely challenged, the situation is not hopeless. The book ends on a note of hope—hope for a king who may deliver Israel.<\/p>\n\n<p>Thus, there are several purposes of the book: (1) to demonstrate the meaninglessness of this stage in Israel’s development; (2) to explain why the tribes did not occupy all the land promised to the patriarchs; (3) to justify the way of God, who was gracious and patient with Israel’s repeated acts of disobedience; (4) to set forth the legitimacy of a “shepherd” king in contrast to a despotic form of kingship; and (5) to explain the urgent need for a new momentum, lest Israel succumb to the Philistines and intertribal warfare.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>The Political Introduction (1:1–2:5)<\/h5>\n<p>In Joshua 1–12 the warfare under Joshua is portrayed as a mobilization of Canaanite forces against Israel. By the intervention of the Lord, the Canaanite resistance was put down and the land was occupied by the tribes (chs 13–21). Joshua 13–21, however, clearly shows that each tribe had problems ridding its territory of pockets of Canaanite resistance, which were usually centered around heavily guarded and well-fortified cities (cf. 13:2-6, 13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18).<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua emphasizes the successes and minimizes the problems, whereas the prologue to Judges sets the stage for the whole book by openly addressing Israel’s problems and failures. As the book unfolds, it is precisely these problems and failures that in due time bring Israel to the brink of disaster.<\/p>\n<p>The period of the judges began with the death of Joshua (Jgs 1:1; 2:8-9). The Israelites had inherited a legacy from Joshua: the law of the Lord (Jos 23:6; 24:26), the land, a challenge to obey the Lord (24:14-27), and a promise of God’s presence and help in subduing the Canaanites (23:5, 10).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah and Simeon (Jgs 1:2-20)<\/h6>\n<p>The prominence of Judah and Caleb parallels the position of Judah in Joshua (Jos 14:6–15:63; cf. also the house of Joseph, Jgs 1:22-29; cf. Jos 16–17). Judah was victorious over the cruel Adoni-bezek, who ruled over Bezek, a town of uncertain location. Judah successfully occupied the hill country, the Negev, and the western foothills. They even took Jerusalem, or an outlying suburb identified with Jerusalem (Jos 1:8), but could not retain control there (v 21) until David’s conquest of the city (2 Sm 5:6-9). Judah was victorious over the Canaanites in the region of Hebron, already conquered under Joshua (Jos 10:36). Hebron, also known as Kiriath-arba (“city of four” or “tetrapolis”), was a powerful ally of Jerusalem (v 3) and had been able to rally military support for a new assault on Israel, even after its first defeat. Caleb received Hebron, as Moses had promised (Jgs 1:20; cf. Jos 15:13). After the victory over Hebron, Judah extended its control over the southern hill country by an attack on Debir (Jgs 1:11-15; cf. Jos 15:14-19).<\/p>\n<p>The Kenites (Jgs 1:16), descendants of Jethro and therefore related to Moses by marriage, settled in the Negev around Arad and the City of Palms, which here probably refers to Tamar rather than Jericho.<\/p>\n<p>Judah secured the southern border by a victory over the Canaanites at Hormah (Jgs 1:17; cf. Nm 14:45; 21:3; Dt 1:44) and the coastal plain by victories at Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron. However, Judah’s successes in the coastal plain were resisted by a well-armed Canaanite force (Jgs 1:18-19). It occupied the Judean hill country and the Negev, but could not retain control over the plains. The Philistines were soon to take control over Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, and incorporate them into their pentapolis.<\/p>\n<h6>Benjamin (1:21)<\/h6>\n<p>Jerusalem was situated on the border between Judah and Benjamin. Judah took the city or a suburb (Jos 1:8) but was too far removed to retain control over it. Benjamin was too weak to subdue the Jebusites. Only David succeeded in this (2 Sm 5:6-9); he incorporated it into Judah (cf. Jos 15:63), even though it originally was allotted to Benjamin (Jos 18:28).<\/p>\n<h6>Joseph: Ephraim and Manasseh (1:22-29)<\/h6>\n<p>Ephraim took Bethel, known from the patriarchal stories as a significant cultic site (Gn 12:8; 13:3-4; 28:19; 31:13; 35:1-15). However, Manasseh was unsuccessful in taking the fortified cities in the valley of Jezreel (Esdraelon): Beth-shan, Taanach, Dor, Ibleam, and Megiddo. These cities controlled traffic along the east-west and north–south roads as well as the important passes through the Carmel range and the ford of the Jordan. Ephraim could not take full possession of the coastal plain, controlled by Gezer. The success of both Ephraim and Manasseh was limited.<\/p>\n<h6>The Other Four Tribes (1:30-36)<\/h6>\n<p>The other four tribes in Canaan receive brief mention. They, too, were only partially successful. Zebulun, Asher, Naphtali, and especially Dan did not fully succeed in driving out the Canaanites. At best they later subjected most of them to forced labor.<\/p>\n<h6>The Failure of Israel (2:1-5)<\/h6>\n<p>The failure to subdue the land and to wipe out the Canaanites and their culture led to intermarriage and idolatry (cf. Ex 23:33; 34:12-16; Nm 33:55; Dt 7:2-5, 16; Jos 23:7, 12).<\/p>\n<p>The identity of “the angel of the Lord” who appears at Bokim is far from certain. It may be a reference to the Lord himself, to an angelic messenger, or to a prophet (cf. Jgs 6:8). He rebuked the people in the prophetic spirit and pronounced God’s judgment as taking the form of continual confrontation between Israel and the Canaanites (2:3). Their weeping and sacrificing were to no avail (2:4-5; cf. Mal 2:13). Israel stood condemned within a generation after Joshua’s death.<\/p>\n<h5>The Theological Introduction (2:6–3:6)<\/h5>\n<p>The theological introduction begins where Joshua left off (Jos 24:28-31). The generation of Joshua was characterized by loyalty, but their loyalty to the Lord did not last long after the excitement of the Conquest and the demonstration of God’s presence (Jgs 2:10). Israel served Canaanite gods (Baal and Astarte) instead. Baal was the storm god, symbolic of rain and fertility, and Astarte was his cohort. The plural (Baals and Ashtaroth, 2:11-13) signifies the many local ways in which the Canaanite gods were worshiped. The religious unity was broken up into a great diversity. Thus Israel angered the Lord (vv 12-14), who sent them enemies and plunderers. Israel was unsuccessful in dealing with them, as Moses and Joshua had forewarned (Dt 28:25, 33; Jos 23:13, 16). The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for mercy, and deliverance is found throughout Judges. The people were rooted in the apostasy of their forefathers, even though the previous generation had been sensitive to God. Israel did not submit to the leadership of the judges, except to free itself from the oppressors. In fulfillment of the curses of the covenant, God swore not to give his people rest but to test them and to train them for warfare (Jgs 3:1-4), so that they might learn to respond to the challenges of a real world.<\/p>\n<h5>The Judges of Israel (3:7–16:31)<\/h5>\n<h6>Othniel (3:7-11)<\/h6>\n<p>Othniel is a transitional figure, linking the Conquest and the judges. He had involved himself in the conquest of Kiriath-sepher and was related to Caleb as his cousin and son-in-law (1:13). He repelled the Arameans led by Cushan-rishathaim, so that the land enjoyed peace for some 40 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ehud (3:12-30)<\/h6>\n<p>The Moabites, allied with the Ammonites and Amalekites, came against Israel from the east and oppressed them for 18 years under the leadership of Eglon. Ehud led the mission to bring tribute to Eglon at his palace, located probably by Jericho (the City of Palms). Ehud was uniquely qualified for this mission; being left-handed, he was able to use his double-edged sword in an unsuspecting manner to stab the king. Ehud’s success was the result of careful plotting and the element of surprise. He paid the tribute and left, only to return with a supposed oracle from the gods. The king fell for the deception and was murdered. The delay at the Moabite court gave the Israelites an opportunity to bring their forces together at the fords of the Jordan. Ehud’s success was complete; no Moabite escaped, and Israel enjoyed peace for 80 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Shamgar (3:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Shamgar’s exploits were against the Philistines in the coastal plains. He had a non-Israelite name but was probably an Israelite by birth. Like Samson he fought the Philistines with an unconventional weapon (an ox goad). His name is also mentioned in the song of Deborah (5:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Deborah and Barak (4:1–5:31)<\/h6>\n<p>The narrative now turns to the Canaanite aggressors in the north under the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor, and Sisera, of Harosheth-haggoyim (4:1-3). The ruins of Hazor (Jos 11:13) had been rebuilt, and another Jabin (cf. v 1) ruled over the region. He had regained his military power, as he had as many as 900 chariots of iron. He oppressed Israel for 20 years (Jgs 4:3).<\/p>\n<p>God had a prophetess in Israel who led his people during this dark time (4:4). She rendered judgments under a palm tree in southern Ephraim near Benjamin (v 5). She called on Barak to muster the armies of Naphtali and Zebulun, the tribes affected by the Canaanite raids, and to engage Sisera in a surprise attack by the Kishon River (vv 6-7). Barak’s hesitancy led him to request Deborah’s presence, which resulted in his forfeiture of the honor of killing Sisera, the commander of the Canaanite forces (vv 8-10). The Lord gave success to the surprise attack from Mt Tabor, so that the Canaanites were routed, unable to use their heavy chariots, which were mired down in the swamps of the Jezreel Valley (5:20-22). The Canaanites were routed, and Sisera was killed by Jael, the wife of Heber, a Kenite who had separated from the Kenites around Arad (4:17-18; cf. 1:16). She offered him hospitality, as her family had friendly relations with the Canaanites, but heroically put him to death with a tent peg (4:18-21; 5:26-27). In successive campaigns the Israelites gained freedom from Jabin, until they destroyed his power (4:24).<\/p>\n<p>The song of Deborah (ch 5) celebrates, in poetic fashion, the victory over Jabin. It is one of the oldest poems in the Bible. It praises the God of Israel as the King who comes to protect his covenant people, and before whom the mountains move (5:2-3). He is the God of Mt Sinai (Jgs 5:4-5; cf. Dt 33:2; Ps 68:7-8; Hb 3:3-4). Though the oppressors had despoiled Israel and had made the roads unsafe for travel, and Israel was unable to defend itself (Jgs 5:6-8), the Lord raised up Deborah and Barak to lead the nobles to war (vv 9-13). They came from Ephraim, Benjamin, Zebulun, Issachar, and Naphtali (vv 14-15a, 18), but the Transjordan tribes and Asher did not want to get involved (vv 15b-17). The song then moves to the battle scene, where torrential rains bogged the chariots down (vv 19-23). Jael is celebrated as “most blessed of women,” who used her simple way of life to bring an end to Sisera (vv 24-27). She stands in contrast to Sisera’s mother, who is portrayed with all her culture waiting in vain for Sisera’s return with all of his spoils (vv 28-30). The Lord has used the simple to confound the powerful. The conclusion is a prayer for God’s judgment on all of Israel’s enemies (Jgs 5:31a; cf. Ps 68:1-3).<\/p>\n<h6>Gideon (6:1–8:35)<\/h6>\n<p>Israel’s rest for 40 years (Jgs 5:31b) was disturbed by the invasion of Midianites and Amalekites from the East (6:1-3). They destroyed the economy by invading the country at harvesttime (vv 4-6). In response to Israel’s cry, God sent a prophet with a message similar to that of the angel of the Lord (2:1-5). Then an angel appeared to Gideon and called him to lead the people in battle (6:11-14). The Lord assured him of his presence (v 16) by a sign (vv 17-22). Gideon knew that he had been visited by the Lord and built an altar called “The <span>Lord<\/span> Is Peace” in Ophrah (v 24). He responded by destroying the cultic site dedicated to Baal and Asherah at Ophrah (vv 25-28) and by initiating worship at the new altar (v 28). Baal did not protect his own altar (vv 29-32), even when challenged by Gideon’s father (v 31). Consequently, Gideon was known as Jerubbaal (meaning, “let Baal contend with him,” v 32).<\/p>\n<p>Next, Gideon mustered an army of 32,000 men from Asher, Zebulun, and Naphtali (6:35; cf. 7:3b). In order to assure himself of the Lord’s presence, he asked for another sign: the sign of the fleece (6:36-40). It must be kept in mind that Gideon lived in an area in which the wonders of God had been scarce (v 13) and that he, like Moses, needed reassurance that God was with him. God responded to his growing faith. Gideon went forth with a greatly reduced army of 300 against the enemy. Of his original army, 22,000 had left because they were afraid (7:2-3; cf. Dt 20:8). Another 9,700 were sent home, though they were valiant men (7:4-8). After assuring Gideon by a dream of an enemy soldier, God used the 300 in a marvelous way to confound the Midianites (vv 9-15). God gave Israel victory over the Midianite leaders Oreb, Zeeb, Zebah, and Zalmunna (7:16–8:21). Gideon wisely avoided a possible military confrontation with Ephraim (8:1-3), pursued the enemy deep into the Transjordan, and punished the leaders of Succoth and Penuel, who did not assist him (vv 4-9, 13-16).<\/p>\n<p>This glorious victory created a new wave of interest in the idea of kingship. The men of Israel wished to establish the family of Gideon as their royal dynasty (8:22). Gideon refused, and instead wrongly set up an ephod, cast from the gold taken in battle (vv 23-27). The ephod was probably used for cultic practices, possibly divination (cf. 17:5).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s era also came to an end. He was God’s instrument, giving Israel rest for 40 years. He fathered 70 sons and died in old age. God had richly blessed him, even though he had led Israel astray with his ephod. Thereafter, Israel returned to Baal worship (8:33-35).<\/p>\n<p>In the wake of Gideon’s era, his son Abimelech attempted to establish dynastic continuity by having himself installed as king at Shechem (9:1-6). With the support of his relatives at Shechem, Abimelech had all his brothers killed except Jotham (vv 4-5). After Abimelech’s coronation, Jotham set forth his opposition to his brother in a proverbial manner (vv 7-20), and went into hiding. Three years later Abimelech’s evil schemes entrapped him when the citizens of Shechem rebelled. He furiously attacked the city and destroyed it. A short time later, however, he was wounded at Thebez by a millstone dropped by a woman from the tower in which she had sought refuge from him. His servant put him out of his misery as per his request. This episode demonstrates how bad a despotic king may be. Again, God’s justice prevailed.<\/p>\n<h6>Tola (10:1-2)<\/h6>\n<p>Tola was a minor judge from Issachar who judged Israel for 23 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jair (10:3-5)<\/h6>\n<p>Jair was a minor judge from Gilead who judged Israel for 22 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jephthah (10:6–12:7)<\/h6>\n<p>A recapitulation (10:6-16) of the cycle (idolatry, enemies, cry for help, momentary repentance) sets the introduction to the Jephthah narrative. Under attack from the Ammonites, the elders of Gilead requested help from Jephthah (10:17–11:8), who promised to help them on the condition that he remain their leader even after the war (vv 9-10). At a solemn ceremony he becomes their “head” at Mizpah (v 11). Jephthah opened up correspondence with the Ammonite king, in which he argued for Israel’s rights on the basis of the Israelites’ historic claim to the land as granted to them by the Lord (vv 12–27). Instead of going out immediately to war, he hoped that “the <span>Lord<\/span>, the Judge” would settle the dispute (v 27); but the Ammonite king was unimpressed. When the Spirit of God came over him, Jephthah led Israel into battle, but only after making a rash vow. He was victorious but found out that his vow to sacrifice whatever came first out of his house required him to sacrifice his daughter. Debate continues as to whether he offered her up as a human sacrifice or whether she sacrificed marriage (see discussion under Jephthah).<\/p>\n<p>The Ephraimites seemed to have had an insatiable desire for war. Earlier they had complained to Gideon, who successfully defused their threats (8:1-3). Jephthah fought them, however, because the Israelites living in Transjordan had been reviled as “renegades” (12:1-4). Forty-two thousand Ephraimites were killed by the fords of the Jordan in this civil war. Thereafter, Jephthah ruled for only six years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ibzan (12:8-10)<\/h6>\n<p>Ibzan was a minor judge from Bethlehem who ruled Israel for seven years.<\/p>\n<h6>Elon (12:11)<\/h6>\n<p>A minor judge from Zebulun, Elon ruled Israel for ten years.<\/p>\n<h6>Abdon (12:13-15)<\/h6>\n<p>Abdon was a minor judge from Pirathon, the location of which is uncertain. He ruled for eight years.<\/p>\n<h6>Samson (13:1–16:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Samson’s greatness in the history of redemption is due to his miraculous birth (13:1-24), his service as a Nazirite (13:7; cf. Nm 6:1-21), the repeated overpowering by the Spirit of the Lord (Jgs 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14), the single-handed exploits against the Philistines (Ashkelon, 14:19; the fields, 15:1-6; Ramath Etam, 15:7-17; Gaza, 16:1-3, 23-30), and his occasional dependence on the Lord (15:18-19; 16:28-30). However, his personal life was flawed because of his weakness for Philistine women (chs 14, 16). Having been seduced by Delilah, he was imprisoned at Gaza. He died in the collapse of Dagon’s temple, praying that the Lord would permit him to get revenge (16:28-30). He was buried in his father’s tomb in the territory of Dan (16:31).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue (17–21)<\/h5>\n<p>The cyclical nature of Israel’s existence was without movement. Rest from enemies was always temporary. Israel was not yet ready for dynastic kingship, and whatever one may say of the three years of Abimelech, it was a kingship of the worst sort. Israel vacillated between idolatry and belief in the true Lord. The period of the judges was unstable, marked by petty individualism and provincialism. Yet God remained sovereign in the affairs of his people. The epilogue contains two stories: the story of Micah and the Danite migration (chs 17–18) and the civil war (chs 19–21). The epilogue is bound together by the phrase “In those days Israel had no king; everyone did as he saw fit” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25, <span>niv<\/span>). The symmetric recurrence (two times in each narrative) emphasizes the anarchy and inability of the tribes to unite together to serve God as a covenant people.<\/p>\n<h6>Micah and the Danites (17–18)<\/h6>\n<p>Micah was an Ephraimite who established a shrine and hired one of his own sons, and then a Levite from Bethlehem, to serve as its priests (ch 17). Unable to keep their patrimony, the Danites left to establish themselves at the foot of Mt Hermon. They took the idols and the Levite from Micah’s shrine and set up a cultic city at the newly established city of Dan, built on the ruins of Laish (ch 18). Thus, they set up a cultic center that rivaled the tabernacle at Shiloh (18:31).<\/p>\n<h6>The Civil War (19–21)<\/h6>\n<p>The people of Gibeah, which belonged to Benjamin, sexually abused the concubine of a Levite so that she died. Like the Levite of chapters 17 and 18, she was from Bethlehem (19:1). Dramatically, the Levite sent pieces of her corpse to all the tribes, which assembled against the Benjamites because they protected the criminals of Gibeah (19:29–20:19). In the ensuing battle the population of Benjamin was decimated (20:20-48). The 11 tribes gave them 400 virgins taken in a civil war against Jabesh-gilead (21:6-15). These were not enough, however. Because of the threat of the extinction of Benjamin and the vow not to give their daughters in marriage to any Benjamite, the Israelites devised a plan by which the Benjamites could take Israelite virgins dancing in the festival at Shiloh. Benjamin thus was able to rebuild its towns and settlements.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Gideon; Jephthah; Samson.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JUDGES, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>The book reflects a final editing of the material in the period of the early monarchy. It may well be a polemic for the righteous rule of David over against the kingship of Saul, which was molded by a secular, Canaanite conception of kingship rather than by the law of God. The author was almost certainly not Samuel, as traditionally thought, but a later compiler who relied on ancient written materials.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>Though the judges succeeded in giving the tribes some rest from the incursions of surrounding enemies, the Israelites were continually harassed over long periods of time. Scholarly opinion differs on the duration of the period of the judges. The dating of the exodus affects the dating of the beginning of the judges. Those who take an early date for the exodus put the beginning around 1370–1360 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas others propose a date close to the end of the 13th century <span>BC<\/span>. A related issue pertains to the chronology of the judges. Does Judges give a chronological, sequential account of the period, or is the book a representative account of judges from various parts of Canaan and Transjordan who “judged” a region, a tribe, or several tribes simultaneously?<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LiteraryFramework\">Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>There is no doubt that the stories in the book bear the marks of literary creativity. The stories are classics in their own right. The poetry of Deborah’s song (Jgs 5) is very moving, and the fable of Jotham (9:8-15) is a fine example of figurative speech. The care given to the stories is also reflected in the construction of the book. There are two introductions: a political one (Jgs 1:1–2:5) and a socioreligious one (2:6–3:6). The political introduction connects Judges with the story of the Conquest, when the tribes attempted to occupy the land. It prepares the reader for the political and military problems of the era of the judges. The socioreligious introduction explains why Israel had so many adversities, why the institution of the judges arose, and why the Lord never gave Israel the promised lasting rest from its enemies. The main body of the book is the story of the judges (3:7–16:31). References to the minor judges (six in all) are set within the stories of the major judges in increasing frequency. As is evident from the schema, the number of minor judges increased in frequency in proportion to the decrease in number of major judges: two major, one minor; two major, two minor; one major, three minor; one major. There is a total of 12 judges, representative of the 12 tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>The purpose of the listing of 12 judges, representative of the various parts of Canaan and Transjordan, is to demonstrate that all tribes throughout the conquered territories experienced grave difficulties from a variety of enemies: Arameans, Moabites, Ammonites, Amalekites, Canaanites, and Philistines. Israel was hard pressed on nearly all its frontiers. The appendixes (chs 17–21), together with the two introductions, form the framework of the book. The political and socioreligious problems (1:1–3:6) are presented by way of several stories in the last chapters. The final editor who gave the book its canonical shape purposefully framed the stories of the judges so as to show lack of movement. The successes of the previous stages in redemptive history came to a standstill in the ebb and flow of the judges. Though the Lord delivered his people in many ways, they returned to the problems described in 1:1–3:6. The appendixes describe Israel’s problems representative of the period of the judges, when “there was no king in Israel” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTheologicalTeaching\">Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for deliverance, and God’s raising up of a judge reflects a deuteronomic perspective with its warnings concerning disobedience and judgment. The repetitiveness of the cycle supports the contention of the anonymous narrator that Israel remained unchanged by the grace of God. However, in spite of the moral, religious, and political anarchy as well as the civil wars, the last chapter shows that the tribes are still concerned with each other’s welfare. Though the unity of God’s people has been gravely challenged, the situation is not hopeless. The book ends on a note of hope—hope for a king who may deliver Israel.<\/p>\n\n<p>Thus, there are several purposes of the book: (1) to demonstrate the meaninglessness of this stage in Israel’s development; (2) to explain why the tribes did not occupy all the land promised to the patriarchs; (3) to justify the way of God, who was gracious and patient with Israel’s repeated acts of disobedience; (4) to set forth the legitimacy of a “shepherd” king in contrast to a despotic form of kingship; and (5) to explain the urgent need for a new momentum, lest Israel succumb to the Philistines and intertribal warfare.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>The Political Introduction (1:1–2:5)<\/h5>\n<p>In Joshua 1–12 the warfare under Joshua is portrayed as a mobilization of Canaanite forces against Israel. By the intervention of the Lord, the Canaanite resistance was put down and the land was occupied by the tribes (chs 13–21). Joshua 13–21, however, clearly shows that each tribe had problems ridding its territory of pockets of Canaanite resistance, which were usually centered around heavily guarded and well-fortified cities (cf. 13:2-6, 13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18).<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua emphasizes the successes and minimizes the problems, whereas the prologue to Judges sets the stage for the whole book by openly addressing Israel’s problems and failures. As the book unfolds, it is precisely these problems and failures that in due time bring Israel to the brink of disaster.<\/p>\n<p>The period of the judges began with the death of Joshua (Jgs 1:1; 2:8-9). The Israelites had inherited a legacy from Joshua: the law of the Lord (Jos 23:6; 24:26), the land, a challenge to obey the Lord (24:14-27), and a promise of God’s presence and help in subduing the Canaanites (23:5, 10).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah and Simeon (Jgs 1:2-20)<\/h6>\n<p>The prominence of Judah and Caleb parallels the position of Judah in Joshua (Jos 14:6–15:63; cf. also the house of Joseph, Jgs 1:22-29; cf. Jos 16–17). Judah was victorious over the cruel Adoni-bezek, who ruled over Bezek, a town of uncertain location. Judah successfully occupied the hill country, the Negev, and the western foothills. They even took Jerusalem, or an outlying suburb identified with Jerusalem (Jos 1:8), but could not retain control there (v 21) until David’s conquest of the city (2 Sm 5:6-9). Judah was victorious over the Canaanites in the region of Hebron, already conquered under Joshua (Jos 10:36). Hebron, also known as Kiriath-arba (“city of four” or “tetrapolis”), was a powerful ally of Jerusalem (v 3) and had been able to rally military support for a new assault on Israel, even after its first defeat. Caleb received Hebron, as Moses had promised (Jgs 1:20; cf. Jos 15:13). After the victory over Hebron, Judah extended its control over the southern hill country by an attack on Debir (Jgs 1:11-15; cf. Jos 15:14-19).<\/p>\n<p>The Kenites (Jgs 1:16), descendants of Jethro and therefore related to Moses by marriage, settled in the Negev around Arad and the City of Palms, which here probably refers to Tamar rather than Jericho.<\/p>\n<p>Judah secured the southern border by a victory over the Canaanites at Hormah (Jgs 1:17; cf. Nm 14:45; 21:3; Dt 1:44) and the coastal plain by victories at Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron. However, Judah’s successes in the coastal plain were resisted by a well-armed Canaanite force (Jgs 1:18-19). It occupied the Judean hill country and the Negev, but could not retain control over the plains. The Philistines were soon to take control over Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, and incorporate them into their pentapolis.<\/p>\n<h6>Benjamin (1:21)<\/h6>\n<p>Jerusalem was situated on the border between Judah and Benjamin. Judah took the city or a suburb (Jos 1:8) but was too far removed to retain control over it. Benjamin was too weak to subdue the Jebusites. Only David succeeded in this (2 Sm 5:6-9); he incorporated it into Judah (cf. Jos 15:63), even though it originally was allotted to Benjamin (Jos 18:28).<\/p>\n<h6>Joseph: Ephraim and Manasseh (1:22-29)<\/h6>\n<p>Ephraim took Bethel, known from the patriarchal stories as a significant cultic site (Gn 12:8; 13:3-4; 28:19; 31:13; 35:1-15). However, Manasseh was unsuccessful in taking the fortified cities in the valley of Jezreel (Esdraelon): Beth-shan, Taanach, Dor, Ibleam, and Megiddo. These cities controlled traffic along the east-west and north–south roads as well as the important passes through the Carmel range and the ford of the Jordan. Ephraim could not take full possession of the coastal plain, controlled by Gezer. The success of both Ephraim and Manasseh was limited.<\/p>\n<h6>The Other Four Tribes (1:30-36)<\/h6>\n<p>The other four tribes in Canaan receive brief mention. They, too, were only partially successful. Zebulun, Asher, Naphtali, and especially Dan did not fully succeed in driving out the Canaanites. At best they later subjected most of them to forced labor.<\/p>\n<h6>The Failure of Israel (2:1-5)<\/h6>\n<p>The failure to subdue the land and to wipe out the Canaanites and their culture led to intermarriage and idolatry (cf. Ex 23:33; 34:12-16; Nm 33:55; Dt 7:2-5, 16; Jos 23:7, 12).<\/p>\n<p>The identity of “the angel of the Lord” who appears at Bokim is far from certain. It may be a reference to the Lord himself, to an angelic messenger, or to a prophet (cf. Jgs 6:8). He rebuked the people in the prophetic spirit and pronounced God’s judgment as taking the form of continual confrontation between Israel and the Canaanites (2:3). Their weeping and sacrificing were to no avail (2:4-5; cf. Mal 2:13). Israel stood condemned within a generation after Joshua’s death.<\/p>\n<h5>The Theological Introduction (2:6–3:6)<\/h5>\n<p>The theological introduction begins where Joshua left off (Jos 24:28-31). The generation of Joshua was characterized by loyalty, but their loyalty to the Lord did not last long after the excitement of the Conquest and the demonstration of God’s presence (Jgs 2:10). Israel served Canaanite gods (Baal and Astarte) instead. Baal was the storm god, symbolic of rain and fertility, and Astarte was his cohort. The plural (Baals and Ashtaroth, 2:11-13) signifies the many local ways in which the Canaanite gods were worshiped. The religious unity was broken up into a great diversity. Thus Israel angered the Lord (vv 12-14), who sent them enemies and plunderers. Israel was unsuccessful in dealing with them, as Moses and Joshua had forewarned (Dt 28:25, 33; Jos 23:13, 16). The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for mercy, and deliverance is found throughout Judges. The people were rooted in the apostasy of their forefathers, even though the previous generation had been sensitive to God. Israel did not submit to the leadership of the judges, except to free itself from the oppressors. In fulfillment of the curses of the covenant, God swore not to give his people rest but to test them and to train them for warfare (Jgs 3:1-4), so that they might learn to respond to the challenges of a real world.<\/p>\n<h5>The Judges of Israel (3:7–16:31)<\/h5>\n<h6>Othniel (3:7-11)<\/h6>\n<p>Othniel is a transitional figure, linking the Conquest and the judges. He had involved himself in the conquest of Kiriath-sepher and was related to Caleb as his cousin and son-in-law (1:13). He repelled the Arameans led by Cushan-rishathaim, so that the land enjoyed peace for some 40 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ehud (3:12-30)<\/h6>\n<p>The Moabites, allied with the Ammonites and Amalekites, came against Israel from the east and oppressed them for 18 years under the leadership of Eglon. Ehud led the mission to bring tribute to Eglon at his palace, located probably by Jericho (the City of Palms). Ehud was uniquely qualified for this mission; being left-handed, he was able to use his double-edged sword in an unsuspecting manner to stab the king. Ehud’s success was the result of careful plotting and the element of surprise. He paid the tribute and left, only to return with a supposed oracle from the gods. The king fell for the deception and was murdered. The delay at the Moabite court gave the Israelites an opportunity to bring their forces together at the fords of the Jordan. Ehud’s success was complete; no Moabite escaped, and Israel enjoyed peace for 80 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Shamgar (3:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Shamgar’s exploits were against the Philistines in the coastal plains. He had a non-Israelite name but was probably an Israelite by birth. Like Samson he fought the Philistines with an unconventional weapon (an ox goad). His name is also mentioned in the song of Deborah (5:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Deborah and Barak (4:1–5:31)<\/h6>\n<p>The narrative now turns to the Canaanite aggressors in the north under the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor, and Sisera, of Harosheth-haggoyim (4:1-3). The ruins of Hazor (Jos 11:13) had been rebuilt, and another Jabin (cf. v 1) ruled over the region. He had regained his military power, as he had as many as 900 chariots of iron. He oppressed Israel for 20 years (Jgs 4:3).<\/p>\n<p>God had a prophetess in Israel who led his people during this dark time (4:4). She rendered judgments under a palm tree in southern Ephraim near Benjamin (v 5). She called on Barak to muster the armies of Naphtali and Zebulun, the tribes affected by the Canaanite raids, and to engage Sisera in a surprise attack by the Kishon River (vv 6-7). Barak’s hesitancy led him to request Deborah’s presence, which resulted in his forfeiture of the honor of killing Sisera, the commander of the Canaanite forces (vv 8-10). The Lord gave success to the surprise attack from Mt Tabor, so that the Canaanites were routed, unable to use their heavy chariots, which were mired down in the swamps of the Jezreel Valley (5:20-22). The Canaanites were routed, and Sisera was killed by Jael, the wife of Heber, a Kenite who had separated from the Kenites around Arad (4:17-18; cf. 1:16). She offered him hospitality, as her family had friendly relations with the Canaanites, but heroically put him to death with a tent peg (4:18-21; 5:26-27). In successive campaigns the Israelites gained freedom from Jabin, until they destroyed his power (4:24).<\/p>\n<p>The song of Deborah (ch 5) celebrates, in poetic fashion, the victory over Jabin. It is one of the oldest poems in the Bible. It praises the God of Israel as the King who comes to protect his covenant people, and before whom the mountains move (5:2-3). He is the God of Mt Sinai (Jgs 5:4-5; cf. Dt 33:2; Ps 68:7-8; Hb 3:3-4). Though the oppressors had despoiled Israel and had made the roads unsafe for travel, and Israel was unable to defend itself (Jgs 5:6-8), the Lord raised up Deborah and Barak to lead the nobles to war (vv 9-13). They came from Ephraim, Benjamin, Zebulun, Issachar, and Naphtali (vv 14-15a, 18), but the Transjordan tribes and Asher did not want to get involved (vv 15b-17). The song then moves to the battle scene, where torrential rains bogged the chariots down (vv 19-23). Jael is celebrated as “most blessed of women,” who used her simple way of life to bring an end to Sisera (vv 24-27). She stands in contrast to Sisera’s mother, who is portrayed with all her culture waiting in vain for Sisera’s return with all of his spoils (vv 28-30). The Lord has used the simple to confound the powerful. The conclusion is a prayer for God’s judgment on all of Israel’s enemies (Jgs 5:31a; cf. Ps 68:1-3).<\/p>\n<h6>Gideon (6:1–8:35)<\/h6>\n<p>Israel’s rest for 40 years (Jgs 5:31b) was disturbed by the invasion of Midianites and Amalekites from the East (6:1-3). They destroyed the economy by invading the country at harvesttime (vv 4-6). In response to Israel’s cry, God sent a prophet with a message similar to that of the angel of the Lord (2:1-5). Then an angel appeared to Gideon and called him to lead the people in battle (6:11-14). The Lord assured him of his presence (v 16) by a sign (vv 17-22). Gideon knew that he had been visited by the Lord and built an altar called “The <span>Lord<\/span> Is Peace” in Ophrah (v 24). He responded by destroying the cultic site dedicated to Baal and Asherah at Ophrah (vv 25-28) and by initiating worship at the new altar (v 28). Baal did not protect his own altar (vv 29-32), even when challenged by Gideon’s father (v 31). Consequently, Gideon was known as Jerubbaal (meaning, “let Baal contend with him,” v 32).<\/p>\n<p>Next, Gideon mustered an army of 32,000 men from Asher, Zebulun, and Naphtali (6:35; cf. 7:3b). In order to assure himself of the Lord’s presence, he asked for another sign: the sign of the fleece (6:36-40). It must be kept in mind that Gideon lived in an area in which the wonders of God had been scarce (v 13) and that he, like Moses, needed reassurance that God was with him. God responded to his growing faith. Gideon went forth with a greatly reduced army of 300 against the enemy. Of his original army, 22,000 had left because they were afraid (7:2-3; cf. Dt 20:8). Another 9,700 were sent home, though they were valiant men (7:4-8). After assuring Gideon by a dream of an enemy soldier, God used the 300 in a marvelous way to confound the Midianites (vv 9-15). God gave Israel victory over the Midianite leaders Oreb, Zeeb, Zebah, and Zalmunna (7:16–8:21). Gideon wisely avoided a possible military confrontation with Ephraim (8:1-3), pursued the enemy deep into the Transjordan, and punished the leaders of Succoth and Penuel, who did not assist him (vv 4-9, 13-16).<\/p>\n<p>This glorious victory created a new wave of interest in the idea of kingship. The men of Israel wished to establish the family of Gideon as their royal dynasty (8:22). Gideon refused, and instead wrongly set up an ephod, cast from the gold taken in battle (vv 23-27). The ephod was probably used for cultic practices, possibly divination (cf. 17:5).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s era also came to an end. He was God’s instrument, giving Israel rest for 40 years. He fathered 70 sons and died in old age. God had richly blessed him, even though he had led Israel astray with his ephod. Thereafter, Israel returned to Baal worship (8:33-35).<\/p>\n<p>In the wake of Gideon’s era, his son Abimelech attempted to establish dynastic continuity by having himself installed as king at Shechem (9:1-6). With the support of his relatives at Shechem, Abimelech had all his brothers killed except Jotham (vv 4-5). After Abimelech’s coronation, Jotham set forth his opposition to his brother in a proverbial manner (vv 7-20), and went into hiding. Three years later Abimelech’s evil schemes entrapped him when the citizens of Shechem rebelled. He furiously attacked the city and destroyed it. A short time later, however, he was wounded at Thebez by a millstone dropped by a woman from the tower in which she had sought refuge from him. His servant put him out of his misery as per his request. This episode demonstrates how bad a despotic king may be. Again, God’s justice prevailed.<\/p>\n<h6>Tola (10:1-2)<\/h6>\n<p>Tola was a minor judge from Issachar who judged Israel for 23 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jair (10:3-5)<\/h6>\n<p>Jair was a minor judge from Gilead who judged Israel for 22 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jephthah (10:6–12:7)<\/h6>\n<p>A recapitulation (10:6-16) of the cycle (idolatry, enemies, cry for help, momentary repentance) sets the introduction to the Jephthah narrative. Under attack from the Ammonites, the elders of Gilead requested help from Jephthah (10:17–11:8), who promised to help them on the condition that he remain their leader even after the war (vv 9-10). At a solemn ceremony he becomes their “head” at Mizpah (v 11). Jephthah opened up correspondence with the Ammonite king, in which he argued for Israel’s rights on the basis of the Israelites’ historic claim to the land as granted to them by the Lord (vv 12–27). Instead of going out immediately to war, he hoped that “the <span>Lord<\/span>, the Judge” would settle the dispute (v 27); but the Ammonite king was unimpressed. When the Spirit of God came over him, Jephthah led Israel into battle, but only after making a rash vow. He was victorious but found out that his vow to sacrifice whatever came first out of his house required him to sacrifice his daughter. Debate continues as to whether he offered her up as a human sacrifice or whether she sacrificed marriage (see discussion under Jephthah).<\/p>\n<p>The Ephraimites seemed to have had an insatiable desire for war. Earlier they had complained to Gideon, who successfully defused their threats (8:1-3). Jephthah fought them, however, because the Israelites living in Transjordan had been reviled as “renegades” (12:1-4). Forty-two thousand Ephraimites were killed by the fords of the Jordan in this civil war. Thereafter, Jephthah ruled for only six years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ibzan (12:8-10)<\/h6>\n<p>Ibzan was a minor judge from Bethlehem who ruled Israel for seven years.<\/p>\n<h6>Elon (12:11)<\/h6>\n<p>A minor judge from Zebulun, Elon ruled Israel for ten years.<\/p>\n<h6>Abdon (12:13-15)<\/h6>\n<p>Abdon was a minor judge from Pirathon, the location of which is uncertain. He ruled for eight years.<\/p>\n<h6>Samson (13:1–16:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Samson’s greatness in the history of redemption is due to his miraculous birth (13:1-24), his service as a Nazirite (13:7; cf. Nm 6:1-21), the repeated overpowering by the Spirit of the Lord (Jgs 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14), the single-handed exploits against the Philistines (Ashkelon, 14:19; the fields, 15:1-6; Ramath Etam, 15:7-17; Gaza, 16:1-3, 23-30), and his occasional dependence on the Lord (15:18-19; 16:28-30). However, his personal life was flawed because of his weakness for Philistine women (chs 14, 16). Having been seduced by Delilah, he was imprisoned at Gaza. He died in the collapse of Dagon’s temple, praying that the Lord would permit him to get revenge (16:28-30). He was buried in his father’s tomb in the territory of Dan (16:31).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue (17–21)<\/h5>\n<p>The cyclical nature of Israel’s existence was without movement. Rest from enemies was always temporary. Israel was not yet ready for dynastic kingship, and whatever one may say of the three years of Abimelech, it was a kingship of the worst sort. Israel vacillated between idolatry and belief in the true Lord. The period of the judges was unstable, marked by petty individualism and provincialism. Yet God remained sovereign in the affairs of his people. The epilogue contains two stories: the story of Micah and the Danite migration (chs 17–18) and the civil war (chs 19–21). The epilogue is bound together by the phrase “In those days Israel had no king; everyone did as he saw fit” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25, <span>niv<\/span>). The symmetric recurrence (two times in each narrative) emphasizes the anarchy and inability of the tribes to unite together to serve God as a covenant people.<\/p>\n<h6>Micah and the Danites (17–18)<\/h6>\n<p>Micah was an Ephraimite who established a shrine and hired one of his own sons, and then a Levite from Bethlehem, to serve as its priests (ch 17). Unable to keep their patrimony, the Danites left to establish themselves at the foot of Mt Hermon. They took the idols and the Levite from Micah’s shrine and set up a cultic city at the newly established city of Dan, built on the ruins of Laish (ch 18). Thus, they set up a cultic center that rivaled the tabernacle at Shiloh (18:31).<\/p>\n<h6>The Civil War (19–21)<\/h6>\n<p>The people of Gibeah, which belonged to Benjamin, sexually abused the concubine of a Levite so that she died. Like the Levite of chapters 17 and 18, she was from Bethlehem (19:1). Dramatically, the Levite sent pieces of her corpse to all the tribes, which assembled against the Benjamites because they protected the criminals of Gibeah (19:29–20:19). In the ensuing battle the population of Benjamin was decimated (20:20-48). The 11 tribes gave them 400 virgins taken in a civil war against Jabesh-gilead (21:6-15). These were not enough, however. Because of the threat of the extinction of Benjamin and the vow not to give their daughters in marriage to any Benjamite, the Israelites devised a plan by which the Benjamites could take Israelite virgins dancing in the festival at Shiloh. Benjamin thus was able to rebuild its towns and settlements.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Gideon; Jephthah; Samson.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JUDGES, Book of Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail. Preview • Author • Date • Li...","summary_en":"JUDGES, Book of Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail. Preview • Author • Date • Li...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":39218,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Zephath","title_en":"Zephath","content_ro":"<h3>ZEPHATH<\/h3>\n<p>Canaanite city conquered by Judah and Simeon and subsequently renamed Hormah (Jgs 1:17). Zephath (Hormah) was the site of Israel’s first abortive attempt to enter Canaan when they violated Moses’ command and were, as a result, defeated by the Amalekites and the Canaanites (Nm 14:45).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Hormah.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>ZEPHATH<\/h3>\n<p>Canaanite city conquered by Judah and Simeon and subsequently renamed Hormah (Jgs 1:17). Zephath (Hormah) was the site of Israel’s first abortive attempt to enter Canaan when they violated Moses’ command and were, as a result, defeated by the Amalekites and the Canaanites (Nm 14:45).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Hormah.<\/p>","summary_ro":"ZEPHATH Canaanite city conquered by Judah and Simeon and subsequently renamed Hormah (Jgs 1:17). Zephath (Hormah) was the site of Israel’s first abortive attempt to enter Canaan when they violated Moses’ command and were, as a result, defeated by the Amalekites and the Canaanites (Nm 14:45). See also Hormah.","summary_en":"ZEPHATH Canaanite city conquered by Judah and Simeon and subsequently renamed Hormah (Jgs 1:17). Zephath (Hormah) was the site of Israel’s first abortive attempt to enter Canaan when they violated Moses’ command and were, as a result, defeated by the Amalekites and the Canaanites (Nm 14:45). See also Hormah.","source":"Articles\/Z.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":45677,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:17","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:17","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:17<\/strong> <em>completely destroyed:<\/em> See Lev 27:28-29. • <em>Hormah:<\/em> See study note on Num 21:2-3.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:17<\/strong> <em>completely destroyed:<\/em> See Lev 27:28-29. • <em>Hormah:<\/em> See study note on Num 21:2-3.<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:17 completely destroyed: See Lev 27:28-29. • Hormah: See study note on Num 21:2-3.","summary_en":"1:17 completely destroyed: See Lev 27:28-29. • Hormah: See study note on Num 21:2-3.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73303,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:17","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:17","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:17<\/strong> <em>completely destroyed:<\/em> See Lev 27:28-29. • <em>Hormah:<\/em> See study note on Num 21:2-3.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:17<\/strong> <em>completely destroyed:<\/em> See Lev 27:28-29. • <em>Hormah:<\/em> See study note on Num 21:2-3.<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:17 completely destroyed: See Lev 27:28-29. • Hormah: See study note on Num 21:2-3.","summary_en":"1:17 completely destroyed: See Lev 27:28-29. • Hormah: See study note on Num 21:2-3.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":100929,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:17","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:17","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:17<\/strong> <em>completely destroyed:<\/em> See Lev 27:28-29. • <em>Hormah:<\/em> See study note on Num 21:2-3.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:17<\/strong> <em>completely destroyed:<\/em> See Lev 27:28-29. • <em>Hormah:<\/em> See study note on Num 21:2-3.<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:17 completely destroyed: See Lev 27:28-29. • Hormah: See study note on Num 21:2-3.","summary_en":"1:17 completely destroyed: See Lev 27:28-29. • Hormah: See study note on Num 21:2-3.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128555,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:17","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:17","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:17<\/strong> <em>completely destroyed:<\/em> See Lev 27:28-29. • <em>Hormah:<\/em> See study note on Num 21:2-3.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:17<\/strong> <em>completely destroyed:<\/em> See Lev 27:28-29. • <em>Hormah:<\/em> See study note on Num 21:2-3.<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:17 completely destroyed: See Lev 27:28-29. • Hormah: See study note on Num 21:2-3.","summary_en":"1:17 completely destroyed: See Lev 27:28-29. • Hormah: See study note on Num 21:2-3.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"18":[{"id":2987,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Ashkelon","title_en":"Ashkelon","content_ro":"<h3>ASHKELON<\/h3>\n<p>City dating back to ancient times, also spelled Askelon (<span>kjv<\/span>). In the Bible, Ashkelon was one of the Philistines’ five main cities (the “pentapolis”), along with Gaza, Ashdod, Gath, and Ekron (Jos 13:3). Ashkelon was located on the Mediterranean coast, 30 miles (48 kilometers) south of modern Tel Aviv, and was always an important port. Often in conflict with Egypt, it was captured by Ramses II (c. 1286 <span>BC<\/span>) and by Merneptah (c. 1220 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>Ashkelon is mentioned as one of the cities conquered by Judah (Jgs 1:18). After the Philistine invasion of Canaan in the 12th century <span>BC<\/span>, the city became one of the invaders’ major centers. When Samson’s riddle was answered through the duplicity of his Philistine wife, Samson vented his rage at Ashkelon, killing 30 men (Jgs 14:19). Ashkelon was partially responsible for pushing the tribe of Dan from its allotment; so Samson, a member of that tribe, probably had a long-standing grudge against the city. Ashkelon also figures in the story of the Philistine control of the ark (1 Sm 4–6). On hearing of the deaths of Saul and Jonathan, David lamented the loss of his king and of his friend, exclaiming that their deaths should not be published in Ashkelon (2 Sm 1:20). Various OT prophets refer to Ashkelon (Jer 25:20; 47:5-6; Am 1:8; Zep 2:4-7; Zec 9:5).<\/p>\n<p>In the period of Israel’s decline King Pekah of Israel, King Rezin of Damascus, and the king of Ashkelon rebelled against Assyria. Tiglath-pileser III responded with three successive campaigns (734–732 <span>BC<\/span>), the first of which conquered Ashkelon. Nebuchadnezzar destroyed the city and deported many of its inhabitants to Egypt during his conquest of Palestine (604 <span>BC<\/span>). Successive invaders then took the city from each other: Scythians, Chaldeans, Persians, Greeks, and Maccabees. Ashkelon was the birthplace of Herod the Great, and ruins of his building projects are to be found there. Ashkelon is not mentioned in the NT but was a battleground in the Jewish rebellion against Rome (<span>AD<\/span> 66).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>ASHKELON<\/h3>\n<p>City dating back to ancient times, also spelled Askelon (<span>kjv<\/span>). In the Bible, Ashkelon was one of the Philistines’ five main cities (the “pentapolis”), along with Gaza, Ashdod, Gath, and Ekron (Jos 13:3). Ashkelon was located on the Mediterranean coast, 30 miles (48 kilometers) south of modern Tel Aviv, and was always an important port. Often in conflict with Egypt, it was captured by Ramses II (c. 1286 <span>BC<\/span>) and by Merneptah (c. 1220 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>Ashkelon is mentioned as one of the cities conquered by Judah (Jgs 1:18). After the Philistine invasion of Canaan in the 12th century <span>BC<\/span>, the city became one of the invaders’ major centers. When Samson’s riddle was answered through the duplicity of his Philistine wife, Samson vented his rage at Ashkelon, killing 30 men (Jgs 14:19). Ashkelon was partially responsible for pushing the tribe of Dan from its allotment; so Samson, a member of that tribe, probably had a long-standing grudge against the city. Ashkelon also figures in the story of the Philistine control of the ark (1 Sm 4–6). On hearing of the deaths of Saul and Jonathan, David lamented the loss of his king and of his friend, exclaiming that their deaths should not be published in Ashkelon (2 Sm 1:20). Various OT prophets refer to Ashkelon (Jer 25:20; 47:5-6; Am 1:8; Zep 2:4-7; Zec 9:5).<\/p>\n<p>In the period of Israel’s decline King Pekah of Israel, King Rezin of Damascus, and the king of Ashkelon rebelled against Assyria. Tiglath-pileser III responded with three successive campaigns (734–732 <span>BC<\/span>), the first of which conquered Ashkelon. Nebuchadnezzar destroyed the city and deported many of its inhabitants to Egypt during his conquest of Palestine (604 <span>BC<\/span>). Successive invaders then took the city from each other: Scythians, Chaldeans, Persians, Greeks, and Maccabees. Ashkelon was the birthplace of Herod the Great, and ruins of his building projects are to be found there. Ashkelon is not mentioned in the NT but was a battleground in the Jewish rebellion against Rome (<span>AD<\/span> 66).<\/p>","summary_ro":"ASHKELON City dating back to ancient times, also spelled Askelon (kjv). In the Bible, Ashkelon was one of the Philistines’ five main cities (the “pentapolis”), along with Gaza, Ashdod, Gath, and Ekron (Jos 13:3). Ashkelon was located on the Mediterranean coast, 30 miles (48 kilometers) south of modern Tel Aviv, and was always an important port. Often in conflict with Egypt, it was captured by Ramses II (c. 1286 BC) and by Merneptah (c. 1220 BC). Ashkelon is mentioned as one of the cities conq...","summary_en":"ASHKELON City dating back to ancient times, also spelled Askelon (kjv). In the Bible, Ashkelon was one of the Philistines’ five main cities (the “pentapolis”), along with Gaza, Ashdod, Gath, and Ekron (Jos 13:3). Ashkelon was located on the Mediterranean coast, 30 miles (48 kilometers) south of modern Tel Aviv, and was always an important port. Often in conflict with Egypt, it was captured by Ramses II (c. 1286 BC) and by Merneptah (c. 1220 BC). Ashkelon is mentioned as one of the cities conq...","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":3051,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Askelon*","title_en":"Askelon*","content_ro":"<h3>ASKELON*<\/h3>\n<p>KJV alternate form of Ashkelon, a Philistine city, in Judges 1:18; 1 Samuel 6:17; and 2 Samuel 1:20. <em>See<\/em> Ashkelon.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>ASKELON*<\/h3>\n<p>KJV alternate form of Ashkelon, a Philistine city, in Judges 1:18; 1 Samuel 6:17; and 2 Samuel 1:20. <em>See<\/em> Ashkelon.<\/p>","summary_ro":"ASKELON* KJV alternate form of Ashkelon, a Philistine city, in Judges 1:18; 1 Samuel 6:17; and 2 Samuel 1:20. See Ashkelon.","summary_en":"ASKELON* KJV alternate form of Ashkelon, a Philistine city, in Judges 1:18; 1 Samuel 6:17; and 2 Samuel 1:20. See Ashkelon.","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":10207,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Ekron, Ekronites*","title_en":"Ekron, Ekronites*","content_ro":"<h3>EKRON, EKRONITES*<\/h3>\n<p>Most northerly city among the major Philistine settlements. During the Hebrew conquest of Palestine, Ekron was not taken by Joshua (Jos 13:3). When the land was divided among the 12 tribes, Ekron was given first to Judah and then to Dan (15:11, 45-46; 19:43). It was eventually taken by Judah (Jgs 1:18), but it subsequently fell back to the Philistines.<\/p>\n<p>Ekron played a prominent role in the story of the capture of the ark of the covenant. After the ark brought disaster to Ashdod and Gath, it was taken to Ekron (1 Sm 5:1-10). The Ekronites did not want the ark, so they consulted with the “lords of the Philistines” and proposed that the ark be sent back to Israel (v 11).<\/p>\n<p>After David killed Goliath, the Israelites pursued the Philistines to the gates of Ekron, which at that time apparently was the nearest walled city in which fugitives could take refuge (1 Sm 17:52).<\/p>\n<p>Ekron was apparently the center of the worship of the god Baal-zebub. When Ahaziah injured himself and lay ill, he preferred to consult with Baal-zebub rather than with God. Elijah was sent by God to denounce Ahaziah and tell him that he would die (2 Kgs 1:2-18). Baal worship may have been increasing in Israel at this time. Ekron is included in the denunciations of several prophets: Jeremiah (25:20), Amos (1:8), Zephaniah (2:4), and Zechariah (9:5-7).<\/p>\n<p>Assyrian records inform us that Ekron revolted against Sennacherib in 701 <span>BC<\/span>. The rebels deposed Padi, the ruler of Ekron, who was loyal to Assyria, and handed him over to Hezekiah in Jerusalem for imprisonment. Sennacherib moved against Ekron, and Ekron called for aid from the king of Mutsri (either Egypt or a district of northwestern Arabia). Sennacherib lifted his siege of Ekron long enough to defeat the army of Mutsri, and then returned to take Ekron. He executed the rebels, made captives of their followers, forced Hezekiah to release Padi, and restored Padi as ruler of the city. Padi also received some territory taken from Judah. Padi’s successor, Ikausu, was not so fortunate. He, along with Manasseh of Judah, was forced to pay heavy tribute to both Esarhaddon and Ashurbanipal.<\/p>\n<p>In 147 <span>BC<\/span> the king of Syria, Alexander Epiphanes, gave Ekron to Jonathan Maccabeus as a reward for his loyalty (1 Macc 10:89). In the fourth century <span>AD<\/span> it still had a large Jewish population.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Philistia, Philistines.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>EKRON, EKRONITES*<\/h3>\n<p>Most northerly city among the major Philistine settlements. During the Hebrew conquest of Palestine, Ekron was not taken by Joshua (Jos 13:3). When the land was divided among the 12 tribes, Ekron was given first to Judah and then to Dan (15:11, 45-46; 19:43). It was eventually taken by Judah (Jgs 1:18), but it subsequently fell back to the Philistines.<\/p>\n<p>Ekron played a prominent role in the story of the capture of the ark of the covenant. After the ark brought disaster to Ashdod and Gath, it was taken to Ekron (1 Sm 5:1-10). The Ekronites did not want the ark, so they consulted with the “lords of the Philistines” and proposed that the ark be sent back to Israel (v 11).<\/p>\n<p>After David killed Goliath, the Israelites pursued the Philistines to the gates of Ekron, which at that time apparently was the nearest walled city in which fugitives could take refuge (1 Sm 17:52).<\/p>\n<p>Ekron was apparently the center of the worship of the god Baal-zebub. When Ahaziah injured himself and lay ill, he preferred to consult with Baal-zebub rather than with God. Elijah was sent by God to denounce Ahaziah and tell him that he would die (2 Kgs 1:2-18). Baal worship may have been increasing in Israel at this time. Ekron is included in the denunciations of several prophets: Jeremiah (25:20), Amos (1:8), Zephaniah (2:4), and Zechariah (9:5-7).<\/p>\n<p>Assyrian records inform us that Ekron revolted against Sennacherib in 701 <span>BC<\/span>. The rebels deposed Padi, the ruler of Ekron, who was loyal to Assyria, and handed him over to Hezekiah in Jerusalem for imprisonment. Sennacherib moved against Ekron, and Ekron called for aid from the king of Mutsri (either Egypt or a district of northwestern Arabia). Sennacherib lifted his siege of Ekron long enough to defeat the army of Mutsri, and then returned to take Ekron. He executed the rebels, made captives of their followers, forced Hezekiah to release Padi, and restored Padi as ruler of the city. Padi also received some territory taken from Judah. Padi’s successor, Ikausu, was not so fortunate. He, along with Manasseh of Judah, was forced to pay heavy tribute to both Esarhaddon and Ashurbanipal.<\/p>\n<p>In 147 <span>BC<\/span> the king of Syria, Alexander Epiphanes, gave Ekron to Jonathan Maccabeus as a reward for his loyalty (1 Macc 10:89). In the fourth century <span>AD<\/span> it still had a large Jewish population.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Philistia, Philistines.<\/p>","summary_ro":"EKRON, EKRONITES* Most northerly city among the major Philistine settlements. During the Hebrew conquest of Palestine, Ekron was not taken by Joshua (Jos 13:3). When the land was divided among the 12 tribes, Ekron was given first to Judah and then to Dan (15:11, 45-46; 19:43). It was eventually taken by Judah (Jgs 1:18), but it subsequently fell back to the Philistines. Ekron played a prominent role in the story of the capture of the ark of the covenant. After the ark brought disaster to Ashd...","summary_en":"EKRON, EKRONITES* Most northerly city among the major Philistine settlements. During the Hebrew conquest of Palestine, Ekron was not taken by Joshua (Jos 13:3). When the land was divided among the 12 tribes, Ekron was given first to Judah and then to Dan (15:11, 45-46; 19:43). It was eventually taken by Judah (Jgs 1:18), but it subsequently fell back to the Philistines. Ekron played a prominent role in the story of the capture of the ark of the covenant. After the ark brought disaster to Ashd...","source":"Articles\/E.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":13274,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Gaza","title_en":"Gaza","content_ro":"<h3>GAZA<\/h3>\n<p>City near the Palestinian coast, about 50 miles (80.5 kilometers) west-southwest of Jerusalem. It has been occupied almost continuously since ancient times; modern Gaza has played an important part in the conflict between Arabs and Israelis. Gazite and Gazathite are biblical names for the residents of the town.<\/p>\n<p>Set about midpoint of the length of the plain of Philistia, Gaza was a rich agricultural area where wheat and similar grains flourished. Situated some three miles (4.8 kilometers) from the Mediterranean, Gaza’s position as the greatest trading center of ancient Palestine did not come from the sea but from the highways, which brought caravans from all parts of the Fertile Crescent. This accessibility was also a handicap, for the roadways along the coast were the easiest route for the armies of Egypt, Assyria, Babylonia, Persia, Greece, and Rome. Often Gaza was the victim of their passage.<\/p>\n\n<p>In the records of secular history, Gaza first shows up in the annals of Thutmose III in the temple of Karnak. Thutmose wisely scheduled his Asiatic campaigns just after the Egyptian harvest and in time to seize the harvest of Palestine.<\/p>\n<p>In Amarna Letter 289, Abdu-Heba of Jerusalem acknowledged that Gaza was loyal to the king of Egypt but complained that Addaya, the Egyptian ruler of Palestine whose residence was at Gaza, had taken the garrison the pharaoh had sent for Jerusalem. From the late 13th century <span>BC<\/span>, there is a satirical letter that was composed as an exercise for training scribes. In this letter, written from one scribe to belittle another, various itineraries are traced, including one from the frontier of Egypt to Gaza.<\/p>\n<p>Pharaoh Neco (610–595 <span>BC<\/span>) captured and chastised Gaza and Ashkelon in the reign of Josiah and Judah (cf. Jer 47:1, 5).<\/p>\n<p>Tiglath-pileser III (745–727 <span>BC<\/span>) refers to Hanno of Gaza, who fled to Egypt just prior to the capture of Gaza by the Assyrians. On the Oriental Institute Prism and the Taylor Prism, Sennacherib (705–681 <span>BC<\/span>) tells of his invasion of Palestine and of how he shut up Hezekiah “like a bird in a cage.” He captured 46 of Hezekiah’s fortified cities and gave them to three minor kings, including Sillibel of Gaza, who is also mentioned by Esarhaddon (681–669 <span>BC<\/span>) and Ashurbanipal (669–633 <span>BC<\/span>). Reference to “the king of Gaza” also appears in the records of Nebuchadnezzar II of Babylon (604–562 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>In 332 <span>BC<\/span> Gaza was captured and punished by Alexander the Great. He was angered because it had held out against him for two months, so he killed all of the men and sold the women and children into slavery. During the Maccabean period, it was taken by Alexander Janneus, who slaughtered its inhabitants.<\/p>\n<p>In the Bible, Gaza is first mentioned in Genesis 10:19, where it is said that the territory of the Canaanites extended from Sidon to Gaza. In a summary of the conquests of Joshua, one of the dimensions of the conquered area is “from Kadesh-barnea to Gaza” (Jos 10:41). Joshua destroyed all the Anakim in the land, but some remained in Gaza and other Philistine cities (11:22). Another ancient people, the Avvim, “who lived in villages as far as Gaza,” were annihilated and replaced by the Caphtorim from Caphtor, or Crete (Dt 2:23). Gaza, along with its towns and villages, was listed among the tribal inheritance of Judah (Jos 15:47). At the time of Joshua’s advanced age, Gaza and the other four cities of the Philistine Pentapolis are said to be among the territories not yet taken (13:3); in Judges 1:18-19, however, it is reported that Judah took it.<\/p>\n<p>During the time of the judges, Midianite raiders swept through Israel, looting and destroying, even as far as Gaza (Jgs 6:4). In this period the main biblical interest in Gaza centers in the life and exploits of Samson. Philistine women were Samson’s weakness. He went to Gaza and found a prostitute with whom he had relations (16:1). The people of Gaza learned that he was there and determined to kill him in the morning, but Samson arose at midnight and went to the gate of the city, took the doors, posts, and the bar of the gate and carried them to the top of a hill facing Hebron.<\/p>\n<p>His involvement with another Philistine woman, Delilah, resulted in his capture by the Philistines, who gouged out his eyes and took him to Gaza (Jgs 16:21), where he was bound and forced to grind at a mill in the prison. On a festival day in the temple of Dagon, the reveling worshipers called for Samson to be brought so they could make sport of him. His strength was returning, and God answered his prayer for vengeance. Samson dislodged the two pillars that were the support of the stone slab roof of the pagan temple, so Samson died, along with a great number of Gazites.<\/p>\n<p>Gaza is named as the southern boundary of Israel during the time of Solomon, who ruled over “all the region west of the Euphrates from Tiphsah to Gaza” (1 Kgs 4:24). Hezekiah defeated the Philistines as far as Gaza (2 Kgs 18:8). When he rebelled against Assyria, Sennacherib came and took 46 of Hezekiah’s cities and gave them to the king of Gaza and two other kings.<\/p>\n<p>Jeremiah 47 records a prophecy against the Philistines, which the Lord gave to the prophet before Pharaoh attacked Gaza (v 1; cf. v 5; see Neco above). Amos gives specific prophecies of judgment against Gaza (Am 1:6-7). Zephaniah also states that Gaza would be deserted (Zep 2:4). Zechariah 9 gives an oracle of judgment in which it is said that Gaza will suffer and that its king shall perish.<\/p>\n<p>In the NT there is only one reference to Gaza (Acts 8:26). Philip, who was preaching in Samaria, was told by an angel to go south to “the road that goes from Jerusalem to Gaza.” Here he met the treasurer of Cush, who was reading Isaiah 53 as he rode in his chariot. Philip preached the gospel to this man and baptized him.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Philistia, Philistines.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>GAZA<\/h3>\n<p>City near the Palestinian coast, about 50 miles (80.5 kilometers) west-southwest of Jerusalem. It has been occupied almost continuously since ancient times; modern Gaza has played an important part in the conflict between Arabs and Israelis. Gazite and Gazathite are biblical names for the residents of the town.<\/p>\n<p>Set about midpoint of the length of the plain of Philistia, Gaza was a rich agricultural area where wheat and similar grains flourished. Situated some three miles (4.8 kilometers) from the Mediterranean, Gaza’s position as the greatest trading center of ancient Palestine did not come from the sea but from the highways, which brought caravans from all parts of the Fertile Crescent. This accessibility was also a handicap, for the roadways along the coast were the easiest route for the armies of Egypt, Assyria, Babylonia, Persia, Greece, and Rome. Often Gaza was the victim of their passage.<\/p>\n\n<p>In the records of secular history, Gaza first shows up in the annals of Thutmose III in the temple of Karnak. Thutmose wisely scheduled his Asiatic campaigns just after the Egyptian harvest and in time to seize the harvest of Palestine.<\/p>\n<p>In Amarna Letter 289, Abdu-Heba of Jerusalem acknowledged that Gaza was loyal to the king of Egypt but complained that Addaya, the Egyptian ruler of Palestine whose residence was at Gaza, had taken the garrison the pharaoh had sent for Jerusalem. From the late 13th century <span>BC<\/span>, there is a satirical letter that was composed as an exercise for training scribes. In this letter, written from one scribe to belittle another, various itineraries are traced, including one from the frontier of Egypt to Gaza.<\/p>\n<p>Pharaoh Neco (610–595 <span>BC<\/span>) captured and chastised Gaza and Ashkelon in the reign of Josiah and Judah (cf. Jer 47:1, 5).<\/p>\n<p>Tiglath-pileser III (745–727 <span>BC<\/span>) refers to Hanno of Gaza, who fled to Egypt just prior to the capture of Gaza by the Assyrians. On the Oriental Institute Prism and the Taylor Prism, Sennacherib (705–681 <span>BC<\/span>) tells of his invasion of Palestine and of how he shut up Hezekiah “like a bird in a cage.” He captured 46 of Hezekiah’s fortified cities and gave them to three minor kings, including Sillibel of Gaza, who is also mentioned by Esarhaddon (681–669 <span>BC<\/span>) and Ashurbanipal (669–633 <span>BC<\/span>). Reference to “the king of Gaza” also appears in the records of Nebuchadnezzar II of Babylon (604–562 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>In 332 <span>BC<\/span> Gaza was captured and punished by Alexander the Great. He was angered because it had held out against him for two months, so he killed all of the men and sold the women and children into slavery. During the Maccabean period, it was taken by Alexander Janneus, who slaughtered its inhabitants.<\/p>\n<p>In the Bible, Gaza is first mentioned in Genesis 10:19, where it is said that the territory of the Canaanites extended from Sidon to Gaza. In a summary of the conquests of Joshua, one of the dimensions of the conquered area is “from Kadesh-barnea to Gaza” (Jos 10:41). Joshua destroyed all the Anakim in the land, but some remained in Gaza and other Philistine cities (11:22). Another ancient people, the Avvim, “who lived in villages as far as Gaza,” were annihilated and replaced by the Caphtorim from Caphtor, or Crete (Dt 2:23). Gaza, along with its towns and villages, was listed among the tribal inheritance of Judah (Jos 15:47). At the time of Joshua’s advanced age, Gaza and the other four cities of the Philistine Pentapolis are said to be among the territories not yet taken (13:3); in Judges 1:18-19, however, it is reported that Judah took it.<\/p>\n<p>During the time of the judges, Midianite raiders swept through Israel, looting and destroying, even as far as Gaza (Jgs 6:4). In this period the main biblical interest in Gaza centers in the life and exploits of Samson. Philistine women were Samson’s weakness. He went to Gaza and found a prostitute with whom he had relations (16:1). The people of Gaza learned that he was there and determined to kill him in the morning, but Samson arose at midnight and went to the gate of the city, took the doors, posts, and the bar of the gate and carried them to the top of a hill facing Hebron.<\/p>\n<p>His involvement with another Philistine woman, Delilah, resulted in his capture by the Philistines, who gouged out his eyes and took him to Gaza (Jgs 16:21), where he was bound and forced to grind at a mill in the prison. On a festival day in the temple of Dagon, the reveling worshipers called for Samson to be brought so they could make sport of him. His strength was returning, and God answered his prayer for vengeance. Samson dislodged the two pillars that were the support of the stone slab roof of the pagan temple, so Samson died, along with a great number of Gazites.<\/p>\n<p>Gaza is named as the southern boundary of Israel during the time of Solomon, who ruled over “all the region west of the Euphrates from Tiphsah to Gaza” (1 Kgs 4:24). Hezekiah defeated the Philistines as far as Gaza (2 Kgs 18:8). When he rebelled against Assyria, Sennacherib came and took 46 of Hezekiah’s cities and gave them to the king of Gaza and two other kings.<\/p>\n<p>Jeremiah 47 records a prophecy against the Philistines, which the Lord gave to the prophet before Pharaoh attacked Gaza (v 1; cf. v 5; see Neco above). Amos gives specific prophecies of judgment against Gaza (Am 1:6-7). Zephaniah also states that Gaza would be deserted (Zep 2:4). Zechariah 9 gives an oracle of judgment in which it is said that Gaza will suffer and that its king shall perish.<\/p>\n<p>In the NT there is only one reference to Gaza (Acts 8:26). Philip, who was preaching in Samaria, was told by an angel to go south to “the road that goes from Jerusalem to Gaza.” Here he met the treasurer of Cush, who was reading Isaiah 53 as he rode in his chariot. Philip preached the gospel to this man and baptized him.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Philistia, Philistines.<\/p>","summary_ro":"GAZA City near the Palestinian coast, about 50 miles (80.5 kilometers) west-southwest of Jerusalem. It has been occupied almost continuously since ancient times; modern Gaza has played an important part in the conflict between Arabs and Israelis. Gazite and Gazathite are biblical names for the residents of the town. Set about midpoint of the length of the plain of Philistia, Gaza was a rich agricultural area where wheat and similar grains flourished. Situated some three miles (4.8 kilometers)...","summary_en":"GAZA City near the Palestinian coast, about 50 miles (80.5 kilometers) west-southwest of Jerusalem. It has been occupied almost continuously since ancient times; modern Gaza has played an important part in the conflict between Arabs and Israelis. Gazite and Gazathite are biblical names for the residents of the town. Set about midpoint of the length of the plain of Philistia, Gaza was a rich agricultural area where wheat and similar grains flourished. Situated some three miles (4.8 kilometers)...","source":"Articles\/G.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":21242,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Book of Judges","title_en":"Book of Judges","content_ro":"<h3>JUDGES, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>The book reflects a final editing of the material in the period of the early monarchy. It may well be a polemic for the righteous rule of David over against the kingship of Saul, which was molded by a secular, Canaanite conception of kingship rather than by the law of God. The author was almost certainly not Samuel, as traditionally thought, but a later compiler who relied on ancient written materials.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>Though the judges succeeded in giving the tribes some rest from the incursions of surrounding enemies, the Israelites were continually harassed over long periods of time. Scholarly opinion differs on the duration of the period of the judges. The dating of the exodus affects the dating of the beginning of the judges. Those who take an early date for the exodus put the beginning around 1370–1360 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas others propose a date close to the end of the 13th century <span>BC<\/span>. A related issue pertains to the chronology of the judges. Does Judges give a chronological, sequential account of the period, or is the book a representative account of judges from various parts of Canaan and Transjordan who “judged” a region, a tribe, or several tribes simultaneously?<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LiteraryFramework\">Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>There is no doubt that the stories in the book bear the marks of literary creativity. The stories are classics in their own right. The poetry of Deborah’s song (Jgs 5) is very moving, and the fable of Jotham (9:8-15) is a fine example of figurative speech. The care given to the stories is also reflected in the construction of the book. There are two introductions: a political one (Jgs 1:1–2:5) and a socioreligious one (2:6–3:6). The political introduction connects Judges with the story of the Conquest, when the tribes attempted to occupy the land. It prepares the reader for the political and military problems of the era of the judges. The socioreligious introduction explains why Israel had so many adversities, why the institution of the judges arose, and why the Lord never gave Israel the promised lasting rest from its enemies. The main body of the book is the story of the judges (3:7–16:31). References to the minor judges (six in all) are set within the stories of the major judges in increasing frequency. As is evident from the schema, the number of minor judges increased in frequency in proportion to the decrease in number of major judges: two major, one minor; two major, two minor; one major, three minor; one major. There is a total of 12 judges, representative of the 12 tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>The purpose of the listing of 12 judges, representative of the various parts of Canaan and Transjordan, is to demonstrate that all tribes throughout the conquered territories experienced grave difficulties from a variety of enemies: Arameans, Moabites, Ammonites, Amalekites, Canaanites, and Philistines. Israel was hard pressed on nearly all its frontiers. The appendixes (chs 17–21), together with the two introductions, form the framework of the book. The political and socioreligious problems (1:1–3:6) are presented by way of several stories in the last chapters. The final editor who gave the book its canonical shape purposefully framed the stories of the judges so as to show lack of movement. The successes of the previous stages in redemptive history came to a standstill in the ebb and flow of the judges. Though the Lord delivered his people in many ways, they returned to the problems described in 1:1–3:6. The appendixes describe Israel’s problems representative of the period of the judges, when “there was no king in Israel” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTheologicalTeaching\">Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for deliverance, and God’s raising up of a judge reflects a deuteronomic perspective with its warnings concerning disobedience and judgment. The repetitiveness of the cycle supports the contention of the anonymous narrator that Israel remained unchanged by the grace of God. However, in spite of the moral, religious, and political anarchy as well as the civil wars, the last chapter shows that the tribes are still concerned with each other’s welfare. Though the unity of God’s people has been gravely challenged, the situation is not hopeless. The book ends on a note of hope—hope for a king who may deliver Israel.<\/p>\n\n<p>Thus, there are several purposes of the book: (1) to demonstrate the meaninglessness of this stage in Israel’s development; (2) to explain why the tribes did not occupy all the land promised to the patriarchs; (3) to justify the way of God, who was gracious and patient with Israel’s repeated acts of disobedience; (4) to set forth the legitimacy of a “shepherd” king in contrast to a despotic form of kingship; and (5) to explain the urgent need for a new momentum, lest Israel succumb to the Philistines and intertribal warfare.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>The Political Introduction (1:1–2:5)<\/h5>\n<p>In Joshua 1–12 the warfare under Joshua is portrayed as a mobilization of Canaanite forces against Israel. By the intervention of the Lord, the Canaanite resistance was put down and the land was occupied by the tribes (chs 13–21). Joshua 13–21, however, clearly shows that each tribe had problems ridding its territory of pockets of Canaanite resistance, which were usually centered around heavily guarded and well-fortified cities (cf. 13:2-6, 13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18).<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua emphasizes the successes and minimizes the problems, whereas the prologue to Judges sets the stage for the whole book by openly addressing Israel’s problems and failures. As the book unfolds, it is precisely these problems and failures that in due time bring Israel to the brink of disaster.<\/p>\n<p>The period of the judges began with the death of Joshua (Jgs 1:1; 2:8-9). The Israelites had inherited a legacy from Joshua: the law of the Lord (Jos 23:6; 24:26), the land, a challenge to obey the Lord (24:14-27), and a promise of God’s presence and help in subduing the Canaanites (23:5, 10).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah and Simeon (Jgs 1:2-20)<\/h6>\n<p>The prominence of Judah and Caleb parallels the position of Judah in Joshua (Jos 14:6–15:63; cf. also the house of Joseph, Jgs 1:22-29; cf. Jos 16–17). Judah was victorious over the cruel Adoni-bezek, who ruled over Bezek, a town of uncertain location. Judah successfully occupied the hill country, the Negev, and the western foothills. They even took Jerusalem, or an outlying suburb identified with Jerusalem (Jos 1:8), but could not retain control there (v 21) until David’s conquest of the city (2 Sm 5:6-9). Judah was victorious over the Canaanites in the region of Hebron, already conquered under Joshua (Jos 10:36). Hebron, also known as Kiriath-arba (“city of four” or “tetrapolis”), was a powerful ally of Jerusalem (v 3) and had been able to rally military support for a new assault on Israel, even after its first defeat. Caleb received Hebron, as Moses had promised (Jgs 1:20; cf. Jos 15:13). After the victory over Hebron, Judah extended its control over the southern hill country by an attack on Debir (Jgs 1:11-15; cf. Jos 15:14-19).<\/p>\n<p>The Kenites (Jgs 1:16), descendants of Jethro and therefore related to Moses by marriage, settled in the Negev around Arad and the City of Palms, which here probably refers to Tamar rather than Jericho.<\/p>\n<p>Judah secured the southern border by a victory over the Canaanites at Hormah (Jgs 1:17; cf. Nm 14:45; 21:3; Dt 1:44) and the coastal plain by victories at Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron. However, Judah’s successes in the coastal plain were resisted by a well-armed Canaanite force (Jgs 1:18-19). It occupied the Judean hill country and the Negev, but could not retain control over the plains. The Philistines were soon to take control over Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, and incorporate them into their pentapolis.<\/p>\n<h6>Benjamin (1:21)<\/h6>\n<p>Jerusalem was situated on the border between Judah and Benjamin. Judah took the city or a suburb (Jos 1:8) but was too far removed to retain control over it. Benjamin was too weak to subdue the Jebusites. Only David succeeded in this (2 Sm 5:6-9); he incorporated it into Judah (cf. Jos 15:63), even though it originally was allotted to Benjamin (Jos 18:28).<\/p>\n<h6>Joseph: Ephraim and Manasseh (1:22-29)<\/h6>\n<p>Ephraim took Bethel, known from the patriarchal stories as a significant cultic site (Gn 12:8; 13:3-4; 28:19; 31:13; 35:1-15). However, Manasseh was unsuccessful in taking the fortified cities in the valley of Jezreel (Esdraelon): Beth-shan, Taanach, Dor, Ibleam, and Megiddo. These cities controlled traffic along the east-west and north–south roads as well as the important passes through the Carmel range and the ford of the Jordan. Ephraim could not take full possession of the coastal plain, controlled by Gezer. The success of both Ephraim and Manasseh was limited.<\/p>\n<h6>The Other Four Tribes (1:30-36)<\/h6>\n<p>The other four tribes in Canaan receive brief mention. They, too, were only partially successful. Zebulun, Asher, Naphtali, and especially Dan did not fully succeed in driving out the Canaanites. At best they later subjected most of them to forced labor.<\/p>\n<h6>The Failure of Israel (2:1-5)<\/h6>\n<p>The failure to subdue the land and to wipe out the Canaanites and their culture led to intermarriage and idolatry (cf. Ex 23:33; 34:12-16; Nm 33:55; Dt 7:2-5, 16; Jos 23:7, 12).<\/p>\n<p>The identity of “the angel of the Lord” who appears at Bokim is far from certain. It may be a reference to the Lord himself, to an angelic messenger, or to a prophet (cf. Jgs 6:8). He rebuked the people in the prophetic spirit and pronounced God’s judgment as taking the form of continual confrontation between Israel and the Canaanites (2:3). Their weeping and sacrificing were to no avail (2:4-5; cf. Mal 2:13). Israel stood condemned within a generation after Joshua’s death.<\/p>\n<h5>The Theological Introduction (2:6–3:6)<\/h5>\n<p>The theological introduction begins where Joshua left off (Jos 24:28-31). The generation of Joshua was characterized by loyalty, but their loyalty to the Lord did not last long after the excitement of the Conquest and the demonstration of God’s presence (Jgs 2:10). Israel served Canaanite gods (Baal and Astarte) instead. Baal was the storm god, symbolic of rain and fertility, and Astarte was his cohort. The plural (Baals and Ashtaroth, 2:11-13) signifies the many local ways in which the Canaanite gods were worshiped. The religious unity was broken up into a great diversity. Thus Israel angered the Lord (vv 12-14), who sent them enemies and plunderers. Israel was unsuccessful in dealing with them, as Moses and Joshua had forewarned (Dt 28:25, 33; Jos 23:13, 16). The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for mercy, and deliverance is found throughout Judges. The people were rooted in the apostasy of their forefathers, even though the previous generation had been sensitive to God. Israel did not submit to the leadership of the judges, except to free itself from the oppressors. In fulfillment of the curses of the covenant, God swore not to give his people rest but to test them and to train them for warfare (Jgs 3:1-4), so that they might learn to respond to the challenges of a real world.<\/p>\n<h5>The Judges of Israel (3:7–16:31)<\/h5>\n<h6>Othniel (3:7-11)<\/h6>\n<p>Othniel is a transitional figure, linking the Conquest and the judges. He had involved himself in the conquest of Kiriath-sepher and was related to Caleb as his cousin and son-in-law (1:13). He repelled the Arameans led by Cushan-rishathaim, so that the land enjoyed peace for some 40 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ehud (3:12-30)<\/h6>\n<p>The Moabites, allied with the Ammonites and Amalekites, came against Israel from the east and oppressed them for 18 years under the leadership of Eglon. Ehud led the mission to bring tribute to Eglon at his palace, located probably by Jericho (the City of Palms). Ehud was uniquely qualified for this mission; being left-handed, he was able to use his double-edged sword in an unsuspecting manner to stab the king. Ehud’s success was the result of careful plotting and the element of surprise. He paid the tribute and left, only to return with a supposed oracle from the gods. The king fell for the deception and was murdered. The delay at the Moabite court gave the Israelites an opportunity to bring their forces together at the fords of the Jordan. Ehud’s success was complete; no Moabite escaped, and Israel enjoyed peace for 80 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Shamgar (3:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Shamgar’s exploits were against the Philistines in the coastal plains. He had a non-Israelite name but was probably an Israelite by birth. Like Samson he fought the Philistines with an unconventional weapon (an ox goad). His name is also mentioned in the song of Deborah (5:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Deborah and Barak (4:1–5:31)<\/h6>\n<p>The narrative now turns to the Canaanite aggressors in the north under the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor, and Sisera, of Harosheth-haggoyim (4:1-3). The ruins of Hazor (Jos 11:13) had been rebuilt, and another Jabin (cf. v 1) ruled over the region. He had regained his military power, as he had as many as 900 chariots of iron. He oppressed Israel for 20 years (Jgs 4:3).<\/p>\n<p>God had a prophetess in Israel who led his people during this dark time (4:4). She rendered judgments under a palm tree in southern Ephraim near Benjamin (v 5). She called on Barak to muster the armies of Naphtali and Zebulun, the tribes affected by the Canaanite raids, and to engage Sisera in a surprise attack by the Kishon River (vv 6-7). Barak’s hesitancy led him to request Deborah’s presence, which resulted in his forfeiture of the honor of killing Sisera, the commander of the Canaanite forces (vv 8-10). The Lord gave success to the surprise attack from Mt Tabor, so that the Canaanites were routed, unable to use their heavy chariots, which were mired down in the swamps of the Jezreel Valley (5:20-22). The Canaanites were routed, and Sisera was killed by Jael, the wife of Heber, a Kenite who had separated from the Kenites around Arad (4:17-18; cf. 1:16). She offered him hospitality, as her family had friendly relations with the Canaanites, but heroically put him to death with a tent peg (4:18-21; 5:26-27). In successive campaigns the Israelites gained freedom from Jabin, until they destroyed his power (4:24).<\/p>\n<p>The song of Deborah (ch 5) celebrates, in poetic fashion, the victory over Jabin. It is one of the oldest poems in the Bible. It praises the God of Israel as the King who comes to protect his covenant people, and before whom the mountains move (5:2-3). He is the God of Mt Sinai (Jgs 5:4-5; cf. Dt 33:2; Ps 68:7-8; Hb 3:3-4). Though the oppressors had despoiled Israel and had made the roads unsafe for travel, and Israel was unable to defend itself (Jgs 5:6-8), the Lord raised up Deborah and Barak to lead the nobles to war (vv 9-13). They came from Ephraim, Benjamin, Zebulun, Issachar, and Naphtali (vv 14-15a, 18), but the Transjordan tribes and Asher did not want to get involved (vv 15b-17). The song then moves to the battle scene, where torrential rains bogged the chariots down (vv 19-23). Jael is celebrated as “most blessed of women,” who used her simple way of life to bring an end to Sisera (vv 24-27). She stands in contrast to Sisera’s mother, who is portrayed with all her culture waiting in vain for Sisera’s return with all of his spoils (vv 28-30). The Lord has used the simple to confound the powerful. The conclusion is a prayer for God’s judgment on all of Israel’s enemies (Jgs 5:31a; cf. Ps 68:1-3).<\/p>\n<h6>Gideon (6:1–8:35)<\/h6>\n<p>Israel’s rest for 40 years (Jgs 5:31b) was disturbed by the invasion of Midianites and Amalekites from the East (6:1-3). They destroyed the economy by invading the country at harvesttime (vv 4-6). In response to Israel’s cry, God sent a prophet with a message similar to that of the angel of the Lord (2:1-5). Then an angel appeared to Gideon and called him to lead the people in battle (6:11-14). The Lord assured him of his presence (v 16) by a sign (vv 17-22). Gideon knew that he had been visited by the Lord and built an altar called “The <span>Lord<\/span> Is Peace” in Ophrah (v 24). He responded by destroying the cultic site dedicated to Baal and Asherah at Ophrah (vv 25-28) and by initiating worship at the new altar (v 28). Baal did not protect his own altar (vv 29-32), even when challenged by Gideon’s father (v 31). Consequently, Gideon was known as Jerubbaal (meaning, “let Baal contend with him,” v 32).<\/p>\n<p>Next, Gideon mustered an army of 32,000 men from Asher, Zebulun, and Naphtali (6:35; cf. 7:3b). In order to assure himself of the Lord’s presence, he asked for another sign: the sign of the fleece (6:36-40). It must be kept in mind that Gideon lived in an area in which the wonders of God had been scarce (v 13) and that he, like Moses, needed reassurance that God was with him. God responded to his growing faith. Gideon went forth with a greatly reduced army of 300 against the enemy. Of his original army, 22,000 had left because they were afraid (7:2-3; cf. Dt 20:8). Another 9,700 were sent home, though they were valiant men (7:4-8). After assuring Gideon by a dream of an enemy soldier, God used the 300 in a marvelous way to confound the Midianites (vv 9-15). God gave Israel victory over the Midianite leaders Oreb, Zeeb, Zebah, and Zalmunna (7:16–8:21). Gideon wisely avoided a possible military confrontation with Ephraim (8:1-3), pursued the enemy deep into the Transjordan, and punished the leaders of Succoth and Penuel, who did not assist him (vv 4-9, 13-16).<\/p>\n<p>This glorious victory created a new wave of interest in the idea of kingship. The men of Israel wished to establish the family of Gideon as their royal dynasty (8:22). Gideon refused, and instead wrongly set up an ephod, cast from the gold taken in battle (vv 23-27). The ephod was probably used for cultic practices, possibly divination (cf. 17:5).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s era also came to an end. He was God’s instrument, giving Israel rest for 40 years. He fathered 70 sons and died in old age. God had richly blessed him, even though he had led Israel astray with his ephod. Thereafter, Israel returned to Baal worship (8:33-35).<\/p>\n<p>In the wake of Gideon’s era, his son Abimelech attempted to establish dynastic continuity by having himself installed as king at Shechem (9:1-6). With the support of his relatives at Shechem, Abimelech had all his brothers killed except Jotham (vv 4-5). After Abimelech’s coronation, Jotham set forth his opposition to his brother in a proverbial manner (vv 7-20), and went into hiding. Three years later Abimelech’s evil schemes entrapped him when the citizens of Shechem rebelled. He furiously attacked the city and destroyed it. A short time later, however, he was wounded at Thebez by a millstone dropped by a woman from the tower in which she had sought refuge from him. His servant put him out of his misery as per his request. This episode demonstrates how bad a despotic king may be. Again, God’s justice prevailed.<\/p>\n<h6>Tola (10:1-2)<\/h6>\n<p>Tola was a minor judge from Issachar who judged Israel for 23 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jair (10:3-5)<\/h6>\n<p>Jair was a minor judge from Gilead who judged Israel for 22 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jephthah (10:6–12:7)<\/h6>\n<p>A recapitulation (10:6-16) of the cycle (idolatry, enemies, cry for help, momentary repentance) sets the introduction to the Jephthah narrative. Under attack from the Ammonites, the elders of Gilead requested help from Jephthah (10:17–11:8), who promised to help them on the condition that he remain their leader even after the war (vv 9-10). At a solemn ceremony he becomes their “head” at Mizpah (v 11). Jephthah opened up correspondence with the Ammonite king, in which he argued for Israel’s rights on the basis of the Israelites’ historic claim to the land as granted to them by the Lord (vv 12–27). Instead of going out immediately to war, he hoped that “the <span>Lord<\/span>, the Judge” would settle the dispute (v 27); but the Ammonite king was unimpressed. When the Spirit of God came over him, Jephthah led Israel into battle, but only after making a rash vow. He was victorious but found out that his vow to sacrifice whatever came first out of his house required him to sacrifice his daughter. Debate continues as to whether he offered her up as a human sacrifice or whether she sacrificed marriage (see discussion under Jephthah).<\/p>\n<p>The Ephraimites seemed to have had an insatiable desire for war. Earlier they had complained to Gideon, who successfully defused their threats (8:1-3). Jephthah fought them, however, because the Israelites living in Transjordan had been reviled as “renegades” (12:1-4). Forty-two thousand Ephraimites were killed by the fords of the Jordan in this civil war. Thereafter, Jephthah ruled for only six years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ibzan (12:8-10)<\/h6>\n<p>Ibzan was a minor judge from Bethlehem who ruled Israel for seven years.<\/p>\n<h6>Elon (12:11)<\/h6>\n<p>A minor judge from Zebulun, Elon ruled Israel for ten years.<\/p>\n<h6>Abdon (12:13-15)<\/h6>\n<p>Abdon was a minor judge from Pirathon, the location of which is uncertain. He ruled for eight years.<\/p>\n<h6>Samson (13:1–16:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Samson’s greatness in the history of redemption is due to his miraculous birth (13:1-24), his service as a Nazirite (13:7; cf. Nm 6:1-21), the repeated overpowering by the Spirit of the Lord (Jgs 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14), the single-handed exploits against the Philistines (Ashkelon, 14:19; the fields, 15:1-6; Ramath Etam, 15:7-17; Gaza, 16:1-3, 23-30), and his occasional dependence on the Lord (15:18-19; 16:28-30). However, his personal life was flawed because of his weakness for Philistine women (chs 14, 16). Having been seduced by Delilah, he was imprisoned at Gaza. He died in the collapse of Dagon’s temple, praying that the Lord would permit him to get revenge (16:28-30). He was buried in his father’s tomb in the territory of Dan (16:31).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue (17–21)<\/h5>\n<p>The cyclical nature of Israel’s existence was without movement. Rest from enemies was always temporary. Israel was not yet ready for dynastic kingship, and whatever one may say of the three years of Abimelech, it was a kingship of the worst sort. Israel vacillated between idolatry and belief in the true Lord. The period of the judges was unstable, marked by petty individualism and provincialism. Yet God remained sovereign in the affairs of his people. The epilogue contains two stories: the story of Micah and the Danite migration (chs 17–18) and the civil war (chs 19–21). The epilogue is bound together by the phrase “In those days Israel had no king; everyone did as he saw fit” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25, <span>niv<\/span>). The symmetric recurrence (two times in each narrative) emphasizes the anarchy and inability of the tribes to unite together to serve God as a covenant people.<\/p>\n<h6>Micah and the Danites (17–18)<\/h6>\n<p>Micah was an Ephraimite who established a shrine and hired one of his own sons, and then a Levite from Bethlehem, to serve as its priests (ch 17). Unable to keep their patrimony, the Danites left to establish themselves at the foot of Mt Hermon. They took the idols and the Levite from Micah’s shrine and set up a cultic city at the newly established city of Dan, built on the ruins of Laish (ch 18). Thus, they set up a cultic center that rivaled the tabernacle at Shiloh (18:31).<\/p>\n<h6>The Civil War (19–21)<\/h6>\n<p>The people of Gibeah, which belonged to Benjamin, sexually abused the concubine of a Levite so that she died. Like the Levite of chapters 17 and 18, she was from Bethlehem (19:1). Dramatically, the Levite sent pieces of her corpse to all the tribes, which assembled against the Benjamites because they protected the criminals of Gibeah (19:29–20:19). In the ensuing battle the population of Benjamin was decimated (20:20-48). The 11 tribes gave them 400 virgins taken in a civil war against Jabesh-gilead (21:6-15). These were not enough, however. Because of the threat of the extinction of Benjamin and the vow not to give their daughters in marriage to any Benjamite, the Israelites devised a plan by which the Benjamites could take Israelite virgins dancing in the festival at Shiloh. Benjamin thus was able to rebuild its towns and settlements.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Gideon; Jephthah; Samson.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JUDGES, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>The book reflects a final editing of the material in the period of the early monarchy. It may well be a polemic for the righteous rule of David over against the kingship of Saul, which was molded by a secular, Canaanite conception of kingship rather than by the law of God. The author was almost certainly not Samuel, as traditionally thought, but a later compiler who relied on ancient written materials.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>Though the judges succeeded in giving the tribes some rest from the incursions of surrounding enemies, the Israelites were continually harassed over long periods of time. Scholarly opinion differs on the duration of the period of the judges. The dating of the exodus affects the dating of the beginning of the judges. Those who take an early date for the exodus put the beginning around 1370–1360 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas others propose a date close to the end of the 13th century <span>BC<\/span>. A related issue pertains to the chronology of the judges. Does Judges give a chronological, sequential account of the period, or is the book a representative account of judges from various parts of Canaan and Transjordan who “judged” a region, a tribe, or several tribes simultaneously?<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LiteraryFramework\">Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>There is no doubt that the stories in the book bear the marks of literary creativity. The stories are classics in their own right. The poetry of Deborah’s song (Jgs 5) is very moving, and the fable of Jotham (9:8-15) is a fine example of figurative speech. The care given to the stories is also reflected in the construction of the book. There are two introductions: a political one (Jgs 1:1–2:5) and a socioreligious one (2:6–3:6). The political introduction connects Judges with the story of the Conquest, when the tribes attempted to occupy the land. It prepares the reader for the political and military problems of the era of the judges. The socioreligious introduction explains why Israel had so many adversities, why the institution of the judges arose, and why the Lord never gave Israel the promised lasting rest from its enemies. The main body of the book is the story of the judges (3:7–16:31). References to the minor judges (six in all) are set within the stories of the major judges in increasing frequency. As is evident from the schema, the number of minor judges increased in frequency in proportion to the decrease in number of major judges: two major, one minor; two major, two minor; one major, three minor; one major. There is a total of 12 judges, representative of the 12 tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>The purpose of the listing of 12 judges, representative of the various parts of Canaan and Transjordan, is to demonstrate that all tribes throughout the conquered territories experienced grave difficulties from a variety of enemies: Arameans, Moabites, Ammonites, Amalekites, Canaanites, and Philistines. Israel was hard pressed on nearly all its frontiers. The appendixes (chs 17–21), together with the two introductions, form the framework of the book. The political and socioreligious problems (1:1–3:6) are presented by way of several stories in the last chapters. The final editor who gave the book its canonical shape purposefully framed the stories of the judges so as to show lack of movement. The successes of the previous stages in redemptive history came to a standstill in the ebb and flow of the judges. Though the Lord delivered his people in many ways, they returned to the problems described in 1:1–3:6. The appendixes describe Israel’s problems representative of the period of the judges, when “there was no king in Israel” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTheologicalTeaching\">Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for deliverance, and God’s raising up of a judge reflects a deuteronomic perspective with its warnings concerning disobedience and judgment. The repetitiveness of the cycle supports the contention of the anonymous narrator that Israel remained unchanged by the grace of God. However, in spite of the moral, religious, and political anarchy as well as the civil wars, the last chapter shows that the tribes are still concerned with each other’s welfare. Though the unity of God’s people has been gravely challenged, the situation is not hopeless. The book ends on a note of hope—hope for a king who may deliver Israel.<\/p>\n\n<p>Thus, there are several purposes of the book: (1) to demonstrate the meaninglessness of this stage in Israel’s development; (2) to explain why the tribes did not occupy all the land promised to the patriarchs; (3) to justify the way of God, who was gracious and patient with Israel’s repeated acts of disobedience; (4) to set forth the legitimacy of a “shepherd” king in contrast to a despotic form of kingship; and (5) to explain the urgent need for a new momentum, lest Israel succumb to the Philistines and intertribal warfare.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>The Political Introduction (1:1–2:5)<\/h5>\n<p>In Joshua 1–12 the warfare under Joshua is portrayed as a mobilization of Canaanite forces against Israel. By the intervention of the Lord, the Canaanite resistance was put down and the land was occupied by the tribes (chs 13–21). Joshua 13–21, however, clearly shows that each tribe had problems ridding its territory of pockets of Canaanite resistance, which were usually centered around heavily guarded and well-fortified cities (cf. 13:2-6, 13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18).<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua emphasizes the successes and minimizes the problems, whereas the prologue to Judges sets the stage for the whole book by openly addressing Israel’s problems and failures. As the book unfolds, it is precisely these problems and failures that in due time bring Israel to the brink of disaster.<\/p>\n<p>The period of the judges began with the death of Joshua (Jgs 1:1; 2:8-9). The Israelites had inherited a legacy from Joshua: the law of the Lord (Jos 23:6; 24:26), the land, a challenge to obey the Lord (24:14-27), and a promise of God’s presence and help in subduing the Canaanites (23:5, 10).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah and Simeon (Jgs 1:2-20)<\/h6>\n<p>The prominence of Judah and Caleb parallels the position of Judah in Joshua (Jos 14:6–15:63; cf. also the house of Joseph, Jgs 1:22-29; cf. Jos 16–17). Judah was victorious over the cruel Adoni-bezek, who ruled over Bezek, a town of uncertain location. Judah successfully occupied the hill country, the Negev, and the western foothills. They even took Jerusalem, or an outlying suburb identified with Jerusalem (Jos 1:8), but could not retain control there (v 21) until David’s conquest of the city (2 Sm 5:6-9). Judah was victorious over the Canaanites in the region of Hebron, already conquered under Joshua (Jos 10:36). Hebron, also known as Kiriath-arba (“city of four” or “tetrapolis”), was a powerful ally of Jerusalem (v 3) and had been able to rally military support for a new assault on Israel, even after its first defeat. Caleb received Hebron, as Moses had promised (Jgs 1:20; cf. Jos 15:13). After the victory over Hebron, Judah extended its control over the southern hill country by an attack on Debir (Jgs 1:11-15; cf. Jos 15:14-19).<\/p>\n<p>The Kenites (Jgs 1:16), descendants of Jethro and therefore related to Moses by marriage, settled in the Negev around Arad and the City of Palms, which here probably refers to Tamar rather than Jericho.<\/p>\n<p>Judah secured the southern border by a victory over the Canaanites at Hormah (Jgs 1:17; cf. Nm 14:45; 21:3; Dt 1:44) and the coastal plain by victories at Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron. However, Judah’s successes in the coastal plain were resisted by a well-armed Canaanite force (Jgs 1:18-19). It occupied the Judean hill country and the Negev, but could not retain control over the plains. The Philistines were soon to take control over Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, and incorporate them into their pentapolis.<\/p>\n<h6>Benjamin (1:21)<\/h6>\n<p>Jerusalem was situated on the border between Judah and Benjamin. Judah took the city or a suburb (Jos 1:8) but was too far removed to retain control over it. Benjamin was too weak to subdue the Jebusites. Only David succeeded in this (2 Sm 5:6-9); he incorporated it into Judah (cf. Jos 15:63), even though it originally was allotted to Benjamin (Jos 18:28).<\/p>\n<h6>Joseph: Ephraim and Manasseh (1:22-29)<\/h6>\n<p>Ephraim took Bethel, known from the patriarchal stories as a significant cultic site (Gn 12:8; 13:3-4; 28:19; 31:13; 35:1-15). However, Manasseh was unsuccessful in taking the fortified cities in the valley of Jezreel (Esdraelon): Beth-shan, Taanach, Dor, Ibleam, and Megiddo. These cities controlled traffic along the east-west and north–south roads as well as the important passes through the Carmel range and the ford of the Jordan. Ephraim could not take full possession of the coastal plain, controlled by Gezer. The success of both Ephraim and Manasseh was limited.<\/p>\n<h6>The Other Four Tribes (1:30-36)<\/h6>\n<p>The other four tribes in Canaan receive brief mention. They, too, were only partially successful. Zebulun, Asher, Naphtali, and especially Dan did not fully succeed in driving out the Canaanites. At best they later subjected most of them to forced labor.<\/p>\n<h6>The Failure of Israel (2:1-5)<\/h6>\n<p>The failure to subdue the land and to wipe out the Canaanites and their culture led to intermarriage and idolatry (cf. Ex 23:33; 34:12-16; Nm 33:55; Dt 7:2-5, 16; Jos 23:7, 12).<\/p>\n<p>The identity of “the angel of the Lord” who appears at Bokim is far from certain. It may be a reference to the Lord himself, to an angelic messenger, or to a prophet (cf. Jgs 6:8). He rebuked the people in the prophetic spirit and pronounced God’s judgment as taking the form of continual confrontation between Israel and the Canaanites (2:3). Their weeping and sacrificing were to no avail (2:4-5; cf. Mal 2:13). Israel stood condemned within a generation after Joshua’s death.<\/p>\n<h5>The Theological Introduction (2:6–3:6)<\/h5>\n<p>The theological introduction begins where Joshua left off (Jos 24:28-31). The generation of Joshua was characterized by loyalty, but their loyalty to the Lord did not last long after the excitement of the Conquest and the demonstration of God’s presence (Jgs 2:10). Israel served Canaanite gods (Baal and Astarte) instead. Baal was the storm god, symbolic of rain and fertility, and Astarte was his cohort. The plural (Baals and Ashtaroth, 2:11-13) signifies the many local ways in which the Canaanite gods were worshiped. The religious unity was broken up into a great diversity. Thus Israel angered the Lord (vv 12-14), who sent them enemies and plunderers. Israel was unsuccessful in dealing with them, as Moses and Joshua had forewarned (Dt 28:25, 33; Jos 23:13, 16). The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for mercy, and deliverance is found throughout Judges. The people were rooted in the apostasy of their forefathers, even though the previous generation had been sensitive to God. Israel did not submit to the leadership of the judges, except to free itself from the oppressors. In fulfillment of the curses of the covenant, God swore not to give his people rest but to test them and to train them for warfare (Jgs 3:1-4), so that they might learn to respond to the challenges of a real world.<\/p>\n<h5>The Judges of Israel (3:7–16:31)<\/h5>\n<h6>Othniel (3:7-11)<\/h6>\n<p>Othniel is a transitional figure, linking the Conquest and the judges. He had involved himself in the conquest of Kiriath-sepher and was related to Caleb as his cousin and son-in-law (1:13). He repelled the Arameans led by Cushan-rishathaim, so that the land enjoyed peace for some 40 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ehud (3:12-30)<\/h6>\n<p>The Moabites, allied with the Ammonites and Amalekites, came against Israel from the east and oppressed them for 18 years under the leadership of Eglon. Ehud led the mission to bring tribute to Eglon at his palace, located probably by Jericho (the City of Palms). Ehud was uniquely qualified for this mission; being left-handed, he was able to use his double-edged sword in an unsuspecting manner to stab the king. Ehud’s success was the result of careful plotting and the element of surprise. He paid the tribute and left, only to return with a supposed oracle from the gods. The king fell for the deception and was murdered. The delay at the Moabite court gave the Israelites an opportunity to bring their forces together at the fords of the Jordan. Ehud’s success was complete; no Moabite escaped, and Israel enjoyed peace for 80 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Shamgar (3:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Shamgar’s exploits were against the Philistines in the coastal plains. He had a non-Israelite name but was probably an Israelite by birth. Like Samson he fought the Philistines with an unconventional weapon (an ox goad). His name is also mentioned in the song of Deborah (5:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Deborah and Barak (4:1–5:31)<\/h6>\n<p>The narrative now turns to the Canaanite aggressors in the north under the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor, and Sisera, of Harosheth-haggoyim (4:1-3). The ruins of Hazor (Jos 11:13) had been rebuilt, and another Jabin (cf. v 1) ruled over the region. He had regained his military power, as he had as many as 900 chariots of iron. He oppressed Israel for 20 years (Jgs 4:3).<\/p>\n<p>God had a prophetess in Israel who led his people during this dark time (4:4). She rendered judgments under a palm tree in southern Ephraim near Benjamin (v 5). She called on Barak to muster the armies of Naphtali and Zebulun, the tribes affected by the Canaanite raids, and to engage Sisera in a surprise attack by the Kishon River (vv 6-7). Barak’s hesitancy led him to request Deborah’s presence, which resulted in his forfeiture of the honor of killing Sisera, the commander of the Canaanite forces (vv 8-10). The Lord gave success to the surprise attack from Mt Tabor, so that the Canaanites were routed, unable to use their heavy chariots, which were mired down in the swamps of the Jezreel Valley (5:20-22). The Canaanites were routed, and Sisera was killed by Jael, the wife of Heber, a Kenite who had separated from the Kenites around Arad (4:17-18; cf. 1:16). She offered him hospitality, as her family had friendly relations with the Canaanites, but heroically put him to death with a tent peg (4:18-21; 5:26-27). In successive campaigns the Israelites gained freedom from Jabin, until they destroyed his power (4:24).<\/p>\n<p>The song of Deborah (ch 5) celebrates, in poetic fashion, the victory over Jabin. It is one of the oldest poems in the Bible. It praises the God of Israel as the King who comes to protect his covenant people, and before whom the mountains move (5:2-3). He is the God of Mt Sinai (Jgs 5:4-5; cf. Dt 33:2; Ps 68:7-8; Hb 3:3-4). Though the oppressors had despoiled Israel and had made the roads unsafe for travel, and Israel was unable to defend itself (Jgs 5:6-8), the Lord raised up Deborah and Barak to lead the nobles to war (vv 9-13). They came from Ephraim, Benjamin, Zebulun, Issachar, and Naphtali (vv 14-15a, 18), but the Transjordan tribes and Asher did not want to get involved (vv 15b-17). The song then moves to the battle scene, where torrential rains bogged the chariots down (vv 19-23). Jael is celebrated as “most blessed of women,” who used her simple way of life to bring an end to Sisera (vv 24-27). She stands in contrast to Sisera’s mother, who is portrayed with all her culture waiting in vain for Sisera’s return with all of his spoils (vv 28-30). The Lord has used the simple to confound the powerful. The conclusion is a prayer for God’s judgment on all of Israel’s enemies (Jgs 5:31a; cf. Ps 68:1-3).<\/p>\n<h6>Gideon (6:1–8:35)<\/h6>\n<p>Israel’s rest for 40 years (Jgs 5:31b) was disturbed by the invasion of Midianites and Amalekites from the East (6:1-3). They destroyed the economy by invading the country at harvesttime (vv 4-6). In response to Israel’s cry, God sent a prophet with a message similar to that of the angel of the Lord (2:1-5). Then an angel appeared to Gideon and called him to lead the people in battle (6:11-14). The Lord assured him of his presence (v 16) by a sign (vv 17-22). Gideon knew that he had been visited by the Lord and built an altar called “The <span>Lord<\/span> Is Peace” in Ophrah (v 24). He responded by destroying the cultic site dedicated to Baal and Asherah at Ophrah (vv 25-28) and by initiating worship at the new altar (v 28). Baal did not protect his own altar (vv 29-32), even when challenged by Gideon’s father (v 31). Consequently, Gideon was known as Jerubbaal (meaning, “let Baal contend with him,” v 32).<\/p>\n<p>Next, Gideon mustered an army of 32,000 men from Asher, Zebulun, and Naphtali (6:35; cf. 7:3b). In order to assure himself of the Lord’s presence, he asked for another sign: the sign of the fleece (6:36-40). It must be kept in mind that Gideon lived in an area in which the wonders of God had been scarce (v 13) and that he, like Moses, needed reassurance that God was with him. God responded to his growing faith. Gideon went forth with a greatly reduced army of 300 against the enemy. Of his original army, 22,000 had left because they were afraid (7:2-3; cf. Dt 20:8). Another 9,700 were sent home, though they were valiant men (7:4-8). After assuring Gideon by a dream of an enemy soldier, God used the 300 in a marvelous way to confound the Midianites (vv 9-15). God gave Israel victory over the Midianite leaders Oreb, Zeeb, Zebah, and Zalmunna (7:16–8:21). Gideon wisely avoided a possible military confrontation with Ephraim (8:1-3), pursued the enemy deep into the Transjordan, and punished the leaders of Succoth and Penuel, who did not assist him (vv 4-9, 13-16).<\/p>\n<p>This glorious victory created a new wave of interest in the idea of kingship. The men of Israel wished to establish the family of Gideon as their royal dynasty (8:22). Gideon refused, and instead wrongly set up an ephod, cast from the gold taken in battle (vv 23-27). The ephod was probably used for cultic practices, possibly divination (cf. 17:5).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s era also came to an end. He was God’s instrument, giving Israel rest for 40 years. He fathered 70 sons and died in old age. God had richly blessed him, even though he had led Israel astray with his ephod. Thereafter, Israel returned to Baal worship (8:33-35).<\/p>\n<p>In the wake of Gideon’s era, his son Abimelech attempted to establish dynastic continuity by having himself installed as king at Shechem (9:1-6). With the support of his relatives at Shechem, Abimelech had all his brothers killed except Jotham (vv 4-5). After Abimelech’s coronation, Jotham set forth his opposition to his brother in a proverbial manner (vv 7-20), and went into hiding. Three years later Abimelech’s evil schemes entrapped him when the citizens of Shechem rebelled. He furiously attacked the city and destroyed it. A short time later, however, he was wounded at Thebez by a millstone dropped by a woman from the tower in which she had sought refuge from him. His servant put him out of his misery as per his request. This episode demonstrates how bad a despotic king may be. Again, God’s justice prevailed.<\/p>\n<h6>Tola (10:1-2)<\/h6>\n<p>Tola was a minor judge from Issachar who judged Israel for 23 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jair (10:3-5)<\/h6>\n<p>Jair was a minor judge from Gilead who judged Israel for 22 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jephthah (10:6–12:7)<\/h6>\n<p>A recapitulation (10:6-16) of the cycle (idolatry, enemies, cry for help, momentary repentance) sets the introduction to the Jephthah narrative. Under attack from the Ammonites, the elders of Gilead requested help from Jephthah (10:17–11:8), who promised to help them on the condition that he remain their leader even after the war (vv 9-10). At a solemn ceremony he becomes their “head” at Mizpah (v 11). Jephthah opened up correspondence with the Ammonite king, in which he argued for Israel’s rights on the basis of the Israelites’ historic claim to the land as granted to them by the Lord (vv 12–27). Instead of going out immediately to war, he hoped that “the <span>Lord<\/span>, the Judge” would settle the dispute (v 27); but the Ammonite king was unimpressed. When the Spirit of God came over him, Jephthah led Israel into battle, but only after making a rash vow. He was victorious but found out that his vow to sacrifice whatever came first out of his house required him to sacrifice his daughter. Debate continues as to whether he offered her up as a human sacrifice or whether she sacrificed marriage (see discussion under Jephthah).<\/p>\n<p>The Ephraimites seemed to have had an insatiable desire for war. Earlier they had complained to Gideon, who successfully defused their threats (8:1-3). Jephthah fought them, however, because the Israelites living in Transjordan had been reviled as “renegades” (12:1-4). Forty-two thousand Ephraimites were killed by the fords of the Jordan in this civil war. Thereafter, Jephthah ruled for only six years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ibzan (12:8-10)<\/h6>\n<p>Ibzan was a minor judge from Bethlehem who ruled Israel for seven years.<\/p>\n<h6>Elon (12:11)<\/h6>\n<p>A minor judge from Zebulun, Elon ruled Israel for ten years.<\/p>\n<h6>Abdon (12:13-15)<\/h6>\n<p>Abdon was a minor judge from Pirathon, the location of which is uncertain. He ruled for eight years.<\/p>\n<h6>Samson (13:1–16:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Samson’s greatness in the history of redemption is due to his miraculous birth (13:1-24), his service as a Nazirite (13:7; cf. Nm 6:1-21), the repeated overpowering by the Spirit of the Lord (Jgs 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14), the single-handed exploits against the Philistines (Ashkelon, 14:19; the fields, 15:1-6; Ramath Etam, 15:7-17; Gaza, 16:1-3, 23-30), and his occasional dependence on the Lord (15:18-19; 16:28-30). However, his personal life was flawed because of his weakness for Philistine women (chs 14, 16). Having been seduced by Delilah, he was imprisoned at Gaza. He died in the collapse of Dagon’s temple, praying that the Lord would permit him to get revenge (16:28-30). He was buried in his father’s tomb in the territory of Dan (16:31).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue (17–21)<\/h5>\n<p>The cyclical nature of Israel’s existence was without movement. Rest from enemies was always temporary. Israel was not yet ready for dynastic kingship, and whatever one may say of the three years of Abimelech, it was a kingship of the worst sort. Israel vacillated between idolatry and belief in the true Lord. The period of the judges was unstable, marked by petty individualism and provincialism. Yet God remained sovereign in the affairs of his people. The epilogue contains two stories: the story of Micah and the Danite migration (chs 17–18) and the civil war (chs 19–21). The epilogue is bound together by the phrase “In those days Israel had no king; everyone did as he saw fit” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25, <span>niv<\/span>). The symmetric recurrence (two times in each narrative) emphasizes the anarchy and inability of the tribes to unite together to serve God as a covenant people.<\/p>\n<h6>Micah and the Danites (17–18)<\/h6>\n<p>Micah was an Ephraimite who established a shrine and hired one of his own sons, and then a Levite from Bethlehem, to serve as its priests (ch 17). Unable to keep their patrimony, the Danites left to establish themselves at the foot of Mt Hermon. They took the idols and the Levite from Micah’s shrine and set up a cultic city at the newly established city of Dan, built on the ruins of Laish (ch 18). Thus, they set up a cultic center that rivaled the tabernacle at Shiloh (18:31).<\/p>\n<h6>The Civil War (19–21)<\/h6>\n<p>The people of Gibeah, which belonged to Benjamin, sexually abused the concubine of a Levite so that she died. Like the Levite of chapters 17 and 18, she was from Bethlehem (19:1). Dramatically, the Levite sent pieces of her corpse to all the tribes, which assembled against the Benjamites because they protected the criminals of Gibeah (19:29–20:19). In the ensuing battle the population of Benjamin was decimated (20:20-48). The 11 tribes gave them 400 virgins taken in a civil war against Jabesh-gilead (21:6-15). These were not enough, however. Because of the threat of the extinction of Benjamin and the vow not to give their daughters in marriage to any Benjamite, the Israelites devised a plan by which the Benjamites could take Israelite virgins dancing in the festival at Shiloh. Benjamin thus was able to rebuild its towns and settlements.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Gideon; Jephthah; Samson.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JUDGES, Book of Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail. Preview • Author • Date • Li...","summary_en":"JUDGES, Book of Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail. Preview • Author • Date • Li...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":45678,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:18","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:18","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:18<\/strong> <em>Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron<\/em>, with Gath and Ashdod, later made up the five main cities of the Philistines (3:3).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:18<\/strong> <em>Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron<\/em>, with Gath and Ashdod, later made up the five main cities of the Philistines (3:3).<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:18 Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, with Gath and Ashdod, later made up the five main cities of the Philistines (3:3).","summary_en":"1:18 Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, with Gath and Ashdod, later made up the five main cities of the Philistines (3:3).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73304,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:18","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:18","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:18<\/strong> <em>Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron<\/em>, with Gath and Ashdod, later made up the five main cities of the Philistines (3:3).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:18<\/strong> <em>Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron<\/em>, with Gath and Ashdod, later made up the five main cities of the Philistines (3:3).<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:18 Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, with Gath and Ashdod, later made up the five main cities of the Philistines (3:3).","summary_en":"1:18 Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, with Gath and Ashdod, later made up the five main cities of the Philistines (3:3).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":100930,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:18","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:18","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:18<\/strong> <em>Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron<\/em>, with Gath and Ashdod, later made up the five main cities of the Philistines (3:3).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:18<\/strong> <em>Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron<\/em>, with Gath and Ashdod, later made up the five main cities of the Philistines (3:3).<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:18 Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, with Gath and Ashdod, later made up the five main cities of the Philistines (3:3).","summary_en":"1:18 Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, with Gath and Ashdod, later made up the five main cities of the Philistines (3:3).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128556,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:18","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:18","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:18<\/strong> <em>Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron<\/em>, with Gath and Ashdod, later made up the five main cities of the Philistines (3:3).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:18<\/strong> <em>Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron<\/em>, with Gath and Ashdod, later made up the five main cities of the Philistines (3:3).<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:18 Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, with Gath and Ashdod, later made up the five main cities of the Philistines (3:3).","summary_en":"1:18 Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, with Gath and Ashdod, later made up the five main cities of the Philistines (3:3).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"19":[{"id":17692,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Ironsmith*","title_en":"Ironsmith*","content_ro":"<h3>IRONSMITH*<\/h3>\n<p>An artisan who normally worked in iron (Is 44:12); a blacksmith. The first worker in iron recorded in the Bible is Tubal-cain (Gn 4:22). In Israel iron became widely known and used about the 11th century <span>BC<\/span> (Dt 3:11; Jos 6:19, 24; 17:16; Jgs 1:19; 4:3, 13). <em>See<\/em> Minerals and Metals.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>IRONSMITH*<\/h3>\n<p>An artisan who normally worked in iron (Is 44:12); a blacksmith. The first worker in iron recorded in the Bible is Tubal-cain (Gn 4:22). In Israel iron became widely known and used about the 11th century <span>BC<\/span> (Dt 3:11; Jos 6:19, 24; 17:16; Jgs 1:19; 4:3, 13). <em>See<\/em> Minerals and Metals.<\/p>","summary_ro":"IRONSMITH* An artisan who normally worked in iron (Is 44:12); a blacksmith. The first worker in iron recorded in the Bible is Tubal-cain (Gn 4:22). In Israel iron became widely known and used about the 11th century BC (Dt 3:11; Jos 6:19, 24; 17:16; Jgs 1:19; 4:3, 13). See Minerals and Metals.","summary_en":"IRONSMITH* An artisan who normally worked in iron (Is 44:12); a blacksmith. The first worker in iron recorded in the Bible is Tubal-cain (Gn 4:22). In Israel iron became widely known and used about the 11th century BC (Dt 3:11; Jos 6:19, 24; 17:16; Jgs 1:19; 4:3, 13). See Minerals and Metals.","source":"Articles\/I.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":25907,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Minerals* and Metals","title_en":"Minerals* and Metals","content_ro":"<h3>MINERALS* AND METALS<\/h3>\n<p>A “mineral” is a naturally occurring substance, normally an ore that must be mined and treated before the metal can be extracted. A “metal” is a chemical element such as iron or copper, which is free from contamination by other materials. Metals in a pure form generally do not occur in nature, though there are exceptions.<\/p>\n<p>In Palestine, mining and smelting are ancient arts, practiced long before the Israelites arrived. The quarrying of suitable stones, such as flint, for toolmaking goes back to the Stone Age; the quarrying of stone for building is also an ancient craft. In particular, metals, native gold, copper, and meteoric iron were known and used in the Middle East before 4000 <span>BC<\/span>. From 4000 to 3000 <span>BC<\/span>, native silver became known as well as copper and lead ores. The art of smelting was discovered probably almost by accident, resulting in the production of alloys like bronze. Then the reduction of oxidized iron was discovered. From 3000 to 2000 <span>BC<\/span>, important advances were made. Copper sulfides and tin oxides were reduced to metal, and metallic tin and copper became important items of trade.<\/p>\n<p>In the years 2000 to 1000 <span>BC<\/span>, bellows came into use for furnaces, and iron was reduced from its ores and forged. The art of making brass from copper and zinc was discovered about 1500 <span>BC<\/span> but did not become significant till somewhat later. Bronze, known for many centuries, was made sometimes with a high tin content to form speculum for mirrors. By this time the Israelites were settled in the land and the kingdom was established. From 1000 <span>BC<\/span> to the start of the Christian era, the production of metals, especially iron, greatly expanded. A form of steel was made and used for weapons and tools.<\/p>\n<p>By the time of David and Solomon, the Israelites had learned many skills in the preparation and working of metals. Under David, Edom, with its rich copper and iron deposits, was conquered (2 Sm 8:13-14) and there was a lot of activity in the casting of metals in the Jordan Valley (1 Kgs 7:13-14, 45-46). In this activity Solomon had the assistance of Hiram, a Phoenician artisan. Israelite tradition associated the origins of metallurgy with Tubal-cain (Gn 4:22), who is said to have forged all kinds of tools out of bronze and iron. Deuteronomy 8:9 refers to the presence of iron and copper in the land to which Israel was going.<\/p>\n<p>While the Israelites eventually undertook their own metalworking processes, it is evident from 1 Samuel 13:19-22 that on at least one occasion, in the days of Philistine domination, they were obliged to have their agricultural tools made by their enemies. Similarly, the manufacture of cult vessels for Solomon’s temple was supervised by Phoenician artisans (1 Kgs 7:13-50).<\/p>\n<p>Minerals, metals, and precious stones were also important items of trade. Israel was never a land rich in these commodities and was obliged to import a wide variety of them. The visit of the queen of Sheba was partly diplomatic and partly for trade (1 Kgs 10:2, 10-11).<\/p>\n<p>Metals and precious stones featured also among the booty carried off by invaders, notably—but not only—by the Egyptians and Assyrians. These items were in constant demand as they were needed for agriculture and making weapons of war, and for the manufacture of jewelry and items of personal adornment.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Minerals\">Minerals<\/p>\n<p>A mineral is an inorganic substance with a definite chemical composition and structure, sometimes occurring alone or sometimes combined with others. “Ore” refers to any mineral or mineral aggregate containing chemical compounds of metals in sufficient quantity and grade to make the extraction of the metal commercially profitable. The essential element, the metal, occurs in nature as a chemical compound, such as a sulfide, an oxide, a carbonate, or some other compound, though the sulfides and oxides are the most common. Minerals exhibit a variety of properties, such as color, luster, crystal form, cleavage, fracture, hardness, and density, which help in their identification and exercise control on the commercial and industrial uses of the particular mineral.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Metals\">Metals<\/p>\n<p>A metal in its pure form is a chemically pure element with its own fixed physical properties, such as density, tensile strength, crystalline structure, melting point, ductility, conductivity, and the like. Metals form alloys with other metals, but this process destroys their purity. In both the ancient world and the modern world the alloy is extremely important.<\/p>\n<p>In order to obtain a pure metal, the ore in which the metal is contained must be smelted—a process known as metallurgy. In ancient Israel pure metals were widely used—among them were gold, silver, iron, and lead. Yet alloys such as bronze and brass were even more widely used.<\/p>\n<h5>Metallurgy and Metal Extraction<\/h5>\n<p>The method of producing hard wrought iron was discovered by the Hittites of Asia Minor about 1300 <span>BC<\/span>, and was taken up by the Philistines (1 Sm 13:19-20). At first, the iron obtained from simple furnaces was drawn off and hammered to drive out slag (Dt 4:20; 1 Kgs 8:51; Jer 11:4). Later, the addition of carbon produced an early form of steel.<\/p>\n<p>The lead sulfide ore is heated with lime in a flow of air. A slag with rock particles forms. The air is then cut off and the temperature is raised. Finally, the lead flows free.<\/p>\n<p>The OT refers to the mining of silver (Jb 28:1), the refining of the metal (Zec 13:9; Mal 3:3), the melting of scrap metals or jeweler’s remnants (Ez 22:20-22), and of multiple refinings in a crucible (Prv 17:3; 27:21) to produce refined silver (1 Chr 29:4; Ps 12:6; Prv 10:20).<\/p>\n<h5>Specific Metals<\/h5>\n<p>Although several OT passages suggest that the science of metallurgy was known in biblical times, comparatively little archaeological evidence is available. The processing plants were small and were used for the treatment of copper and iron. The archaeological record is far from complete, but the general impression is that metallic ores were comparatively rare in Palestine; imports must have been considerable. However, numerous molds for casting agricultural and military tools have come to light in excavations. Evidently, some refined metal was available locally, but perhaps most of it was imported. The metal was then heated and poured into the appropriate earthenware or pottery mold.<\/p>\n<p>There are many references to metals in the Bible, but especially to gold, silver, iron, and lead. While copper was widely used, it was normally in the form of its alloys, bronze and brass. There are comparatively few references to tin as such, though it was used in manufacturing bronze. Similarly zinc, though used in the manufacture of brass, is not mentioned in the Bible.<\/p>\n<p>Gold is referred to hundreds of times in the OT and NT, more frequently than any other metal. It is often mentioned together with silver, and in the majority of cases silver is mentioned first, reflecting a time when gold was less valued.<\/p>\n<p>Gold was used in the manufacture of ornaments for personal use (Gn 24:53; 41:42; Ex 3:22; 11:2; 12:35). Gold was important in worship both in Israel and among the non-Israelites. References to pagan gods occur in several passages (Ex 20:23; 32:2-4; Ps 115:4; Is 2:20; 30:22; 31:7; 40:19; 46:6; Hos 8:4). It seems that the gold was melted down and later engraved so that the replicas could be called both molten images (Ex 32:24) and graven images. The tabernacle and the temple used a great deal of gold. The wooden ark was covered inside and outside with gold (25:11). Other timber pieces were overlaid with gold (25:11; 1 Kgs 6:20-22, 30).<\/p>\n<p>The vessels and utensils used in the tabernacle and temple were made of “pure gold”: the cherubim (Ex 25:18; 37:7), the mercy seat (25:17; 37:6), the candlestick (Ex 25:31; Zec 4:2), various vessels (Ex 25:38; 2 Kgs 24:13), chains to carry the ephod (Ex 28:14), and the bells on the high priest’s robe. The high priest’s crown, ephod, and breastplate were also of gold (39:2-30). The offerings collected for the manufacture of such articles in the wilderness include golden dishes weighing 120 shekels (Nm 7:86). The more lavishly adorned temple apparently used more gold than the tabernacle (1 Kgs 6:20-28; 1 Chr 29:2-7; 2 Chr 3:4–4:22). The number of specific references to gold in the tabernacle and temple is far too great to mention all of them here. The large amount of gold used in the temple was attractive to invaders, who would strip the temple of its gold and carry it off as booty (1 Kgs 14:26; 2 Kgs 16:8; 18:14; 24:13; 25:15; 2 Chr 12:9).<\/p>\n<p>Gold had commercial value. It was imported in Solomon’s day, and up to 666 talents were brought to Israel annually (1 Kgs 10:14). Hiram of Tyre gave Solomon 120 talents of gold (9:14), possibly as a loan. Certainly Solomon used a lot of gold in the temple (10:16-17). Gold was useful, too, for buying off an enemy (2 Kgs 16:8) or simply as tribute (18:14). Evidence of this comes also from the Assyrian annals, where the tribute taken from various lands often included gold.<\/p>\n<p>The possession of gold was not in itself an evil thing, but preoccupation with its accumulation was condemned (Jb 28:15-17; Prv 3:14; 8:10, 19; 16:16). The possession of wisdom and the knowledge of God was of greater value than the possession of much gold (Pss 19:10; 119:72, 127; Prv 20:15). Job rejected trust in gold (Jb 31:24). Gold would not save a man in the day of judgment (Zep 1:18).<\/p>\n<p>In the NT gold was regarded as perishable (Jas 5:3; 1 Pt 1:18) and as an unnecessary burden to carry (Mt 10:9; Acts 3:6). The wearing of a gold ring was certainly no measure of a man’s worth (Jas 2:2); indeed, both Paul and Peter forbade it (1 Tm 2:9; 1 Pt 3:3).<\/p>\n<p>The use of gold in itself was no measure of piety. The elders of Revelation 4:4 wore golden crowns, but the great harlot was “bedecked with gold” (Rv 17:4), as was the harlot city Babylon (18:16). By contrast, there are some positive statements in the NT about the value of gold (3:18). The wise men brought gold to the infant Jesus as a symbol of his kingly character (Mt 2:11), and the Holy City, the new Jerusalem, was a city of gold, clear as glass (Rv 21:18).<\/p>\n<p>In the OT, silver is mentioned in several connections. Being a precious metal, once considered more precious than gold, it was regularly used in commerce for the payments of debts. Small pieces of silver were weighed into a balance against a standard weight. Abraham bought the cave at Machpelah as a burial place for Sarah for 400 shekels of silver and weighed out the “money” according to the weight’s current value with the merchant (Gn 23:15-16). Joseph’s brothers received 20 pieces of silver in payment for Joseph (37:28), and Benjamin was given a money gift by Joseph in pieces of silver (45:22).<\/p>\n<p>There are other examples of payment in silver for commodities or services (Gn 20:16; Ex 21:32; Lv 27:16; Jos 24:32; Jgs 17:10; 2 Sm 24:24; Neh 7:72; Jb 28:15; Is 7:23; 46:6; Am 2:6; 8:6). Silver was a measure of a man’s wealth (Gn 13:2; 24:35; Ex 25:3; Nm 22:18; Dt 7:25; Zep 1:18; Hg 2:8; Zec 6:11). An unusual comment in 1 Kings 10:21 notes that in Solomon’s day “it was not considered as anything,” apparently because it was so plentiful. It was regularly taken as booty (Jos 6:19; 7:21; 1 Kgs 15:18). Sometimes the drinking cup of an important man was made of silver (Gn 44:2). Sometimes, too, a royal crown was made of gold and silver (Zec 6:11). It was important in the manufacture of personal ornaments (Gn 24:53; Ex 3:22; 12:35), and one example is given of ornaments of gold studded with silver (Sg 1:11).<\/p>\n<p>The process of refining silver was used as a metaphor for the trying of people’s hearts (Ps 66:10; Is 48:10), and the tarnishing and deterioration of silver was a picture of the disintegration of one’s character (Is 1:22; Jer 6:30). God’s Word is pictured as “pure” silver refined and purified in a furnace. Despite silver’s great value, wisdom excels it (Job 28:15; Prv 3:14; 8:19; 10:20; 16:16; 22:1; 25:11).<\/p>\n<p>Native copper is mentioned in Deuteronomy 8:9, though the reference may be to one of its ores. More commonly, biblical references are to brass, the alloy of copper and zinc. However, the chemical analysis of copper-based tools and implements during the middle and late Bronze Ages (c. 2000–1200 <span>BC<\/span>) shows that the material was bronze. References to brass in the <span>kjv<\/span> are therefore to bronze.<\/p>\n<p>By NT times, copper in the form of alloys (bronze and brass) was widely used. Bronze coinage was well known and this may be the sense of Matthew 10:9. The widow’s mite was a tiny bronze coin, the lepton. Bronze utensils and vessels were well known (Rv 9:20; 18:12). The reference to “sounding brass” (<span>kjv<\/span>) in 1 Corinthians 13:1 may actually be to brass, which was a bright, shining alloy, and was used in musical instruments. In the vision of John in Revelation (Rv 1:15; 2:18), the Son of Man had feet of fine brass (<span>nlt<\/span> “bronze”).<\/p>\n<p>The Iron Age began in Palestine about 1200 <span>BC<\/span>, that is, in the days of the judges, though native iron had been known in Egypt in the predynastic period. Archaeological evidence suggests that the smelting of iron ore was discovered by the Hittites about 1400 <span>BC<\/span>. The Philistines seem to have introduced iron to Palestine about 1300 <span>BC<\/span>. In the days of Moses an encounter with the Midianites produced much tribute, among which iron is mentioned (Nm 31:22). When Israel captured Jericho, the spoils included iron (Jos 6:24). Manasseh’s half-tribe also took booty including iron (22:8). In the days of the judges the Canaanites were equipped with chariots of iron (Jos 17:16-18; Jgs 1:19; 4:3).<\/p>\n<p>These early references point to the arrival of iron at the start of the Iron Age. The Philistines enjoyed a local monopoly in its use (1 Sm 13:19-21), and their mighty warrior Goliath was armed with an iron spear (17:7). It was not long, however, before Israel learned the use of iron (2 Sm 12:31; 23:7). Evidently, by Solomon’s time, iron was widely used, because builders of the temple were forbidden to use iron tools (1 Kgs 6:7). The false prophet Zedekiah in Ahab’s day used the horns of iron to thrust toward Syria as he spoke of their defeat (22:11).<\/p>\n<p>The prophet Isaiah in the eighth century <span>BC<\/span> referred to iron (Is 10:34), and Jeremiah later spoke of the metal in several places (Jer 1:18; 6:28; 11:4; 15:12; 17:1; 28:13-14). Ezekiel made use of an iron plate in one of his symbolic actions (Ez 4:3), referred to iron in his description of smelting (22:18, 20), and listed it as a commodity for trade (27:12, 19). The prophet Amos spoke of threshing instruments of iron (Am 1:3). Micah used iron as a symbol for military might (Mi 4:13). The book of Daniel makes several references to it (Dn 2:33-35, 40-45; 4:15, 23; 7:7, 19).<\/p>\n<p>By Roman times, iron weapons were the regular implements of war. Gates of iron were used to close prisons (Acts 12:10), and in a symbolic usage powerful rulers were said to rule with a rod of iron (Rv 2:27; 9:9; 12:5; 19:15). The term “iron” was used also in some metaphorical expressions. The smelting of iron was a symbol of testing and suffering (Dt 4:20; 1 Kgs 8:51; Jer 11:4; Ez 22:18), a pillar of iron was symbolic of strength (Jer 1:18), and an iron rod of harsh rule (Ps 2:9; Rv 2:27; 12:5; 19:15).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Coppersmith; Goldsmith; Ironsmith; Mason, Masonry; Silversmith; Stones, Precious.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>MINERALS* AND METALS<\/h3>\n<p>A “mineral” is a naturally occurring substance, normally an ore that must be mined and treated before the metal can be extracted. A “metal” is a chemical element such as iron or copper, which is free from contamination by other materials. Metals in a pure form generally do not occur in nature, though there are exceptions.<\/p>\n<p>In Palestine, mining and smelting are ancient arts, practiced long before the Israelites arrived. The quarrying of suitable stones, such as flint, for toolmaking goes back to the Stone Age; the quarrying of stone for building is also an ancient craft. In particular, metals, native gold, copper, and meteoric iron were known and used in the Middle East before 4000 <span>BC<\/span>. From 4000 to 3000 <span>BC<\/span>, native silver became known as well as copper and lead ores. The art of smelting was discovered probably almost by accident, resulting in the production of alloys like bronze. Then the reduction of oxidized iron was discovered. From 3000 to 2000 <span>BC<\/span>, important advances were made. Copper sulfides and tin oxides were reduced to metal, and metallic tin and copper became important items of trade.<\/p>\n<p>In the years 2000 to 1000 <span>BC<\/span>, bellows came into use for furnaces, and iron was reduced from its ores and forged. The art of making brass from copper and zinc was discovered about 1500 <span>BC<\/span> but did not become significant till somewhat later. Bronze, known for many centuries, was made sometimes with a high tin content to form speculum for mirrors. By this time the Israelites were settled in the land and the kingdom was established. From 1000 <span>BC<\/span> to the start of the Christian era, the production of metals, especially iron, greatly expanded. A form of steel was made and used for weapons and tools.<\/p>\n<p>By the time of David and Solomon, the Israelites had learned many skills in the preparation and working of metals. Under David, Edom, with its rich copper and iron deposits, was conquered (2 Sm 8:13-14) and there was a lot of activity in the casting of metals in the Jordan Valley (1 Kgs 7:13-14, 45-46). In this activity Solomon had the assistance of Hiram, a Phoenician artisan. Israelite tradition associated the origins of metallurgy with Tubal-cain (Gn 4:22), who is said to have forged all kinds of tools out of bronze and iron. Deuteronomy 8:9 refers to the presence of iron and copper in the land to which Israel was going.<\/p>\n<p>While the Israelites eventually undertook their own metalworking processes, it is evident from 1 Samuel 13:19-22 that on at least one occasion, in the days of Philistine domination, they were obliged to have their agricultural tools made by their enemies. Similarly, the manufacture of cult vessels for Solomon’s temple was supervised by Phoenician artisans (1 Kgs 7:13-50).<\/p>\n<p>Minerals, metals, and precious stones were also important items of trade. Israel was never a land rich in these commodities and was obliged to import a wide variety of them. The visit of the queen of Sheba was partly diplomatic and partly for trade (1 Kgs 10:2, 10-11).<\/p>\n<p>Metals and precious stones featured also among the booty carried off by invaders, notably—but not only—by the Egyptians and Assyrians. These items were in constant demand as they were needed for agriculture and making weapons of war, and for the manufacture of jewelry and items of personal adornment.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Minerals\">Minerals<\/p>\n<p>A mineral is an inorganic substance with a definite chemical composition and structure, sometimes occurring alone or sometimes combined with others. “Ore” refers to any mineral or mineral aggregate containing chemical compounds of metals in sufficient quantity and grade to make the extraction of the metal commercially profitable. The essential element, the metal, occurs in nature as a chemical compound, such as a sulfide, an oxide, a carbonate, or some other compound, though the sulfides and oxides are the most common. Minerals exhibit a variety of properties, such as color, luster, crystal form, cleavage, fracture, hardness, and density, which help in their identification and exercise control on the commercial and industrial uses of the particular mineral.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Metals\">Metals<\/p>\n<p>A metal in its pure form is a chemically pure element with its own fixed physical properties, such as density, tensile strength, crystalline structure, melting point, ductility, conductivity, and the like. Metals form alloys with other metals, but this process destroys their purity. In both the ancient world and the modern world the alloy is extremely important.<\/p>\n<p>In order to obtain a pure metal, the ore in which the metal is contained must be smelted—a process known as metallurgy. In ancient Israel pure metals were widely used—among them were gold, silver, iron, and lead. Yet alloys such as bronze and brass were even more widely used.<\/p>\n<h5>Metallurgy and Metal Extraction<\/h5>\n<p>The method of producing hard wrought iron was discovered by the Hittites of Asia Minor about 1300 <span>BC<\/span>, and was taken up by the Philistines (1 Sm 13:19-20). At first, the iron obtained from simple furnaces was drawn off and hammered to drive out slag (Dt 4:20; 1 Kgs 8:51; Jer 11:4). Later, the addition of carbon produced an early form of steel.<\/p>\n<p>The lead sulfide ore is heated with lime in a flow of air. A slag with rock particles forms. The air is then cut off and the temperature is raised. Finally, the lead flows free.<\/p>\n<p>The OT refers to the mining of silver (Jb 28:1), the refining of the metal (Zec 13:9; Mal 3:3), the melting of scrap metals or jeweler’s remnants (Ez 22:20-22), and of multiple refinings in a crucible (Prv 17:3; 27:21) to produce refined silver (1 Chr 29:4; Ps 12:6; Prv 10:20).<\/p>\n<h5>Specific Metals<\/h5>\n<p>Although several OT passages suggest that the science of metallurgy was known in biblical times, comparatively little archaeological evidence is available. The processing plants were small and were used for the treatment of copper and iron. The archaeological record is far from complete, but the general impression is that metallic ores were comparatively rare in Palestine; imports must have been considerable. However, numerous molds for casting agricultural and military tools have come to light in excavations. Evidently, some refined metal was available locally, but perhaps most of it was imported. The metal was then heated and poured into the appropriate earthenware or pottery mold.<\/p>\n<p>There are many references to metals in the Bible, but especially to gold, silver, iron, and lead. While copper was widely used, it was normally in the form of its alloys, bronze and brass. There are comparatively few references to tin as such, though it was used in manufacturing bronze. Similarly zinc, though used in the manufacture of brass, is not mentioned in the Bible.<\/p>\n<p>Gold is referred to hundreds of times in the OT and NT, more frequently than any other metal. It is often mentioned together with silver, and in the majority of cases silver is mentioned first, reflecting a time when gold was less valued.<\/p>\n<p>Gold was used in the manufacture of ornaments for personal use (Gn 24:53; 41:42; Ex 3:22; 11:2; 12:35). Gold was important in worship both in Israel and among the non-Israelites. References to pagan gods occur in several passages (Ex 20:23; 32:2-4; Ps 115:4; Is 2:20; 30:22; 31:7; 40:19; 46:6; Hos 8:4). It seems that the gold was melted down and later engraved so that the replicas could be called both molten images (Ex 32:24) and graven images. The tabernacle and the temple used a great deal of gold. The wooden ark was covered inside and outside with gold (25:11). Other timber pieces were overlaid with gold (25:11; 1 Kgs 6:20-22, 30).<\/p>\n<p>The vessels and utensils used in the tabernacle and temple were made of “pure gold”: the cherubim (Ex 25:18; 37:7), the mercy seat (25:17; 37:6), the candlestick (Ex 25:31; Zec 4:2), various vessels (Ex 25:38; 2 Kgs 24:13), chains to carry the ephod (Ex 28:14), and the bells on the high priest’s robe. The high priest’s crown, ephod, and breastplate were also of gold (39:2-30). The offerings collected for the manufacture of such articles in the wilderness include golden dishes weighing 120 shekels (Nm 7:86). The more lavishly adorned temple apparently used more gold than the tabernacle (1 Kgs 6:20-28; 1 Chr 29:2-7; 2 Chr 3:4–4:22). The number of specific references to gold in the tabernacle and temple is far too great to mention all of them here. The large amount of gold used in the temple was attractive to invaders, who would strip the temple of its gold and carry it off as booty (1 Kgs 14:26; 2 Kgs 16:8; 18:14; 24:13; 25:15; 2 Chr 12:9).<\/p>\n<p>Gold had commercial value. It was imported in Solomon’s day, and up to 666 talents were brought to Israel annually (1 Kgs 10:14). Hiram of Tyre gave Solomon 120 talents of gold (9:14), possibly as a loan. Certainly Solomon used a lot of gold in the temple (10:16-17). Gold was useful, too, for buying off an enemy (2 Kgs 16:8) or simply as tribute (18:14). Evidence of this comes also from the Assyrian annals, where the tribute taken from various lands often included gold.<\/p>\n<p>The possession of gold was not in itself an evil thing, but preoccupation with its accumulation was condemned (Jb 28:15-17; Prv 3:14; 8:10, 19; 16:16). The possession of wisdom and the knowledge of God was of greater value than the possession of much gold (Pss 19:10; 119:72, 127; Prv 20:15). Job rejected trust in gold (Jb 31:24). Gold would not save a man in the day of judgment (Zep 1:18).<\/p>\n<p>In the NT gold was regarded as perishable (Jas 5:3; 1 Pt 1:18) and as an unnecessary burden to carry (Mt 10:9; Acts 3:6). The wearing of a gold ring was certainly no measure of a man’s worth (Jas 2:2); indeed, both Paul and Peter forbade it (1 Tm 2:9; 1 Pt 3:3).<\/p>\n<p>The use of gold in itself was no measure of piety. The elders of Revelation 4:4 wore golden crowns, but the great harlot was “bedecked with gold” (Rv 17:4), as was the harlot city Babylon (18:16). By contrast, there are some positive statements in the NT about the value of gold (3:18). The wise men brought gold to the infant Jesus as a symbol of his kingly character (Mt 2:11), and the Holy City, the new Jerusalem, was a city of gold, clear as glass (Rv 21:18).<\/p>\n<p>In the OT, silver is mentioned in several connections. Being a precious metal, once considered more precious than gold, it was regularly used in commerce for the payments of debts. Small pieces of silver were weighed into a balance against a standard weight. Abraham bought the cave at Machpelah as a burial place for Sarah for 400 shekels of silver and weighed out the “money” according to the weight’s current value with the merchant (Gn 23:15-16). Joseph’s brothers received 20 pieces of silver in payment for Joseph (37:28), and Benjamin was given a money gift by Joseph in pieces of silver (45:22).<\/p>\n<p>There are other examples of payment in silver for commodities or services (Gn 20:16; Ex 21:32; Lv 27:16; Jos 24:32; Jgs 17:10; 2 Sm 24:24; Neh 7:72; Jb 28:15; Is 7:23; 46:6; Am 2:6; 8:6). Silver was a measure of a man’s wealth (Gn 13:2; 24:35; Ex 25:3; Nm 22:18; Dt 7:25; Zep 1:18; Hg 2:8; Zec 6:11). An unusual comment in 1 Kings 10:21 notes that in Solomon’s day “it was not considered as anything,” apparently because it was so plentiful. It was regularly taken as booty (Jos 6:19; 7:21; 1 Kgs 15:18). Sometimes the drinking cup of an important man was made of silver (Gn 44:2). Sometimes, too, a royal crown was made of gold and silver (Zec 6:11). It was important in the manufacture of personal ornaments (Gn 24:53; Ex 3:22; 12:35), and one example is given of ornaments of gold studded with silver (Sg 1:11).<\/p>\n<p>The process of refining silver was used as a metaphor for the trying of people’s hearts (Ps 66:10; Is 48:10), and the tarnishing and deterioration of silver was a picture of the disintegration of one’s character (Is 1:22; Jer 6:30). God’s Word is pictured as “pure” silver refined and purified in a furnace. Despite silver’s great value, wisdom excels it (Job 28:15; Prv 3:14; 8:19; 10:20; 16:16; 22:1; 25:11).<\/p>\n<p>Native copper is mentioned in Deuteronomy 8:9, though the reference may be to one of its ores. More commonly, biblical references are to brass, the alloy of copper and zinc. However, the chemical analysis of copper-based tools and implements during the middle and late Bronze Ages (c. 2000–1200 <span>BC<\/span>) shows that the material was bronze. References to brass in the <span>kjv<\/span> are therefore to bronze.<\/p>\n<p>By NT times, copper in the form of alloys (bronze and brass) was widely used. Bronze coinage was well known and this may be the sense of Matthew 10:9. The widow’s mite was a tiny bronze coin, the lepton. Bronze utensils and vessels were well known (Rv 9:20; 18:12). The reference to “sounding brass” (<span>kjv<\/span>) in 1 Corinthians 13:1 may actually be to brass, which was a bright, shining alloy, and was used in musical instruments. In the vision of John in Revelation (Rv 1:15; 2:18), the Son of Man had feet of fine brass (<span>nlt<\/span> “bronze”).<\/p>\n<p>The Iron Age began in Palestine about 1200 <span>BC<\/span>, that is, in the days of the judges, though native iron had been known in Egypt in the predynastic period. Archaeological evidence suggests that the smelting of iron ore was discovered by the Hittites about 1400 <span>BC<\/span>. The Philistines seem to have introduced iron to Palestine about 1300 <span>BC<\/span>. In the days of Moses an encounter with the Midianites produced much tribute, among which iron is mentioned (Nm 31:22). When Israel captured Jericho, the spoils included iron (Jos 6:24). Manasseh’s half-tribe also took booty including iron (22:8). In the days of the judges the Canaanites were equipped with chariots of iron (Jos 17:16-18; Jgs 1:19; 4:3).<\/p>\n<p>These early references point to the arrival of iron at the start of the Iron Age. The Philistines enjoyed a local monopoly in its use (1 Sm 13:19-21), and their mighty warrior Goliath was armed with an iron spear (17:7). It was not long, however, before Israel learned the use of iron (2 Sm 12:31; 23:7). Evidently, by Solomon’s time, iron was widely used, because builders of the temple were forbidden to use iron tools (1 Kgs 6:7). The false prophet Zedekiah in Ahab’s day used the horns of iron to thrust toward Syria as he spoke of their defeat (22:11).<\/p>\n<p>The prophet Isaiah in the eighth century <span>BC<\/span> referred to iron (Is 10:34), and Jeremiah later spoke of the metal in several places (Jer 1:18; 6:28; 11:4; 15:12; 17:1; 28:13-14). Ezekiel made use of an iron plate in one of his symbolic actions (Ez 4:3), referred to iron in his description of smelting (22:18, 20), and listed it as a commodity for trade (27:12, 19). The prophet Amos spoke of threshing instruments of iron (Am 1:3). Micah used iron as a symbol for military might (Mi 4:13). The book of Daniel makes several references to it (Dn 2:33-35, 40-45; 4:15, 23; 7:7, 19).<\/p>\n<p>By Roman times, iron weapons were the regular implements of war. Gates of iron were used to close prisons (Acts 12:10), and in a symbolic usage powerful rulers were said to rule with a rod of iron (Rv 2:27; 9:9; 12:5; 19:15). The term “iron” was used also in some metaphorical expressions. The smelting of iron was a symbol of testing and suffering (Dt 4:20; 1 Kgs 8:51; Jer 11:4; Ez 22:18), a pillar of iron was symbolic of strength (Jer 1:18), and an iron rod of harsh rule (Ps 2:9; Rv 2:27; 12:5; 19:15).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Coppersmith; Goldsmith; Ironsmith; Mason, Masonry; Silversmith; Stones, Precious.<\/p>","summary_ro":"MINERALS* AND METALS A “mineral” is a naturally occurring substance, normally an ore that must be mined and treated before the metal can be extracted. A “metal” is a chemical element such as iron or copper, which is free from contamination by other materials. Metals in a pure form generally do not occur in nature, though there are exceptions. In Palestine, mining and smelting are ancient arts, practiced long before the Israelites arrived. The quarrying of suitable stones, such as flint, for t...","summary_en":"MINERALS* AND METALS A “mineral” is a naturally occurring substance, normally an ore that must be mined and treated before the metal can be extracted. A “metal” is a chemical element such as iron or copper, which is free from contamination by other materials. Metals in a pure form generally do not occur in nature, though there are exceptions. In Palestine, mining and smelting are ancient arts, practiced long before the Israelites arrived. The quarrying of suitable stones, such as flint, for t...","source":"Articles\/M.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":45679,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:19","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:19","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:19-20<\/strong> Despite the Lord’s presence, the conquest was not completed because of <em>iron chariots<\/em> and lack of obedience (see Josh 23:12-13; 24:14).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:19-20<\/strong> Despite the Lord’s presence, the conquest was not completed because of <em>iron chariots<\/em> and lack of obedience (see Josh 23:12-13; 24:14).<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:19-20 Despite the Lord’s presence, the conquest was not completed because of iron chariots and lack of obedience (see Josh 23:12-13; 24:14).","summary_en":"1:19-20 Despite the Lord’s presence, the conquest was not completed because of iron chariots and lack of obedience (see Josh 23:12-13; 24:14).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73305,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:19","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:19","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:19-20<\/strong> Despite the Lord’s presence, the conquest was not completed because of <em>iron chariots<\/em> and lack of obedience (see Josh 23:12-13; 24:14).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:19-20<\/strong> Despite the Lord’s presence, the conquest was not completed because of <em>iron chariots<\/em> and lack of obedience (see Josh 23:12-13; 24:14).<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:19-20 Despite the Lord’s presence, the conquest was not completed because of iron chariots and lack of obedience (see Josh 23:12-13; 24:14).","summary_en":"1:19-20 Despite the Lord’s presence, the conquest was not completed because of iron chariots and lack of obedience (see Josh 23:12-13; 24:14).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":100931,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:19","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:19","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:19-20<\/strong> Despite the Lord’s presence, the conquest was not completed because of <em>iron chariots<\/em> and lack of obedience (see Josh 23:12-13; 24:14).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:19-20<\/strong> Despite the Lord’s presence, the conquest was not completed because of <em>iron chariots<\/em> and lack of obedience (see Josh 23:12-13; 24:14).<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:19-20 Despite the Lord’s presence, the conquest was not completed because of iron chariots and lack of obedience (see Josh 23:12-13; 24:14).","summary_en":"1:19-20 Despite the Lord’s presence, the conquest was not completed because of iron chariots and lack of obedience (see Josh 23:12-13; 24:14).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128557,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:19","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:19","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:19-20<\/strong> Despite the Lord’s presence, the conquest was not completed because of <em>iron chariots<\/em> and lack of obedience (see Josh 23:12-13; 24:14).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:19-20<\/strong> Despite the Lord’s presence, the conquest was not completed because of <em>iron chariots<\/em> and lack of obedience (see Josh 23:12-13; 24:14).<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:19-20 Despite the Lord’s presence, the conquest was not completed because of iron chariots and lack of obedience (see Josh 23:12-13; 24:14).","summary_en":"1:19-20 Despite the Lord’s presence, the conquest was not completed because of iron chariots and lack of obedience (see Josh 23:12-13; 24:14).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":60980,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"Oppression of God’s People","title_en":"Oppression of God’s People","content_ro":"<h3>Oppression of God’s People<\/h3>\n<p>God does not want his people to be oppressed. From the exodus under Moses to Joshua’s conquest and David’s battles, God’s goal for Israel was complete victory over their enemies (see Josh 1:1-9). Similarly, the New Testament consistently speaks of freedom from the oppression of sin (Rom 6:1-14; Gal 5:1-15) as an inalienable blessing of a relationship with Christ.<\/p>\n<p>Why, then, does oppression exist? The book of Judges suggests that it is because of human disobedience. Israel was promised victory in the conquest if they would obey God, but the reality (Judg 1:19-36) was only partial obedience at best. With the rewards of victory in view, why did God’s people of old—and why does the church today—fall short?<\/p>\n<p>In Judges, the answer was that “another generation” arose that had not participated in the Exodus or the conquest under Joshua, so their faith was increasingly based on stories of divine intervention “in the olden days.” They had not personally “seen all the great things the <span>Lord<\/span> had done for Israel” (2:7). This generation failed to “acknowledge the <span>Lord<\/span> or remember the mighty things he had done for Israel” (2:10). God had left enemies in the land to test the Israelites (3:1-4), and Israel failed to drive out these enemies as God had commanded. The rest of the book of Judges illustrates the tragic results of that failure.<\/p>\n<p>God only turns away from his people when they have turned away from him (2:12-14); he never abandons people who truly worship him. Yet grace notes are sounded even in divine retribution as God turned his anger to a beneficial purpose: to teach his people obedience. The very foes who robbed Israel of its divine inheritance and blessing became part of God’s gracious testing. We can learn from oppression, as both physical and spiritual warfare require discipline. The experience can produce a “peaceful harvest of right living” (see Heb 12:5-11).<\/p>\n<p>Through Jesus Christ, God brought undeserved deliverance from the universal oppression of sin, “while we were still sinners” (Rom 5:8). And just as the Israelites experienced deliverance from their enemies whenever they turned to the Lord, we can be rescued from the ultimate oppressive force when we turn to him in repentance.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 26:14-39; Deut 8:19-20; 28:15-68; Judg 2:2-3, 10-15,18; 3:1-8; 2 Kgs 17:5-23; Ezek 22:27-29; Amos 4:1; Jas 2:1-7<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Oppression of God’s People<\/h3>\n<p>God does not want his people to be oppressed. From the exodus under Moses to Joshua’s conquest and David’s battles, God’s goal for Israel was complete victory over their enemies (see Josh 1:1-9). Similarly, the New Testament consistently speaks of freedom from the oppression of sin (Rom 6:1-14; Gal 5:1-15) as an inalienable blessing of a relationship with Christ.<\/p>\n<p>Why, then, does oppression exist? The book of Judges suggests that it is because of human disobedience. Israel was promised victory in the conquest if they would obey God, but the reality (Judg 1:19-36) was only partial obedience at best. With the rewards of victory in view, why did God’s people of old—and why does the church today—fall short?<\/p>\n<p>In Judges, the answer was that “another generation” arose that had not participated in the Exodus or the conquest under Joshua, so their faith was increasingly based on stories of divine intervention “in the olden days.” They had not personally “seen all the great things the <span>Lord<\/span> had done for Israel” (2:7). This generation failed to “acknowledge the <span>Lord<\/span> or remember the mighty things he had done for Israel” (2:10). God had left enemies in the land to test the Israelites (3:1-4), and Israel failed to drive out these enemies as God had commanded. The rest of the book of Judges illustrates the tragic results of that failure.<\/p>\n<p>God only turns away from his people when they have turned away from him (2:12-14); he never abandons people who truly worship him. Yet grace notes are sounded even in divine retribution as God turned his anger to a beneficial purpose: to teach his people obedience. The very foes who robbed Israel of its divine inheritance and blessing became part of God’s gracious testing. We can learn from oppression, as both physical and spiritual warfare require discipline. The experience can produce a “peaceful harvest of right living” (see Heb 12:5-11).<\/p>\n<p>Through Jesus Christ, God brought undeserved deliverance from the universal oppression of sin, “while we were still sinners” (Rom 5:8). And just as the Israelites experienced deliverance from their enemies whenever they turned to the Lord, we can be rescued from the ultimate oppressive force when we turn to him in repentance.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 26:14-39; Deut 8:19-20; 28:15-68; Judg 2:2-3, 10-15,18; 3:1-8; 2 Kgs 17:5-23; Ezek 22:27-29; Amos 4:1; Jas 2:1-7<\/p>","summary_ro":"Oppression of God’s People God does not want his people to be oppressed. From the exodus under Moses to Joshua’s conquest and David’s battles, God’s goal for Israel was complete victory over their enemies (see Josh 1:1-9). Similarly, the New Testament consistently speaks of freedom from the oppression of sin (Rom 6:1-14; Gal 5:1-15) as an inalienable blessing of a relationship with Christ. Why, then, does oppression exist? The book of Judges suggests that it is because of human disobedience. ...","summary_en":"Oppression of God’s People God does not want his people to be oppressed. From the exodus under Moses to Joshua’s conquest and David’s battles, God’s goal for Israel was complete victory over their enemies (see Josh 1:1-9). Similarly, the New Testament consistently speaks of freedom from the oppression of sin (Rom 6:1-14; Gal 5:1-15) as an inalienable blessing of a relationship with Christ. Why, then, does oppression exist? The book of Judges suggests that it is because of human disobedience. ...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":88606,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"Oppression of God’s People","title_en":"Oppression of God’s People","content_ro":"<h3>Oppression of God’s People<\/h3>\n<p>God does not want his people to be oppressed. From the exodus under Moses to Joshua’s conquest and David’s battles, God’s goal for Israel was complete victory over their enemies (see Josh 1:1-9). Similarly, the New Testament consistently speaks of freedom from the oppression of sin (Rom 6:1-14; Gal 5:1-15) as an inalienable blessing of a relationship with Christ.<\/p>\n<p>Why, then, does oppression exist? The book of Judges suggests that it is because of human disobedience. Israel was promised victory in the conquest if they would obey God, but the reality (Judg 1:19-36) was only partial obedience at best. With the rewards of victory in view, why did God’s people of old—and why does the church today—fall short?<\/p>\n<p>In Judges, the answer was that “another generation” arose that had not participated in the Exodus or the conquest under Joshua, so their faith was increasingly based on stories of divine intervention “in the olden days.” They had not personally “seen all the great things the <span>Lord<\/span> had done for Israel” (2:7). This generation failed to “acknowledge the <span>Lord<\/span> or remember the mighty things he had done for Israel” (2:10). God had left enemies in the land to test the Israelites (3:1-4), and Israel failed to drive out these enemies as God had commanded. The rest of the book of Judges illustrates the tragic results of that failure.<\/p>\n<p>God only turns away from his people when they have turned away from him (2:12-14); he never abandons people who truly worship him. Yet grace notes are sounded even in divine retribution as God turned his anger to a beneficial purpose: to teach his people obedience. The very foes who robbed Israel of its divine inheritance and blessing became part of God’s gracious testing. We can learn from oppression, as both physical and spiritual warfare require discipline. The experience can produce a “peaceful harvest of right living” (see Heb 12:5-11).<\/p>\n<p>Through Jesus Christ, God brought undeserved deliverance from the universal oppression of sin, “while we were still sinners” (Rom 5:8). And just as the Israelites experienced deliverance from their enemies whenever they turned to the Lord, we can be rescued from the ultimate oppressive force when we turn to him in repentance.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 26:14-39; Deut 8:19-20; 28:15-68; Judg 2:2-3, 10-15,18; 3:1-8; 2 Kgs 17:5-23; Ezek 22:27-29; Amos 4:1; Jas 2:1-7<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Oppression of God’s People<\/h3>\n<p>God does not want his people to be oppressed. From the exodus under Moses to Joshua’s conquest and David’s battles, God’s goal for Israel was complete victory over their enemies (see Josh 1:1-9). Similarly, the New Testament consistently speaks of freedom from the oppression of sin (Rom 6:1-14; Gal 5:1-15) as an inalienable blessing of a relationship with Christ.<\/p>\n<p>Why, then, does oppression exist? The book of Judges suggests that it is because of human disobedience. Israel was promised victory in the conquest if they would obey God, but the reality (Judg 1:19-36) was only partial obedience at best. With the rewards of victory in view, why did God’s people of old—and why does the church today—fall short?<\/p>\n<p>In Judges, the answer was that “another generation” arose that had not participated in the Exodus or the conquest under Joshua, so their faith was increasingly based on stories of divine intervention “in the olden days.” They had not personally “seen all the great things the <span>Lord<\/span> had done for Israel” (2:7). This generation failed to “acknowledge the <span>Lord<\/span> or remember the mighty things he had done for Israel” (2:10). God had left enemies in the land to test the Israelites (3:1-4), and Israel failed to drive out these enemies as God had commanded. The rest of the book of Judges illustrates the tragic results of that failure.<\/p>\n<p>God only turns away from his people when they have turned away from him (2:12-14); he never abandons people who truly worship him. Yet grace notes are sounded even in divine retribution as God turned his anger to a beneficial purpose: to teach his people obedience. The very foes who robbed Israel of its divine inheritance and blessing became part of God’s gracious testing. We can learn from oppression, as both physical and spiritual warfare require discipline. The experience can produce a “peaceful harvest of right living” (see Heb 12:5-11).<\/p>\n<p>Through Jesus Christ, God brought undeserved deliverance from the universal oppression of sin, “while we were still sinners” (Rom 5:8). And just as the Israelites experienced deliverance from their enemies whenever they turned to the Lord, we can be rescued from the ultimate oppressive force when we turn to him in repentance.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 26:14-39; Deut 8:19-20; 28:15-68; Judg 2:2-3, 10-15,18; 3:1-8; 2 Kgs 17:5-23; Ezek 22:27-29; Amos 4:1; Jas 2:1-7<\/p>","summary_ro":"Oppression of God’s People God does not want his people to be oppressed. From the exodus under Moses to Joshua’s conquest and David’s battles, God’s goal for Israel was complete victory over their enemies (see Josh 1:1-9). Similarly, the New Testament consistently speaks of freedom from the oppression of sin (Rom 6:1-14; Gal 5:1-15) as an inalienable blessing of a relationship with Christ. Why, then, does oppression exist? The book of Judges suggests that it is because of human disobedience. ...","summary_en":"Oppression of God’s People God does not want his people to be oppressed. From the exodus under Moses to Joshua’s conquest and David’s battles, God’s goal for Israel was complete victory over their enemies (see Josh 1:1-9). Similarly, the New Testament consistently speaks of freedom from the oppression of sin (Rom 6:1-14; Gal 5:1-15) as an inalienable blessing of a relationship with Christ. Why, then, does oppression exist? The book of Judges suggests that it is because of human disobedience. ...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":116232,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"Oppression of God’s People","title_en":"Oppression of God’s People","content_ro":"<h3>Oppression of God’s People<\/h3>\n<p>God does not want his people to be oppressed. From the exodus under Moses to Joshua’s conquest and David’s battles, God’s goal for Israel was complete victory over their enemies (see Josh 1:1-9). Similarly, the New Testament consistently speaks of freedom from the oppression of sin (Rom 6:1-14; Gal 5:1-15) as an inalienable blessing of a relationship with Christ.<\/p>\n<p>Why, then, does oppression exist? The book of Judges suggests that it is because of human disobedience. Israel was promised victory in the conquest if they would obey God, but the reality (Judg 1:19-36) was only partial obedience at best. With the rewards of victory in view, why did God’s people of old—and why does the church today—fall short?<\/p>\n<p>In Judges, the answer was that “another generation” arose that had not participated in the Exodus or the conquest under Joshua, so their faith was increasingly based on stories of divine intervention “in the olden days.” They had not personally “seen all the great things the <span>Lord<\/span> had done for Israel” (2:7). This generation failed to “acknowledge the <span>Lord<\/span> or remember the mighty things he had done for Israel” (2:10). God had left enemies in the land to test the Israelites (3:1-4), and Israel failed to drive out these enemies as God had commanded. The rest of the book of Judges illustrates the tragic results of that failure.<\/p>\n<p>God only turns away from his people when they have turned away from him (2:12-14); he never abandons people who truly worship him. Yet grace notes are sounded even in divine retribution as God turned his anger to a beneficial purpose: to teach his people obedience. The very foes who robbed Israel of its divine inheritance and blessing became part of God’s gracious testing. We can learn from oppression, as both physical and spiritual warfare require discipline. The experience can produce a “peaceful harvest of right living” (see Heb 12:5-11).<\/p>\n<p>Through Jesus Christ, God brought undeserved deliverance from the universal oppression of sin, “while we were still sinners” (Rom 5:8). And just as the Israelites experienced deliverance from their enemies whenever they turned to the Lord, we can be rescued from the ultimate oppressive force when we turn to him in repentance.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 26:14-39; Deut 8:19-20; 28:15-68; Judg 2:2-3, 10-15,18; 3:1-8; 2 Kgs 17:5-23; Ezek 22:27-29; Amos 4:1; Jas 2:1-7<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Oppression of God’s People<\/h3>\n<p>God does not want his people to be oppressed. From the exodus under Moses to Joshua’s conquest and David’s battles, God’s goal for Israel was complete victory over their enemies (see Josh 1:1-9). Similarly, the New Testament consistently speaks of freedom from the oppression of sin (Rom 6:1-14; Gal 5:1-15) as an inalienable blessing of a relationship with Christ.<\/p>\n<p>Why, then, does oppression exist? The book of Judges suggests that it is because of human disobedience. Israel was promised victory in the conquest if they would obey God, but the reality (Judg 1:19-36) was only partial obedience at best. With the rewards of victory in view, why did God’s people of old—and why does the church today—fall short?<\/p>\n<p>In Judges, the answer was that “another generation” arose that had not participated in the Exodus or the conquest under Joshua, so their faith was increasingly based on stories of divine intervention “in the olden days.” They had not personally “seen all the great things the <span>Lord<\/span> had done for Israel” (2:7). This generation failed to “acknowledge the <span>Lord<\/span> or remember the mighty things he had done for Israel” (2:10). God had left enemies in the land to test the Israelites (3:1-4), and Israel failed to drive out these enemies as God had commanded. The rest of the book of Judges illustrates the tragic results of that failure.<\/p>\n<p>God only turns away from his people when they have turned away from him (2:12-14); he never abandons people who truly worship him. Yet grace notes are sounded even in divine retribution as God turned his anger to a beneficial purpose: to teach his people obedience. The very foes who robbed Israel of its divine inheritance and blessing became part of God’s gracious testing. We can learn from oppression, as both physical and spiritual warfare require discipline. The experience can produce a “peaceful harvest of right living” (see Heb 12:5-11).<\/p>\n<p>Through Jesus Christ, God brought undeserved deliverance from the universal oppression of sin, “while we were still sinners” (Rom 5:8). And just as the Israelites experienced deliverance from their enemies whenever they turned to the Lord, we can be rescued from the ultimate oppressive force when we turn to him in repentance.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 26:14-39; Deut 8:19-20; 28:15-68; Judg 2:2-3, 10-15,18; 3:1-8; 2 Kgs 17:5-23; Ezek 22:27-29; Amos 4:1; Jas 2:1-7<\/p>","summary_ro":"Oppression of God’s People God does not want his people to be oppressed. From the exodus under Moses to Joshua’s conquest and David’s battles, God’s goal for Israel was complete victory over their enemies (see Josh 1:1-9). Similarly, the New Testament consistently speaks of freedom from the oppression of sin (Rom 6:1-14; Gal 5:1-15) as an inalienable blessing of a relationship with Christ. Why, then, does oppression exist? The book of Judges suggests that it is because of human disobedience. ...","summary_en":"Oppression of God’s People God does not want his people to be oppressed. From the exodus under Moses to Joshua’s conquest and David’s battles, God’s goal for Israel was complete victory over their enemies (see Josh 1:1-9). Similarly, the New Testament consistently speaks of freedom from the oppression of sin (Rom 6:1-14; Gal 5:1-15) as an inalienable blessing of a relationship with Christ. Why, then, does oppression exist? The book of Judges suggests that it is because of human disobedience. ...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":143858,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"Oppression of God’s People","title_en":"Oppression of God’s People","content_ro":"<h3>Oppression of God’s People<\/h3>\n<p>God does not want his people to be oppressed. From the exodus under Moses to Joshua’s conquest and David’s battles, God’s goal for Israel was complete victory over their enemies (see Josh 1:1-9). Similarly, the New Testament consistently speaks of freedom from the oppression of sin (Rom 6:1-14; Gal 5:1-15) as an inalienable blessing of a relationship with Christ.<\/p>\n<p>Why, then, does oppression exist? The book of Judges suggests that it is because of human disobedience. Israel was promised victory in the conquest if they would obey God, but the reality (Judg 1:19-36) was only partial obedience at best. With the rewards of victory in view, why did God’s people of old—and why does the church today—fall short?<\/p>\n<p>In Judges, the answer was that “another generation” arose that had not participated in the Exodus or the conquest under Joshua, so their faith was increasingly based on stories of divine intervention “in the olden days.” They had not personally “seen all the great things the <span>Lord<\/span> had done for Israel” (2:7). This generation failed to “acknowledge the <span>Lord<\/span> or remember the mighty things he had done for Israel” (2:10). God had left enemies in the land to test the Israelites (3:1-4), and Israel failed to drive out these enemies as God had commanded. The rest of the book of Judges illustrates the tragic results of that failure.<\/p>\n<p>God only turns away from his people when they have turned away from him (2:12-14); he never abandons people who truly worship him. Yet grace notes are sounded even in divine retribution as God turned his anger to a beneficial purpose: to teach his people obedience. The very foes who robbed Israel of its divine inheritance and blessing became part of God’s gracious testing. We can learn from oppression, as both physical and spiritual warfare require discipline. The experience can produce a “peaceful harvest of right living” (see Heb 12:5-11).<\/p>\n<p>Through Jesus Christ, God brought undeserved deliverance from the universal oppression of sin, “while we were still sinners” (Rom 5:8). And just as the Israelites experienced deliverance from their enemies whenever they turned to the Lord, we can be rescued from the ultimate oppressive force when we turn to him in repentance.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 26:14-39; Deut 8:19-20; 28:15-68; Judg 2:2-3, 10-15,18; 3:1-8; 2 Kgs 17:5-23; Ezek 22:27-29; Amos 4:1; Jas 2:1-7<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Oppression of God’s People<\/h3>\n<p>God does not want his people to be oppressed. From the exodus under Moses to Joshua’s conquest and David’s battles, God’s goal for Israel was complete victory over their enemies (see Josh 1:1-9). Similarly, the New Testament consistently speaks of freedom from the oppression of sin (Rom 6:1-14; Gal 5:1-15) as an inalienable blessing of a relationship with Christ.<\/p>\n<p>Why, then, does oppression exist? The book of Judges suggests that it is because of human disobedience. Israel was promised victory in the conquest if they would obey God, but the reality (Judg 1:19-36) was only partial obedience at best. With the rewards of victory in view, why did God’s people of old—and why does the church today—fall short?<\/p>\n<p>In Judges, the answer was that “another generation” arose that had not participated in the Exodus or the conquest under Joshua, so their faith was increasingly based on stories of divine intervention “in the olden days.” They had not personally “seen all the great things the <span>Lord<\/span> had done for Israel” (2:7). This generation failed to “acknowledge the <span>Lord<\/span> or remember the mighty things he had done for Israel” (2:10). God had left enemies in the land to test the Israelites (3:1-4), and Israel failed to drive out these enemies as God had commanded. The rest of the book of Judges illustrates the tragic results of that failure.<\/p>\n<p>God only turns away from his people when they have turned away from him (2:12-14); he never abandons people who truly worship him. Yet grace notes are sounded even in divine retribution as God turned his anger to a beneficial purpose: to teach his people obedience. The very foes who robbed Israel of its divine inheritance and blessing became part of God’s gracious testing. We can learn from oppression, as both physical and spiritual warfare require discipline. The experience can produce a “peaceful harvest of right living” (see Heb 12:5-11).<\/p>\n<p>Through Jesus Christ, God brought undeserved deliverance from the universal oppression of sin, “while we were still sinners” (Rom 5:8). And just as the Israelites experienced deliverance from their enemies whenever they turned to the Lord, we can be rescued from the ultimate oppressive force when we turn to him in repentance.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lev 26:14-39; Deut 8:19-20; 28:15-68; Judg 2:2-3, 10-15,18; 3:1-8; 2 Kgs 17:5-23; Ezek 22:27-29; Amos 4:1; Jas 2:1-7<\/p>","summary_ro":"Oppression of God’s People God does not want his people to be oppressed. From the exodus under Moses to Joshua’s conquest and David’s battles, God’s goal for Israel was complete victory over their enemies (see Josh 1:1-9). Similarly, the New Testament consistently speaks of freedom from the oppression of sin (Rom 6:1-14; Gal 5:1-15) as an inalienable blessing of a relationship with Christ. Why, then, does oppression exist? The book of Judges suggests that it is because of human disobedience. ...","summary_en":"Oppression of God’s People God does not want his people to be oppressed. From the exodus under Moses to Joshua’s conquest and David’s battles, God’s goal for Israel was complete victory over their enemies (see Josh 1:1-9). Similarly, the New Testament consistently speaks of freedom from the oppression of sin (Rom 6:1-14; Gal 5:1-15) as an inalienable blessing of a relationship with Christ. Why, then, does oppression exist? The book of Judges suggests that it is because of human disobedience. ...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"20":[{"id":41130,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Caleb","title_en":"Caleb","content_ro":"<h3>Caleb<\/h3>\n<p>Caleb stands as an inspiring example of faith in God. He was the son of Jephunneh the Kenizzite (Josh 14:6; Num 32:12). The Kenizzites lived in the Negev, the southern desert region of Canaan (see Gen 15:18-21). Jephunneh apparently married into the tribe of Judah a generation before Israel left Egypt.<\/p>\n<p>Caleb first appears as one of twelve spies Moses sent to scout out the land of Canaan. Upon returning, all twelve confirmed the land’s magnificence, but ten of the scouts focused on the land’s fearsome inhabitants (Num 13:31-33). Only Joshua and Caleb believed that God would enable Israel to conquer the Canaanites (Num 14:6-9), advising that the Israelites immediately take the land (Num 13:30). Although the people wanted to stone both Caleb and Joshua (Num 14:10), God protected them and punished the people (Num 14:11-38). God ultimately rewarded Caleb and Joshua for their faithfulness: Among all the adults who left Egypt, they were the only ones to enter the Promised Land.<\/p>\n<p>After many years in the wilderness, and after fighting many battles, Caleb received his personal inheritance in the land (Josh 14:6-15). Caleb’s faith did not diminish in the intervening forty-five years; his testimony reveals his character and rock-solid faith in God. Although Caleb was eighty-five years old, he was still strong and able to fight. Caleb acquired Hebron, which would become his land, by driving out the giant Anakites who had terrified the earlier scouts (Josh 15:13-14; see Num 13:28, 33). Caleb’s city of Hebron, about twenty miles south of Jerusalem (not far from Kenizzite territory), later became a Levitical city of refuge (Josh 21:13; 1 Chr 6:54-57).<\/p>\n<p>Caleb looked beyond serious obstacles to God’s unbreakable promise that Israel would occupy Canaan. With unabated vigor, he stood ready to conquer the territory Joshua assigned him. Caleb’s staunch confidence in the reliability of God’s promises earned him an honored place among the faithful. Even when outnumbered by enemies, Caleb trusted God, and God richly rewarded him.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Num 13:1–14:38; 26:65; 32:12; 34:19; Deut 1:36; Josh 14:6-15; 15:13-19; Judg 1:11-15, 20; 1 Chr 4:15<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Caleb<\/h3>\n<p>Caleb stands as an inspiring example of faith in God. He was the son of Jephunneh the Kenizzite (Josh 14:6; Num 32:12). The Kenizzites lived in the Negev, the southern desert region of Canaan (see Gen 15:18-21). Jephunneh apparently married into the tribe of Judah a generation before Israel left Egypt.<\/p>\n<p>Caleb first appears as one of twelve spies Moses sent to scout out the land of Canaan. Upon returning, all twelve confirmed the land’s magnificence, but ten of the scouts focused on the land’s fearsome inhabitants (Num 13:31-33). Only Joshua and Caleb believed that God would enable Israel to conquer the Canaanites (Num 14:6-9), advising that the Israelites immediately take the land (Num 13:30). Although the people wanted to stone both Caleb and Joshua (Num 14:10), God protected them and punished the people (Num 14:11-38). God ultimately rewarded Caleb and Joshua for their faithfulness: Among all the adults who left Egypt, they were the only ones to enter the Promised Land.<\/p>\n<p>After many years in the wilderness, and after fighting many battles, Caleb received his personal inheritance in the land (Josh 14:6-15). Caleb’s faith did not diminish in the intervening forty-five years; his testimony reveals his character and rock-solid faith in God. Although Caleb was eighty-five years old, he was still strong and able to fight. Caleb acquired Hebron, which would become his land, by driving out the giant Anakites who had terrified the earlier scouts (Josh 15:13-14; see Num 13:28, 33). Caleb’s city of Hebron, about twenty miles south of Jerusalem (not far from Kenizzite territory), later became a Levitical city of refuge (Josh 21:13; 1 Chr 6:54-57).<\/p>\n<p>Caleb looked beyond serious obstacles to God’s unbreakable promise that Israel would occupy Canaan. With unabated vigor, he stood ready to conquer the territory Joshua assigned him. Caleb’s staunch confidence in the reliability of God’s promises earned him an honored place among the faithful. Even when outnumbered by enemies, Caleb trusted God, and God richly rewarded him.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Num 13:1–14:38; 26:65; 32:12; 34:19; Deut 1:36; Josh 14:6-15; 15:13-19; Judg 1:11-15, 20; 1 Chr 4:15<\/p>","summary_ro":"Caleb Caleb stands as an inspiring example of faith in God. He was the son of Jephunneh the Kenizzite (Josh 14:6; Num 32:12). The Kenizzites lived in the Negev, the southern desert region of Canaan (see Gen 15:18-21). Jephunneh apparently married into the tribe of Judah a generation before Israel left Egypt. Caleb first appears as one of twelve spies Moses sent to scout out the land of Canaan. Upon returning, all twelve confirmed the land’s magnificence, but ten of the scouts focused on the l...","summary_en":"Caleb Caleb stands as an inspiring example of faith in God. He was the son of Jephunneh the Kenizzite (Josh 14:6; Num 32:12). The Kenizzites lived in the Negev, the southern desert region of Canaan (see Gen 15:18-21). Jephunneh apparently married into the tribe of Judah a generation before Israel left Egypt. Caleb first appears as one of twelve spies Moses sent to scout out the land of Canaan. Upon returning, all twelve confirmed the land’s magnificence, but ten of the scouts focused on the l...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":68756,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Caleb","title_en":"Caleb","content_ro":"<h3>Caleb<\/h3>\n<p>Caleb stands as an inspiring example of faith in God. He was the son of Jephunneh the Kenizzite (Josh 14:6; Num 32:12). The Kenizzites lived in the Negev, the southern desert region of Canaan (see Gen 15:18-21). Jephunneh apparently married into the tribe of Judah a generation before Israel left Egypt.<\/p>\n<p>Caleb first appears as one of twelve spies Moses sent to scout out the land of Canaan. Upon returning, all twelve confirmed the land’s magnificence, but ten of the scouts focused on the land’s fearsome inhabitants (Num 13:31-33). Only Joshua and Caleb believed that God would enable Israel to conquer the Canaanites (Num 14:6-9), advising that the Israelites immediately take the land (Num 13:30). Although the people wanted to stone both Caleb and Joshua (Num 14:10), God protected them and punished the people (Num 14:11-38). God ultimately rewarded Caleb and Joshua for their faithfulness: Among all the adults who left Egypt, they were the only ones to enter the Promised Land.<\/p>\n<p>After many years in the wilderness, and after fighting many battles, Caleb received his personal inheritance in the land (Josh 14:6-15). Caleb’s faith did not diminish in the intervening forty-five years; his testimony reveals his character and rock-solid faith in God. Although Caleb was eighty-five years old, he was still strong and able to fight. Caleb acquired Hebron, which would become his land, by driving out the giant Anakites who had terrified the earlier scouts (Josh 15:13-14; see Num 13:28, 33). Caleb’s city of Hebron, about twenty miles south of Jerusalem (not far from Kenizzite territory), later became a Levitical city of refuge (Josh 21:13; 1 Chr 6:54-57).<\/p>\n<p>Caleb looked beyond serious obstacles to God’s unbreakable promise that Israel would occupy Canaan. With unabated vigor, he stood ready to conquer the territory Joshua assigned him. Caleb’s staunch confidence in the reliability of God’s promises earned him an honored place among the faithful. Even when outnumbered by enemies, Caleb trusted God, and God richly rewarded him.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Num 13:1–14:38; 26:65; 32:12; 34:19; Deut 1:36; Josh 14:6-15; 15:13-19; Judg 1:11-15, 20; 1 Chr 4:15<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Caleb<\/h3>\n<p>Caleb stands as an inspiring example of faith in God. He was the son of Jephunneh the Kenizzite (Josh 14:6; Num 32:12). The Kenizzites lived in the Negev, the southern desert region of Canaan (see Gen 15:18-21). Jephunneh apparently married into the tribe of Judah a generation before Israel left Egypt.<\/p>\n<p>Caleb first appears as one of twelve spies Moses sent to scout out the land of Canaan. Upon returning, all twelve confirmed the land’s magnificence, but ten of the scouts focused on the land’s fearsome inhabitants (Num 13:31-33). Only Joshua and Caleb believed that God would enable Israel to conquer the Canaanites (Num 14:6-9), advising that the Israelites immediately take the land (Num 13:30). Although the people wanted to stone both Caleb and Joshua (Num 14:10), God protected them and punished the people (Num 14:11-38). God ultimately rewarded Caleb and Joshua for their faithfulness: Among all the adults who left Egypt, they were the only ones to enter the Promised Land.<\/p>\n<p>After many years in the wilderness, and after fighting many battles, Caleb received his personal inheritance in the land (Josh 14:6-15). Caleb’s faith did not diminish in the intervening forty-five years; his testimony reveals his character and rock-solid faith in God. Although Caleb was eighty-five years old, he was still strong and able to fight. Caleb acquired Hebron, which would become his land, by driving out the giant Anakites who had terrified the earlier scouts (Josh 15:13-14; see Num 13:28, 33). Caleb’s city of Hebron, about twenty miles south of Jerusalem (not far from Kenizzite territory), later became a Levitical city of refuge (Josh 21:13; 1 Chr 6:54-57).<\/p>\n<p>Caleb looked beyond serious obstacles to God’s unbreakable promise that Israel would occupy Canaan. With unabated vigor, he stood ready to conquer the territory Joshua assigned him. Caleb’s staunch confidence in the reliability of God’s promises earned him an honored place among the faithful. Even when outnumbered by enemies, Caleb trusted God, and God richly rewarded him.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Num 13:1–14:38; 26:65; 32:12; 34:19; Deut 1:36; Josh 14:6-15; 15:13-19; Judg 1:11-15, 20; 1 Chr 4:15<\/p>","summary_ro":"Caleb Caleb stands as an inspiring example of faith in God. He was the son of Jephunneh the Kenizzite (Josh 14:6; Num 32:12). The Kenizzites lived in the Negev, the southern desert region of Canaan (see Gen 15:18-21). Jephunneh apparently married into the tribe of Judah a generation before Israel left Egypt. Caleb first appears as one of twelve spies Moses sent to scout out the land of Canaan. Upon returning, all twelve confirmed the land’s magnificence, but ten of the scouts focused on the l...","summary_en":"Caleb Caleb stands as an inspiring example of faith in God. He was the son of Jephunneh the Kenizzite (Josh 14:6; Num 32:12). The Kenizzites lived in the Negev, the southern desert region of Canaan (see Gen 15:18-21). Jephunneh apparently married into the tribe of Judah a generation before Israel left Egypt. Caleb first appears as one of twelve spies Moses sent to scout out the land of Canaan. Upon returning, all twelve confirmed the land’s magnificence, but ten of the scouts focused on the l...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":96382,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Caleb","title_en":"Caleb","content_ro":"<h3>Caleb<\/h3>\n<p>Caleb stands as an inspiring example of faith in God. He was the son of Jephunneh the Kenizzite (Josh 14:6; Num 32:12). The Kenizzites lived in the Negev, the southern desert region of Canaan (see Gen 15:18-21). Jephunneh apparently married into the tribe of Judah a generation before Israel left Egypt.<\/p>\n<p>Caleb first appears as one of twelve spies Moses sent to scout out the land of Canaan. Upon returning, all twelve confirmed the land’s magnificence, but ten of the scouts focused on the land’s fearsome inhabitants (Num 13:31-33). Only Joshua and Caleb believed that God would enable Israel to conquer the Canaanites (Num 14:6-9), advising that the Israelites immediately take the land (Num 13:30). Although the people wanted to stone both Caleb and Joshua (Num 14:10), God protected them and punished the people (Num 14:11-38). God ultimately rewarded Caleb and Joshua for their faithfulness: Among all the adults who left Egypt, they were the only ones to enter the Promised Land.<\/p>\n<p>After many years in the wilderness, and after fighting many battles, Caleb received his personal inheritance in the land (Josh 14:6-15). Caleb’s faith did not diminish in the intervening forty-five years; his testimony reveals his character and rock-solid faith in God. Although Caleb was eighty-five years old, he was still strong and able to fight. Caleb acquired Hebron, which would become his land, by driving out the giant Anakites who had terrified the earlier scouts (Josh 15:13-14; see Num 13:28, 33). Caleb’s city of Hebron, about twenty miles south of Jerusalem (not far from Kenizzite territory), later became a Levitical city of refuge (Josh 21:13; 1 Chr 6:54-57).<\/p>\n<p>Caleb looked beyond serious obstacles to God’s unbreakable promise that Israel would occupy Canaan. With unabated vigor, he stood ready to conquer the territory Joshua assigned him. Caleb’s staunch confidence in the reliability of God’s promises earned him an honored place among the faithful. Even when outnumbered by enemies, Caleb trusted God, and God richly rewarded him.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Num 13:1–14:38; 26:65; 32:12; 34:19; Deut 1:36; Josh 14:6-15; 15:13-19; Judg 1:11-15, 20; 1 Chr 4:15<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Caleb<\/h3>\n<p>Caleb stands as an inspiring example of faith in God. He was the son of Jephunneh the Kenizzite (Josh 14:6; Num 32:12). The Kenizzites lived in the Negev, the southern desert region of Canaan (see Gen 15:18-21). Jephunneh apparently married into the tribe of Judah a generation before Israel left Egypt.<\/p>\n<p>Caleb first appears as one of twelve spies Moses sent to scout out the land of Canaan. Upon returning, all twelve confirmed the land’s magnificence, but ten of the scouts focused on the land’s fearsome inhabitants (Num 13:31-33). Only Joshua and Caleb believed that God would enable Israel to conquer the Canaanites (Num 14:6-9), advising that the Israelites immediately take the land (Num 13:30). Although the people wanted to stone both Caleb and Joshua (Num 14:10), God protected them and punished the people (Num 14:11-38). God ultimately rewarded Caleb and Joshua for their faithfulness: Among all the adults who left Egypt, they were the only ones to enter the Promised Land.<\/p>\n<p>After many years in the wilderness, and after fighting many battles, Caleb received his personal inheritance in the land (Josh 14:6-15). Caleb’s faith did not diminish in the intervening forty-five years; his testimony reveals his character and rock-solid faith in God. Although Caleb was eighty-five years old, he was still strong and able to fight. Caleb acquired Hebron, which would become his land, by driving out the giant Anakites who had terrified the earlier scouts (Josh 15:13-14; see Num 13:28, 33). Caleb’s city of Hebron, about twenty miles south of Jerusalem (not far from Kenizzite territory), later became a Levitical city of refuge (Josh 21:13; 1 Chr 6:54-57).<\/p>\n<p>Caleb looked beyond serious obstacles to God’s unbreakable promise that Israel would occupy Canaan. With unabated vigor, he stood ready to conquer the territory Joshua assigned him. Caleb’s staunch confidence in the reliability of God’s promises earned him an honored place among the faithful. Even when outnumbered by enemies, Caleb trusted God, and God richly rewarded him.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Num 13:1–14:38; 26:65; 32:12; 34:19; Deut 1:36; Josh 14:6-15; 15:13-19; Judg 1:11-15, 20; 1 Chr 4:15<\/p>","summary_ro":"Caleb Caleb stands as an inspiring example of faith in God. He was the son of Jephunneh the Kenizzite (Josh 14:6; Num 32:12). The Kenizzites lived in the Negev, the southern desert region of Canaan (see Gen 15:18-21). Jephunneh apparently married into the tribe of Judah a generation before Israel left Egypt. Caleb first appears as one of twelve spies Moses sent to scout out the land of Canaan. Upon returning, all twelve confirmed the land’s magnificence, but ten of the scouts focused on the l...","summary_en":"Caleb Caleb stands as an inspiring example of faith in God. He was the son of Jephunneh the Kenizzite (Josh 14:6; Num 32:12). The Kenizzites lived in the Negev, the southern desert region of Canaan (see Gen 15:18-21). Jephunneh apparently married into the tribe of Judah a generation before Israel left Egypt. Caleb first appears as one of twelve spies Moses sent to scout out the land of Canaan. Upon returning, all twelve confirmed the land’s magnificence, but ten of the scouts focused on the l...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":124008,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Caleb","title_en":"Caleb","content_ro":"<h3>Caleb<\/h3>\n<p>Caleb stands as an inspiring example of faith in God. He was the son of Jephunneh the Kenizzite (Josh 14:6; Num 32:12). The Kenizzites lived in the Negev, the southern desert region of Canaan (see Gen 15:18-21). Jephunneh apparently married into the tribe of Judah a generation before Israel left Egypt.<\/p>\n<p>Caleb first appears as one of twelve spies Moses sent to scout out the land of Canaan. Upon returning, all twelve confirmed the land’s magnificence, but ten of the scouts focused on the land’s fearsome inhabitants (Num 13:31-33). Only Joshua and Caleb believed that God would enable Israel to conquer the Canaanites (Num 14:6-9), advising that the Israelites immediately take the land (Num 13:30). Although the people wanted to stone both Caleb and Joshua (Num 14:10), God protected them and punished the people (Num 14:11-38). God ultimately rewarded Caleb and Joshua for their faithfulness: Among all the adults who left Egypt, they were the only ones to enter the Promised Land.<\/p>\n<p>After many years in the wilderness, and after fighting many battles, Caleb received his personal inheritance in the land (Josh 14:6-15). Caleb’s faith did not diminish in the intervening forty-five years; his testimony reveals his character and rock-solid faith in God. Although Caleb was eighty-five years old, he was still strong and able to fight. Caleb acquired Hebron, which would become his land, by driving out the giant Anakites who had terrified the earlier scouts (Josh 15:13-14; see Num 13:28, 33). Caleb’s city of Hebron, about twenty miles south of Jerusalem (not far from Kenizzite territory), later became a Levitical city of refuge (Josh 21:13; 1 Chr 6:54-57).<\/p>\n<p>Caleb looked beyond serious obstacles to God’s unbreakable promise that Israel would occupy Canaan. With unabated vigor, he stood ready to conquer the territory Joshua assigned him. Caleb’s staunch confidence in the reliability of God’s promises earned him an honored place among the faithful. Even when outnumbered by enemies, Caleb trusted God, and God richly rewarded him.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Num 13:1–14:38; 26:65; 32:12; 34:19; Deut 1:36; Josh 14:6-15; 15:13-19; Judg 1:11-15, 20; 1 Chr 4:15<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Caleb<\/h3>\n<p>Caleb stands as an inspiring example of faith in God. He was the son of Jephunneh the Kenizzite (Josh 14:6; Num 32:12). The Kenizzites lived in the Negev, the southern desert region of Canaan (see Gen 15:18-21). Jephunneh apparently married into the tribe of Judah a generation before Israel left Egypt.<\/p>\n<p>Caleb first appears as one of twelve spies Moses sent to scout out the land of Canaan. Upon returning, all twelve confirmed the land’s magnificence, but ten of the scouts focused on the land’s fearsome inhabitants (Num 13:31-33). Only Joshua and Caleb believed that God would enable Israel to conquer the Canaanites (Num 14:6-9), advising that the Israelites immediately take the land (Num 13:30). Although the people wanted to stone both Caleb and Joshua (Num 14:10), God protected them and punished the people (Num 14:11-38). God ultimately rewarded Caleb and Joshua for their faithfulness: Among all the adults who left Egypt, they were the only ones to enter the Promised Land.<\/p>\n<p>After many years in the wilderness, and after fighting many battles, Caleb received his personal inheritance in the land (Josh 14:6-15). Caleb’s faith did not diminish in the intervening forty-five years; his testimony reveals his character and rock-solid faith in God. Although Caleb was eighty-five years old, he was still strong and able to fight. Caleb acquired Hebron, which would become his land, by driving out the giant Anakites who had terrified the earlier scouts (Josh 15:13-14; see Num 13:28, 33). Caleb’s city of Hebron, about twenty miles south of Jerusalem (not far from Kenizzite territory), later became a Levitical city of refuge (Josh 21:13; 1 Chr 6:54-57).<\/p>\n<p>Caleb looked beyond serious obstacles to God’s unbreakable promise that Israel would occupy Canaan. With unabated vigor, he stood ready to conquer the territory Joshua assigned him. Caleb’s staunch confidence in the reliability of God’s promises earned him an honored place among the faithful. Even when outnumbered by enemies, Caleb trusted God, and God richly rewarded him.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Num 13:1–14:38; 26:65; 32:12; 34:19; Deut 1:36; Josh 14:6-15; 15:13-19; Judg 1:11-15, 20; 1 Chr 4:15<\/p>","summary_ro":"Caleb Caleb stands as an inspiring example of faith in God. He was the son of Jephunneh the Kenizzite (Josh 14:6; Num 32:12). The Kenizzites lived in the Negev, the southern desert region of Canaan (see Gen 15:18-21). Jephunneh apparently married into the tribe of Judah a generation before Israel left Egypt. Caleb first appears as one of twelve spies Moses sent to scout out the land of Canaan. Upon returning, all twelve confirmed the land’s magnificence, but ten of the scouts focused on the l...","summary_en":"Caleb Caleb stands as an inspiring example of faith in God. He was the son of Jephunneh the Kenizzite (Josh 14:6; Num 32:12). The Kenizzites lived in the Negev, the southern desert region of Canaan (see Gen 15:18-21). Jephunneh apparently married into the tribe of Judah a generation before Israel left Egypt. Caleb first appears as one of twelve spies Moses sent to scout out the land of Canaan. Upon returning, all twelve confirmed the land’s magnificence, but ten of the scouts focused on the l...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":21233,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Book of Judges","title_en":"Book of Judges","content_ro":"<h3>JUDGES, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>The book reflects a final editing of the material in the period of the early monarchy. It may well be a polemic for the righteous rule of David over against the kingship of Saul, which was molded by a secular, Canaanite conception of kingship rather than by the law of God. The author was almost certainly not Samuel, as traditionally thought, but a later compiler who relied on ancient written materials.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>Though the judges succeeded in giving the tribes some rest from the incursions of surrounding enemies, the Israelites were continually harassed over long periods of time. Scholarly opinion differs on the duration of the period of the judges. The dating of the exodus affects the dating of the beginning of the judges. Those who take an early date for the exodus put the beginning around 1370–1360 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas others propose a date close to the end of the 13th century <span>BC<\/span>. A related issue pertains to the chronology of the judges. Does Judges give a chronological, sequential account of the period, or is the book a representative account of judges from various parts of Canaan and Transjordan who “judged” a region, a tribe, or several tribes simultaneously?<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LiteraryFramework\">Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>There is no doubt that the stories in the book bear the marks of literary creativity. The stories are classics in their own right. The poetry of Deborah’s song (Jgs 5) is very moving, and the fable of Jotham (9:8-15) is a fine example of figurative speech. The care given to the stories is also reflected in the construction of the book. There are two introductions: a political one (Jgs 1:1–2:5) and a socioreligious one (2:6–3:6). The political introduction connects Judges with the story of the Conquest, when the tribes attempted to occupy the land. It prepares the reader for the political and military problems of the era of the judges. The socioreligious introduction explains why Israel had so many adversities, why the institution of the judges arose, and why the Lord never gave Israel the promised lasting rest from its enemies. The main body of the book is the story of the judges (3:7–16:31). References to the minor judges (six in all) are set within the stories of the major judges in increasing frequency. As is evident from the schema, the number of minor judges increased in frequency in proportion to the decrease in number of major judges: two major, one minor; two major, two minor; one major, three minor; one major. There is a total of 12 judges, representative of the 12 tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>The purpose of the listing of 12 judges, representative of the various parts of Canaan and Transjordan, is to demonstrate that all tribes throughout the conquered territories experienced grave difficulties from a variety of enemies: Arameans, Moabites, Ammonites, Amalekites, Canaanites, and Philistines. Israel was hard pressed on nearly all its frontiers. The appendixes (chs 17–21), together with the two introductions, form the framework of the book. The political and socioreligious problems (1:1–3:6) are presented by way of several stories in the last chapters. The final editor who gave the book its canonical shape purposefully framed the stories of the judges so as to show lack of movement. The successes of the previous stages in redemptive history came to a standstill in the ebb and flow of the judges. Though the Lord delivered his people in many ways, they returned to the problems described in 1:1–3:6. The appendixes describe Israel’s problems representative of the period of the judges, when “there was no king in Israel” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTheologicalTeaching\">Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for deliverance, and God’s raising up of a judge reflects a deuteronomic perspective with its warnings concerning disobedience and judgment. The repetitiveness of the cycle supports the contention of the anonymous narrator that Israel remained unchanged by the grace of God. However, in spite of the moral, religious, and political anarchy as well as the civil wars, the last chapter shows that the tribes are still concerned with each other’s welfare. Though the unity of God’s people has been gravely challenged, the situation is not hopeless. The book ends on a note of hope—hope for a king who may deliver Israel.<\/p>\n\n<p>Thus, there are several purposes of the book: (1) to demonstrate the meaninglessness of this stage in Israel’s development; (2) to explain why the tribes did not occupy all the land promised to the patriarchs; (3) to justify the way of God, who was gracious and patient with Israel’s repeated acts of disobedience; (4) to set forth the legitimacy of a “shepherd” king in contrast to a despotic form of kingship; and (5) to explain the urgent need for a new momentum, lest Israel succumb to the Philistines and intertribal warfare.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>The Political Introduction (1:1–2:5)<\/h5>\n<p>In Joshua 1–12 the warfare under Joshua is portrayed as a mobilization of Canaanite forces against Israel. By the intervention of the Lord, the Canaanite resistance was put down and the land was occupied by the tribes (chs 13–21). Joshua 13–21, however, clearly shows that each tribe had problems ridding its territory of pockets of Canaanite resistance, which were usually centered around heavily guarded and well-fortified cities (cf. 13:2-6, 13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18).<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua emphasizes the successes and minimizes the problems, whereas the prologue to Judges sets the stage for the whole book by openly addressing Israel’s problems and failures. As the book unfolds, it is precisely these problems and failures that in due time bring Israel to the brink of disaster.<\/p>\n<p>The period of the judges began with the death of Joshua (Jgs 1:1; 2:8-9). The Israelites had inherited a legacy from Joshua: the law of the Lord (Jos 23:6; 24:26), the land, a challenge to obey the Lord (24:14-27), and a promise of God’s presence and help in subduing the Canaanites (23:5, 10).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah and Simeon (Jgs 1:2-20)<\/h6>\n<p>The prominence of Judah and Caleb parallels the position of Judah in Joshua (Jos 14:6–15:63; cf. also the house of Joseph, Jgs 1:22-29; cf. Jos 16–17). Judah was victorious over the cruel Adoni-bezek, who ruled over Bezek, a town of uncertain location. Judah successfully occupied the hill country, the Negev, and the western foothills. They even took Jerusalem, or an outlying suburb identified with Jerusalem (Jos 1:8), but could not retain control there (v 21) until David’s conquest of the city (2 Sm 5:6-9). Judah was victorious over the Canaanites in the region of Hebron, already conquered under Joshua (Jos 10:36). Hebron, also known as Kiriath-arba (“city of four” or “tetrapolis”), was a powerful ally of Jerusalem (v 3) and had been able to rally military support for a new assault on Israel, even after its first defeat. Caleb received Hebron, as Moses had promised (Jgs 1:20; cf. Jos 15:13). After the victory over Hebron, Judah extended its control over the southern hill country by an attack on Debir (Jgs 1:11-15; cf. Jos 15:14-19).<\/p>\n<p>The Kenites (Jgs 1:16), descendants of Jethro and therefore related to Moses by marriage, settled in the Negev around Arad and the City of Palms, which here probably refers to Tamar rather than Jericho.<\/p>\n<p>Judah secured the southern border by a victory over the Canaanites at Hormah (Jgs 1:17; cf. Nm 14:45; 21:3; Dt 1:44) and the coastal plain by victories at Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron. However, Judah’s successes in the coastal plain were resisted by a well-armed Canaanite force (Jgs 1:18-19). It occupied the Judean hill country and the Negev, but could not retain control over the plains. The Philistines were soon to take control over Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, and incorporate them into their pentapolis.<\/p>\n<h6>Benjamin (1:21)<\/h6>\n<p>Jerusalem was situated on the border between Judah and Benjamin. Judah took the city or a suburb (Jos 1:8) but was too far removed to retain control over it. Benjamin was too weak to subdue the Jebusites. Only David succeeded in this (2 Sm 5:6-9); he incorporated it into Judah (cf. Jos 15:63), even though it originally was allotted to Benjamin (Jos 18:28).<\/p>\n<h6>Joseph: Ephraim and Manasseh (1:22-29)<\/h6>\n<p>Ephraim took Bethel, known from the patriarchal stories as a significant cultic site (Gn 12:8; 13:3-4; 28:19; 31:13; 35:1-15). However, Manasseh was unsuccessful in taking the fortified cities in the valley of Jezreel (Esdraelon): Beth-shan, Taanach, Dor, Ibleam, and Megiddo. These cities controlled traffic along the east-west and north–south roads as well as the important passes through the Carmel range and the ford of the Jordan. Ephraim could not take full possession of the coastal plain, controlled by Gezer. The success of both Ephraim and Manasseh was limited.<\/p>\n<h6>The Other Four Tribes (1:30-36)<\/h6>\n<p>The other four tribes in Canaan receive brief mention. They, too, were only partially successful. Zebulun, Asher, Naphtali, and especially Dan did not fully succeed in driving out the Canaanites. At best they later subjected most of them to forced labor.<\/p>\n<h6>The Failure of Israel (2:1-5)<\/h6>\n<p>The failure to subdue the land and to wipe out the Canaanites and their culture led to intermarriage and idolatry (cf. Ex 23:33; 34:12-16; Nm 33:55; Dt 7:2-5, 16; Jos 23:7, 12).<\/p>\n<p>The identity of “the angel of the Lord” who appears at Bokim is far from certain. It may be a reference to the Lord himself, to an angelic messenger, or to a prophet (cf. Jgs 6:8). He rebuked the people in the prophetic spirit and pronounced God’s judgment as taking the form of continual confrontation between Israel and the Canaanites (2:3). Their weeping and sacrificing were to no avail (2:4-5; cf. Mal 2:13). Israel stood condemned within a generation after Joshua’s death.<\/p>\n<h5>The Theological Introduction (2:6–3:6)<\/h5>\n<p>The theological introduction begins where Joshua left off (Jos 24:28-31). The generation of Joshua was characterized by loyalty, but their loyalty to the Lord did not last long after the excitement of the Conquest and the demonstration of God’s presence (Jgs 2:10). Israel served Canaanite gods (Baal and Astarte) instead. Baal was the storm god, symbolic of rain and fertility, and Astarte was his cohort. The plural (Baals and Ashtaroth, 2:11-13) signifies the many local ways in which the Canaanite gods were worshiped. The religious unity was broken up into a great diversity. Thus Israel angered the Lord (vv 12-14), who sent them enemies and plunderers. Israel was unsuccessful in dealing with them, as Moses and Joshua had forewarned (Dt 28:25, 33; Jos 23:13, 16). The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for mercy, and deliverance is found throughout Judges. The people were rooted in the apostasy of their forefathers, even though the previous generation had been sensitive to God. Israel did not submit to the leadership of the judges, except to free itself from the oppressors. In fulfillment of the curses of the covenant, God swore not to give his people rest but to test them and to train them for warfare (Jgs 3:1-4), so that they might learn to respond to the challenges of a real world.<\/p>\n<h5>The Judges of Israel (3:7–16:31)<\/h5>\n<h6>Othniel (3:7-11)<\/h6>\n<p>Othniel is a transitional figure, linking the Conquest and the judges. He had involved himself in the conquest of Kiriath-sepher and was related to Caleb as his cousin and son-in-law (1:13). He repelled the Arameans led by Cushan-rishathaim, so that the land enjoyed peace for some 40 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ehud (3:12-30)<\/h6>\n<p>The Moabites, allied with the Ammonites and Amalekites, came against Israel from the east and oppressed them for 18 years under the leadership of Eglon. Ehud led the mission to bring tribute to Eglon at his palace, located probably by Jericho (the City of Palms). Ehud was uniquely qualified for this mission; being left-handed, he was able to use his double-edged sword in an unsuspecting manner to stab the king. Ehud’s success was the result of careful plotting and the element of surprise. He paid the tribute and left, only to return with a supposed oracle from the gods. The king fell for the deception and was murdered. The delay at the Moabite court gave the Israelites an opportunity to bring their forces together at the fords of the Jordan. Ehud’s success was complete; no Moabite escaped, and Israel enjoyed peace for 80 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Shamgar (3:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Shamgar’s exploits were against the Philistines in the coastal plains. He had a non-Israelite name but was probably an Israelite by birth. Like Samson he fought the Philistines with an unconventional weapon (an ox goad). His name is also mentioned in the song of Deborah (5:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Deborah and Barak (4:1–5:31)<\/h6>\n<p>The narrative now turns to the Canaanite aggressors in the north under the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor, and Sisera, of Harosheth-haggoyim (4:1-3). The ruins of Hazor (Jos 11:13) had been rebuilt, and another Jabin (cf. v 1) ruled over the region. He had regained his military power, as he had as many as 900 chariots of iron. He oppressed Israel for 20 years (Jgs 4:3).<\/p>\n<p>God had a prophetess in Israel who led his people during this dark time (4:4). She rendered judgments under a palm tree in southern Ephraim near Benjamin (v 5). She called on Barak to muster the armies of Naphtali and Zebulun, the tribes affected by the Canaanite raids, and to engage Sisera in a surprise attack by the Kishon River (vv 6-7). Barak’s hesitancy led him to request Deborah’s presence, which resulted in his forfeiture of the honor of killing Sisera, the commander of the Canaanite forces (vv 8-10). The Lord gave success to the surprise attack from Mt Tabor, so that the Canaanites were routed, unable to use their heavy chariots, which were mired down in the swamps of the Jezreel Valley (5:20-22). The Canaanites were routed, and Sisera was killed by Jael, the wife of Heber, a Kenite who had separated from the Kenites around Arad (4:17-18; cf. 1:16). She offered him hospitality, as her family had friendly relations with the Canaanites, but heroically put him to death with a tent peg (4:18-21; 5:26-27). In successive campaigns the Israelites gained freedom from Jabin, until they destroyed his power (4:24).<\/p>\n<p>The song of Deborah (ch 5) celebrates, in poetic fashion, the victory over Jabin. It is one of the oldest poems in the Bible. It praises the God of Israel as the King who comes to protect his covenant people, and before whom the mountains move (5:2-3). He is the God of Mt Sinai (Jgs 5:4-5; cf. Dt 33:2; Ps 68:7-8; Hb 3:3-4). Though the oppressors had despoiled Israel and had made the roads unsafe for travel, and Israel was unable to defend itself (Jgs 5:6-8), the Lord raised up Deborah and Barak to lead the nobles to war (vv 9-13). They came from Ephraim, Benjamin, Zebulun, Issachar, and Naphtali (vv 14-15a, 18), but the Transjordan tribes and Asher did not want to get involved (vv 15b-17). The song then moves to the battle scene, where torrential rains bogged the chariots down (vv 19-23). Jael is celebrated as “most blessed of women,” who used her simple way of life to bring an end to Sisera (vv 24-27). She stands in contrast to Sisera’s mother, who is portrayed with all her culture waiting in vain for Sisera’s return with all of his spoils (vv 28-30). The Lord has used the simple to confound the powerful. The conclusion is a prayer for God’s judgment on all of Israel’s enemies (Jgs 5:31a; cf. Ps 68:1-3).<\/p>\n<h6>Gideon (6:1–8:35)<\/h6>\n<p>Israel’s rest for 40 years (Jgs 5:31b) was disturbed by the invasion of Midianites and Amalekites from the East (6:1-3). They destroyed the economy by invading the country at harvesttime (vv 4-6). In response to Israel’s cry, God sent a prophet with a message similar to that of the angel of the Lord (2:1-5). Then an angel appeared to Gideon and called him to lead the people in battle (6:11-14). The Lord assured him of his presence (v 16) by a sign (vv 17-22). Gideon knew that he had been visited by the Lord and built an altar called “The <span>Lord<\/span> Is Peace” in Ophrah (v 24). He responded by destroying the cultic site dedicated to Baal and Asherah at Ophrah (vv 25-28) and by initiating worship at the new altar (v 28). Baal did not protect his own altar (vv 29-32), even when challenged by Gideon’s father (v 31). Consequently, Gideon was known as Jerubbaal (meaning, “let Baal contend with him,” v 32).<\/p>\n<p>Next, Gideon mustered an army of 32,000 men from Asher, Zebulun, and Naphtali (6:35; cf. 7:3b). In order to assure himself of the Lord’s presence, he asked for another sign: the sign of the fleece (6:36-40). It must be kept in mind that Gideon lived in an area in which the wonders of God had been scarce (v 13) and that he, like Moses, needed reassurance that God was with him. God responded to his growing faith. Gideon went forth with a greatly reduced army of 300 against the enemy. Of his original army, 22,000 had left because they were afraid (7:2-3; cf. Dt 20:8). Another 9,700 were sent home, though they were valiant men (7:4-8). After assuring Gideon by a dream of an enemy soldier, God used the 300 in a marvelous way to confound the Midianites (vv 9-15). God gave Israel victory over the Midianite leaders Oreb, Zeeb, Zebah, and Zalmunna (7:16–8:21). Gideon wisely avoided a possible military confrontation with Ephraim (8:1-3), pursued the enemy deep into the Transjordan, and punished the leaders of Succoth and Penuel, who did not assist him (vv 4-9, 13-16).<\/p>\n<p>This glorious victory created a new wave of interest in the idea of kingship. The men of Israel wished to establish the family of Gideon as their royal dynasty (8:22). Gideon refused, and instead wrongly set up an ephod, cast from the gold taken in battle (vv 23-27). The ephod was probably used for cultic practices, possibly divination (cf. 17:5).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s era also came to an end. He was God’s instrument, giving Israel rest for 40 years. He fathered 70 sons and died in old age. God had richly blessed him, even though he had led Israel astray with his ephod. Thereafter, Israel returned to Baal worship (8:33-35).<\/p>\n<p>In the wake of Gideon’s era, his son Abimelech attempted to establish dynastic continuity by having himself installed as king at Shechem (9:1-6). With the support of his relatives at Shechem, Abimelech had all his brothers killed except Jotham (vv 4-5). After Abimelech’s coronation, Jotham set forth his opposition to his brother in a proverbial manner (vv 7-20), and went into hiding. Three years later Abimelech’s evil schemes entrapped him when the citizens of Shechem rebelled. He furiously attacked the city and destroyed it. A short time later, however, he was wounded at Thebez by a millstone dropped by a woman from the tower in which she had sought refuge from him. His servant put him out of his misery as per his request. This episode demonstrates how bad a despotic king may be. Again, God’s justice prevailed.<\/p>\n<h6>Tola (10:1-2)<\/h6>\n<p>Tola was a minor judge from Issachar who judged Israel for 23 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jair (10:3-5)<\/h6>\n<p>Jair was a minor judge from Gilead who judged Israel for 22 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jephthah (10:6–12:7)<\/h6>\n<p>A recapitulation (10:6-16) of the cycle (idolatry, enemies, cry for help, momentary repentance) sets the introduction to the Jephthah narrative. Under attack from the Ammonites, the elders of Gilead requested help from Jephthah (10:17–11:8), who promised to help them on the condition that he remain their leader even after the war (vv 9-10). At a solemn ceremony he becomes their “head” at Mizpah (v 11). Jephthah opened up correspondence with the Ammonite king, in which he argued for Israel’s rights on the basis of the Israelites’ historic claim to the land as granted to them by the Lord (vv 12–27). Instead of going out immediately to war, he hoped that “the <span>Lord<\/span>, the Judge” would settle the dispute (v 27); but the Ammonite king was unimpressed. When the Spirit of God came over him, Jephthah led Israel into battle, but only after making a rash vow. He was victorious but found out that his vow to sacrifice whatever came first out of his house required him to sacrifice his daughter. Debate continues as to whether he offered her up as a human sacrifice or whether she sacrificed marriage (see discussion under Jephthah).<\/p>\n<p>The Ephraimites seemed to have had an insatiable desire for war. Earlier they had complained to Gideon, who successfully defused their threats (8:1-3). Jephthah fought them, however, because the Israelites living in Transjordan had been reviled as “renegades” (12:1-4). Forty-two thousand Ephraimites were killed by the fords of the Jordan in this civil war. Thereafter, Jephthah ruled for only six years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ibzan (12:8-10)<\/h6>\n<p>Ibzan was a minor judge from Bethlehem who ruled Israel for seven years.<\/p>\n<h6>Elon (12:11)<\/h6>\n<p>A minor judge from Zebulun, Elon ruled Israel for ten years.<\/p>\n<h6>Abdon (12:13-15)<\/h6>\n<p>Abdon was a minor judge from Pirathon, the location of which is uncertain. He ruled for eight years.<\/p>\n<h6>Samson (13:1–16:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Samson’s greatness in the history of redemption is due to his miraculous birth (13:1-24), his service as a Nazirite (13:7; cf. Nm 6:1-21), the repeated overpowering by the Spirit of the Lord (Jgs 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14), the single-handed exploits against the Philistines (Ashkelon, 14:19; the fields, 15:1-6; Ramath Etam, 15:7-17; Gaza, 16:1-3, 23-30), and his occasional dependence on the Lord (15:18-19; 16:28-30). However, his personal life was flawed because of his weakness for Philistine women (chs 14, 16). Having been seduced by Delilah, he was imprisoned at Gaza. He died in the collapse of Dagon’s temple, praying that the Lord would permit him to get revenge (16:28-30). He was buried in his father’s tomb in the territory of Dan (16:31).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue (17–21)<\/h5>\n<p>The cyclical nature of Israel’s existence was without movement. Rest from enemies was always temporary. Israel was not yet ready for dynastic kingship, and whatever one may say of the three years of Abimelech, it was a kingship of the worst sort. Israel vacillated between idolatry and belief in the true Lord. The period of the judges was unstable, marked by petty individualism and provincialism. Yet God remained sovereign in the affairs of his people. The epilogue contains two stories: the story of Micah and the Danite migration (chs 17–18) and the civil war (chs 19–21). The epilogue is bound together by the phrase “In those days Israel had no king; everyone did as he saw fit” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25, <span>niv<\/span>). The symmetric recurrence (two times in each narrative) emphasizes the anarchy and inability of the tribes to unite together to serve God as a covenant people.<\/p>\n<h6>Micah and the Danites (17–18)<\/h6>\n<p>Micah was an Ephraimite who established a shrine and hired one of his own sons, and then a Levite from Bethlehem, to serve as its priests (ch 17). Unable to keep their patrimony, the Danites left to establish themselves at the foot of Mt Hermon. They took the idols and the Levite from Micah’s shrine and set up a cultic city at the newly established city of Dan, built on the ruins of Laish (ch 18). Thus, they set up a cultic center that rivaled the tabernacle at Shiloh (18:31).<\/p>\n<h6>The Civil War (19–21)<\/h6>\n<p>The people of Gibeah, which belonged to Benjamin, sexually abused the concubine of a Levite so that she died. Like the Levite of chapters 17 and 18, she was from Bethlehem (19:1). Dramatically, the Levite sent pieces of her corpse to all the tribes, which assembled against the Benjamites because they protected the criminals of Gibeah (19:29–20:19). In the ensuing battle the population of Benjamin was decimated (20:20-48). The 11 tribes gave them 400 virgins taken in a civil war against Jabesh-gilead (21:6-15). These were not enough, however. Because of the threat of the extinction of Benjamin and the vow not to give their daughters in marriage to any Benjamite, the Israelites devised a plan by which the Benjamites could take Israelite virgins dancing in the festival at Shiloh. Benjamin thus was able to rebuild its towns and settlements.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Gideon; Jephthah; Samson.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JUDGES, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>The book reflects a final editing of the material in the period of the early monarchy. It may well be a polemic for the righteous rule of David over against the kingship of Saul, which was molded by a secular, Canaanite conception of kingship rather than by the law of God. The author was almost certainly not Samuel, as traditionally thought, but a later compiler who relied on ancient written materials.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>Though the judges succeeded in giving the tribes some rest from the incursions of surrounding enemies, the Israelites were continually harassed over long periods of time. Scholarly opinion differs on the duration of the period of the judges. The dating of the exodus affects the dating of the beginning of the judges. Those who take an early date for the exodus put the beginning around 1370–1360 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas others propose a date close to the end of the 13th century <span>BC<\/span>. A related issue pertains to the chronology of the judges. Does Judges give a chronological, sequential account of the period, or is the book a representative account of judges from various parts of Canaan and Transjordan who “judged” a region, a tribe, or several tribes simultaneously?<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LiteraryFramework\">Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>There is no doubt that the stories in the book bear the marks of literary creativity. The stories are classics in their own right. The poetry of Deborah’s song (Jgs 5) is very moving, and the fable of Jotham (9:8-15) is a fine example of figurative speech. The care given to the stories is also reflected in the construction of the book. There are two introductions: a political one (Jgs 1:1–2:5) and a socioreligious one (2:6–3:6). The political introduction connects Judges with the story of the Conquest, when the tribes attempted to occupy the land. It prepares the reader for the political and military problems of the era of the judges. The socioreligious introduction explains why Israel had so many adversities, why the institution of the judges arose, and why the Lord never gave Israel the promised lasting rest from its enemies. The main body of the book is the story of the judges (3:7–16:31). References to the minor judges (six in all) are set within the stories of the major judges in increasing frequency. As is evident from the schema, the number of minor judges increased in frequency in proportion to the decrease in number of major judges: two major, one minor; two major, two minor; one major, three minor; one major. There is a total of 12 judges, representative of the 12 tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>The purpose of the listing of 12 judges, representative of the various parts of Canaan and Transjordan, is to demonstrate that all tribes throughout the conquered territories experienced grave difficulties from a variety of enemies: Arameans, Moabites, Ammonites, Amalekites, Canaanites, and Philistines. Israel was hard pressed on nearly all its frontiers. The appendixes (chs 17–21), together with the two introductions, form the framework of the book. The political and socioreligious problems (1:1–3:6) are presented by way of several stories in the last chapters. The final editor who gave the book its canonical shape purposefully framed the stories of the judges so as to show lack of movement. The successes of the previous stages in redemptive history came to a standstill in the ebb and flow of the judges. Though the Lord delivered his people in many ways, they returned to the problems described in 1:1–3:6. The appendixes describe Israel’s problems representative of the period of the judges, when “there was no king in Israel” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTheologicalTeaching\">Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for deliverance, and God’s raising up of a judge reflects a deuteronomic perspective with its warnings concerning disobedience and judgment. The repetitiveness of the cycle supports the contention of the anonymous narrator that Israel remained unchanged by the grace of God. However, in spite of the moral, religious, and political anarchy as well as the civil wars, the last chapter shows that the tribes are still concerned with each other’s welfare. Though the unity of God’s people has been gravely challenged, the situation is not hopeless. The book ends on a note of hope—hope for a king who may deliver Israel.<\/p>\n\n<p>Thus, there are several purposes of the book: (1) to demonstrate the meaninglessness of this stage in Israel’s development; (2) to explain why the tribes did not occupy all the land promised to the patriarchs; (3) to justify the way of God, who was gracious and patient with Israel’s repeated acts of disobedience; (4) to set forth the legitimacy of a “shepherd” king in contrast to a despotic form of kingship; and (5) to explain the urgent need for a new momentum, lest Israel succumb to the Philistines and intertribal warfare.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>The Political Introduction (1:1–2:5)<\/h5>\n<p>In Joshua 1–12 the warfare under Joshua is portrayed as a mobilization of Canaanite forces against Israel. By the intervention of the Lord, the Canaanite resistance was put down and the land was occupied by the tribes (chs 13–21). Joshua 13–21, however, clearly shows that each tribe had problems ridding its territory of pockets of Canaanite resistance, which were usually centered around heavily guarded and well-fortified cities (cf. 13:2-6, 13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18).<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua emphasizes the successes and minimizes the problems, whereas the prologue to Judges sets the stage for the whole book by openly addressing Israel’s problems and failures. As the book unfolds, it is precisely these problems and failures that in due time bring Israel to the brink of disaster.<\/p>\n<p>The period of the judges began with the death of Joshua (Jgs 1:1; 2:8-9). The Israelites had inherited a legacy from Joshua: the law of the Lord (Jos 23:6; 24:26), the land, a challenge to obey the Lord (24:14-27), and a promise of God’s presence and help in subduing the Canaanites (23:5, 10).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah and Simeon (Jgs 1:2-20)<\/h6>\n<p>The prominence of Judah and Caleb parallels the position of Judah in Joshua (Jos 14:6–15:63; cf. also the house of Joseph, Jgs 1:22-29; cf. Jos 16–17). Judah was victorious over the cruel Adoni-bezek, who ruled over Bezek, a town of uncertain location. Judah successfully occupied the hill country, the Negev, and the western foothills. They even took Jerusalem, or an outlying suburb identified with Jerusalem (Jos 1:8), but could not retain control there (v 21) until David’s conquest of the city (2 Sm 5:6-9). Judah was victorious over the Canaanites in the region of Hebron, already conquered under Joshua (Jos 10:36). Hebron, also known as Kiriath-arba (“city of four” or “tetrapolis”), was a powerful ally of Jerusalem (v 3) and had been able to rally military support for a new assault on Israel, even after its first defeat. Caleb received Hebron, as Moses had promised (Jgs 1:20; cf. Jos 15:13). After the victory over Hebron, Judah extended its control over the southern hill country by an attack on Debir (Jgs 1:11-15; cf. Jos 15:14-19).<\/p>\n<p>The Kenites (Jgs 1:16), descendants of Jethro and therefore related to Moses by marriage, settled in the Negev around Arad and the City of Palms, which here probably refers to Tamar rather than Jericho.<\/p>\n<p>Judah secured the southern border by a victory over the Canaanites at Hormah (Jgs 1:17; cf. Nm 14:45; 21:3; Dt 1:44) and the coastal plain by victories at Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron. However, Judah’s successes in the coastal plain were resisted by a well-armed Canaanite force (Jgs 1:18-19). It occupied the Judean hill country and the Negev, but could not retain control over the plains. The Philistines were soon to take control over Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, and incorporate them into their pentapolis.<\/p>\n<h6>Benjamin (1:21)<\/h6>\n<p>Jerusalem was situated on the border between Judah and Benjamin. Judah took the city or a suburb (Jos 1:8) but was too far removed to retain control over it. Benjamin was too weak to subdue the Jebusites. Only David succeeded in this (2 Sm 5:6-9); he incorporated it into Judah (cf. Jos 15:63), even though it originally was allotted to Benjamin (Jos 18:28).<\/p>\n<h6>Joseph: Ephraim and Manasseh (1:22-29)<\/h6>\n<p>Ephraim took Bethel, known from the patriarchal stories as a significant cultic site (Gn 12:8; 13:3-4; 28:19; 31:13; 35:1-15). However, Manasseh was unsuccessful in taking the fortified cities in the valley of Jezreel (Esdraelon): Beth-shan, Taanach, Dor, Ibleam, and Megiddo. These cities controlled traffic along the east-west and north–south roads as well as the important passes through the Carmel range and the ford of the Jordan. Ephraim could not take full possession of the coastal plain, controlled by Gezer. The success of both Ephraim and Manasseh was limited.<\/p>\n<h6>The Other Four Tribes (1:30-36)<\/h6>\n<p>The other four tribes in Canaan receive brief mention. They, too, were only partially successful. Zebulun, Asher, Naphtali, and especially Dan did not fully succeed in driving out the Canaanites. At best they later subjected most of them to forced labor.<\/p>\n<h6>The Failure of Israel (2:1-5)<\/h6>\n<p>The failure to subdue the land and to wipe out the Canaanites and their culture led to intermarriage and idolatry (cf. Ex 23:33; 34:12-16; Nm 33:55; Dt 7:2-5, 16; Jos 23:7, 12).<\/p>\n<p>The identity of “the angel of the Lord” who appears at Bokim is far from certain. It may be a reference to the Lord himself, to an angelic messenger, or to a prophet (cf. Jgs 6:8). He rebuked the people in the prophetic spirit and pronounced God’s judgment as taking the form of continual confrontation between Israel and the Canaanites (2:3). Their weeping and sacrificing were to no avail (2:4-5; cf. Mal 2:13). Israel stood condemned within a generation after Joshua’s death.<\/p>\n<h5>The Theological Introduction (2:6–3:6)<\/h5>\n<p>The theological introduction begins where Joshua left off (Jos 24:28-31). The generation of Joshua was characterized by loyalty, but their loyalty to the Lord did not last long after the excitement of the Conquest and the demonstration of God’s presence (Jgs 2:10). Israel served Canaanite gods (Baal and Astarte) instead. Baal was the storm god, symbolic of rain and fertility, and Astarte was his cohort. The plural (Baals and Ashtaroth, 2:11-13) signifies the many local ways in which the Canaanite gods were worshiped. The religious unity was broken up into a great diversity. Thus Israel angered the Lord (vv 12-14), who sent them enemies and plunderers. Israel was unsuccessful in dealing with them, as Moses and Joshua had forewarned (Dt 28:25, 33; Jos 23:13, 16). The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for mercy, and deliverance is found throughout Judges. The people were rooted in the apostasy of their forefathers, even though the previous generation had been sensitive to God. Israel did not submit to the leadership of the judges, except to free itself from the oppressors. In fulfillment of the curses of the covenant, God swore not to give his people rest but to test them and to train them for warfare (Jgs 3:1-4), so that they might learn to respond to the challenges of a real world.<\/p>\n<h5>The Judges of Israel (3:7–16:31)<\/h5>\n<h6>Othniel (3:7-11)<\/h6>\n<p>Othniel is a transitional figure, linking the Conquest and the judges. He had involved himself in the conquest of Kiriath-sepher and was related to Caleb as his cousin and son-in-law (1:13). He repelled the Arameans led by Cushan-rishathaim, so that the land enjoyed peace for some 40 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ehud (3:12-30)<\/h6>\n<p>The Moabites, allied with the Ammonites and Amalekites, came against Israel from the east and oppressed them for 18 years under the leadership of Eglon. Ehud led the mission to bring tribute to Eglon at his palace, located probably by Jericho (the City of Palms). Ehud was uniquely qualified for this mission; being left-handed, he was able to use his double-edged sword in an unsuspecting manner to stab the king. Ehud’s success was the result of careful plotting and the element of surprise. He paid the tribute and left, only to return with a supposed oracle from the gods. The king fell for the deception and was murdered. The delay at the Moabite court gave the Israelites an opportunity to bring their forces together at the fords of the Jordan. Ehud’s success was complete; no Moabite escaped, and Israel enjoyed peace for 80 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Shamgar (3:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Shamgar’s exploits were against the Philistines in the coastal plains. He had a non-Israelite name but was probably an Israelite by birth. Like Samson he fought the Philistines with an unconventional weapon (an ox goad). His name is also mentioned in the song of Deborah (5:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Deborah and Barak (4:1–5:31)<\/h6>\n<p>The narrative now turns to the Canaanite aggressors in the north under the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor, and Sisera, of Harosheth-haggoyim (4:1-3). The ruins of Hazor (Jos 11:13) had been rebuilt, and another Jabin (cf. v 1) ruled over the region. He had regained his military power, as he had as many as 900 chariots of iron. He oppressed Israel for 20 years (Jgs 4:3).<\/p>\n<p>God had a prophetess in Israel who led his people during this dark time (4:4). She rendered judgments under a palm tree in southern Ephraim near Benjamin (v 5). She called on Barak to muster the armies of Naphtali and Zebulun, the tribes affected by the Canaanite raids, and to engage Sisera in a surprise attack by the Kishon River (vv 6-7). Barak’s hesitancy led him to request Deborah’s presence, which resulted in his forfeiture of the honor of killing Sisera, the commander of the Canaanite forces (vv 8-10). The Lord gave success to the surprise attack from Mt Tabor, so that the Canaanites were routed, unable to use their heavy chariots, which were mired down in the swamps of the Jezreel Valley (5:20-22). The Canaanites were routed, and Sisera was killed by Jael, the wife of Heber, a Kenite who had separated from the Kenites around Arad (4:17-18; cf. 1:16). She offered him hospitality, as her family had friendly relations with the Canaanites, but heroically put him to death with a tent peg (4:18-21; 5:26-27). In successive campaigns the Israelites gained freedom from Jabin, until they destroyed his power (4:24).<\/p>\n<p>The song of Deborah (ch 5) celebrates, in poetic fashion, the victory over Jabin. It is one of the oldest poems in the Bible. It praises the God of Israel as the King who comes to protect his covenant people, and before whom the mountains move (5:2-3). He is the God of Mt Sinai (Jgs 5:4-5; cf. Dt 33:2; Ps 68:7-8; Hb 3:3-4). Though the oppressors had despoiled Israel and had made the roads unsafe for travel, and Israel was unable to defend itself (Jgs 5:6-8), the Lord raised up Deborah and Barak to lead the nobles to war (vv 9-13). They came from Ephraim, Benjamin, Zebulun, Issachar, and Naphtali (vv 14-15a, 18), but the Transjordan tribes and Asher did not want to get involved (vv 15b-17). The song then moves to the battle scene, where torrential rains bogged the chariots down (vv 19-23). Jael is celebrated as “most blessed of women,” who used her simple way of life to bring an end to Sisera (vv 24-27). She stands in contrast to Sisera’s mother, who is portrayed with all her culture waiting in vain for Sisera’s return with all of his spoils (vv 28-30). The Lord has used the simple to confound the powerful. The conclusion is a prayer for God’s judgment on all of Israel’s enemies (Jgs 5:31a; cf. Ps 68:1-3).<\/p>\n<h6>Gideon (6:1–8:35)<\/h6>\n<p>Israel’s rest for 40 years (Jgs 5:31b) was disturbed by the invasion of Midianites and Amalekites from the East (6:1-3). They destroyed the economy by invading the country at harvesttime (vv 4-6). In response to Israel’s cry, God sent a prophet with a message similar to that of the angel of the Lord (2:1-5). Then an angel appeared to Gideon and called him to lead the people in battle (6:11-14). The Lord assured him of his presence (v 16) by a sign (vv 17-22). Gideon knew that he had been visited by the Lord and built an altar called “The <span>Lord<\/span> Is Peace” in Ophrah (v 24). He responded by destroying the cultic site dedicated to Baal and Asherah at Ophrah (vv 25-28) and by initiating worship at the new altar (v 28). Baal did not protect his own altar (vv 29-32), even when challenged by Gideon’s father (v 31). Consequently, Gideon was known as Jerubbaal (meaning, “let Baal contend with him,” v 32).<\/p>\n<p>Next, Gideon mustered an army of 32,000 men from Asher, Zebulun, and Naphtali (6:35; cf. 7:3b). In order to assure himself of the Lord’s presence, he asked for another sign: the sign of the fleece (6:36-40). It must be kept in mind that Gideon lived in an area in which the wonders of God had been scarce (v 13) and that he, like Moses, needed reassurance that God was with him. God responded to his growing faith. Gideon went forth with a greatly reduced army of 300 against the enemy. Of his original army, 22,000 had left because they were afraid (7:2-3; cf. Dt 20:8). Another 9,700 were sent home, though they were valiant men (7:4-8). After assuring Gideon by a dream of an enemy soldier, God used the 300 in a marvelous way to confound the Midianites (vv 9-15). God gave Israel victory over the Midianite leaders Oreb, Zeeb, Zebah, and Zalmunna (7:16–8:21). Gideon wisely avoided a possible military confrontation with Ephraim (8:1-3), pursued the enemy deep into the Transjordan, and punished the leaders of Succoth and Penuel, who did not assist him (vv 4-9, 13-16).<\/p>\n<p>This glorious victory created a new wave of interest in the idea of kingship. The men of Israel wished to establish the family of Gideon as their royal dynasty (8:22). Gideon refused, and instead wrongly set up an ephod, cast from the gold taken in battle (vv 23-27). The ephod was probably used for cultic practices, possibly divination (cf. 17:5).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s era also came to an end. He was God’s instrument, giving Israel rest for 40 years. He fathered 70 sons and died in old age. God had richly blessed him, even though he had led Israel astray with his ephod. Thereafter, Israel returned to Baal worship (8:33-35).<\/p>\n<p>In the wake of Gideon’s era, his son Abimelech attempted to establish dynastic continuity by having himself installed as king at Shechem (9:1-6). With the support of his relatives at Shechem, Abimelech had all his brothers killed except Jotham (vv 4-5). After Abimelech’s coronation, Jotham set forth his opposition to his brother in a proverbial manner (vv 7-20), and went into hiding. Three years later Abimelech’s evil schemes entrapped him when the citizens of Shechem rebelled. He furiously attacked the city and destroyed it. A short time later, however, he was wounded at Thebez by a millstone dropped by a woman from the tower in which she had sought refuge from him. His servant put him out of his misery as per his request. This episode demonstrates how bad a despotic king may be. Again, God’s justice prevailed.<\/p>\n<h6>Tola (10:1-2)<\/h6>\n<p>Tola was a minor judge from Issachar who judged Israel for 23 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jair (10:3-5)<\/h6>\n<p>Jair was a minor judge from Gilead who judged Israel for 22 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jephthah (10:6–12:7)<\/h6>\n<p>A recapitulation (10:6-16) of the cycle (idolatry, enemies, cry for help, momentary repentance) sets the introduction to the Jephthah narrative. Under attack from the Ammonites, the elders of Gilead requested help from Jephthah (10:17–11:8), who promised to help them on the condition that he remain their leader even after the war (vv 9-10). At a solemn ceremony he becomes their “head” at Mizpah (v 11). Jephthah opened up correspondence with the Ammonite king, in which he argued for Israel’s rights on the basis of the Israelites’ historic claim to the land as granted to them by the Lord (vv 12–27). Instead of going out immediately to war, he hoped that “the <span>Lord<\/span>, the Judge” would settle the dispute (v 27); but the Ammonite king was unimpressed. When the Spirit of God came over him, Jephthah led Israel into battle, but only after making a rash vow. He was victorious but found out that his vow to sacrifice whatever came first out of his house required him to sacrifice his daughter. Debate continues as to whether he offered her up as a human sacrifice or whether she sacrificed marriage (see discussion under Jephthah).<\/p>\n<p>The Ephraimites seemed to have had an insatiable desire for war. Earlier they had complained to Gideon, who successfully defused their threats (8:1-3). Jephthah fought them, however, because the Israelites living in Transjordan had been reviled as “renegades” (12:1-4). Forty-two thousand Ephraimites were killed by the fords of the Jordan in this civil war. Thereafter, Jephthah ruled for only six years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ibzan (12:8-10)<\/h6>\n<p>Ibzan was a minor judge from Bethlehem who ruled Israel for seven years.<\/p>\n<h6>Elon (12:11)<\/h6>\n<p>A minor judge from Zebulun, Elon ruled Israel for ten years.<\/p>\n<h6>Abdon (12:13-15)<\/h6>\n<p>Abdon was a minor judge from Pirathon, the location of which is uncertain. He ruled for eight years.<\/p>\n<h6>Samson (13:1–16:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Samson’s greatness in the history of redemption is due to his miraculous birth (13:1-24), his service as a Nazirite (13:7; cf. Nm 6:1-21), the repeated overpowering by the Spirit of the Lord (Jgs 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14), the single-handed exploits against the Philistines (Ashkelon, 14:19; the fields, 15:1-6; Ramath Etam, 15:7-17; Gaza, 16:1-3, 23-30), and his occasional dependence on the Lord (15:18-19; 16:28-30). However, his personal life was flawed because of his weakness for Philistine women (chs 14, 16). Having been seduced by Delilah, he was imprisoned at Gaza. He died in the collapse of Dagon’s temple, praying that the Lord would permit him to get revenge (16:28-30). He was buried in his father’s tomb in the territory of Dan (16:31).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue (17–21)<\/h5>\n<p>The cyclical nature of Israel’s existence was without movement. Rest from enemies was always temporary. Israel was not yet ready for dynastic kingship, and whatever one may say of the three years of Abimelech, it was a kingship of the worst sort. Israel vacillated between idolatry and belief in the true Lord. The period of the judges was unstable, marked by petty individualism and provincialism. Yet God remained sovereign in the affairs of his people. The epilogue contains two stories: the story of Micah and the Danite migration (chs 17–18) and the civil war (chs 19–21). The epilogue is bound together by the phrase “In those days Israel had no king; everyone did as he saw fit” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25, <span>niv<\/span>). The symmetric recurrence (two times in each narrative) emphasizes the anarchy and inability of the tribes to unite together to serve God as a covenant people.<\/p>\n<h6>Micah and the Danites (17–18)<\/h6>\n<p>Micah was an Ephraimite who established a shrine and hired one of his own sons, and then a Levite from Bethlehem, to serve as its priests (ch 17). Unable to keep their patrimony, the Danites left to establish themselves at the foot of Mt Hermon. They took the idols and the Levite from Micah’s shrine and set up a cultic city at the newly established city of Dan, built on the ruins of Laish (ch 18). Thus, they set up a cultic center that rivaled the tabernacle at Shiloh (18:31).<\/p>\n<h6>The Civil War (19–21)<\/h6>\n<p>The people of Gibeah, which belonged to Benjamin, sexually abused the concubine of a Levite so that she died. Like the Levite of chapters 17 and 18, she was from Bethlehem (19:1). Dramatically, the Levite sent pieces of her corpse to all the tribes, which assembled against the Benjamites because they protected the criminals of Gibeah (19:29–20:19). In the ensuing battle the population of Benjamin was decimated (20:20-48). The 11 tribes gave them 400 virgins taken in a civil war against Jabesh-gilead (21:6-15). These were not enough, however. Because of the threat of the extinction of Benjamin and the vow not to give their daughters in marriage to any Benjamite, the Israelites devised a plan by which the Benjamites could take Israelite virgins dancing in the festival at Shiloh. Benjamin thus was able to rebuild its towns and settlements.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Gideon; Jephthah; Samson.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JUDGES, Book of Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail. Preview • Author • Date • Li...","summary_en":"JUDGES, Book of Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail. Preview • Author • Date • Li...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"21":[{"id":4324,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Tribe of Benjamin","title_en":"Tribe of Benjamin","content_ro":"<h3>BENJAMIN, T<span>ribe of<\/span><\/h3>\n<p>One of the smallest of the 12 tribes of Israel, made up of descendants of Jacob’s youngest son (Nm 1:36). In the OT the tribe is often referred to as simply “Benjamin.” Though small, the tribe of Benjamin played an important role in Israelite history, particularly in their conduct as great warriors (Jgs 20:13-16; 1 Chr 12:1-2).<\/p>\n<p>At the Israelite conquest of Canaan, after the tribes of Judah and Ephraim had received their territory, the first lot came to Benjamin. The tribe was allotted territory between Judah and Ephraim, a strip of land between Mt Ephraim and the Judean hills. The southern boundary with Judah was clearly defined: through the valley of Hinnom immediately south of Jerusalem to a point north of the Dead Sea. Its eastern limit was the Jordan, and its northern boundary with Ephraim ran from the Jordan to Bethel to Ataroth-addar south of Lower Beth-horon (Jos 18:11-20).<\/p>\n<p>Benjamin’s territory extended about 28 miles (45.1 kilometers) from west to east and 12 miles (19.3 kilometers) north to south. It was hilly country, strategically located to control key passes, but with fertile hill basins. Among its hill settlements were the important towns of Jerusalem, Jericho, Bethel, Gibeon, Gibeah, and Mizpeh (Jos 18:21-28). Not all of its towns were immediately taken from their previous possessors; Jerusalem, for example, was in the hands of the Jebusites until David’s time. The environment bred a hardy race of highlanders, well described in Jacob’s blessing of Benjamin as “a wolf that prowls” (Gn 49:27).<\/p>\n<p>Ehud of Benjamin was one of the early judges in Canaan, a “deliverer” of the Israelites who killed Eglon, king of Moab (Jgs 3:15). Members of the tribe later helped Deborah and Barak defeat Sisera (5:14). The tribe continued to produce great men: political leaders (1 Chr 27:21), captains in Saul’s army (2 Sm 4:2) and David’s army (23:29), skilled archers (1 Chr 8:40), and overseers in Solomon’s labor force (1 Kgs 4:18).<\/p>\n<p>Less noble traits were also shown by Benjamin’s descendants. Palti, a Benjaminite, was one of the scouts making a bad report when the 12 spies returned from the land of Canaan (Nm 13:1-2, 9, 31-33). The tribe as a whole displayed disobedience and lack of consistent courage by failing to clear their inheritance of Canaanites (Jgs 1:21). Following the custom of the day, the whole tribe defended the lewd treatment and murder of a concubine from another tribe by a few of their members (chs 19–20). That act of gross immorality united the other tribes against them, and the tribe of Benjamin was almost decimated. To keep the tribe from dying out, the other tribes allowed the Benjaminites to take captive several hundred women who then became their wives (Jgs 21).<\/p>\n<p>Benjamin’s tribe proved to be dependable in various ways. During the exodus from Egypt, it took its place in the organization (Nm 1:11) and the army (2:22) and made its tribal offerings (7:60). It demonstrated remarkable loyalty to the throne, initially to Saul and his family (2 Sm 2:8-31). Later David received its faithful support, as did his descendants, for Benjamin remained with Judah, loyal to Solomon’s son Rehoboam when Jeroboam led a secession (1 Kgs 12:21-24).<\/p>\n<p>Other men of Benjamin (often called Benjaminites) spoken of in the OT include Cush, of whom David sang (Ps 7 superscription); Jeremiah the prophet, who, though a Levite, lived within Benjamin’s tribe (Jer 1:1; 32:8); and Mordecai, uncle and adviser to Queen Esther (Est 2:5).<\/p>\n<p>In the NT the apostle Paul made no apologies for his ancestry, twice referring to himself as a Hebrew of Benjamin’s tribe (Rom 11:1; Phil 3:5). In his sermon at Antioch of Pisidia, Paul also mentioned Benjamin as the tribe of King Saul, in his brief account of Israel’s history (Acts 13:21). In one other NT reference Benjamin is named with the other 11 tribes in John’s apocalyptic vision (Rv 7:8). <em>See<\/em> Benjamin (Person) #1.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>BENJAMIN, T<span>ribe of<\/span><\/h3>\n<p>One of the smallest of the 12 tribes of Israel, made up of descendants of Jacob’s youngest son (Nm 1:36). In the OT the tribe is often referred to as simply “Benjamin.” Though small, the tribe of Benjamin played an important role in Israelite history, particularly in their conduct as great warriors (Jgs 20:13-16; 1 Chr 12:1-2).<\/p>\n<p>At the Israelite conquest of Canaan, after the tribes of Judah and Ephraim had received their territory, the first lot came to Benjamin. The tribe was allotted territory between Judah and Ephraim, a strip of land between Mt Ephraim and the Judean hills. The southern boundary with Judah was clearly defined: through the valley of Hinnom immediately south of Jerusalem to a point north of the Dead Sea. Its eastern limit was the Jordan, and its northern boundary with Ephraim ran from the Jordan to Bethel to Ataroth-addar south of Lower Beth-horon (Jos 18:11-20).<\/p>\n<p>Benjamin’s territory extended about 28 miles (45.1 kilometers) from west to east and 12 miles (19.3 kilometers) north to south. It was hilly country, strategically located to control key passes, but with fertile hill basins. Among its hill settlements were the important towns of Jerusalem, Jericho, Bethel, Gibeon, Gibeah, and Mizpeh (Jos 18:21-28). Not all of its towns were immediately taken from their previous possessors; Jerusalem, for example, was in the hands of the Jebusites until David’s time. The environment bred a hardy race of highlanders, well described in Jacob’s blessing of Benjamin as “a wolf that prowls” (Gn 49:27).<\/p>\n<p>Ehud of Benjamin was one of the early judges in Canaan, a “deliverer” of the Israelites who killed Eglon, king of Moab (Jgs 3:15). Members of the tribe later helped Deborah and Barak defeat Sisera (5:14). The tribe continued to produce great men: political leaders (1 Chr 27:21), captains in Saul’s army (2 Sm 4:2) and David’s army (23:29), skilled archers (1 Chr 8:40), and overseers in Solomon’s labor force (1 Kgs 4:18).<\/p>\n<p>Less noble traits were also shown by Benjamin’s descendants. Palti, a Benjaminite, was one of the scouts making a bad report when the 12 spies returned from the land of Canaan (Nm 13:1-2, 9, 31-33). The tribe as a whole displayed disobedience and lack of consistent courage by failing to clear their inheritance of Canaanites (Jgs 1:21). Following the custom of the day, the whole tribe defended the lewd treatment and murder of a concubine from another tribe by a few of their members (chs 19–20). That act of gross immorality united the other tribes against them, and the tribe of Benjamin was almost decimated. To keep the tribe from dying out, the other tribes allowed the Benjaminites to take captive several hundred women who then became their wives (Jgs 21).<\/p>\n<p>Benjamin’s tribe proved to be dependable in various ways. During the exodus from Egypt, it took its place in the organization (Nm 1:11) and the army (2:22) and made its tribal offerings (7:60). It demonstrated remarkable loyalty to the throne, initially to Saul and his family (2 Sm 2:8-31). Later David received its faithful support, as did his descendants, for Benjamin remained with Judah, loyal to Solomon’s son Rehoboam when Jeroboam led a secession (1 Kgs 12:21-24).<\/p>\n<p>Other men of Benjamin (often called Benjaminites) spoken of in the OT include Cush, of whom David sang (Ps 7 superscription); Jeremiah the prophet, who, though a Levite, lived within Benjamin’s tribe (Jer 1:1; 32:8); and Mordecai, uncle and adviser to Queen Esther (Est 2:5).<\/p>\n<p>In the NT the apostle Paul made no apologies for his ancestry, twice referring to himself as a Hebrew of Benjamin’s tribe (Rom 11:1; Phil 3:5). In his sermon at Antioch of Pisidia, Paul also mentioned Benjamin as the tribe of King Saul, in his brief account of Israel’s history (Acts 13:21). In one other NT reference Benjamin is named with the other 11 tribes in John’s apocalyptic vision (Rv 7:8). <em>See<\/em> Benjamin (Person) #1.<\/p>","summary_ro":"BENJAMIN, Tribe of One of the smallest of the 12 tribes of Israel, made up of descendants of Jacob’s youngest son (Nm 1:36). In the OT the tribe is often referred to as simply “Benjamin.” Though small, the tribe of Benjamin played an important role in Israelite history, particularly in their conduct as great warriors (Jgs 20:13-16; 1 Chr 12:1-2). At the Israelite conquest of Canaan, after the tribes of Judah and Ephraim had received their territory, the first lot came to Benjamin. The tribe w...","summary_en":"BENJAMIN, Tribe of One of the smallest of the 12 tribes of Israel, made up of descendants of Jacob’s youngest son (Nm 1:36). In the OT the tribe is often referred to as simply “Benjamin.” Though small, the tribe of Benjamin played an important role in Israelite history, particularly in their conduct as great warriors (Jgs 20:13-16; 1 Chr 12:1-2). At the Israelite conquest of Canaan, after the tribes of Judah and Ephraim had received their territory, the first lot came to Benjamin. The tribe w...","source":"Articles\/B.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":18609,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Jebusite Jebus","title_en":"Jebusite Jebus","content_ro":"<h3>JEBUS, JEBUSITE<\/h3>\n<p>Walled city, lying on the boundary between Judah and Benjamin, conquered by David; thereafter, it was known as the “city of David,” or ancient Jerusalem. Its occupants were Jebusites (Jos 18:16). They were one of the several clans or tribes collectively known as Canaanites (Gn 10:15-16). Their land, along with that of their neighbors, was repeatedly promised to the Israelites (Ex 3:8; 13:5; 23:23; 33:2; 34:11; Nm 13:29; Dt 7:1; 20:17). This promise was partially fulfilled early in the campaign under Joshua (Jos 3:10; 12:8; 18:16; cf. 24:11). It is said that the men of Judah fought against Jerusalem and took it (18:28). “The Benjamites, however, failed to dislodge the Jebusites, who were living in Jerusalem; to this day the Jebusites live there with the Benjamites” (Jgs 1:21, <span>niv<\/span>). Apparently the city was captured by the men of Judah, but its inhabitants were not destroyed and they later reoccupied the site.<\/p>\n\n<p>Jebus (or Jerusalem) lay on the borderline between two tribes, and this may account for its survival until the time of David. The borders of Judah and Benjamin are thus defined: “The boundary then passed through the valley of the son of Hinnom, along the southern slopes of the Jebusites, where the city of Jerusalem is located. Then it went west to the top of the mountain above the valley of Hinnom, and on up to the northern end of the valley of Rephaim” (Jos 15:8, <span>nlt<\/span>); “it then goes down the valley of Hinnom, south of the shoulder of the Jebusites, and downward to En-rogel” (Jos 18:16, <span>rsv<\/span>). The two accounts agree: the survey of Judah follows a westerly direction; the survey of Benjamin moves eastward; both indicate that Jebus lay on the southern slope of the “mountain” north of the valley of Hinnom, the site of East Jerusalem today.<\/p>\n<p>The city’s survival was assured by a constant supply of water, the spring of Gihon, and by strong natural defenses. It was easily defended by steep valleys on three sides: the Kidron on the east, the Hinnom on the south and west. The Jebusites therefore considered their city impregnable. This gave them a certain arrogance and complacency. After the death of Saul, when David was seeking to consolidate the kingdom, the Jebusites scornfully challenged David to capture their stronghold (2 Sm 5:6; cf. 1 Chr 11:5). As the last remaining Canaanite stronghold in the area, it presented a unique challenge. Joab apparently led the attack up the water shaft and succeeded where previous attempts had failed (2 Sm 5:8).<\/p>\n<p>For political as well as strategic reasons, David decided to move his capital from Hebron to Jebus. Politically, it lay in neutral territory between Judah and Benjamin and thus aroused no jealousy. Strategically, it was easily defended and more centrally located. The choice proved a wise one. In spite of the fact that Jebus-Jerusalem lies on no waterway or major highway, it has become through the centuries the spiritual capital of the world. Under David and Solomon, it became Israel’s religious center, and today it is of prime importance to the three major monotheistic religions of mankind.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Jerusalem.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JEBUS, JEBUSITE<\/h3>\n<p>Walled city, lying on the boundary between Judah and Benjamin, conquered by David; thereafter, it was known as the “city of David,” or ancient Jerusalem. Its occupants were Jebusites (Jos 18:16). They were one of the several clans or tribes collectively known as Canaanites (Gn 10:15-16). Their land, along with that of their neighbors, was repeatedly promised to the Israelites (Ex 3:8; 13:5; 23:23; 33:2; 34:11; Nm 13:29; Dt 7:1; 20:17). This promise was partially fulfilled early in the campaign under Joshua (Jos 3:10; 12:8; 18:16; cf. 24:11). It is said that the men of Judah fought against Jerusalem and took it (18:28). “The Benjamites, however, failed to dislodge the Jebusites, who were living in Jerusalem; to this day the Jebusites live there with the Benjamites” (Jgs 1:21, <span>niv<\/span>). Apparently the city was captured by the men of Judah, but its inhabitants were not destroyed and they later reoccupied the site.<\/p>\n\n<p>Jebus (or Jerusalem) lay on the borderline between two tribes, and this may account for its survival until the time of David. The borders of Judah and Benjamin are thus defined: “The boundary then passed through the valley of the son of Hinnom, along the southern slopes of the Jebusites, where the city of Jerusalem is located. Then it went west to the top of the mountain above the valley of Hinnom, and on up to the northern end of the valley of Rephaim” (Jos 15:8, <span>nlt<\/span>); “it then goes down the valley of Hinnom, south of the shoulder of the Jebusites, and downward to En-rogel” (Jos 18:16, <span>rsv<\/span>). The two accounts agree: the survey of Judah follows a westerly direction; the survey of Benjamin moves eastward; both indicate that Jebus lay on the southern slope of the “mountain” north of the valley of Hinnom, the site of East Jerusalem today.<\/p>\n<p>The city’s survival was assured by a constant supply of water, the spring of Gihon, and by strong natural defenses. It was easily defended by steep valleys on three sides: the Kidron on the east, the Hinnom on the south and west. The Jebusites therefore considered their city impregnable. This gave them a certain arrogance and complacency. After the death of Saul, when David was seeking to consolidate the kingdom, the Jebusites scornfully challenged David to capture their stronghold (2 Sm 5:6; cf. 1 Chr 11:5). As the last remaining Canaanite stronghold in the area, it presented a unique challenge. Joab apparently led the attack up the water shaft and succeeded where previous attempts had failed (2 Sm 5:8).<\/p>\n<p>For political as well as strategic reasons, David decided to move his capital from Hebron to Jebus. Politically, it lay in neutral territory between Judah and Benjamin and thus aroused no jealousy. Strategically, it was easily defended and more centrally located. The choice proved a wise one. In spite of the fact that Jebus-Jerusalem lies on no waterway or major highway, it has become through the centuries the spiritual capital of the world. Under David and Solomon, it became Israel’s religious center, and today it is of prime importance to the three major monotheistic religions of mankind.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Jerusalem.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JEBUS, JEBUSITE Walled city, lying on the boundary between Judah and Benjamin, conquered by David; thereafter, it was known as the “city of David,” or ancient Jerusalem. Its occupants were Jebusites (Jos 18:16). They were one of the several clans or tribes collectively known as Canaanites (Gn 10:15-16). Their land, along with that of their neighbors, was repeatedly promised to the Israelites (Ex 3:8; 13:5; 23:23; 33:2; 34:11; Nm 13:29; Dt 7:1; 20:17). This promise was partially fulfilled earl...","summary_en":"JEBUS, JEBUSITE Walled city, lying on the boundary between Judah and Benjamin, conquered by David; thereafter, it was known as the “city of David,” or ancient Jerusalem. Its occupants were Jebusites (Jos 18:16). They were one of the several clans or tribes collectively known as Canaanites (Gn 10:15-16). Their land, along with that of their neighbors, was repeatedly promised to the Israelites (Ex 3:8; 13:5; 23:23; 33:2; 34:11; Nm 13:29; Dt 7:1; 20:17). This promise was partially fulfilled earl...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":20828,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Book of Joshua","title_en":"Book of Joshua","content_ro":"<h3>JOSHUA, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>First of the historical books in the English Bible and the first of the Former Prophets (including Judges, the books of Samuel, and the books of Kings) in the Hebrew Bible. It begins with the Lord’s commission of Joshua (Jos 1:1-9) and concludes with the burial of Joshua, Eleazar, and the bones of Joseph (24:29-33). The purpose of the book is to show how Joshua continued in the footsteps of Moses, how the Lord gave the land to Israel, and how Israel might prosper in the land.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author and Date<\/p>\n<p>• Problems of Interpretation<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"AuthorandDate\">Author and Date<\/p>\n<p>According to the Talmud, Joshua wrote the book. This ancient tradition is possibly based on the brief statement that Joshua “recorded these things in the Book of the Law of God” (24:26, <span>nlt<\/span>). However, this applies only to the renewal of the covenant (ch 24). The issue of authorship is tied up with the dating of the book. Since the book has no unambiguous markers on date and authorship, neither critics nor conservative scholars have been able to come to any agreement on these issues. According to a conservative analysis of Joshua, the book was written between 1375 <span>BC<\/span> and 1045 <span>BC<\/span> (premonarchic). The argument is based on the references to the migration of Dan (19:47; cf. Jgs 18:27-31), to Jerusalem as a Jebusite city (Jos 15:8, 63; 18:16, 28), to Sidon rather than Tyre as the prominent Phoenician city (11:8; 13:4-6; 19:28), and also on the eyewitness style (5:1, 6—in the MT). But critical scholars have raised issues that they considered could best be resolved by positing a seventh-century <span>BC<\/span> or even an exilic date.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"ProblemsofInterpretation\">Problems of Interpretation<\/p>\n<h5>Holy War<\/h5>\n<p>The morality of the Conquest may be explained by the concept of holy war. The holy war motif would explain why Israel was to destroy the indigenous population (Dt 7:16; 20:16-18; Jos 6:21; 8:24-26; 10:10, 28-30, 35-42; 11:11). The justification may lie in the concept that Israel was God’s instrument of judgment on the Canaanite nations. This argument is related to the mention of the wickedness of the Canaanites (Gn 15:16; Dt 7:2-5, 25-26; 12:30-31; Jos 23:7; Jgs 2:11). However, the canonical narrative of the progression of the Conquest puts the responsibility on the Canaanites. They marched and fought against Israel (Nm 21:21-35; Jos 7:4-5; 8:5, 16-17; 9:1-2; 10:1-6; 11:1-5; 24:11). Therefore, it could be argued that in the process of war a sincere invitation to make peace was given to the kings (cf. Nm 21:21-22; Dt 20:10-11) but was refused. Instead, the kings took the initiative in battle. The responsibility for the destruction of the native population thus lay with the leadership. Yet all this was evidence of God’s working in human affairs, which the Bible simply states, “For it was the <span>Lord<\/span> himself who hardened their hearts to wage war against Israel, so that he might destroy them totally, exterminating them without mercy, as the <span>Lord<\/span> had commanded Moses” (Jos 11:20, <span>niv<\/span>). Even as Pharaoh, whose heart the Lord hardened, was responsible for the plagues in Egypt, so the Canaanite rulers were responsible for the extermination of their populations. The biblical account of the Conquest affirms the mystery of human responsibility and divine sovereignty without explaining it.<\/p>\n<h5>Nature of the Conquest<\/h5>\n<p>Various explanations of the nature of the Conquest have been given. The traditional view of a blitzkrieg type of conquest, which resulted in a complete occupation of the whole land (cf. Jos 10:40; 11:1-3, 16-19), does not fit within the whole picture of the book. The book presents a realistic description of the areas that still had to be conquered (13:1-7) and of the military strength of the indigenous population (cf. 13:13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18; 19:47). Moreover, Joshua promised that the Lord would continue to help Israel to occupy the land, as its population and needs developed (23:5). The occupation of Canaan was in two stages: conquest and gradual occupation (cf. Ex 23:29-30; Dt 7:22).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Purpose\">Purpose<\/p>\n<p>The role of the final (canonical) form of the book is to present Joshua’s obedience to the law of Moses. Victory and defeat are illustrations of obedience and disobedience. Of course, there is tension in this because the descriptions of the Conquest are complete and yet incomplete. The tension is a dynamic device to show that the Conquest and enjoyment of the land depend wholly on obedience. The period of Joshua is viewed as a paradigm of obedient Israel. Thus, a holistic reading of the book presents an appeal to covenant loyalty directed to future generations.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>Conquest of the Land, 1:1–12:24<\/h5>\n<h6>The Lord’s Commission of Joshua, 1:1-9<\/h6>\n<p>With the death of Moses (Jos 1:1), the Lord himself confirms Moses’ ordination of Joshua (Dt 34:9). He charges him with leadership in the conquest of Canaan (Jos 1:2-3), defines the geographical boundaries of the land (v 4), encourages him with his continued presence (vv 5, 9), and expects him to devoutly follow in “the law of Moses” (i.e., the law given in Dt; cf. Dt 31:9, 24-26; Jos 23:6), so that he may succeed in his mission (1:7-8). The original mission, as well as the ministry of Moses, find their continuity in Joshua.<\/p>\n<h6>Crossing the Jordan, 1:10–5:12<\/h6>\n<p>The first stage calls for the preparation of Israel. As their leader, Joshua must demonstrate to the people that he follows in the footsteps of Moses. He does this by reminding the Transjordan tribes to demonstrate loyalty to the command of Moses by joining with the other tribes in the conquest of Canaan (1:13-15; cf. Nm 32:20-27). They submitted to Joshua’s authority as to Moses’ (Jos 1:16-18). He demonstrates his military leadership in sending the two spies to Jericho (ch 2). His authority is accepted by priests (3:6; 4:10) and people (3:5-9) as they cross the Jordan. The crossing of the Jordan marks the public recognition of Joshua as a leader like Moses (4:14).<\/p>\n<p>The account of the crossing marks an important transition from the era of the exodus\/wilderness to the era of the Conquest. On the one hand, the story of Rahab illustrates how the Canaanites had heard about the Lord’s mighty acts (2:10-11) and reacted with great fear (cf. Ex 15:15; 23:27-28; Dt 2:25; 7:23; 11:25; 32:30). Rahab’s expression of faith in Israel’s God (2:11) anticipates the inclusion of the Gentiles in the covenant community as promised to the patriarchs (Gn 12:3). By faith Rahab was included in the covenant and was richly rewarded by the inclusion of her name in the lineage of Jesus (Mt 1:5).<\/p>\n<p>The Israelites crossed the Jordan with the knowledge that the fear of God had come on the Canaanites (Jos 2:24). However, they were also instructed to show their reverence for the Lord by keeping a safe distance between themselves and the ark of the covenant (3:4) and by consecrating themselves (v 5). The “living God” was among them and required holiness and reverence from his people (v 10). He, in turn, would demonstrate his loyalty in the marvelous passage through the Jordan River (v 13) and in the conquest of the land (3:10). After the tribes had crossed the river (4:1), each leader of the 12 tribes took up a stone out of the dried-up riverbed and set up a memorial at Gilgal (vv 1-9, 20). Thus, Israel was to remember that the stones, taken from the place where the priests who carried the ark had stood, were reminders of the majestic presence of God. Future generations who were to hear this report (vv 21-24) were hereby encouraged because the fear of God would fall on all the peoples of the land (v 24).<\/p>\n<p>The consecration before the conquest of Jericho is also symbolized by the act of circumcision (5:1-9) and by the celebration of the Passover (vv 10-12). The events are not necessarily chronologically related but were selected as examples of Israel’s responsiveness to Joshua’s ministry. Moses’ appeal to the new generation had its effect (cf. Dt 4:4-14; 6:1-5). The new generation served the Lord as long as Joshua and the elders were alive (Jos 24:31). Physical circumcision, neglected during the wilderness journey (5:5) due to unbelief, was a sign of spiritual responsiveness. The responsive nation received the external sign of the covenant with the anticipation that the Lord of the covenant would bless his people in giving them victory and the fruit of the land. Their reproach was rolled away (v 9). The covenant continuity is also brought out in the brief mention of the Passover celebration. The newness is their eating the fruit of the land. With the taste of the food of Canaan, the manna stopped. The desert experience was over. A new era was ushered in with their presence in the Promised Land (vv 11-12).<\/p>\n<h6>Conquest of Jericho, 5:13–6:27<\/h6>\n<p>The victory is the Lord’s. This is the message with which the battle of Jericho begins. The holy God who appeared to Moses in the burning bush (Ex 3:2–4:17) appeared to Joshua as the commander of the Lord’s army (Jos 5:14-15) with a message from the Lord (6:2). The city of Jericho will fall without a siege and ensuing battle. Israel’s response to Jericho’s preparedness for war (cf. 24:11) was strange, but the presence of the ark and the blowing of the trumpets symbolized that the Lord would fight for Israel, even as he had promised. However, Israel could not take any of the spoil. Because Yahweh fought for Israel, everything was to be devoted to him (6:17). The Lord honored the vow to Rahab, made by the spies, so that she and her family were kept alive (vv 17, 25), but they were temporarily placed outside the camp (v 23). The valuable metals were placed into the treasury (vv 19, 24), whereas everything else was burned by fire (v 24). Nothing was to be taken for personal gain; otherwise God’s judgment would rest on Israel (v 18). In order to emphasize God’s absolute ownership of Jericho, Joshua put a curse on anyone who would attempt to rebuild the city (6:26; cf. 1 Kgs 16:34). The rumors of Jericho’s destruction spread, and the peoples of Canaan knew that the Lord was with Joshua (Jos 6:27; cf. 1:5, 9).<\/p>\n<h6>Tragedy and Triumph at Ai, 7:1–8:29<\/h6>\n<p>Victory was short-lived because Achan defied God’s “ban,” took some of the objects, hid them in the ground under his tent (7:21), and brought God’s wrath on all of Israel (v 1). Israel was stunned by their defeat at Ai (vv 2-5). Joshua and the elders responded to the disaster by fasting and lamenting (vv 6-9). What a contrast between the reports of victory spread through the land and the anguished cry of God’s servant, fearful that the Canaanites would amass strength and wipe out Israel (v 9). Only after the people had consecrated themselves (v 13) and Achan was exposed and his memory removed (vv 25b-26) could they renew the attack on Ai with the encouraging promise of God’s presence and victory (8:1-2). Ai, too, was taken (vv 3-19) and the population execrated (vv 20-26), but Israel enjoyed the spoils by direct permission from the Lord (v 27). The ruins of Ai, the pile of stones covering the body of Ai’s king (vv 28-29), and the heap of rocks over Achan’s body were sobering reminders to Israel that God’s faithfulness requires absolute loyalty from his people.<\/p>\n<h6>Renewal of the Covenant, 8:30-35<\/h6>\n<p>Joshua led Israel in a ceremonial covenant renewal at Shechem, as Moses had instructed (Jos 8:31; cf. Dt 11:29; 27). Joshua took care in the proper preparation of the altar (cf. Ex 20:25) on which dedicatory and communal offerings were presented. He copied the law as a symbol of his royal leadership and his devotion to the Lord (Jos 8:32; cf. Dt 17:18). All Israel (officers and people, aliens and native-born Israelites) together presented themselves for the reading of the blessings and the curses (Jos 8:33-35). The whole book of Deuteronomy (i.e., “the Book of the Law,” cf. Dt 31:26) was read in their presence. Half the tribes stood on Mt Gerizim and said “Amen” to the blessings, and the other six stood on Mt Ebal, saying “Amen” to the curses (cf. Dt 27:9-26).<\/p>\n<h6>Covenant with the Gibeonites, 9:1-27<\/h6>\n<p>The rumors of God’s mighty acts had brought fear on the Canaanite kings (cf. Jos 2:8-11, 24; 5:1; 6:27). The first defeat at Ai had given them a ray of hope that Israel could be put down. Rather than submit themselves to Israel and suffer from humiliation as servants of Israel, they joined forces against Joshua and Israel (9:1-2).<\/p>\n<p>The Hivites from Gibeon, Kephirah, Beeroth, and Kiriath-jearim (9:7, 17) did not join with their fellow Canaanites. Instead, they developed an intricate plan to deceive Israel and to sue for full treaty status. The purpose of the treaty was that of friendship (namely, “peace”), promising each other to be of mutual assistance in case of attack. The concern was with the preservation of life (vv 15, 24). Their deception included a ruse about the great distance they had traveled (vv 11-14) and a false report of Israel’s victories in Transjordan with no mention of their crossing the Jordan (9:9-10; cf. 5:1). The law permitted the submissive city to subject its population to a type of suzerainty treaty, in which Israel defined the terms and expected the subjugated populace to serve as its forced laborers (Dt 20:11; cf. Jgs 1:28-35; 1 Kgs 9:15-21). However, the treaty permitted the Hivites to maintain their way of life with the advantage of Israel’s military protection.<\/p>\n<h6>The Southern Campaign, 10:1-43<\/h6>\n<p>The king of Jerusalem, Adoni-zedek, led the cities of Hebron, Jarmuth, Lachish, and Eglon in an alliance against Gibeon as a military ploy to take a stand against Israel (Jos 10:1-5). The Gibeonites appealed to Israel for help based on their covenantal relationship (v 6). Joshua led Israel on a 25-mile (40-kilometer) hike through the wilderness from Gilgal up to Gibeon during one night (vv 7-9). The Israelite attack surprised the Canaanites, who were already frightened of the Israelites. The camp of the Canaanites was thrown into confusion, and the soldiers fled the hill country via the road of Beth-horon to Azekah and Makkedah (v 10). But while running, they were tormented with large hailstones (v 11). The victory was the Lord’s. Miraculously, Israel could push the Canaanites farther from the hill country because of the long day (vv 12-14). The marvel of this day was long remembered in the Book of Jashar (cf. 2 Sm 1:18), because on it the Lord listened to a man, namely Joshua (Jos 10:14).<\/p>\n<p>The five kings hidden in a cave at Makkedah were discovered, killed, hanged on trees, and buried in the cave (10:16-27). Their foolish attempt to make war on Israel came to a quick end. Since the coalition of large cities had been put down, Joshua led Israel in a rapid campaign of the other southern cities (vv 29-43). The region was taken in one campaign with the Lord’s help (v 42).<\/p>\n<h6>The Northern Campaign, 11:1-15<\/h6>\n<p>The Israelites were again forced into battle, this time by the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor. Jabin rallied the kings of the northern cities who assembled their troops and horses by the waters of Merom for battle against Israel (11:1-5). The similarity to the southern campaign is a literary way to demonstrate that the kings of the south and north initiated the war and were consequently defeated. So it was with the northern kings, who were routed as far as the region of Sidon in Phoenicia (v 8). Their horses were hamstrung and their chariots burned (v 9), as the Lord had instructed (v 6). Israel was to depend on the Lord (cf. Ps 20:7). Hazor, the great and ancient city, the center of Canaanite power in the north, was completely destroyed (Jos 11:10-13). The burning of Jericho, Ai, and Hazor were exceptions, because Israel had been promised Canaanite houses, wells, and cities (Dt 6:10-11; cf. Jos 24:13). The campaign narrative stresses again the absolute loyalty of Joshua to the Lord and to Moses, the servant of the Lord (Jos 11:9-15).<\/p>\n<h6>Summary of the Campaigns, 11:16–12:24<\/h6>\n<p>Joshua led Israel in victory and rest because of his careful adherence to the Lord’s directions to Moses. Moses had described the land to be conquered in detail (Dt 1:7), and Joshua took the regions of which Moses had spoken. Though the cities could have sued for a peaceable arrangement under which they would have been forced laborers (Dt 20:11), none of the cities recognized Israel. In fear they plotted and schemed how to destroy Israel. They were the aggressors. God had hardened their hearts (Jos 11:20). The theological reason is a mystery, as it was in the case of Pharaoh. But the net result was that Canaan was conquered and the population exterminated, except for the Hivites at Gibeon and their surrounding cities (vv 19-20). Even the Anakites, who had brought fear on Israel some 40 years before (Nm 13:33; cf. Dt 2:10, 21), were execrated (Jos 11:21). Yet it is already apparent that not every square mile of land was taken (v 22), even though in a sense the entire land was Israel’s, because major centers of Canaanite resistance had been broken. The tension between fulfillment and complete fulfillment is apparent in these verses.<\/p>\n<p>The listing of defeated kings (ch 12) includes the victories over Sihon and Og under Moses’ leadership. Their juxtaposition with the list of kings conquered under Joshua demonstrates the continuity of leadership and purpose—two leaders, many campaigns, but one battle. The Land of Promise is now a fulfillment. Through the campaigns the borders of the land of inheritance were now more apparent. In Transjordan the limits are from the Arnon to Mt Hermon (vv 2-5). In Canaan the boundary extends from the region south of Sidon to the Negev (vv 7-8).<\/p>\n<h5>The Division of the Land, 13:1–22:34<\/h5>\n<h6>The Command to Divide the Land, 13:1-7<\/h6>\n<p>Because of Joshua’s advanced age, the “whole” land was not taken. Moses had forewarned Israel that the inheritance would result from conquest as well as from gradual extension of Israel’s narrow boundaries. Slowly Israel was to inherit the whole land, lest it be overwhelmed by the size and be unable to use it properly (Ex 23:29-30; Dt 7:22). The areas still to be occupied were: the region to the north of Galilee, Mt Hermon (east of the Sea of Galilee), the area occupied by the Philistines, and regional Canaanite enclaves (Jos 13:2-7; cf. Jgs 1). Israel was not to be concerned with the future rights of occupation, because the Lord promised to help them (Jos 13:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Division of Transjordan, 13:8-33<\/h6>\n<p>Joshua did not alter the Mosaic arrangement concerning the allotments to the tribes of Manasseh, Reuben, and Gad (Jos 13:8, 32-33; cf. Nm 32; Dt 3:12-17). Their territory also excluded certain regions still occupied by Canaanites (Jos 13:13). The clans of Reuben had received the territory from the Arnon River north to Heshbon (vv 15-23). The clans of Gad had received the territory of Gilead, south of the Jabbok River to Heshbon (vv 24-28). Several clans of Manasseh received the region south of the Wadi Yarmuk to the Jabbok (vv 29-31). The Levitical towns are not listed here, but a reference is made to them as not receiving a patrimony, because they were to live off the offerings and sacrifices made to the Lord (Jos 13:14; cf. Nm 18:20-24; 35:1-8).<\/p>\n<h6>The Tribal Divisions in Canaan, 14:1–19:51<\/h6>\n<p>Eleazar, the high priest, and Joshua together cast lots to determine the boundaries, size, and allocation for the remaining nine and a half tribes. Again the exclusion of the tribe of Levi is mentioned (Jos 14:4), because their cities will be dealt with in chapters 20–21. Another literary device is special mention of the inheritance of Caleb in the beginning (14:6-15) and of Joshua at the conclusion (19:49-50). These two were the only ones who had left Egypt as adults, had been faithful spies, and had entered into the Promised Land (Nm 14:24, 30; Dt 1:36-38).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah, 15:1-63 (cf. Jgs 1:10-15, 20)<\/h6>\n<p>The boundaries of Judah extended from the Dead Sea westward to the Mediterranean (Jos 15:2-12). The cities of Judah are listed in its four regions: 29 in the Negev (vv 21-32), 42 cities in the Shephelah (or western foothills) and coastal plains (vv 33-47), 38 cities in the hill country (15:48-60), and 6 cities in the desert (vv 61-62). Judah was unable to take Jerusalem (v 63) until David made it his capital (cf. Jgs 1:21; 2 Sm 5:6-16).<\/p>\n<h6>Ephraim and Manasseh, 16:1–17:18<\/h6>\n<p>These two tribes, descended from Joseph, were richly blessed (cf. Gn 48; 49:22-26; Dt 33:13-17) and had obtained prominence among the tribes. They received one allotment as “the allotment for Joseph” (Jos 16:1). Part of Manasseh had already received a patrimony east of the Jordan (13:29-31). The limits for Ephraim and the west half of Manasseh were from Bethel to Mt Gilboa in the north and from the Jordan to the Mediterranean (16:1-3). Ephraim received the smaller portion in the south (vv 5-9) but was unable to drive the Canaanites out of Gezer. The clans of Manasseh are given, including Zelophehad (17:3-6; cf. Nm 27:1-11; 36:1-12), in order to clearly distinguish them from the clans of Manasseh in Transjordan. The region of west Manasseh extended from Shechem to Mt Gilboa (Jos 17:7-11); but Manasseh, also, was incapable of driving out the Canaanites completely (vv 12-13).<\/p>\n<p>Though they had received the largest portion of the land (more than a third), the tribes of Joseph complained. They knew that the Lord had blessed them (17:14), and they expected to get more cultivable land. But Joshua urged them to use the available land by cutting down the forests (vv 15-18). When they expressed realistic concern about Canaanite military power, Joshua called on them to do their share in occupying the land.<\/p>\n<h6>Seven Tribes, 18:1–19:51<\/h6>\n<p>The Israelites assembled at Shiloh to set up the tabernacle (cf. 1 Sm 1). At that point seven tribes had not yet received their patrimony. Joshua called for each tribe to commission three men to survey the land. When they returned, Joshua cast lots at the tabernacle in Shiloh and divided the land (Jos 18:3-10). The territory of Benjamin was between Judah and Ephraim (vv 11-28). Simeon’s allotment was in southern Judah (19:1-9), resulting in its absorption into Judah (cf. Gn 49:7). Zebulun (Jos 19:10-16), Issachar (vv 17-23), Asher (vv 24-31), and Naphtali (vv 32-39) received a portion north of Manasseh in the region of Galilee. Dan received the seventh lot and suffered subsequently, when it could not maintain the allotted territory because of the pressure of Judah on the east and the Philistines to the west (vv 40-48). They migrated northward and found the sources of the Jordan to be a fruitful region (Jos 19:47; cf. Jgs 18).<\/p>\n<h6>Conclusion, 19:49-51<\/h6>\n<p>The conclusion is symmetric with the beginning (Jos 14:1-14) in that Joshua also received a gift. Again, mention is made that all divisions were in the presence of the Lord, witnessed to and executed by the high priest Eleazar and Joshua (19:51; cf. 14:1).<\/p>\n<h6>Cities of Refuge and the Levitical Cities, 20:1–21:45<\/h6>\n<p>According to the instructions of Moses, six Levitical cities were set apart, three on each side of the Jordan, as cities of refuge (Nm 35:9-34; Dt 4:41-43; 19:1-10). The purpose was to provide “refuge” (asylum) for those who were guilty of manslaughter but had not intentionally killed someone. This practice was not to provide a way out for someone who was guilty, but to allow for the legal process to be completed (Jos 20).<\/p>\n<p>The Levites received by clan a total of 48 cities, six of which also served as cities of refuge (21:1-42). The Levites could not cultivate the soil because they were dependent on the tithes of the people (Nm 18:21-24), but they were permitted to have land for grazing. The dimensions of the land are given in Numbers 35:4-5. A special allocation is made to the descendants of Aaron (Jos 21:9-19), because they served as priests and their 13 cities were in the Judah-Simeon region, in proximity to the Jerusalem temple of the Solomonic era.<\/p>\n<p>With the allocation of the Levitical cities, the division of the land is concluded. The promise of the land is fulfilled (21:43-45). God is faithful! This section emphasizes the fulfillment, the power, and the grace of God, by which Israel entered into its rest. However, the book of Joshua also hints of the struggle that is still ahead of the Israelites and of the test that ultimately they will fail (cf. Ps 95:11; Heb 3:7-11).<\/p>\n<h6>Return of the Transjordan Tribes, 22:1-34<\/h6>\n<p>Joshua dismissed the two and a half tribes with a commendation for their loyalty to the other tribes and to the Lord (Jos 22:1-4), with a warning not to succumb to idolatry but to love the Lord in accordance with the Deuteronomic law, and with a blessing (vv 5-8). However, as they returned they set up a large altar by the Jordan on the western side. The other tribes heard about it and met at Shiloh (v 12). They wisely commissioned Phinehas, the son of the high priest, with ten representatives of the tribes, to investigate the matter. The commission charged the Transjordan tribes with treachery (Jos 22:15-20; cf. Nm 25; Jos 7).<\/p>\n<p>The response of the Transjordan tribes demonstrated their concern for the unity of the tribes and for the worship of God. These tribes feared being excluded from the fellowship of God’s people and had purposefully constructed an altar, identical to that prescribed in the law, in order to demonstrate their common heritage (Jos 22:21-30). The altar was not for sacrifice or worship but functioned as a symbol of the covenantal unity of the people of God.<\/p>\n<p>Phinehas and the tribal representatives were pleased with the response and left with the assurance of God’s presence (22:30-31). Their report to the tribes led to reconciliation of all the tribes on this matter. The narrative concludes with a mention of the name given to the altar: “A witness between us and them that the <span>Lord<\/span> is our God, too” (v 34, <span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue: The Land Is a Sacred Trust, 23:1–24:33<\/h5>\n<p>The last two chapters contain Joshua’s farewell speeches to all the leaders and to all Israel.<\/p>\n<h6>Address to the Leaders, 23:1-16<\/h6>\n<p>Joshua reviews what the Lord has done for Israel in giving the land to the tribes. He has demonstrated his loyalty. And he will continue to be with his people so that no enemy can stand against them. He will fulfill every outstanding promise, even as he had already fulfilled promises. However, they must persevere in their loyalty to the Lord. Loyalty to the Lord is not apart from loyalty to the law of Moses. Apostasy will be severely punished, first by leaving the nations to ensnare Israel, and then by consuming them in his wrath.<\/p>\n<h6>Address to Israel, 24:1-28<\/h6>\n<p>The address ends with a covenant renewal at Shechem (Jos 24:1, 25-28; cf. 8:30-35). In the ancient Near East it was common when making a treaty (covenant) to give a brief historical summary of the relationship of the parties involved. Joshua reviewed Israel’s history from the patriarchs to their generation: patriarchs (24:2-4), exodus (vv 5-7), and conquest (vv 8-13).<\/p>\n<p>The goodness, presence, and loyalty of Yahweh was evident to them. Yahweh also expected “faithfulness” from his people in the form of whole allegiance, without any form of idolatry (Jos 24:14-15). As the head of his family, Joshua vowed to be loyal (v 15). The people responded by giving reasons for being loyal to the Lord (vv 16-18). But Joshua pushed them to a deeper commitment by challenging their profession (vv 19-20), then recording their vow and setting up a stone of witness against them (vv 25-27).<\/p>\n<h6>End of an Era, 24:29-33<\/h6>\n<p>The book began with a reference to the death of Moses (1:1-2) and concludes with the death and burial of Joshua (24:29-30) and of Eleazar the high priest (v 33). This marks the end of an era. The burial of Joseph’s bones (Jos 24:32; cf. Gn 50:25; Ex 13:19) in a plot purchased by Jacob (Gn 33:19) brings together the hope characteristic of the epoch of Moses and Joshua.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Cities of Refuge; Conquest and Allotment of the Land; Israel, History of; Joshua (Person) #1; Levitical Cities.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JOSHUA, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>First of the historical books in the English Bible and the first of the Former Prophets (including Judges, the books of Samuel, and the books of Kings) in the Hebrew Bible. It begins with the Lord’s commission of Joshua (Jos 1:1-9) and concludes with the burial of Joshua, Eleazar, and the bones of Joseph (24:29-33). The purpose of the book is to show how Joshua continued in the footsteps of Moses, how the Lord gave the land to Israel, and how Israel might prosper in the land.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author and Date<\/p>\n<p>• Problems of Interpretation<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"AuthorandDate\">Author and Date<\/p>\n<p>According to the Talmud, Joshua wrote the book. This ancient tradition is possibly based on the brief statement that Joshua “recorded these things in the Book of the Law of God” (24:26, <span>nlt<\/span>). However, this applies only to the renewal of the covenant (ch 24). The issue of authorship is tied up with the dating of the book. Since the book has no unambiguous markers on date and authorship, neither critics nor conservative scholars have been able to come to any agreement on these issues. According to a conservative analysis of Joshua, the book was written between 1375 <span>BC<\/span> and 1045 <span>BC<\/span> (premonarchic). The argument is based on the references to the migration of Dan (19:47; cf. Jgs 18:27-31), to Jerusalem as a Jebusite city (Jos 15:8, 63; 18:16, 28), to Sidon rather than Tyre as the prominent Phoenician city (11:8; 13:4-6; 19:28), and also on the eyewitness style (5:1, 6—in the MT). But critical scholars have raised issues that they considered could best be resolved by positing a seventh-century <span>BC<\/span> or even an exilic date.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"ProblemsofInterpretation\">Problems of Interpretation<\/p>\n<h5>Holy War<\/h5>\n<p>The morality of the Conquest may be explained by the concept of holy war. The holy war motif would explain why Israel was to destroy the indigenous population (Dt 7:16; 20:16-18; Jos 6:21; 8:24-26; 10:10, 28-30, 35-42; 11:11). The justification may lie in the concept that Israel was God’s instrument of judgment on the Canaanite nations. This argument is related to the mention of the wickedness of the Canaanites (Gn 15:16; Dt 7:2-5, 25-26; 12:30-31; Jos 23:7; Jgs 2:11). However, the canonical narrative of the progression of the Conquest puts the responsibility on the Canaanites. They marched and fought against Israel (Nm 21:21-35; Jos 7:4-5; 8:5, 16-17; 9:1-2; 10:1-6; 11:1-5; 24:11). Therefore, it could be argued that in the process of war a sincere invitation to make peace was given to the kings (cf. Nm 21:21-22; Dt 20:10-11) but was refused. Instead, the kings took the initiative in battle. The responsibility for the destruction of the native population thus lay with the leadership. Yet all this was evidence of God’s working in human affairs, which the Bible simply states, “For it was the <span>Lord<\/span> himself who hardened their hearts to wage war against Israel, so that he might destroy them totally, exterminating them without mercy, as the <span>Lord<\/span> had commanded Moses” (Jos 11:20, <span>niv<\/span>). Even as Pharaoh, whose heart the Lord hardened, was responsible for the plagues in Egypt, so the Canaanite rulers were responsible for the extermination of their populations. The biblical account of the Conquest affirms the mystery of human responsibility and divine sovereignty without explaining it.<\/p>\n<h5>Nature of the Conquest<\/h5>\n<p>Various explanations of the nature of the Conquest have been given. The traditional view of a blitzkrieg type of conquest, which resulted in a complete occupation of the whole land (cf. Jos 10:40; 11:1-3, 16-19), does not fit within the whole picture of the book. The book presents a realistic description of the areas that still had to be conquered (13:1-7) and of the military strength of the indigenous population (cf. 13:13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18; 19:47). Moreover, Joshua promised that the Lord would continue to help Israel to occupy the land, as its population and needs developed (23:5). The occupation of Canaan was in two stages: conquest and gradual occupation (cf. Ex 23:29-30; Dt 7:22).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Purpose\">Purpose<\/p>\n<p>The role of the final (canonical) form of the book is to present Joshua’s obedience to the law of Moses. Victory and defeat are illustrations of obedience and disobedience. Of course, there is tension in this because the descriptions of the Conquest are complete and yet incomplete. The tension is a dynamic device to show that the Conquest and enjoyment of the land depend wholly on obedience. The period of Joshua is viewed as a paradigm of obedient Israel. Thus, a holistic reading of the book presents an appeal to covenant loyalty directed to future generations.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>Conquest of the Land, 1:1–12:24<\/h5>\n<h6>The Lord’s Commission of Joshua, 1:1-9<\/h6>\n<p>With the death of Moses (Jos 1:1), the Lord himself confirms Moses’ ordination of Joshua (Dt 34:9). He charges him with leadership in the conquest of Canaan (Jos 1:2-3), defines the geographical boundaries of the land (v 4), encourages him with his continued presence (vv 5, 9), and expects him to devoutly follow in “the law of Moses” (i.e., the law given in Dt; cf. Dt 31:9, 24-26; Jos 23:6), so that he may succeed in his mission (1:7-8). The original mission, as well as the ministry of Moses, find their continuity in Joshua.<\/p>\n<h6>Crossing the Jordan, 1:10–5:12<\/h6>\n<p>The first stage calls for the preparation of Israel. As their leader, Joshua must demonstrate to the people that he follows in the footsteps of Moses. He does this by reminding the Transjordan tribes to demonstrate loyalty to the command of Moses by joining with the other tribes in the conquest of Canaan (1:13-15; cf. Nm 32:20-27). They submitted to Joshua’s authority as to Moses’ (Jos 1:16-18). He demonstrates his military leadership in sending the two spies to Jericho (ch 2). His authority is accepted by priests (3:6; 4:10) and people (3:5-9) as they cross the Jordan. The crossing of the Jordan marks the public recognition of Joshua as a leader like Moses (4:14).<\/p>\n<p>The account of the crossing marks an important transition from the era of the exodus\/wilderness to the era of the Conquest. On the one hand, the story of Rahab illustrates how the Canaanites had heard about the Lord’s mighty acts (2:10-11) and reacted with great fear (cf. Ex 15:15; 23:27-28; Dt 2:25; 7:23; 11:25; 32:30). Rahab’s expression of faith in Israel’s God (2:11) anticipates the inclusion of the Gentiles in the covenant community as promised to the patriarchs (Gn 12:3). By faith Rahab was included in the covenant and was richly rewarded by the inclusion of her name in the lineage of Jesus (Mt 1:5).<\/p>\n<p>The Israelites crossed the Jordan with the knowledge that the fear of God had come on the Canaanites (Jos 2:24). However, they were also instructed to show their reverence for the Lord by keeping a safe distance between themselves and the ark of the covenant (3:4) and by consecrating themselves (v 5). The “living God” was among them and required holiness and reverence from his people (v 10). He, in turn, would demonstrate his loyalty in the marvelous passage through the Jordan River (v 13) and in the conquest of the land (3:10). After the tribes had crossed the river (4:1), each leader of the 12 tribes took up a stone out of the dried-up riverbed and set up a memorial at Gilgal (vv 1-9, 20). Thus, Israel was to remember that the stones, taken from the place where the priests who carried the ark had stood, were reminders of the majestic presence of God. Future generations who were to hear this report (vv 21-24) were hereby encouraged because the fear of God would fall on all the peoples of the land (v 24).<\/p>\n<p>The consecration before the conquest of Jericho is also symbolized by the act of circumcision (5:1-9) and by the celebration of the Passover (vv 10-12). The events are not necessarily chronologically related but were selected as examples of Israel’s responsiveness to Joshua’s ministry. Moses’ appeal to the new generation had its effect (cf. Dt 4:4-14; 6:1-5). The new generation served the Lord as long as Joshua and the elders were alive (Jos 24:31). Physical circumcision, neglected during the wilderness journey (5:5) due to unbelief, was a sign of spiritual responsiveness. The responsive nation received the external sign of the covenant with the anticipation that the Lord of the covenant would bless his people in giving them victory and the fruit of the land. Their reproach was rolled away (v 9). The covenant continuity is also brought out in the brief mention of the Passover celebration. The newness is their eating the fruit of the land. With the taste of the food of Canaan, the manna stopped. The desert experience was over. A new era was ushered in with their presence in the Promised Land (vv 11-12).<\/p>\n<h6>Conquest of Jericho, 5:13–6:27<\/h6>\n<p>The victory is the Lord’s. This is the message with which the battle of Jericho begins. The holy God who appeared to Moses in the burning bush (Ex 3:2–4:17) appeared to Joshua as the commander of the Lord’s army (Jos 5:14-15) with a message from the Lord (6:2). The city of Jericho will fall without a siege and ensuing battle. Israel’s response to Jericho’s preparedness for war (cf. 24:11) was strange, but the presence of the ark and the blowing of the trumpets symbolized that the Lord would fight for Israel, even as he had promised. However, Israel could not take any of the spoil. Because Yahweh fought for Israel, everything was to be devoted to him (6:17). The Lord honored the vow to Rahab, made by the spies, so that she and her family were kept alive (vv 17, 25), but they were temporarily placed outside the camp (v 23). The valuable metals were placed into the treasury (vv 19, 24), whereas everything else was burned by fire (v 24). Nothing was to be taken for personal gain; otherwise God’s judgment would rest on Israel (v 18). In order to emphasize God’s absolute ownership of Jericho, Joshua put a curse on anyone who would attempt to rebuild the city (6:26; cf. 1 Kgs 16:34). The rumors of Jericho’s destruction spread, and the peoples of Canaan knew that the Lord was with Joshua (Jos 6:27; cf. 1:5, 9).<\/p>\n<h6>Tragedy and Triumph at Ai, 7:1–8:29<\/h6>\n<p>Victory was short-lived because Achan defied God’s “ban,” took some of the objects, hid them in the ground under his tent (7:21), and brought God’s wrath on all of Israel (v 1). Israel was stunned by their defeat at Ai (vv 2-5). Joshua and the elders responded to the disaster by fasting and lamenting (vv 6-9). What a contrast between the reports of victory spread through the land and the anguished cry of God’s servant, fearful that the Canaanites would amass strength and wipe out Israel (v 9). Only after the people had consecrated themselves (v 13) and Achan was exposed and his memory removed (vv 25b-26) could they renew the attack on Ai with the encouraging promise of God’s presence and victory (8:1-2). Ai, too, was taken (vv 3-19) and the population execrated (vv 20-26), but Israel enjoyed the spoils by direct permission from the Lord (v 27). The ruins of Ai, the pile of stones covering the body of Ai’s king (vv 28-29), and the heap of rocks over Achan’s body were sobering reminders to Israel that God’s faithfulness requires absolute loyalty from his people.<\/p>\n<h6>Renewal of the Covenant, 8:30-35<\/h6>\n<p>Joshua led Israel in a ceremonial covenant renewal at Shechem, as Moses had instructed (Jos 8:31; cf. Dt 11:29; 27). Joshua took care in the proper preparation of the altar (cf. Ex 20:25) on which dedicatory and communal offerings were presented. He copied the law as a symbol of his royal leadership and his devotion to the Lord (Jos 8:32; cf. Dt 17:18). All Israel (officers and people, aliens and native-born Israelites) together presented themselves for the reading of the blessings and the curses (Jos 8:33-35). The whole book of Deuteronomy (i.e., “the Book of the Law,” cf. Dt 31:26) was read in their presence. Half the tribes stood on Mt Gerizim and said “Amen” to the blessings, and the other six stood on Mt Ebal, saying “Amen” to the curses (cf. Dt 27:9-26).<\/p>\n<h6>Covenant with the Gibeonites, 9:1-27<\/h6>\n<p>The rumors of God’s mighty acts had brought fear on the Canaanite kings (cf. Jos 2:8-11, 24; 5:1; 6:27). The first defeat at Ai had given them a ray of hope that Israel could be put down. Rather than submit themselves to Israel and suffer from humiliation as servants of Israel, they joined forces against Joshua and Israel (9:1-2).<\/p>\n<p>The Hivites from Gibeon, Kephirah, Beeroth, and Kiriath-jearim (9:7, 17) did not join with their fellow Canaanites. Instead, they developed an intricate plan to deceive Israel and to sue for full treaty status. The purpose of the treaty was that of friendship (namely, “peace”), promising each other to be of mutual assistance in case of attack. The concern was with the preservation of life (vv 15, 24). Their deception included a ruse about the great distance they had traveled (vv 11-14) and a false report of Israel’s victories in Transjordan with no mention of their crossing the Jordan (9:9-10; cf. 5:1). The law permitted the submissive city to subject its population to a type of suzerainty treaty, in which Israel defined the terms and expected the subjugated populace to serve as its forced laborers (Dt 20:11; cf. Jgs 1:28-35; 1 Kgs 9:15-21). However, the treaty permitted the Hivites to maintain their way of life with the advantage of Israel’s military protection.<\/p>\n<h6>The Southern Campaign, 10:1-43<\/h6>\n<p>The king of Jerusalem, Adoni-zedek, led the cities of Hebron, Jarmuth, Lachish, and Eglon in an alliance against Gibeon as a military ploy to take a stand against Israel (Jos 10:1-5). The Gibeonites appealed to Israel for help based on their covenantal relationship (v 6). Joshua led Israel on a 25-mile (40-kilometer) hike through the wilderness from Gilgal up to Gibeon during one night (vv 7-9). The Israelite attack surprised the Canaanites, who were already frightened of the Israelites. The camp of the Canaanites was thrown into confusion, and the soldiers fled the hill country via the road of Beth-horon to Azekah and Makkedah (v 10). But while running, they were tormented with large hailstones (v 11). The victory was the Lord’s. Miraculously, Israel could push the Canaanites farther from the hill country because of the long day (vv 12-14). The marvel of this day was long remembered in the Book of Jashar (cf. 2 Sm 1:18), because on it the Lord listened to a man, namely Joshua (Jos 10:14).<\/p>\n<p>The five kings hidden in a cave at Makkedah were discovered, killed, hanged on trees, and buried in the cave (10:16-27). Their foolish attempt to make war on Israel came to a quick end. Since the coalition of large cities had been put down, Joshua led Israel in a rapid campaign of the other southern cities (vv 29-43). The region was taken in one campaign with the Lord’s help (v 42).<\/p>\n<h6>The Northern Campaign, 11:1-15<\/h6>\n<p>The Israelites were again forced into battle, this time by the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor. Jabin rallied the kings of the northern cities who assembled their troops and horses by the waters of Merom for battle against Israel (11:1-5). The similarity to the southern campaign is a literary way to demonstrate that the kings of the south and north initiated the war and were consequently defeated. So it was with the northern kings, who were routed as far as the region of Sidon in Phoenicia (v 8). Their horses were hamstrung and their chariots burned (v 9), as the Lord had instructed (v 6). Israel was to depend on the Lord (cf. Ps 20:7). Hazor, the great and ancient city, the center of Canaanite power in the north, was completely destroyed (Jos 11:10-13). The burning of Jericho, Ai, and Hazor were exceptions, because Israel had been promised Canaanite houses, wells, and cities (Dt 6:10-11; cf. Jos 24:13). The campaign narrative stresses again the absolute loyalty of Joshua to the Lord and to Moses, the servant of the Lord (Jos 11:9-15).<\/p>\n<h6>Summary of the Campaigns, 11:16–12:24<\/h6>\n<p>Joshua led Israel in victory and rest because of his careful adherence to the Lord’s directions to Moses. Moses had described the land to be conquered in detail (Dt 1:7), and Joshua took the regions of which Moses had spoken. Though the cities could have sued for a peaceable arrangement under which they would have been forced laborers (Dt 20:11), none of the cities recognized Israel. In fear they plotted and schemed how to destroy Israel. They were the aggressors. God had hardened their hearts (Jos 11:20). The theological reason is a mystery, as it was in the case of Pharaoh. But the net result was that Canaan was conquered and the population exterminated, except for the Hivites at Gibeon and their surrounding cities (vv 19-20). Even the Anakites, who had brought fear on Israel some 40 years before (Nm 13:33; cf. Dt 2:10, 21), were execrated (Jos 11:21). Yet it is already apparent that not every square mile of land was taken (v 22), even though in a sense the entire land was Israel’s, because major centers of Canaanite resistance had been broken. The tension between fulfillment and complete fulfillment is apparent in these verses.<\/p>\n<p>The listing of defeated kings (ch 12) includes the victories over Sihon and Og under Moses’ leadership. Their juxtaposition with the list of kings conquered under Joshua demonstrates the continuity of leadership and purpose—two leaders, many campaigns, but one battle. The Land of Promise is now a fulfillment. Through the campaigns the borders of the land of inheritance were now more apparent. In Transjordan the limits are from the Arnon to Mt Hermon (vv 2-5). In Canaan the boundary extends from the region south of Sidon to the Negev (vv 7-8).<\/p>\n<h5>The Division of the Land, 13:1–22:34<\/h5>\n<h6>The Command to Divide the Land, 13:1-7<\/h6>\n<p>Because of Joshua’s advanced age, the “whole” land was not taken. Moses had forewarned Israel that the inheritance would result from conquest as well as from gradual extension of Israel’s narrow boundaries. Slowly Israel was to inherit the whole land, lest it be overwhelmed by the size and be unable to use it properly (Ex 23:29-30; Dt 7:22). The areas still to be occupied were: the region to the north of Galilee, Mt Hermon (east of the Sea of Galilee), the area occupied by the Philistines, and regional Canaanite enclaves (Jos 13:2-7; cf. Jgs 1). Israel was not to be concerned with the future rights of occupation, because the Lord promised to help them (Jos 13:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Division of Transjordan, 13:8-33<\/h6>\n<p>Joshua did not alter the Mosaic arrangement concerning the allotments to the tribes of Manasseh, Reuben, and Gad (Jos 13:8, 32-33; cf. Nm 32; Dt 3:12-17). Their territory also excluded certain regions still occupied by Canaanites (Jos 13:13). The clans of Reuben had received the territory from the Arnon River north to Heshbon (vv 15-23). The clans of Gad had received the territory of Gilead, south of the Jabbok River to Heshbon (vv 24-28). Several clans of Manasseh received the region south of the Wadi Yarmuk to the Jabbok (vv 29-31). The Levitical towns are not listed here, but a reference is made to them as not receiving a patrimony, because they were to live off the offerings and sacrifices made to the Lord (Jos 13:14; cf. Nm 18:20-24; 35:1-8).<\/p>\n<h6>The Tribal Divisions in Canaan, 14:1–19:51<\/h6>\n<p>Eleazar, the high priest, and Joshua together cast lots to determine the boundaries, size, and allocation for the remaining nine and a half tribes. Again the exclusion of the tribe of Levi is mentioned (Jos 14:4), because their cities will be dealt with in chapters 20–21. Another literary device is special mention of the inheritance of Caleb in the beginning (14:6-15) and of Joshua at the conclusion (19:49-50). These two were the only ones who had left Egypt as adults, had been faithful spies, and had entered into the Promised Land (Nm 14:24, 30; Dt 1:36-38).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah, 15:1-63 (cf. Jgs 1:10-15, 20)<\/h6>\n<p>The boundaries of Judah extended from the Dead Sea westward to the Mediterranean (Jos 15:2-12). The cities of Judah are listed in its four regions: 29 in the Negev (vv 21-32), 42 cities in the Shephelah (or western foothills) and coastal plains (vv 33-47), 38 cities in the hill country (15:48-60), and 6 cities in the desert (vv 61-62). Judah was unable to take Jerusalem (v 63) until David made it his capital (cf. Jgs 1:21; 2 Sm 5:6-16).<\/p>\n<h6>Ephraim and Manasseh, 16:1–17:18<\/h6>\n<p>These two tribes, descended from Joseph, were richly blessed (cf. Gn 48; 49:22-26; Dt 33:13-17) and had obtained prominence among the tribes. They received one allotment as “the allotment for Joseph” (Jos 16:1). Part of Manasseh had already received a patrimony east of the Jordan (13:29-31). The limits for Ephraim and the west half of Manasseh were from Bethel to Mt Gilboa in the north and from the Jordan to the Mediterranean (16:1-3). Ephraim received the smaller portion in the south (vv 5-9) but was unable to drive the Canaanites out of Gezer. The clans of Manasseh are given, including Zelophehad (17:3-6; cf. Nm 27:1-11; 36:1-12), in order to clearly distinguish them from the clans of Manasseh in Transjordan. The region of west Manasseh extended from Shechem to Mt Gilboa (Jos 17:7-11); but Manasseh, also, was incapable of driving out the Canaanites completely (vv 12-13).<\/p>\n<p>Though they had received the largest portion of the land (more than a third), the tribes of Joseph complained. They knew that the Lord had blessed them (17:14), and they expected to get more cultivable land. But Joshua urged them to use the available land by cutting down the forests (vv 15-18). When they expressed realistic concern about Canaanite military power, Joshua called on them to do their share in occupying the land.<\/p>\n<h6>Seven Tribes, 18:1–19:51<\/h6>\n<p>The Israelites assembled at Shiloh to set up the tabernacle (cf. 1 Sm 1). At that point seven tribes had not yet received their patrimony. Joshua called for each tribe to commission three men to survey the land. When they returned, Joshua cast lots at the tabernacle in Shiloh and divided the land (Jos 18:3-10). The territory of Benjamin was between Judah and Ephraim (vv 11-28). Simeon’s allotment was in southern Judah (19:1-9), resulting in its absorption into Judah (cf. Gn 49:7). Zebulun (Jos 19:10-16), Issachar (vv 17-23), Asher (vv 24-31), and Naphtali (vv 32-39) received a portion north of Manasseh in the region of Galilee. Dan received the seventh lot and suffered subsequently, when it could not maintain the allotted territory because of the pressure of Judah on the east and the Philistines to the west (vv 40-48). They migrated northward and found the sources of the Jordan to be a fruitful region (Jos 19:47; cf. Jgs 18).<\/p>\n<h6>Conclusion, 19:49-51<\/h6>\n<p>The conclusion is symmetric with the beginning (Jos 14:1-14) in that Joshua also received a gift. Again, mention is made that all divisions were in the presence of the Lord, witnessed to and executed by the high priest Eleazar and Joshua (19:51; cf. 14:1).<\/p>\n<h6>Cities of Refuge and the Levitical Cities, 20:1–21:45<\/h6>\n<p>According to the instructions of Moses, six Levitical cities were set apart, three on each side of the Jordan, as cities of refuge (Nm 35:9-34; Dt 4:41-43; 19:1-10). The purpose was to provide “refuge” (asylum) for those who were guilty of manslaughter but had not intentionally killed someone. This practice was not to provide a way out for someone who was guilty, but to allow for the legal process to be completed (Jos 20).<\/p>\n<p>The Levites received by clan a total of 48 cities, six of which also served as cities of refuge (21:1-42). The Levites could not cultivate the soil because they were dependent on the tithes of the people (Nm 18:21-24), but they were permitted to have land for grazing. The dimensions of the land are given in Numbers 35:4-5. A special allocation is made to the descendants of Aaron (Jos 21:9-19), because they served as priests and their 13 cities were in the Judah-Simeon region, in proximity to the Jerusalem temple of the Solomonic era.<\/p>\n<p>With the allocation of the Levitical cities, the division of the land is concluded. The promise of the land is fulfilled (21:43-45). God is faithful! This section emphasizes the fulfillment, the power, and the grace of God, by which Israel entered into its rest. However, the book of Joshua also hints of the struggle that is still ahead of the Israelites and of the test that ultimately they will fail (cf. Ps 95:11; Heb 3:7-11).<\/p>\n<h6>Return of the Transjordan Tribes, 22:1-34<\/h6>\n<p>Joshua dismissed the two and a half tribes with a commendation for their loyalty to the other tribes and to the Lord (Jos 22:1-4), with a warning not to succumb to idolatry but to love the Lord in accordance with the Deuteronomic law, and with a blessing (vv 5-8). However, as they returned they set up a large altar by the Jordan on the western side. The other tribes heard about it and met at Shiloh (v 12). They wisely commissioned Phinehas, the son of the high priest, with ten representatives of the tribes, to investigate the matter. The commission charged the Transjordan tribes with treachery (Jos 22:15-20; cf. Nm 25; Jos 7).<\/p>\n<p>The response of the Transjordan tribes demonstrated their concern for the unity of the tribes and for the worship of God. These tribes feared being excluded from the fellowship of God’s people and had purposefully constructed an altar, identical to that prescribed in the law, in order to demonstrate their common heritage (Jos 22:21-30). The altar was not for sacrifice or worship but functioned as a symbol of the covenantal unity of the people of God.<\/p>\n<p>Phinehas and the tribal representatives were pleased with the response and left with the assurance of God’s presence (22:30-31). Their report to the tribes led to reconciliation of all the tribes on this matter. The narrative concludes with a mention of the name given to the altar: “A witness between us and them that the <span>Lord<\/span> is our God, too” (v 34, <span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue: The Land Is a Sacred Trust, 23:1–24:33<\/h5>\n<p>The last two chapters contain Joshua’s farewell speeches to all the leaders and to all Israel.<\/p>\n<h6>Address to the Leaders, 23:1-16<\/h6>\n<p>Joshua reviews what the Lord has done for Israel in giving the land to the tribes. He has demonstrated his loyalty. And he will continue to be with his people so that no enemy can stand against them. He will fulfill every outstanding promise, even as he had already fulfilled promises. However, they must persevere in their loyalty to the Lord. Loyalty to the Lord is not apart from loyalty to the law of Moses. Apostasy will be severely punished, first by leaving the nations to ensnare Israel, and then by consuming them in his wrath.<\/p>\n<h6>Address to Israel, 24:1-28<\/h6>\n<p>The address ends with a covenant renewal at Shechem (Jos 24:1, 25-28; cf. 8:30-35). In the ancient Near East it was common when making a treaty (covenant) to give a brief historical summary of the relationship of the parties involved. Joshua reviewed Israel’s history from the patriarchs to their generation: patriarchs (24:2-4), exodus (vv 5-7), and conquest (vv 8-13).<\/p>\n<p>The goodness, presence, and loyalty of Yahweh was evident to them. Yahweh also expected “faithfulness” from his people in the form of whole allegiance, without any form of idolatry (Jos 24:14-15). As the head of his family, Joshua vowed to be loyal (v 15). The people responded by giving reasons for being loyal to the Lord (vv 16-18). But Joshua pushed them to a deeper commitment by challenging their profession (vv 19-20), then recording their vow and setting up a stone of witness against them (vv 25-27).<\/p>\n<h6>End of an Era, 24:29-33<\/h6>\n<p>The book began with a reference to the death of Moses (1:1-2) and concludes with the death and burial of Joshua (24:29-30) and of Eleazar the high priest (v 33). This marks the end of an era. The burial of Joseph’s bones (Jos 24:32; cf. Gn 50:25; Ex 13:19) in a plot purchased by Jacob (Gn 33:19) brings together the hope characteristic of the epoch of Moses and Joshua.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Cities of Refuge; Conquest and Allotment of the Land; Israel, History of; Joshua (Person) #1; Levitical Cities.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JOSHUA, Book of First of the historical books in the English Bible and the first of the Former Prophets (including Judges, the books of Samuel, and the books of Kings) in the Hebrew Bible. It begins with the Lord’s commission of Joshua (Jos 1:1-9) and concludes with the burial of Joshua, Eleazar, and the bones of Joseph (24:29-33). The purpose of the book is to show how Joshua continued in the footsteps of Moses, how the Lord gave the land to Israel, and how Israel might prosper in the land. ...","summary_en":"JOSHUA, Book of First of the historical books in the English Bible and the first of the Former Prophets (including Judges, the books of Samuel, and the books of Kings) in the Hebrew Bible. It begins with the Lord’s commission of Joshua (Jos 1:1-9) and concludes with the burial of Joshua, Eleazar, and the bones of Joseph (24:29-33). The purpose of the book is to show how Joshua continued in the footsteps of Moses, how the Lord gave the land to Israel, and how Israel might prosper in the land. ...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":21031,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Tribe of Judah","title_en":"Tribe of Judah","content_ro":"<h3>JUDAH, Tribe of<\/h3>\n<p>One of the 12 tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"GeographicalTerritory\">Geographical Territory<\/p>\n<p>The frontiers of Judah are well defined in Joshua 15, which describes the inheritance of the tribe after the Conquest. Second Kings 23:8 describes Judah as extending from Geba to Beersheba: Geba is about 8 miles (13 kilometers) north of Jerusalem, and Beersheba about 40 miles (64 kilometers) south. Judah thus held a strip of mountain land on the central spine of southern Palestine, about 50 miles (80 kilometers) from north to south and 20 miles (32 kilometers) from east to west. Of this 1,000 square miles, half was desert (on the south and east); the rest was stony and not well watered. The central ridge, upon which are situated Jerusalem, Hebron, and Beersheba, rises to over 3,000 feet (914 meters) in places before tapering off into the desert in the south. Along this ridge, connecting these towns, runs the chief road. To the east, the ridge drops steeply to the Dead Sea, nearly 5,000 feet (1,524 meters) below. To the west it drops less sharply to the “lowlands,” actually a plateau some 1,000 feet (305 meters) high, before descending to the Philistine plain, which stretches to the sea.<\/p>\n<p>Judah proper (Jerusalem was a later addition) was remote and secure in its hills. Its true center and capital was Hebron, 3,500 feet (1,067 meters) up. Only on the north was it vulnerable to attackers marching south along the ridge road. However, three great valleys led up from the western lowlands into the hills: the valley of Ajalon, the valley of Sorek, and the valley of Elah. Battles would rage up and down these valleys from the days of Joshua to the time of David and long afterward. The few roads to the east (the one from Jerusalem to Jericho is the best known) were not so important, although it was by this “back door” that Joshua had invaded the hill country (Jos 10:9). Judah was thus geographically well out of the mainstream of Israelite life, since only the territory of Simeon lay to the south.<\/p>\n<p>The area occupied by Judah falls easily into three natural regions: the central mountain ridge, fairly densely settled, especially on its western side, where rainfall and dew were greatest; the eastern slopes, almost uninhabited and mostly desert; and the southern pastoral region round Beersheba, where the mountains fall away into dry prairie, with sparse settlement throughout.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"EconomicLife\">Economic Life<\/p>\n<p>To Israel, Palestine was a land flowing with milk and honey (Nm 13:27). Half of Judah might be desert, but the rest had reasonably good soil, and on the western slopes the rain was usually adequate. Wheat, barley, olives, figs, and especially vineyards, grew freely. The land might be stony, but stones could be collected and used for walls and buildings. Not as rich as the great northern valleys like Jezreel, Judah was still good mixed farming country, although it required hard work. Sheep and goats were plentiful, and that meant wool and milk. Cattle were probably rarer; Judah was not cattle country like Bashan (Nm 32:1). Wool meant cloth, and hide meant leather. In those days the hills were forested, which meant fuel and building materials. Clay for pottery was readily available for domestic utensils. Copper came from Edom in the south, and iron from Philistia in the west; these could be obtained by bartering agricultural produce. Whether they realized it or not, God had dealt graciously with the people of Judah in giving them adequate resources. Nonetheless, the climate was bracing: a cold, wet winter, with snow and hail at times, and a long, rainless summer, with low humidity and cool nights. This brought heavy dews on the eastern slopes (Jgs 6:38), and precious rainwater was conserved in rock-hewn cisterns (Jer 2:13). Permanent streams of any size did not exist in Judah, but springs or “wells” were abundant, from Jerusalem to Beersheba. It was not until Judah got caught up into the economic life of Solomon’s trading empire that its simple pattern of life changed; even then, the change in the hills of Judah was far less than elsewhere. Judah had no seaport of its own and controlled no rich caravan routes. It had no coveted raw materials, like the copper of Edom or the cedars of Lebanon; no luxury goods for trade, like the purple dye of Phoenicia or the gold of Ophir; no lush land to tempt the greed of others. In God’s mercy Judah’s temptations were few. Its faith was also less liable to be corrupted: comparatively few Canaanites had ever settled in this area, while the Conquest had been more thorough in the south than in the north.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"HistoryandSignificance\">History and Significance<\/p>\n<p>The earliest blessings on Judah are recorded in Genesis 49:8-12 and Deuteronomy 33:7. After the exodus, the tribe of Judah took first place in the desert camping arrangement (Nm 2:3). Caleb, one of the two faithful spies, was a tribal chieftain of Judah (13:6). In Joshua’s invasion of Palestine, the highlands allotted to Judah were the first to be cleared of Canaanites, after the initial fighting around Jericho and Ai (Jos 6; 8). The book of Joshua is a summary account of the whole campaign.<\/p>\n\n<p>After Joshua’s death, Simeon and Judah continued the fight against the Canaanites and marched together against the hill country of the south, led by Caleb and Othniel. Although God’s gift to Judah had been the whole land westward as far as the sea, Judah failed to take anything but the hills. The plain was controlled by iron-protected chariots and fortress cities. The king of Jerusalem was killed and Jerusalem was burned (Jgs 1:8), but the Jebusites continued to occupy the area until David’s day (v 21). The men of Judah, like other Israelites, might burn Canaanite towns, but they did not usually occupy the old sites themselves. Under the judges, the tribe of Judah was still isolated, though Othniel was of Judah (ch 3). In the great battle against Sisera, Judah is not even mentioned (ch 5). This tribal isolation was soon lost, first through Philistine invasions from the west, and then through David’s capture of Jerusalem and the placing of the national and religious capital there. Although in Judges 15:11 the men of Judah are prepared even to hand over Samson to the Philistines, with Samuel as judge, everything changes. The ark returns (1 Sm 7:1); lost territory is regained (v 14). Indeed, Samuel’s sons act as judges in Beersheba (8:2), although they are corrupt.<\/p>\n<p>David finally breaks the power of the Philistines in a series of victories and rules as king first in Hebron, Judah’s chief town (2 Sm 2:1-4). When he is crowned king of all Israel, however, he moves the capital to the newly conquered Jerusalem, on the northern frontier of the tribe of Judah (5:6-10). Here the ark was to be brought (ch 6), and here Solomon was to build the temple (7:13). All God’s promises will henceforth cluster around Jerusalem, the temple, and David’s line. Most important, the Messiah would come from Judah (Gn 49:10).<\/p>\n<p>The division between the northern and southern tribes had begun in David’s lifetime, after Absalom’s revolt (2 Sm 20:1); after Solomon’s death, the rift became complete (1 Kgs 12:16). Henceforth for 200 years, until the fall of the northern kingdom in 722 <span>BC<\/span>, there were two little kingdoms side by side: a larger one in the north and east, called Israel (the “ten tribes” of 1 Kgs 11:35), and a smaller one in the south, called Judah. With this, the history of Judah as a tribe virtually comes to an end, for although still called by the old tribal name, this little kingdom was really a “Greater Judah.” It now contained not only the old tribe of Judah but also the newly conquered Jebusite territory of Jerusalem, some of the old Philistine country, and the tribes of Benjamin and Simeon, as well as many Levites (2 Chr 11:14) and other “loyalists” from the north. Indeed, from now on, “tribe” had far less meaning than before; it was more important where a person lived than of what tribe the person was, although, within the family, tribal origins continued to be remembered. For 250 more years the little kingdom of Judah persisted alone. Even after the exile it was the tiny province of Judah that emerged under Nehemiah (Neh 1:2-3), and Judea still remained as a district in NT days (Lk 3:1). In fact, the vast majority of later Jews were of the tribe of Judah, as the very name “Jew” shows. But the chief glory of the tribe of Judah, now as ever, was that the house of David sprang from it. When Jesus Christ was born, he was to be of David’s line and Judah’s tribe. So it is that in Revelation 7:5, when 12,000 are sealed from each tribe, Judah has pride of place in the list, as it had in Numbers (Nm 2:3) so long before.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Judah (Person) #1.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JUDAH, Tribe of<\/h3>\n<p>One of the 12 tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"GeographicalTerritory\">Geographical Territory<\/p>\n<p>The frontiers of Judah are well defined in Joshua 15, which describes the inheritance of the tribe after the Conquest. Second Kings 23:8 describes Judah as extending from Geba to Beersheba: Geba is about 8 miles (13 kilometers) north of Jerusalem, and Beersheba about 40 miles (64 kilometers) south. Judah thus held a strip of mountain land on the central spine of southern Palestine, about 50 miles (80 kilometers) from north to south and 20 miles (32 kilometers) from east to west. Of this 1,000 square miles, half was desert (on the south and east); the rest was stony and not well watered. The central ridge, upon which are situated Jerusalem, Hebron, and Beersheba, rises to over 3,000 feet (914 meters) in places before tapering off into the desert in the south. Along this ridge, connecting these towns, runs the chief road. To the east, the ridge drops steeply to the Dead Sea, nearly 5,000 feet (1,524 meters) below. To the west it drops less sharply to the “lowlands,” actually a plateau some 1,000 feet (305 meters) high, before descending to the Philistine plain, which stretches to the sea.<\/p>\n<p>Judah proper (Jerusalem was a later addition) was remote and secure in its hills. Its true center and capital was Hebron, 3,500 feet (1,067 meters) up. Only on the north was it vulnerable to attackers marching south along the ridge road. However, three great valleys led up from the western lowlands into the hills: the valley of Ajalon, the valley of Sorek, and the valley of Elah. Battles would rage up and down these valleys from the days of Joshua to the time of David and long afterward. The few roads to the east (the one from Jerusalem to Jericho is the best known) were not so important, although it was by this “back door” that Joshua had invaded the hill country (Jos 10:9). Judah was thus geographically well out of the mainstream of Israelite life, since only the territory of Simeon lay to the south.<\/p>\n<p>The area occupied by Judah falls easily into three natural regions: the central mountain ridge, fairly densely settled, especially on its western side, where rainfall and dew were greatest; the eastern slopes, almost uninhabited and mostly desert; and the southern pastoral region round Beersheba, where the mountains fall away into dry prairie, with sparse settlement throughout.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"EconomicLife\">Economic Life<\/p>\n<p>To Israel, Palestine was a land flowing with milk and honey (Nm 13:27). Half of Judah might be desert, but the rest had reasonably good soil, and on the western slopes the rain was usually adequate. Wheat, barley, olives, figs, and especially vineyards, grew freely. The land might be stony, but stones could be collected and used for walls and buildings. Not as rich as the great northern valleys like Jezreel, Judah was still good mixed farming country, although it required hard work. Sheep and goats were plentiful, and that meant wool and milk. Cattle were probably rarer; Judah was not cattle country like Bashan (Nm 32:1). Wool meant cloth, and hide meant leather. In those days the hills were forested, which meant fuel and building materials. Clay for pottery was readily available for domestic utensils. Copper came from Edom in the south, and iron from Philistia in the west; these could be obtained by bartering agricultural produce. Whether they realized it or not, God had dealt graciously with the people of Judah in giving them adequate resources. Nonetheless, the climate was bracing: a cold, wet winter, with snow and hail at times, and a long, rainless summer, with low humidity and cool nights. This brought heavy dews on the eastern slopes (Jgs 6:38), and precious rainwater was conserved in rock-hewn cisterns (Jer 2:13). Permanent streams of any size did not exist in Judah, but springs or “wells” were abundant, from Jerusalem to Beersheba. It was not until Judah got caught up into the economic life of Solomon’s trading empire that its simple pattern of life changed; even then, the change in the hills of Judah was far less than elsewhere. Judah had no seaport of its own and controlled no rich caravan routes. It had no coveted raw materials, like the copper of Edom or the cedars of Lebanon; no luxury goods for trade, like the purple dye of Phoenicia or the gold of Ophir; no lush land to tempt the greed of others. In God’s mercy Judah’s temptations were few. Its faith was also less liable to be corrupted: comparatively few Canaanites had ever settled in this area, while the Conquest had been more thorough in the south than in the north.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"HistoryandSignificance\">History and Significance<\/p>\n<p>The earliest blessings on Judah are recorded in Genesis 49:8-12 and Deuteronomy 33:7. After the exodus, the tribe of Judah took first place in the desert camping arrangement (Nm 2:3). Caleb, one of the two faithful spies, was a tribal chieftain of Judah (13:6). In Joshua’s invasion of Palestine, the highlands allotted to Judah were the first to be cleared of Canaanites, after the initial fighting around Jericho and Ai (Jos 6; 8). The book of Joshua is a summary account of the whole campaign.<\/p>\n\n<p>After Joshua’s death, Simeon and Judah continued the fight against the Canaanites and marched together against the hill country of the south, led by Caleb and Othniel. Although God’s gift to Judah had been the whole land westward as far as the sea, Judah failed to take anything but the hills. The plain was controlled by iron-protected chariots and fortress cities. The king of Jerusalem was killed and Jerusalem was burned (Jgs 1:8), but the Jebusites continued to occupy the area until David’s day (v 21). The men of Judah, like other Israelites, might burn Canaanite towns, but they did not usually occupy the old sites themselves. Under the judges, the tribe of Judah was still isolated, though Othniel was of Judah (ch 3). In the great battle against Sisera, Judah is not even mentioned (ch 5). This tribal isolation was soon lost, first through Philistine invasions from the west, and then through David’s capture of Jerusalem and the placing of the national and religious capital there. Although in Judges 15:11 the men of Judah are prepared even to hand over Samson to the Philistines, with Samuel as judge, everything changes. The ark returns (1 Sm 7:1); lost territory is regained (v 14). Indeed, Samuel’s sons act as judges in Beersheba (8:2), although they are corrupt.<\/p>\n<p>David finally breaks the power of the Philistines in a series of victories and rules as king first in Hebron, Judah’s chief town (2 Sm 2:1-4). When he is crowned king of all Israel, however, he moves the capital to the newly conquered Jerusalem, on the northern frontier of the tribe of Judah (5:6-10). Here the ark was to be brought (ch 6), and here Solomon was to build the temple (7:13). All God’s promises will henceforth cluster around Jerusalem, the temple, and David’s line. Most important, the Messiah would come from Judah (Gn 49:10).<\/p>\n<p>The division between the northern and southern tribes had begun in David’s lifetime, after Absalom’s revolt (2 Sm 20:1); after Solomon’s death, the rift became complete (1 Kgs 12:16). Henceforth for 200 years, until the fall of the northern kingdom in 722 <span>BC<\/span>, there were two little kingdoms side by side: a larger one in the north and east, called Israel (the “ten tribes” of 1 Kgs 11:35), and a smaller one in the south, called Judah. With this, the history of Judah as a tribe virtually comes to an end, for although still called by the old tribal name, this little kingdom was really a “Greater Judah.” It now contained not only the old tribe of Judah but also the newly conquered Jebusite territory of Jerusalem, some of the old Philistine country, and the tribes of Benjamin and Simeon, as well as many Levites (2 Chr 11:14) and other “loyalists” from the north. Indeed, from now on, “tribe” had far less meaning than before; it was more important where a person lived than of what tribe the person was, although, within the family, tribal origins continued to be remembered. For 250 more years the little kingdom of Judah persisted alone. Even after the exile it was the tiny province of Judah that emerged under Nehemiah (Neh 1:2-3), and Judea still remained as a district in NT days (Lk 3:1). In fact, the vast majority of later Jews were of the tribe of Judah, as the very name “Jew” shows. But the chief glory of the tribe of Judah, now as ever, was that the house of David sprang from it. When Jesus Christ was born, he was to be of David’s line and Judah’s tribe. So it is that in Revelation 7:5, when 12,000 are sealed from each tribe, Judah has pride of place in the list, as it had in Numbers (Nm 2:3) so long before.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Judah (Person) #1.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JUDAH, Tribe of One of the 12 tribes of Israel. Geographical Territory The frontiers of Judah are well defined in Joshua 15, which describes the inheritance of the tribe after the Conquest. Second Kings 23:8 describes Judah as extending from Geba to Beersheba: Geba is about 8 miles (13 kilometers) north of Jerusalem, and Beersheba about 40 miles (64 kilometers) south. Judah thus held a strip of mountain land on the central spine of southern Palestine, about 50 miles (80 kilometers) from north...","summary_en":"JUDAH, Tribe of One of the 12 tribes of Israel. Geographical Territory The frontiers of Judah are well defined in Joshua 15, which describes the inheritance of the tribe after the Conquest. Second Kings 23:8 describes Judah as extending from Geba to Beersheba: Geba is about 8 miles (13 kilometers) north of Jerusalem, and Beersheba about 40 miles (64 kilometers) south. Judah thus held a strip of mountain land on the central spine of southern Palestine, about 50 miles (80 kilometers) from north...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":21243,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Book of Judges","title_en":"Book of Judges","content_ro":"<h3>JUDGES, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>The book reflects a final editing of the material in the period of the early monarchy. It may well be a polemic for the righteous rule of David over against the kingship of Saul, which was molded by a secular, Canaanite conception of kingship rather than by the law of God. The author was almost certainly not Samuel, as traditionally thought, but a later compiler who relied on ancient written materials.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>Though the judges succeeded in giving the tribes some rest from the incursions of surrounding enemies, the Israelites were continually harassed over long periods of time. Scholarly opinion differs on the duration of the period of the judges. The dating of the exodus affects the dating of the beginning of the judges. Those who take an early date for the exodus put the beginning around 1370–1360 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas others propose a date close to the end of the 13th century <span>BC<\/span>. A related issue pertains to the chronology of the judges. Does Judges give a chronological, sequential account of the period, or is the book a representative account of judges from various parts of Canaan and Transjordan who “judged” a region, a tribe, or several tribes simultaneously?<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LiteraryFramework\">Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>There is no doubt that the stories in the book bear the marks of literary creativity. The stories are classics in their own right. The poetry of Deborah’s song (Jgs 5) is very moving, and the fable of Jotham (9:8-15) is a fine example of figurative speech. The care given to the stories is also reflected in the construction of the book. There are two introductions: a political one (Jgs 1:1–2:5) and a socioreligious one (2:6–3:6). The political introduction connects Judges with the story of the Conquest, when the tribes attempted to occupy the land. It prepares the reader for the political and military problems of the era of the judges. The socioreligious introduction explains why Israel had so many adversities, why the institution of the judges arose, and why the Lord never gave Israel the promised lasting rest from its enemies. The main body of the book is the story of the judges (3:7–16:31). References to the minor judges (six in all) are set within the stories of the major judges in increasing frequency. As is evident from the schema, the number of minor judges increased in frequency in proportion to the decrease in number of major judges: two major, one minor; two major, two minor; one major, three minor; one major. There is a total of 12 judges, representative of the 12 tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>The purpose of the listing of 12 judges, representative of the various parts of Canaan and Transjordan, is to demonstrate that all tribes throughout the conquered territories experienced grave difficulties from a variety of enemies: Arameans, Moabites, Ammonites, Amalekites, Canaanites, and Philistines. Israel was hard pressed on nearly all its frontiers. The appendixes (chs 17–21), together with the two introductions, form the framework of the book. The political and socioreligious problems (1:1–3:6) are presented by way of several stories in the last chapters. The final editor who gave the book its canonical shape purposefully framed the stories of the judges so as to show lack of movement. The successes of the previous stages in redemptive history came to a standstill in the ebb and flow of the judges. Though the Lord delivered his people in many ways, they returned to the problems described in 1:1–3:6. The appendixes describe Israel’s problems representative of the period of the judges, when “there was no king in Israel” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTheologicalTeaching\">Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for deliverance, and God’s raising up of a judge reflects a deuteronomic perspective with its warnings concerning disobedience and judgment. The repetitiveness of the cycle supports the contention of the anonymous narrator that Israel remained unchanged by the grace of God. However, in spite of the moral, religious, and political anarchy as well as the civil wars, the last chapter shows that the tribes are still concerned with each other’s welfare. Though the unity of God’s people has been gravely challenged, the situation is not hopeless. The book ends on a note of hope—hope for a king who may deliver Israel.<\/p>\n\n<p>Thus, there are several purposes of the book: (1) to demonstrate the meaninglessness of this stage in Israel’s development; (2) to explain why the tribes did not occupy all the land promised to the patriarchs; (3) to justify the way of God, who was gracious and patient with Israel’s repeated acts of disobedience; (4) to set forth the legitimacy of a “shepherd” king in contrast to a despotic form of kingship; and (5) to explain the urgent need for a new momentum, lest Israel succumb to the Philistines and intertribal warfare.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>The Political Introduction (1:1–2:5)<\/h5>\n<p>In Joshua 1–12 the warfare under Joshua is portrayed as a mobilization of Canaanite forces against Israel. By the intervention of the Lord, the Canaanite resistance was put down and the land was occupied by the tribes (chs 13–21). Joshua 13–21, however, clearly shows that each tribe had problems ridding its territory of pockets of Canaanite resistance, which were usually centered around heavily guarded and well-fortified cities (cf. 13:2-6, 13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18).<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua emphasizes the successes and minimizes the problems, whereas the prologue to Judges sets the stage for the whole book by openly addressing Israel’s problems and failures. As the book unfolds, it is precisely these problems and failures that in due time bring Israel to the brink of disaster.<\/p>\n<p>The period of the judges began with the death of Joshua (Jgs 1:1; 2:8-9). The Israelites had inherited a legacy from Joshua: the law of the Lord (Jos 23:6; 24:26), the land, a challenge to obey the Lord (24:14-27), and a promise of God’s presence and help in subduing the Canaanites (23:5, 10).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah and Simeon (Jgs 1:2-20)<\/h6>\n<p>The prominence of Judah and Caleb parallels the position of Judah in Joshua (Jos 14:6–15:63; cf. also the house of Joseph, Jgs 1:22-29; cf. Jos 16–17). Judah was victorious over the cruel Adoni-bezek, who ruled over Bezek, a town of uncertain location. Judah successfully occupied the hill country, the Negev, and the western foothills. They even took Jerusalem, or an outlying suburb identified with Jerusalem (Jos 1:8), but could not retain control there (v 21) until David’s conquest of the city (2 Sm 5:6-9). Judah was victorious over the Canaanites in the region of Hebron, already conquered under Joshua (Jos 10:36). Hebron, also known as Kiriath-arba (“city of four” or “tetrapolis”), was a powerful ally of Jerusalem (v 3) and had been able to rally military support for a new assault on Israel, even after its first defeat. Caleb received Hebron, as Moses had promised (Jgs 1:20; cf. Jos 15:13). After the victory over Hebron, Judah extended its control over the southern hill country by an attack on Debir (Jgs 1:11-15; cf. Jos 15:14-19).<\/p>\n<p>The Kenites (Jgs 1:16), descendants of Jethro and therefore related to Moses by marriage, settled in the Negev around Arad and the City of Palms, which here probably refers to Tamar rather than Jericho.<\/p>\n<p>Judah secured the southern border by a victory over the Canaanites at Hormah (Jgs 1:17; cf. Nm 14:45; 21:3; Dt 1:44) and the coastal plain by victories at Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron. However, Judah’s successes in the coastal plain were resisted by a well-armed Canaanite force (Jgs 1:18-19). It occupied the Judean hill country and the Negev, but could not retain control over the plains. The Philistines were soon to take control over Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, and incorporate them into their pentapolis.<\/p>\n<h6>Benjamin (1:21)<\/h6>\n<p>Jerusalem was situated on the border between Judah and Benjamin. Judah took the city or a suburb (Jos 1:8) but was too far removed to retain control over it. Benjamin was too weak to subdue the Jebusites. Only David succeeded in this (2 Sm 5:6-9); he incorporated it into Judah (cf. Jos 15:63), even though it originally was allotted to Benjamin (Jos 18:28).<\/p>\n<h6>Joseph: Ephraim and Manasseh (1:22-29)<\/h6>\n<p>Ephraim took Bethel, known from the patriarchal stories as a significant cultic site (Gn 12:8; 13:3-4; 28:19; 31:13; 35:1-15). However, Manasseh was unsuccessful in taking the fortified cities in the valley of Jezreel (Esdraelon): Beth-shan, Taanach, Dor, Ibleam, and Megiddo. These cities controlled traffic along the east-west and north–south roads as well as the important passes through the Carmel range and the ford of the Jordan. Ephraim could not take full possession of the coastal plain, controlled by Gezer. The success of both Ephraim and Manasseh was limited.<\/p>\n<h6>The Other Four Tribes (1:30-36)<\/h6>\n<p>The other four tribes in Canaan receive brief mention. They, too, were only partially successful. Zebulun, Asher, Naphtali, and especially Dan did not fully succeed in driving out the Canaanites. At best they later subjected most of them to forced labor.<\/p>\n<h6>The Failure of Israel (2:1-5)<\/h6>\n<p>The failure to subdue the land and to wipe out the Canaanites and their culture led to intermarriage and idolatry (cf. Ex 23:33; 34:12-16; Nm 33:55; Dt 7:2-5, 16; Jos 23:7, 12).<\/p>\n<p>The identity of “the angel of the Lord” who appears at Bokim is far from certain. It may be a reference to the Lord himself, to an angelic messenger, or to a prophet (cf. Jgs 6:8). He rebuked the people in the prophetic spirit and pronounced God’s judgment as taking the form of continual confrontation between Israel and the Canaanites (2:3). Their weeping and sacrificing were to no avail (2:4-5; cf. Mal 2:13). Israel stood condemned within a generation after Joshua’s death.<\/p>\n<h5>The Theological Introduction (2:6–3:6)<\/h5>\n<p>The theological introduction begins where Joshua left off (Jos 24:28-31). The generation of Joshua was characterized by loyalty, but their loyalty to the Lord did not last long after the excitement of the Conquest and the demonstration of God’s presence (Jgs 2:10). Israel served Canaanite gods (Baal and Astarte) instead. Baal was the storm god, symbolic of rain and fertility, and Astarte was his cohort. The plural (Baals and Ashtaroth, 2:11-13) signifies the many local ways in which the Canaanite gods were worshiped. The religious unity was broken up into a great diversity. Thus Israel angered the Lord (vv 12-14), who sent them enemies and plunderers. Israel was unsuccessful in dealing with them, as Moses and Joshua had forewarned (Dt 28:25, 33; Jos 23:13, 16). The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for mercy, and deliverance is found throughout Judges. The people were rooted in the apostasy of their forefathers, even though the previous generation had been sensitive to God. Israel did not submit to the leadership of the judges, except to free itself from the oppressors. In fulfillment of the curses of the covenant, God swore not to give his people rest but to test them and to train them for warfare (Jgs 3:1-4), so that they might learn to respond to the challenges of a real world.<\/p>\n<h5>The Judges of Israel (3:7–16:31)<\/h5>\n<h6>Othniel (3:7-11)<\/h6>\n<p>Othniel is a transitional figure, linking the Conquest and the judges. He had involved himself in the conquest of Kiriath-sepher and was related to Caleb as his cousin and son-in-law (1:13). He repelled the Arameans led by Cushan-rishathaim, so that the land enjoyed peace for some 40 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ehud (3:12-30)<\/h6>\n<p>The Moabites, allied with the Ammonites and Amalekites, came against Israel from the east and oppressed them for 18 years under the leadership of Eglon. Ehud led the mission to bring tribute to Eglon at his palace, located probably by Jericho (the City of Palms). Ehud was uniquely qualified for this mission; being left-handed, he was able to use his double-edged sword in an unsuspecting manner to stab the king. Ehud’s success was the result of careful plotting and the element of surprise. He paid the tribute and left, only to return with a supposed oracle from the gods. The king fell for the deception and was murdered. The delay at the Moabite court gave the Israelites an opportunity to bring their forces together at the fords of the Jordan. Ehud’s success was complete; no Moabite escaped, and Israel enjoyed peace for 80 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Shamgar (3:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Shamgar’s exploits were against the Philistines in the coastal plains. He had a non-Israelite name but was probably an Israelite by birth. Like Samson he fought the Philistines with an unconventional weapon (an ox goad). His name is also mentioned in the song of Deborah (5:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Deborah and Barak (4:1–5:31)<\/h6>\n<p>The narrative now turns to the Canaanite aggressors in the north under the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor, and Sisera, of Harosheth-haggoyim (4:1-3). The ruins of Hazor (Jos 11:13) had been rebuilt, and another Jabin (cf. v 1) ruled over the region. He had regained his military power, as he had as many as 900 chariots of iron. He oppressed Israel for 20 years (Jgs 4:3).<\/p>\n<p>God had a prophetess in Israel who led his people during this dark time (4:4). She rendered judgments under a palm tree in southern Ephraim near Benjamin (v 5). She called on Barak to muster the armies of Naphtali and Zebulun, the tribes affected by the Canaanite raids, and to engage Sisera in a surprise attack by the Kishon River (vv 6-7). Barak’s hesitancy led him to request Deborah’s presence, which resulted in his forfeiture of the honor of killing Sisera, the commander of the Canaanite forces (vv 8-10). The Lord gave success to the surprise attack from Mt Tabor, so that the Canaanites were routed, unable to use their heavy chariots, which were mired down in the swamps of the Jezreel Valley (5:20-22). The Canaanites were routed, and Sisera was killed by Jael, the wife of Heber, a Kenite who had separated from the Kenites around Arad (4:17-18; cf. 1:16). She offered him hospitality, as her family had friendly relations with the Canaanites, but heroically put him to death with a tent peg (4:18-21; 5:26-27). In successive campaigns the Israelites gained freedom from Jabin, until they destroyed his power (4:24).<\/p>\n<p>The song of Deborah (ch 5) celebrates, in poetic fashion, the victory over Jabin. It is one of the oldest poems in the Bible. It praises the God of Israel as the King who comes to protect his covenant people, and before whom the mountains move (5:2-3). He is the God of Mt Sinai (Jgs 5:4-5; cf. Dt 33:2; Ps 68:7-8; Hb 3:3-4). Though the oppressors had despoiled Israel and had made the roads unsafe for travel, and Israel was unable to defend itself (Jgs 5:6-8), the Lord raised up Deborah and Barak to lead the nobles to war (vv 9-13). They came from Ephraim, Benjamin, Zebulun, Issachar, and Naphtali (vv 14-15a, 18), but the Transjordan tribes and Asher did not want to get involved (vv 15b-17). The song then moves to the battle scene, where torrential rains bogged the chariots down (vv 19-23). Jael is celebrated as “most blessed of women,” who used her simple way of life to bring an end to Sisera (vv 24-27). She stands in contrast to Sisera’s mother, who is portrayed with all her culture waiting in vain for Sisera’s return with all of his spoils (vv 28-30). The Lord has used the simple to confound the powerful. The conclusion is a prayer for God’s judgment on all of Israel’s enemies (Jgs 5:31a; cf. Ps 68:1-3).<\/p>\n<h6>Gideon (6:1–8:35)<\/h6>\n<p>Israel’s rest for 40 years (Jgs 5:31b) was disturbed by the invasion of Midianites and Amalekites from the East (6:1-3). They destroyed the economy by invading the country at harvesttime (vv 4-6). In response to Israel’s cry, God sent a prophet with a message similar to that of the angel of the Lord (2:1-5). Then an angel appeared to Gideon and called him to lead the people in battle (6:11-14). The Lord assured him of his presence (v 16) by a sign (vv 17-22). Gideon knew that he had been visited by the Lord and built an altar called “The <span>Lord<\/span> Is Peace” in Ophrah (v 24). He responded by destroying the cultic site dedicated to Baal and Asherah at Ophrah (vv 25-28) and by initiating worship at the new altar (v 28). Baal did not protect his own altar (vv 29-32), even when challenged by Gideon’s father (v 31). Consequently, Gideon was known as Jerubbaal (meaning, “let Baal contend with him,” v 32).<\/p>\n<p>Next, Gideon mustered an army of 32,000 men from Asher, Zebulun, and Naphtali (6:35; cf. 7:3b). In order to assure himself of the Lord’s presence, he asked for another sign: the sign of the fleece (6:36-40). It must be kept in mind that Gideon lived in an area in which the wonders of God had been scarce (v 13) and that he, like Moses, needed reassurance that God was with him. God responded to his growing faith. Gideon went forth with a greatly reduced army of 300 against the enemy. Of his original army, 22,000 had left because they were afraid (7:2-3; cf. Dt 20:8). Another 9,700 were sent home, though they were valiant men (7:4-8). After assuring Gideon by a dream of an enemy soldier, God used the 300 in a marvelous way to confound the Midianites (vv 9-15). God gave Israel victory over the Midianite leaders Oreb, Zeeb, Zebah, and Zalmunna (7:16–8:21). Gideon wisely avoided a possible military confrontation with Ephraim (8:1-3), pursued the enemy deep into the Transjordan, and punished the leaders of Succoth and Penuel, who did not assist him (vv 4-9, 13-16).<\/p>\n<p>This glorious victory created a new wave of interest in the idea of kingship. The men of Israel wished to establish the family of Gideon as their royal dynasty (8:22). Gideon refused, and instead wrongly set up an ephod, cast from the gold taken in battle (vv 23-27). The ephod was probably used for cultic practices, possibly divination (cf. 17:5).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s era also came to an end. He was God’s instrument, giving Israel rest for 40 years. He fathered 70 sons and died in old age. God had richly blessed him, even though he had led Israel astray with his ephod. Thereafter, Israel returned to Baal worship (8:33-35).<\/p>\n<p>In the wake of Gideon’s era, his son Abimelech attempted to establish dynastic continuity by having himself installed as king at Shechem (9:1-6). With the support of his relatives at Shechem, Abimelech had all his brothers killed except Jotham (vv 4-5). After Abimelech’s coronation, Jotham set forth his opposition to his brother in a proverbial manner (vv 7-20), and went into hiding. Three years later Abimelech’s evil schemes entrapped him when the citizens of Shechem rebelled. He furiously attacked the city and destroyed it. A short time later, however, he was wounded at Thebez by a millstone dropped by a woman from the tower in which she had sought refuge from him. His servant put him out of his misery as per his request. This episode demonstrates how bad a despotic king may be. Again, God’s justice prevailed.<\/p>\n<h6>Tola (10:1-2)<\/h6>\n<p>Tola was a minor judge from Issachar who judged Israel for 23 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jair (10:3-5)<\/h6>\n<p>Jair was a minor judge from Gilead who judged Israel for 22 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jephthah (10:6–12:7)<\/h6>\n<p>A recapitulation (10:6-16) of the cycle (idolatry, enemies, cry for help, momentary repentance) sets the introduction to the Jephthah narrative. Under attack from the Ammonites, the elders of Gilead requested help from Jephthah (10:17–11:8), who promised to help them on the condition that he remain their leader even after the war (vv 9-10). At a solemn ceremony he becomes their “head” at Mizpah (v 11). Jephthah opened up correspondence with the Ammonite king, in which he argued for Israel’s rights on the basis of the Israelites’ historic claim to the land as granted to them by the Lord (vv 12–27). Instead of going out immediately to war, he hoped that “the <span>Lord<\/span>, the Judge” would settle the dispute (v 27); but the Ammonite king was unimpressed. When the Spirit of God came over him, Jephthah led Israel into battle, but only after making a rash vow. He was victorious but found out that his vow to sacrifice whatever came first out of his house required him to sacrifice his daughter. Debate continues as to whether he offered her up as a human sacrifice or whether she sacrificed marriage (see discussion under Jephthah).<\/p>\n<p>The Ephraimites seemed to have had an insatiable desire for war. Earlier they had complained to Gideon, who successfully defused their threats (8:1-3). Jephthah fought them, however, because the Israelites living in Transjordan had been reviled as “renegades” (12:1-4). Forty-two thousand Ephraimites were killed by the fords of the Jordan in this civil war. Thereafter, Jephthah ruled for only six years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ibzan (12:8-10)<\/h6>\n<p>Ibzan was a minor judge from Bethlehem who ruled Israel for seven years.<\/p>\n<h6>Elon (12:11)<\/h6>\n<p>A minor judge from Zebulun, Elon ruled Israel for ten years.<\/p>\n<h6>Abdon (12:13-15)<\/h6>\n<p>Abdon was a minor judge from Pirathon, the location of which is uncertain. He ruled for eight years.<\/p>\n<h6>Samson (13:1–16:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Samson’s greatness in the history of redemption is due to his miraculous birth (13:1-24), his service as a Nazirite (13:7; cf. Nm 6:1-21), the repeated overpowering by the Spirit of the Lord (Jgs 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14), the single-handed exploits against the Philistines (Ashkelon, 14:19; the fields, 15:1-6; Ramath Etam, 15:7-17; Gaza, 16:1-3, 23-30), and his occasional dependence on the Lord (15:18-19; 16:28-30). However, his personal life was flawed because of his weakness for Philistine women (chs 14, 16). Having been seduced by Delilah, he was imprisoned at Gaza. He died in the collapse of Dagon’s temple, praying that the Lord would permit him to get revenge (16:28-30). He was buried in his father’s tomb in the territory of Dan (16:31).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue (17–21)<\/h5>\n<p>The cyclical nature of Israel’s existence was without movement. Rest from enemies was always temporary. Israel was not yet ready for dynastic kingship, and whatever one may say of the three years of Abimelech, it was a kingship of the worst sort. Israel vacillated between idolatry and belief in the true Lord. The period of the judges was unstable, marked by petty individualism and provincialism. Yet God remained sovereign in the affairs of his people. The epilogue contains two stories: the story of Micah and the Danite migration (chs 17–18) and the civil war (chs 19–21). The epilogue is bound together by the phrase “In those days Israel had no king; everyone did as he saw fit” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25, <span>niv<\/span>). The symmetric recurrence (two times in each narrative) emphasizes the anarchy and inability of the tribes to unite together to serve God as a covenant people.<\/p>\n<h6>Micah and the Danites (17–18)<\/h6>\n<p>Micah was an Ephraimite who established a shrine and hired one of his own sons, and then a Levite from Bethlehem, to serve as its priests (ch 17). Unable to keep their patrimony, the Danites left to establish themselves at the foot of Mt Hermon. They took the idols and the Levite from Micah’s shrine and set up a cultic city at the newly established city of Dan, built on the ruins of Laish (ch 18). Thus, they set up a cultic center that rivaled the tabernacle at Shiloh (18:31).<\/p>\n<h6>The Civil War (19–21)<\/h6>\n<p>The people of Gibeah, which belonged to Benjamin, sexually abused the concubine of a Levite so that she died. Like the Levite of chapters 17 and 18, she was from Bethlehem (19:1). Dramatically, the Levite sent pieces of her corpse to all the tribes, which assembled against the Benjamites because they protected the criminals of Gibeah (19:29–20:19). In the ensuing battle the population of Benjamin was decimated (20:20-48). The 11 tribes gave them 400 virgins taken in a civil war against Jabesh-gilead (21:6-15). These were not enough, however. Because of the threat of the extinction of Benjamin and the vow not to give their daughters in marriage to any Benjamite, the Israelites devised a plan by which the Benjamites could take Israelite virgins dancing in the festival at Shiloh. Benjamin thus was able to rebuild its towns and settlements.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Gideon; Jephthah; Samson.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JUDGES, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>The book reflects a final editing of the material in the period of the early monarchy. It may well be a polemic for the righteous rule of David over against the kingship of Saul, which was molded by a secular, Canaanite conception of kingship rather than by the law of God. The author was almost certainly not Samuel, as traditionally thought, but a later compiler who relied on ancient written materials.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>Though the judges succeeded in giving the tribes some rest from the incursions of surrounding enemies, the Israelites were continually harassed over long periods of time. Scholarly opinion differs on the duration of the period of the judges. The dating of the exodus affects the dating of the beginning of the judges. Those who take an early date for the exodus put the beginning around 1370–1360 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas others propose a date close to the end of the 13th century <span>BC<\/span>. A related issue pertains to the chronology of the judges. Does Judges give a chronological, sequential account of the period, or is the book a representative account of judges from various parts of Canaan and Transjordan who “judged” a region, a tribe, or several tribes simultaneously?<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LiteraryFramework\">Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>There is no doubt that the stories in the book bear the marks of literary creativity. The stories are classics in their own right. The poetry of Deborah’s song (Jgs 5) is very moving, and the fable of Jotham (9:8-15) is a fine example of figurative speech. The care given to the stories is also reflected in the construction of the book. There are two introductions: a political one (Jgs 1:1–2:5) and a socioreligious one (2:6–3:6). The political introduction connects Judges with the story of the Conquest, when the tribes attempted to occupy the land. It prepares the reader for the political and military problems of the era of the judges. The socioreligious introduction explains why Israel had so many adversities, why the institution of the judges arose, and why the Lord never gave Israel the promised lasting rest from its enemies. The main body of the book is the story of the judges (3:7–16:31). References to the minor judges (six in all) are set within the stories of the major judges in increasing frequency. As is evident from the schema, the number of minor judges increased in frequency in proportion to the decrease in number of major judges: two major, one minor; two major, two minor; one major, three minor; one major. There is a total of 12 judges, representative of the 12 tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>The purpose of the listing of 12 judges, representative of the various parts of Canaan and Transjordan, is to demonstrate that all tribes throughout the conquered territories experienced grave difficulties from a variety of enemies: Arameans, Moabites, Ammonites, Amalekites, Canaanites, and Philistines. Israel was hard pressed on nearly all its frontiers. The appendixes (chs 17–21), together with the two introductions, form the framework of the book. The political and socioreligious problems (1:1–3:6) are presented by way of several stories in the last chapters. The final editor who gave the book its canonical shape purposefully framed the stories of the judges so as to show lack of movement. The successes of the previous stages in redemptive history came to a standstill in the ebb and flow of the judges. Though the Lord delivered his people in many ways, they returned to the problems described in 1:1–3:6. The appendixes describe Israel’s problems representative of the period of the judges, when “there was no king in Israel” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTheologicalTeaching\">Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for deliverance, and God’s raising up of a judge reflects a deuteronomic perspective with its warnings concerning disobedience and judgment. The repetitiveness of the cycle supports the contention of the anonymous narrator that Israel remained unchanged by the grace of God. However, in spite of the moral, religious, and political anarchy as well as the civil wars, the last chapter shows that the tribes are still concerned with each other’s welfare. Though the unity of God’s people has been gravely challenged, the situation is not hopeless. The book ends on a note of hope—hope for a king who may deliver Israel.<\/p>\n\n<p>Thus, there are several purposes of the book: (1) to demonstrate the meaninglessness of this stage in Israel’s development; (2) to explain why the tribes did not occupy all the land promised to the patriarchs; (3) to justify the way of God, who was gracious and patient with Israel’s repeated acts of disobedience; (4) to set forth the legitimacy of a “shepherd” king in contrast to a despotic form of kingship; and (5) to explain the urgent need for a new momentum, lest Israel succumb to the Philistines and intertribal warfare.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>The Political Introduction (1:1–2:5)<\/h5>\n<p>In Joshua 1–12 the warfare under Joshua is portrayed as a mobilization of Canaanite forces against Israel. By the intervention of the Lord, the Canaanite resistance was put down and the land was occupied by the tribes (chs 13–21). Joshua 13–21, however, clearly shows that each tribe had problems ridding its territory of pockets of Canaanite resistance, which were usually centered around heavily guarded and well-fortified cities (cf. 13:2-6, 13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18).<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua emphasizes the successes and minimizes the problems, whereas the prologue to Judges sets the stage for the whole book by openly addressing Israel’s problems and failures. As the book unfolds, it is precisely these problems and failures that in due time bring Israel to the brink of disaster.<\/p>\n<p>The period of the judges began with the death of Joshua (Jgs 1:1; 2:8-9). The Israelites had inherited a legacy from Joshua: the law of the Lord (Jos 23:6; 24:26), the land, a challenge to obey the Lord (24:14-27), and a promise of God’s presence and help in subduing the Canaanites (23:5, 10).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah and Simeon (Jgs 1:2-20)<\/h6>\n<p>The prominence of Judah and Caleb parallels the position of Judah in Joshua (Jos 14:6–15:63; cf. also the house of Joseph, Jgs 1:22-29; cf. Jos 16–17). Judah was victorious over the cruel Adoni-bezek, who ruled over Bezek, a town of uncertain location. Judah successfully occupied the hill country, the Negev, and the western foothills. They even took Jerusalem, or an outlying suburb identified with Jerusalem (Jos 1:8), but could not retain control there (v 21) until David’s conquest of the city (2 Sm 5:6-9). Judah was victorious over the Canaanites in the region of Hebron, already conquered under Joshua (Jos 10:36). Hebron, also known as Kiriath-arba (“city of four” or “tetrapolis”), was a powerful ally of Jerusalem (v 3) and had been able to rally military support for a new assault on Israel, even after its first defeat. Caleb received Hebron, as Moses had promised (Jgs 1:20; cf. Jos 15:13). After the victory over Hebron, Judah extended its control over the southern hill country by an attack on Debir (Jgs 1:11-15; cf. Jos 15:14-19).<\/p>\n<p>The Kenites (Jgs 1:16), descendants of Jethro and therefore related to Moses by marriage, settled in the Negev around Arad and the City of Palms, which here probably refers to Tamar rather than Jericho.<\/p>\n<p>Judah secured the southern border by a victory over the Canaanites at Hormah (Jgs 1:17; cf. Nm 14:45; 21:3; Dt 1:44) and the coastal plain by victories at Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron. However, Judah’s successes in the coastal plain were resisted by a well-armed Canaanite force (Jgs 1:18-19). It occupied the Judean hill country and the Negev, but could not retain control over the plains. The Philistines were soon to take control over Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, and incorporate them into their pentapolis.<\/p>\n<h6>Benjamin (1:21)<\/h6>\n<p>Jerusalem was situated on the border between Judah and Benjamin. Judah took the city or a suburb (Jos 1:8) but was too far removed to retain control over it. Benjamin was too weak to subdue the Jebusites. Only David succeeded in this (2 Sm 5:6-9); he incorporated it into Judah (cf. Jos 15:63), even though it originally was allotted to Benjamin (Jos 18:28).<\/p>\n<h6>Joseph: Ephraim and Manasseh (1:22-29)<\/h6>\n<p>Ephraim took Bethel, known from the patriarchal stories as a significant cultic site (Gn 12:8; 13:3-4; 28:19; 31:13; 35:1-15). However, Manasseh was unsuccessful in taking the fortified cities in the valley of Jezreel (Esdraelon): Beth-shan, Taanach, Dor, Ibleam, and Megiddo. These cities controlled traffic along the east-west and north–south roads as well as the important passes through the Carmel range and the ford of the Jordan. Ephraim could not take full possession of the coastal plain, controlled by Gezer. The success of both Ephraim and Manasseh was limited.<\/p>\n<h6>The Other Four Tribes (1:30-36)<\/h6>\n<p>The other four tribes in Canaan receive brief mention. They, too, were only partially successful. Zebulun, Asher, Naphtali, and especially Dan did not fully succeed in driving out the Canaanites. At best they later subjected most of them to forced labor.<\/p>\n<h6>The Failure of Israel (2:1-5)<\/h6>\n<p>The failure to subdue the land and to wipe out the Canaanites and their culture led to intermarriage and idolatry (cf. Ex 23:33; 34:12-16; Nm 33:55; Dt 7:2-5, 16; Jos 23:7, 12).<\/p>\n<p>The identity of “the angel of the Lord” who appears at Bokim is far from certain. It may be a reference to the Lord himself, to an angelic messenger, or to a prophet (cf. Jgs 6:8). He rebuked the people in the prophetic spirit and pronounced God’s judgment as taking the form of continual confrontation between Israel and the Canaanites (2:3). Their weeping and sacrificing were to no avail (2:4-5; cf. Mal 2:13). Israel stood condemned within a generation after Joshua’s death.<\/p>\n<h5>The Theological Introduction (2:6–3:6)<\/h5>\n<p>The theological introduction begins where Joshua left off (Jos 24:28-31). The generation of Joshua was characterized by loyalty, but their loyalty to the Lord did not last long after the excitement of the Conquest and the demonstration of God’s presence (Jgs 2:10). Israel served Canaanite gods (Baal and Astarte) instead. Baal was the storm god, symbolic of rain and fertility, and Astarte was his cohort. The plural (Baals and Ashtaroth, 2:11-13) signifies the many local ways in which the Canaanite gods were worshiped. The religious unity was broken up into a great diversity. Thus Israel angered the Lord (vv 12-14), who sent them enemies and plunderers. Israel was unsuccessful in dealing with them, as Moses and Joshua had forewarned (Dt 28:25, 33; Jos 23:13, 16). The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for mercy, and deliverance is found throughout Judges. The people were rooted in the apostasy of their forefathers, even though the previous generation had been sensitive to God. Israel did not submit to the leadership of the judges, except to free itself from the oppressors. In fulfillment of the curses of the covenant, God swore not to give his people rest but to test them and to train them for warfare (Jgs 3:1-4), so that they might learn to respond to the challenges of a real world.<\/p>\n<h5>The Judges of Israel (3:7–16:31)<\/h5>\n<h6>Othniel (3:7-11)<\/h6>\n<p>Othniel is a transitional figure, linking the Conquest and the judges. He had involved himself in the conquest of Kiriath-sepher and was related to Caleb as his cousin and son-in-law (1:13). He repelled the Arameans led by Cushan-rishathaim, so that the land enjoyed peace for some 40 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ehud (3:12-30)<\/h6>\n<p>The Moabites, allied with the Ammonites and Amalekites, came against Israel from the east and oppressed them for 18 years under the leadership of Eglon. Ehud led the mission to bring tribute to Eglon at his palace, located probably by Jericho (the City of Palms). Ehud was uniquely qualified for this mission; being left-handed, he was able to use his double-edged sword in an unsuspecting manner to stab the king. Ehud’s success was the result of careful plotting and the element of surprise. He paid the tribute and left, only to return with a supposed oracle from the gods. The king fell for the deception and was murdered. The delay at the Moabite court gave the Israelites an opportunity to bring their forces together at the fords of the Jordan. Ehud’s success was complete; no Moabite escaped, and Israel enjoyed peace for 80 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Shamgar (3:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Shamgar’s exploits were against the Philistines in the coastal plains. He had a non-Israelite name but was probably an Israelite by birth. Like Samson he fought the Philistines with an unconventional weapon (an ox goad). His name is also mentioned in the song of Deborah (5:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Deborah and Barak (4:1–5:31)<\/h6>\n<p>The narrative now turns to the Canaanite aggressors in the north under the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor, and Sisera, of Harosheth-haggoyim (4:1-3). The ruins of Hazor (Jos 11:13) had been rebuilt, and another Jabin (cf. v 1) ruled over the region. He had regained his military power, as he had as many as 900 chariots of iron. He oppressed Israel for 20 years (Jgs 4:3).<\/p>\n<p>God had a prophetess in Israel who led his people during this dark time (4:4). She rendered judgments under a palm tree in southern Ephraim near Benjamin (v 5). She called on Barak to muster the armies of Naphtali and Zebulun, the tribes affected by the Canaanite raids, and to engage Sisera in a surprise attack by the Kishon River (vv 6-7). Barak’s hesitancy led him to request Deborah’s presence, which resulted in his forfeiture of the honor of killing Sisera, the commander of the Canaanite forces (vv 8-10). The Lord gave success to the surprise attack from Mt Tabor, so that the Canaanites were routed, unable to use their heavy chariots, which were mired down in the swamps of the Jezreel Valley (5:20-22). The Canaanites were routed, and Sisera was killed by Jael, the wife of Heber, a Kenite who had separated from the Kenites around Arad (4:17-18; cf. 1:16). She offered him hospitality, as her family had friendly relations with the Canaanites, but heroically put him to death with a tent peg (4:18-21; 5:26-27). In successive campaigns the Israelites gained freedom from Jabin, until they destroyed his power (4:24).<\/p>\n<p>The song of Deborah (ch 5) celebrates, in poetic fashion, the victory over Jabin. It is one of the oldest poems in the Bible. It praises the God of Israel as the King who comes to protect his covenant people, and before whom the mountains move (5:2-3). He is the God of Mt Sinai (Jgs 5:4-5; cf. Dt 33:2; Ps 68:7-8; Hb 3:3-4). Though the oppressors had despoiled Israel and had made the roads unsafe for travel, and Israel was unable to defend itself (Jgs 5:6-8), the Lord raised up Deborah and Barak to lead the nobles to war (vv 9-13). They came from Ephraim, Benjamin, Zebulun, Issachar, and Naphtali (vv 14-15a, 18), but the Transjordan tribes and Asher did not want to get involved (vv 15b-17). The song then moves to the battle scene, where torrential rains bogged the chariots down (vv 19-23). Jael is celebrated as “most blessed of women,” who used her simple way of life to bring an end to Sisera (vv 24-27). She stands in contrast to Sisera’s mother, who is portrayed with all her culture waiting in vain for Sisera’s return with all of his spoils (vv 28-30). The Lord has used the simple to confound the powerful. The conclusion is a prayer for God’s judgment on all of Israel’s enemies (Jgs 5:31a; cf. Ps 68:1-3).<\/p>\n<h6>Gideon (6:1–8:35)<\/h6>\n<p>Israel’s rest for 40 years (Jgs 5:31b) was disturbed by the invasion of Midianites and Amalekites from the East (6:1-3). They destroyed the economy by invading the country at harvesttime (vv 4-6). In response to Israel’s cry, God sent a prophet with a message similar to that of the angel of the Lord (2:1-5). Then an angel appeared to Gideon and called him to lead the people in battle (6:11-14). The Lord assured him of his presence (v 16) by a sign (vv 17-22). Gideon knew that he had been visited by the Lord and built an altar called “The <span>Lord<\/span> Is Peace” in Ophrah (v 24). He responded by destroying the cultic site dedicated to Baal and Asherah at Ophrah (vv 25-28) and by initiating worship at the new altar (v 28). Baal did not protect his own altar (vv 29-32), even when challenged by Gideon’s father (v 31). Consequently, Gideon was known as Jerubbaal (meaning, “let Baal contend with him,” v 32).<\/p>\n<p>Next, Gideon mustered an army of 32,000 men from Asher, Zebulun, and Naphtali (6:35; cf. 7:3b). In order to assure himself of the Lord’s presence, he asked for another sign: the sign of the fleece (6:36-40). It must be kept in mind that Gideon lived in an area in which the wonders of God had been scarce (v 13) and that he, like Moses, needed reassurance that God was with him. God responded to his growing faith. Gideon went forth with a greatly reduced army of 300 against the enemy. Of his original army, 22,000 had left because they were afraid (7:2-3; cf. Dt 20:8). Another 9,700 were sent home, though they were valiant men (7:4-8). After assuring Gideon by a dream of an enemy soldier, God used the 300 in a marvelous way to confound the Midianites (vv 9-15). God gave Israel victory over the Midianite leaders Oreb, Zeeb, Zebah, and Zalmunna (7:16–8:21). Gideon wisely avoided a possible military confrontation with Ephraim (8:1-3), pursued the enemy deep into the Transjordan, and punished the leaders of Succoth and Penuel, who did not assist him (vv 4-9, 13-16).<\/p>\n<p>This glorious victory created a new wave of interest in the idea of kingship. The men of Israel wished to establish the family of Gideon as their royal dynasty (8:22). Gideon refused, and instead wrongly set up an ephod, cast from the gold taken in battle (vv 23-27). The ephod was probably used for cultic practices, possibly divination (cf. 17:5).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s era also came to an end. He was God’s instrument, giving Israel rest for 40 years. He fathered 70 sons and died in old age. God had richly blessed him, even though he had led Israel astray with his ephod. Thereafter, Israel returned to Baal worship (8:33-35).<\/p>\n<p>In the wake of Gideon’s era, his son Abimelech attempted to establish dynastic continuity by having himself installed as king at Shechem (9:1-6). With the support of his relatives at Shechem, Abimelech had all his brothers killed except Jotham (vv 4-5). After Abimelech’s coronation, Jotham set forth his opposition to his brother in a proverbial manner (vv 7-20), and went into hiding. Three years later Abimelech’s evil schemes entrapped him when the citizens of Shechem rebelled. He furiously attacked the city and destroyed it. A short time later, however, he was wounded at Thebez by a millstone dropped by a woman from the tower in which she had sought refuge from him. His servant put him out of his misery as per his request. This episode demonstrates how bad a despotic king may be. Again, God’s justice prevailed.<\/p>\n<h6>Tola (10:1-2)<\/h6>\n<p>Tola was a minor judge from Issachar who judged Israel for 23 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jair (10:3-5)<\/h6>\n<p>Jair was a minor judge from Gilead who judged Israel for 22 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jephthah (10:6–12:7)<\/h6>\n<p>A recapitulation (10:6-16) of the cycle (idolatry, enemies, cry for help, momentary repentance) sets the introduction to the Jephthah narrative. Under attack from the Ammonites, the elders of Gilead requested help from Jephthah (10:17–11:8), who promised to help them on the condition that he remain their leader even after the war (vv 9-10). At a solemn ceremony he becomes their “head” at Mizpah (v 11). Jephthah opened up correspondence with the Ammonite king, in which he argued for Israel’s rights on the basis of the Israelites’ historic claim to the land as granted to them by the Lord (vv 12–27). Instead of going out immediately to war, he hoped that “the <span>Lord<\/span>, the Judge” would settle the dispute (v 27); but the Ammonite king was unimpressed. When the Spirit of God came over him, Jephthah led Israel into battle, but only after making a rash vow. He was victorious but found out that his vow to sacrifice whatever came first out of his house required him to sacrifice his daughter. Debate continues as to whether he offered her up as a human sacrifice or whether she sacrificed marriage (see discussion under Jephthah).<\/p>\n<p>The Ephraimites seemed to have had an insatiable desire for war. Earlier they had complained to Gideon, who successfully defused their threats (8:1-3). Jephthah fought them, however, because the Israelites living in Transjordan had been reviled as “renegades” (12:1-4). Forty-two thousand Ephraimites were killed by the fords of the Jordan in this civil war. Thereafter, Jephthah ruled for only six years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ibzan (12:8-10)<\/h6>\n<p>Ibzan was a minor judge from Bethlehem who ruled Israel for seven years.<\/p>\n<h6>Elon (12:11)<\/h6>\n<p>A minor judge from Zebulun, Elon ruled Israel for ten years.<\/p>\n<h6>Abdon (12:13-15)<\/h6>\n<p>Abdon was a minor judge from Pirathon, the location of which is uncertain. He ruled for eight years.<\/p>\n<h6>Samson (13:1–16:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Samson’s greatness in the history of redemption is due to his miraculous birth (13:1-24), his service as a Nazirite (13:7; cf. Nm 6:1-21), the repeated overpowering by the Spirit of the Lord (Jgs 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14), the single-handed exploits against the Philistines (Ashkelon, 14:19; the fields, 15:1-6; Ramath Etam, 15:7-17; Gaza, 16:1-3, 23-30), and his occasional dependence on the Lord (15:18-19; 16:28-30). However, his personal life was flawed because of his weakness for Philistine women (chs 14, 16). Having been seduced by Delilah, he was imprisoned at Gaza. He died in the collapse of Dagon’s temple, praying that the Lord would permit him to get revenge (16:28-30). He was buried in his father’s tomb in the territory of Dan (16:31).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue (17–21)<\/h5>\n<p>The cyclical nature of Israel’s existence was without movement. Rest from enemies was always temporary. Israel was not yet ready for dynastic kingship, and whatever one may say of the three years of Abimelech, it was a kingship of the worst sort. Israel vacillated between idolatry and belief in the true Lord. The period of the judges was unstable, marked by petty individualism and provincialism. Yet God remained sovereign in the affairs of his people. The epilogue contains two stories: the story of Micah and the Danite migration (chs 17–18) and the civil war (chs 19–21). The epilogue is bound together by the phrase “In those days Israel had no king; everyone did as he saw fit” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25, <span>niv<\/span>). The symmetric recurrence (two times in each narrative) emphasizes the anarchy and inability of the tribes to unite together to serve God as a covenant people.<\/p>\n<h6>Micah and the Danites (17–18)<\/h6>\n<p>Micah was an Ephraimite who established a shrine and hired one of his own sons, and then a Levite from Bethlehem, to serve as its priests (ch 17). Unable to keep their patrimony, the Danites left to establish themselves at the foot of Mt Hermon. They took the idols and the Levite from Micah’s shrine and set up a cultic city at the newly established city of Dan, built on the ruins of Laish (ch 18). Thus, they set up a cultic center that rivaled the tabernacle at Shiloh (18:31).<\/p>\n<h6>The Civil War (19–21)<\/h6>\n<p>The people of Gibeah, which belonged to Benjamin, sexually abused the concubine of a Levite so that she died. Like the Levite of chapters 17 and 18, she was from Bethlehem (19:1). Dramatically, the Levite sent pieces of her corpse to all the tribes, which assembled against the Benjamites because they protected the criminals of Gibeah (19:29–20:19). In the ensuing battle the population of Benjamin was decimated (20:20-48). The 11 tribes gave them 400 virgins taken in a civil war against Jabesh-gilead (21:6-15). These were not enough, however. Because of the threat of the extinction of Benjamin and the vow not to give their daughters in marriage to any Benjamite, the Israelites devised a plan by which the Benjamites could take Israelite virgins dancing in the festival at Shiloh. Benjamin thus was able to rebuild its towns and settlements.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Gideon; Jephthah; Samson.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JUDGES, Book of Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail. Preview • Author • Date • Li...","summary_en":"JUDGES, Book of Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail. Preview • Author • Date • Li...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":45680,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:21","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:21","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:21-36<\/strong> The tribes of Israel failed to keep the covenant; their complacency was rebellion against the Lord, as the rest of the book of Judges shows.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:21-36<\/strong> The tribes of Israel failed to keep the covenant; their complacency was rebellion against the Lord, as the rest of the book of Judges shows.<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:21-36 The tribes of Israel failed to keep the covenant; their complacency was rebellion against the Lord, as the rest of the book of Judges shows.","summary_en":"1:21-36 The tribes of Israel failed to keep the covenant; their complacency was rebellion against the Lord, as the rest of the book of Judges shows.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":45681,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:21","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:21","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:21<\/strong> Though <em>the tribe of Benjamin<\/em> produced more than its share of heroes (e.g., Ehud, Saul), it was also the nadir of covenant unfaithfulness, in contrast to Judah (see 20:18). Like Judah in its first battle (1:4-8), Benjamin faced challenges from a great people dwelling in a great city, but Benjamin settled for sharing the city with them. Reference to the Lord’s personal presence is absent (cp. 1:19, 22). The Jebusite city remained in Canaanite hands until David’s day. • The phrase <em>to this day<\/em> highlights either ongoing historical circumstances (here and 6:24) or the survival of certain customs to a later time (1:26; 10:4; 15:19; 18:12).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:21<\/strong> Though <em>the tribe of Benjamin<\/em> produced more than its share of heroes (e.g., Ehud, Saul), it was also the nadir of covenant unfaithfulness, in contrast to Judah (see 20:18). Like Judah in its first battle (1:4-8), Benjamin faced challenges from a great people dwelling in a great city, but Benjamin settled for sharing the city with them. Reference to the Lord’s personal presence is absent (cp. 1:19, 22). The Jebusite city remained in Canaanite hands until David’s day. • The phrase <em>to this day<\/em> highlights either ongoing historical circumstances (here and 6:24) or the survival of certain customs to a later time (1:26; 10:4; 15:19; 18:12).<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:21 Though the tribe of Benjamin produced more than its share of heroes (e.g., Ehud, Saul), it was also the nadir of covenant unfaithfulness, in contrast to Judah (see 20:18). Like Judah in its first battle (1:4-8), Benjamin faced challenges from a great people dwelling in a great city, but Benjamin settled for sharing the city with them. Reference to the Lord’s personal presence is absent (cp. 1:19, 22). The Jebusite city remained in Canaanite hands until David’s day. • The phrase to this d...","summary_en":"1:21 Though the tribe of Benjamin produced more than its share of heroes (e.g., Ehud, Saul), it was also the nadir of covenant unfaithfulness, in contrast to Judah (see 20:18). Like Judah in its first battle (1:4-8), Benjamin faced challenges from a great people dwelling in a great city, but Benjamin settled for sharing the city with them. Reference to the Lord’s personal presence is absent (cp. 1:19, 22). The Jebusite city remained in Canaanite hands until David’s day. • The phrase to this d...","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73306,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:21","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:21","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:21-36<\/strong> The tribes of Israel failed to keep the covenant; their complacency was rebellion against the Lord, as the rest of the book of Judges shows.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:21-36<\/strong> The tribes of Israel failed to keep the covenant; their complacency was rebellion against the Lord, as the rest of the book of Judges shows.<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:21-36 The tribes of Israel failed to keep the covenant; their complacency was rebellion against the Lord, as the rest of the book of Judges shows.","summary_en":"1:21-36 The tribes of Israel failed to keep the covenant; their complacency was rebellion against the Lord, as the rest of the book of Judges shows.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73307,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:21","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:21","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:21<\/strong> Though <em>the tribe of Benjamin<\/em> produced more than its share of heroes (e.g., Ehud, Saul), it was also the nadir of covenant unfaithfulness, in contrast to Judah (see 20:18). Like Judah in its first battle (1:4-8), Benjamin faced challenges from a great people dwelling in a great city, but Benjamin settled for sharing the city with them. Reference to the Lord’s personal presence is absent (cp. 1:19, 22). The Jebusite city remained in Canaanite hands until David’s day. • The phrase <em>to this day<\/em> highlights either ongoing historical circumstances (here and 6:24) or the survival of certain customs to a later time (1:26; 10:4; 15:19; 18:12).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:21<\/strong> Though <em>the tribe of Benjamin<\/em> produced more than its share of heroes (e.g., Ehud, Saul), it was also the nadir of covenant unfaithfulness, in contrast to Judah (see 20:18). Like Judah in its first battle (1:4-8), Benjamin faced challenges from a great people dwelling in a great city, but Benjamin settled for sharing the city with them. Reference to the Lord’s personal presence is absent (cp. 1:19, 22). The Jebusite city remained in Canaanite hands until David’s day. • The phrase <em>to this day<\/em> highlights either ongoing historical circumstances (here and 6:24) or the survival of certain customs to a later time (1:26; 10:4; 15:19; 18:12).<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:21 Though the tribe of Benjamin produced more than its share of heroes (e.g., Ehud, Saul), it was also the nadir of covenant unfaithfulness, in contrast to Judah (see 20:18). Like Judah in its first battle (1:4-8), Benjamin faced challenges from a great people dwelling in a great city, but Benjamin settled for sharing the city with them. Reference to the Lord’s personal presence is absent (cp. 1:19, 22). The Jebusite city remained in Canaanite hands until David’s day. • The phrase to this d...","summary_en":"1:21 Though the tribe of Benjamin produced more than its share of heroes (e.g., Ehud, Saul), it was also the nadir of covenant unfaithfulness, in contrast to Judah (see 20:18). Like Judah in its first battle (1:4-8), Benjamin faced challenges from a great people dwelling in a great city, but Benjamin settled for sharing the city with them. Reference to the Lord’s personal presence is absent (cp. 1:19, 22). The Jebusite city remained in Canaanite hands until David’s day. • The phrase to this d...","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":100932,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:21","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:21","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:21-36<\/strong> The tribes of Israel failed to keep the covenant; their complacency was rebellion against the Lord, as the rest of the book of Judges shows.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:21-36<\/strong> The tribes of Israel failed to keep the covenant; their complacency was rebellion against the Lord, as the rest of the book of Judges shows.<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:21-36 The tribes of Israel failed to keep the covenant; their complacency was rebellion against the Lord, as the rest of the book of Judges shows.","summary_en":"1:21-36 The tribes of Israel failed to keep the covenant; their complacency was rebellion against the Lord, as the rest of the book of Judges shows.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":100933,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:21","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:21","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:21<\/strong> Though <em>the tribe of Benjamin<\/em> produced more than its share of heroes (e.g., Ehud, Saul), it was also the nadir of covenant unfaithfulness, in contrast to Judah (see 20:18). Like Judah in its first battle (1:4-8), Benjamin faced challenges from a great people dwelling in a great city, but Benjamin settled for sharing the city with them. Reference to the Lord’s personal presence is absent (cp. 1:19, 22). The Jebusite city remained in Canaanite hands until David’s day. • The phrase <em>to this day<\/em> highlights either ongoing historical circumstances (here and 6:24) or the survival of certain customs to a later time (1:26; 10:4; 15:19; 18:12).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:21<\/strong> Though <em>the tribe of Benjamin<\/em> produced more than its share of heroes (e.g., Ehud, Saul), it was also the nadir of covenant unfaithfulness, in contrast to Judah (see 20:18). Like Judah in its first battle (1:4-8), Benjamin faced challenges from a great people dwelling in a great city, but Benjamin settled for sharing the city with them. Reference to the Lord’s personal presence is absent (cp. 1:19, 22). The Jebusite city remained in Canaanite hands until David’s day. • The phrase <em>to this day<\/em> highlights either ongoing historical circumstances (here and 6:24) or the survival of certain customs to a later time (1:26; 10:4; 15:19; 18:12).<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:21 Though the tribe of Benjamin produced more than its share of heroes (e.g., Ehud, Saul), it was also the nadir of covenant unfaithfulness, in contrast to Judah (see 20:18). Like Judah in its first battle (1:4-8), Benjamin faced challenges from a great people dwelling in a great city, but Benjamin settled for sharing the city with them. Reference to the Lord’s personal presence is absent (cp. 1:19, 22). The Jebusite city remained in Canaanite hands until David’s day. • The phrase to this d...","summary_en":"1:21 Though the tribe of Benjamin produced more than its share of heroes (e.g., Ehud, Saul), it was also the nadir of covenant unfaithfulness, in contrast to Judah (see 20:18). Like Judah in its first battle (1:4-8), Benjamin faced challenges from a great people dwelling in a great city, but Benjamin settled for sharing the city with them. Reference to the Lord’s personal presence is absent (cp. 1:19, 22). The Jebusite city remained in Canaanite hands until David’s day. • The phrase to this d...","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128558,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:21","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:21","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:21-36<\/strong> The tribes of Israel failed to keep the covenant; their complacency was rebellion against the Lord, as the rest of the book of Judges shows.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:21-36<\/strong> The tribes of Israel failed to keep the covenant; their complacency was rebellion against the Lord, as the rest of the book of Judges shows.<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:21-36 The tribes of Israel failed to keep the covenant; their complacency was rebellion against the Lord, as the rest of the book of Judges shows.","summary_en":"1:21-36 The tribes of Israel failed to keep the covenant; their complacency was rebellion against the Lord, as the rest of the book of Judges shows.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128559,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:21","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:21","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:21<\/strong> Though <em>the tribe of Benjamin<\/em> produced more than its share of heroes (e.g., Ehud, Saul), it was also the nadir of covenant unfaithfulness, in contrast to Judah (see 20:18). Like Judah in its first battle (1:4-8), Benjamin faced challenges from a great people dwelling in a great city, but Benjamin settled for sharing the city with them. Reference to the Lord’s personal presence is absent (cp. 1:19, 22). The Jebusite city remained in Canaanite hands until David’s day. • The phrase <em>to this day<\/em> highlights either ongoing historical circumstances (here and 6:24) or the survival of certain customs to a later time (1:26; 10:4; 15:19; 18:12).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:21<\/strong> Though <em>the tribe of Benjamin<\/em> produced more than its share of heroes (e.g., Ehud, Saul), it was also the nadir of covenant unfaithfulness, in contrast to Judah (see 20:18). Like Judah in its first battle (1:4-8), Benjamin faced challenges from a great people dwelling in a great city, but Benjamin settled for sharing the city with them. Reference to the Lord’s personal presence is absent (cp. 1:19, 22). The Jebusite city remained in Canaanite hands until David’s day. • The phrase <em>to this day<\/em> highlights either ongoing historical circumstances (here and 6:24) or the survival of certain customs to a later time (1:26; 10:4; 15:19; 18:12).<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:21 Though the tribe of Benjamin produced more than its share of heroes (e.g., Ehud, Saul), it was also the nadir of covenant unfaithfulness, in contrast to Judah (see 20:18). Like Judah in its first battle (1:4-8), Benjamin faced challenges from a great people dwelling in a great city, but Benjamin settled for sharing the city with them. Reference to the Lord’s personal presence is absent (cp. 1:19, 22). The Jebusite city remained in Canaanite hands until David’s day. • The phrase to this d...","summary_en":"1:21 Though the tribe of Benjamin produced more than its share of heroes (e.g., Ehud, Saul), it was also the nadir of covenant unfaithfulness, in contrast to Judah (see 20:18). Like Judah in its first battle (1:4-8), Benjamin faced challenges from a great people dwelling in a great city, but Benjamin settled for sharing the city with them. Reference to the Lord’s personal presence is absent (cp. 1:19, 22). The Jebusite city remained in Canaanite hands until David’s day. • The phrase to this d...","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":61404,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"Jerusalem","title_en":"Jerusalem","content_ro":"<h3>Jerusalem<\/h3>\n<p>Jerusalem was a functioning city as early as four hundred years before the time of David. It was never fully captured during the conquest and the period of the judges (Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21), and peaceful relations were evidently established between the autonomous Jebusite enclave and the surrounding Israelites (Judg 19:10-12). So impregnable was Jerusalem that the Old Testament records only three successful invaders: David, Jehoash (2 Kgs 14:11-14), and Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon (2 Kgs 25:1-10).<\/p>\n<p>Whatever David’s method of capturing Jerusalem (his use of a water tunnel is debatable—see study note on 5:8), he secured Jerusalem as the political, and eventually spiritual, capital of Israel. Psalm 48 speaks beautifully and powerfully of Jerusalem as a fortress. Its towers, bulwarks, and easily defensible citadels with their rugged terrain could produce a false sense of security, if not idolatry. Psalm 48:1-3 reminds the reader that God’s living presence, not the topography of the city, made Jerusalem safe.<\/p>\n<p>Both the Old Testament and the New Testament call Jerusalem a “holy city” (see Neh 11:1, 18; Isa 52:1; Dan 9:24; Matt 4:5; 27:53; Rev 21:2). It is the only city so described in the Bible. Wherein lies this city’s holiness? It cannot be a reflection of the holiness of its occupants. In fact, so unholy was the populace that the city was decimated by the Babylonians in 586 <span>BC<\/span>. Nor was it a holy city because it was Israel’s capital for several centuries. Jerusalem was a holy city, first of all, because God chose it (1 Kgs 8:44, 48; 11:13, 32, 36; 2 Chr 6:5, 34). And because he chose it, he put his glory and his name there (see 1 Kgs 14:21; 2 Chr 12:13; Ezek 8–10; 43:1-27).<\/p>\n<p>In the Gospels and Acts, Jerusalem was still a city of great importance. Herod the Great (37–4 <span>BC<\/span>) had expanded the city and conducted extensive building projects—including the Temple. It remained the center of Israel’s spiritual life (see e.g., Acts 2:46; 3:1-26; 5:12), and many events in the lives of Jesus and his followers occurred in Jerusalem. Jesus had some harsh words for Jerusalem (see Matt 23:37-39)—especially its leadership—and he was eventually put to death there. Jesus warned of impending judgment on the city (see Mark 13:1-2; Luke 21:20-24), and his words were actualized in the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans in <span>AD<\/span> 70.<\/p>\n<p>But the New Testament also introduces the new Jerusalem, the heavenly city comprised of God’s holy people (Heb 11:10; Rev 3:12; 21:2). As the earthly Jerusalem was the sphere in which the glorious presence and reign of God was partially actualized through King David and his successors, the new Jerusalem represents the government of Jesus Christ, the son of David, and his everlasting presence with his people (cp. John 1:14; Rev 21:3).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21; 2 Sam 5:6-9; 1 Kgs 8:1; 2 Kgs 18:13-17; 25:1-10; 2 Chr 3:1; 12:1-12; 26:9, 15; 32:1-5, 27-30; Ezra 1:1-6; Neh 1:1–6:19; Ps 48:1-3; 125:2; Isa 14:32; 52:1-3; Gal 4:25-26; Heb 12:22-24<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Jerusalem<\/h3>\n<p>Jerusalem was a functioning city as early as four hundred years before the time of David. It was never fully captured during the conquest and the period of the judges (Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21), and peaceful relations were evidently established between the autonomous Jebusite enclave and the surrounding Israelites (Judg 19:10-12). So impregnable was Jerusalem that the Old Testament records only three successful invaders: David, Jehoash (2 Kgs 14:11-14), and Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon (2 Kgs 25:1-10).<\/p>\n<p>Whatever David’s method of capturing Jerusalem (his use of a water tunnel is debatable—see study note on 5:8), he secured Jerusalem as the political, and eventually spiritual, capital of Israel. Psalm 48 speaks beautifully and powerfully of Jerusalem as a fortress. Its towers, bulwarks, and easily defensible citadels with their rugged terrain could produce a false sense of security, if not idolatry. Psalm 48:1-3 reminds the reader that God’s living presence, not the topography of the city, made Jerusalem safe.<\/p>\n<p>Both the Old Testament and the New Testament call Jerusalem a “holy city” (see Neh 11:1, 18; Isa 52:1; Dan 9:24; Matt 4:5; 27:53; Rev 21:2). It is the only city so described in the Bible. Wherein lies this city’s holiness? It cannot be a reflection of the holiness of its occupants. In fact, so unholy was the populace that the city was decimated by the Babylonians in 586 <span>BC<\/span>. Nor was it a holy city because it was Israel’s capital for several centuries. Jerusalem was a holy city, first of all, because God chose it (1 Kgs 8:44, 48; 11:13, 32, 36; 2 Chr 6:5, 34). And because he chose it, he put his glory and his name there (see 1 Kgs 14:21; 2 Chr 12:13; Ezek 8–10; 43:1-27).<\/p>\n<p>In the Gospels and Acts, Jerusalem was still a city of great importance. Herod the Great (37–4 <span>BC<\/span>) had expanded the city and conducted extensive building projects—including the Temple. It remained the center of Israel’s spiritual life (see e.g., Acts 2:46; 3:1-26; 5:12), and many events in the lives of Jesus and his followers occurred in Jerusalem. Jesus had some harsh words for Jerusalem (see Matt 23:37-39)—especially its leadership—and he was eventually put to death there. Jesus warned of impending judgment on the city (see Mark 13:1-2; Luke 21:20-24), and his words were actualized in the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans in <span>AD<\/span> 70.<\/p>\n<p>But the New Testament also introduces the new Jerusalem, the heavenly city comprised of God’s holy people (Heb 11:10; Rev 3:12; 21:2). As the earthly Jerusalem was the sphere in which the glorious presence and reign of God was partially actualized through King David and his successors, the new Jerusalem represents the government of Jesus Christ, the son of David, and his everlasting presence with his people (cp. John 1:14; Rev 21:3).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21; 2 Sam 5:6-9; 1 Kgs 8:1; 2 Kgs 18:13-17; 25:1-10; 2 Chr 3:1; 12:1-12; 26:9, 15; 32:1-5, 27-30; Ezra 1:1-6; Neh 1:1–6:19; Ps 48:1-3; 125:2; Isa 14:32; 52:1-3; Gal 4:25-26; Heb 12:22-24<\/p>","summary_ro":"Jerusalem Jerusalem was a functioning city as early as four hundred years before the time of David. It was never fully captured during the conquest and the period of the judges (Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21), and peaceful relations were evidently established between the autonomous Jebusite enclave and the surrounding Israelites (Judg 19:10-12). So impregnable was Jerusalem that the Old Testament records only three successful invaders: David, Jehoash (2 Kgs 14:11-14), and Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon...","summary_en":"Jerusalem Jerusalem was a functioning city as early as four hundred years before the time of David. It was never fully captured during the conquest and the period of the judges (Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21), and peaceful relations were evidently established between the autonomous Jebusite enclave and the surrounding Israelites (Judg 19:10-12). So impregnable was Jerusalem that the Old Testament records only three successful invaders: David, Jehoash (2 Kgs 14:11-14), and Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":89030,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"Jerusalem","title_en":"Jerusalem","content_ro":"<h3>Jerusalem<\/h3>\n<p>Jerusalem was a functioning city as early as four hundred years before the time of David. It was never fully captured during the conquest and the period of the judges (Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21), and peaceful relations were evidently established between the autonomous Jebusite enclave and the surrounding Israelites (Judg 19:10-12). So impregnable was Jerusalem that the Old Testament records only three successful invaders: David, Jehoash (2 Kgs 14:11-14), and Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon (2 Kgs 25:1-10).<\/p>\n<p>Whatever David’s method of capturing Jerusalem (his use of a water tunnel is debatable—see study note on 5:8), he secured Jerusalem as the political, and eventually spiritual, capital of Israel. Psalm 48 speaks beautifully and powerfully of Jerusalem as a fortress. Its towers, bulwarks, and easily defensible citadels with their rugged terrain could produce a false sense of security, if not idolatry. Psalm 48:1-3 reminds the reader that God’s living presence, not the topography of the city, made Jerusalem safe.<\/p>\n<p>Both the Old Testament and the New Testament call Jerusalem a “holy city” (see Neh 11:1, 18; Isa 52:1; Dan 9:24; Matt 4:5; 27:53; Rev 21:2). It is the only city so described in the Bible. Wherein lies this city’s holiness? It cannot be a reflection of the holiness of its occupants. In fact, so unholy was the populace that the city was decimated by the Babylonians in 586 <span>BC<\/span>. Nor was it a holy city because it was Israel’s capital for several centuries. Jerusalem was a holy city, first of all, because God chose it (1 Kgs 8:44, 48; 11:13, 32, 36; 2 Chr 6:5, 34). And because he chose it, he put his glory and his name there (see 1 Kgs 14:21; 2 Chr 12:13; Ezek 8–10; 43:1-27).<\/p>\n<p>In the Gospels and Acts, Jerusalem was still a city of great importance. Herod the Great (37–4 <span>BC<\/span>) had expanded the city and conducted extensive building projects—including the Temple. It remained the center of Israel’s spiritual life (see e.g., Acts 2:46; 3:1-26; 5:12), and many events in the lives of Jesus and his followers occurred in Jerusalem. Jesus had some harsh words for Jerusalem (see Matt 23:37-39)—especially its leadership—and he was eventually put to death there. Jesus warned of impending judgment on the city (see Mark 13:1-2; Luke 21:20-24), and his words were actualized in the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans in <span>AD<\/span> 70.<\/p>\n<p>But the New Testament also introduces the new Jerusalem, the heavenly city comprised of God’s holy people (Heb 11:10; Rev 3:12; 21:2). As the earthly Jerusalem was the sphere in which the glorious presence and reign of God was partially actualized through King David and his successors, the new Jerusalem represents the government of Jesus Christ, the son of David, and his everlasting presence with his people (cp. John 1:14; Rev 21:3).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21; 2 Sam 5:6-9; 1 Kgs 8:1; 2 Kgs 18:13-17; 25:1-10; 2 Chr 3:1; 12:1-12; 26:9, 15; 32:1-5, 27-30; Ezra 1:1-6; Neh 1:1–6:19; Ps 48:1-3; 125:2; Isa 14:32; 52:1-3; Gal 4:25-26; Heb 12:22-24<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Jerusalem<\/h3>\n<p>Jerusalem was a functioning city as early as four hundred years before the time of David. It was never fully captured during the conquest and the period of the judges (Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21), and peaceful relations were evidently established between the autonomous Jebusite enclave and the surrounding Israelites (Judg 19:10-12). So impregnable was Jerusalem that the Old Testament records only three successful invaders: David, Jehoash (2 Kgs 14:11-14), and Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon (2 Kgs 25:1-10).<\/p>\n<p>Whatever David’s method of capturing Jerusalem (his use of a water tunnel is debatable—see study note on 5:8), he secured Jerusalem as the political, and eventually spiritual, capital of Israel. Psalm 48 speaks beautifully and powerfully of Jerusalem as a fortress. Its towers, bulwarks, and easily defensible citadels with their rugged terrain could produce a false sense of security, if not idolatry. Psalm 48:1-3 reminds the reader that God’s living presence, not the topography of the city, made Jerusalem safe.<\/p>\n<p>Both the Old Testament and the New Testament call Jerusalem a “holy city” (see Neh 11:1, 18; Isa 52:1; Dan 9:24; Matt 4:5; 27:53; Rev 21:2). It is the only city so described in the Bible. Wherein lies this city’s holiness? It cannot be a reflection of the holiness of its occupants. In fact, so unholy was the populace that the city was decimated by the Babylonians in 586 <span>BC<\/span>. Nor was it a holy city because it was Israel’s capital for several centuries. Jerusalem was a holy city, first of all, because God chose it (1 Kgs 8:44, 48; 11:13, 32, 36; 2 Chr 6:5, 34). And because he chose it, he put his glory and his name there (see 1 Kgs 14:21; 2 Chr 12:13; Ezek 8–10; 43:1-27).<\/p>\n<p>In the Gospels and Acts, Jerusalem was still a city of great importance. Herod the Great (37–4 <span>BC<\/span>) had expanded the city and conducted extensive building projects—including the Temple. It remained the center of Israel’s spiritual life (see e.g., Acts 2:46; 3:1-26; 5:12), and many events in the lives of Jesus and his followers occurred in Jerusalem. Jesus had some harsh words for Jerusalem (see Matt 23:37-39)—especially its leadership—and he was eventually put to death there. Jesus warned of impending judgment on the city (see Mark 13:1-2; Luke 21:20-24), and his words were actualized in the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans in <span>AD<\/span> 70.<\/p>\n<p>But the New Testament also introduces the new Jerusalem, the heavenly city comprised of God’s holy people (Heb 11:10; Rev 3:12; 21:2). As the earthly Jerusalem was the sphere in which the glorious presence and reign of God was partially actualized through King David and his successors, the new Jerusalem represents the government of Jesus Christ, the son of David, and his everlasting presence with his people (cp. John 1:14; Rev 21:3).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21; 2 Sam 5:6-9; 1 Kgs 8:1; 2 Kgs 18:13-17; 25:1-10; 2 Chr 3:1; 12:1-12; 26:9, 15; 32:1-5, 27-30; Ezra 1:1-6; Neh 1:1–6:19; Ps 48:1-3; 125:2; Isa 14:32; 52:1-3; Gal 4:25-26; Heb 12:22-24<\/p>","summary_ro":"Jerusalem Jerusalem was a functioning city as early as four hundred years before the time of David. It was never fully captured during the conquest and the period of the judges (Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21), and peaceful relations were evidently established between the autonomous Jebusite enclave and the surrounding Israelites (Judg 19:10-12). So impregnable was Jerusalem that the Old Testament records only three successful invaders: David, Jehoash (2 Kgs 14:11-14), and Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon...","summary_en":"Jerusalem Jerusalem was a functioning city as early as four hundred years before the time of David. It was never fully captured during the conquest and the period of the judges (Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21), and peaceful relations were evidently established between the autonomous Jebusite enclave and the surrounding Israelites (Judg 19:10-12). So impregnable was Jerusalem that the Old Testament records only three successful invaders: David, Jehoash (2 Kgs 14:11-14), and Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":116656,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"Jerusalem","title_en":"Jerusalem","content_ro":"<h3>Jerusalem<\/h3>\n<p>Jerusalem was a functioning city as early as four hundred years before the time of David. It was never fully captured during the conquest and the period of the judges (Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21), and peaceful relations were evidently established between the autonomous Jebusite enclave and the surrounding Israelites (Judg 19:10-12). So impregnable was Jerusalem that the Old Testament records only three successful invaders: David, Jehoash (2 Kgs 14:11-14), and Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon (2 Kgs 25:1-10).<\/p>\n<p>Whatever David’s method of capturing Jerusalem (his use of a water tunnel is debatable—see study note on 5:8), he secured Jerusalem as the political, and eventually spiritual, capital of Israel. Psalm 48 speaks beautifully and powerfully of Jerusalem as a fortress. Its towers, bulwarks, and easily defensible citadels with their rugged terrain could produce a false sense of security, if not idolatry. Psalm 48:1-3 reminds the reader that God’s living presence, not the topography of the city, made Jerusalem safe.<\/p>\n<p>Both the Old Testament and the New Testament call Jerusalem a “holy city” (see Neh 11:1, 18; Isa 52:1; Dan 9:24; Matt 4:5; 27:53; Rev 21:2). It is the only city so described in the Bible. Wherein lies this city’s holiness? It cannot be a reflection of the holiness of its occupants. In fact, so unholy was the populace that the city was decimated by the Babylonians in 586 <span>BC<\/span>. Nor was it a holy city because it was Israel’s capital for several centuries. Jerusalem was a holy city, first of all, because God chose it (1 Kgs 8:44, 48; 11:13, 32, 36; 2 Chr 6:5, 34). And because he chose it, he put his glory and his name there (see 1 Kgs 14:21; 2 Chr 12:13; Ezek 8–10; 43:1-27).<\/p>\n<p>In the Gospels and Acts, Jerusalem was still a city of great importance. Herod the Great (37–4 <span>BC<\/span>) had expanded the city and conducted extensive building projects—including the Temple. It remained the center of Israel’s spiritual life (see e.g., Acts 2:46; 3:1-26; 5:12), and many events in the lives of Jesus and his followers occurred in Jerusalem. Jesus had some harsh words for Jerusalem (see Matt 23:37-39)—especially its leadership—and he was eventually put to death there. Jesus warned of impending judgment on the city (see Mark 13:1-2; Luke 21:20-24), and his words were actualized in the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans in <span>AD<\/span> 70.<\/p>\n<p>But the New Testament also introduces the new Jerusalem, the heavenly city comprised of God’s holy people (Heb 11:10; Rev 3:12; 21:2). As the earthly Jerusalem was the sphere in which the glorious presence and reign of God was partially actualized through King David and his successors, the new Jerusalem represents the government of Jesus Christ, the son of David, and his everlasting presence with his people (cp. John 1:14; Rev 21:3).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21; 2 Sam 5:6-9; 1 Kgs 8:1; 2 Kgs 18:13-17; 25:1-10; 2 Chr 3:1; 12:1-12; 26:9, 15; 32:1-5, 27-30; Ezra 1:1-6; Neh 1:1–6:19; Ps 48:1-3; 125:2; Isa 14:32; 52:1-3; Gal 4:25-26; Heb 12:22-24<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Jerusalem<\/h3>\n<p>Jerusalem was a functioning city as early as four hundred years before the time of David. It was never fully captured during the conquest and the period of the judges (Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21), and peaceful relations were evidently established between the autonomous Jebusite enclave and the surrounding Israelites (Judg 19:10-12). So impregnable was Jerusalem that the Old Testament records only three successful invaders: David, Jehoash (2 Kgs 14:11-14), and Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon (2 Kgs 25:1-10).<\/p>\n<p>Whatever David’s method of capturing Jerusalem (his use of a water tunnel is debatable—see study note on 5:8), he secured Jerusalem as the political, and eventually spiritual, capital of Israel. Psalm 48 speaks beautifully and powerfully of Jerusalem as a fortress. Its towers, bulwarks, and easily defensible citadels with their rugged terrain could produce a false sense of security, if not idolatry. Psalm 48:1-3 reminds the reader that God’s living presence, not the topography of the city, made Jerusalem safe.<\/p>\n<p>Both the Old Testament and the New Testament call Jerusalem a “holy city” (see Neh 11:1, 18; Isa 52:1; Dan 9:24; Matt 4:5; 27:53; Rev 21:2). It is the only city so described in the Bible. Wherein lies this city’s holiness? It cannot be a reflection of the holiness of its occupants. In fact, so unholy was the populace that the city was decimated by the Babylonians in 586 <span>BC<\/span>. Nor was it a holy city because it was Israel’s capital for several centuries. Jerusalem was a holy city, first of all, because God chose it (1 Kgs 8:44, 48; 11:13, 32, 36; 2 Chr 6:5, 34). And because he chose it, he put his glory and his name there (see 1 Kgs 14:21; 2 Chr 12:13; Ezek 8–10; 43:1-27).<\/p>\n<p>In the Gospels and Acts, Jerusalem was still a city of great importance. Herod the Great (37–4 <span>BC<\/span>) had expanded the city and conducted extensive building projects—including the Temple. It remained the center of Israel’s spiritual life (see e.g., Acts 2:46; 3:1-26; 5:12), and many events in the lives of Jesus and his followers occurred in Jerusalem. Jesus had some harsh words for Jerusalem (see Matt 23:37-39)—especially its leadership—and he was eventually put to death there. Jesus warned of impending judgment on the city (see Mark 13:1-2; Luke 21:20-24), and his words were actualized in the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans in <span>AD<\/span> 70.<\/p>\n<p>But the New Testament also introduces the new Jerusalem, the heavenly city comprised of God’s holy people (Heb 11:10; Rev 3:12; 21:2). As the earthly Jerusalem was the sphere in which the glorious presence and reign of God was partially actualized through King David and his successors, the new Jerusalem represents the government of Jesus Christ, the son of David, and his everlasting presence with his people (cp. John 1:14; Rev 21:3).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21; 2 Sam 5:6-9; 1 Kgs 8:1; 2 Kgs 18:13-17; 25:1-10; 2 Chr 3:1; 12:1-12; 26:9, 15; 32:1-5, 27-30; Ezra 1:1-6; Neh 1:1–6:19; Ps 48:1-3; 125:2; Isa 14:32; 52:1-3; Gal 4:25-26; Heb 12:22-24<\/p>","summary_ro":"Jerusalem Jerusalem was a functioning city as early as four hundred years before the time of David. It was never fully captured during the conquest and the period of the judges (Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21), and peaceful relations were evidently established between the autonomous Jebusite enclave and the surrounding Israelites (Judg 19:10-12). So impregnable was Jerusalem that the Old Testament records only three successful invaders: David, Jehoash (2 Kgs 14:11-14), and Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon...","summary_en":"Jerusalem Jerusalem was a functioning city as early as four hundred years before the time of David. It was never fully captured during the conquest and the period of the judges (Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21), and peaceful relations were evidently established between the autonomous Jebusite enclave and the surrounding Israelites (Judg 19:10-12). So impregnable was Jerusalem that the Old Testament records only three successful invaders: David, Jehoash (2 Kgs 14:11-14), and Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":144282,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"Jerusalem","title_en":"Jerusalem","content_ro":"<h3>Jerusalem<\/h3>\n<p>Jerusalem was a functioning city as early as four hundred years before the time of David. It was never fully captured during the conquest and the period of the judges (Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21), and peaceful relations were evidently established between the autonomous Jebusite enclave and the surrounding Israelites (Judg 19:10-12). So impregnable was Jerusalem that the Old Testament records only three successful invaders: David, Jehoash (2 Kgs 14:11-14), and Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon (2 Kgs 25:1-10).<\/p>\n<p>Whatever David’s method of capturing Jerusalem (his use of a water tunnel is debatable—see study note on 5:8), he secured Jerusalem as the political, and eventually spiritual, capital of Israel. Psalm 48 speaks beautifully and powerfully of Jerusalem as a fortress. Its towers, bulwarks, and easily defensible citadels with their rugged terrain could produce a false sense of security, if not idolatry. Psalm 48:1-3 reminds the reader that God’s living presence, not the topography of the city, made Jerusalem safe.<\/p>\n<p>Both the Old Testament and the New Testament call Jerusalem a “holy city” (see Neh 11:1, 18; Isa 52:1; Dan 9:24; Matt 4:5; 27:53; Rev 21:2). It is the only city so described in the Bible. Wherein lies this city’s holiness? It cannot be a reflection of the holiness of its occupants. In fact, so unholy was the populace that the city was decimated by the Babylonians in 586 <span>BC<\/span>. Nor was it a holy city because it was Israel’s capital for several centuries. Jerusalem was a holy city, first of all, because God chose it (1 Kgs 8:44, 48; 11:13, 32, 36; 2 Chr 6:5, 34). And because he chose it, he put his glory and his name there (see 1 Kgs 14:21; 2 Chr 12:13; Ezek 8–10; 43:1-27).<\/p>\n<p>In the Gospels and Acts, Jerusalem was still a city of great importance. Herod the Great (37–4 <span>BC<\/span>) had expanded the city and conducted extensive building projects—including the Temple. It remained the center of Israel’s spiritual life (see e.g., Acts 2:46; 3:1-26; 5:12), and many events in the lives of Jesus and his followers occurred in Jerusalem. Jesus had some harsh words for Jerusalem (see Matt 23:37-39)—especially its leadership—and he was eventually put to death there. Jesus warned of impending judgment on the city (see Mark 13:1-2; Luke 21:20-24), and his words were actualized in the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans in <span>AD<\/span> 70.<\/p>\n<p>But the New Testament also introduces the new Jerusalem, the heavenly city comprised of God’s holy people (Heb 11:10; Rev 3:12; 21:2). As the earthly Jerusalem was the sphere in which the glorious presence and reign of God was partially actualized through King David and his successors, the new Jerusalem represents the government of Jesus Christ, the son of David, and his everlasting presence with his people (cp. John 1:14; Rev 21:3).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21; 2 Sam 5:6-9; 1 Kgs 8:1; 2 Kgs 18:13-17; 25:1-10; 2 Chr 3:1; 12:1-12; 26:9, 15; 32:1-5, 27-30; Ezra 1:1-6; Neh 1:1–6:19; Ps 48:1-3; 125:2; Isa 14:32; 52:1-3; Gal 4:25-26; Heb 12:22-24<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Jerusalem<\/h3>\n<p>Jerusalem was a functioning city as early as four hundred years before the time of David. It was never fully captured during the conquest and the period of the judges (Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21), and peaceful relations were evidently established between the autonomous Jebusite enclave and the surrounding Israelites (Judg 19:10-12). So impregnable was Jerusalem that the Old Testament records only three successful invaders: David, Jehoash (2 Kgs 14:11-14), and Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon (2 Kgs 25:1-10).<\/p>\n<p>Whatever David’s method of capturing Jerusalem (his use of a water tunnel is debatable—see study note on 5:8), he secured Jerusalem as the political, and eventually spiritual, capital of Israel. Psalm 48 speaks beautifully and powerfully of Jerusalem as a fortress. Its towers, bulwarks, and easily defensible citadels with their rugged terrain could produce a false sense of security, if not idolatry. Psalm 48:1-3 reminds the reader that God’s living presence, not the topography of the city, made Jerusalem safe.<\/p>\n<p>Both the Old Testament and the New Testament call Jerusalem a “holy city” (see Neh 11:1, 18; Isa 52:1; Dan 9:24; Matt 4:5; 27:53; Rev 21:2). It is the only city so described in the Bible. Wherein lies this city’s holiness? It cannot be a reflection of the holiness of its occupants. In fact, so unholy was the populace that the city was decimated by the Babylonians in 586 <span>BC<\/span>. Nor was it a holy city because it was Israel’s capital for several centuries. Jerusalem was a holy city, first of all, because God chose it (1 Kgs 8:44, 48; 11:13, 32, 36; 2 Chr 6:5, 34). And because he chose it, he put his glory and his name there (see 1 Kgs 14:21; 2 Chr 12:13; Ezek 8–10; 43:1-27).<\/p>\n<p>In the Gospels and Acts, Jerusalem was still a city of great importance. Herod the Great (37–4 <span>BC<\/span>) had expanded the city and conducted extensive building projects—including the Temple. It remained the center of Israel’s spiritual life (see e.g., Acts 2:46; 3:1-26; 5:12), and many events in the lives of Jesus and his followers occurred in Jerusalem. Jesus had some harsh words for Jerusalem (see Matt 23:37-39)—especially its leadership—and he was eventually put to death there. Jesus warned of impending judgment on the city (see Mark 13:1-2; Luke 21:20-24), and his words were actualized in the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans in <span>AD<\/span> 70.<\/p>\n<p>But the New Testament also introduces the new Jerusalem, the heavenly city comprised of God’s holy people (Heb 11:10; Rev 3:12; 21:2). As the earthly Jerusalem was the sphere in which the glorious presence and reign of God was partially actualized through King David and his successors, the new Jerusalem represents the government of Jesus Christ, the son of David, and his everlasting presence with his people (cp. John 1:14; Rev 21:3).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21; 2 Sam 5:6-9; 1 Kgs 8:1; 2 Kgs 18:13-17; 25:1-10; 2 Chr 3:1; 12:1-12; 26:9, 15; 32:1-5, 27-30; Ezra 1:1-6; Neh 1:1–6:19; Ps 48:1-3; 125:2; Isa 14:32; 52:1-3; Gal 4:25-26; Heb 12:22-24<\/p>","summary_ro":"Jerusalem Jerusalem was a functioning city as early as four hundred years before the time of David. It was never fully captured during the conquest and the period of the judges (Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21), and peaceful relations were evidently established between the autonomous Jebusite enclave and the surrounding Israelites (Judg 19:10-12). So impregnable was Jerusalem that the Old Testament records only three successful invaders: David, Jehoash (2 Kgs 14:11-14), and Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon...","summary_en":"Jerusalem Jerusalem was a functioning city as early as four hundred years before the time of David. It was never fully captured during the conquest and the period of the judges (Josh 15:63; Judg 1:8, 21), and peaceful relations were evidently established between the autonomous Jebusite enclave and the surrounding Israelites (Judg 19:10-12). So impregnable was Jerusalem that the Old Testament records only three successful invaders: David, Jehoash (2 Kgs 14:11-14), and Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"22":[{"id":4445,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Bethelite* Bethel (Place)","title_en":"Bethelite*, Bethel (Place)","content_ro":"<h3>BETHEL (P<span>lace<\/span>), BETHELITE*<\/h3>\n<li>1. Important OT city located about 11 miles (17.7 kilometers) north of Jerusalem on the north-south ridge road at the tribal borders of Benjamin and Ephraim (Jos 16:1-2; 18:13). Hiel, a resident of the city, is referred to as a Bethelite in 1 Kings 16:34 (<span>kjv<\/span>). As a trading center, Bethel attracted merchandise both from the Mediterranean coast and from Transjordan via Jericho. Although the site was located in dry hill country, several springs supplied ample water for its inhabitants (the oldest artifact recovered from the site is a water jar dating from about 3500 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/li>\n<p>The name of Bethel, meaning “house of El (god),” may have been used as early as the fourth millennium <span>BC<\/span> by Canaanites in the area. Archaeological excavations at Chalcolithic levels (i.e., between the Stone Age and the Bronze Age) indicate that pagan worship of the Canaanite deity El took place on top of the hill at that early period. The patriarch Jacob named the place Bethel, or gave the old name new significance, after having a dream from God there (Gn 28:10-22). The site was said to be known as Bethel to the patriarch Abraham (12:8); that designation, however, could be a scribal updating of a more ancient local name, since Bethel had earlier been known as Luz (28:19). Possibly the sanctuary was known as Bethel, the nearby settlement as Luz. No doubt the name Bethel was firmly established by the beginning of the intermediate Bronze Age (c. 2200 <span>BC<\/span>) and remained throughout its history. An OT passage mentioning both names records that a man from Luz founded another city of that name in Hittite territory (Jgs 1:26).<\/p>\n<p>Although Bethel was assigned to Benjamin’s tribe, Ephraim’s tribe actually captured Bethel from its Canaanite fortress in their own territory (Jgs 1:22-26; 1 Chr 7:28). Under the judges, the ark of the covenant was located at Bethel, where the normal functions of Israelite worship were carried out; the ark was superintended by the high priest Phinehas, son of Eleazar (Jgs 20:18-28; 21:2-4). There is no archaeological evidence of Philistine occupation of Bethel in the time of the judges; in the days of King Saul it was bypassed when other Israelite centers were being attacked (cf. 1 Sm 12–14). Archaeological discoveries indicate that Bethel flourished in the early reign of Saul but declined when he made Gibeah his capital city.<\/p>\n<p>When Israel and Judah became separate entities in the time of Jeroboam I (930–909 <span>BC<\/span>), Bethel returned to prominence as the capital of the northern kingdom of Israel, thus becoming the counterpart of Judah’s capital, Jerusalem. Bethel was one of two northern cities where golden calves were worshiped (1 Kgs 12:28-33); the sanctuary area for that cultic practice has not been discovered. The city was the home of an elderly prophet (13:11) who may have been connected with the prophetic colony existing there in the time of Elijah and Elisha (2 Kgs 2:2-3). During the reign of Judah’s King Abijah (913–910 <span>BC<\/span>), Bethel fell under Judah’s control (2 Chr 13:19) but later was returned to Israel. The prophet Amos went to Bethel to deliver scathing denunciations about contemporary social and religious life in Israel, for which the priest Amaziah had him expelled (Am 7:10-13).<\/p>\n<p>There is no archaeological evidence that Bethel was destroyed during the Assyrian conquest of Israel (722 <span>BC<\/span>). In fact, one of its deported priests was returned to Bethel to instruct Mesopotamian colonists in the ways of the Lord (2 Kgs 17:28). Under Judah’s King Josiah, the pagan shrine was demolished (23:15-20), but no damage was done to the city itself. Under either Nabonidus (555–539 <span>BC<\/span>) or Darius I (521–486 <span>BC<\/span>), however, the city was burned, so that by Ezra’s time Bethel had reverted to a small village settlement (Ezr 2:28).<\/p>\n<li>2. Alternate name for Bethuel, a town in Judah’s territory, in 1 Samuel 30:27. <em>See<\/em> Bethuel, Bethul (Place).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>BETHEL (P<span>lace<\/span>), BETHELITE*<\/h3>\n<li>1. Important OT city located about 11 miles (17.7 kilometers) north of Jerusalem on the north-south ridge road at the tribal borders of Benjamin and Ephraim (Jos 16:1-2; 18:13). Hiel, a resident of the city, is referred to as a Bethelite in 1 Kings 16:34 (<span>kjv<\/span>). As a trading center, Bethel attracted merchandise both from the Mediterranean coast and from Transjordan via Jericho. Although the site was located in dry hill country, several springs supplied ample water for its inhabitants (the oldest artifact recovered from the site is a water jar dating from about 3500 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/li>\n<p>The name of Bethel, meaning “house of El (god),” may have been used as early as the fourth millennium <span>BC<\/span> by Canaanites in the area. Archaeological excavations at Chalcolithic levels (i.e., between the Stone Age and the Bronze Age) indicate that pagan worship of the Canaanite deity El took place on top of the hill at that early period. The patriarch Jacob named the place Bethel, or gave the old name new significance, after having a dream from God there (Gn 28:10-22). The site was said to be known as Bethel to the patriarch Abraham (12:8); that designation, however, could be a scribal updating of a more ancient local name, since Bethel had earlier been known as Luz (28:19). Possibly the sanctuary was known as Bethel, the nearby settlement as Luz. No doubt the name Bethel was firmly established by the beginning of the intermediate Bronze Age (c. 2200 <span>BC<\/span>) and remained throughout its history. An OT passage mentioning both names records that a man from Luz founded another city of that name in Hittite territory (Jgs 1:26).<\/p>\n<p>Although Bethel was assigned to Benjamin’s tribe, Ephraim’s tribe actually captured Bethel from its Canaanite fortress in their own territory (Jgs 1:22-26; 1 Chr 7:28). Under the judges, the ark of the covenant was located at Bethel, where the normal functions of Israelite worship were carried out; the ark was superintended by the high priest Phinehas, son of Eleazar (Jgs 20:18-28; 21:2-4). There is no archaeological evidence of Philistine occupation of Bethel in the time of the judges; in the days of King Saul it was bypassed when other Israelite centers were being attacked (cf. 1 Sm 12–14). Archaeological discoveries indicate that Bethel flourished in the early reign of Saul but declined when he made Gibeah his capital city.<\/p>\n<p>When Israel and Judah became separate entities in the time of Jeroboam I (930–909 <span>BC<\/span>), Bethel returned to prominence as the capital of the northern kingdom of Israel, thus becoming the counterpart of Judah’s capital, Jerusalem. Bethel was one of two northern cities where golden calves were worshiped (1 Kgs 12:28-33); the sanctuary area for that cultic practice has not been discovered. The city was the home of an elderly prophet (13:11) who may have been connected with the prophetic colony existing there in the time of Elijah and Elisha (2 Kgs 2:2-3). During the reign of Judah’s King Abijah (913–910 <span>BC<\/span>), Bethel fell under Judah’s control (2 Chr 13:19) but later was returned to Israel. The prophet Amos went to Bethel to deliver scathing denunciations about contemporary social and religious life in Israel, for which the priest Amaziah had him expelled (Am 7:10-13).<\/p>\n<p>There is no archaeological evidence that Bethel was destroyed during the Assyrian conquest of Israel (722 <span>BC<\/span>). In fact, one of its deported priests was returned to Bethel to instruct Mesopotamian colonists in the ways of the Lord (2 Kgs 17:28). Under Judah’s King Josiah, the pagan shrine was demolished (23:15-20), but no damage was done to the city itself. Under either Nabonidus (555–539 <span>BC<\/span>) or Darius I (521–486 <span>BC<\/span>), however, the city was burned, so that by Ezra’s time Bethel had reverted to a small village settlement (Ezr 2:28).<\/p>\n<li>2. Alternate name for Bethuel, a town in Judah’s territory, in 1 Samuel 30:27. <em>See<\/em> Bethuel, Bethul (Place).<\/li>","summary_ro":"BETHEL (Place), BETHELITE* 1. Important OT city located about 11 miles (17.7 kilometers) north of Jerusalem on the north-south ridge road at the tribal borders of Benjamin and Ephraim (Jos 16:1-2; 18:13). Hiel, a resident of the city, is referred to as a Bethelite in 1 Kings 16:34 (kjv). As a trading center, Bethel attracted merchandise both from the Mediterranean coast and from Transjordan via Jericho. Although the site was located in dry hill country, several springs supplied ample water fo...","summary_en":"BETHEL (Place), BETHELITE* 1. Important OT city located about 11 miles (17.7 kilometers) north of Jerusalem on the north-south ridge road at the tribal borders of Benjamin and Ephraim (Jos 16:1-2; 18:13). Hiel, a resident of the city, is referred to as a Bethelite in 1 Kings 16:34 (kjv). As a trading center, Bethel attracted merchandise both from the Mediterranean coast and from Transjordan via Jericho. Although the site was located in dry hill country, several springs supplied ample water fo...","source":"Articles\/B.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":21226,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Book of Judges","title_en":"Book of Judges","content_ro":"<h3>JUDGES, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>The book reflects a final editing of the material in the period of the early monarchy. It may well be a polemic for the righteous rule of David over against the kingship of Saul, which was molded by a secular, Canaanite conception of kingship rather than by the law of God. The author was almost certainly not Samuel, as traditionally thought, but a later compiler who relied on ancient written materials.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>Though the judges succeeded in giving the tribes some rest from the incursions of surrounding enemies, the Israelites were continually harassed over long periods of time. Scholarly opinion differs on the duration of the period of the judges. The dating of the exodus affects the dating of the beginning of the judges. Those who take an early date for the exodus put the beginning around 1370–1360 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas others propose a date close to the end of the 13th century <span>BC<\/span>. A related issue pertains to the chronology of the judges. Does Judges give a chronological, sequential account of the period, or is the book a representative account of judges from various parts of Canaan and Transjordan who “judged” a region, a tribe, or several tribes simultaneously?<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LiteraryFramework\">Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>There is no doubt that the stories in the book bear the marks of literary creativity. The stories are classics in their own right. The poetry of Deborah’s song (Jgs 5) is very moving, and the fable of Jotham (9:8-15) is a fine example of figurative speech. The care given to the stories is also reflected in the construction of the book. There are two introductions: a political one (Jgs 1:1–2:5) and a socioreligious one (2:6–3:6). The political introduction connects Judges with the story of the Conquest, when the tribes attempted to occupy the land. It prepares the reader for the political and military problems of the era of the judges. The socioreligious introduction explains why Israel had so many adversities, why the institution of the judges arose, and why the Lord never gave Israel the promised lasting rest from its enemies. The main body of the book is the story of the judges (3:7–16:31). References to the minor judges (six in all) are set within the stories of the major judges in increasing frequency. As is evident from the schema, the number of minor judges increased in frequency in proportion to the decrease in number of major judges: two major, one minor; two major, two minor; one major, three minor; one major. There is a total of 12 judges, representative of the 12 tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>The purpose of the listing of 12 judges, representative of the various parts of Canaan and Transjordan, is to demonstrate that all tribes throughout the conquered territories experienced grave difficulties from a variety of enemies: Arameans, Moabites, Ammonites, Amalekites, Canaanites, and Philistines. Israel was hard pressed on nearly all its frontiers. The appendixes (chs 17–21), together with the two introductions, form the framework of the book. The political and socioreligious problems (1:1–3:6) are presented by way of several stories in the last chapters. The final editor who gave the book its canonical shape purposefully framed the stories of the judges so as to show lack of movement. The successes of the previous stages in redemptive history came to a standstill in the ebb and flow of the judges. Though the Lord delivered his people in many ways, they returned to the problems described in 1:1–3:6. The appendixes describe Israel’s problems representative of the period of the judges, when “there was no king in Israel” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTheologicalTeaching\">Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for deliverance, and God’s raising up of a judge reflects a deuteronomic perspective with its warnings concerning disobedience and judgment. The repetitiveness of the cycle supports the contention of the anonymous narrator that Israel remained unchanged by the grace of God. However, in spite of the moral, religious, and political anarchy as well as the civil wars, the last chapter shows that the tribes are still concerned with each other’s welfare. Though the unity of God’s people has been gravely challenged, the situation is not hopeless. The book ends on a note of hope—hope for a king who may deliver Israel.<\/p>\n\n<p>Thus, there are several purposes of the book: (1) to demonstrate the meaninglessness of this stage in Israel’s development; (2) to explain why the tribes did not occupy all the land promised to the patriarchs; (3) to justify the way of God, who was gracious and patient with Israel’s repeated acts of disobedience; (4) to set forth the legitimacy of a “shepherd” king in contrast to a despotic form of kingship; and (5) to explain the urgent need for a new momentum, lest Israel succumb to the Philistines and intertribal warfare.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>The Political Introduction (1:1–2:5)<\/h5>\n<p>In Joshua 1–12 the warfare under Joshua is portrayed as a mobilization of Canaanite forces against Israel. By the intervention of the Lord, the Canaanite resistance was put down and the land was occupied by the tribes (chs 13–21). Joshua 13–21, however, clearly shows that each tribe had problems ridding its territory of pockets of Canaanite resistance, which were usually centered around heavily guarded and well-fortified cities (cf. 13:2-6, 13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18).<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua emphasizes the successes and minimizes the problems, whereas the prologue to Judges sets the stage for the whole book by openly addressing Israel’s problems and failures. As the book unfolds, it is precisely these problems and failures that in due time bring Israel to the brink of disaster.<\/p>\n<p>The period of the judges began with the death of Joshua (Jgs 1:1; 2:8-9). The Israelites had inherited a legacy from Joshua: the law of the Lord (Jos 23:6; 24:26), the land, a challenge to obey the Lord (24:14-27), and a promise of God’s presence and help in subduing the Canaanites (23:5, 10).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah and Simeon (Jgs 1:2-20)<\/h6>\n<p>The prominence of Judah and Caleb parallels the position of Judah in Joshua (Jos 14:6–15:63; cf. also the house of Joseph, Jgs 1:22-29; cf. Jos 16–17). Judah was victorious over the cruel Adoni-bezek, who ruled over Bezek, a town of uncertain location. Judah successfully occupied the hill country, the Negev, and the western foothills. They even took Jerusalem, or an outlying suburb identified with Jerusalem (Jos 1:8), but could not retain control there (v 21) until David’s conquest of the city (2 Sm 5:6-9). Judah was victorious over the Canaanites in the region of Hebron, already conquered under Joshua (Jos 10:36). Hebron, also known as Kiriath-arba (“city of four” or “tetrapolis”), was a powerful ally of Jerusalem (v 3) and had been able to rally military support for a new assault on Israel, even after its first defeat. Caleb received Hebron, as Moses had promised (Jgs 1:20; cf. Jos 15:13). After the victory over Hebron, Judah extended its control over the southern hill country by an attack on Debir (Jgs 1:11-15; cf. Jos 15:14-19).<\/p>\n<p>The Kenites (Jgs 1:16), descendants of Jethro and therefore related to Moses by marriage, settled in the Negev around Arad and the City of Palms, which here probably refers to Tamar rather than Jericho.<\/p>\n<p>Judah secured the southern border by a victory over the Canaanites at Hormah (Jgs 1:17; cf. Nm 14:45; 21:3; Dt 1:44) and the coastal plain by victories at Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron. However, Judah’s successes in the coastal plain were resisted by a well-armed Canaanite force (Jgs 1:18-19). It occupied the Judean hill country and the Negev, but could not retain control over the plains. The Philistines were soon to take control over Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, and incorporate them into their pentapolis.<\/p>\n<h6>Benjamin (1:21)<\/h6>\n<p>Jerusalem was situated on the border between Judah and Benjamin. Judah took the city or a suburb (Jos 1:8) but was too far removed to retain control over it. Benjamin was too weak to subdue the Jebusites. Only David succeeded in this (2 Sm 5:6-9); he incorporated it into Judah (cf. Jos 15:63), even though it originally was allotted to Benjamin (Jos 18:28).<\/p>\n<h6>Joseph: Ephraim and Manasseh (1:22-29)<\/h6>\n<p>Ephraim took Bethel, known from the patriarchal stories as a significant cultic site (Gn 12:8; 13:3-4; 28:19; 31:13; 35:1-15). However, Manasseh was unsuccessful in taking the fortified cities in the valley of Jezreel (Esdraelon): Beth-shan, Taanach, Dor, Ibleam, and Megiddo. These cities controlled traffic along the east-west and north–south roads as well as the important passes through the Carmel range and the ford of the Jordan. Ephraim could not take full possession of the coastal plain, controlled by Gezer. The success of both Ephraim and Manasseh was limited.<\/p>\n<h6>The Other Four Tribes (1:30-36)<\/h6>\n<p>The other four tribes in Canaan receive brief mention. They, too, were only partially successful. Zebulun, Asher, Naphtali, and especially Dan did not fully succeed in driving out the Canaanites. At best they later subjected most of them to forced labor.<\/p>\n<h6>The Failure of Israel (2:1-5)<\/h6>\n<p>The failure to subdue the land and to wipe out the Canaanites and their culture led to intermarriage and idolatry (cf. Ex 23:33; 34:12-16; Nm 33:55; Dt 7:2-5, 16; Jos 23:7, 12).<\/p>\n<p>The identity of “the angel of the Lord” who appears at Bokim is far from certain. It may be a reference to the Lord himself, to an angelic messenger, or to a prophet (cf. Jgs 6:8). He rebuked the people in the prophetic spirit and pronounced God’s judgment as taking the form of continual confrontation between Israel and the Canaanites (2:3). Their weeping and sacrificing were to no avail (2:4-5; cf. Mal 2:13). Israel stood condemned within a generation after Joshua’s death.<\/p>\n<h5>The Theological Introduction (2:6–3:6)<\/h5>\n<p>The theological introduction begins where Joshua left off (Jos 24:28-31). The generation of Joshua was characterized by loyalty, but their loyalty to the Lord did not last long after the excitement of the Conquest and the demonstration of God’s presence (Jgs 2:10). Israel served Canaanite gods (Baal and Astarte) instead. Baal was the storm god, symbolic of rain and fertility, and Astarte was his cohort. The plural (Baals and Ashtaroth, 2:11-13) signifies the many local ways in which the Canaanite gods were worshiped. The religious unity was broken up into a great diversity. Thus Israel angered the Lord (vv 12-14), who sent them enemies and plunderers. Israel was unsuccessful in dealing with them, as Moses and Joshua had forewarned (Dt 28:25, 33; Jos 23:13, 16). The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for mercy, and deliverance is found throughout Judges. The people were rooted in the apostasy of their forefathers, even though the previous generation had been sensitive to God. Israel did not submit to the leadership of the judges, except to free itself from the oppressors. In fulfillment of the curses of the covenant, God swore not to give his people rest but to test them and to train them for warfare (Jgs 3:1-4), so that they might learn to respond to the challenges of a real world.<\/p>\n<h5>The Judges of Israel (3:7–16:31)<\/h5>\n<h6>Othniel (3:7-11)<\/h6>\n<p>Othniel is a transitional figure, linking the Conquest and the judges. He had involved himself in the conquest of Kiriath-sepher and was related to Caleb as his cousin and son-in-law (1:13). He repelled the Arameans led by Cushan-rishathaim, so that the land enjoyed peace for some 40 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ehud (3:12-30)<\/h6>\n<p>The Moabites, allied with the Ammonites and Amalekites, came against Israel from the east and oppressed them for 18 years under the leadership of Eglon. Ehud led the mission to bring tribute to Eglon at his palace, located probably by Jericho (the City of Palms). Ehud was uniquely qualified for this mission; being left-handed, he was able to use his double-edged sword in an unsuspecting manner to stab the king. Ehud’s success was the result of careful plotting and the element of surprise. He paid the tribute and left, only to return with a supposed oracle from the gods. The king fell for the deception and was murdered. The delay at the Moabite court gave the Israelites an opportunity to bring their forces together at the fords of the Jordan. Ehud’s success was complete; no Moabite escaped, and Israel enjoyed peace for 80 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Shamgar (3:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Shamgar’s exploits were against the Philistines in the coastal plains. He had a non-Israelite name but was probably an Israelite by birth. Like Samson he fought the Philistines with an unconventional weapon (an ox goad). His name is also mentioned in the song of Deborah (5:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Deborah and Barak (4:1–5:31)<\/h6>\n<p>The narrative now turns to the Canaanite aggressors in the north under the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor, and Sisera, of Harosheth-haggoyim (4:1-3). The ruins of Hazor (Jos 11:13) had been rebuilt, and another Jabin (cf. v 1) ruled over the region. He had regained his military power, as he had as many as 900 chariots of iron. He oppressed Israel for 20 years (Jgs 4:3).<\/p>\n<p>God had a prophetess in Israel who led his people during this dark time (4:4). She rendered judgments under a palm tree in southern Ephraim near Benjamin (v 5). She called on Barak to muster the armies of Naphtali and Zebulun, the tribes affected by the Canaanite raids, and to engage Sisera in a surprise attack by the Kishon River (vv 6-7). Barak’s hesitancy led him to request Deborah’s presence, which resulted in his forfeiture of the honor of killing Sisera, the commander of the Canaanite forces (vv 8-10). The Lord gave success to the surprise attack from Mt Tabor, so that the Canaanites were routed, unable to use their heavy chariots, which were mired down in the swamps of the Jezreel Valley (5:20-22). The Canaanites were routed, and Sisera was killed by Jael, the wife of Heber, a Kenite who had separated from the Kenites around Arad (4:17-18; cf. 1:16). She offered him hospitality, as her family had friendly relations with the Canaanites, but heroically put him to death with a tent peg (4:18-21; 5:26-27). In successive campaigns the Israelites gained freedom from Jabin, until they destroyed his power (4:24).<\/p>\n<p>The song of Deborah (ch 5) celebrates, in poetic fashion, the victory over Jabin. It is one of the oldest poems in the Bible. It praises the God of Israel as the King who comes to protect his covenant people, and before whom the mountains move (5:2-3). He is the God of Mt Sinai (Jgs 5:4-5; cf. Dt 33:2; Ps 68:7-8; Hb 3:3-4). Though the oppressors had despoiled Israel and had made the roads unsafe for travel, and Israel was unable to defend itself (Jgs 5:6-8), the Lord raised up Deborah and Barak to lead the nobles to war (vv 9-13). They came from Ephraim, Benjamin, Zebulun, Issachar, and Naphtali (vv 14-15a, 18), but the Transjordan tribes and Asher did not want to get involved (vv 15b-17). The song then moves to the battle scene, where torrential rains bogged the chariots down (vv 19-23). Jael is celebrated as “most blessed of women,” who used her simple way of life to bring an end to Sisera (vv 24-27). She stands in contrast to Sisera’s mother, who is portrayed with all her culture waiting in vain for Sisera’s return with all of his spoils (vv 28-30). The Lord has used the simple to confound the powerful. The conclusion is a prayer for God’s judgment on all of Israel’s enemies (Jgs 5:31a; cf. Ps 68:1-3).<\/p>\n<h6>Gideon (6:1–8:35)<\/h6>\n<p>Israel’s rest for 40 years (Jgs 5:31b) was disturbed by the invasion of Midianites and Amalekites from the East (6:1-3). They destroyed the economy by invading the country at harvesttime (vv 4-6). In response to Israel’s cry, God sent a prophet with a message similar to that of the angel of the Lord (2:1-5). Then an angel appeared to Gideon and called him to lead the people in battle (6:11-14). The Lord assured him of his presence (v 16) by a sign (vv 17-22). Gideon knew that he had been visited by the Lord and built an altar called “The <span>Lord<\/span> Is Peace” in Ophrah (v 24). He responded by destroying the cultic site dedicated to Baal and Asherah at Ophrah (vv 25-28) and by initiating worship at the new altar (v 28). Baal did not protect his own altar (vv 29-32), even when challenged by Gideon’s father (v 31). Consequently, Gideon was known as Jerubbaal (meaning, “let Baal contend with him,” v 32).<\/p>\n<p>Next, Gideon mustered an army of 32,000 men from Asher, Zebulun, and Naphtali (6:35; cf. 7:3b). In order to assure himself of the Lord’s presence, he asked for another sign: the sign of the fleece (6:36-40). It must be kept in mind that Gideon lived in an area in which the wonders of God had been scarce (v 13) and that he, like Moses, needed reassurance that God was with him. God responded to his growing faith. Gideon went forth with a greatly reduced army of 300 against the enemy. Of his original army, 22,000 had left because they were afraid (7:2-3; cf. Dt 20:8). Another 9,700 were sent home, though they were valiant men (7:4-8). After assuring Gideon by a dream of an enemy soldier, God used the 300 in a marvelous way to confound the Midianites (vv 9-15). God gave Israel victory over the Midianite leaders Oreb, Zeeb, Zebah, and Zalmunna (7:16–8:21). Gideon wisely avoided a possible military confrontation with Ephraim (8:1-3), pursued the enemy deep into the Transjordan, and punished the leaders of Succoth and Penuel, who did not assist him (vv 4-9, 13-16).<\/p>\n<p>This glorious victory created a new wave of interest in the idea of kingship. The men of Israel wished to establish the family of Gideon as their royal dynasty (8:22). Gideon refused, and instead wrongly set up an ephod, cast from the gold taken in battle (vv 23-27). The ephod was probably used for cultic practices, possibly divination (cf. 17:5).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s era also came to an end. He was God’s instrument, giving Israel rest for 40 years. He fathered 70 sons and died in old age. God had richly blessed him, even though he had led Israel astray with his ephod. Thereafter, Israel returned to Baal worship (8:33-35).<\/p>\n<p>In the wake of Gideon’s era, his son Abimelech attempted to establish dynastic continuity by having himself installed as king at Shechem (9:1-6). With the support of his relatives at Shechem, Abimelech had all his brothers killed except Jotham (vv 4-5). After Abimelech’s coronation, Jotham set forth his opposition to his brother in a proverbial manner (vv 7-20), and went into hiding. Three years later Abimelech’s evil schemes entrapped him when the citizens of Shechem rebelled. He furiously attacked the city and destroyed it. A short time later, however, he was wounded at Thebez by a millstone dropped by a woman from the tower in which she had sought refuge from him. His servant put him out of his misery as per his request. This episode demonstrates how bad a despotic king may be. Again, God’s justice prevailed.<\/p>\n<h6>Tola (10:1-2)<\/h6>\n<p>Tola was a minor judge from Issachar who judged Israel for 23 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jair (10:3-5)<\/h6>\n<p>Jair was a minor judge from Gilead who judged Israel for 22 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jephthah (10:6–12:7)<\/h6>\n<p>A recapitulation (10:6-16) of the cycle (idolatry, enemies, cry for help, momentary repentance) sets the introduction to the Jephthah narrative. Under attack from the Ammonites, the elders of Gilead requested help from Jephthah (10:17–11:8), who promised to help them on the condition that he remain their leader even after the war (vv 9-10). At a solemn ceremony he becomes their “head” at Mizpah (v 11). Jephthah opened up correspondence with the Ammonite king, in which he argued for Israel’s rights on the basis of the Israelites’ historic claim to the land as granted to them by the Lord (vv 12–27). Instead of going out immediately to war, he hoped that “the <span>Lord<\/span>, the Judge” would settle the dispute (v 27); but the Ammonite king was unimpressed. When the Spirit of God came over him, Jephthah led Israel into battle, but only after making a rash vow. He was victorious but found out that his vow to sacrifice whatever came first out of his house required him to sacrifice his daughter. Debate continues as to whether he offered her up as a human sacrifice or whether she sacrificed marriage (see discussion under Jephthah).<\/p>\n<p>The Ephraimites seemed to have had an insatiable desire for war. Earlier they had complained to Gideon, who successfully defused their threats (8:1-3). Jephthah fought them, however, because the Israelites living in Transjordan had been reviled as “renegades” (12:1-4). Forty-two thousand Ephraimites were killed by the fords of the Jordan in this civil war. Thereafter, Jephthah ruled for only six years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ibzan (12:8-10)<\/h6>\n<p>Ibzan was a minor judge from Bethlehem who ruled Israel for seven years.<\/p>\n<h6>Elon (12:11)<\/h6>\n<p>A minor judge from Zebulun, Elon ruled Israel for ten years.<\/p>\n<h6>Abdon (12:13-15)<\/h6>\n<p>Abdon was a minor judge from Pirathon, the location of which is uncertain. He ruled for eight years.<\/p>\n<h6>Samson (13:1–16:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Samson’s greatness in the history of redemption is due to his miraculous birth (13:1-24), his service as a Nazirite (13:7; cf. Nm 6:1-21), the repeated overpowering by the Spirit of the Lord (Jgs 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14), the single-handed exploits against the Philistines (Ashkelon, 14:19; the fields, 15:1-6; Ramath Etam, 15:7-17; Gaza, 16:1-3, 23-30), and his occasional dependence on the Lord (15:18-19; 16:28-30). However, his personal life was flawed because of his weakness for Philistine women (chs 14, 16). Having been seduced by Delilah, he was imprisoned at Gaza. He died in the collapse of Dagon’s temple, praying that the Lord would permit him to get revenge (16:28-30). He was buried in his father’s tomb in the territory of Dan (16:31).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue (17–21)<\/h5>\n<p>The cyclical nature of Israel’s existence was without movement. Rest from enemies was always temporary. Israel was not yet ready for dynastic kingship, and whatever one may say of the three years of Abimelech, it was a kingship of the worst sort. Israel vacillated between idolatry and belief in the true Lord. The period of the judges was unstable, marked by petty individualism and provincialism. Yet God remained sovereign in the affairs of his people. The epilogue contains two stories: the story of Micah and the Danite migration (chs 17–18) and the civil war (chs 19–21). The epilogue is bound together by the phrase “In those days Israel had no king; everyone did as he saw fit” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25, <span>niv<\/span>). The symmetric recurrence (two times in each narrative) emphasizes the anarchy and inability of the tribes to unite together to serve God as a covenant people.<\/p>\n<h6>Micah and the Danites (17–18)<\/h6>\n<p>Micah was an Ephraimite who established a shrine and hired one of his own sons, and then a Levite from Bethlehem, to serve as its priests (ch 17). Unable to keep their patrimony, the Danites left to establish themselves at the foot of Mt Hermon. They took the idols and the Levite from Micah’s shrine and set up a cultic city at the newly established city of Dan, built on the ruins of Laish (ch 18). Thus, they set up a cultic center that rivaled the tabernacle at Shiloh (18:31).<\/p>\n<h6>The Civil War (19–21)<\/h6>\n<p>The people of Gibeah, which belonged to Benjamin, sexually abused the concubine of a Levite so that she died. Like the Levite of chapters 17 and 18, she was from Bethlehem (19:1). Dramatically, the Levite sent pieces of her corpse to all the tribes, which assembled against the Benjamites because they protected the criminals of Gibeah (19:29–20:19). In the ensuing battle the population of Benjamin was decimated (20:20-48). The 11 tribes gave them 400 virgins taken in a civil war against Jabesh-gilead (21:6-15). These were not enough, however. Because of the threat of the extinction of Benjamin and the vow not to give their daughters in marriage to any Benjamite, the Israelites devised a plan by which the Benjamites could take Israelite virgins dancing in the festival at Shiloh. Benjamin thus was able to rebuild its towns and settlements.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Gideon; Jephthah; Samson.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JUDGES, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>The book reflects a final editing of the material in the period of the early monarchy. It may well be a polemic for the righteous rule of David over against the kingship of Saul, which was molded by a secular, Canaanite conception of kingship rather than by the law of God. The author was almost certainly not Samuel, as traditionally thought, but a later compiler who relied on ancient written materials.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>Though the judges succeeded in giving the tribes some rest from the incursions of surrounding enemies, the Israelites were continually harassed over long periods of time. Scholarly opinion differs on the duration of the period of the judges. The dating of the exodus affects the dating of the beginning of the judges. Those who take an early date for the exodus put the beginning around 1370–1360 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas others propose a date close to the end of the 13th century <span>BC<\/span>. A related issue pertains to the chronology of the judges. Does Judges give a chronological, sequential account of the period, or is the book a representative account of judges from various parts of Canaan and Transjordan who “judged” a region, a tribe, or several tribes simultaneously?<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LiteraryFramework\">Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>There is no doubt that the stories in the book bear the marks of literary creativity. The stories are classics in their own right. The poetry of Deborah’s song (Jgs 5) is very moving, and the fable of Jotham (9:8-15) is a fine example of figurative speech. The care given to the stories is also reflected in the construction of the book. There are two introductions: a political one (Jgs 1:1–2:5) and a socioreligious one (2:6–3:6). The political introduction connects Judges with the story of the Conquest, when the tribes attempted to occupy the land. It prepares the reader for the political and military problems of the era of the judges. The socioreligious introduction explains why Israel had so many adversities, why the institution of the judges arose, and why the Lord never gave Israel the promised lasting rest from its enemies. The main body of the book is the story of the judges (3:7–16:31). References to the minor judges (six in all) are set within the stories of the major judges in increasing frequency. As is evident from the schema, the number of minor judges increased in frequency in proportion to the decrease in number of major judges: two major, one minor; two major, two minor; one major, three minor; one major. There is a total of 12 judges, representative of the 12 tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>The purpose of the listing of 12 judges, representative of the various parts of Canaan and Transjordan, is to demonstrate that all tribes throughout the conquered territories experienced grave difficulties from a variety of enemies: Arameans, Moabites, Ammonites, Amalekites, Canaanites, and Philistines. Israel was hard pressed on nearly all its frontiers. The appendixes (chs 17–21), together with the two introductions, form the framework of the book. The political and socioreligious problems (1:1–3:6) are presented by way of several stories in the last chapters. The final editor who gave the book its canonical shape purposefully framed the stories of the judges so as to show lack of movement. The successes of the previous stages in redemptive history came to a standstill in the ebb and flow of the judges. Though the Lord delivered his people in many ways, they returned to the problems described in 1:1–3:6. The appendixes describe Israel’s problems representative of the period of the judges, when “there was no king in Israel” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTheologicalTeaching\">Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for deliverance, and God’s raising up of a judge reflects a deuteronomic perspective with its warnings concerning disobedience and judgment. The repetitiveness of the cycle supports the contention of the anonymous narrator that Israel remained unchanged by the grace of God. However, in spite of the moral, religious, and political anarchy as well as the civil wars, the last chapter shows that the tribes are still concerned with each other’s welfare. Though the unity of God’s people has been gravely challenged, the situation is not hopeless. The book ends on a note of hope—hope for a king who may deliver Israel.<\/p>\n\n<p>Thus, there are several purposes of the book: (1) to demonstrate the meaninglessness of this stage in Israel’s development; (2) to explain why the tribes did not occupy all the land promised to the patriarchs; (3) to justify the way of God, who was gracious and patient with Israel’s repeated acts of disobedience; (4) to set forth the legitimacy of a “shepherd” king in contrast to a despotic form of kingship; and (5) to explain the urgent need for a new momentum, lest Israel succumb to the Philistines and intertribal warfare.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>The Political Introduction (1:1–2:5)<\/h5>\n<p>In Joshua 1–12 the warfare under Joshua is portrayed as a mobilization of Canaanite forces against Israel. By the intervention of the Lord, the Canaanite resistance was put down and the land was occupied by the tribes (chs 13–21). Joshua 13–21, however, clearly shows that each tribe had problems ridding its territory of pockets of Canaanite resistance, which were usually centered around heavily guarded and well-fortified cities (cf. 13:2-6, 13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18).<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua emphasizes the successes and minimizes the problems, whereas the prologue to Judges sets the stage for the whole book by openly addressing Israel’s problems and failures. As the book unfolds, it is precisely these problems and failures that in due time bring Israel to the brink of disaster.<\/p>\n<p>The period of the judges began with the death of Joshua (Jgs 1:1; 2:8-9). The Israelites had inherited a legacy from Joshua: the law of the Lord (Jos 23:6; 24:26), the land, a challenge to obey the Lord (24:14-27), and a promise of God’s presence and help in subduing the Canaanites (23:5, 10).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah and Simeon (Jgs 1:2-20)<\/h6>\n<p>The prominence of Judah and Caleb parallels the position of Judah in Joshua (Jos 14:6–15:63; cf. also the house of Joseph, Jgs 1:22-29; cf. Jos 16–17). Judah was victorious over the cruel Adoni-bezek, who ruled over Bezek, a town of uncertain location. Judah successfully occupied the hill country, the Negev, and the western foothills. They even took Jerusalem, or an outlying suburb identified with Jerusalem (Jos 1:8), but could not retain control there (v 21) until David’s conquest of the city (2 Sm 5:6-9). Judah was victorious over the Canaanites in the region of Hebron, already conquered under Joshua (Jos 10:36). Hebron, also known as Kiriath-arba (“city of four” or “tetrapolis”), was a powerful ally of Jerusalem (v 3) and had been able to rally military support for a new assault on Israel, even after its first defeat. Caleb received Hebron, as Moses had promised (Jgs 1:20; cf. Jos 15:13). After the victory over Hebron, Judah extended its control over the southern hill country by an attack on Debir (Jgs 1:11-15; cf. Jos 15:14-19).<\/p>\n<p>The Kenites (Jgs 1:16), descendants of Jethro and therefore related to Moses by marriage, settled in the Negev around Arad and the City of Palms, which here probably refers to Tamar rather than Jericho.<\/p>\n<p>Judah secured the southern border by a victory over the Canaanites at Hormah (Jgs 1:17; cf. Nm 14:45; 21:3; Dt 1:44) and the coastal plain by victories at Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron. However, Judah’s successes in the coastal plain were resisted by a well-armed Canaanite force (Jgs 1:18-19). It occupied the Judean hill country and the Negev, but could not retain control over the plains. The Philistines were soon to take control over Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, and incorporate them into their pentapolis.<\/p>\n<h6>Benjamin (1:21)<\/h6>\n<p>Jerusalem was situated on the border between Judah and Benjamin. Judah took the city or a suburb (Jos 1:8) but was too far removed to retain control over it. Benjamin was too weak to subdue the Jebusites. Only David succeeded in this (2 Sm 5:6-9); he incorporated it into Judah (cf. Jos 15:63), even though it originally was allotted to Benjamin (Jos 18:28).<\/p>\n<h6>Joseph: Ephraim and Manasseh (1:22-29)<\/h6>\n<p>Ephraim took Bethel, known from the patriarchal stories as a significant cultic site (Gn 12:8; 13:3-4; 28:19; 31:13; 35:1-15). However, Manasseh was unsuccessful in taking the fortified cities in the valley of Jezreel (Esdraelon): Beth-shan, Taanach, Dor, Ibleam, and Megiddo. These cities controlled traffic along the east-west and north–south roads as well as the important passes through the Carmel range and the ford of the Jordan. Ephraim could not take full possession of the coastal plain, controlled by Gezer. The success of both Ephraim and Manasseh was limited.<\/p>\n<h6>The Other Four Tribes (1:30-36)<\/h6>\n<p>The other four tribes in Canaan receive brief mention. They, too, were only partially successful. Zebulun, Asher, Naphtali, and especially Dan did not fully succeed in driving out the Canaanites. At best they later subjected most of them to forced labor.<\/p>\n<h6>The Failure of Israel (2:1-5)<\/h6>\n<p>The failure to subdue the land and to wipe out the Canaanites and their culture led to intermarriage and idolatry (cf. Ex 23:33; 34:12-16; Nm 33:55; Dt 7:2-5, 16; Jos 23:7, 12).<\/p>\n<p>The identity of “the angel of the Lord” who appears at Bokim is far from certain. It may be a reference to the Lord himself, to an angelic messenger, or to a prophet (cf. Jgs 6:8). He rebuked the people in the prophetic spirit and pronounced God’s judgment as taking the form of continual confrontation between Israel and the Canaanites (2:3). Their weeping and sacrificing were to no avail (2:4-5; cf. Mal 2:13). Israel stood condemned within a generation after Joshua’s death.<\/p>\n<h5>The Theological Introduction (2:6–3:6)<\/h5>\n<p>The theological introduction begins where Joshua left off (Jos 24:28-31). The generation of Joshua was characterized by loyalty, but their loyalty to the Lord did not last long after the excitement of the Conquest and the demonstration of God’s presence (Jgs 2:10). Israel served Canaanite gods (Baal and Astarte) instead. Baal was the storm god, symbolic of rain and fertility, and Astarte was his cohort. The plural (Baals and Ashtaroth, 2:11-13) signifies the many local ways in which the Canaanite gods were worshiped. The religious unity was broken up into a great diversity. Thus Israel angered the Lord (vv 12-14), who sent them enemies and plunderers. Israel was unsuccessful in dealing with them, as Moses and Joshua had forewarned (Dt 28:25, 33; Jos 23:13, 16). The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for mercy, and deliverance is found throughout Judges. The people were rooted in the apostasy of their forefathers, even though the previous generation had been sensitive to God. Israel did not submit to the leadership of the judges, except to free itself from the oppressors. In fulfillment of the curses of the covenant, God swore not to give his people rest but to test them and to train them for warfare (Jgs 3:1-4), so that they might learn to respond to the challenges of a real world.<\/p>\n<h5>The Judges of Israel (3:7–16:31)<\/h5>\n<h6>Othniel (3:7-11)<\/h6>\n<p>Othniel is a transitional figure, linking the Conquest and the judges. He had involved himself in the conquest of Kiriath-sepher and was related to Caleb as his cousin and son-in-law (1:13). He repelled the Arameans led by Cushan-rishathaim, so that the land enjoyed peace for some 40 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ehud (3:12-30)<\/h6>\n<p>The Moabites, allied with the Ammonites and Amalekites, came against Israel from the east and oppressed them for 18 years under the leadership of Eglon. Ehud led the mission to bring tribute to Eglon at his palace, located probably by Jericho (the City of Palms). Ehud was uniquely qualified for this mission; being left-handed, he was able to use his double-edged sword in an unsuspecting manner to stab the king. Ehud’s success was the result of careful plotting and the element of surprise. He paid the tribute and left, only to return with a supposed oracle from the gods. The king fell for the deception and was murdered. The delay at the Moabite court gave the Israelites an opportunity to bring their forces together at the fords of the Jordan. Ehud’s success was complete; no Moabite escaped, and Israel enjoyed peace for 80 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Shamgar (3:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Shamgar’s exploits were against the Philistines in the coastal plains. He had a non-Israelite name but was probably an Israelite by birth. Like Samson he fought the Philistines with an unconventional weapon (an ox goad). His name is also mentioned in the song of Deborah (5:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Deborah and Barak (4:1–5:31)<\/h6>\n<p>The narrative now turns to the Canaanite aggressors in the north under the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor, and Sisera, of Harosheth-haggoyim (4:1-3). The ruins of Hazor (Jos 11:13) had been rebuilt, and another Jabin (cf. v 1) ruled over the region. He had regained his military power, as he had as many as 900 chariots of iron. He oppressed Israel for 20 years (Jgs 4:3).<\/p>\n<p>God had a prophetess in Israel who led his people during this dark time (4:4). She rendered judgments under a palm tree in southern Ephraim near Benjamin (v 5). She called on Barak to muster the armies of Naphtali and Zebulun, the tribes affected by the Canaanite raids, and to engage Sisera in a surprise attack by the Kishon River (vv 6-7). Barak’s hesitancy led him to request Deborah’s presence, which resulted in his forfeiture of the honor of killing Sisera, the commander of the Canaanite forces (vv 8-10). The Lord gave success to the surprise attack from Mt Tabor, so that the Canaanites were routed, unable to use their heavy chariots, which were mired down in the swamps of the Jezreel Valley (5:20-22). The Canaanites were routed, and Sisera was killed by Jael, the wife of Heber, a Kenite who had separated from the Kenites around Arad (4:17-18; cf. 1:16). She offered him hospitality, as her family had friendly relations with the Canaanites, but heroically put him to death with a tent peg (4:18-21; 5:26-27). In successive campaigns the Israelites gained freedom from Jabin, until they destroyed his power (4:24).<\/p>\n<p>The song of Deborah (ch 5) celebrates, in poetic fashion, the victory over Jabin. It is one of the oldest poems in the Bible. It praises the God of Israel as the King who comes to protect his covenant people, and before whom the mountains move (5:2-3). He is the God of Mt Sinai (Jgs 5:4-5; cf. Dt 33:2; Ps 68:7-8; Hb 3:3-4). Though the oppressors had despoiled Israel and had made the roads unsafe for travel, and Israel was unable to defend itself (Jgs 5:6-8), the Lord raised up Deborah and Barak to lead the nobles to war (vv 9-13). They came from Ephraim, Benjamin, Zebulun, Issachar, and Naphtali (vv 14-15a, 18), but the Transjordan tribes and Asher did not want to get involved (vv 15b-17). The song then moves to the battle scene, where torrential rains bogged the chariots down (vv 19-23). Jael is celebrated as “most blessed of women,” who used her simple way of life to bring an end to Sisera (vv 24-27). She stands in contrast to Sisera’s mother, who is portrayed with all her culture waiting in vain for Sisera’s return with all of his spoils (vv 28-30). The Lord has used the simple to confound the powerful. The conclusion is a prayer for God’s judgment on all of Israel’s enemies (Jgs 5:31a; cf. Ps 68:1-3).<\/p>\n<h6>Gideon (6:1–8:35)<\/h6>\n<p>Israel’s rest for 40 years (Jgs 5:31b) was disturbed by the invasion of Midianites and Amalekites from the East (6:1-3). They destroyed the economy by invading the country at harvesttime (vv 4-6). In response to Israel’s cry, God sent a prophet with a message similar to that of the angel of the Lord (2:1-5). Then an angel appeared to Gideon and called him to lead the people in battle (6:11-14). The Lord assured him of his presence (v 16) by a sign (vv 17-22). Gideon knew that he had been visited by the Lord and built an altar called “The <span>Lord<\/span> Is Peace” in Ophrah (v 24). He responded by destroying the cultic site dedicated to Baal and Asherah at Ophrah (vv 25-28) and by initiating worship at the new altar (v 28). Baal did not protect his own altar (vv 29-32), even when challenged by Gideon’s father (v 31). Consequently, Gideon was known as Jerubbaal (meaning, “let Baal contend with him,” v 32).<\/p>\n<p>Next, Gideon mustered an army of 32,000 men from Asher, Zebulun, and Naphtali (6:35; cf. 7:3b). In order to assure himself of the Lord’s presence, he asked for another sign: the sign of the fleece (6:36-40). It must be kept in mind that Gideon lived in an area in which the wonders of God had been scarce (v 13) and that he, like Moses, needed reassurance that God was with him. God responded to his growing faith. Gideon went forth with a greatly reduced army of 300 against the enemy. Of his original army, 22,000 had left because they were afraid (7:2-3; cf. Dt 20:8). Another 9,700 were sent home, though they were valiant men (7:4-8). After assuring Gideon by a dream of an enemy soldier, God used the 300 in a marvelous way to confound the Midianites (vv 9-15). God gave Israel victory over the Midianite leaders Oreb, Zeeb, Zebah, and Zalmunna (7:16–8:21). Gideon wisely avoided a possible military confrontation with Ephraim (8:1-3), pursued the enemy deep into the Transjordan, and punished the leaders of Succoth and Penuel, who did not assist him (vv 4-9, 13-16).<\/p>\n<p>This glorious victory created a new wave of interest in the idea of kingship. The men of Israel wished to establish the family of Gideon as their royal dynasty (8:22). Gideon refused, and instead wrongly set up an ephod, cast from the gold taken in battle (vv 23-27). The ephod was probably used for cultic practices, possibly divination (cf. 17:5).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s era also came to an end. He was God’s instrument, giving Israel rest for 40 years. He fathered 70 sons and died in old age. God had richly blessed him, even though he had led Israel astray with his ephod. Thereafter, Israel returned to Baal worship (8:33-35).<\/p>\n<p>In the wake of Gideon’s era, his son Abimelech attempted to establish dynastic continuity by having himself installed as king at Shechem (9:1-6). With the support of his relatives at Shechem, Abimelech had all his brothers killed except Jotham (vv 4-5). After Abimelech’s coronation, Jotham set forth his opposition to his brother in a proverbial manner (vv 7-20), and went into hiding. Three years later Abimelech’s evil schemes entrapped him when the citizens of Shechem rebelled. He furiously attacked the city and destroyed it. A short time later, however, he was wounded at Thebez by a millstone dropped by a woman from the tower in which she had sought refuge from him. His servant put him out of his misery as per his request. This episode demonstrates how bad a despotic king may be. Again, God’s justice prevailed.<\/p>\n<h6>Tola (10:1-2)<\/h6>\n<p>Tola was a minor judge from Issachar who judged Israel for 23 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jair (10:3-5)<\/h6>\n<p>Jair was a minor judge from Gilead who judged Israel for 22 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jephthah (10:6–12:7)<\/h6>\n<p>A recapitulation (10:6-16) of the cycle (idolatry, enemies, cry for help, momentary repentance) sets the introduction to the Jephthah narrative. Under attack from the Ammonites, the elders of Gilead requested help from Jephthah (10:17–11:8), who promised to help them on the condition that he remain their leader even after the war (vv 9-10). At a solemn ceremony he becomes their “head” at Mizpah (v 11). Jephthah opened up correspondence with the Ammonite king, in which he argued for Israel’s rights on the basis of the Israelites’ historic claim to the land as granted to them by the Lord (vv 12–27). Instead of going out immediately to war, he hoped that “the <span>Lord<\/span>, the Judge” would settle the dispute (v 27); but the Ammonite king was unimpressed. When the Spirit of God came over him, Jephthah led Israel into battle, but only after making a rash vow. He was victorious but found out that his vow to sacrifice whatever came first out of his house required him to sacrifice his daughter. Debate continues as to whether he offered her up as a human sacrifice or whether she sacrificed marriage (see discussion under Jephthah).<\/p>\n<p>The Ephraimites seemed to have had an insatiable desire for war. Earlier they had complained to Gideon, who successfully defused their threats (8:1-3). Jephthah fought them, however, because the Israelites living in Transjordan had been reviled as “renegades” (12:1-4). Forty-two thousand Ephraimites were killed by the fords of the Jordan in this civil war. Thereafter, Jephthah ruled for only six years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ibzan (12:8-10)<\/h6>\n<p>Ibzan was a minor judge from Bethlehem who ruled Israel for seven years.<\/p>\n<h6>Elon (12:11)<\/h6>\n<p>A minor judge from Zebulun, Elon ruled Israel for ten years.<\/p>\n<h6>Abdon (12:13-15)<\/h6>\n<p>Abdon was a minor judge from Pirathon, the location of which is uncertain. He ruled for eight years.<\/p>\n<h6>Samson (13:1–16:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Samson’s greatness in the history of redemption is due to his miraculous birth (13:1-24), his service as a Nazirite (13:7; cf. Nm 6:1-21), the repeated overpowering by the Spirit of the Lord (Jgs 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14), the single-handed exploits against the Philistines (Ashkelon, 14:19; the fields, 15:1-6; Ramath Etam, 15:7-17; Gaza, 16:1-3, 23-30), and his occasional dependence on the Lord (15:18-19; 16:28-30). However, his personal life was flawed because of his weakness for Philistine women (chs 14, 16). Having been seduced by Delilah, he was imprisoned at Gaza. He died in the collapse of Dagon’s temple, praying that the Lord would permit him to get revenge (16:28-30). He was buried in his father’s tomb in the territory of Dan (16:31).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue (17–21)<\/h5>\n<p>The cyclical nature of Israel’s existence was without movement. Rest from enemies was always temporary. Israel was not yet ready for dynastic kingship, and whatever one may say of the three years of Abimelech, it was a kingship of the worst sort. Israel vacillated between idolatry and belief in the true Lord. The period of the judges was unstable, marked by petty individualism and provincialism. Yet God remained sovereign in the affairs of his people. The epilogue contains two stories: the story of Micah and the Danite migration (chs 17–18) and the civil war (chs 19–21). The epilogue is bound together by the phrase “In those days Israel had no king; everyone did as he saw fit” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25, <span>niv<\/span>). The symmetric recurrence (two times in each narrative) emphasizes the anarchy and inability of the tribes to unite together to serve God as a covenant people.<\/p>\n<h6>Micah and the Danites (17–18)<\/h6>\n<p>Micah was an Ephraimite who established a shrine and hired one of his own sons, and then a Levite from Bethlehem, to serve as its priests (ch 17). Unable to keep their patrimony, the Danites left to establish themselves at the foot of Mt Hermon. They took the idols and the Levite from Micah’s shrine and set up a cultic city at the newly established city of Dan, built on the ruins of Laish (ch 18). Thus, they set up a cultic center that rivaled the tabernacle at Shiloh (18:31).<\/p>\n<h6>The Civil War (19–21)<\/h6>\n<p>The people of Gibeah, which belonged to Benjamin, sexually abused the concubine of a Levite so that she died. Like the Levite of chapters 17 and 18, she was from Bethlehem (19:1). Dramatically, the Levite sent pieces of her corpse to all the tribes, which assembled against the Benjamites because they protected the criminals of Gibeah (19:29–20:19). In the ensuing battle the population of Benjamin was decimated (20:20-48). The 11 tribes gave them 400 virgins taken in a civil war against Jabesh-gilead (21:6-15). These were not enough, however. Because of the threat of the extinction of Benjamin and the vow not to give their daughters in marriage to any Benjamite, the Israelites devised a plan by which the Benjamites could take Israelite virgins dancing in the festival at Shiloh. Benjamin thus was able to rebuild its towns and settlements.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Gideon; Jephthah; Samson.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JUDGES, Book of Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail. Preview • Author • Date • Li...","summary_en":"JUDGES, Book of Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail. Preview • Author • Date • Li...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":23697,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Luz","title_en":"Luz","content_ro":"<h3>LUZ<\/h3>\n<li>1. Original Canaanite name of the city of Bethel (Gn 28:19; 35:6). It was here that Jacob had a vision of God. In recognition of God’s presence he called the place “the house of God” (beth-El). Jacob may not have been in the city itself, which might account for the seeming discrepancy in Joshua 16:2. The phrase “from Bethel to Luz” in the description of the border of the land allotted to Joseph (Ephraim and Manasseh) seems to distinguish Bethel from Luz as though they were two different cities. Perhaps the solution is to be found in that originally the name Luz continued to be used of the city, while at the same time the Israelites knew, through tradition, of the place where Jacob had named Bethel outside the city of Luz. According to Joshua 16:2, then, Bethel would be an area lying east of the city of Luz. At the time of Conquest (Jgs 1:22-25), or subsequently, the Israelites changed the name of Luz to Bethel.<\/li>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Bethel (Place), Bethelite #1.<\/p>\n<li>2. Hittite city named after Luz in Palestine by one of its inhabitants who migrated to the Hittite region after the Israelites captured this city (Jgs 1:26).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>LUZ<\/h3>\n<li>1. Original Canaanite name of the city of Bethel (Gn 28:19; 35:6). It was here that Jacob had a vision of God. In recognition of God’s presence he called the place “the house of God” (beth-El). Jacob may not have been in the city itself, which might account for the seeming discrepancy in Joshua 16:2. The phrase “from Bethel to Luz” in the description of the border of the land allotted to Joseph (Ephraim and Manasseh) seems to distinguish Bethel from Luz as though they were two different cities. Perhaps the solution is to be found in that originally the name Luz continued to be used of the city, while at the same time the Israelites knew, through tradition, of the place where Jacob had named Bethel outside the city of Luz. According to Joshua 16:2, then, Bethel would be an area lying east of the city of Luz. At the time of Conquest (Jgs 1:22-25), or subsequently, the Israelites changed the name of Luz to Bethel.<\/li>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Bethel (Place), Bethelite #1.<\/p>\n<li>2. Hittite city named after Luz in Palestine by one of its inhabitants who migrated to the Hittite region after the Israelites captured this city (Jgs 1:26).<\/li>","summary_ro":"LUZ 1. Original Canaanite name of the city of Bethel (Gn 28:19; 35:6). It was here that Jacob had a vision of God. In recognition of God’s presence he called the place “the house of God” (beth-El). Jacob may not have been in the city itself, which might account for the seeming discrepancy in Joshua 16:2. The phrase “from Bethel to Luz” in the description of the border of the land allotted to Joseph (Ephraim and Manasseh) seems to distinguish Bethel from Luz as though they were two different c...","summary_en":"LUZ 1. Original Canaanite name of the city of Bethel (Gn 28:19; 35:6). It was here that Jacob had a vision of God. In recognition of God’s presence he called the place “the house of God” (beth-El). Jacob may not have been in the city itself, which might account for the seeming discrepancy in Joshua 16:2. The phrase “from Bethel to Luz” in the description of the border of the land allotted to Joseph (Ephraim and Manasseh) seems to distinguish Bethel from Luz as though they were two different c...","source":"Articles\/L.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":38141,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Warfare","title_en":"Warfare","content_ro":"<h3>WARFARE<\/h3>\n<p>The means by which one nation seeks to impose its will upon another by force. An index to the importance of warfare in antiquity is provided by the amount of technical skill directed to perfecting devices for destruction and defense.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"MethodsofWarfare\">Methods of Warfare<\/p>\n<h5>Standard Combat<\/h5>\n<p>Cavalry units were introduced at the close of the second millennium <span>BC<\/span> and the beginning of the first. The cavalry charge provided a shock force to the great armies, and the cavalry’s mobility permitted concentration of firepower at decisive points. When the Assyrians coordinated their infantry, cavalry, and chariot corps into a powerful battle machine, smaller neighboring nations were more and more compelled to retreat behind their fortifications. They could not hope to engage the massive Assyrian army in standard combat in open terrain. No period is richer in illustrated monuments than Iron Age II; the Assyrian war reliefs present detailed illustrations of their conquests and the size of fortified cities. The few scenes depicting standard combat in open terrain show chariots charging from all directions and engaging the enemy at all stages of a battle. Other formations carry out mopping-up operations, finishing off pockets of enemy resistance remaining after the chariot charge.<\/p>\n<p>The factor of terrain was always very important. In standard combat on open terrain it became conventional to place the best troops on the right side of the line. A Greek commander, Epaminodas (d. 362 <span>BC<\/span>), introduced the variant of a slanting attack by a strengthened left wing, taking the Spartan army completely by surprise. Philip of Macedon and his son Alexander continued to surprise their enemies with variations on a plan of attack based on the phalanx.<\/p>\n\n<h5>Battle in Open Terrain: The Duel<\/h5>\n<p>During certain periods in the ancient Near East, the duel presented an alternative to standard combat. The duel was a contest between two champions who represented the contending forces. The two armies would agree in advance to abide by the outcome of the fight. The duel was meant to avoid the heavy casualties of full-scale warfare. The earliest detailed written account of this unique form of warfare occurs in the Tale of Sinuhe. A chamberlain in the royal court of the 12th dynasty, Sinuhe voluntarily went into exile and traveled to northern Palestine and Syria, where he lived among Semitic tribes. There he was challenged to a duel by a local champion, whom he defeated and whose goods he then plundered.<\/p>\n<p>Although the duel was common among other armies in subsequent periods, it was evidently unknown to Israel before the encounter between David and Goliath (1 Sm 17). The Philistine army had penetrated Judah as far as Socoh and were arrayed on one hill. Drawn up against them on an opposite hill was the army of Saul. The valley of Elah separated the two camps. The Israelites were challenged daily by the Philistine champion, Goliath, who proposed that the battle be decided through combat between two warriors. David accepted his proposal, but when he killed Goliath, the Philistines fled, unwilling to honor the terms of the prior agreement. The Israelite army then entered the contest, pursuing the Philistines and inflicting heavy casualties.<\/p>\n<h5>Assaults on Fortified Cities<\/h5>\n<p>Most cities in the ancient Near East were located at sites that could be defended against attack and that possessed economic advantages. An assault on a fortified city presented opposite problems for attacker and defender. The actions of one were a direct response to the actions of the other. Systems of defense were intended to thwart methods of attack, which in turn were designed to penetrate systems of defense.<\/p>\n<p>There were five possible ways of conquering a fortified city: penetration from above the fortifications; direct penetration through the fortifications; penetration from below the fortifications; siege; and penetration by ruse. On many occasions, a combination of two or more methods was necessary to breach the defensive network.<\/p>\n<p>The biblical narrative of the conquest of Shechem by Abimelech (Jgs 9) gives an account of an assault on a fortified city in the period of the judges (Iron Age I). When the people of Shechem and their allies rebelled against Abimelech, he retaliated by attacking the city, advancing his army of mercenaries by night and launching an assault from ambush positions at dawn (9:32-35). The men of Shechem engaged in open battle outside the city gates but were forced to retreat behind the security of the city walls. The next day Abimelech directed his assault against the city itself. Dividing his forces into three groups, he assumed direct command of one, which he committed to an attack on the city gates at the decisive moment of battle (vv 43-44). The gate was breached and the main walls seized, but the city’s surviving defenders fled to an inner citadel, the temple of Baal-berith.<\/p>\n<p>Many reliefs depict groups of soldiers defending an inner citadel after a city’s wall was breached. Archaeological excavations at Shechem confirm that its temple, like those in other Canaanite cities, was built in the form of a fortified tower, supported by stout bastions near the entrance. The tower of Shechem was thus strongly fortified and occupied only a small area, enabling its defenders to concentrate their firepower on Abimelech’s troops. Since it could not be taken by storm, Abimelech ordered his soldiers to use their battle-axes to cut brushwood, which was piled against the stronghold and set on fire (Jgs 9:48-49). All of the defenders within the tower died.<\/p>\n<p>An assault on an inner citadel was always a hazardous undertaking for an attacking army, as shown in the sequel to the capture of Shechem’s tower. Abimelech turned his attention next to the city of Thebez and followed the same plan of assault that had proved successful at Shechem. But as he was preparing to burn the door of the tower to which the defenders had fled, his skull was crushed by a piece of millstone dropped on him by a woman (Jgs 9:50-53). The incident was remembered and became proverbial for the danger of approaching too closely the walls of a fortified tower (2 Sm 11:19-21).<\/p>\n<h5>Communications and Intelligence<\/h5>\n<p>From the patriarchal period (middle Bronze period), we have detailed written information on the use of communications systems in wartime. The documents from Mari on the Euphrates provide evidence for a well-developed communications system based on signaling. Signals were flashed by torches or firebrands at night in accordance with a prearranged code. The system was widely used in Mesopotamia and elsewhere to call for immediate help when a city was under attack.<\/p>\n<p>In the late Bronze period horsemen were sometimes employed for isolated communication functions. Intelligence services played a role in planning and executing military operations. The importance of intelligence and the use of spies or scouts is stressed in the biblical accounts of the conquest of the land of Canaan. Before entering the land, Moses sent men on an espionage mission. He instructed them to gather information on the topography of the land, to observe the relative strength of its inhabitants, to determine whether the land was fertile, to survey the cities and see if they were fortified, and to report on the character of the land—whether it was capable of sustaining a large population (Nm 13:17-20).<\/p>\n<p>Tactical intelligence was very important. Joshua dispatched spies to Jericho and to Ai before beginning military operations against them (Jos 2:1; 7:2). The reports he received about the offensive spirit and strength of the Canaanites enabled him to formulate an attack plan. In the period of the judges the conquest of Bethel (Jgs 1:22-26) was due directly to intelligence gathered by a reconnaissance patrol. The tribes of Joseph sent out scouts to keep the city under observation. It was strongly fortified and seemed impregnable. The scouts captured a man who emerged from the city—presumably not through the main gate, which was shut tight, but through a concealed postern or tunnel. In exchange for his own life and the safety of his family, he disclosed the location of the passage leading beneath the walls. The city was penetrated through the tunnel and captured.<\/p>\n<h5>Attack and Penetration: The Breach<\/h5>\n<p>Direct penetration through the fortifications of an ancient city meant breaching the gate or the main walls by using hammers, axes, pikes, spears, swords, or a battering ram. Illustrated monuments and written documents indicate that early in the middle Bronze period fortified cities were being attacked with battering rams. The earliest known illustration of a ram appears in a siege scene in the wall paintings from Beni Hasan (20th century <span>BC<\/span>). The ram pictured is a relatively simple device, consisting of a hutlike structure with a slightly pointed roof, which could be moved near a fortress with the help of two parallel crossbars. The structure provided cover for two or three soldiers who operated by hand a very long pole with a sharp tip, presumably of metal.<\/p>\n<p>The Mari documents provide information for the period 200 years later. They mention the effectiveness of battering rams constructed largely of wood. Although very heavy, the siege weapon could be moved over long distances. One document speaks of the use of a wagon drawn by draft animals and of a boat to transport a battering ram to the site of a besieged city.<\/p>\n<p>Moving a battering ram into position always exposed the demolition unit to heavy fire from defenders on the walls above them. Its heaviness made it cumbersome to move. Moreover, the ground adjacent to the walls was usually rough, rocky, and steep. When the chosen point of penetration was a section of the wall, an assault force had to construct an earthen ramp, occasionally strengthened on the top surface and sides with wooden planks or stones. The ramp provided a track along which the battering ram could be moved from the foot of the slope to the outer wall. Once moved into operational position, the ram had to be braked to prevent it from rolling back. The building of such a ramp was evidently necessary in Joab’s campaign against the fortified city of Abel in Beth-maacah (2 Sm 20:15). The biblical account indicates that some sort of battering ram was in use in Israel under King David during the early monarchy.<\/p>\n<p>The earliest Assyrian reliefs show that protection of the penetration units was a major consideration. High, mobile assault towers constructed of wood operated in tandem with a battering ram. Such towers, moved into position near a breach operation and manned by archers, provided covering fire directed against the defenders on the wall. Siege towers neutralized the defenders’ advantage in firepower and drew fire away from the crew engaged in breaching the walls.<\/p>\n<p>The details of the Assyrian reliefs make it possible to visualize clearly the fate of Jerusalem, as announced to the prophet Ezekiel (Ez 4:1-3; 21:22). The gate was the focal point of attack because it was the weakest point in the wall. Moreover, the path leading up to the gate made construction of a special ramp unnecessary. In the demolition of a gate, swords were sometimes used to pry the doors loose and to tear down hinges. Wooden doors unprotected by metal were often set on fire.<\/p>\n<p>The battering ram continued to be used as an engine for breaching walls in the Hellenistic-Roman period. In 63 <span>BC<\/span> the Roman commander Pompey brought up battering rams from Tyre against the defenders of Jerusalem, and with them penetrated the fortified wall that enclosed the temple. The siege machine shown on Trajan’s column had a beam with an iron head shaped like a ram. It was moved up to a wall in a frame protected by a wooden roof covered with clay or hides. A variation equipped for boring into a wall was used by Titus when besieging Jerusalem in <span>AD<\/span> 70.<\/p>\n<p>The battering ram was not the only device used to effect a breach in a wall. Troops trained as sappers would tear down a section of the wall by using sharp-headed levers (pikes, swords, spears) or even sledgehammers (cf. Ez 26:8-9). In Ashurnasirpal’s army such men were issued full-length coats of mail to cover their whole bodies. Under later Assyrian kings, they were protected by both round and rectangular shields, which they carried on their backs when engaged in demolition. Later, Ashurbanipal relied exclusively on such sappers for direct penetration of a fortified city. He designed for their protection a huge shield, the curved head of which could be propped against the wall, screening the sapper from missiles while he worked beneath it.<\/p>\n<h5>Scaling the Walls<\/h5>\n<p>A battle scene depicted on limestone in the tomb of Anta at Dashashe in Upper Egypt (24th century <span>BC<\/span>) provides the earliest known representation of siege activities. It shows the Egyptians raising a scaling ladder against the walls of a fortified city. By the time of Sargon, the thickness of walls was increased considerably, which permitted construction of much higher walls, more resistant to scaling. Such solid, massive walls also tended to blunt the effectiveness of a battering ram. Sargon, and especially his successor Ashurbanipal, responded by constructing longer scaling ladders, some of which could reach a height of from 25 to 30 feet (7.6 to 9.1 meters), judging from the number of rungs.<\/p>\n<h5>Penetration beneath the Walls<\/h5>\n<p>A tunneling operation could be started beyond the range of any weapons at the disposal of the defenders. Once underground, the penetration unit was shielded from enemy fire. The tunneling could be accomplished under cover of night, so that the element of surprise could be exploited to the maximum. It was, however, a lengthy process requiring considerable technical skill. Moreover, if the operation was detected by the defenders before its completion, they could destroy the penetration unit as it emerged from the tunnel. Attempts to penetrate fortified cities by tunneling beneath the walls was a characteristic feature of warfare in Iron Age II. That is confirmed by reliefs, written documents, and archaeological excavation of sites dating to this period, where the remains of attack tunnels have been discovered.<\/p>\n<h5>Siege<\/h5>\n<p>Particularly when a walled city was situated on a high hill, an extended siege provided an alternate method of conquering it. By encircling the city and preventing aid or supplies from reaching its defenders, the attacking army could starve the inhabitants out. That procedure minimized the element of risk for the attacking army. Its success depended upon their capacity to prevent outside assistance from reaching the city and the defenders from leaving it. An army would generally resort to siege when a city’s fortifications were too powerful for direct penetration. The siege of Samaria by the Assyrians lasted for three years (2 Kgs 18:9-10).<\/p>\n<p>The peculiar conditions of siege produced the catapult, a major innovation of Greek artillery and a logical improvement on the bow and the sling. Designed originally as a strengthened bow mounted on a stand and used to fire arrows only, it was introduced around 400 <span>BC<\/span> by Demetrius I. He may have borrowed the idea from the Phoenicians at Carthage.<\/p>\n<p>In the course of time the instrument was improved. The perfect weapon, called the torsion catapult, derived its power from many tightly twisted strands of elastic material, frequently supplied by women’s hair, which could be tightened with a windlass and then released suddenly. Firing arrows, large stones, or fire-baskets with an effective range of 200 yards (182.9 meters), a catapult could clear a wall of its defenders while a battering ram breached it or a boarding party attacked from a mobile tower.<\/p>\n<p>For those in a besieged city, the critical problems were food and water supplies. The horror of famine is stressed in the biblical account of the siege of Samaria by the Syrian Ben-hadad in the days of the prophet Elisha. On that occasion women were reduced to eating their children (2 Kgs 6:26-29). A besieging army would do everything in its power to aggravate such conditions. In one of the siege reliefs of Ashurnasirpal II, a defender has lowered a bucket from the wall to draw water from a stream below; an Assyrian soldier is shown cutting the rope with his dagger.<\/p>\n<h5>Ruses and Stratagems<\/h5>\n<p>Various ruses and stratagems could draw the defenders out of a city or infiltrate troops into the city. If a small force could enter a city by a cunning stratagem, it could overpower the guards and open the city gates to an attacking army. A city’s fortifications were of little value once an enemy had entered the city. Moreover, penetrating a city’s defenses at any one point frequently caused the entire defense system to collapse. The story of the Trojan horse is probably the most celebrated account of a stratagem circumventing the defense of a strongly fortified ancient city.<\/p>\n<p>In the biblical account of the siege of Samaria by Ben-hadad, a sudden lifting of the Syrian siege led Joram, the king of Israel, to suspect a ruse. He refused to believe the report of four lepers that the Syrians had gone, leaving behind large food supplies (2 Kgs 7:12). That was the same kind of tactic that Joshua had employed at Ai (Jos 8:3-8).<\/p>\n<p>On other occasions, powerful armies sought to break down resistance by psychological warfare, as in the unsuccessful attempt by Sennacherib to capture Jerusalem in the time of Hezekiah (2 Kgs 18–19). The dialogue between the Assyrian general and Hezekiah’s delegates reveals that the Assyrian was trying to shake the confidence of the city’s defenders.<\/p>\n<p>The ambush was a type of ruse used to trap and destroy an enemy at a moment when he was least able to counter a sudden, unexpected blow. Its effectiveness depended almost entirely on the element of surprise. By taking advantage of good intelligence, knowledge of the terrain, and the cover of night, a small force could stage a devastating ambush against vastly superior numbers.<\/p>\n<p>The ambush was a standard method of combat during the period of the conquest of Canaan. The fall of Ai, for example, was due directly to the tactical success of an ambush (Jos 8:1-23). Under cover of night, Joshua was able to move a large force to a concealed position behind the city. He then led the remainder of the Israelite army to the edge of a valley north of the fortified city, giving the appearance of a planned assault on the city. The diversion, as calculated, drew the main force of Ai away from the city to engage Israel on the plain of Arabah. When the Israelites fell back, appearing to be badly beaten, the remaining defenders of the city were summoned to pursue Joshua’s fleeing army. With the city left undefended, the main Israelite strike force rose from its ambush position, poured into the city, and set it on fire. Too late, the men of Ai saw the smoke from their burning city and realized the stratagem. Joshua’s army turned to counterattack their pursuers, who found themselves trapped between two bodies of Israelite forces. Assaulted from both front and rear, the king of Ai’s army was annihilated, victim of an effectively laid ambush.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"FortificationsandDefense\">Fortifications and Defense<\/p>\n<p>The earliest known fortifications in the world, dated by some to about 7000 <span>BC<\/span>, were discovered in 1954 at Jericho. They were impressive in conception and construction. The core of the defense system was a wall, part of which, bordering the western edge of the ancient city, was still standing to a height of 21 feet (6.4 meters). Further excavation uncovered a large moat that had been carved out of solid rock at the base of the wall, 27 feet (8.2 meters) wide and 9 feet (2.7 meters) deep. How that feat was accomplished when the only tools assumed to have been available were made of stone is a complete mystery. A third component of Jericho’s defense system was a huge stone circular tower 30 feet (9.1 meters) high, once evidently attached to the inner side of the western part of the wall. The exact purpose of the tower has not yet been determined, but Neolithic Jericho provides the earliest evidence of a fortified city supported by a wall, tower, and moat.<\/p>\n<p>By the middle Bronze period, there were four components in a standard defense system: a moat, an advance (outer) wall, the main (inner) wall, and a well-fortified gate structure. The moat, advance wall, and subsidiary fortifications protecting the steep slope and lower portion of the main wall were intended to prevent breaching by a battering ram.<\/p>\n<h5>City Walls<\/h5>\n<p>Erection of a simple wall could halt a hostile advance only temporarily, since walls could be scaled or breached. Walls therefore provided a firing platform so defenders could repel attacks. The wall system consisted of three principal components: the wall itself, constituting the barrier; an upper structure, which provided the firing platform and cover for the defenders; and a series of obstacles and traps erected in front of the wall to keep archers at a distance and to prevent operation of a battering ram.<\/p>\n<p>The battlement—a parapet built along the outer top edge of the wall—provided the defenders with a measure of security, freedom for mobility, and openings through which fire could be directed. From a distance the square notches looked like a row of teeth with gaps between them. The teeth, called merlons, provided a protective barrier against hostile missiles. The gaps, called embrasures or crenels, supplied openings through which the defenders could discharge their weapons. Special towers protruded from the outer face of the wall, spaced at a distance no greater than the double range of a bow. Such towers enabled the defenders to fire at troops who managed to reach the walls. One way of protecting the main wall was to construct an outer or advance wall that could be breached or climbed only under heavy fire from defending units on the battlements of the main wall. Another method was to dig a wide, deep moat around the base of the main wall. A moat kept the enemy from using a battering ram unless they could bridge the moat or fill it up at certain points, under concentrated fire from the defenders.<\/p>\n<p>Casemate fortifications, introduced in the middle Bronze period, were developed from double walls built of dressed stones. The space between the walls was divided into chambers, or casemates, used for storage or dwellings. The Hittite casemate system, introduced into Palestine at least as early as the time of Saul, was widely adopted in Syria and Palestine. A fine example has been discovered at Gibeah, where Saul’s citadel was located, dating to the end of the 11th century <span>BC<\/span>. The overall thickness of the double walls, including the casemates, reaches 15 feet (4.6 meters). The same type of construction has been found in excavations of three Solomonic cities—Hazor, Gezer, and Megiddo (cf. 1 Kgs 9:15)—where the casemate walls have an overall thickness of 18 feet (5.5 meters).<\/p>\n<p>Although the divided kingdoms of Judah and Israel were not noted for technical advancements in offensive warfare, a number of their kings worked at improving fortifications and means of defense. Uzziah was especially remembered for his accomplishments in defensive warfare. Along with other measures, “he produced machines mounted on the walls of Jerusalem, designed by brilliant men to shoot arrows and hurl stones from the towers and the corners of the wall” (2 Chr 26:15, <span>nlt<\/span>). Those “machines” were special protective structures built to facilitate the task of the archers and to permit huge stones to be dropped on the heads of assaulting troops.<\/p>\n<h5>Gate<\/h5>\n<p>It was inevitable that the gate would be the focus of action in any assault on a fortified city. City gates were therefore designed to expose an attacking army to the greatest risk while providing maximum security to the defenders. The road approaching a city on a hill would wind up the slope, climbing obliquely to the left or the right. Such roads were usually laid out to reach the gate from the right, so an attacker would have to expose the right side of his body to the defenders on the wall. Since he carried his shield in his left hand, that made him more vulnerable.<\/p>\n<p>To prevent the heavy wooden doors of the gate from being set on fire, they were usually plated with metal. A gate wide enough for chariots required double doors, making the line at the center where the two doors met the weakest point in the barrier. Double doors were therefore fitted with huge bolts and fortified with a heavy beam running across the back of both door panels and held in place by sockets set in the doorposts.<\/p>\n<p>Another component in the defense complex at a gate consisted of towers erected on either side of the gate and protruding from the outer face of the wall. Enemy soldiers trying to smash the doors with axes or set them on fire with torches were thus exposed to heavy flanking fire from defensive units on the towers. From a roof over the gate having a balcony, concentrated firepower could be poured down on attackers’ heads. The addition of such auxiliary structures transformed a gate into a small fortress.<\/p>\n<h5>Inner Citadel<\/h5>\n<p>A major weakness of a city’s walls and gate was the magnitude of the circumference. An average-size city might have a perimeter of half a mile (.8 kilometer); a larger city, a perimeter of over a mile (1.6 kilometers). Yet the entire wall had to be defended against breaching, scaling, or tunneling. An attacking army would use diversionary tactics to keep defenders dispersed along the entire perimeter but concentrate their primary assault at one point in the wall. Once the wall was breached, perimeter fortifications served no further defensive purpose. Therefore, internal walls were often added to subdivide a city into several sections, each capable of independent defense. Also, on the highest point of land within the city a citadel would be constructed as a self-contained defensive unit.<\/p>\n<p>The earliest examples of such fortifications, called migdols, are found in the late Bronze Age. They were originally small citadels built to guard important military targets such as sources of water, strategic routes, cultivated farmlands, or frontiers. A migdol of that type was discovered in Israel, not far from Ashdod, in 1960. It was square in plan, with rectangular bastions, and was two stories high, just like structures depicted in Egyptian reliefs from the same period. The same design was used to fortify temples inside of cities. Such fortified temples served as places of refuge and as a city’s final defense once its walls had been breached (cf. Jgs 9:45-51).<\/p>\n<p>In a later period an inner citadel could embrace a complex consisting of the fortified palace of the governor, dwellings of his chief ministers, and sometimes the temple. Such citadels resembled fortified cities, possessing a main wall, a gateway, an outer wall, and occasionally a moat. Being small in area and heavily fortified, citadels could be defended in a final effort by the governor and remaining inhabitants. Presumably Zimri could have held out against Omri’s army for an extended period in the citadel of Tirzah, had he not committed suicide by setting it on fire (1 Kgs 16:17-18).<\/p>\n<h5>Water Supply under Siege<\/h5>\n<p>Unless provision was made to keep a city’s inhabitants supplied with food and water during a protracted siege, no defense system could be effective. Several Judean kings made efforts to solve the food-storage problem. Rehoboam, for example, fortified a number of cities located on the western, eastern, and southern borders of his kingdom and made them centers for the storage of food, oil, and wine (2 Chr 11:5-11).<\/p>\n<p>Storage of food was easier than storage of water. Cisterns built to collect rainwater were a partial answer, but cisterns often ran dry, particularly in times of drought. Cities were sometimes built on the banks of a stream or river, using the stream as part of the city’s defense system. But for a city built on a hill, the source of water might be a spring located at the foot of the slope and outside the city walls. Sometimes the mouth of the spring could be blocked and its location concealed from the enemy while still allowing access by the inhabitants. At Megiddo a vertical shaft 100 feet (274.3 meters) deep was connected by a horizontal tunnel about 200 feet (548.6 meters) long to the water supply at the western end of the city, beyond the fortifications. The work was undertaken in the time of either Solomon or Ahab.<\/p>\n<p>The most celebrated measures to guarantee a supply of fresh water in a time of siege were those taken by Hezekiah at Jerusalem. That engineering achievement is recalled in all the summaries of his reign, both in the Bible and in the “Praise of Famous Men” in the apocryphal book of Ecclesiasticus (2 Kgs 20:20; 2 Chr 32:30; Ecclus 48:17). The prodigious feat commemorated in those references was the sealing of the spring of Gihon and the cutting of an 1,800-foot (548.6-meter) channel through solid rock in order to bring water into a reservoir in the city. How it was accomplished was reported by Hezekiah himself in the famous Siloam inscription. Two crews, working with hammers, wedges, and pickaxes, began at opposite ends. The crew that began at the spring was able to take advantage of the older tunnel (cf. Is 22:11). They turned due south, in the direction of the city. The other crew, starting from the reservoir, began in a northeasterly direction. They then turned southeast until they reached the north-south line followed by the crew tunneling from the spring, when they turned due north to meet them. The two crews almost passed each other, being about five feet (1.5 meters) apart, but a shout from one was heard through a crevice in the rock by the other. Both parties turned sharply right, and the tunnel was completed. Hezekiah’s precautionary step, taken before Sennacherib’s invasion of Judah, helps to explain why the Assyrians were unable to subdue Jerusalem by the siege tactics that had earlier subdued Samaria in the time of Sargon.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"HebrewMilitaryOrganization\">Hebrew Military Organization<\/p>\n<h5>Tribal Army<\/h5>\n<p>In their exodus from Egypt the Israelites were organized by tribes and divisions. That systematic arrangement for their trek through the wilderness provided a precedent for military organization. After the sojourn at Mt Sinai, the 12 tribes were divided into divisions or army corps, and certain grades in military rank began to appear. The “officers of the army” (Nm 31:14) had command over units of 1,000 or 100 men, which suggests that the tribal army was divided into decimal units. At a later period there is reference to units of 1,000 (the division), 100 (the company), 50 (the platoon), and 10 (the section). Except for the Levites, who were assigned as a tribe to the care of the tabernacle (Nm 2:33), men from 20 years of age who were physically able to fight were assigned to a unit in the tribal army. Certain individuals, however, were exempted from military service (cf. Dt 20:5-9; 24:5; Jgs 7:3).<\/p>\n<p>Until after the conquest of Canaan, the tribal army was essentially a militia recruited in an emergency. Internal organization of the militia was the responsibility of the tribe; each clan and family sent their quota of warriors when summoned to battle by tribal leaders. Because the clan formed the basic unit, recruits were under the command of their own leaders. David’s brothers, for example, served in a division composed of the fighting men from their clan under the command of a captain (1 Sm 17:18; 18:13). When the emergency passed, the militia was disbanded and the soldiers returned to their home districts.<\/p>\n<p>Because the land was divided among the tribes, no tribal or clan leader before Saul commanded the entire tribal confederation (cf. 1 Sm 11:1-11). In fact, tribal jealousies and rivalries threatened national solidarity and jeopardized united action even in a critical period. On some occasions, however, the severity of a crisis caused the armies of the various tribes to unite in common action. The multitribal armies were divided into companies of 1,000, 100, and 50, and still further into families under appointed officers. There is evidence of organization into units according to weaponry (1 Chr 12:24-38). Benjamin’s tribe specialized in the bow and sling. The tribes of Gad, Judah, and Naphtali were expert with the spear and shield.<\/p>\n<p>Provisioning the tribal army was the responsibility of each tribe (Jgs 20:9-10). One out of every ten soldiers was appointed to secure food for the others, either from wealthy landowners (cf. 1 Sm 25) or from the natural resources of the land. In that early stage of military organization, a soldier’s pay generally consisted only of supplies and a portion of the spoils of battle (cf. 30:21-25).<\/p>\n<h5>Professional Army<\/h5>\n<p>Not until the time of the united monarchy did Israel have a regular army. Transition from a people’s militia to a professional army took place under Saul, whose reign changed the tribal confederacy into a monarchy (1 Sm 13:2). Philistine harassment of Israel encouraged establishment of a strong standing army. The army, however, was not large; it consisted of 3,000 men organized in three formations of 1,000 each (1 Sm 13:2; 24:2). Pay for those career soldiers was sometimes in the form of a land grant (8:14) as well as a share of booty. In the organization of Saul’s army, Abner, Jonathan, and David were given particular responsibilities. Abner was named commander of the army (17:55) and was probably also given direct command of one of the divisions. David’s band of valorous men, “the thirty,” provided the leadership core for his own military organization when he became king.<\/p>\n<p>David continued the practice of maintaining a professional army. But he also developed a national militia of 12 regiments, each being called up for duty for one month of the year under professional officers (1 Chr 27:1-15). Each regiment, recruited across tribal lines, consisted of 24,000 soldiers. David’s innovation provided him with a large reserve force that could be mustered for war in times of emergency. The reserves, and presumably the professional army as well, were organized into units of 1,000, 100, 50, and 10. Joab, a specialist in siege warfare (2 Sm 20:15), commanded the professional army, and Amasa was over the citizens’ militia. David, however, remained commander-in-chief of the military organization.<\/p>\n<p>The Israelite group in King David’s professional army was an outgrowth of the small band of fighting men who had served with him during the period of conflict with Saul. That veteran group consisted of David’s family and clansmen, and others who felt themselves oppressed by the central authority under Saul (1 Sm 22:1-2). It ranged in size between 400 and 600 men (1 Sm 22:2; 23:13; 27:2). The presence of mercenaries in David’s army is clearly recorded. Uriah the Hittite and Ittai of Gath are conspicuous examples, along with many career soldiers of Philistine origin, such as the Cherethites and the Pelethites under Benaiah (2 Sm 8:18; 15:19-22; 23:22-23).<\/p>\n<p>The Davidic dynasty maintained a permanent mercenary army until 701 <span>BC<\/span>, after which it was considered too costly. The oppressive cost of maintaining a professional army, financed by burdensome taxes and forced labor, was in fact a major factor contributing to the disruption of the monarchy after Solomon’s death (cf. 1 Kgs 10:26-29; 12:4-19). After Sennacherib’s invasion in 701 <span>BC<\/span>, the southern kingdom of Judah depended entirely on a citizens’ militia for its defense. It is commonly held that the northern kingdom of Israel did not employ a professional army, but it is evident that King Ahab used at least some mercenary soldiers in his defense against Ben-hadad of Syria (1 Kgs 20:15-20).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Armor and Weapons.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>WARFARE<\/h3>\n<p>The means by which one nation seeks to impose its will upon another by force. An index to the importance of warfare in antiquity is provided by the amount of technical skill directed to perfecting devices for destruction and defense.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"MethodsofWarfare\">Methods of Warfare<\/p>\n<h5>Standard Combat<\/h5>\n<p>Cavalry units were introduced at the close of the second millennium <span>BC<\/span> and the beginning of the first. The cavalry charge provided a shock force to the great armies, and the cavalry’s mobility permitted concentration of firepower at decisive points. When the Assyrians coordinated their infantry, cavalry, and chariot corps into a powerful battle machine, smaller neighboring nations were more and more compelled to retreat behind their fortifications. They could not hope to engage the massive Assyrian army in standard combat in open terrain. No period is richer in illustrated monuments than Iron Age II; the Assyrian war reliefs present detailed illustrations of their conquests and the size of fortified cities. The few scenes depicting standard combat in open terrain show chariots charging from all directions and engaging the enemy at all stages of a battle. Other formations carry out mopping-up operations, finishing off pockets of enemy resistance remaining after the chariot charge.<\/p>\n<p>The factor of terrain was always very important. In standard combat on open terrain it became conventional to place the best troops on the right side of the line. A Greek commander, Epaminodas (d. 362 <span>BC<\/span>), introduced the variant of a slanting attack by a strengthened left wing, taking the Spartan army completely by surprise. Philip of Macedon and his son Alexander continued to surprise their enemies with variations on a plan of attack based on the phalanx.<\/p>\n\n<h5>Battle in Open Terrain: The Duel<\/h5>\n<p>During certain periods in the ancient Near East, the duel presented an alternative to standard combat. The duel was a contest between two champions who represented the contending forces. The two armies would agree in advance to abide by the outcome of the fight. The duel was meant to avoid the heavy casualties of full-scale warfare. The earliest detailed written account of this unique form of warfare occurs in the Tale of Sinuhe. A chamberlain in the royal court of the 12th dynasty, Sinuhe voluntarily went into exile and traveled to northern Palestine and Syria, where he lived among Semitic tribes. There he was challenged to a duel by a local champion, whom he defeated and whose goods he then plundered.<\/p>\n<p>Although the duel was common among other armies in subsequent periods, it was evidently unknown to Israel before the encounter between David and Goliath (1 Sm 17). The Philistine army had penetrated Judah as far as Socoh and were arrayed on one hill. Drawn up against them on an opposite hill was the army of Saul. The valley of Elah separated the two camps. The Israelites were challenged daily by the Philistine champion, Goliath, who proposed that the battle be decided through combat between two warriors. David accepted his proposal, but when he killed Goliath, the Philistines fled, unwilling to honor the terms of the prior agreement. The Israelite army then entered the contest, pursuing the Philistines and inflicting heavy casualties.<\/p>\n<h5>Assaults on Fortified Cities<\/h5>\n<p>Most cities in the ancient Near East were located at sites that could be defended against attack and that possessed economic advantages. An assault on a fortified city presented opposite problems for attacker and defender. The actions of one were a direct response to the actions of the other. Systems of defense were intended to thwart methods of attack, which in turn were designed to penetrate systems of defense.<\/p>\n<p>There were five possible ways of conquering a fortified city: penetration from above the fortifications; direct penetration through the fortifications; penetration from below the fortifications; siege; and penetration by ruse. On many occasions, a combination of two or more methods was necessary to breach the defensive network.<\/p>\n<p>The biblical narrative of the conquest of Shechem by Abimelech (Jgs 9) gives an account of an assault on a fortified city in the period of the judges (Iron Age I). When the people of Shechem and their allies rebelled against Abimelech, he retaliated by attacking the city, advancing his army of mercenaries by night and launching an assault from ambush positions at dawn (9:32-35). The men of Shechem engaged in open battle outside the city gates but were forced to retreat behind the security of the city walls. The next day Abimelech directed his assault against the city itself. Dividing his forces into three groups, he assumed direct command of one, which he committed to an attack on the city gates at the decisive moment of battle (vv 43-44). The gate was breached and the main walls seized, but the city’s surviving defenders fled to an inner citadel, the temple of Baal-berith.<\/p>\n<p>Many reliefs depict groups of soldiers defending an inner citadel after a city’s wall was breached. Archaeological excavations at Shechem confirm that its temple, like those in other Canaanite cities, was built in the form of a fortified tower, supported by stout bastions near the entrance. The tower of Shechem was thus strongly fortified and occupied only a small area, enabling its defenders to concentrate their firepower on Abimelech’s troops. Since it could not be taken by storm, Abimelech ordered his soldiers to use their battle-axes to cut brushwood, which was piled against the stronghold and set on fire (Jgs 9:48-49). All of the defenders within the tower died.<\/p>\n<p>An assault on an inner citadel was always a hazardous undertaking for an attacking army, as shown in the sequel to the capture of Shechem’s tower. Abimelech turned his attention next to the city of Thebez and followed the same plan of assault that had proved successful at Shechem. But as he was preparing to burn the door of the tower to which the defenders had fled, his skull was crushed by a piece of millstone dropped on him by a woman (Jgs 9:50-53). The incident was remembered and became proverbial for the danger of approaching too closely the walls of a fortified tower (2 Sm 11:19-21).<\/p>\n<h5>Communications and Intelligence<\/h5>\n<p>From the patriarchal period (middle Bronze period), we have detailed written information on the use of communications systems in wartime. The documents from Mari on the Euphrates provide evidence for a well-developed communications system based on signaling. Signals were flashed by torches or firebrands at night in accordance with a prearranged code. The system was widely used in Mesopotamia and elsewhere to call for immediate help when a city was under attack.<\/p>\n<p>In the late Bronze period horsemen were sometimes employed for isolated communication functions. Intelligence services played a role in planning and executing military operations. The importance of intelligence and the use of spies or scouts is stressed in the biblical accounts of the conquest of the land of Canaan. Before entering the land, Moses sent men on an espionage mission. He instructed them to gather information on the topography of the land, to observe the relative strength of its inhabitants, to determine whether the land was fertile, to survey the cities and see if they were fortified, and to report on the character of the land—whether it was capable of sustaining a large population (Nm 13:17-20).<\/p>\n<p>Tactical intelligence was very important. Joshua dispatched spies to Jericho and to Ai before beginning military operations against them (Jos 2:1; 7:2). The reports he received about the offensive spirit and strength of the Canaanites enabled him to formulate an attack plan. In the period of the judges the conquest of Bethel (Jgs 1:22-26) was due directly to intelligence gathered by a reconnaissance patrol. The tribes of Joseph sent out scouts to keep the city under observation. It was strongly fortified and seemed impregnable. The scouts captured a man who emerged from the city—presumably not through the main gate, which was shut tight, but through a concealed postern or tunnel. In exchange for his own life and the safety of his family, he disclosed the location of the passage leading beneath the walls. The city was penetrated through the tunnel and captured.<\/p>\n<h5>Attack and Penetration: The Breach<\/h5>\n<p>Direct penetration through the fortifications of an ancient city meant breaching the gate or the main walls by using hammers, axes, pikes, spears, swords, or a battering ram. Illustrated monuments and written documents indicate that early in the middle Bronze period fortified cities were being attacked with battering rams. The earliest known illustration of a ram appears in a siege scene in the wall paintings from Beni Hasan (20th century <span>BC<\/span>). The ram pictured is a relatively simple device, consisting of a hutlike structure with a slightly pointed roof, which could be moved near a fortress with the help of two parallel crossbars. The structure provided cover for two or three soldiers who operated by hand a very long pole with a sharp tip, presumably of metal.<\/p>\n<p>The Mari documents provide information for the period 200 years later. They mention the effectiveness of battering rams constructed largely of wood. Although very heavy, the siege weapon could be moved over long distances. One document speaks of the use of a wagon drawn by draft animals and of a boat to transport a battering ram to the site of a besieged city.<\/p>\n<p>Moving a battering ram into position always exposed the demolition unit to heavy fire from defenders on the walls above them. Its heaviness made it cumbersome to move. Moreover, the ground adjacent to the walls was usually rough, rocky, and steep. When the chosen point of penetration was a section of the wall, an assault force had to construct an earthen ramp, occasionally strengthened on the top surface and sides with wooden planks or stones. The ramp provided a track along which the battering ram could be moved from the foot of the slope to the outer wall. Once moved into operational position, the ram had to be braked to prevent it from rolling back. The building of such a ramp was evidently necessary in Joab’s campaign against the fortified city of Abel in Beth-maacah (2 Sm 20:15). The biblical account indicates that some sort of battering ram was in use in Israel under King David during the early monarchy.<\/p>\n<p>The earliest Assyrian reliefs show that protection of the penetration units was a major consideration. High, mobile assault towers constructed of wood operated in tandem with a battering ram. Such towers, moved into position near a breach operation and manned by archers, provided covering fire directed against the defenders on the wall. Siege towers neutralized the defenders’ advantage in firepower and drew fire away from the crew engaged in breaching the walls.<\/p>\n<p>The details of the Assyrian reliefs make it possible to visualize clearly the fate of Jerusalem, as announced to the prophet Ezekiel (Ez 4:1-3; 21:22). The gate was the focal point of attack because it was the weakest point in the wall. Moreover, the path leading up to the gate made construction of a special ramp unnecessary. In the demolition of a gate, swords were sometimes used to pry the doors loose and to tear down hinges. Wooden doors unprotected by metal were often set on fire.<\/p>\n<p>The battering ram continued to be used as an engine for breaching walls in the Hellenistic-Roman period. In 63 <span>BC<\/span> the Roman commander Pompey brought up battering rams from Tyre against the defenders of Jerusalem, and with them penetrated the fortified wall that enclosed the temple. The siege machine shown on Trajan’s column had a beam with an iron head shaped like a ram. It was moved up to a wall in a frame protected by a wooden roof covered with clay or hides. A variation equipped for boring into a wall was used by Titus when besieging Jerusalem in <span>AD<\/span> 70.<\/p>\n<p>The battering ram was not the only device used to effect a breach in a wall. Troops trained as sappers would tear down a section of the wall by using sharp-headed levers (pikes, swords, spears) or even sledgehammers (cf. Ez 26:8-9). In Ashurnasirpal’s army such men were issued full-length coats of mail to cover their whole bodies. Under later Assyrian kings, they were protected by both round and rectangular shields, which they carried on their backs when engaged in demolition. Later, Ashurbanipal relied exclusively on such sappers for direct penetration of a fortified city. He designed for their protection a huge shield, the curved head of which could be propped against the wall, screening the sapper from missiles while he worked beneath it.<\/p>\n<h5>Scaling the Walls<\/h5>\n<p>A battle scene depicted on limestone in the tomb of Anta at Dashashe in Upper Egypt (24th century <span>BC<\/span>) provides the earliest known representation of siege activities. It shows the Egyptians raising a scaling ladder against the walls of a fortified city. By the time of Sargon, the thickness of walls was increased considerably, which permitted construction of much higher walls, more resistant to scaling. Such solid, massive walls also tended to blunt the effectiveness of a battering ram. Sargon, and especially his successor Ashurbanipal, responded by constructing longer scaling ladders, some of which could reach a height of from 25 to 30 feet (7.6 to 9.1 meters), judging from the number of rungs.<\/p>\n<h5>Penetration beneath the Walls<\/h5>\n<p>A tunneling operation could be started beyond the range of any weapons at the disposal of the defenders. Once underground, the penetration unit was shielded from enemy fire. The tunneling could be accomplished under cover of night, so that the element of surprise could be exploited to the maximum. It was, however, a lengthy process requiring considerable technical skill. Moreover, if the operation was detected by the defenders before its completion, they could destroy the penetration unit as it emerged from the tunnel. Attempts to penetrate fortified cities by tunneling beneath the walls was a characteristic feature of warfare in Iron Age II. That is confirmed by reliefs, written documents, and archaeological excavation of sites dating to this period, where the remains of attack tunnels have been discovered.<\/p>\n<h5>Siege<\/h5>\n<p>Particularly when a walled city was situated on a high hill, an extended siege provided an alternate method of conquering it. By encircling the city and preventing aid or supplies from reaching its defenders, the attacking army could starve the inhabitants out. That procedure minimized the element of risk for the attacking army. Its success depended upon their capacity to prevent outside assistance from reaching the city and the defenders from leaving it. An army would generally resort to siege when a city’s fortifications were too powerful for direct penetration. The siege of Samaria by the Assyrians lasted for three years (2 Kgs 18:9-10).<\/p>\n<p>The peculiar conditions of siege produced the catapult, a major innovation of Greek artillery and a logical improvement on the bow and the sling. Designed originally as a strengthened bow mounted on a stand and used to fire arrows only, it was introduced around 400 <span>BC<\/span> by Demetrius I. He may have borrowed the idea from the Phoenicians at Carthage.<\/p>\n<p>In the course of time the instrument was improved. The perfect weapon, called the torsion catapult, derived its power from many tightly twisted strands of elastic material, frequently supplied by women’s hair, which could be tightened with a windlass and then released suddenly. Firing arrows, large stones, or fire-baskets with an effective range of 200 yards (182.9 meters), a catapult could clear a wall of its defenders while a battering ram breached it or a boarding party attacked from a mobile tower.<\/p>\n<p>For those in a besieged city, the critical problems were food and water supplies. The horror of famine is stressed in the biblical account of the siege of Samaria by the Syrian Ben-hadad in the days of the prophet Elisha. On that occasion women were reduced to eating their children (2 Kgs 6:26-29). A besieging army would do everything in its power to aggravate such conditions. In one of the siege reliefs of Ashurnasirpal II, a defender has lowered a bucket from the wall to draw water from a stream below; an Assyrian soldier is shown cutting the rope with his dagger.<\/p>\n<h5>Ruses and Stratagems<\/h5>\n<p>Various ruses and stratagems could draw the defenders out of a city or infiltrate troops into the city. If a small force could enter a city by a cunning stratagem, it could overpower the guards and open the city gates to an attacking army. A city’s fortifications were of little value once an enemy had entered the city. Moreover, penetrating a city’s defenses at any one point frequently caused the entire defense system to collapse. The story of the Trojan horse is probably the most celebrated account of a stratagem circumventing the defense of a strongly fortified ancient city.<\/p>\n<p>In the biblical account of the siege of Samaria by Ben-hadad, a sudden lifting of the Syrian siege led Joram, the king of Israel, to suspect a ruse. He refused to believe the report of four lepers that the Syrians had gone, leaving behind large food supplies (2 Kgs 7:12). That was the same kind of tactic that Joshua had employed at Ai (Jos 8:3-8).<\/p>\n<p>On other occasions, powerful armies sought to break down resistance by psychological warfare, as in the unsuccessful attempt by Sennacherib to capture Jerusalem in the time of Hezekiah (2 Kgs 18–19). The dialogue between the Assyrian general and Hezekiah’s delegates reveals that the Assyrian was trying to shake the confidence of the city’s defenders.<\/p>\n<p>The ambush was a type of ruse used to trap and destroy an enemy at a moment when he was least able to counter a sudden, unexpected blow. Its effectiveness depended almost entirely on the element of surprise. By taking advantage of good intelligence, knowledge of the terrain, and the cover of night, a small force could stage a devastating ambush against vastly superior numbers.<\/p>\n<p>The ambush was a standard method of combat during the period of the conquest of Canaan. The fall of Ai, for example, was due directly to the tactical success of an ambush (Jos 8:1-23). Under cover of night, Joshua was able to move a large force to a concealed position behind the city. He then led the remainder of the Israelite army to the edge of a valley north of the fortified city, giving the appearance of a planned assault on the city. The diversion, as calculated, drew the main force of Ai away from the city to engage Israel on the plain of Arabah. When the Israelites fell back, appearing to be badly beaten, the remaining defenders of the city were summoned to pursue Joshua’s fleeing army. With the city left undefended, the main Israelite strike force rose from its ambush position, poured into the city, and set it on fire. Too late, the men of Ai saw the smoke from their burning city and realized the stratagem. Joshua’s army turned to counterattack their pursuers, who found themselves trapped between two bodies of Israelite forces. Assaulted from both front and rear, the king of Ai’s army was annihilated, victim of an effectively laid ambush.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"FortificationsandDefense\">Fortifications and Defense<\/p>\n<p>The earliest known fortifications in the world, dated by some to about 7000 <span>BC<\/span>, were discovered in 1954 at Jericho. They were impressive in conception and construction. The core of the defense system was a wall, part of which, bordering the western edge of the ancient city, was still standing to a height of 21 feet (6.4 meters). Further excavation uncovered a large moat that had been carved out of solid rock at the base of the wall, 27 feet (8.2 meters) wide and 9 feet (2.7 meters) deep. How that feat was accomplished when the only tools assumed to have been available were made of stone is a complete mystery. A third component of Jericho’s defense system was a huge stone circular tower 30 feet (9.1 meters) high, once evidently attached to the inner side of the western part of the wall. The exact purpose of the tower has not yet been determined, but Neolithic Jericho provides the earliest evidence of a fortified city supported by a wall, tower, and moat.<\/p>\n<p>By the middle Bronze period, there were four components in a standard defense system: a moat, an advance (outer) wall, the main (inner) wall, and a well-fortified gate structure. The moat, advance wall, and subsidiary fortifications protecting the steep slope and lower portion of the main wall were intended to prevent breaching by a battering ram.<\/p>\n<h5>City Walls<\/h5>\n<p>Erection of a simple wall could halt a hostile advance only temporarily, since walls could be scaled or breached. Walls therefore provided a firing platform so defenders could repel attacks. The wall system consisted of three principal components: the wall itself, constituting the barrier; an upper structure, which provided the firing platform and cover for the defenders; and a series of obstacles and traps erected in front of the wall to keep archers at a distance and to prevent operation of a battering ram.<\/p>\n<p>The battlement—a parapet built along the outer top edge of the wall—provided the defenders with a measure of security, freedom for mobility, and openings through which fire could be directed. From a distance the square notches looked like a row of teeth with gaps between them. The teeth, called merlons, provided a protective barrier against hostile missiles. The gaps, called embrasures or crenels, supplied openings through which the defenders could discharge their weapons. Special towers protruded from the outer face of the wall, spaced at a distance no greater than the double range of a bow. Such towers enabled the defenders to fire at troops who managed to reach the walls. One way of protecting the main wall was to construct an outer or advance wall that could be breached or climbed only under heavy fire from defending units on the battlements of the main wall. Another method was to dig a wide, deep moat around the base of the main wall. A moat kept the enemy from using a battering ram unless they could bridge the moat or fill it up at certain points, under concentrated fire from the defenders.<\/p>\n<p>Casemate fortifications, introduced in the middle Bronze period, were developed from double walls built of dressed stones. The space between the walls was divided into chambers, or casemates, used for storage or dwellings. The Hittite casemate system, introduced into Palestine at least as early as the time of Saul, was widely adopted in Syria and Palestine. A fine example has been discovered at Gibeah, where Saul’s citadel was located, dating to the end of the 11th century <span>BC<\/span>. The overall thickness of the double walls, including the casemates, reaches 15 feet (4.6 meters). The same type of construction has been found in excavations of three Solomonic cities—Hazor, Gezer, and Megiddo (cf. 1 Kgs 9:15)—where the casemate walls have an overall thickness of 18 feet (5.5 meters).<\/p>\n<p>Although the divided kingdoms of Judah and Israel were not noted for technical advancements in offensive warfare, a number of their kings worked at improving fortifications and means of defense. Uzziah was especially remembered for his accomplishments in defensive warfare. Along with other measures, “he produced machines mounted on the walls of Jerusalem, designed by brilliant men to shoot arrows and hurl stones from the towers and the corners of the wall” (2 Chr 26:15, <span>nlt<\/span>). Those “machines” were special protective structures built to facilitate the task of the archers and to permit huge stones to be dropped on the heads of assaulting troops.<\/p>\n<h5>Gate<\/h5>\n<p>It was inevitable that the gate would be the focus of action in any assault on a fortified city. City gates were therefore designed to expose an attacking army to the greatest risk while providing maximum security to the defenders. The road approaching a city on a hill would wind up the slope, climbing obliquely to the left or the right. Such roads were usually laid out to reach the gate from the right, so an attacker would have to expose the right side of his body to the defenders on the wall. Since he carried his shield in his left hand, that made him more vulnerable.<\/p>\n<p>To prevent the heavy wooden doors of the gate from being set on fire, they were usually plated with metal. A gate wide enough for chariots required double doors, making the line at the center where the two doors met the weakest point in the barrier. Double doors were therefore fitted with huge bolts and fortified with a heavy beam running across the back of both door panels and held in place by sockets set in the doorposts.<\/p>\n<p>Another component in the defense complex at a gate consisted of towers erected on either side of the gate and protruding from the outer face of the wall. Enemy soldiers trying to smash the doors with axes or set them on fire with torches were thus exposed to heavy flanking fire from defensive units on the towers. From a roof over the gate having a balcony, concentrated firepower could be poured down on attackers’ heads. The addition of such auxiliary structures transformed a gate into a small fortress.<\/p>\n<h5>Inner Citadel<\/h5>\n<p>A major weakness of a city’s walls and gate was the magnitude of the circumference. An average-size city might have a perimeter of half a mile (.8 kilometer); a larger city, a perimeter of over a mile (1.6 kilometers). Yet the entire wall had to be defended against breaching, scaling, or tunneling. An attacking army would use diversionary tactics to keep defenders dispersed along the entire perimeter but concentrate their primary assault at one point in the wall. Once the wall was breached, perimeter fortifications served no further defensive purpose. Therefore, internal walls were often added to subdivide a city into several sections, each capable of independent defense. Also, on the highest point of land within the city a citadel would be constructed as a self-contained defensive unit.<\/p>\n<p>The earliest examples of such fortifications, called migdols, are found in the late Bronze Age. They were originally small citadels built to guard important military targets such as sources of water, strategic routes, cultivated farmlands, or frontiers. A migdol of that type was discovered in Israel, not far from Ashdod, in 1960. It was square in plan, with rectangular bastions, and was two stories high, just like structures depicted in Egyptian reliefs from the same period. The same design was used to fortify temples inside of cities. Such fortified temples served as places of refuge and as a city’s final defense once its walls had been breached (cf. Jgs 9:45-51).<\/p>\n<p>In a later period an inner citadel could embrace a complex consisting of the fortified palace of the governor, dwellings of his chief ministers, and sometimes the temple. Such citadels resembled fortified cities, possessing a main wall, a gateway, an outer wall, and occasionally a moat. Being small in area and heavily fortified, citadels could be defended in a final effort by the governor and remaining inhabitants. Presumably Zimri could have held out against Omri’s army for an extended period in the citadel of Tirzah, had he not committed suicide by setting it on fire (1 Kgs 16:17-18).<\/p>\n<h5>Water Supply under Siege<\/h5>\n<p>Unless provision was made to keep a city’s inhabitants supplied with food and water during a protracted siege, no defense system could be effective. Several Judean kings made efforts to solve the food-storage problem. Rehoboam, for example, fortified a number of cities located on the western, eastern, and southern borders of his kingdom and made them centers for the storage of food, oil, and wine (2 Chr 11:5-11).<\/p>\n<p>Storage of food was easier than storage of water. Cisterns built to collect rainwater were a partial answer, but cisterns often ran dry, particularly in times of drought. Cities were sometimes built on the banks of a stream or river, using the stream as part of the city’s defense system. But for a city built on a hill, the source of water might be a spring located at the foot of the slope and outside the city walls. Sometimes the mouth of the spring could be blocked and its location concealed from the enemy while still allowing access by the inhabitants. At Megiddo a vertical shaft 100 feet (274.3 meters) deep was connected by a horizontal tunnel about 200 feet (548.6 meters) long to the water supply at the western end of the city, beyond the fortifications. The work was undertaken in the time of either Solomon or Ahab.<\/p>\n<p>The most celebrated measures to guarantee a supply of fresh water in a time of siege were those taken by Hezekiah at Jerusalem. That engineering achievement is recalled in all the summaries of his reign, both in the Bible and in the “Praise of Famous Men” in the apocryphal book of Ecclesiasticus (2 Kgs 20:20; 2 Chr 32:30; Ecclus 48:17). The prodigious feat commemorated in those references was the sealing of the spring of Gihon and the cutting of an 1,800-foot (548.6-meter) channel through solid rock in order to bring water into a reservoir in the city. How it was accomplished was reported by Hezekiah himself in the famous Siloam inscription. Two crews, working with hammers, wedges, and pickaxes, began at opposite ends. The crew that began at the spring was able to take advantage of the older tunnel (cf. Is 22:11). They turned due south, in the direction of the city. The other crew, starting from the reservoir, began in a northeasterly direction. They then turned southeast until they reached the north-south line followed by the crew tunneling from the spring, when they turned due north to meet them. The two crews almost passed each other, being about five feet (1.5 meters) apart, but a shout from one was heard through a crevice in the rock by the other. Both parties turned sharply right, and the tunnel was completed. Hezekiah’s precautionary step, taken before Sennacherib’s invasion of Judah, helps to explain why the Assyrians were unable to subdue Jerusalem by the siege tactics that had earlier subdued Samaria in the time of Sargon.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"HebrewMilitaryOrganization\">Hebrew Military Organization<\/p>\n<h5>Tribal Army<\/h5>\n<p>In their exodus from Egypt the Israelites were organized by tribes and divisions. That systematic arrangement for their trek through the wilderness provided a precedent for military organization. After the sojourn at Mt Sinai, the 12 tribes were divided into divisions or army corps, and certain grades in military rank began to appear. The “officers of the army” (Nm 31:14) had command over units of 1,000 or 100 men, which suggests that the tribal army was divided into decimal units. At a later period there is reference to units of 1,000 (the division), 100 (the company), 50 (the platoon), and 10 (the section). Except for the Levites, who were assigned as a tribe to the care of the tabernacle (Nm 2:33), men from 20 years of age who were physically able to fight were assigned to a unit in the tribal army. Certain individuals, however, were exempted from military service (cf. Dt 20:5-9; 24:5; Jgs 7:3).<\/p>\n<p>Until after the conquest of Canaan, the tribal army was essentially a militia recruited in an emergency. Internal organization of the militia was the responsibility of the tribe; each clan and family sent their quota of warriors when summoned to battle by tribal leaders. Because the clan formed the basic unit, recruits were under the command of their own leaders. David’s brothers, for example, served in a division composed of the fighting men from their clan under the command of a captain (1 Sm 17:18; 18:13). When the emergency passed, the militia was disbanded and the soldiers returned to their home districts.<\/p>\n<p>Because the land was divided among the tribes, no tribal or clan leader before Saul commanded the entire tribal confederation (cf. 1 Sm 11:1-11). In fact, tribal jealousies and rivalries threatened national solidarity and jeopardized united action even in a critical period. On some occasions, however, the severity of a crisis caused the armies of the various tribes to unite in common action. The multitribal armies were divided into companies of 1,000, 100, and 50, and still further into families under appointed officers. There is evidence of organization into units according to weaponry (1 Chr 12:24-38). Benjamin’s tribe specialized in the bow and sling. The tribes of Gad, Judah, and Naphtali were expert with the spear and shield.<\/p>\n<p>Provisioning the tribal army was the responsibility of each tribe (Jgs 20:9-10). One out of every ten soldiers was appointed to secure food for the others, either from wealthy landowners (cf. 1 Sm 25) or from the natural resources of the land. In that early stage of military organization, a soldier’s pay generally consisted only of supplies and a portion of the spoils of battle (cf. 30:21-25).<\/p>\n<h5>Professional Army<\/h5>\n<p>Not until the time of the united monarchy did Israel have a regular army. Transition from a people’s militia to a professional army took place under Saul, whose reign changed the tribal confederacy into a monarchy (1 Sm 13:2). Philistine harassment of Israel encouraged establishment of a strong standing army. The army, however, was not large; it consisted of 3,000 men organized in three formations of 1,000 each (1 Sm 13:2; 24:2). Pay for those career soldiers was sometimes in the form of a land grant (8:14) as well as a share of booty. In the organization of Saul’s army, Abner, Jonathan, and David were given particular responsibilities. Abner was named commander of the army (17:55) and was probably also given direct command of one of the divisions. David’s band of valorous men, “the thirty,” provided the leadership core for his own military organization when he became king.<\/p>\n<p>David continued the practice of maintaining a professional army. But he also developed a national militia of 12 regiments, each being called up for duty for one month of the year under professional officers (1 Chr 27:1-15). Each regiment, recruited across tribal lines, consisted of 24,000 soldiers. David’s innovation provided him with a large reserve force that could be mustered for war in times of emergency. The reserves, and presumably the professional army as well, were organized into units of 1,000, 100, 50, and 10. Joab, a specialist in siege warfare (2 Sm 20:15), commanded the professional army, and Amasa was over the citizens’ militia. David, however, remained commander-in-chief of the military organization.<\/p>\n<p>The Israelite group in King David’s professional army was an outgrowth of the small band of fighting men who had served with him during the period of conflict with Saul. That veteran group consisted of David’s family and clansmen, and others who felt themselves oppressed by the central authority under Saul (1 Sm 22:1-2). It ranged in size between 400 and 600 men (1 Sm 22:2; 23:13; 27:2). The presence of mercenaries in David’s army is clearly recorded. Uriah the Hittite and Ittai of Gath are conspicuous examples, along with many career soldiers of Philistine origin, such as the Cherethites and the Pelethites under Benaiah (2 Sm 8:18; 15:19-22; 23:22-23).<\/p>\n<p>The Davidic dynasty maintained a permanent mercenary army until 701 <span>BC<\/span>, after which it was considered too costly. The oppressive cost of maintaining a professional army, financed by burdensome taxes and forced labor, was in fact a major factor contributing to the disruption of the monarchy after Solomon’s death (cf. 1 Kgs 10:26-29; 12:4-19). After Sennacherib’s invasion in 701 <span>BC<\/span>, the southern kingdom of Judah depended entirely on a citizens’ militia for its defense. It is commonly held that the northern kingdom of Israel did not employ a professional army, but it is evident that King Ahab used at least some mercenary soldiers in his defense against Ben-hadad of Syria (1 Kgs 20:15-20).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Armor and Weapons.<\/p>","summary_ro":"WARFARE The means by which one nation seeks to impose its will upon another by force. An index to the importance of warfare in antiquity is provided by the amount of technical skill directed to perfecting devices for destruction and defense. Methods of Warfare Standard Combat Cavalry units were introduced at the close of the second millennium BC and the beginning of the first. The cavalry charge provided a shock force to the great armies, and the cavalry’s mobility permitted concentration of ...","summary_en":"WARFARE The means by which one nation seeks to impose its will upon another by force. An index to the importance of warfare in antiquity is provided by the amount of technical skill directed to perfecting devices for destruction and defense. Methods of Warfare Standard Combat Cavalry units were introduced at the close of the second millennium BC and the beginning of the first. The cavalry charge provided a shock force to the great armies, and the cavalry’s mobility permitted concentration of ...","source":"Articles\/W.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":45682,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:22","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:22","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:22-36<\/strong> Two references to the descendants of Joseph (1:22, 35) frame this litany of the northern tribes’ failures to drive out the enemy.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:22-36<\/strong> Two references to the descendants of Joseph (1:22, 35) frame this litany of the northern tribes’ failures to drive out the enemy.<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:22-36 Two references to the descendants of Joseph (1:22, 35) frame this litany of the northern tribes’ failures to drive out the enemy.","summary_en":"1:22-36 Two references to the descendants of Joseph (1:22, 35) frame this litany of the northern tribes’ failures to drive out the enemy.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":45683,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:22","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:22","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:22<\/strong> <em>The<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span><em> was with<\/em> the descendants of Joseph (the tribes of Ephraim and Manasseh), but only in their united attack on Bethel, a place sacred to Israelite memories from the days of Jacob (Gen 28:19). They failed in attacks made separately (Judg 1:27-29). • <em>Bethel<\/em> is associated with the battle against Ai (Josh 7:2) and is listed in the summary statement of kings that Israel had defeated (Josh 12:16).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:22<\/strong> <em>The<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span><em> was with<\/em> the descendants of Joseph (the tribes of Ephraim and Manasseh), but only in their united attack on Bethel, a place sacred to Israelite memories from the days of Jacob (Gen 28:19). They failed in attacks made separately (Judg 1:27-29). • <em>Bethel<\/em> is associated with the battle against Ai (Josh 7:2) and is listed in the summary statement of kings that Israel had defeated (Josh 12:16).<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:22 The Lord was with the descendants of Joseph (the tribes of Ephraim and Manasseh), but only in their united attack on Bethel, a place sacred to Israelite memories from the days of Jacob (Gen 28:19). They failed in attacks made separately (Judg 1:27-29). • Bethel is associated with the battle against Ai (Josh 7:2) and is listed in the summary statement of kings that Israel had defeated (Josh 12:16).","summary_en":"1:22 The Lord was with the descendants of Joseph (the tribes of Ephraim and Manasseh), but only in their united attack on Bethel, a place sacred to Israelite memories from the days of Jacob (Gen 28:19). They failed in attacks made separately (Judg 1:27-29). • Bethel is associated with the battle against Ai (Josh 7:2) and is listed in the summary statement of kings that Israel had defeated (Josh 12:16).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73308,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:22","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:22","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:22-36<\/strong> Two references to the descendants of Joseph (1:22, 35) frame this litany of the northern tribes’ failures to drive out the enemy.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:22-36<\/strong> Two references to the descendants of Joseph (1:22, 35) frame this litany of the northern tribes’ failures to drive out the enemy.<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:22-36 Two references to the descendants of Joseph (1:22, 35) frame this litany of the northern tribes’ failures to drive out the enemy.","summary_en":"1:22-36 Two references to the descendants of Joseph (1:22, 35) frame this litany of the northern tribes’ failures to drive out the enemy.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73309,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:22","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:22","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:22<\/strong> <em>The<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span><em> was with<\/em> the descendants of Joseph (the tribes of Ephraim and Manasseh), but only in their united attack on Bethel, a place sacred to Israelite memories from the days of Jacob (Gen 28:19). They failed in attacks made separately (Judg 1:27-29). • <em>Bethel<\/em> is associated with the battle against Ai (Josh 7:2) and is listed in the summary statement of kings that Israel had defeated (Josh 12:16).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:22<\/strong> <em>The<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span><em> was with<\/em> the descendants of Joseph (the tribes of Ephraim and Manasseh), but only in their united attack on Bethel, a place sacred to Israelite memories from the days of Jacob (Gen 28:19). They failed in attacks made separately (Judg 1:27-29). • <em>Bethel<\/em> is associated with the battle against Ai (Josh 7:2) and is listed in the summary statement of kings that Israel had defeated (Josh 12:16).<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:22 The Lord was with the descendants of Joseph (the tribes of Ephraim and Manasseh), but only in their united attack on Bethel, a place sacred to Israelite memories from the days of Jacob (Gen 28:19). They failed in attacks made separately (Judg 1:27-29). • Bethel is associated with the battle against Ai (Josh 7:2) and is listed in the summary statement of kings that Israel had defeated (Josh 12:16).","summary_en":"1:22 The Lord was with the descendants of Joseph (the tribes of Ephraim and Manasseh), but only in their united attack on Bethel, a place sacred to Israelite memories from the days of Jacob (Gen 28:19). They failed in attacks made separately (Judg 1:27-29). • Bethel is associated with the battle against Ai (Josh 7:2) and is listed in the summary statement of kings that Israel had defeated (Josh 12:16).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":100934,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:22","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:22","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:22-36<\/strong> Two references to the descendants of Joseph (1:22, 35) frame this litany of the northern tribes’ failures to drive out the enemy.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:22-36<\/strong> Two references to the descendants of Joseph (1:22, 35) frame this litany of the northern tribes’ failures to drive out the enemy.<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:22-36 Two references to the descendants of Joseph (1:22, 35) frame this litany of the northern tribes’ failures to drive out the enemy.","summary_en":"1:22-36 Two references to the descendants of Joseph (1:22, 35) frame this litany of the northern tribes’ failures to drive out the enemy.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":100935,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:22","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:22","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:22<\/strong> <em>The<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span><em> was with<\/em> the descendants of Joseph (the tribes of Ephraim and Manasseh), but only in their united attack on Bethel, a place sacred to Israelite memories from the days of Jacob (Gen 28:19). They failed in attacks made separately (Judg 1:27-29). • <em>Bethel<\/em> is associated with the battle against Ai (Josh 7:2) and is listed in the summary statement of kings that Israel had defeated (Josh 12:16).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:22<\/strong> <em>The<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span><em> was with<\/em> the descendants of Joseph (the tribes of Ephraim and Manasseh), but only in their united attack on Bethel, a place sacred to Israelite memories from the days of Jacob (Gen 28:19). They failed in attacks made separately (Judg 1:27-29). • <em>Bethel<\/em> is associated with the battle against Ai (Josh 7:2) and is listed in the summary statement of kings that Israel had defeated (Josh 12:16).<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:22 The Lord was with the descendants of Joseph (the tribes of Ephraim and Manasseh), but only in their united attack on Bethel, a place sacred to Israelite memories from the days of Jacob (Gen 28:19). They failed in attacks made separately (Judg 1:27-29). • Bethel is associated with the battle against Ai (Josh 7:2) and is listed in the summary statement of kings that Israel had defeated (Josh 12:16).","summary_en":"1:22 The Lord was with the descendants of Joseph (the tribes of Ephraim and Manasseh), but only in their united attack on Bethel, a place sacred to Israelite memories from the days of Jacob (Gen 28:19). They failed in attacks made separately (Judg 1:27-29). • Bethel is associated with the battle against Ai (Josh 7:2) and is listed in the summary statement of kings that Israel had defeated (Josh 12:16).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128560,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:22","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:22","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:22-36<\/strong> Two references to the descendants of Joseph (1:22, 35) frame this litany of the northern tribes’ failures to drive out the enemy.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:22-36<\/strong> Two references to the descendants of Joseph (1:22, 35) frame this litany of the northern tribes’ failures to drive out the enemy.<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:22-36 Two references to the descendants of Joseph (1:22, 35) frame this litany of the northern tribes’ failures to drive out the enemy.","summary_en":"1:22-36 Two references to the descendants of Joseph (1:22, 35) frame this litany of the northern tribes’ failures to drive out the enemy.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128561,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:22","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:22","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:22<\/strong> <em>The<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span><em> was with<\/em> the descendants of Joseph (the tribes of Ephraim and Manasseh), but only in their united attack on Bethel, a place sacred to Israelite memories from the days of Jacob (Gen 28:19). They failed in attacks made separately (Judg 1:27-29). • <em>Bethel<\/em> is associated with the battle against Ai (Josh 7:2) and is listed in the summary statement of kings that Israel had defeated (Josh 12:16).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:22<\/strong> <em>The<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span><em> was with<\/em> the descendants of Joseph (the tribes of Ephraim and Manasseh), but only in their united attack on Bethel, a place sacred to Israelite memories from the days of Jacob (Gen 28:19). They failed in attacks made separately (Judg 1:27-29). • <em>Bethel<\/em> is associated with the battle against Ai (Josh 7:2) and is listed in the summary statement of kings that Israel had defeated (Josh 12:16).<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:22 The Lord was with the descendants of Joseph (the tribes of Ephraim and Manasseh), but only in their united attack on Bethel, a place sacred to Israelite memories from the days of Jacob (Gen 28:19). They failed in attacks made separately (Judg 1:27-29). • Bethel is associated with the battle against Ai (Josh 7:2) and is listed in the summary statement of kings that Israel had defeated (Josh 12:16).","summary_en":"1:22 The Lord was with the descendants of Joseph (the tribes of Ephraim and Manasseh), but only in their united attack on Bethel, a place sacred to Israelite memories from the days of Jacob (Gen 28:19). They failed in attacks made separately (Judg 1:27-29). • Bethel is associated with the battle against Ai (Josh 7:2) and is listed in the summary statement of kings that Israel had defeated (Josh 12:16).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"24":[{"id":45684,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:24","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:24","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:24<\/strong> To <em>have mercy<\/em> (Hebrew <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">khesed<\/span>) has the overtones of making a covenant (see also 8:35, “loyalty”).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:24<\/strong> To <em>have mercy<\/em> (Hebrew <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">khesed<\/span>) has the overtones of making a covenant (see also 8:35, “loyalty”).<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:24 To have mercy (Hebrew khesed) has the overtones of making a covenant (see also 8:35, “loyalty”).","summary_en":"1:24 To have mercy (Hebrew khesed) has the overtones of making a covenant (see also 8:35, “loyalty”).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73310,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:24","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:24","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:24<\/strong> To <em>have mercy<\/em> (Hebrew <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">khesed<\/span>) has the overtones of making a covenant (see also 8:35, “loyalty”).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:24<\/strong> To <em>have mercy<\/em> (Hebrew <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">khesed<\/span>) has the overtones of making a covenant (see also 8:35, “loyalty”).<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:24 To have mercy (Hebrew khesed) has the overtones of making a covenant (see also 8:35, “loyalty”).","summary_en":"1:24 To have mercy (Hebrew khesed) has the overtones of making a covenant (see also 8:35, “loyalty”).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":100936,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:24","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:24","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:24<\/strong> To <em>have mercy<\/em> (Hebrew <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">khesed<\/span>) has the overtones of making a covenant (see also 8:35, “loyalty”).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:24<\/strong> To <em>have mercy<\/em> (Hebrew <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">khesed<\/span>) has the overtones of making a covenant (see also 8:35, “loyalty”).<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:24 To have mercy (Hebrew khesed) has the overtones of making a covenant (see also 8:35, “loyalty”).","summary_en":"1:24 To have mercy (Hebrew khesed) has the overtones of making a covenant (see also 8:35, “loyalty”).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128562,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:24","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:24","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:24<\/strong> To <em>have mercy<\/em> (Hebrew <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">khesed<\/span>) has the overtones of making a covenant (see also 8:35, “loyalty”).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:24<\/strong> To <em>have mercy<\/em> (Hebrew <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">khesed<\/span>) has the overtones of making a covenant (see also 8:35, “loyalty”).<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:24 To have mercy (Hebrew khesed) has the overtones of making a covenant (see also 8:35, “loyalty”).","summary_en":"1:24 To have mercy (Hebrew khesed) has the overtones of making a covenant (see also 8:35, “loyalty”).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"26":[{"id":4444,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Bethelite* Bethel (Place)","title_en":"Bethelite*, Bethel (Place)","content_ro":"<h3>BETHEL (P<span>lace<\/span>), BETHELITE*<\/h3>\n<li>1. Important OT city located about 11 miles (17.7 kilometers) north of Jerusalem on the north-south ridge road at the tribal borders of Benjamin and Ephraim (Jos 16:1-2; 18:13). Hiel, a resident of the city, is referred to as a Bethelite in 1 Kings 16:34 (<span>kjv<\/span>). As a trading center, Bethel attracted merchandise both from the Mediterranean coast and from Transjordan via Jericho. Although the site was located in dry hill country, several springs supplied ample water for its inhabitants (the oldest artifact recovered from the site is a water jar dating from about 3500 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/li>\n<p>The name of Bethel, meaning “house of El (god),” may have been used as early as the fourth millennium <span>BC<\/span> by Canaanites in the area. Archaeological excavations at Chalcolithic levels (i.e., between the Stone Age and the Bronze Age) indicate that pagan worship of the Canaanite deity El took place on top of the hill at that early period. The patriarch Jacob named the place Bethel, or gave the old name new significance, after having a dream from God there (Gn 28:10-22). The site was said to be known as Bethel to the patriarch Abraham (12:8); that designation, however, could be a scribal updating of a more ancient local name, since Bethel had earlier been known as Luz (28:19). Possibly the sanctuary was known as Bethel, the nearby settlement as Luz. No doubt the name Bethel was firmly established by the beginning of the intermediate Bronze Age (c. 2200 <span>BC<\/span>) and remained throughout its history. An OT passage mentioning both names records that a man from Luz founded another city of that name in Hittite territory (Jgs 1:26).<\/p>\n<p>Although Bethel was assigned to Benjamin’s tribe, Ephraim’s tribe actually captured Bethel from its Canaanite fortress in their own territory (Jgs 1:22-26; 1 Chr 7:28). Under the judges, the ark of the covenant was located at Bethel, where the normal functions of Israelite worship were carried out; the ark was superintended by the high priest Phinehas, son of Eleazar (Jgs 20:18-28; 21:2-4). There is no archaeological evidence of Philistine occupation of Bethel in the time of the judges; in the days of King Saul it was bypassed when other Israelite centers were being attacked (cf. 1 Sm 12–14). Archaeological discoveries indicate that Bethel flourished in the early reign of Saul but declined when he made Gibeah his capital city.<\/p>\n<p>When Israel and Judah became separate entities in the time of Jeroboam I (930–909 <span>BC<\/span>), Bethel returned to prominence as the capital of the northern kingdom of Israel, thus becoming the counterpart of Judah’s capital, Jerusalem. Bethel was one of two northern cities where golden calves were worshiped (1 Kgs 12:28-33); the sanctuary area for that cultic practice has not been discovered. The city was the home of an elderly prophet (13:11) who may have been connected with the prophetic colony existing there in the time of Elijah and Elisha (2 Kgs 2:2-3). During the reign of Judah’s King Abijah (913–910 <span>BC<\/span>), Bethel fell under Judah’s control (2 Chr 13:19) but later was returned to Israel. The prophet Amos went to Bethel to deliver scathing denunciations about contemporary social and religious life in Israel, for which the priest Amaziah had him expelled (Am 7:10-13).<\/p>\n<p>There is no archaeological evidence that Bethel was destroyed during the Assyrian conquest of Israel (722 <span>BC<\/span>). In fact, one of its deported priests was returned to Bethel to instruct Mesopotamian colonists in the ways of the Lord (2 Kgs 17:28). Under Judah’s King Josiah, the pagan shrine was demolished (23:15-20), but no damage was done to the city itself. Under either Nabonidus (555–539 <span>BC<\/span>) or Darius I (521–486 <span>BC<\/span>), however, the city was burned, so that by Ezra’s time Bethel had reverted to a small village settlement (Ezr 2:28).<\/p>\n<li>2. Alternate name for Bethuel, a town in Judah’s territory, in 1 Samuel 30:27. <em>See<\/em> Bethuel, Bethul (Place).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>BETHEL (P<span>lace<\/span>), BETHELITE*<\/h3>\n<li>1. Important OT city located about 11 miles (17.7 kilometers) north of Jerusalem on the north-south ridge road at the tribal borders of Benjamin and Ephraim (Jos 16:1-2; 18:13). Hiel, a resident of the city, is referred to as a Bethelite in 1 Kings 16:34 (<span>kjv<\/span>). As a trading center, Bethel attracted merchandise both from the Mediterranean coast and from Transjordan via Jericho. Although the site was located in dry hill country, several springs supplied ample water for its inhabitants (the oldest artifact recovered from the site is a water jar dating from about 3500 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/li>\n<p>The name of Bethel, meaning “house of El (god),” may have been used as early as the fourth millennium <span>BC<\/span> by Canaanites in the area. Archaeological excavations at Chalcolithic levels (i.e., between the Stone Age and the Bronze Age) indicate that pagan worship of the Canaanite deity El took place on top of the hill at that early period. The patriarch Jacob named the place Bethel, or gave the old name new significance, after having a dream from God there (Gn 28:10-22). The site was said to be known as Bethel to the patriarch Abraham (12:8); that designation, however, could be a scribal updating of a more ancient local name, since Bethel had earlier been known as Luz (28:19). Possibly the sanctuary was known as Bethel, the nearby settlement as Luz. No doubt the name Bethel was firmly established by the beginning of the intermediate Bronze Age (c. 2200 <span>BC<\/span>) and remained throughout its history. An OT passage mentioning both names records that a man from Luz founded another city of that name in Hittite territory (Jgs 1:26).<\/p>\n<p>Although Bethel was assigned to Benjamin’s tribe, Ephraim’s tribe actually captured Bethel from its Canaanite fortress in their own territory (Jgs 1:22-26; 1 Chr 7:28). Under the judges, the ark of the covenant was located at Bethel, where the normal functions of Israelite worship were carried out; the ark was superintended by the high priest Phinehas, son of Eleazar (Jgs 20:18-28; 21:2-4). There is no archaeological evidence of Philistine occupation of Bethel in the time of the judges; in the days of King Saul it was bypassed when other Israelite centers were being attacked (cf. 1 Sm 12–14). Archaeological discoveries indicate that Bethel flourished in the early reign of Saul but declined when he made Gibeah his capital city.<\/p>\n<p>When Israel and Judah became separate entities in the time of Jeroboam I (930–909 <span>BC<\/span>), Bethel returned to prominence as the capital of the northern kingdom of Israel, thus becoming the counterpart of Judah’s capital, Jerusalem. Bethel was one of two northern cities where golden calves were worshiped (1 Kgs 12:28-33); the sanctuary area for that cultic practice has not been discovered. The city was the home of an elderly prophet (13:11) who may have been connected with the prophetic colony existing there in the time of Elijah and Elisha (2 Kgs 2:2-3). During the reign of Judah’s King Abijah (913–910 <span>BC<\/span>), Bethel fell under Judah’s control (2 Chr 13:19) but later was returned to Israel. The prophet Amos went to Bethel to deliver scathing denunciations about contemporary social and religious life in Israel, for which the priest Amaziah had him expelled (Am 7:10-13).<\/p>\n<p>There is no archaeological evidence that Bethel was destroyed during the Assyrian conquest of Israel (722 <span>BC<\/span>). In fact, one of its deported priests was returned to Bethel to instruct Mesopotamian colonists in the ways of the Lord (2 Kgs 17:28). Under Judah’s King Josiah, the pagan shrine was demolished (23:15-20), but no damage was done to the city itself. Under either Nabonidus (555–539 <span>BC<\/span>) or Darius I (521–486 <span>BC<\/span>), however, the city was burned, so that by Ezra’s time Bethel had reverted to a small village settlement (Ezr 2:28).<\/p>\n<li>2. Alternate name for Bethuel, a town in Judah’s territory, in 1 Samuel 30:27. <em>See<\/em> Bethuel, Bethul (Place).<\/li>","summary_ro":"BETHEL (Place), BETHELITE* 1. Important OT city located about 11 miles (17.7 kilometers) north of Jerusalem on the north-south ridge road at the tribal borders of Benjamin and Ephraim (Jos 16:1-2; 18:13). Hiel, a resident of the city, is referred to as a Bethelite in 1 Kings 16:34 (kjv). As a trading center, Bethel attracted merchandise both from the Mediterranean coast and from Transjordan via Jericho. Although the site was located in dry hill country, several springs supplied ample water fo...","summary_en":"BETHEL (Place), BETHELITE* 1. Important OT city located about 11 miles (17.7 kilometers) north of Jerusalem on the north-south ridge road at the tribal borders of Benjamin and Ephraim (Jos 16:1-2; 18:13). Hiel, a resident of the city, is referred to as a Bethelite in 1 Kings 16:34 (kjv). As a trading center, Bethel attracted merchandise both from the Mediterranean coast and from Transjordan via Jericho. Although the site was located in dry hill country, several springs supplied ample water fo...","source":"Articles\/B.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":23698,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Luz","title_en":"Luz","content_ro":"<h3>LUZ<\/h3>\n<li>1. Original Canaanite name of the city of Bethel (Gn 28:19; 35:6). It was here that Jacob had a vision of God. In recognition of God’s presence he called the place “the house of God” (beth-El). Jacob may not have been in the city itself, which might account for the seeming discrepancy in Joshua 16:2. The phrase “from Bethel to Luz” in the description of the border of the land allotted to Joseph (Ephraim and Manasseh) seems to distinguish Bethel from Luz as though they were two different cities. Perhaps the solution is to be found in that originally the name Luz continued to be used of the city, while at the same time the Israelites knew, through tradition, of the place where Jacob had named Bethel outside the city of Luz. According to Joshua 16:2, then, Bethel would be an area lying east of the city of Luz. At the time of Conquest (Jgs 1:22-25), or subsequently, the Israelites changed the name of Luz to Bethel.<\/li>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Bethel (Place), Bethelite #1.<\/p>\n<li>2. Hittite city named after Luz in Palestine by one of its inhabitants who migrated to the Hittite region after the Israelites captured this city (Jgs 1:26).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>LUZ<\/h3>\n<li>1. Original Canaanite name of the city of Bethel (Gn 28:19; 35:6). It was here that Jacob had a vision of God. In recognition of God’s presence he called the place “the house of God” (beth-El). Jacob may not have been in the city itself, which might account for the seeming discrepancy in Joshua 16:2. The phrase “from Bethel to Luz” in the description of the border of the land allotted to Joseph (Ephraim and Manasseh) seems to distinguish Bethel from Luz as though they were two different cities. Perhaps the solution is to be found in that originally the name Luz continued to be used of the city, while at the same time the Israelites knew, through tradition, of the place where Jacob had named Bethel outside the city of Luz. According to Joshua 16:2, then, Bethel would be an area lying east of the city of Luz. At the time of Conquest (Jgs 1:22-25), or subsequently, the Israelites changed the name of Luz to Bethel.<\/li>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Bethel (Place), Bethelite #1.<\/p>\n<li>2. Hittite city named after Luz in Palestine by one of its inhabitants who migrated to the Hittite region after the Israelites captured this city (Jgs 1:26).<\/li>","summary_ro":"LUZ 1. Original Canaanite name of the city of Bethel (Gn 28:19; 35:6). It was here that Jacob had a vision of God. In recognition of God’s presence he called the place “the house of God” (beth-El). Jacob may not have been in the city itself, which might account for the seeming discrepancy in Joshua 16:2. The phrase “from Bethel to Luz” in the description of the border of the land allotted to Joseph (Ephraim and Manasseh) seems to distinguish Bethel from Luz as though they were two different c...","summary_en":"LUZ 1. Original Canaanite name of the city of Bethel (Gn 28:19; 35:6). It was here that Jacob had a vision of God. In recognition of God’s presence he called the place “the house of God” (beth-El). Jacob may not have been in the city itself, which might account for the seeming discrepancy in Joshua 16:2. The phrase “from Bethel to Luz” in the description of the border of the land allotted to Joseph (Ephraim and Manasseh) seems to distinguish Bethel from Luz as though they were two different c...","source":"Articles\/L.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":45685,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:26","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:26","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:26<\/strong> <em>The land of the Hittites<\/em> was probably a general name for North Syria, not the Hittite Kingdom of Anatolia (now Turkey). Nothing is known of the new <em>Luz<\/em>.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:26<\/strong> <em>The land of the Hittites<\/em> was probably a general name for North Syria, not the Hittite Kingdom of Anatolia (now Turkey). Nothing is known of the new <em>Luz<\/em>.<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:26 The land of the Hittites was probably a general name for North Syria, not the Hittite Kingdom of Anatolia (now Turkey). Nothing is known of the new Luz.","summary_en":"1:26 The land of the Hittites was probably a general name for North Syria, not the Hittite Kingdom of Anatolia (now Turkey). Nothing is known of the new Luz.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73311,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:26","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:26","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:26<\/strong> <em>The land of the Hittites<\/em> was probably a general name for North Syria, not the Hittite Kingdom of Anatolia (now Turkey). Nothing is known of the new <em>Luz<\/em>.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:26<\/strong> <em>The land of the Hittites<\/em> was probably a general name for North Syria, not the Hittite Kingdom of Anatolia (now Turkey). Nothing is known of the new <em>Luz<\/em>.<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:26 The land of the Hittites was probably a general name for North Syria, not the Hittite Kingdom of Anatolia (now Turkey). Nothing is known of the new Luz.","summary_en":"1:26 The land of the Hittites was probably a general name for North Syria, not the Hittite Kingdom of Anatolia (now Turkey). Nothing is known of the new Luz.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":100937,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:26","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:26","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:26<\/strong> <em>The land of the Hittites<\/em> was probably a general name for North Syria, not the Hittite Kingdom of Anatolia (now Turkey). Nothing is known of the new <em>Luz<\/em>.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:26<\/strong> <em>The land of the Hittites<\/em> was probably a general name for North Syria, not the Hittite Kingdom of Anatolia (now Turkey). Nothing is known of the new <em>Luz<\/em>.<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:26 The land of the Hittites was probably a general name for North Syria, not the Hittite Kingdom of Anatolia (now Turkey). Nothing is known of the new Luz.","summary_en":"1:26 The land of the Hittites was probably a general name for North Syria, not the Hittite Kingdom of Anatolia (now Turkey). Nothing is known of the new Luz.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128563,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:26","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:26","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:26<\/strong> <em>The land of the Hittites<\/em> was probably a general name for North Syria, not the Hittite Kingdom of Anatolia (now Turkey). Nothing is known of the new <em>Luz<\/em>.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:26<\/strong> <em>The land of the Hittites<\/em> was probably a general name for North Syria, not the Hittite Kingdom of Anatolia (now Turkey). Nothing is known of the new <em>Luz<\/em>.<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:26 The land of the Hittites was probably a general name for North Syria, not the Hittite Kingdom of Anatolia (now Turkey). Nothing is known of the new Luz.","summary_en":"1:26 The land of the Hittites was probably a general name for North Syria, not the Hittite Kingdom of Anatolia (now Turkey). Nothing is known of the new Luz.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"27":[{"id":6030,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Canaanite Canaan","title_en":"Canaanite Canaan","content_ro":"<h3>CANAAN, CANAANITE<\/h3>\n<p>Palestinian territory (the Promised Land) west of the Jordan River, settled by the Israelites at the time of Joshua’s leadership. Portions of southern Syria were also frequently considered part of Canaanite territory, the northern borders of which were never clearly defined. The pre-Israelite peoples of western Palestine, excluding northern Syria and such places as Ugarit (Ras Shamra) on the Mediterranean coast of Syria, carried the broad designation of Canaanites.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Land and People<\/p>\n<p>• Language<\/p>\n<p>• Literature<\/p>\n<p>• History<\/p>\n<p>• Religion<\/p>\n<p>• Influence on Israel<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LandandPeople\">Land and People<\/p>\n<p>In the “table of nations” (Gn 10:15-19), Noah’s grandson Canaan was progenitor of 11 groups that lived in the area of Syria and Palestine. The first six evidently occupied territory at or south of Sidon, whereas the others lived farther north. The northerners mostly settled on the edge of the coastal plain; in the south, settlement spread eastward to the upland areas. OT references specifically placed the Canaanites in western Palestine’s valleys and coastal areas; the upland country was occupied by Amorites and other peoples (Nm 13:29; Jos 5:1; 7:9; Jgs 1:27-36).<\/p>\n<p>One of the earliest known references to the people of Canaan is in a tablet from Mari (15th century <span>BC<\/span>), in which a military officer reported his surveillance of “thieves and Canaanites.” The Canaanites were listed as a group on the Memphis Stele (inscribed column) of the Egyptian pharaoh Amenophis II (c. 1440 <span>BC<\/span>). The land of Canaan was mentioned in a 15th-century inscription of Idrimi, king of Aleppo (west of Ugarit), who fled to the Canaanite seaport of Ammiya and then became ruler of Alalakh (north of Ugarit). During the Amarna Age (15th–14th centuries <span>BC<\/span>), Palestine was politically dominated by Egypt, according to the Egyptian Amarna tablets.<\/p>\n<p>Just as “Canaan” designated the whole western Palestinian area, so “Canaanite” described its pre-Israelite inhabitants without specifying race. Among the peoples who lived in Palestine, the Amorites first appeared in the second millennium <span>BC<\/span> as immigrants from Mesopotamia.<\/p>\n<p>Several OT references seem to equate Amorite territory and the land of Canaan (Gn 12:5-6; 15:18-21; 48:22), a tradition reflected in the 18th-century <span>BC<\/span> Alalakh tablets, which depicted “Amurru” as part of Syria-Palestine. Tablets from Mari from about the same period speak of an Amorite ruler of Hazor in northern Palestine. The Tell el-Amarna texts (14th–13th centuries <span>BC<\/span>) indicate that the Amurru kingdom of the Lebanon region was monopolizing coastal trade and commerce; therefore, references to the two peoples (Amorites and Canaanites) together in Moses’ time and throughout the late Bronze Age (c. 1550–1200 <span>BC<\/span>) are not surprising.<\/p>\n<p>At the end of that period, the “Sea Peoples” (largely Philistines) destroyed the Hittite Empire, and in the time of Ramses III (c. 1180 <span>BC<\/span>) occupied western Palestine. The Israelite conquest of Palestine broke the power of many Canaanite and Amorite city-states, while the rise of a Philistine confederacy on the southern Palestinian coast restricted further the range of specifically Canaanite territory. From the beginning of the Iron Age the cultural heirs of the Canaanites were the Phoenicians, centered in the city-states of Tyre and Sidon, who themselves liked to be known as Canaanites (cf. Mt 15:21-22; Mk 7:24-26).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Language\">Language<\/p>\n<p>The various groups that inhabited western Palestine in the pre-Israelite period probably spoke related dialects of the Northwest Semitic linguistic family. The large territory covered by those peoples and the possible influence of Amorite, Hurrian, and Ugaritic languages complicate modern theories about what is properly meant by “Canaanite” as a language.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Literature\">Literature<\/p>\n<p>As with language, it is difficult to be specific about Canaanite literature. One clear fact is that our own alphabet originated in middle Bronze Age Canaan. Before that time, writing was either pictographic (words or ideas represented by pictures), cuneiform (wedge-shaped impressions in soft clay representing syllables and whole words), or hieroglyphic (Egyptian pictorial writing). Alphabetical writing was passed on through the Hebrews and Phoenicians to the Greeks, who gave our present alphabet its classical form.<\/p>\n<p>Until 1929 little Canaanite literature was known, but with the discoveries at Ugarit a large body of literary material came to light. The discoveries included portions of an epic poem about the god Baal and his consort Anath (possibly from c. 2000 <span>BC<\/span>), a legend about a royal personage named Aqhat (from c. 1800 <span>BC<\/span>), the legendary activities of King Keret (written c. 1500 <span>BC<\/span>), and fragmentary religious, medical, and administrative material.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"History\">History<\/p>\n<p>Archaeological evidence shows that western Palestine was occupied as far back as the Old Stone Age. Mesolithic, Neolithic, and Chalcolithic deposits have also been found at several sites. It is possible that Semitic-speaking peoples inhabited places such as Jericho, Megiddo, and Byblos around 3000 <span>BC<\/span>. Discoveries at Tell Mardikh (Ebla) show that a vigorous Canaanite Empire existed in Syria about 2500 <span>BC<\/span>, and there is no doubt that both Amorite and Canaanite peoples were firmly settled in Syria and Palestine by 2000 <span>BC<\/span>. The best evidence for Canaanite occupation of western Palestine has come from the middle and late Bronze Age (c. 1950–1200 <span>BC<\/span>), when the land was dotted with Canaanite and Amorite city-states.<\/p>\n<p>The Egyptians made periodic forays into Palestine during their 5th and 6th dynasties; in the 13th dynasty (second millennium <span>BC<\/span>) they controlled much of Syria-Palestine both politically and economically.<\/p>\n<p>Canaanite contacts with Mesopotamia from about 2000 <span>BC<\/span> are indicated in texts discovered at Mari and Ugarit. Evidently Amorites, Hurrians, early Assyrians, and other peoples periodically migrated to Canaan, bringing with them a diversity of political and social forms. By the late 16th century <span>BC<\/span>, most of the small Canaanite kingdoms were firmly under Egyptian control. Within two centuries the most northerly ones were subject to Hittite political influence.<\/p>\n<p>Canaanite history is further complicated by the activities of the Hyksos people between about 1800 and 1500 <span>BC<\/span>. Of mixed Asiatic origin, the Hyksos owed much of their political influence to their military use of iron-fitted chariots and the compound Asiatic bow. From Canaanite locations like Hazor and Jericho, they invaded Egypt and established control there from about 1776 to about 1570 <span>BC<\/span>. When they were expelled at the start of Egypt’s New Kingdom (1570–1100 <span>BC<\/span>), they retreated to fortified sites in southern Canaan.<\/p>\n<p>Egyptian control over western Palestine had disappeared by the time of the Israelite conquest of Canaan; Joshua met predominantly Canaanite and Amorite opposition. The Israelite occupation of Canaan was aided by the state of decay into which the small Palestinian kingdoms had fallen. With the destruction of Hittite culture by the Sea Peoples and their occupation of the northern and coastal regions, the traditional city-states collapsed. From about 1100 <span>BC<\/span>, Canaanite culture was restricted to Tyre, Sidon, and a few other places.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Religion\">Religion<\/p>\n<p>Before the Ugaritic discoveries, little was known about Canaanite religion apart from OT references to it. From what is now known of Canaanite culture, the head of the Canaanite list of gods was a shadowy personage named El, who was worshiped as the “father of man.” His consorts were Athirat, known to the Israelites as Asherah, Astarte, and Baaltis. El had a son, Baal, a fertility god described in myths as the lord of rain and storm. Baal succeeded his father as head of the pantheon (list of gods) and supposedly resided in the distant northern heavens. A monument found at Ugarit represented him carrying a thunderbolt at his left side and a mace in his right hand.<\/p>\n<p>Many small terra-cotta figurines with exaggerated secondary sexual characteristics, representing one or the other of the female deities, have been recovered from middle and late Bronze Age sites in western Palestine. A center devoted to the Anath cult, excavated at Byblos in Phoenicia, was evidently notorious for religious prostitution and sexual fertility rites; many naked female figures were found there. Other Canaanite cult objects included a sacred pillar of some sort <em>(<\/em><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">massebah<\/span><em>)<\/em> and a wooden image <em>(<\/em><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">asherah<\/span><em>),<\/em> probably of the goddess herself.<\/p>\n<p>In the Amarna Age, Canaanite orgiastic religion was especially influential in the Near East; it infiltrated to some extent even the conservative religions of Egypt and Babylonia. Four principal festivals associated with agriculture seem to have been celebrated by the Canaanites, invariably occasions of revelry, drunkenness, and sexual excess. Canaanite religion was evidently the most sexually depraved of any in the ancient world.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"InfluenceonIsrael\">Influence on Israel<\/p>\n<p>Israelite morality, as defined by the covenant laws of Mt Sinai, was very different from the cultic traditions of Canaanite life. Hebrew ethical monotheism was in many ways opposite to the depraved polytheistic nature worship of Canaanite religion. It was clear that the two systems could not coexist. Hence the law contained strict instructions that the Canaanites and their ways were to be eliminated from the Promised Land (Ex 23:24; 34:13-16; Dt 7:1-5) and that the Hebrews were to remain separate from Canaanite religion in loyalty to God’s covenant. That was far from easy, if only because both peoples spoke closely related dialects and therefore used similar expressions of speech. Further, the invading Israelites under Joshua found that the Canaanites were superior to them in building stone structures and in making metal tools, implements, and weapons. The Hebrews, at a disadvantage, must have faced the prospect of requiring technical help from the Canaanites. In the time of King Solomon, Canaanites from Phoenicia were enlisted to design and construct the temple of the Lord in Jerusalem. A superficial resemblance between some aspects of Canaanite and Hebrew religion, such as peace offerings and certain divine titles, also made it difficult to maintain Israel’s cultural distinctiveness.<\/p>\n<p>Except for the “ban” imposed at Jericho, the Israelites were able to use Canaanite equipment captured in battle. Hence their determination to destroy all traces of the Canaanites, including their corrupt religion, was gradually weakened. By the time of King Ahab, when the worship of the Tyrian Baal was firmly entrenched in the northern kingdom of Israel, the Hebrews were in serious danger of losing their spiritual and theological distinctiveness. Their priests, who should have played a major part in maintaining the uniqueness of the covenant faith, often lapsed into Canaanite ways, emulating the immorality of their pagan neighbors and encouraging the Israelite people to do likewise (cf. 1 Sm 2:22).<\/p>\n<p>As a result, Hebrew prophets proclaimed that their nation, which had almost completely succumbed to Canaanite blandishments, would have to be purified by exile before a renewed faith could become a possibility for Israel.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Canaanite Deities and Religion; Israel, History of; Palestine.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>CANAAN, CANAANITE<\/h3>\n<p>Palestinian territory (the Promised Land) west of the Jordan River, settled by the Israelites at the time of Joshua’s leadership. Portions of southern Syria were also frequently considered part of Canaanite territory, the northern borders of which were never clearly defined. The pre-Israelite peoples of western Palestine, excluding northern Syria and such places as Ugarit (Ras Shamra) on the Mediterranean coast of Syria, carried the broad designation of Canaanites.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Land and People<\/p>\n<p>• Language<\/p>\n<p>• Literature<\/p>\n<p>• History<\/p>\n<p>• Religion<\/p>\n<p>• Influence on Israel<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LandandPeople\">Land and People<\/p>\n<p>In the “table of nations” (Gn 10:15-19), Noah’s grandson Canaan was progenitor of 11 groups that lived in the area of Syria and Palestine. The first six evidently occupied territory at or south of Sidon, whereas the others lived farther north. The northerners mostly settled on the edge of the coastal plain; in the south, settlement spread eastward to the upland areas. OT references specifically placed the Canaanites in western Palestine’s valleys and coastal areas; the upland country was occupied by Amorites and other peoples (Nm 13:29; Jos 5:1; 7:9; Jgs 1:27-36).<\/p>\n<p>One of the earliest known references to the people of Canaan is in a tablet from Mari (15th century <span>BC<\/span>), in which a military officer reported his surveillance of “thieves and Canaanites.” The Canaanites were listed as a group on the Memphis Stele (inscribed column) of the Egyptian pharaoh Amenophis II (c. 1440 <span>BC<\/span>). The land of Canaan was mentioned in a 15th-century inscription of Idrimi, king of Aleppo (west of Ugarit), who fled to the Canaanite seaport of Ammiya and then became ruler of Alalakh (north of Ugarit). During the Amarna Age (15th–14th centuries <span>BC<\/span>), Palestine was politically dominated by Egypt, according to the Egyptian Amarna tablets.<\/p>\n<p>Just as “Canaan” designated the whole western Palestinian area, so “Canaanite” described its pre-Israelite inhabitants without specifying race. Among the peoples who lived in Palestine, the Amorites first appeared in the second millennium <span>BC<\/span> as immigrants from Mesopotamia.<\/p>\n<p>Several OT references seem to equate Amorite territory and the land of Canaan (Gn 12:5-6; 15:18-21; 48:22), a tradition reflected in the 18th-century <span>BC<\/span> Alalakh tablets, which depicted “Amurru” as part of Syria-Palestine. Tablets from Mari from about the same period speak of an Amorite ruler of Hazor in northern Palestine. The Tell el-Amarna texts (14th–13th centuries <span>BC<\/span>) indicate that the Amurru kingdom of the Lebanon region was monopolizing coastal trade and commerce; therefore, references to the two peoples (Amorites and Canaanites) together in Moses’ time and throughout the late Bronze Age (c. 1550–1200 <span>BC<\/span>) are not surprising.<\/p>\n<p>At the end of that period, the “Sea Peoples” (largely Philistines) destroyed the Hittite Empire, and in the time of Ramses III (c. 1180 <span>BC<\/span>) occupied western Palestine. The Israelite conquest of Palestine broke the power of many Canaanite and Amorite city-states, while the rise of a Philistine confederacy on the southern Palestinian coast restricted further the range of specifically Canaanite territory. From the beginning of the Iron Age the cultural heirs of the Canaanites were the Phoenicians, centered in the city-states of Tyre and Sidon, who themselves liked to be known as Canaanites (cf. Mt 15:21-22; Mk 7:24-26).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Language\">Language<\/p>\n<p>The various groups that inhabited western Palestine in the pre-Israelite period probably spoke related dialects of the Northwest Semitic linguistic family. The large territory covered by those peoples and the possible influence of Amorite, Hurrian, and Ugaritic languages complicate modern theories about what is properly meant by “Canaanite” as a language.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Literature\">Literature<\/p>\n<p>As with language, it is difficult to be specific about Canaanite literature. One clear fact is that our own alphabet originated in middle Bronze Age Canaan. Before that time, writing was either pictographic (words or ideas represented by pictures), cuneiform (wedge-shaped impressions in soft clay representing syllables and whole words), or hieroglyphic (Egyptian pictorial writing). Alphabetical writing was passed on through the Hebrews and Phoenicians to the Greeks, who gave our present alphabet its classical form.<\/p>\n<p>Until 1929 little Canaanite literature was known, but with the discoveries at Ugarit a large body of literary material came to light. The discoveries included portions of an epic poem about the god Baal and his consort Anath (possibly from c. 2000 <span>BC<\/span>), a legend about a royal personage named Aqhat (from c. 1800 <span>BC<\/span>), the legendary activities of King Keret (written c. 1500 <span>BC<\/span>), and fragmentary religious, medical, and administrative material.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"History\">History<\/p>\n<p>Archaeological evidence shows that western Palestine was occupied as far back as the Old Stone Age. Mesolithic, Neolithic, and Chalcolithic deposits have also been found at several sites. It is possible that Semitic-speaking peoples inhabited places such as Jericho, Megiddo, and Byblos around 3000 <span>BC<\/span>. Discoveries at Tell Mardikh (Ebla) show that a vigorous Canaanite Empire existed in Syria about 2500 <span>BC<\/span>, and there is no doubt that both Amorite and Canaanite peoples were firmly settled in Syria and Palestine by 2000 <span>BC<\/span>. The best evidence for Canaanite occupation of western Palestine has come from the middle and late Bronze Age (c. 1950–1200 <span>BC<\/span>), when the land was dotted with Canaanite and Amorite city-states.<\/p>\n<p>The Egyptians made periodic forays into Palestine during their 5th and 6th dynasties; in the 13th dynasty (second millennium <span>BC<\/span>) they controlled much of Syria-Palestine both politically and economically.<\/p>\n<p>Canaanite contacts with Mesopotamia from about 2000 <span>BC<\/span> are indicated in texts discovered at Mari and Ugarit. Evidently Amorites, Hurrians, early Assyrians, and other peoples periodically migrated to Canaan, bringing with them a diversity of political and social forms. By the late 16th century <span>BC<\/span>, most of the small Canaanite kingdoms were firmly under Egyptian control. Within two centuries the most northerly ones were subject to Hittite political influence.<\/p>\n<p>Canaanite history is further complicated by the activities of the Hyksos people between about 1800 and 1500 <span>BC<\/span>. Of mixed Asiatic origin, the Hyksos owed much of their political influence to their military use of iron-fitted chariots and the compound Asiatic bow. From Canaanite locations like Hazor and Jericho, they invaded Egypt and established control there from about 1776 to about 1570 <span>BC<\/span>. When they were expelled at the start of Egypt’s New Kingdom (1570–1100 <span>BC<\/span>), they retreated to fortified sites in southern Canaan.<\/p>\n<p>Egyptian control over western Palestine had disappeared by the time of the Israelite conquest of Canaan; Joshua met predominantly Canaanite and Amorite opposition. The Israelite occupation of Canaan was aided by the state of decay into which the small Palestinian kingdoms had fallen. With the destruction of Hittite culture by the Sea Peoples and their occupation of the northern and coastal regions, the traditional city-states collapsed. From about 1100 <span>BC<\/span>, Canaanite culture was restricted to Tyre, Sidon, and a few other places.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Religion\">Religion<\/p>\n<p>Before the Ugaritic discoveries, little was known about Canaanite religion apart from OT references to it. From what is now known of Canaanite culture, the head of the Canaanite list of gods was a shadowy personage named El, who was worshiped as the “father of man.” His consorts were Athirat, known to the Israelites as Asherah, Astarte, and Baaltis. El had a son, Baal, a fertility god described in myths as the lord of rain and storm. Baal succeeded his father as head of the pantheon (list of gods) and supposedly resided in the distant northern heavens. A monument found at Ugarit represented him carrying a thunderbolt at his left side and a mace in his right hand.<\/p>\n<p>Many small terra-cotta figurines with exaggerated secondary sexual characteristics, representing one or the other of the female deities, have been recovered from middle and late Bronze Age sites in western Palestine. A center devoted to the Anath cult, excavated at Byblos in Phoenicia, was evidently notorious for religious prostitution and sexual fertility rites; many naked female figures were found there. Other Canaanite cult objects included a sacred pillar of some sort <em>(<\/em><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">massebah<\/span><em>)<\/em> and a wooden image <em>(<\/em><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">asherah<\/span><em>),<\/em> probably of the goddess herself.<\/p>\n<p>In the Amarna Age, Canaanite orgiastic religion was especially influential in the Near East; it infiltrated to some extent even the conservative religions of Egypt and Babylonia. Four principal festivals associated with agriculture seem to have been celebrated by the Canaanites, invariably occasions of revelry, drunkenness, and sexual excess. Canaanite religion was evidently the most sexually depraved of any in the ancient world.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"InfluenceonIsrael\">Influence on Israel<\/p>\n<p>Israelite morality, as defined by the covenant laws of Mt Sinai, was very different from the cultic traditions of Canaanite life. Hebrew ethical monotheism was in many ways opposite to the depraved polytheistic nature worship of Canaanite religion. It was clear that the two systems could not coexist. Hence the law contained strict instructions that the Canaanites and their ways were to be eliminated from the Promised Land (Ex 23:24; 34:13-16; Dt 7:1-5) and that the Hebrews were to remain separate from Canaanite religion in loyalty to God’s covenant. That was far from easy, if only because both peoples spoke closely related dialects and therefore used similar expressions of speech. Further, the invading Israelites under Joshua found that the Canaanites were superior to them in building stone structures and in making metal tools, implements, and weapons. The Hebrews, at a disadvantage, must have faced the prospect of requiring technical help from the Canaanites. In the time of King Solomon, Canaanites from Phoenicia were enlisted to design and construct the temple of the Lord in Jerusalem. A superficial resemblance between some aspects of Canaanite and Hebrew religion, such as peace offerings and certain divine titles, also made it difficult to maintain Israel’s cultural distinctiveness.<\/p>\n<p>Except for the “ban” imposed at Jericho, the Israelites were able to use Canaanite equipment captured in battle. Hence their determination to destroy all traces of the Canaanites, including their corrupt religion, was gradually weakened. By the time of King Ahab, when the worship of the Tyrian Baal was firmly entrenched in the northern kingdom of Israel, the Hebrews were in serious danger of losing their spiritual and theological distinctiveness. Their priests, who should have played a major part in maintaining the uniqueness of the covenant faith, often lapsed into Canaanite ways, emulating the immorality of their pagan neighbors and encouraging the Israelite people to do likewise (cf. 1 Sm 2:22).<\/p>\n<p>As a result, Hebrew prophets proclaimed that their nation, which had almost completely succumbed to Canaanite blandishments, would have to be purified by exile before a renewed faith could become a possibility for Israel.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Canaanite Deities and Religion; Israel, History of; Palestine.<\/p>","summary_ro":"CANAAN, CANAANITE Palestinian territory (the Promised Land) west of the Jordan River, settled by the Israelites at the time of Joshua’s leadership. Portions of southern Syria were also frequently considered part of Canaanite territory, the northern borders of which were never clearly defined. The pre-Israelite peoples of western Palestine, excluding northern Syria and such places as Ugarit (Ras Shamra) on the Mediterranean coast of Syria, carried the broad designation of Canaanites. Preview •...","summary_en":"CANAAN, CANAANITE Palestinian territory (the Promised Land) west of the Jordan River, settled by the Israelites at the time of Joshua’s leadership. Portions of southern Syria were also frequently considered part of Canaanite territory, the northern borders of which were never clearly defined. The pre-Israelite peoples of western Palestine, excluding northern Syria and such places as Ugarit (Ras Shamra) on the Mediterranean coast of Syria, carried the broad designation of Canaanites. Preview •...","source":"Articles\/C.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":9833,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Dor","title_en":"Dor","content_ro":"<h3>DOR<\/h3>\n<p>Fortified Palestinian city (modern el-Burj) situated along the Mediterranean coast, south of Mt Carmel and eight miles (12.9 kilometers) north of Caesarea. It is mentioned occasionally in connection with events in the period of the judges and the united monarchy (Jos 17:11; Jgs 1:27; 1 Chr 7:29). Dor is probably the same city as Naphath-dor (Jos 12:23; 1 Kgs 4:11) and Naphoth-dor (Jos 11:2). During the days of the Conquest, the king of Dor joined Jabin’s confederacy against Joshua (Jos 11:2), but was defeated (12:23). The city was assigned to Manasseh’s tribe, but the tribe failed to dispossess its inhabitants (Jgs 1:27).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>DOR<\/h3>\n<p>Fortified Palestinian city (modern el-Burj) situated along the Mediterranean coast, south of Mt Carmel and eight miles (12.9 kilometers) north of Caesarea. It is mentioned occasionally in connection with events in the period of the judges and the united monarchy (Jos 17:11; Jgs 1:27; 1 Chr 7:29). Dor is probably the same city as Naphath-dor (Jos 12:23; 1 Kgs 4:11) and Naphoth-dor (Jos 11:2). During the days of the Conquest, the king of Dor joined Jabin’s confederacy against Joshua (Jos 11:2), but was defeated (12:23). The city was assigned to Manasseh’s tribe, but the tribe failed to dispossess its inhabitants (Jgs 1:27).<\/p>","summary_ro":"DOR Fortified Palestinian city (modern el-Burj) situated along the Mediterranean coast, south of Mt Carmel and eight miles (12.9 kilometers) north of Caesarea. It is mentioned occasionally in connection with events in the period of the judges and the united monarchy (Jos 17:11; Jgs 1:27; 1 Chr 7:29). Dor is probably the same city as Naphath-dor (Jos 12:23; 1 Kgs 4:11) and Naphoth-dor (Jos 11:2). During the days of the Conquest, the king of Dor joined Jabin’s confederacy against Joshua (Jos 11...","summary_en":"DOR Fortified Palestinian city (modern el-Burj) situated along the Mediterranean coast, south of Mt Carmel and eight miles (12.9 kilometers) north of Caesarea. It is mentioned occasionally in connection with events in the period of the judges and the united monarchy (Jos 17:11; Jgs 1:27; 1 Chr 7:29). Dor is probably the same city as Naphath-dor (Jos 12:23; 1 Kgs 4:11) and Naphoth-dor (Jos 11:2). During the days of the Conquest, the king of Dor joined Jabin’s confederacy against Joshua (Jos 11...","source":"Articles\/D.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":17088,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Ibleam","title_en":"Ibleam","content_ro":"<h3>IBLEAM<\/h3>\n<p>City in Manasseh’s territory (Jos 17:11; Jgs 1:27; 2 Kgs 9:27), perhaps identifiable with Bileam, a Levitical city west of the Jordan River between Samaria and Jezreel (1 Chr 6:70). <em>See<\/em> Levitical Cities.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>IBLEAM<\/h3>\n<p>City in Manasseh’s territory (Jos 17:11; Jgs 1:27; 2 Kgs 9:27), perhaps identifiable with Bileam, a Levitical city west of the Jordan River between Samaria and Jezreel (1 Chr 6:70). <em>See<\/em> Levitical Cities.<\/p>","summary_ro":"IBLEAM City in Manasseh’s territory (Jos 17:11; Jgs 1:27; 2 Kgs 9:27), perhaps identifiable with Bileam, a Levitical city west of the Jordan River between Samaria and Jezreel (1 Chr 6:70). See Levitical Cities.","summary_en":"IBLEAM City in Manasseh’s territory (Jos 17:11; Jgs 1:27; 2 Kgs 9:27), perhaps identifiable with Bileam, a Levitical city west of the Jordan River between Samaria and Jezreel (1 Chr 6:70). See Levitical Cities.","source":"Articles\/I.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":18060,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Tribe of Issachar","title_en":"Tribe of Issachar","content_ro":"<h3>ISSACHAR, Tribe of<\/h3>\n<p>Tribal inheritance of Issachar. The territory is defined in Joshua 19:17-23; detailed boundary descriptions are not included. On the east its boundary ends at the Jordan. The area can be located by the list of towns encompassed by the inheritance of which Jezreel, Chesulloth, Shunem, Anaharath, Kishion, Remeth, and En-gannim have identifications of varying degrees of certainty. Jezreel and En-gannim are in the southeast corner of the valley of Jezreel; Chesulloth is just west of Mt Tabor; and Shunem is at the foot of the hill of Moreh. The northern border can be deduced from the southern boundaries of Zebulun and Naphtali (Jos 19:10-12, 33-34). All three areas, that of Issachar, Naphtali, and Zebulun, met at Mt Tabor. On the south side, there were some major towns not conquered in Joshua’s time (Jgs 1:27) that were taken from Issachar and given to Manasseh (Jos 17:11); these included important centers such as Beth-shan, Ibleam, and Tanaach.<\/p>\n<p>In the same territory, there were disturbances among the local tribes (recorded on a stele of Seti I at Beth-shan); the area is called “Mt Yarunta,” after Yarmuth (Jos 21:29, Jarmuth = Remeth). Issachar was located on the rich plateau stretching east of Mt Tabor and the hill of Moreh and north of the Beth-shan Valley.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Issachar (Person) #1.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>ISSACHAR, Tribe of<\/h3>\n<p>Tribal inheritance of Issachar. The territory is defined in Joshua 19:17-23; detailed boundary descriptions are not included. On the east its boundary ends at the Jordan. The area can be located by the list of towns encompassed by the inheritance of which Jezreel, Chesulloth, Shunem, Anaharath, Kishion, Remeth, and En-gannim have identifications of varying degrees of certainty. Jezreel and En-gannim are in the southeast corner of the valley of Jezreel; Chesulloth is just west of Mt Tabor; and Shunem is at the foot of the hill of Moreh. The northern border can be deduced from the southern boundaries of Zebulun and Naphtali (Jos 19:10-12, 33-34). All three areas, that of Issachar, Naphtali, and Zebulun, met at Mt Tabor. On the south side, there were some major towns not conquered in Joshua’s time (Jgs 1:27) that were taken from Issachar and given to Manasseh (Jos 17:11); these included important centers such as Beth-shan, Ibleam, and Tanaach.<\/p>\n<p>In the same territory, there were disturbances among the local tribes (recorded on a stele of Seti I at Beth-shan); the area is called “Mt Yarunta,” after Yarmuth (Jos 21:29, Jarmuth = Remeth). Issachar was located on the rich plateau stretching east of Mt Tabor and the hill of Moreh and north of the Beth-shan Valley.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Issachar (Person) #1.<\/p>","summary_ro":"ISSACHAR, Tribe of Tribal inheritance of Issachar. The territory is defined in Joshua 19:17-23; detailed boundary descriptions are not included. On the east its boundary ends at the Jordan. The area can be located by the list of towns encompassed by the inheritance of which Jezreel, Chesulloth, Shunem, Anaharath, Kishion, Remeth, and En-gannim have identifications of varying degrees of certainty. Jezreel and En-gannim are in the southeast corner of the valley of Jezreel; Chesulloth is just we...","summary_en":"ISSACHAR, Tribe of Tribal inheritance of Issachar. The territory is defined in Joshua 19:17-23; detailed boundary descriptions are not included. On the east its boundary ends at the Jordan. The area can be located by the list of towns encompassed by the inheritance of which Jezreel, Chesulloth, Shunem, Anaharath, Kishion, Remeth, and En-gannim have identifications of varying degrees of certainty. Jezreel and En-gannim are in the southeast corner of the valley of Jezreel; Chesulloth is just we...","source":"Articles\/I.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":19857,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Jezreel Valley","title_en":"Jezreel Valley","content_ro":"<h3>JEZREEL VALLEY<\/h3>\n<p>Largest and richest valley in the land of Israel. It was named after Jezreel, and it was apparently the only town on the plain where the Israelites had gained a foothold in the early stages of their conquest (cf. Jgs 1:27-30). The form of the name in later Greek sources is Esdraelon (Jdt 1:8); some scholars have wrongly applied the latter term to the great western plain and the former to the narrow valley leading eastward to Beth-shan. Comparison of Joshua 17:16 with Judges 1:27-28 and Joshua 17:11 shows that the Beth-shan area was considered as a separate entity from the valley of Jezreel, which included the cities of Taanach and Megiddo among others (cf. also Hos 1:5).<\/p>\n<p>The Midianites camped there, between the hill of Moreh and Mt Tabor (Jgs 6:33; 7:1); Barak defeated the army of Sisera and Jabin there, near Endor (Ps 83:9-10), and later the Philistines gathered there to oppose Saul (1 Sm 29:1, 11; 2 Sm 4:4). Under the monarchy, the valley was an administrative district (2 Sm 2:9; 1 Kgs 4:12). Another name, perhaps applicable only to the southern half of the valley, is the plain of Megiddo (2 Chr 35:22; Zec 12:11).<\/p>\n\n<p>The valley figures in the wars of Thutmose III and Amenhotep II, and the towns there, especially Megiddo, were under Egyptian control in the late Bronze Age. The southwestern side was famous as a military assembly ground, probably called Harosheth-haggoyim (Jgs 4:2, 13-16).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Palestine.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JEZREEL VALLEY<\/h3>\n<p>Largest and richest valley in the land of Israel. It was named after Jezreel, and it was apparently the only town on the plain where the Israelites had gained a foothold in the early stages of their conquest (cf. Jgs 1:27-30). The form of the name in later Greek sources is Esdraelon (Jdt 1:8); some scholars have wrongly applied the latter term to the great western plain and the former to the narrow valley leading eastward to Beth-shan. Comparison of Joshua 17:16 with Judges 1:27-28 and Joshua 17:11 shows that the Beth-shan area was considered as a separate entity from the valley of Jezreel, which included the cities of Taanach and Megiddo among others (cf. also Hos 1:5).<\/p>\n<p>The Midianites camped there, between the hill of Moreh and Mt Tabor (Jgs 6:33; 7:1); Barak defeated the army of Sisera and Jabin there, near Endor (Ps 83:9-10), and later the Philistines gathered there to oppose Saul (1 Sm 29:1, 11; 2 Sm 4:4). Under the monarchy, the valley was an administrative district (2 Sm 2:9; 1 Kgs 4:12). Another name, perhaps applicable only to the southern half of the valley, is the plain of Megiddo (2 Chr 35:22; Zec 12:11).<\/p>\n\n<p>The valley figures in the wars of Thutmose III and Amenhotep II, and the towns there, especially Megiddo, were under Egyptian control in the late Bronze Age. The southwestern side was famous as a military assembly ground, probably called Harosheth-haggoyim (Jgs 4:2, 13-16).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Palestine.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JEZREEL VALLEY Largest and richest valley in the land of Israel. It was named after Jezreel, and it was apparently the only town on the plain where the Israelites had gained a foothold in the early stages of their conquest (cf. Jgs 1:27-30). The form of the name in later Greek sources is Esdraelon (Jdt 1:8); some scholars have wrongly applied the latter term to the great western plain and the former to the narrow valley leading eastward to Beth-shan. Comparison of Joshua 17:16 with Judges 1:2...","summary_en":"JEZREEL VALLEY Largest and richest valley in the land of Israel. It was named after Jezreel, and it was apparently the only town on the plain where the Israelites had gained a foothold in the early stages of their conquest (cf. Jgs 1:27-30). The form of the name in later Greek sources is Esdraelon (Jdt 1:8); some scholars have wrongly applied the latter term to the great western plain and the former to the narrow valley leading eastward to Beth-shan. Comparison of Joshua 17:16 with Judges 1:2...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":23040,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Levitical Cities","title_en":"Levitical Cities","content_ro":"<h3>LEVITICAL CITIES<\/h3>\n<p>Special areas set aside for the tribe of Levi in place of a regular territorial inheritance (Nm 18:20-24; 26:62; Dt 10:9; 18:1-2; Jos 18:7). The Levites were allotted 48 cities, including the six cities of refuge (Nm 35:6-7). Each town and a limited zone around it was for the Levites (vv 3-5); their property enjoyed a special status with regard to the laws of redemption (Lv 25:32-34).<\/p>\n<p>Two lists of the Levitical cities are given (Jos 21; 1 Chr 6:54-81). Thirteen towns were for the priests (Jos 21:4), including the six cities of refuge. In spite of some variation between the two lists, it seems clear that they go back to one original. The distribution of the Levitical towns tells much about their purpose. They were distributed among the 12 tribes but not usually placed at the tribal centers. Those in Judah and Simeon were actually in the southern hill country, the area where the satellite clans of the Calebites and the Kenizzites had settled. Those in Benjamin were grouped along the southern half of that tribe’s inheritance, the part later attached to Judah; the family of Saul was located there. Levitical towns were placed in border areas where garrisons were required—for example, on the eastern desert fringes in Reuben and facing Philistia in Dan. Other key territories were in the plains where Asher, Manasseh, and other Galilean tribes had originally failed to conquer the Canaanite cities (Jgs 1:27, 31). Thus, the Levites were assigned places where the special task of controlling strategic areas was necessary. Many of the towns were not taken during the initial conquest and only came under Israelite control in the reign of David.<\/p>\n<p>Though the Levites were not the exclusive residents of any one city (they shared them with other Israelites), they were posted there for specific duties. They tended to the work of the Lord and the service of the king (1 Chr 26:30-32). Collecting tithes (Nm 18:21; Dt 14:28), handling legal and judicial matters (1 Chr 26:29; 2 Chr 17:8; 19:8-10), military garrison duties (1 Chr 26:1-19), and managing the storehouses (v 22) were all Levitical responsibilities. Though they served by rotation in the capital (27:1), they also had similar duties the year round in their home districts (26:29-32). Their loyalty to the house of David caused them to lose their status in the northern kingdom, so most of them joined Judah when the kingdom was split (2 Chr 11:13-14).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Cities of Refuge.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>LEVITICAL CITIES<\/h3>\n<p>Special areas set aside for the tribe of Levi in place of a regular territorial inheritance (Nm 18:20-24; 26:62; Dt 10:9; 18:1-2; Jos 18:7). The Levites were allotted 48 cities, including the six cities of refuge (Nm 35:6-7). Each town and a limited zone around it was for the Levites (vv 3-5); their property enjoyed a special status with regard to the laws of redemption (Lv 25:32-34).<\/p>\n<p>Two lists of the Levitical cities are given (Jos 21; 1 Chr 6:54-81). Thirteen towns were for the priests (Jos 21:4), including the six cities of refuge. In spite of some variation between the two lists, it seems clear that they go back to one original. The distribution of the Levitical towns tells much about their purpose. They were distributed among the 12 tribes but not usually placed at the tribal centers. Those in Judah and Simeon were actually in the southern hill country, the area where the satellite clans of the Calebites and the Kenizzites had settled. Those in Benjamin were grouped along the southern half of that tribe’s inheritance, the part later attached to Judah; the family of Saul was located there. Levitical towns were placed in border areas where garrisons were required—for example, on the eastern desert fringes in Reuben and facing Philistia in Dan. Other key territories were in the plains where Asher, Manasseh, and other Galilean tribes had originally failed to conquer the Canaanite cities (Jgs 1:27, 31). Thus, the Levites were assigned places where the special task of controlling strategic areas was necessary. Many of the towns were not taken during the initial conquest and only came under Israelite control in the reign of David.<\/p>\n<p>Though the Levites were not the exclusive residents of any one city (they shared them with other Israelites), they were posted there for specific duties. They tended to the work of the Lord and the service of the king (1 Chr 26:30-32). Collecting tithes (Nm 18:21; Dt 14:28), handling legal and judicial matters (1 Chr 26:29; 2 Chr 17:8; 19:8-10), military garrison duties (1 Chr 26:1-19), and managing the storehouses (v 22) were all Levitical responsibilities. Though they served by rotation in the capital (27:1), they also had similar duties the year round in their home districts (26:29-32). Their loyalty to the house of David caused them to lose their status in the northern kingdom, so most of them joined Judah when the kingdom was split (2 Chr 11:13-14).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Cities of Refuge.<\/p>","summary_ro":"LEVITICAL CITIES Special areas set aside for the tribe of Levi in place of a regular territorial inheritance (Nm 18:20-24; 26:62; Dt 10:9; 18:1-2; Jos 18:7). The Levites were allotted 48 cities, including the six cities of refuge (Nm 35:6-7). Each town and a limited zone around it was for the Levites (vv 3-5); their property enjoyed a special status with regard to the laws of redemption (Lv 25:32-34). Two lists of the Levitical cities are given (Jos 21; 1 Chr 6:54-81). Thirteen towns were for...","summary_en":"LEVITICAL CITIES Special areas set aside for the tribe of Levi in place of a regular territorial inheritance (Nm 18:20-24; 26:62; Dt 10:9; 18:1-2; Jos 18:7). The Levites were allotted 48 cities, including the six cities of refuge (Nm 35:6-7). Each town and a limited zone around it was for the Levites (vv 3-5); their property enjoyed a special status with regard to the laws of redemption (Lv 25:32-34). Two lists of the Levitical cities are given (Jos 21; 1 Chr 6:54-81). Thirteen towns were for...","source":"Articles\/L.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":24989,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Megiddo, Megiddon*","title_en":"Megiddo, Megiddon*","content_ro":"<h3>MEGIDDO, MEGIDDON*<\/h3>\n\n<p>City standing at the southwest edge of the plain of Esdraelon on the main route between Mesopotamia and Egypt. It overlooks the historic route where a pass through the Mt Carmel range led from the plain of Sharon into the plain of Jezreel. This strategic position made Megiddo one of the most important commercial and military centers of Palestine in the second millennium and the early first millennium <span>BC<\/span>. From earliest times, the environs have been the scene of major battles. Great military men, such as Thutmose III of 15th-century <span>BC<\/span> Egypt, Napoleon in 1799, and General Allenby during World War I, have fought for mastery there.<\/p>\n<p>At the time of the conquest, Joshua defeated the king of Megiddo but did not take the city (Jos 12:21). In the subsequent allotments to the tribes of Israel, Megiddo was assigned to Manasseh, but they could not conquer it from the Canaanites (Jos 17:11-12; Jgs 1:27). During the days of the judges, Deborah and Barak defeated the forces of Hazor under the command of Sisera near Megiddo (Jgs 4:15; 5:19) but did not take the city either. Perhaps David conquered it as part of his program for establishing the kingdom. At any rate, by the time of Solomon, Megiddo served as the headquarters of one of his 12 administrative regions (1 Kgs 4:12). Solomon rebuilt it to serve as one of his chariot and garrison cities (9:15-19).<\/p>\n<p>King Ahaziah of Judah died there (841 <span>BC<\/span>) after being wounded by Jehu while on a visit to the northern kingdom (2 Kgs 9:27). King Josiah of Judah met and intercepted Pharaoh Neco of Egypt (609 <span>BC<\/span>) at Megiddo in a vain effort to prevent him from going north to aid the Assyrians; he was mortally wounded in the battle (23:29-30). The plain of Megiddo (<span>kjv<\/span> “valley of Megiddon”) is referred to in Zechariah’s prophecies of restoration for Israel and Jerusalem (Zec 12:11). Revelation predicts a great future war that will take place at Armageddon (Har Megiddon, the “mount of Megiddo,” Rv 16:16).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>MEGIDDO, MEGIDDON*<\/h3>\n\n<p>City standing at the southwest edge of the plain of Esdraelon on the main route between Mesopotamia and Egypt. It overlooks the historic route where a pass through the Mt Carmel range led from the plain of Sharon into the plain of Jezreel. This strategic position made Megiddo one of the most important commercial and military centers of Palestine in the second millennium and the early first millennium <span>BC<\/span>. From earliest times, the environs have been the scene of major battles. Great military men, such as Thutmose III of 15th-century <span>BC<\/span> Egypt, Napoleon in 1799, and General Allenby during World War I, have fought for mastery there.<\/p>\n<p>At the time of the conquest, Joshua defeated the king of Megiddo but did not take the city (Jos 12:21). In the subsequent allotments to the tribes of Israel, Megiddo was assigned to Manasseh, but they could not conquer it from the Canaanites (Jos 17:11-12; Jgs 1:27). During the days of the judges, Deborah and Barak defeated the forces of Hazor under the command of Sisera near Megiddo (Jgs 4:15; 5:19) but did not take the city either. Perhaps David conquered it as part of his program for establishing the kingdom. At any rate, by the time of Solomon, Megiddo served as the headquarters of one of his 12 administrative regions (1 Kgs 4:12). Solomon rebuilt it to serve as one of his chariot and garrison cities (9:15-19).<\/p>\n<p>King Ahaziah of Judah died there (841 <span>BC<\/span>) after being wounded by Jehu while on a visit to the northern kingdom (2 Kgs 9:27). King Josiah of Judah met and intercepted Pharaoh Neco of Egypt (609 <span>BC<\/span>) at Megiddo in a vain effort to prevent him from going north to aid the Assyrians; he was mortally wounded in the battle (23:29-30). The plain of Megiddo (<span>kjv<\/span> “valley of Megiddon”) is referred to in Zechariah’s prophecies of restoration for Israel and Jerusalem (Zec 12:11). Revelation predicts a great future war that will take place at Armageddon (Har Megiddon, the “mount of Megiddo,” Rv 16:16).<\/p>","summary_ro":"MEGIDDO, MEGIDDON* City standing at the southwest edge of the plain of Esdraelon on the main route between Mesopotamia and Egypt. It overlooks the historic route where a pass through the Mt Carmel range led from the plain of Sharon into the plain of Jezreel. This strategic position made Megiddo one of the most important commercial and military centers of Palestine in the second millennium and the early first millennium BC. From earliest times, the environs have been the scene of major battles...","summary_en":"MEGIDDO, MEGIDDON* City standing at the southwest edge of the plain of Esdraelon on the main route between Mesopotamia and Egypt. It overlooks the historic route where a pass through the Mt Carmel range led from the plain of Sharon into the plain of Jezreel. This strategic position made Megiddo one of the most important commercial and military centers of Palestine in the second millennium and the early first millennium BC. From earliest times, the environs have been the scene of major battles...","source":"Articles\/M.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":36575,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Taanach","title_en":"Taanach","content_ro":"<h3>TAANACH<\/h3>\n<p>One of the Canaanite fortress cities bordering the plain of Esdraelon and the valley of Jezreel, including Jokneam, Megiddo, Ibleam, and Beth-shan. The modern site, about five miles (8 kilometers) southeast of Megiddo, retains the ancient name, Tell Taanak. Excavations reveal a 14th-century <span>BC<\/span> wall made of huge, irregularly shaped rocks, with smaller stones set in the chinks, along with ruins of a local king’s palace. Some 40 cuneiform tablets of the 15th and 14th centuries <span>BC<\/span> were unearthed, and from a later period, brick houses possibly of Israelite construction. A terra-cotta incense altar was found in a house of Israelite date.<\/p>\n<p>Taanach is first mentioned in the Bible in a list of kings conquered by the Israelites on the west side of the Jordan (Jos 12:21). In the tribal division of Palestine, Manasseh received Taanach (21:25), which was also named as a Levitical city. Manasseh, however, was not able to capture Taanach or any of the other strong cities in its inheritance (Jgs 1:27).<\/p>\n<p>After the defeat of Sisera, Deborah and Barak sang a song in which it was said that the fighting took place at Taanach near the waters of Megiddo (Jgs 5:19). In the time of Solomon, Taanach was one of the towns mentioned in the enumeration of the administrative districts responsible for supplying monthly provisions for the king’s household (1 Kgs 4:12). The last mention of Taanach in the Bible is in a genealogical list (1 Chr 7:29), where the city is said to have belonged to Ephraim, along the borders of the Manassites.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>TAANACH<\/h3>\n<p>One of the Canaanite fortress cities bordering the plain of Esdraelon and the valley of Jezreel, including Jokneam, Megiddo, Ibleam, and Beth-shan. The modern site, about five miles (8 kilometers) southeast of Megiddo, retains the ancient name, Tell Taanak. Excavations reveal a 14th-century <span>BC<\/span> wall made of huge, irregularly shaped rocks, with smaller stones set in the chinks, along with ruins of a local king’s palace. Some 40 cuneiform tablets of the 15th and 14th centuries <span>BC<\/span> were unearthed, and from a later period, brick houses possibly of Israelite construction. A terra-cotta incense altar was found in a house of Israelite date.<\/p>\n<p>Taanach is first mentioned in the Bible in a list of kings conquered by the Israelites on the west side of the Jordan (Jos 12:21). In the tribal division of Palestine, Manasseh received Taanach (21:25), which was also named as a Levitical city. Manasseh, however, was not able to capture Taanach or any of the other strong cities in its inheritance (Jgs 1:27).<\/p>\n<p>After the defeat of Sisera, Deborah and Barak sang a song in which it was said that the fighting took place at Taanach near the waters of Megiddo (Jgs 5:19). In the time of Solomon, Taanach was one of the towns mentioned in the enumeration of the administrative districts responsible for supplying monthly provisions for the king’s household (1 Kgs 4:12). The last mention of Taanach in the Bible is in a genealogical list (1 Chr 7:29), where the city is said to have belonged to Ephraim, along the borders of the Manassites.<\/p>","summary_ro":"TAANACH One of the Canaanite fortress cities bordering the plain of Esdraelon and the valley of Jezreel, including Jokneam, Megiddo, Ibleam, and Beth-shan. The modern site, about five miles (8 kilometers) southeast of Megiddo, retains the ancient name, Tell Taanak. Excavations reveal a 14th-century BC wall made of huge, irregularly shaped rocks, with smaller stones set in the chinks, along with ruins of a local king’s palace. Some 40 cuneiform tablets of the 15th and 14th centuries BC were un...","summary_en":"TAANACH One of the Canaanite fortress cities bordering the plain of Esdraelon and the valley of Jezreel, including Jokneam, Megiddo, Ibleam, and Beth-shan. The modern site, about five miles (8 kilometers) southeast of Megiddo, retains the ancient name, Tell Taanak. Excavations reveal a 14th-century BC wall made of huge, irregularly shaped rocks, with smaller stones set in the chinks, along with ruins of a local king’s palace. Some 40 cuneiform tablets of the 15th and 14th centuries BC were un...","source":"Articles\/T.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":45686,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:27","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:27","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:27<\/strong> This chain of Canaanite cities stretched from <em>Dor<\/em> on the Mediterranean to <em>Beth-shan<\/em> in the Jordan Valley and effectively cut off the northern tribes from those south of the Jezreel Valley. Likewise, a number of the cities listed in the south (1:35) probably cut Judah off from the northern tribes.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:27<\/strong> This chain of Canaanite cities stretched from <em>Dor<\/em> on the Mediterranean to <em>Beth-shan<\/em> in the Jordan Valley and effectively cut off the northern tribes from those south of the Jezreel Valley. Likewise, a number of the cities listed in the south (1:35) probably cut Judah off from the northern tribes.<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:27 This chain of Canaanite cities stretched from Dor on the Mediterranean to Beth-shan in the Jordan Valley and effectively cut off the northern tribes from those south of the Jezreel Valley. Likewise, a number of the cities listed in the south (1:35) probably cut Judah off from the northern tribes.","summary_en":"1:27 This chain of Canaanite cities stretched from Dor on the Mediterranean to Beth-shan in the Jordan Valley and effectively cut off the northern tribes from those south of the Jezreel Valley. Likewise, a number of the cities listed in the south (1:35) probably cut Judah off from the northern tribes.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73312,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:27","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:27","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:27<\/strong> This chain of Canaanite cities stretched from <em>Dor<\/em> on the Mediterranean to <em>Beth-shan<\/em> in the Jordan Valley and effectively cut off the northern tribes from those south of the Jezreel Valley. Likewise, a number of the cities listed in the south (1:35) probably cut Judah off from the northern tribes.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:27<\/strong> This chain of Canaanite cities stretched from <em>Dor<\/em> on the Mediterranean to <em>Beth-shan<\/em> in the Jordan Valley and effectively cut off the northern tribes from those south of the Jezreel Valley. Likewise, a number of the cities listed in the south (1:35) probably cut Judah off from the northern tribes.<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:27 This chain of Canaanite cities stretched from Dor on the Mediterranean to Beth-shan in the Jordan Valley and effectively cut off the northern tribes from those south of the Jezreel Valley. Likewise, a number of the cities listed in the south (1:35) probably cut Judah off from the northern tribes.","summary_en":"1:27 This chain of Canaanite cities stretched from Dor on the Mediterranean to Beth-shan in the Jordan Valley and effectively cut off the northern tribes from those south of the Jezreel Valley. Likewise, a number of the cities listed in the south (1:35) probably cut Judah off from the northern tribes.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":100938,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:27","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:27","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:27<\/strong> This chain of Canaanite cities stretched from <em>Dor<\/em> on the Mediterranean to <em>Beth-shan<\/em> in the Jordan Valley and effectively cut off the northern tribes from those south of the Jezreel Valley. Likewise, a number of the cities listed in the south (1:35) probably cut Judah off from the northern tribes.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:27<\/strong> This chain of Canaanite cities stretched from <em>Dor<\/em> on the Mediterranean to <em>Beth-shan<\/em> in the Jordan Valley and effectively cut off the northern tribes from those south of the Jezreel Valley. Likewise, a number of the cities listed in the south (1:35) probably cut Judah off from the northern tribes.<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:27 This chain of Canaanite cities stretched from Dor on the Mediterranean to Beth-shan in the Jordan Valley and effectively cut off the northern tribes from those south of the Jezreel Valley. Likewise, a number of the cities listed in the south (1:35) probably cut Judah off from the northern tribes.","summary_en":"1:27 This chain of Canaanite cities stretched from Dor on the Mediterranean to Beth-shan in the Jordan Valley and effectively cut off the northern tribes from those south of the Jezreel Valley. Likewise, a number of the cities listed in the south (1:35) probably cut Judah off from the northern tribes.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128564,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:27","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:27","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:27<\/strong> This chain of Canaanite cities stretched from <em>Dor<\/em> on the Mediterranean to <em>Beth-shan<\/em> in the Jordan Valley and effectively cut off the northern tribes from those south of the Jezreel Valley. Likewise, a number of the cities listed in the south (1:35) probably cut Judah off from the northern tribes.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:27<\/strong> This chain of Canaanite cities stretched from <em>Dor<\/em> on the Mediterranean to <em>Beth-shan<\/em> in the Jordan Valley and effectively cut off the northern tribes from those south of the Jezreel Valley. Likewise, a number of the cities listed in the south (1:35) probably cut Judah off from the northern tribes.<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:27 This chain of Canaanite cities stretched from Dor on the Mediterranean to Beth-shan in the Jordan Valley and effectively cut off the northern tribes from those south of the Jezreel Valley. Likewise, a number of the cities listed in the south (1:35) probably cut Judah off from the northern tribes.","summary_en":"1:27 This chain of Canaanite cities stretched from Dor on the Mediterranean to Beth-shan in the Jordan Valley and effectively cut off the northern tribes from those south of the Jezreel Valley. Likewise, a number of the cities listed in the south (1:35) probably cut Judah off from the northern tribes.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"28":[{"id":20775,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Book of Joshua","title_en":"Book of Joshua","content_ro":"<h3>JOSHUA, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>First of the historical books in the English Bible and the first of the Former Prophets (including Judges, the books of Samuel, and the books of Kings) in the Hebrew Bible. It begins with the Lord’s commission of Joshua (Jos 1:1-9) and concludes with the burial of Joshua, Eleazar, and the bones of Joseph (24:29-33). The purpose of the book is to show how Joshua continued in the footsteps of Moses, how the Lord gave the land to Israel, and how Israel might prosper in the land.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author and Date<\/p>\n<p>• Problems of Interpretation<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"AuthorandDate\">Author and Date<\/p>\n<p>According to the Talmud, Joshua wrote the book. This ancient tradition is possibly based on the brief statement that Joshua “recorded these things in the Book of the Law of God” (24:26, <span>nlt<\/span>). However, this applies only to the renewal of the covenant (ch 24). The issue of authorship is tied up with the dating of the book. Since the book has no unambiguous markers on date and authorship, neither critics nor conservative scholars have been able to come to any agreement on these issues. According to a conservative analysis of Joshua, the book was written between 1375 <span>BC<\/span> and 1045 <span>BC<\/span> (premonarchic). The argument is based on the references to the migration of Dan (19:47; cf. Jgs 18:27-31), to Jerusalem as a Jebusite city (Jos 15:8, 63; 18:16, 28), to Sidon rather than Tyre as the prominent Phoenician city (11:8; 13:4-6; 19:28), and also on the eyewitness style (5:1, 6—in the MT). But critical scholars have raised issues that they considered could best be resolved by positing a seventh-century <span>BC<\/span> or even an exilic date.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"ProblemsofInterpretation\">Problems of Interpretation<\/p>\n<h5>Holy War<\/h5>\n<p>The morality of the Conquest may be explained by the concept of holy war. The holy war motif would explain why Israel was to destroy the indigenous population (Dt 7:16; 20:16-18; Jos 6:21; 8:24-26; 10:10, 28-30, 35-42; 11:11). The justification may lie in the concept that Israel was God’s instrument of judgment on the Canaanite nations. This argument is related to the mention of the wickedness of the Canaanites (Gn 15:16; Dt 7:2-5, 25-26; 12:30-31; Jos 23:7; Jgs 2:11). However, the canonical narrative of the progression of the Conquest puts the responsibility on the Canaanites. They marched and fought against Israel (Nm 21:21-35; Jos 7:4-5; 8:5, 16-17; 9:1-2; 10:1-6; 11:1-5; 24:11). Therefore, it could be argued that in the process of war a sincere invitation to make peace was given to the kings (cf. Nm 21:21-22; Dt 20:10-11) but was refused. Instead, the kings took the initiative in battle. The responsibility for the destruction of the native population thus lay with the leadership. Yet all this was evidence of God’s working in human affairs, which the Bible simply states, “For it was the <span>Lord<\/span> himself who hardened their hearts to wage war against Israel, so that he might destroy them totally, exterminating them without mercy, as the <span>Lord<\/span> had commanded Moses” (Jos 11:20, <span>niv<\/span>). Even as Pharaoh, whose heart the Lord hardened, was responsible for the plagues in Egypt, so the Canaanite rulers were responsible for the extermination of their populations. The biblical account of the Conquest affirms the mystery of human responsibility and divine sovereignty without explaining it.<\/p>\n<h5>Nature of the Conquest<\/h5>\n<p>Various explanations of the nature of the Conquest have been given. The traditional view of a blitzkrieg type of conquest, which resulted in a complete occupation of the whole land (cf. Jos 10:40; 11:1-3, 16-19), does not fit within the whole picture of the book. The book presents a realistic description of the areas that still had to be conquered (13:1-7) and of the military strength of the indigenous population (cf. 13:13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18; 19:47). Moreover, Joshua promised that the Lord would continue to help Israel to occupy the land, as its population and needs developed (23:5). The occupation of Canaan was in two stages: conquest and gradual occupation (cf. Ex 23:29-30; Dt 7:22).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Purpose\">Purpose<\/p>\n<p>The role of the final (canonical) form of the book is to present Joshua’s obedience to the law of Moses. Victory and defeat are illustrations of obedience and disobedience. Of course, there is tension in this because the descriptions of the Conquest are complete and yet incomplete. The tension is a dynamic device to show that the Conquest and enjoyment of the land depend wholly on obedience. The period of Joshua is viewed as a paradigm of obedient Israel. Thus, a holistic reading of the book presents an appeal to covenant loyalty directed to future generations.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>Conquest of the Land, 1:1–12:24<\/h5>\n<h6>The Lord’s Commission of Joshua, 1:1-9<\/h6>\n<p>With the death of Moses (Jos 1:1), the Lord himself confirms Moses’ ordination of Joshua (Dt 34:9). He charges him with leadership in the conquest of Canaan (Jos 1:2-3), defines the geographical boundaries of the land (v 4), encourages him with his continued presence (vv 5, 9), and expects him to devoutly follow in “the law of Moses” (i.e., the law given in Dt; cf. Dt 31:9, 24-26; Jos 23:6), so that he may succeed in his mission (1:7-8). The original mission, as well as the ministry of Moses, find their continuity in Joshua.<\/p>\n<h6>Crossing the Jordan, 1:10–5:12<\/h6>\n<p>The first stage calls for the preparation of Israel. As their leader, Joshua must demonstrate to the people that he follows in the footsteps of Moses. He does this by reminding the Transjordan tribes to demonstrate loyalty to the command of Moses by joining with the other tribes in the conquest of Canaan (1:13-15; cf. Nm 32:20-27). They submitted to Joshua’s authority as to Moses’ (Jos 1:16-18). He demonstrates his military leadership in sending the two spies to Jericho (ch 2). His authority is accepted by priests (3:6; 4:10) and people (3:5-9) as they cross the Jordan. The crossing of the Jordan marks the public recognition of Joshua as a leader like Moses (4:14).<\/p>\n<p>The account of the crossing marks an important transition from the era of the exodus\/wilderness to the era of the Conquest. On the one hand, the story of Rahab illustrates how the Canaanites had heard about the Lord’s mighty acts (2:10-11) and reacted with great fear (cf. Ex 15:15; 23:27-28; Dt 2:25; 7:23; 11:25; 32:30). Rahab’s expression of faith in Israel’s God (2:11) anticipates the inclusion of the Gentiles in the covenant community as promised to the patriarchs (Gn 12:3). By faith Rahab was included in the covenant and was richly rewarded by the inclusion of her name in the lineage of Jesus (Mt 1:5).<\/p>\n<p>The Israelites crossed the Jordan with the knowledge that the fear of God had come on the Canaanites (Jos 2:24). However, they were also instructed to show their reverence for the Lord by keeping a safe distance between themselves and the ark of the covenant (3:4) and by consecrating themselves (v 5). The “living God” was among them and required holiness and reverence from his people (v 10). He, in turn, would demonstrate his loyalty in the marvelous passage through the Jordan River (v 13) and in the conquest of the land (3:10). After the tribes had crossed the river (4:1), each leader of the 12 tribes took up a stone out of the dried-up riverbed and set up a memorial at Gilgal (vv 1-9, 20). Thus, Israel was to remember that the stones, taken from the place where the priests who carried the ark had stood, were reminders of the majestic presence of God. Future generations who were to hear this report (vv 21-24) were hereby encouraged because the fear of God would fall on all the peoples of the land (v 24).<\/p>\n<p>The consecration before the conquest of Jericho is also symbolized by the act of circumcision (5:1-9) and by the celebration of the Passover (vv 10-12). The events are not necessarily chronologically related but were selected as examples of Israel’s responsiveness to Joshua’s ministry. Moses’ appeal to the new generation had its effect (cf. Dt 4:4-14; 6:1-5). The new generation served the Lord as long as Joshua and the elders were alive (Jos 24:31). Physical circumcision, neglected during the wilderness journey (5:5) due to unbelief, was a sign of spiritual responsiveness. The responsive nation received the external sign of the covenant with the anticipation that the Lord of the covenant would bless his people in giving them victory and the fruit of the land. Their reproach was rolled away (v 9). The covenant continuity is also brought out in the brief mention of the Passover celebration. The newness is their eating the fruit of the land. With the taste of the food of Canaan, the manna stopped. The desert experience was over. A new era was ushered in with their presence in the Promised Land (vv 11-12).<\/p>\n<h6>Conquest of Jericho, 5:13–6:27<\/h6>\n<p>The victory is the Lord’s. This is the message with which the battle of Jericho begins. The holy God who appeared to Moses in the burning bush (Ex 3:2–4:17) appeared to Joshua as the commander of the Lord’s army (Jos 5:14-15) with a message from the Lord (6:2). The city of Jericho will fall without a siege and ensuing battle. Israel’s response to Jericho’s preparedness for war (cf. 24:11) was strange, but the presence of the ark and the blowing of the trumpets symbolized that the Lord would fight for Israel, even as he had promised. However, Israel could not take any of the spoil. Because Yahweh fought for Israel, everything was to be devoted to him (6:17). The Lord honored the vow to Rahab, made by the spies, so that she and her family were kept alive (vv 17, 25), but they were temporarily placed outside the camp (v 23). The valuable metals were placed into the treasury (vv 19, 24), whereas everything else was burned by fire (v 24). Nothing was to be taken for personal gain; otherwise God’s judgment would rest on Israel (v 18). In order to emphasize God’s absolute ownership of Jericho, Joshua put a curse on anyone who would attempt to rebuild the city (6:26; cf. 1 Kgs 16:34). The rumors of Jericho’s destruction spread, and the peoples of Canaan knew that the Lord was with Joshua (Jos 6:27; cf. 1:5, 9).<\/p>\n<h6>Tragedy and Triumph at Ai, 7:1–8:29<\/h6>\n<p>Victory was short-lived because Achan defied God’s “ban,” took some of the objects, hid them in the ground under his tent (7:21), and brought God’s wrath on all of Israel (v 1). Israel was stunned by their defeat at Ai (vv 2-5). Joshua and the elders responded to the disaster by fasting and lamenting (vv 6-9). What a contrast between the reports of victory spread through the land and the anguished cry of God’s servant, fearful that the Canaanites would amass strength and wipe out Israel (v 9). Only after the people had consecrated themselves (v 13) and Achan was exposed and his memory removed (vv 25b-26) could they renew the attack on Ai with the encouraging promise of God’s presence and victory (8:1-2). Ai, too, was taken (vv 3-19) and the population execrated (vv 20-26), but Israel enjoyed the spoils by direct permission from the Lord (v 27). The ruins of Ai, the pile of stones covering the body of Ai’s king (vv 28-29), and the heap of rocks over Achan’s body were sobering reminders to Israel that God’s faithfulness requires absolute loyalty from his people.<\/p>\n<h6>Renewal of the Covenant, 8:30-35<\/h6>\n<p>Joshua led Israel in a ceremonial covenant renewal at Shechem, as Moses had instructed (Jos 8:31; cf. Dt 11:29; 27). Joshua took care in the proper preparation of the altar (cf. Ex 20:25) on which dedicatory and communal offerings were presented. He copied the law as a symbol of his royal leadership and his devotion to the Lord (Jos 8:32; cf. Dt 17:18). All Israel (officers and people, aliens and native-born Israelites) together presented themselves for the reading of the blessings and the curses (Jos 8:33-35). The whole book of Deuteronomy (i.e., “the Book of the Law,” cf. Dt 31:26) was read in their presence. Half the tribes stood on Mt Gerizim and said “Amen” to the blessings, and the other six stood on Mt Ebal, saying “Amen” to the curses (cf. Dt 27:9-26).<\/p>\n<h6>Covenant with the Gibeonites, 9:1-27<\/h6>\n<p>The rumors of God’s mighty acts had brought fear on the Canaanite kings (cf. Jos 2:8-11, 24; 5:1; 6:27). The first defeat at Ai had given them a ray of hope that Israel could be put down. Rather than submit themselves to Israel and suffer from humiliation as servants of Israel, they joined forces against Joshua and Israel (9:1-2).<\/p>\n<p>The Hivites from Gibeon, Kephirah, Beeroth, and Kiriath-jearim (9:7, 17) did not join with their fellow Canaanites. Instead, they developed an intricate plan to deceive Israel and to sue for full treaty status. The purpose of the treaty was that of friendship (namely, “peace”), promising each other to be of mutual assistance in case of attack. The concern was with the preservation of life (vv 15, 24). Their deception included a ruse about the great distance they had traveled (vv 11-14) and a false report of Israel’s victories in Transjordan with no mention of their crossing the Jordan (9:9-10; cf. 5:1). The law permitted the submissive city to subject its population to a type of suzerainty treaty, in which Israel defined the terms and expected the subjugated populace to serve as its forced laborers (Dt 20:11; cf. Jgs 1:28-35; 1 Kgs 9:15-21). However, the treaty permitted the Hivites to maintain their way of life with the advantage of Israel’s military protection.<\/p>\n<h6>The Southern Campaign, 10:1-43<\/h6>\n<p>The king of Jerusalem, Adoni-zedek, led the cities of Hebron, Jarmuth, Lachish, and Eglon in an alliance against Gibeon as a military ploy to take a stand against Israel (Jos 10:1-5). The Gibeonites appealed to Israel for help based on their covenantal relationship (v 6). Joshua led Israel on a 25-mile (40-kilometer) hike through the wilderness from Gilgal up to Gibeon during one night (vv 7-9). The Israelite attack surprised the Canaanites, who were already frightened of the Israelites. The camp of the Canaanites was thrown into confusion, and the soldiers fled the hill country via the road of Beth-horon to Azekah and Makkedah (v 10). But while running, they were tormented with large hailstones (v 11). The victory was the Lord’s. Miraculously, Israel could push the Canaanites farther from the hill country because of the long day (vv 12-14). The marvel of this day was long remembered in the Book of Jashar (cf. 2 Sm 1:18), because on it the Lord listened to a man, namely Joshua (Jos 10:14).<\/p>\n<p>The five kings hidden in a cave at Makkedah were discovered, killed, hanged on trees, and buried in the cave (10:16-27). Their foolish attempt to make war on Israel came to a quick end. Since the coalition of large cities had been put down, Joshua led Israel in a rapid campaign of the other southern cities (vv 29-43). The region was taken in one campaign with the Lord’s help (v 42).<\/p>\n<h6>The Northern Campaign, 11:1-15<\/h6>\n<p>The Israelites were again forced into battle, this time by the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor. Jabin rallied the kings of the northern cities who assembled their troops and horses by the waters of Merom for battle against Israel (11:1-5). The similarity to the southern campaign is a literary way to demonstrate that the kings of the south and north initiated the war and were consequently defeated. So it was with the northern kings, who were routed as far as the region of Sidon in Phoenicia (v 8). Their horses were hamstrung and their chariots burned (v 9), as the Lord had instructed (v 6). Israel was to depend on the Lord (cf. Ps 20:7). Hazor, the great and ancient city, the center of Canaanite power in the north, was completely destroyed (Jos 11:10-13). The burning of Jericho, Ai, and Hazor were exceptions, because Israel had been promised Canaanite houses, wells, and cities (Dt 6:10-11; cf. Jos 24:13). The campaign narrative stresses again the absolute loyalty of Joshua to the Lord and to Moses, the servant of the Lord (Jos 11:9-15).<\/p>\n<h6>Summary of the Campaigns, 11:16–12:24<\/h6>\n<p>Joshua led Israel in victory and rest because of his careful adherence to the Lord’s directions to Moses. Moses had described the land to be conquered in detail (Dt 1:7), and Joshua took the regions of which Moses had spoken. Though the cities could have sued for a peaceable arrangement under which they would have been forced laborers (Dt 20:11), none of the cities recognized Israel. In fear they plotted and schemed how to destroy Israel. They were the aggressors. God had hardened their hearts (Jos 11:20). The theological reason is a mystery, as it was in the case of Pharaoh. But the net result was that Canaan was conquered and the population exterminated, except for the Hivites at Gibeon and their surrounding cities (vv 19-20). Even the Anakites, who had brought fear on Israel some 40 years before (Nm 13:33; cf. Dt 2:10, 21), were execrated (Jos 11:21). Yet it is already apparent that not every square mile of land was taken (v 22), even though in a sense the entire land was Israel’s, because major centers of Canaanite resistance had been broken. The tension between fulfillment and complete fulfillment is apparent in these verses.<\/p>\n<p>The listing of defeated kings (ch 12) includes the victories over Sihon and Og under Moses’ leadership. Their juxtaposition with the list of kings conquered under Joshua demonstrates the continuity of leadership and purpose—two leaders, many campaigns, but one battle. The Land of Promise is now a fulfillment. Through the campaigns the borders of the land of inheritance were now more apparent. In Transjordan the limits are from the Arnon to Mt Hermon (vv 2-5). In Canaan the boundary extends from the region south of Sidon to the Negev (vv 7-8).<\/p>\n<h5>The Division of the Land, 13:1–22:34<\/h5>\n<h6>The Command to Divide the Land, 13:1-7<\/h6>\n<p>Because of Joshua’s advanced age, the “whole” land was not taken. Moses had forewarned Israel that the inheritance would result from conquest as well as from gradual extension of Israel’s narrow boundaries. Slowly Israel was to inherit the whole land, lest it be overwhelmed by the size and be unable to use it properly (Ex 23:29-30; Dt 7:22). The areas still to be occupied were: the region to the north of Galilee, Mt Hermon (east of the Sea of Galilee), the area occupied by the Philistines, and regional Canaanite enclaves (Jos 13:2-7; cf. Jgs 1). Israel was not to be concerned with the future rights of occupation, because the Lord promised to help them (Jos 13:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Division of Transjordan, 13:8-33<\/h6>\n<p>Joshua did not alter the Mosaic arrangement concerning the allotments to the tribes of Manasseh, Reuben, and Gad (Jos 13:8, 32-33; cf. Nm 32; Dt 3:12-17). Their territory also excluded certain regions still occupied by Canaanites (Jos 13:13). The clans of Reuben had received the territory from the Arnon River north to Heshbon (vv 15-23). The clans of Gad had received the territory of Gilead, south of the Jabbok River to Heshbon (vv 24-28). Several clans of Manasseh received the region south of the Wadi Yarmuk to the Jabbok (vv 29-31). The Levitical towns are not listed here, but a reference is made to them as not receiving a patrimony, because they were to live off the offerings and sacrifices made to the Lord (Jos 13:14; cf. Nm 18:20-24; 35:1-8).<\/p>\n<h6>The Tribal Divisions in Canaan, 14:1–19:51<\/h6>\n<p>Eleazar, the high priest, and Joshua together cast lots to determine the boundaries, size, and allocation for the remaining nine and a half tribes. Again the exclusion of the tribe of Levi is mentioned (Jos 14:4), because their cities will be dealt with in chapters 20–21. Another literary device is special mention of the inheritance of Caleb in the beginning (14:6-15) and of Joshua at the conclusion (19:49-50). These two were the only ones who had left Egypt as adults, had been faithful spies, and had entered into the Promised Land (Nm 14:24, 30; Dt 1:36-38).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah, 15:1-63 (cf. Jgs 1:10-15, 20)<\/h6>\n<p>The boundaries of Judah extended from the Dead Sea westward to the Mediterranean (Jos 15:2-12). The cities of Judah are listed in its four regions: 29 in the Negev (vv 21-32), 42 cities in the Shephelah (or western foothills) and coastal plains (vv 33-47), 38 cities in the hill country (15:48-60), and 6 cities in the desert (vv 61-62). Judah was unable to take Jerusalem (v 63) until David made it his capital (cf. Jgs 1:21; 2 Sm 5:6-16).<\/p>\n<h6>Ephraim and Manasseh, 16:1–17:18<\/h6>\n<p>These two tribes, descended from Joseph, were richly blessed (cf. Gn 48; 49:22-26; Dt 33:13-17) and had obtained prominence among the tribes. They received one allotment as “the allotment for Joseph” (Jos 16:1). Part of Manasseh had already received a patrimony east of the Jordan (13:29-31). The limits for Ephraim and the west half of Manasseh were from Bethel to Mt Gilboa in the north and from the Jordan to the Mediterranean (16:1-3). Ephraim received the smaller portion in the south (vv 5-9) but was unable to drive the Canaanites out of Gezer. The clans of Manasseh are given, including Zelophehad (17:3-6; cf. Nm 27:1-11; 36:1-12), in order to clearly distinguish them from the clans of Manasseh in Transjordan. The region of west Manasseh extended from Shechem to Mt Gilboa (Jos 17:7-11); but Manasseh, also, was incapable of driving out the Canaanites completely (vv 12-13).<\/p>\n<p>Though they had received the largest portion of the land (more than a third), the tribes of Joseph complained. They knew that the Lord had blessed them (17:14), and they expected to get more cultivable land. But Joshua urged them to use the available land by cutting down the forests (vv 15-18). When they expressed realistic concern about Canaanite military power, Joshua called on them to do their share in occupying the land.<\/p>\n<h6>Seven Tribes, 18:1–19:51<\/h6>\n<p>The Israelites assembled at Shiloh to set up the tabernacle (cf. 1 Sm 1). At that point seven tribes had not yet received their patrimony. Joshua called for each tribe to commission three men to survey the land. When they returned, Joshua cast lots at the tabernacle in Shiloh and divided the land (Jos 18:3-10). The territory of Benjamin was between Judah and Ephraim (vv 11-28). Simeon’s allotment was in southern Judah (19:1-9), resulting in its absorption into Judah (cf. Gn 49:7). Zebulun (Jos 19:10-16), Issachar (vv 17-23), Asher (vv 24-31), and Naphtali (vv 32-39) received a portion north of Manasseh in the region of Galilee. Dan received the seventh lot and suffered subsequently, when it could not maintain the allotted territory because of the pressure of Judah on the east and the Philistines to the west (vv 40-48). They migrated northward and found the sources of the Jordan to be a fruitful region (Jos 19:47; cf. Jgs 18).<\/p>\n<h6>Conclusion, 19:49-51<\/h6>\n<p>The conclusion is symmetric with the beginning (Jos 14:1-14) in that Joshua also received a gift. Again, mention is made that all divisions were in the presence of the Lord, witnessed to and executed by the high priest Eleazar and Joshua (19:51; cf. 14:1).<\/p>\n<h6>Cities of Refuge and the Levitical Cities, 20:1–21:45<\/h6>\n<p>According to the instructions of Moses, six Levitical cities were set apart, three on each side of the Jordan, as cities of refuge (Nm 35:9-34; Dt 4:41-43; 19:1-10). The purpose was to provide “refuge” (asylum) for those who were guilty of manslaughter but had not intentionally killed someone. This practice was not to provide a way out for someone who was guilty, but to allow for the legal process to be completed (Jos 20).<\/p>\n<p>The Levites received by clan a total of 48 cities, six of which also served as cities of refuge (21:1-42). The Levites could not cultivate the soil because they were dependent on the tithes of the people (Nm 18:21-24), but they were permitted to have land for grazing. The dimensions of the land are given in Numbers 35:4-5. A special allocation is made to the descendants of Aaron (Jos 21:9-19), because they served as priests and their 13 cities were in the Judah-Simeon region, in proximity to the Jerusalem temple of the Solomonic era.<\/p>\n<p>With the allocation of the Levitical cities, the division of the land is concluded. The promise of the land is fulfilled (21:43-45). God is faithful! This section emphasizes the fulfillment, the power, and the grace of God, by which Israel entered into its rest. However, the book of Joshua also hints of the struggle that is still ahead of the Israelites and of the test that ultimately they will fail (cf. Ps 95:11; Heb 3:7-11).<\/p>\n<h6>Return of the Transjordan Tribes, 22:1-34<\/h6>\n<p>Joshua dismissed the two and a half tribes with a commendation for their loyalty to the other tribes and to the Lord (Jos 22:1-4), with a warning not to succumb to idolatry but to love the Lord in accordance with the Deuteronomic law, and with a blessing (vv 5-8). However, as they returned they set up a large altar by the Jordan on the western side. The other tribes heard about it and met at Shiloh (v 12). They wisely commissioned Phinehas, the son of the high priest, with ten representatives of the tribes, to investigate the matter. The commission charged the Transjordan tribes with treachery (Jos 22:15-20; cf. Nm 25; Jos 7).<\/p>\n<p>The response of the Transjordan tribes demonstrated their concern for the unity of the tribes and for the worship of God. These tribes feared being excluded from the fellowship of God’s people and had purposefully constructed an altar, identical to that prescribed in the law, in order to demonstrate their common heritage (Jos 22:21-30). The altar was not for sacrifice or worship but functioned as a symbol of the covenantal unity of the people of God.<\/p>\n<p>Phinehas and the tribal representatives were pleased with the response and left with the assurance of God’s presence (22:30-31). Their report to the tribes led to reconciliation of all the tribes on this matter. The narrative concludes with a mention of the name given to the altar: “A witness between us and them that the <span>Lord<\/span> is our God, too” (v 34, <span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue: The Land Is a Sacred Trust, 23:1–24:33<\/h5>\n<p>The last two chapters contain Joshua’s farewell speeches to all the leaders and to all Israel.<\/p>\n<h6>Address to the Leaders, 23:1-16<\/h6>\n<p>Joshua reviews what the Lord has done for Israel in giving the land to the tribes. He has demonstrated his loyalty. And he will continue to be with his people so that no enemy can stand against them. He will fulfill every outstanding promise, even as he had already fulfilled promises. However, they must persevere in their loyalty to the Lord. Loyalty to the Lord is not apart from loyalty to the law of Moses. Apostasy will be severely punished, first by leaving the nations to ensnare Israel, and then by consuming them in his wrath.<\/p>\n<h6>Address to Israel, 24:1-28<\/h6>\n<p>The address ends with a covenant renewal at Shechem (Jos 24:1, 25-28; cf. 8:30-35). In the ancient Near East it was common when making a treaty (covenant) to give a brief historical summary of the relationship of the parties involved. Joshua reviewed Israel’s history from the patriarchs to their generation: patriarchs (24:2-4), exodus (vv 5-7), and conquest (vv 8-13).<\/p>\n<p>The goodness, presence, and loyalty of Yahweh was evident to them. Yahweh also expected “faithfulness” from his people in the form of whole allegiance, without any form of idolatry (Jos 24:14-15). As the head of his family, Joshua vowed to be loyal (v 15). The people responded by giving reasons for being loyal to the Lord (vv 16-18). But Joshua pushed them to a deeper commitment by challenging their profession (vv 19-20), then recording their vow and setting up a stone of witness against them (vv 25-27).<\/p>\n<h6>End of an Era, 24:29-33<\/h6>\n<p>The book began with a reference to the death of Moses (1:1-2) and concludes with the death and burial of Joshua (24:29-30) and of Eleazar the high priest (v 33). This marks the end of an era. The burial of Joseph’s bones (Jos 24:32; cf. Gn 50:25; Ex 13:19) in a plot purchased by Jacob (Gn 33:19) brings together the hope characteristic of the epoch of Moses and Joshua.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Cities of Refuge; Conquest and Allotment of the Land; Israel, History of; Joshua (Person) #1; Levitical Cities.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JOSHUA, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>First of the historical books in the English Bible and the first of the Former Prophets (including Judges, the books of Samuel, and the books of Kings) in the Hebrew Bible. It begins with the Lord’s commission of Joshua (Jos 1:1-9) and concludes with the burial of Joshua, Eleazar, and the bones of Joseph (24:29-33). The purpose of the book is to show how Joshua continued in the footsteps of Moses, how the Lord gave the land to Israel, and how Israel might prosper in the land.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author and Date<\/p>\n<p>• Problems of Interpretation<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"AuthorandDate\">Author and Date<\/p>\n<p>According to the Talmud, Joshua wrote the book. This ancient tradition is possibly based on the brief statement that Joshua “recorded these things in the Book of the Law of God” (24:26, <span>nlt<\/span>). However, this applies only to the renewal of the covenant (ch 24). The issue of authorship is tied up with the dating of the book. Since the book has no unambiguous markers on date and authorship, neither critics nor conservative scholars have been able to come to any agreement on these issues. According to a conservative analysis of Joshua, the book was written between 1375 <span>BC<\/span> and 1045 <span>BC<\/span> (premonarchic). The argument is based on the references to the migration of Dan (19:47; cf. Jgs 18:27-31), to Jerusalem as a Jebusite city (Jos 15:8, 63; 18:16, 28), to Sidon rather than Tyre as the prominent Phoenician city (11:8; 13:4-6; 19:28), and also on the eyewitness style (5:1, 6—in the MT). But critical scholars have raised issues that they considered could best be resolved by positing a seventh-century <span>BC<\/span> or even an exilic date.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"ProblemsofInterpretation\">Problems of Interpretation<\/p>\n<h5>Holy War<\/h5>\n<p>The morality of the Conquest may be explained by the concept of holy war. The holy war motif would explain why Israel was to destroy the indigenous population (Dt 7:16; 20:16-18; Jos 6:21; 8:24-26; 10:10, 28-30, 35-42; 11:11). The justification may lie in the concept that Israel was God’s instrument of judgment on the Canaanite nations. This argument is related to the mention of the wickedness of the Canaanites (Gn 15:16; Dt 7:2-5, 25-26; 12:30-31; Jos 23:7; Jgs 2:11). However, the canonical narrative of the progression of the Conquest puts the responsibility on the Canaanites. They marched and fought against Israel (Nm 21:21-35; Jos 7:4-5; 8:5, 16-17; 9:1-2; 10:1-6; 11:1-5; 24:11). Therefore, it could be argued that in the process of war a sincere invitation to make peace was given to the kings (cf. Nm 21:21-22; Dt 20:10-11) but was refused. Instead, the kings took the initiative in battle. The responsibility for the destruction of the native population thus lay with the leadership. Yet all this was evidence of God’s working in human affairs, which the Bible simply states, “For it was the <span>Lord<\/span> himself who hardened their hearts to wage war against Israel, so that he might destroy them totally, exterminating them without mercy, as the <span>Lord<\/span> had commanded Moses” (Jos 11:20, <span>niv<\/span>). Even as Pharaoh, whose heart the Lord hardened, was responsible for the plagues in Egypt, so the Canaanite rulers were responsible for the extermination of their populations. The biblical account of the Conquest affirms the mystery of human responsibility and divine sovereignty without explaining it.<\/p>\n<h5>Nature of the Conquest<\/h5>\n<p>Various explanations of the nature of the Conquest have been given. The traditional view of a blitzkrieg type of conquest, which resulted in a complete occupation of the whole land (cf. Jos 10:40; 11:1-3, 16-19), does not fit within the whole picture of the book. The book presents a realistic description of the areas that still had to be conquered (13:1-7) and of the military strength of the indigenous population (cf. 13:13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18; 19:47). Moreover, Joshua promised that the Lord would continue to help Israel to occupy the land, as its population and needs developed (23:5). The occupation of Canaan was in two stages: conquest and gradual occupation (cf. Ex 23:29-30; Dt 7:22).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Purpose\">Purpose<\/p>\n<p>The role of the final (canonical) form of the book is to present Joshua’s obedience to the law of Moses. Victory and defeat are illustrations of obedience and disobedience. Of course, there is tension in this because the descriptions of the Conquest are complete and yet incomplete. The tension is a dynamic device to show that the Conquest and enjoyment of the land depend wholly on obedience. The period of Joshua is viewed as a paradigm of obedient Israel. Thus, a holistic reading of the book presents an appeal to covenant loyalty directed to future generations.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>Conquest of the Land, 1:1–12:24<\/h5>\n<h6>The Lord’s Commission of Joshua, 1:1-9<\/h6>\n<p>With the death of Moses (Jos 1:1), the Lord himself confirms Moses’ ordination of Joshua (Dt 34:9). He charges him with leadership in the conquest of Canaan (Jos 1:2-3), defines the geographical boundaries of the land (v 4), encourages him with his continued presence (vv 5, 9), and expects him to devoutly follow in “the law of Moses” (i.e., the law given in Dt; cf. Dt 31:9, 24-26; Jos 23:6), so that he may succeed in his mission (1:7-8). The original mission, as well as the ministry of Moses, find their continuity in Joshua.<\/p>\n<h6>Crossing the Jordan, 1:10–5:12<\/h6>\n<p>The first stage calls for the preparation of Israel. As their leader, Joshua must demonstrate to the people that he follows in the footsteps of Moses. He does this by reminding the Transjordan tribes to demonstrate loyalty to the command of Moses by joining with the other tribes in the conquest of Canaan (1:13-15; cf. Nm 32:20-27). They submitted to Joshua’s authority as to Moses’ (Jos 1:16-18). He demonstrates his military leadership in sending the two spies to Jericho (ch 2). His authority is accepted by priests (3:6; 4:10) and people (3:5-9) as they cross the Jordan. The crossing of the Jordan marks the public recognition of Joshua as a leader like Moses (4:14).<\/p>\n<p>The account of the crossing marks an important transition from the era of the exodus\/wilderness to the era of the Conquest. On the one hand, the story of Rahab illustrates how the Canaanites had heard about the Lord’s mighty acts (2:10-11) and reacted with great fear (cf. Ex 15:15; 23:27-28; Dt 2:25; 7:23; 11:25; 32:30). Rahab’s expression of faith in Israel’s God (2:11) anticipates the inclusion of the Gentiles in the covenant community as promised to the patriarchs (Gn 12:3). By faith Rahab was included in the covenant and was richly rewarded by the inclusion of her name in the lineage of Jesus (Mt 1:5).<\/p>\n<p>The Israelites crossed the Jordan with the knowledge that the fear of God had come on the Canaanites (Jos 2:24). However, they were also instructed to show their reverence for the Lord by keeping a safe distance between themselves and the ark of the covenant (3:4) and by consecrating themselves (v 5). The “living God” was among them and required holiness and reverence from his people (v 10). He, in turn, would demonstrate his loyalty in the marvelous passage through the Jordan River (v 13) and in the conquest of the land (3:10). After the tribes had crossed the river (4:1), each leader of the 12 tribes took up a stone out of the dried-up riverbed and set up a memorial at Gilgal (vv 1-9, 20). Thus, Israel was to remember that the stones, taken from the place where the priests who carried the ark had stood, were reminders of the majestic presence of God. Future generations who were to hear this report (vv 21-24) were hereby encouraged because the fear of God would fall on all the peoples of the land (v 24).<\/p>\n<p>The consecration before the conquest of Jericho is also symbolized by the act of circumcision (5:1-9) and by the celebration of the Passover (vv 10-12). The events are not necessarily chronologically related but were selected as examples of Israel’s responsiveness to Joshua’s ministry. Moses’ appeal to the new generation had its effect (cf. Dt 4:4-14; 6:1-5). The new generation served the Lord as long as Joshua and the elders were alive (Jos 24:31). Physical circumcision, neglected during the wilderness journey (5:5) due to unbelief, was a sign of spiritual responsiveness. The responsive nation received the external sign of the covenant with the anticipation that the Lord of the covenant would bless his people in giving them victory and the fruit of the land. Their reproach was rolled away (v 9). The covenant continuity is also brought out in the brief mention of the Passover celebration. The newness is their eating the fruit of the land. With the taste of the food of Canaan, the manna stopped. The desert experience was over. A new era was ushered in with their presence in the Promised Land (vv 11-12).<\/p>\n<h6>Conquest of Jericho, 5:13–6:27<\/h6>\n<p>The victory is the Lord’s. This is the message with which the battle of Jericho begins. The holy God who appeared to Moses in the burning bush (Ex 3:2–4:17) appeared to Joshua as the commander of the Lord’s army (Jos 5:14-15) with a message from the Lord (6:2). The city of Jericho will fall without a siege and ensuing battle. Israel’s response to Jericho’s preparedness for war (cf. 24:11) was strange, but the presence of the ark and the blowing of the trumpets symbolized that the Lord would fight for Israel, even as he had promised. However, Israel could not take any of the spoil. Because Yahweh fought for Israel, everything was to be devoted to him (6:17). The Lord honored the vow to Rahab, made by the spies, so that she and her family were kept alive (vv 17, 25), but they were temporarily placed outside the camp (v 23). The valuable metals were placed into the treasury (vv 19, 24), whereas everything else was burned by fire (v 24). Nothing was to be taken for personal gain; otherwise God’s judgment would rest on Israel (v 18). In order to emphasize God’s absolute ownership of Jericho, Joshua put a curse on anyone who would attempt to rebuild the city (6:26; cf. 1 Kgs 16:34). The rumors of Jericho’s destruction spread, and the peoples of Canaan knew that the Lord was with Joshua (Jos 6:27; cf. 1:5, 9).<\/p>\n<h6>Tragedy and Triumph at Ai, 7:1–8:29<\/h6>\n<p>Victory was short-lived because Achan defied God’s “ban,” took some of the objects, hid them in the ground under his tent (7:21), and brought God’s wrath on all of Israel (v 1). Israel was stunned by their defeat at Ai (vv 2-5). Joshua and the elders responded to the disaster by fasting and lamenting (vv 6-9). What a contrast between the reports of victory spread through the land and the anguished cry of God’s servant, fearful that the Canaanites would amass strength and wipe out Israel (v 9). Only after the people had consecrated themselves (v 13) and Achan was exposed and his memory removed (vv 25b-26) could they renew the attack on Ai with the encouraging promise of God’s presence and victory (8:1-2). Ai, too, was taken (vv 3-19) and the population execrated (vv 20-26), but Israel enjoyed the spoils by direct permission from the Lord (v 27). The ruins of Ai, the pile of stones covering the body of Ai’s king (vv 28-29), and the heap of rocks over Achan’s body were sobering reminders to Israel that God’s faithfulness requires absolute loyalty from his people.<\/p>\n<h6>Renewal of the Covenant, 8:30-35<\/h6>\n<p>Joshua led Israel in a ceremonial covenant renewal at Shechem, as Moses had instructed (Jos 8:31; cf. Dt 11:29; 27). Joshua took care in the proper preparation of the altar (cf. Ex 20:25) on which dedicatory and communal offerings were presented. He copied the law as a symbol of his royal leadership and his devotion to the Lord (Jos 8:32; cf. Dt 17:18). All Israel (officers and people, aliens and native-born Israelites) together presented themselves for the reading of the blessings and the curses (Jos 8:33-35). The whole book of Deuteronomy (i.e., “the Book of the Law,” cf. Dt 31:26) was read in their presence. Half the tribes stood on Mt Gerizim and said “Amen” to the blessings, and the other six stood on Mt Ebal, saying “Amen” to the curses (cf. Dt 27:9-26).<\/p>\n<h6>Covenant with the Gibeonites, 9:1-27<\/h6>\n<p>The rumors of God’s mighty acts had brought fear on the Canaanite kings (cf. Jos 2:8-11, 24; 5:1; 6:27). The first defeat at Ai had given them a ray of hope that Israel could be put down. Rather than submit themselves to Israel and suffer from humiliation as servants of Israel, they joined forces against Joshua and Israel (9:1-2).<\/p>\n<p>The Hivites from Gibeon, Kephirah, Beeroth, and Kiriath-jearim (9:7, 17) did not join with their fellow Canaanites. Instead, they developed an intricate plan to deceive Israel and to sue for full treaty status. The purpose of the treaty was that of friendship (namely, “peace”), promising each other to be of mutual assistance in case of attack. The concern was with the preservation of life (vv 15, 24). Their deception included a ruse about the great distance they had traveled (vv 11-14) and a false report of Israel’s victories in Transjordan with no mention of their crossing the Jordan (9:9-10; cf. 5:1). The law permitted the submissive city to subject its population to a type of suzerainty treaty, in which Israel defined the terms and expected the subjugated populace to serve as its forced laborers (Dt 20:11; cf. Jgs 1:28-35; 1 Kgs 9:15-21). However, the treaty permitted the Hivites to maintain their way of life with the advantage of Israel’s military protection.<\/p>\n<h6>The Southern Campaign, 10:1-43<\/h6>\n<p>The king of Jerusalem, Adoni-zedek, led the cities of Hebron, Jarmuth, Lachish, and Eglon in an alliance against Gibeon as a military ploy to take a stand against Israel (Jos 10:1-5). The Gibeonites appealed to Israel for help based on their covenantal relationship (v 6). Joshua led Israel on a 25-mile (40-kilometer) hike through the wilderness from Gilgal up to Gibeon during one night (vv 7-9). The Israelite attack surprised the Canaanites, who were already frightened of the Israelites. The camp of the Canaanites was thrown into confusion, and the soldiers fled the hill country via the road of Beth-horon to Azekah and Makkedah (v 10). But while running, they were tormented with large hailstones (v 11). The victory was the Lord’s. Miraculously, Israel could push the Canaanites farther from the hill country because of the long day (vv 12-14). The marvel of this day was long remembered in the Book of Jashar (cf. 2 Sm 1:18), because on it the Lord listened to a man, namely Joshua (Jos 10:14).<\/p>\n<p>The five kings hidden in a cave at Makkedah were discovered, killed, hanged on trees, and buried in the cave (10:16-27). Their foolish attempt to make war on Israel came to a quick end. Since the coalition of large cities had been put down, Joshua led Israel in a rapid campaign of the other southern cities (vv 29-43). The region was taken in one campaign with the Lord’s help (v 42).<\/p>\n<h6>The Northern Campaign, 11:1-15<\/h6>\n<p>The Israelites were again forced into battle, this time by the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor. Jabin rallied the kings of the northern cities who assembled their troops and horses by the waters of Merom for battle against Israel (11:1-5). The similarity to the southern campaign is a literary way to demonstrate that the kings of the south and north initiated the war and were consequently defeated. So it was with the northern kings, who were routed as far as the region of Sidon in Phoenicia (v 8). Their horses were hamstrung and their chariots burned (v 9), as the Lord had instructed (v 6). Israel was to depend on the Lord (cf. Ps 20:7). Hazor, the great and ancient city, the center of Canaanite power in the north, was completely destroyed (Jos 11:10-13). The burning of Jericho, Ai, and Hazor were exceptions, because Israel had been promised Canaanite houses, wells, and cities (Dt 6:10-11; cf. Jos 24:13). The campaign narrative stresses again the absolute loyalty of Joshua to the Lord and to Moses, the servant of the Lord (Jos 11:9-15).<\/p>\n<h6>Summary of the Campaigns, 11:16–12:24<\/h6>\n<p>Joshua led Israel in victory and rest because of his careful adherence to the Lord’s directions to Moses. Moses had described the land to be conquered in detail (Dt 1:7), and Joshua took the regions of which Moses had spoken. Though the cities could have sued for a peaceable arrangement under which they would have been forced laborers (Dt 20:11), none of the cities recognized Israel. In fear they plotted and schemed how to destroy Israel. They were the aggressors. God had hardened their hearts (Jos 11:20). The theological reason is a mystery, as it was in the case of Pharaoh. But the net result was that Canaan was conquered and the population exterminated, except for the Hivites at Gibeon and their surrounding cities (vv 19-20). Even the Anakites, who had brought fear on Israel some 40 years before (Nm 13:33; cf. Dt 2:10, 21), were execrated (Jos 11:21). Yet it is already apparent that not every square mile of land was taken (v 22), even though in a sense the entire land was Israel’s, because major centers of Canaanite resistance had been broken. The tension between fulfillment and complete fulfillment is apparent in these verses.<\/p>\n<p>The listing of defeated kings (ch 12) includes the victories over Sihon and Og under Moses’ leadership. Their juxtaposition with the list of kings conquered under Joshua demonstrates the continuity of leadership and purpose—two leaders, many campaigns, but one battle. The Land of Promise is now a fulfillment. Through the campaigns the borders of the land of inheritance were now more apparent. In Transjordan the limits are from the Arnon to Mt Hermon (vv 2-5). In Canaan the boundary extends from the region south of Sidon to the Negev (vv 7-8).<\/p>\n<h5>The Division of the Land, 13:1–22:34<\/h5>\n<h6>The Command to Divide the Land, 13:1-7<\/h6>\n<p>Because of Joshua’s advanced age, the “whole” land was not taken. Moses had forewarned Israel that the inheritance would result from conquest as well as from gradual extension of Israel’s narrow boundaries. Slowly Israel was to inherit the whole land, lest it be overwhelmed by the size and be unable to use it properly (Ex 23:29-30; Dt 7:22). The areas still to be occupied were: the region to the north of Galilee, Mt Hermon (east of the Sea of Galilee), the area occupied by the Philistines, and regional Canaanite enclaves (Jos 13:2-7; cf. Jgs 1). Israel was not to be concerned with the future rights of occupation, because the Lord promised to help them (Jos 13:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Division of Transjordan, 13:8-33<\/h6>\n<p>Joshua did not alter the Mosaic arrangement concerning the allotments to the tribes of Manasseh, Reuben, and Gad (Jos 13:8, 32-33; cf. Nm 32; Dt 3:12-17). Their territory also excluded certain regions still occupied by Canaanites (Jos 13:13). The clans of Reuben had received the territory from the Arnon River north to Heshbon (vv 15-23). The clans of Gad had received the territory of Gilead, south of the Jabbok River to Heshbon (vv 24-28). Several clans of Manasseh received the region south of the Wadi Yarmuk to the Jabbok (vv 29-31). The Levitical towns are not listed here, but a reference is made to them as not receiving a patrimony, because they were to live off the offerings and sacrifices made to the Lord (Jos 13:14; cf. Nm 18:20-24; 35:1-8).<\/p>\n<h6>The Tribal Divisions in Canaan, 14:1–19:51<\/h6>\n<p>Eleazar, the high priest, and Joshua together cast lots to determine the boundaries, size, and allocation for the remaining nine and a half tribes. Again the exclusion of the tribe of Levi is mentioned (Jos 14:4), because their cities will be dealt with in chapters 20–21. Another literary device is special mention of the inheritance of Caleb in the beginning (14:6-15) and of Joshua at the conclusion (19:49-50). These two were the only ones who had left Egypt as adults, had been faithful spies, and had entered into the Promised Land (Nm 14:24, 30; Dt 1:36-38).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah, 15:1-63 (cf. Jgs 1:10-15, 20)<\/h6>\n<p>The boundaries of Judah extended from the Dead Sea westward to the Mediterranean (Jos 15:2-12). The cities of Judah are listed in its four regions: 29 in the Negev (vv 21-32), 42 cities in the Shephelah (or western foothills) and coastal plains (vv 33-47), 38 cities in the hill country (15:48-60), and 6 cities in the desert (vv 61-62). Judah was unable to take Jerusalem (v 63) until David made it his capital (cf. Jgs 1:21; 2 Sm 5:6-16).<\/p>\n<h6>Ephraim and Manasseh, 16:1–17:18<\/h6>\n<p>These two tribes, descended from Joseph, were richly blessed (cf. Gn 48; 49:22-26; Dt 33:13-17) and had obtained prominence among the tribes. They received one allotment as “the allotment for Joseph” (Jos 16:1). Part of Manasseh had already received a patrimony east of the Jordan (13:29-31). The limits for Ephraim and the west half of Manasseh were from Bethel to Mt Gilboa in the north and from the Jordan to the Mediterranean (16:1-3). Ephraim received the smaller portion in the south (vv 5-9) but was unable to drive the Canaanites out of Gezer. The clans of Manasseh are given, including Zelophehad (17:3-6; cf. Nm 27:1-11; 36:1-12), in order to clearly distinguish them from the clans of Manasseh in Transjordan. The region of west Manasseh extended from Shechem to Mt Gilboa (Jos 17:7-11); but Manasseh, also, was incapable of driving out the Canaanites completely (vv 12-13).<\/p>\n<p>Though they had received the largest portion of the land (more than a third), the tribes of Joseph complained. They knew that the Lord had blessed them (17:14), and they expected to get more cultivable land. But Joshua urged them to use the available land by cutting down the forests (vv 15-18). When they expressed realistic concern about Canaanite military power, Joshua called on them to do their share in occupying the land.<\/p>\n<h6>Seven Tribes, 18:1–19:51<\/h6>\n<p>The Israelites assembled at Shiloh to set up the tabernacle (cf. 1 Sm 1). At that point seven tribes had not yet received their patrimony. Joshua called for each tribe to commission three men to survey the land. When they returned, Joshua cast lots at the tabernacle in Shiloh and divided the land (Jos 18:3-10). The territory of Benjamin was between Judah and Ephraim (vv 11-28). Simeon’s allotment was in southern Judah (19:1-9), resulting in its absorption into Judah (cf. Gn 49:7). Zebulun (Jos 19:10-16), Issachar (vv 17-23), Asher (vv 24-31), and Naphtali (vv 32-39) received a portion north of Manasseh in the region of Galilee. Dan received the seventh lot and suffered subsequently, when it could not maintain the allotted territory because of the pressure of Judah on the east and the Philistines to the west (vv 40-48). They migrated northward and found the sources of the Jordan to be a fruitful region (Jos 19:47; cf. Jgs 18).<\/p>\n<h6>Conclusion, 19:49-51<\/h6>\n<p>The conclusion is symmetric with the beginning (Jos 14:1-14) in that Joshua also received a gift. Again, mention is made that all divisions were in the presence of the Lord, witnessed to and executed by the high priest Eleazar and Joshua (19:51; cf. 14:1).<\/p>\n<h6>Cities of Refuge and the Levitical Cities, 20:1–21:45<\/h6>\n<p>According to the instructions of Moses, six Levitical cities were set apart, three on each side of the Jordan, as cities of refuge (Nm 35:9-34; Dt 4:41-43; 19:1-10). The purpose was to provide “refuge” (asylum) for those who were guilty of manslaughter but had not intentionally killed someone. This practice was not to provide a way out for someone who was guilty, but to allow for the legal process to be completed (Jos 20).<\/p>\n<p>The Levites received by clan a total of 48 cities, six of which also served as cities of refuge (21:1-42). The Levites could not cultivate the soil because they were dependent on the tithes of the people (Nm 18:21-24), but they were permitted to have land for grazing. The dimensions of the land are given in Numbers 35:4-5. A special allocation is made to the descendants of Aaron (Jos 21:9-19), because they served as priests and their 13 cities were in the Judah-Simeon region, in proximity to the Jerusalem temple of the Solomonic era.<\/p>\n<p>With the allocation of the Levitical cities, the division of the land is concluded. The promise of the land is fulfilled (21:43-45). God is faithful! This section emphasizes the fulfillment, the power, and the grace of God, by which Israel entered into its rest. However, the book of Joshua also hints of the struggle that is still ahead of the Israelites and of the test that ultimately they will fail (cf. Ps 95:11; Heb 3:7-11).<\/p>\n<h6>Return of the Transjordan Tribes, 22:1-34<\/h6>\n<p>Joshua dismissed the two and a half tribes with a commendation for their loyalty to the other tribes and to the Lord (Jos 22:1-4), with a warning not to succumb to idolatry but to love the Lord in accordance with the Deuteronomic law, and with a blessing (vv 5-8). However, as they returned they set up a large altar by the Jordan on the western side. The other tribes heard about it and met at Shiloh (v 12). They wisely commissioned Phinehas, the son of the high priest, with ten representatives of the tribes, to investigate the matter. The commission charged the Transjordan tribes with treachery (Jos 22:15-20; cf. Nm 25; Jos 7).<\/p>\n<p>The response of the Transjordan tribes demonstrated their concern for the unity of the tribes and for the worship of God. These tribes feared being excluded from the fellowship of God’s people and had purposefully constructed an altar, identical to that prescribed in the law, in order to demonstrate their common heritage (Jos 22:21-30). The altar was not for sacrifice or worship but functioned as a symbol of the covenantal unity of the people of God.<\/p>\n<p>Phinehas and the tribal representatives were pleased with the response and left with the assurance of God’s presence (22:30-31). Their report to the tribes led to reconciliation of all the tribes on this matter. The narrative concludes with a mention of the name given to the altar: “A witness between us and them that the <span>Lord<\/span> is our God, too” (v 34, <span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue: The Land Is a Sacred Trust, 23:1–24:33<\/h5>\n<p>The last two chapters contain Joshua’s farewell speeches to all the leaders and to all Israel.<\/p>\n<h6>Address to the Leaders, 23:1-16<\/h6>\n<p>Joshua reviews what the Lord has done for Israel in giving the land to the tribes. He has demonstrated his loyalty. And he will continue to be with his people so that no enemy can stand against them. He will fulfill every outstanding promise, even as he had already fulfilled promises. However, they must persevere in their loyalty to the Lord. Loyalty to the Lord is not apart from loyalty to the law of Moses. Apostasy will be severely punished, first by leaving the nations to ensnare Israel, and then by consuming them in his wrath.<\/p>\n<h6>Address to Israel, 24:1-28<\/h6>\n<p>The address ends with a covenant renewal at Shechem (Jos 24:1, 25-28; cf. 8:30-35). In the ancient Near East it was common when making a treaty (covenant) to give a brief historical summary of the relationship of the parties involved. Joshua reviewed Israel’s history from the patriarchs to their generation: patriarchs (24:2-4), exodus (vv 5-7), and conquest (vv 8-13).<\/p>\n<p>The goodness, presence, and loyalty of Yahweh was evident to them. Yahweh also expected “faithfulness” from his people in the form of whole allegiance, without any form of idolatry (Jos 24:14-15). As the head of his family, Joshua vowed to be loyal (v 15). The people responded by giving reasons for being loyal to the Lord (vv 16-18). But Joshua pushed them to a deeper commitment by challenging their profession (vv 19-20), then recording their vow and setting up a stone of witness against them (vv 25-27).<\/p>\n<h6>End of an Era, 24:29-33<\/h6>\n<p>The book began with a reference to the death of Moses (1:1-2) and concludes with the death and burial of Joshua (24:29-30) and of Eleazar the high priest (v 33). This marks the end of an era. The burial of Joseph’s bones (Jos 24:32; cf. Gn 50:25; Ex 13:19) in a plot purchased by Jacob (Gn 33:19) brings together the hope characteristic of the epoch of Moses and Joshua.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Cities of Refuge; Conquest and Allotment of the Land; Israel, History of; Joshua (Person) #1; Levitical Cities.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JOSHUA, Book of First of the historical books in the English Bible and the first of the Former Prophets (including Judges, the books of Samuel, and the books of Kings) in the Hebrew Bible. It begins with the Lord’s commission of Joshua (Jos 1:1-9) and concludes with the burial of Joshua, Eleazar, and the bones of Joseph (24:29-33). The purpose of the book is to show how Joshua continued in the footsteps of Moses, how the Lord gave the land to Israel, and how Israel might prosper in the land. ...","summary_en":"JOSHUA, Book of First of the historical books in the English Bible and the first of the Former Prophets (including Judges, the books of Samuel, and the books of Kings) in the Hebrew Bible. It begins with the Lord’s commission of Joshua (Jos 1:1-9) and concludes with the burial of Joshua, Eleazar, and the bones of Joseph (24:29-33). The purpose of the book is to show how Joshua continued in the footsteps of Moses, how the Lord gave the land to Israel, and how Israel might prosper in the land. ...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":36806,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Taxation Tax","title_en":"Taxation Tax","content_ro":"<h3>TAX, TAXATION<\/h3>\n<p>Amount of money or goods that was extracted by the powerful nations from those whom they subjected. It commonly consisted of gold, silver, animals, produce, or forced labor. Taxes were also levied on the people both by their ruler and by the priesthood to pay for the maintenance of the temple. The term “tribute” is first used in the <span>kjv<\/span> in Genesis 49:15 (<span>nlt<\/span> “forced labor”). In Numbers 31:28 the spoils of battle were divided up to include a tribute or levy for the priesthood. For the Hebrews the temple tribute was originally a voluntary offering to the Lord (Dt 16:10) but later became a prescribed tax (Mt 17:24).<\/p>\n<p>Even in 2500 <span>BC<\/span> in the city of Lagash, taxes were imposed on most facets of life, from the means of earning a livelihood, to marriage, divorce, and death. Like many ancient peoples, the Sumerians believed that the land belonged to the god and his representative the king, and that therefore a rent or levy was payable to the owner.<\/p>\n<p>In Egypt, Joseph exacted a burdensome 20-percent tax in grain during the seven years of plenty, which alleviated the food shortages during the subsequent seven years of famine (Gn 41:25–42:5). The tax on the crops was facilitated because in Egypt the ownership of the land was vested in the ruler.<\/p>\n<p>Warrior kings, such as David, were able to maintain a healthy treasury without taxing their own people. The Canaanites and neighboring conquered peoples contributed great wealth to the treasury (2 Sm 8:6-14; 1 Chr 27:25-31), one list of which included silver, gold, bronze, 1,700 horsemen, and 20,000 foot soldiers. Forced labor was often required by David and his successors of aliens who remained within the boundaries of the Israelite kingdom (Jos 16:10; 17:13; Jgs 1:28).<\/p>\n<p>Israel was probably first taxed during Solomon’s reign. In this more stable period, income came from tribute but not from booty. To maintain the grandeur of the court and the extensive building program, Solomon divided Israel into 12 areas, each under an officer, each of whom provided food and support for the king and his household for one month per year (1 Kgs 4:7). Solomon also derived considerable income from levying custom duties on trading caravans that passed regularly through his kingdom. In addition to all of this, both foreigners and native Israelites were subject to forced labor for major building projects, especially for the temple (1 Kgs 5:13; 9:20-21; 2 Chr 8:7-8). Handles from ten-gallon (37.9-liter) jars have been excavated, bearing a Hebrew stamp “to the king,” indicating that they formed part of a levy (2 Chr 2:10).<\/p>\n<p>Jehoshaphat was equally successful in taxing the people at home (2 Chr 17:5) and maintaining the tribute from abroad, including silver and gold from the Philistines and 7,700 rams and 7,700 he-goats from the Arabs (2 Chr 17:11-12). As the power of the surrounding empires increased, Judah found itself forced to pay tribute. Sennacherib, king of Assyria, required 300 talents of silver and 30 talents of gold, which necessitated the removal of the gold from the temple doors (2 Kgs 18:14-16). Approximately a century later, Pharaoh Neco required 100 talents of silver and a talent of gold from Judah (23:33), and shortly thereafter Nebuchadnezzar removed all the treasure from the temple and the royal palace, together with 10,000 captives, all the craftsmen, and 1,000 smiths, leaving few in Jerusalem except the poor (24:13-16).<\/p>\n<p>A definite, regular, organized tax system was instituted by the Persians, whose satraps, ruling each province, were required to make payment of fixed sums into the royal treasury (Est 10:1). Tax exemption was introduced by Artaxerxes I, who stated that levies should not be collected from priests, Levites, or any others occupied in any way with the service of the temple (Ezr 7:24). An additional tax was required for the maintenance of the governor’s household; it consisted of food, wine, and 40 shekels of silver (Neh 5:14-15). As governor, Nehemiah did not claim this allowance of food because he considered the taxes already burdensome, causing the mortgaging of fields, vineyards, and houses “for the king’s tax.” Simultaneously, a levy was imposed upon the Jews for the rebuilding of the walls of Jerusalem (4:6). Darius was politically astute enough to encourage the rebuilding of the temple and to allow the Jews to use some of the royal tax money for this purpose (Ezr 6:7-10).<\/p>\n<p>Under the Seleucids, the Ptolemies, and subsequently the Romans, there was a change in the collection of taxes, whereby the office of tax collector was sold to the highest bidder, who in turn extracted the maximum payment from the people and built up his own wealth from the surplus generated. At times, the Jews were paying tithes for the maintenance of the temple, in addition to taxes of as much as one-third of the grain and half of the fruit grown. Excise, sales, and poll taxes were also collected.<\/p>\n<p>After the extortionate level of tax imposed by Pompey, Julius Caesar reduced the amount paid by the Jews and exempted them from all payment in the sabbatical year. The provinces were considered booty by the Romans and were plundered physically by the army and financially by the tax collectors. In imperial times there was greater regulation of the tax system. An income tax was imposed on produce from the field and from artisans and tradesmen, as well as a poll tax, port duties, sales taxes, an auction tax, and an estate duty.<\/p>\n<p>In addition to the taxes paid to foreign powers, all Jews worldwide who were 20 years of age and older (Ex 30:11-16) were assessed a half-shekel per person annually as a tax to support the temple in Jerusalem (Mt 17:24), a tax that continued to be levied even after the destruction of the temple in <span>AD<\/span> 70. Jesus was questioned on the validity of this tax (v 25) as well as the lawfulness of payment of taxes to Rome (Mt 22:17; Mk 12:14-15; Lk 20:22). Despite Jesus’ famous reply—“render to Caesar that which is Caesar’s and to God that which is God’s” (Mt 22:21; Mk 12:17; Lk 20:25)—he was still accused before Pilate of forbidding the Jews to give taxes to Caesar (Lk 23:2). The early church also reinforced the legality of taxation as a legitimate responsibility required of all people (Rom 13:5-7).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Money; Banker, Banking; Tax Collector.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>TAX, TAXATION<\/h3>\n<p>Amount of money or goods that was extracted by the powerful nations from those whom they subjected. It commonly consisted of gold, silver, animals, produce, or forced labor. Taxes were also levied on the people both by their ruler and by the priesthood to pay for the maintenance of the temple. The term “tribute” is first used in the <span>kjv<\/span> in Genesis 49:15 (<span>nlt<\/span> “forced labor”). In Numbers 31:28 the spoils of battle were divided up to include a tribute or levy for the priesthood. For the Hebrews the temple tribute was originally a voluntary offering to the Lord (Dt 16:10) but later became a prescribed tax (Mt 17:24).<\/p>\n<p>Even in 2500 <span>BC<\/span> in the city of Lagash, taxes were imposed on most facets of life, from the means of earning a livelihood, to marriage, divorce, and death. Like many ancient peoples, the Sumerians believed that the land belonged to the god and his representative the king, and that therefore a rent or levy was payable to the owner.<\/p>\n<p>In Egypt, Joseph exacted a burdensome 20-percent tax in grain during the seven years of plenty, which alleviated the food shortages during the subsequent seven years of famine (Gn 41:25–42:5). The tax on the crops was facilitated because in Egypt the ownership of the land was vested in the ruler.<\/p>\n<p>Warrior kings, such as David, were able to maintain a healthy treasury without taxing their own people. The Canaanites and neighboring conquered peoples contributed great wealth to the treasury (2 Sm 8:6-14; 1 Chr 27:25-31), one list of which included silver, gold, bronze, 1,700 horsemen, and 20,000 foot soldiers. Forced labor was often required by David and his successors of aliens who remained within the boundaries of the Israelite kingdom (Jos 16:10; 17:13; Jgs 1:28).<\/p>\n<p>Israel was probably first taxed during Solomon’s reign. In this more stable period, income came from tribute but not from booty. To maintain the grandeur of the court and the extensive building program, Solomon divided Israel into 12 areas, each under an officer, each of whom provided food and support for the king and his household for one month per year (1 Kgs 4:7). Solomon also derived considerable income from levying custom duties on trading caravans that passed regularly through his kingdom. In addition to all of this, both foreigners and native Israelites were subject to forced labor for major building projects, especially for the temple (1 Kgs 5:13; 9:20-21; 2 Chr 8:7-8). Handles from ten-gallon (37.9-liter) jars have been excavated, bearing a Hebrew stamp “to the king,” indicating that they formed part of a levy (2 Chr 2:10).<\/p>\n<p>Jehoshaphat was equally successful in taxing the people at home (2 Chr 17:5) and maintaining the tribute from abroad, including silver and gold from the Philistines and 7,700 rams and 7,700 he-goats from the Arabs (2 Chr 17:11-12). As the power of the surrounding empires increased, Judah found itself forced to pay tribute. Sennacherib, king of Assyria, required 300 talents of silver and 30 talents of gold, which necessitated the removal of the gold from the temple doors (2 Kgs 18:14-16). Approximately a century later, Pharaoh Neco required 100 talents of silver and a talent of gold from Judah (23:33), and shortly thereafter Nebuchadnezzar removed all the treasure from the temple and the royal palace, together with 10,000 captives, all the craftsmen, and 1,000 smiths, leaving few in Jerusalem except the poor (24:13-16).<\/p>\n<p>A definite, regular, organized tax system was instituted by the Persians, whose satraps, ruling each province, were required to make payment of fixed sums into the royal treasury (Est 10:1). Tax exemption was introduced by Artaxerxes I, who stated that levies should not be collected from priests, Levites, or any others occupied in any way with the service of the temple (Ezr 7:24). An additional tax was required for the maintenance of the governor’s household; it consisted of food, wine, and 40 shekels of silver (Neh 5:14-15). As governor, Nehemiah did not claim this allowance of food because he considered the taxes already burdensome, causing the mortgaging of fields, vineyards, and houses “for the king’s tax.” Simultaneously, a levy was imposed upon the Jews for the rebuilding of the walls of Jerusalem (4:6). Darius was politically astute enough to encourage the rebuilding of the temple and to allow the Jews to use some of the royal tax money for this purpose (Ezr 6:7-10).<\/p>\n<p>Under the Seleucids, the Ptolemies, and subsequently the Romans, there was a change in the collection of taxes, whereby the office of tax collector was sold to the highest bidder, who in turn extracted the maximum payment from the people and built up his own wealth from the surplus generated. At times, the Jews were paying tithes for the maintenance of the temple, in addition to taxes of as much as one-third of the grain and half of the fruit grown. Excise, sales, and poll taxes were also collected.<\/p>\n<p>After the extortionate level of tax imposed by Pompey, Julius Caesar reduced the amount paid by the Jews and exempted them from all payment in the sabbatical year. The provinces were considered booty by the Romans and were plundered physically by the army and financially by the tax collectors. In imperial times there was greater regulation of the tax system. An income tax was imposed on produce from the field and from artisans and tradesmen, as well as a poll tax, port duties, sales taxes, an auction tax, and an estate duty.<\/p>\n<p>In addition to the taxes paid to foreign powers, all Jews worldwide who were 20 years of age and older (Ex 30:11-16) were assessed a half-shekel per person annually as a tax to support the temple in Jerusalem (Mt 17:24), a tax that continued to be levied even after the destruction of the temple in <span>AD<\/span> 70. Jesus was questioned on the validity of this tax (v 25) as well as the lawfulness of payment of taxes to Rome (Mt 22:17; Mk 12:14-15; Lk 20:22). Despite Jesus’ famous reply—“render to Caesar that which is Caesar’s and to God that which is God’s” (Mt 22:21; Mk 12:17; Lk 20:25)—he was still accused before Pilate of forbidding the Jews to give taxes to Caesar (Lk 23:2). The early church also reinforced the legality of taxation as a legitimate responsibility required of all people (Rom 13:5-7).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Money; Banker, Banking; Tax Collector.<\/p>","summary_ro":"TAX, TAXATION Amount of money or goods that was extracted by the powerful nations from those whom they subjected. It commonly consisted of gold, silver, animals, produce, or forced labor. Taxes were also levied on the people both by their ruler and by the priesthood to pay for the maintenance of the temple. The term “tribute” is first used in the kjv in Genesis 49:15 (nlt “forced labor”). In Numbers 31:28 the spoils of battle were divided up to include a tribute or levy for the priesthood. Fo...","summary_en":"TAX, TAXATION Amount of money or goods that was extracted by the powerful nations from those whom they subjected. It commonly consisted of gold, silver, animals, produce, or forced labor. Taxes were also levied on the people both by their ruler and by the priesthood to pay for the maintenance of the temple. The term “tribute” is first used in the kjv in Genesis 49:15 (nlt “forced labor”). In Numbers 31:28 the spoils of battle were divided up to include a tribute or levy for the priesthood. Fo...","source":"Articles\/T.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"29":[{"id":13724,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Gezer","title_en":"Gezer","content_ro":"<h3>GEZER<\/h3>\n<p>Modern Tell Jezer (also known as Tell Abu Shusha), and an important ancient city in a strategic position in the north Shephelah hills. The city of the third millennium <span>BC<\/span> was protected by a brick wall, which was replaced by a 13-foot- (4-meter-) thick stone wall. The Canaanite city reached its zenith during the 20th to 14th centuries <span>BC<\/span>. The so-called outer wall was 14 feet (4.3 meters) thick and enclosed an area of 27 acres. There was a Canaanite high place (c. 1600 <span>BC<\/span>) with 10 pillars or standing stones (up to 10 feet, or 3 meters, high) and a stone altar or basin. A 216-foot (65.8-meter) tunnel with steps led down to a spring in a cave, so that there was safe and ready access to water in time of siege, as at Gibeon and other Palestinian sites. Objects found indicate cultural and commercial contacts with Egypt. The Gezer Calendar, a stone tablet with a Hebrew inscription that gives the months of the year in terms of agricultural activities, has been dated to the 10th century <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>Horam, the king of Gezer, was defeated by the Israelites under Joshua (Jos 10:33). Gezer was a Levitical city in the tribal territory of Ephraim (16:3; 21:21), but Ephraim was unable to drive out the Canaanites (Jgs 1:29). Merneptah (c. 1225–1215 <span>BC<\/span>) of Egyptian dynasty 19 lists Gezer, along with Ashkelon and Yanoam, on the Israel Stele, which gives an account of his conquests.<\/p>\n<p>During the reign of David, the Philistines invaded the plain of Rephaim, but the Lord instructed David in a successful ambush and David struck down the Philistines “from Geba to Gezer” (2 Sm 5:25).<\/p>\n<p>After Solomon’s marriage to the daughter of the king of Egypt, the pharaoh, whose identity is uncertain, captured and burned Gezer and gave it as a dowry to his daughter (1 Kgs 9:16). Solomon rebuilt Gezer, along with a number of other cities that served as store-cities or chariot-cities (cf. vv 15-19). He fortified Gezer and made a strong gate with four sets of piers, like those at Hazor and Megiddo.<\/p>\n<p>In the fifth year of Rehoboam’s reign, Shishak (Sheshonk), king of Egypt, invaded Israel (1 Kgs 14:25). Gezer is included in the list of captured cities inscribed on the wall of the temple of Karnak.<\/p>\n<p>The capture of Gezer by the Assyrian king Tiglath-pileser III (745–727 <span>BC<\/span>) was shown in reliefs on the walls of his palace at Nimrud (biblical Calah). The Assyrians brought to Gezer conquered people from other areas, as they did at Samaria (2 Kgs 17:24). Cuneiform tablets of contracts testify to their presence.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Levitical Cities.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>GEZER<\/h3>\n<p>Modern Tell Jezer (also known as Tell Abu Shusha), and an important ancient city in a strategic position in the north Shephelah hills. The city of the third millennium <span>BC<\/span> was protected by a brick wall, which was replaced by a 13-foot- (4-meter-) thick stone wall. The Canaanite city reached its zenith during the 20th to 14th centuries <span>BC<\/span>. The so-called outer wall was 14 feet (4.3 meters) thick and enclosed an area of 27 acres. There was a Canaanite high place (c. 1600 <span>BC<\/span>) with 10 pillars or standing stones (up to 10 feet, or 3 meters, high) and a stone altar or basin. A 216-foot (65.8-meter) tunnel with steps led down to a spring in a cave, so that there was safe and ready access to water in time of siege, as at Gibeon and other Palestinian sites. Objects found indicate cultural and commercial contacts with Egypt. The Gezer Calendar, a stone tablet with a Hebrew inscription that gives the months of the year in terms of agricultural activities, has been dated to the 10th century <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>Horam, the king of Gezer, was defeated by the Israelites under Joshua (Jos 10:33). Gezer was a Levitical city in the tribal territory of Ephraim (16:3; 21:21), but Ephraim was unable to drive out the Canaanites (Jgs 1:29). Merneptah (c. 1225–1215 <span>BC<\/span>) of Egyptian dynasty 19 lists Gezer, along with Ashkelon and Yanoam, on the Israel Stele, which gives an account of his conquests.<\/p>\n<p>During the reign of David, the Philistines invaded the plain of Rephaim, but the Lord instructed David in a successful ambush and David struck down the Philistines “from Geba to Gezer” (2 Sm 5:25).<\/p>\n<p>After Solomon’s marriage to the daughter of the king of Egypt, the pharaoh, whose identity is uncertain, captured and burned Gezer and gave it as a dowry to his daughter (1 Kgs 9:16). Solomon rebuilt Gezer, along with a number of other cities that served as store-cities or chariot-cities (cf. vv 15-19). He fortified Gezer and made a strong gate with four sets of piers, like those at Hazor and Megiddo.<\/p>\n<p>In the fifth year of Rehoboam’s reign, Shishak (Sheshonk), king of Egypt, invaded Israel (1 Kgs 14:25). Gezer is included in the list of captured cities inscribed on the wall of the temple of Karnak.<\/p>\n<p>The capture of Gezer by the Assyrian king Tiglath-pileser III (745–727 <span>BC<\/span>) was shown in reliefs on the walls of his palace at Nimrud (biblical Calah). The Assyrians brought to Gezer conquered people from other areas, as they did at Samaria (2 Kgs 17:24). Cuneiform tablets of contracts testify to their presence.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Levitical Cities.<\/p>","summary_ro":"GEZER Modern Tell Jezer (also known as Tell Abu Shusha), and an important ancient city in a strategic position in the north Shephelah hills. The city of the third millennium BC was protected by a brick wall, which was replaced by a 13-foot- (4-meter-) thick stone wall. The Canaanite city reached its zenith during the 20th to 14th centuries BC. The so-called outer wall was 14 feet (4.3 meters) thick and enclosed an area of 27 acres. There was a Canaanite high place (c. 1600 BC) with 10 pillars...","summary_en":"GEZER Modern Tell Jezer (also known as Tell Abu Shusha), and an important ancient city in a strategic position in the north Shephelah hills. The city of the third millennium BC was protected by a brick wall, which was replaced by a 13-foot- (4-meter-) thick stone wall. The Canaanite city reached its zenith during the 20th to 14th centuries BC. The so-called outer wall was 14 feet (4.3 meters) thick and enclosed an area of 27 acres. There was a Canaanite high place (c. 1600 BC) with 10 pillars...","source":"Articles\/G.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"30":[{"id":13145,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Galilee","title_en":"Galilee","content_ro":"<h3>GALILEE<\/h3>\n<p>Area in northern Palestine that, in Israel’s earlier history, had boundaries that were not clearly defined but that became more precisely defined in the period of Roman rule. The English name Galilee comes from two Hebrew words meaning “circuit” or “district.”<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"HistoricalBackground\">Historical Background<\/p>\n<p>In OT times Galilee was not significant in Israelite life, but in NT times it was a prominent Jewish population center. Galilee is first mentioned in the Bible as the location of Kedesh, a city of refuge in the hill country of Naphtali (Jos 20:7; cf. 21:32; 1 Chr 6:76).<\/p>\n<p>Galilee originally designated the area occupied by the tribes of Naphtali, Zebulun (Is 9:1), and possibly Asher (if Cabul in Jos 19:27 is the same city as in 1 Kgs 9:11-13). None of those tribes was able to completely expel the original Canaanite inhabitants (Jgs 1:30-33; 2:1-4), and as a result, Galilee tended to be racially mixed. The cities that King Solomon gave to Hiram, gentile king of Tyre, were within Galilee (1 Kgs 9:11), and the gentile intermixture in that area may have influenced Solomon’s choice of those cities for a gift. This racially mixed condition is also the probable basis for the designation in Isaiah 9:1, “Galilee of the nations” (cf. Mt 4:15; 1 Macc 5:15).<\/p>\n<p>During the monarchy, Galilee was a buffer zone between Israel and Syria, and it bore the brunt of Syrian invasions against Israel. This fact is cited by the prophet Isaiah (Is 9:1), but he saw it as the prelude to a brighter day when the messianic king would reign. Galilee was conquered by Syrian King Ben-hadad (1 Kgs 15:20) and was probably recovered by Israel’s King Ahab. Galilee was later subjugated by the Arameans under Hazael (2 Kgs 10:32; 12:18; 13:22) and regained by Jeroboam II (2 Kgs 14:23-25). As a result of Assyrian conquests in the area of Damascus and Galilee in 732 <span>BC<\/span> by Tiglath-pileser III (2 Kgs 15:29), more Gentiles were imported into the area while many of the Jewish inhabitants were deported. This naturally led to greater gentile influence and domination in Galilee. Under the successive influence of Babylonia, Persia, Greece, and Syria, Galilee was constantly experiencing infiltration and migration. From the time of the Assyrian conquest of Israel to about the end of the second century <span>BC<\/span>, Galilee’s population was dominated by Gentiles, with only a few Jews.<\/p>\n<p>The Jews remaining in Galilee were brought to Judea by Simon Maccabeus in 164 <span>BC<\/span> (1 Macc 5:21-23). Galilee was conquered by Aristobulus I (104–103 <span>BC<\/span>), who forced the inhabitants to be circumcised and to submit to Jewish laws, a work that probably already had been initiated by John Hyrcanus (134–104 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n\n<p>Herod the Great (ruler under Rome, 37–4 <span>BC<\/span>) affixed Galilee to his kingdom, and more Jews were attracted there. Josephus recorded that Galilee had 240 cities and villages and 100,000 men available to fight against the Romans. After the death of Herod the Great, Galilee was included in the tetrarchy of Herod Antipas (4 <span>BC<\/span>–<span>AD<\/span> 39). With the banishment of Herod Antipas in <span>AD<\/span> 39, Galilee was added to the territory of Herod Agrippa I, who ruled it until he died in <span>AD<\/span> 44. Rome directly administered Galilee until it was put under the rule of Herod Agrippa II. By siding with the Romans during the Jewish revolts, he was able to retain his position until <span>AD<\/span> 100. In spite of the Galileans’ attempt to gain independence, the revolutionary faction was brought under subjection by Vespasian in <span>AD<\/span> 67. After Herod Agrippa II’s death, Galilee became part of the Roman province of Syria.<\/p>\n<p>Following the fall of Jerusalem in <span>AD<\/span> 70, the Sanhedrin and many other Jews of southern Palestine flocked to Galilee. As a result, such cities as Tiberias and Sepphoris became Jewish, and the dispersed Jews came to think of Galilee as their center. Tiberias became a center for Jewish learning, and it was there that such major contributions as the Tiberian system of vowel pointing the Hebrew consonantal text were made, as well as the formulation of the Mishnah and the Palestinian Talmud.<\/p>\n<p>From about <span>AD<\/span> 451 until the Muslim rule over Galilee began in the seventh century, Galilee was governed by the Christian patriarchate of Jerusalem, set up by the Council of Chalcedon in <span>AD<\/span> 451. Muslim rule from the seventh century on was continuous except for the intervals caused by the twelfth-century Crusades and World War I. All of Galilee has been included in the modern state of Israel since its establishment in 1948.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Boundaries\">Boundaries<\/p>\n<p>Galilee was bounded on the east by the upper Jordan River and the Sea of Galilee and on the south by the plain of Esdraelon, which served as a natural boundary between Galilee and Samaria. At times the plain was included in Galilee, as it was during the intertestamental period (1 Macc 10:30; 12:47-49). While the northern boundary was uncertain and variable during Galilee’s history, in NT times it reached to Lake Huleh. The western boundary followed the Mediterranean Sea to Mt Carmel.<\/p>\n<p>From the time of the divided kingdom until the Assyrian conquest of Galilee (734 <span>BC<\/span>), it was the northernmost part of the kingdom of Israel. The area was divided into upper Galilee and lower Galilee by the plain of Ramah, which ran between Capernaum and Ptolemais (cf. Jdt 1:8; 1 Macc 12:49; Josephus’s <em>War<\/em> 3.3.1). In the Mishnah (compilation of early rabbinical interpretation of the Law), Galilee is divided into three parts corresponding to the natural divisions of plain, hill country, and mountain. Under Roman rule, Galilee was about 25 to 30 miles (40 to 50 kilometers) from east to west and about 35 to 40 miles (55 to 65 kilometers) from north to south.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Geography\">Geography<\/p>\n<p>The attractive Galilean landscape is made up of volcanic limestone hills and fertile alluvial plains. Its climate is cooler than that of any other part of Palestine, and its beauty and fertility contrast sharply with the barren, sun-baked hills of southern Palestine.<\/p>\n<p>The physical features range from the high mountains in the north to the plain of Esdraelon in the south. Mt Tabor is prominent on the east, while Mt Carmel stands out on the west. Much of upper Galilee is 3,000 feet (914.4 meters) above sea level, and in NT times it was largely forested and less densely inhabited than lower Galilee. Lower Galilee starts at 1,500 to 2,000 feet (450 to 600 meters) above sea level and descends sharply to the Sea of Galilee, more than 600 feet (182.9 meters) below sea level.<\/p>\n<p>Besides the average annual rainfall of 25 inches (63.5 centimeters), Galilee is watered by the streams that flow from springs in the hills and are the main sources of the beautiful Kishon River at Janin, and the headwaters of the Jordan River, the largest river in Palestine. The ground is also moistened by heavy dews resulting from climatic conditions created by the Lebanon mountain range to the north.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Cities\">Cities<\/p>\n<p>Among the more notable cities in Galilee’s early history were Kedesh in Naphtali, a city of refuge (Jos 20:7; 21:32; 1 Chr 6:76), and Hazor, about 10 miles (16.1 kilometers) north of the Sea of Galilee (Jos 11:10; 1 Kgs 9:15). During the time of Christ, Chorazin (Mt 11:21) and Capernaum (4:13; 11:23) were prominent cities located in the northeast near the Sea of Galilee. Capernaum seems to have been a center for Jesus’ ministry in the area (Mt 4:13; Mk 2:1; 9:33; etc.). Nazareth is especially significant as the city of Christ’s childhood (Mt 2:22-23; Lk 2:39; 4:16; etc.). Nain (Lk 7:11-17), located on the northern edge of the mountain now called Little Hermon, and Cana of Galilee (Jn 2:1-11) also figured prominently in Christ’s ministry. Sepphoris and Tiberias were important cities during Roman administration.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"RoadsandTravel\">Roads and Travel<\/p>\n<p>Many roads traversed Galilee, and those in NT times were superior due to Roman construction and maintenance.<\/p>\n<p>Among the best-known trade routes was the Via Maris (the Way of the Sea), which ran through Galilee on its way from Damascus to Egypt. Another main road ran from Tiberias, near the Sea of Galilee, to Acco (Ptolemais), a port on the Phoenician coast. Major caravan routes also connected Galilee with the markets of the East. The area was tied together by a network of spurs and connecting roads that branched from the main highways.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Inhabitants\">Inhabitants<\/p>\n<p>The occupants of Galilee (Galileans) were basically Jewish in religious and patriotic orientation, but they were composed of various ethnic elements. The influence of this mixture was sufficient to cause recognizable differences in speech from that of southern Palestine (cf. Mt 26:69, 73). The Galileans absorbed more Greek and Roman influences than did the Judean Jews. The racial mixture, differences in speech, and location caused Judean Jews to view Galilee and its inhabitants with contempt (Jn 1:46; 7:41, 52).<\/p>\n<p>Lower Galilee was densely settled with villages, and in NT times the population was probably about three million. The fertility of the soil and resultant fruitfulness of the country produced a prosperous Jewish populace, particularly in the centuries immediately after the time of Christ.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Government\">Government<\/p>\n<p>Galilee was under the Roman rule of emperors Augustus and Tiberius during the time of Christ. Roman fortifications throughout Galilee were a constant reminder of the presence and influence of the Roman Empire. During Christ’s ministry, Rome installed the tetrarch Herod Antipas (Mt 14:1; Lk 23:5-7) to rule the territory. He was appointed to office when 17 years old. Sepphoris was his first capital; in about <span>AD<\/span> 22 he built Tiberias on the shore of the Sea of Galilee as his new capital, in honor of the emperor.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Products\">Products<\/p>\n<p>Abundant crops enabled Galilee to provide produce for the neighboring Phoenician cities of Tyre and Sidon around the middle of the first century <span>AD<\/span>. Main crops included grapes, pomegranates, olives, and grains. Fishing in the Sea of Galilee was a prominent business in NT times (Mk 1:14-20).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"JesusandGalilee\">Jesus and Galilee<\/p>\n<p>Jesus was raised in Galilee (Lk 4:16), and 11 of his 12 disciples were from there (Judas Iscariot was the only Judean).<\/p>\n<p>The culture, commerce, farming, and fishing business of the area formed the background for much of Jesus’ ministry, as his parables show (Mt 20:1-8; 21:33; Mk 4:3; Lk 13:6-9). The first three Gospels are largely occupied with Christ’s ministry in Galilee, with much of it being spent around the Sea of Galilee. Most of his parables (19 of 32) were spoken here, and the vast majority of his miracles (25 of 33) were performed in Galilee. Jesus received his greatest response in this region. The Sermon on the Mount was spoken in Galilee, and one of its mountains was the scene of the Lord’s transfiguration. Many of the women who followed Christ and ministered to him also came from there (Mt 27:55). Two of Christ’s most significant postresurrection appearances took place in Galilee (Mt 28:16-20; Jn 21:1-23), and one of Christ’s own titles, Jesus of Nazareth (Jn 1:45), identified him as a Galilean.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Galileans\">Galileans<\/p>\n<p>Since Jesus and most of the 12 disciples were from Galilee, it was natural for the term to be applied to all of his followers, especially since it implied that the movement was not as pure as Judean Judaism. Some interpreters believe that Luke 22:59 is an example of the use of “Galilean” as a title; in Acts 1:11 and 2:7 it is merely a geographical reference. One sure reference to Christians by that title appears in the work of the pagan philosopher Epictetus (<span>AD<\/span> 50?–135?), who was impressed with how Christians died for their faith. It is not clear how common the title of Galilean was, but it had obviously spread from Judea to Rome, where Epictetus lived.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Palestine; Sea of Galilee.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>GALILEE<\/h3>\n<p>Area in northern Palestine that, in Israel’s earlier history, had boundaries that were not clearly defined but that became more precisely defined in the period of Roman rule. The English name Galilee comes from two Hebrew words meaning “circuit” or “district.”<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"HistoricalBackground\">Historical Background<\/p>\n<p>In OT times Galilee was not significant in Israelite life, but in NT times it was a prominent Jewish population center. Galilee is first mentioned in the Bible as the location of Kedesh, a city of refuge in the hill country of Naphtali (Jos 20:7; cf. 21:32; 1 Chr 6:76).<\/p>\n<p>Galilee originally designated the area occupied by the tribes of Naphtali, Zebulun (Is 9:1), and possibly Asher (if Cabul in Jos 19:27 is the same city as in 1 Kgs 9:11-13). None of those tribes was able to completely expel the original Canaanite inhabitants (Jgs 1:30-33; 2:1-4), and as a result, Galilee tended to be racially mixed. The cities that King Solomon gave to Hiram, gentile king of Tyre, were within Galilee (1 Kgs 9:11), and the gentile intermixture in that area may have influenced Solomon’s choice of those cities for a gift. This racially mixed condition is also the probable basis for the designation in Isaiah 9:1, “Galilee of the nations” (cf. Mt 4:15; 1 Macc 5:15).<\/p>\n<p>During the monarchy, Galilee was a buffer zone between Israel and Syria, and it bore the brunt of Syrian invasions against Israel. This fact is cited by the prophet Isaiah (Is 9:1), but he saw it as the prelude to a brighter day when the messianic king would reign. Galilee was conquered by Syrian King Ben-hadad (1 Kgs 15:20) and was probably recovered by Israel’s King Ahab. Galilee was later subjugated by the Arameans under Hazael (2 Kgs 10:32; 12:18; 13:22) and regained by Jeroboam II (2 Kgs 14:23-25). As a result of Assyrian conquests in the area of Damascus and Galilee in 732 <span>BC<\/span> by Tiglath-pileser III (2 Kgs 15:29), more Gentiles were imported into the area while many of the Jewish inhabitants were deported. This naturally led to greater gentile influence and domination in Galilee. Under the successive influence of Babylonia, Persia, Greece, and Syria, Galilee was constantly experiencing infiltration and migration. From the time of the Assyrian conquest of Israel to about the end of the second century <span>BC<\/span>, Galilee’s population was dominated by Gentiles, with only a few Jews.<\/p>\n<p>The Jews remaining in Galilee were brought to Judea by Simon Maccabeus in 164 <span>BC<\/span> (1 Macc 5:21-23). Galilee was conquered by Aristobulus I (104–103 <span>BC<\/span>), who forced the inhabitants to be circumcised and to submit to Jewish laws, a work that probably already had been initiated by John Hyrcanus (134–104 <span>BC<\/span>).<\/p>\n\n<p>Herod the Great (ruler under Rome, 37–4 <span>BC<\/span>) affixed Galilee to his kingdom, and more Jews were attracted there. Josephus recorded that Galilee had 240 cities and villages and 100,000 men available to fight against the Romans. After the death of Herod the Great, Galilee was included in the tetrarchy of Herod Antipas (4 <span>BC<\/span>–<span>AD<\/span> 39). With the banishment of Herod Antipas in <span>AD<\/span> 39, Galilee was added to the territory of Herod Agrippa I, who ruled it until he died in <span>AD<\/span> 44. Rome directly administered Galilee until it was put under the rule of Herod Agrippa II. By siding with the Romans during the Jewish revolts, he was able to retain his position until <span>AD<\/span> 100. In spite of the Galileans’ attempt to gain independence, the revolutionary faction was brought under subjection by Vespasian in <span>AD<\/span> 67. After Herod Agrippa II’s death, Galilee became part of the Roman province of Syria.<\/p>\n<p>Following the fall of Jerusalem in <span>AD<\/span> 70, the Sanhedrin and many other Jews of southern Palestine flocked to Galilee. As a result, such cities as Tiberias and Sepphoris became Jewish, and the dispersed Jews came to think of Galilee as their center. Tiberias became a center for Jewish learning, and it was there that such major contributions as the Tiberian system of vowel pointing the Hebrew consonantal text were made, as well as the formulation of the Mishnah and the Palestinian Talmud.<\/p>\n<p>From about <span>AD<\/span> 451 until the Muslim rule over Galilee began in the seventh century, Galilee was governed by the Christian patriarchate of Jerusalem, set up by the Council of Chalcedon in <span>AD<\/span> 451. Muslim rule from the seventh century on was continuous except for the intervals caused by the twelfth-century Crusades and World War I. All of Galilee has been included in the modern state of Israel since its establishment in 1948.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Boundaries\">Boundaries<\/p>\n<p>Galilee was bounded on the east by the upper Jordan River and the Sea of Galilee and on the south by the plain of Esdraelon, which served as a natural boundary between Galilee and Samaria. At times the plain was included in Galilee, as it was during the intertestamental period (1 Macc 10:30; 12:47-49). While the northern boundary was uncertain and variable during Galilee’s history, in NT times it reached to Lake Huleh. The western boundary followed the Mediterranean Sea to Mt Carmel.<\/p>\n<p>From the time of the divided kingdom until the Assyrian conquest of Galilee (734 <span>BC<\/span>), it was the northernmost part of the kingdom of Israel. The area was divided into upper Galilee and lower Galilee by the plain of Ramah, which ran between Capernaum and Ptolemais (cf. Jdt 1:8; 1 Macc 12:49; Josephus’s <em>War<\/em> 3.3.1). In the Mishnah (compilation of early rabbinical interpretation of the Law), Galilee is divided into three parts corresponding to the natural divisions of plain, hill country, and mountain. Under Roman rule, Galilee was about 25 to 30 miles (40 to 50 kilometers) from east to west and about 35 to 40 miles (55 to 65 kilometers) from north to south.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Geography\">Geography<\/p>\n<p>The attractive Galilean landscape is made up of volcanic limestone hills and fertile alluvial plains. Its climate is cooler than that of any other part of Palestine, and its beauty and fertility contrast sharply with the barren, sun-baked hills of southern Palestine.<\/p>\n<p>The physical features range from the high mountains in the north to the plain of Esdraelon in the south. Mt Tabor is prominent on the east, while Mt Carmel stands out on the west. Much of upper Galilee is 3,000 feet (914.4 meters) above sea level, and in NT times it was largely forested and less densely inhabited than lower Galilee. Lower Galilee starts at 1,500 to 2,000 feet (450 to 600 meters) above sea level and descends sharply to the Sea of Galilee, more than 600 feet (182.9 meters) below sea level.<\/p>\n<p>Besides the average annual rainfall of 25 inches (63.5 centimeters), Galilee is watered by the streams that flow from springs in the hills and are the main sources of the beautiful Kishon River at Janin, and the headwaters of the Jordan River, the largest river in Palestine. The ground is also moistened by heavy dews resulting from climatic conditions created by the Lebanon mountain range to the north.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Cities\">Cities<\/p>\n<p>Among the more notable cities in Galilee’s early history were Kedesh in Naphtali, a city of refuge (Jos 20:7; 21:32; 1 Chr 6:76), and Hazor, about 10 miles (16.1 kilometers) north of the Sea of Galilee (Jos 11:10; 1 Kgs 9:15). During the time of Christ, Chorazin (Mt 11:21) and Capernaum (4:13; 11:23) were prominent cities located in the northeast near the Sea of Galilee. Capernaum seems to have been a center for Jesus’ ministry in the area (Mt 4:13; Mk 2:1; 9:33; etc.). Nazareth is especially significant as the city of Christ’s childhood (Mt 2:22-23; Lk 2:39; 4:16; etc.). Nain (Lk 7:11-17), located on the northern edge of the mountain now called Little Hermon, and Cana of Galilee (Jn 2:1-11) also figured prominently in Christ’s ministry. Sepphoris and Tiberias were important cities during Roman administration.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"RoadsandTravel\">Roads and Travel<\/p>\n<p>Many roads traversed Galilee, and those in NT times were superior due to Roman construction and maintenance.<\/p>\n<p>Among the best-known trade routes was the Via Maris (the Way of the Sea), which ran through Galilee on its way from Damascus to Egypt. Another main road ran from Tiberias, near the Sea of Galilee, to Acco (Ptolemais), a port on the Phoenician coast. Major caravan routes also connected Galilee with the markets of the East. The area was tied together by a network of spurs and connecting roads that branched from the main highways.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Inhabitants\">Inhabitants<\/p>\n<p>The occupants of Galilee (Galileans) were basically Jewish in religious and patriotic orientation, but they were composed of various ethnic elements. The influence of this mixture was sufficient to cause recognizable differences in speech from that of southern Palestine (cf. Mt 26:69, 73). The Galileans absorbed more Greek and Roman influences than did the Judean Jews. The racial mixture, differences in speech, and location caused Judean Jews to view Galilee and its inhabitants with contempt (Jn 1:46; 7:41, 52).<\/p>\n<p>Lower Galilee was densely settled with villages, and in NT times the population was probably about three million. The fertility of the soil and resultant fruitfulness of the country produced a prosperous Jewish populace, particularly in the centuries immediately after the time of Christ.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Government\">Government<\/p>\n<p>Galilee was under the Roman rule of emperors Augustus and Tiberius during the time of Christ. Roman fortifications throughout Galilee were a constant reminder of the presence and influence of the Roman Empire. During Christ’s ministry, Rome installed the tetrarch Herod Antipas (Mt 14:1; Lk 23:5-7) to rule the territory. He was appointed to office when 17 years old. Sepphoris was his first capital; in about <span>AD<\/span> 22 he built Tiberias on the shore of the Sea of Galilee as his new capital, in honor of the emperor.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Products\">Products<\/p>\n<p>Abundant crops enabled Galilee to provide produce for the neighboring Phoenician cities of Tyre and Sidon around the middle of the first century <span>AD<\/span>. Main crops included grapes, pomegranates, olives, and grains. Fishing in the Sea of Galilee was a prominent business in NT times (Mk 1:14-20).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"JesusandGalilee\">Jesus and Galilee<\/p>\n<p>Jesus was raised in Galilee (Lk 4:16), and 11 of his 12 disciples were from there (Judas Iscariot was the only Judean).<\/p>\n<p>The culture, commerce, farming, and fishing business of the area formed the background for much of Jesus’ ministry, as his parables show (Mt 20:1-8; 21:33; Mk 4:3; Lk 13:6-9). The first three Gospels are largely occupied with Christ’s ministry in Galilee, with much of it being spent around the Sea of Galilee. Most of his parables (19 of 32) were spoken here, and the vast majority of his miracles (25 of 33) were performed in Galilee. Jesus received his greatest response in this region. The Sermon on the Mount was spoken in Galilee, and one of its mountains was the scene of the Lord’s transfiguration. Many of the women who followed Christ and ministered to him also came from there (Mt 27:55). Two of Christ’s most significant postresurrection appearances took place in Galilee (Mt 28:16-20; Jn 21:1-23), and one of Christ’s own titles, Jesus of Nazareth (Jn 1:45), identified him as a Galilean.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Galileans\">Galileans<\/p>\n<p>Since Jesus and most of the 12 disciples were from Galilee, it was natural for the term to be applied to all of his followers, especially since it implied that the movement was not as pure as Judean Judaism. Some interpreters believe that Luke 22:59 is an example of the use of “Galilean” as a title; in Acts 1:11 and 2:7 it is merely a geographical reference. One sure reference to Christians by that title appears in the work of the pagan philosopher Epictetus (<span>AD<\/span> 50?–135?), who was impressed with how Christians died for their faith. It is not clear how common the title of Galilean was, but it had obviously spread from Judea to Rome, where Epictetus lived.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Palestine; Sea of Galilee.<\/p>","summary_ro":"GALILEE Area in northern Palestine that, in Israel’s earlier history, had boundaries that were not clearly defined but that became more precisely defined in the period of Roman rule. The English name Galilee comes from two Hebrew words meaning “circuit” or “district.” Historical Background In OT times Galilee was not significant in Israelite life, but in NT times it was a prominent Jewish population center. Galilee is first mentioned in the Bible as the location of Kedesh, a city of refuge in...","summary_en":"GALILEE Area in northern Palestine that, in Israel’s earlier history, had boundaries that were not clearly defined but that became more precisely defined in the period of Roman rule. The English name Galilee comes from two Hebrew words meaning “circuit” or “district.” Historical Background In OT times Galilee was not significant in Israelite life, but in NT times it was a prominent Jewish population center. Galilee is first mentioned in the Bible as the location of Kedesh, a city of refuge in...","source":"Articles\/G.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":21250,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Book of Judges","title_en":"Book of Judges","content_ro":"<h3>JUDGES, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>The book reflects a final editing of the material in the period of the early monarchy. It may well be a polemic for the righteous rule of David over against the kingship of Saul, which was molded by a secular, Canaanite conception of kingship rather than by the law of God. The author was almost certainly not Samuel, as traditionally thought, but a later compiler who relied on ancient written materials.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>Though the judges succeeded in giving the tribes some rest from the incursions of surrounding enemies, the Israelites were continually harassed over long periods of time. Scholarly opinion differs on the duration of the period of the judges. The dating of the exodus affects the dating of the beginning of the judges. Those who take an early date for the exodus put the beginning around 1370–1360 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas others propose a date close to the end of the 13th century <span>BC<\/span>. A related issue pertains to the chronology of the judges. Does Judges give a chronological, sequential account of the period, or is the book a representative account of judges from various parts of Canaan and Transjordan who “judged” a region, a tribe, or several tribes simultaneously?<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LiteraryFramework\">Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>There is no doubt that the stories in the book bear the marks of literary creativity. The stories are classics in their own right. The poetry of Deborah’s song (Jgs 5) is very moving, and the fable of Jotham (9:8-15) is a fine example of figurative speech. The care given to the stories is also reflected in the construction of the book. There are two introductions: a political one (Jgs 1:1–2:5) and a socioreligious one (2:6–3:6). The political introduction connects Judges with the story of the Conquest, when the tribes attempted to occupy the land. It prepares the reader for the political and military problems of the era of the judges. The socioreligious introduction explains why Israel had so many adversities, why the institution of the judges arose, and why the Lord never gave Israel the promised lasting rest from its enemies. The main body of the book is the story of the judges (3:7–16:31). References to the minor judges (six in all) are set within the stories of the major judges in increasing frequency. As is evident from the schema, the number of minor judges increased in frequency in proportion to the decrease in number of major judges: two major, one minor; two major, two minor; one major, three minor; one major. There is a total of 12 judges, representative of the 12 tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>The purpose of the listing of 12 judges, representative of the various parts of Canaan and Transjordan, is to demonstrate that all tribes throughout the conquered territories experienced grave difficulties from a variety of enemies: Arameans, Moabites, Ammonites, Amalekites, Canaanites, and Philistines. Israel was hard pressed on nearly all its frontiers. The appendixes (chs 17–21), together with the two introductions, form the framework of the book. The political and socioreligious problems (1:1–3:6) are presented by way of several stories in the last chapters. The final editor who gave the book its canonical shape purposefully framed the stories of the judges so as to show lack of movement. The successes of the previous stages in redemptive history came to a standstill in the ebb and flow of the judges. Though the Lord delivered his people in many ways, they returned to the problems described in 1:1–3:6. The appendixes describe Israel’s problems representative of the period of the judges, when “there was no king in Israel” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTheologicalTeaching\">Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for deliverance, and God’s raising up of a judge reflects a deuteronomic perspective with its warnings concerning disobedience and judgment. The repetitiveness of the cycle supports the contention of the anonymous narrator that Israel remained unchanged by the grace of God. However, in spite of the moral, religious, and political anarchy as well as the civil wars, the last chapter shows that the tribes are still concerned with each other’s welfare. Though the unity of God’s people has been gravely challenged, the situation is not hopeless. The book ends on a note of hope—hope for a king who may deliver Israel.<\/p>\n\n<p>Thus, there are several purposes of the book: (1) to demonstrate the meaninglessness of this stage in Israel’s development; (2) to explain why the tribes did not occupy all the land promised to the patriarchs; (3) to justify the way of God, who was gracious and patient with Israel’s repeated acts of disobedience; (4) to set forth the legitimacy of a “shepherd” king in contrast to a despotic form of kingship; and (5) to explain the urgent need for a new momentum, lest Israel succumb to the Philistines and intertribal warfare.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>The Political Introduction (1:1–2:5)<\/h5>\n<p>In Joshua 1–12 the warfare under Joshua is portrayed as a mobilization of Canaanite forces against Israel. By the intervention of the Lord, the Canaanite resistance was put down and the land was occupied by the tribes (chs 13–21). Joshua 13–21, however, clearly shows that each tribe had problems ridding its territory of pockets of Canaanite resistance, which were usually centered around heavily guarded and well-fortified cities (cf. 13:2-6, 13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18).<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua emphasizes the successes and minimizes the problems, whereas the prologue to Judges sets the stage for the whole book by openly addressing Israel’s problems and failures. As the book unfolds, it is precisely these problems and failures that in due time bring Israel to the brink of disaster.<\/p>\n<p>The period of the judges began with the death of Joshua (Jgs 1:1; 2:8-9). The Israelites had inherited a legacy from Joshua: the law of the Lord (Jos 23:6; 24:26), the land, a challenge to obey the Lord (24:14-27), and a promise of God’s presence and help in subduing the Canaanites (23:5, 10).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah and Simeon (Jgs 1:2-20)<\/h6>\n<p>The prominence of Judah and Caleb parallels the position of Judah in Joshua (Jos 14:6–15:63; cf. also the house of Joseph, Jgs 1:22-29; cf. Jos 16–17). Judah was victorious over the cruel Adoni-bezek, who ruled over Bezek, a town of uncertain location. Judah successfully occupied the hill country, the Negev, and the western foothills. They even took Jerusalem, or an outlying suburb identified with Jerusalem (Jos 1:8), but could not retain control there (v 21) until David’s conquest of the city (2 Sm 5:6-9). Judah was victorious over the Canaanites in the region of Hebron, already conquered under Joshua (Jos 10:36). Hebron, also known as Kiriath-arba (“city of four” or “tetrapolis”), was a powerful ally of Jerusalem (v 3) and had been able to rally military support for a new assault on Israel, even after its first defeat. Caleb received Hebron, as Moses had promised (Jgs 1:20; cf. Jos 15:13). After the victory over Hebron, Judah extended its control over the southern hill country by an attack on Debir (Jgs 1:11-15; cf. Jos 15:14-19).<\/p>\n<p>The Kenites (Jgs 1:16), descendants of Jethro and therefore related to Moses by marriage, settled in the Negev around Arad and the City of Palms, which here probably refers to Tamar rather than Jericho.<\/p>\n<p>Judah secured the southern border by a victory over the Canaanites at Hormah (Jgs 1:17; cf. Nm 14:45; 21:3; Dt 1:44) and the coastal plain by victories at Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron. However, Judah’s successes in the coastal plain were resisted by a well-armed Canaanite force (Jgs 1:18-19). It occupied the Judean hill country and the Negev, but could not retain control over the plains. The Philistines were soon to take control over Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, and incorporate them into their pentapolis.<\/p>\n<h6>Benjamin (1:21)<\/h6>\n<p>Jerusalem was situated on the border between Judah and Benjamin. Judah took the city or a suburb (Jos 1:8) but was too far removed to retain control over it. Benjamin was too weak to subdue the Jebusites. Only David succeeded in this (2 Sm 5:6-9); he incorporated it into Judah (cf. Jos 15:63), even though it originally was allotted to Benjamin (Jos 18:28).<\/p>\n<h6>Joseph: Ephraim and Manasseh (1:22-29)<\/h6>\n<p>Ephraim took Bethel, known from the patriarchal stories as a significant cultic site (Gn 12:8; 13:3-4; 28:19; 31:13; 35:1-15). However, Manasseh was unsuccessful in taking the fortified cities in the valley of Jezreel (Esdraelon): Beth-shan, Taanach, Dor, Ibleam, and Megiddo. These cities controlled traffic along the east-west and north–south roads as well as the important passes through the Carmel range and the ford of the Jordan. Ephraim could not take full possession of the coastal plain, controlled by Gezer. The success of both Ephraim and Manasseh was limited.<\/p>\n<h6>The Other Four Tribes (1:30-36)<\/h6>\n<p>The other four tribes in Canaan receive brief mention. They, too, were only partially successful. Zebulun, Asher, Naphtali, and especially Dan did not fully succeed in driving out the Canaanites. At best they later subjected most of them to forced labor.<\/p>\n<h6>The Failure of Israel (2:1-5)<\/h6>\n<p>The failure to subdue the land and to wipe out the Canaanites and their culture led to intermarriage and idolatry (cf. Ex 23:33; 34:12-16; Nm 33:55; Dt 7:2-5, 16; Jos 23:7, 12).<\/p>\n<p>The identity of “the angel of the Lord” who appears at Bokim is far from certain. It may be a reference to the Lord himself, to an angelic messenger, or to a prophet (cf. Jgs 6:8). He rebuked the people in the prophetic spirit and pronounced God’s judgment as taking the form of continual confrontation between Israel and the Canaanites (2:3). Their weeping and sacrificing were to no avail (2:4-5; cf. Mal 2:13). Israel stood condemned within a generation after Joshua’s death.<\/p>\n<h5>The Theological Introduction (2:6–3:6)<\/h5>\n<p>The theological introduction begins where Joshua left off (Jos 24:28-31). The generation of Joshua was characterized by loyalty, but their loyalty to the Lord did not last long after the excitement of the Conquest and the demonstration of God’s presence (Jgs 2:10). Israel served Canaanite gods (Baal and Astarte) instead. Baal was the storm god, symbolic of rain and fertility, and Astarte was his cohort. The plural (Baals and Ashtaroth, 2:11-13) signifies the many local ways in which the Canaanite gods were worshiped. The religious unity was broken up into a great diversity. Thus Israel angered the Lord (vv 12-14), who sent them enemies and plunderers. Israel was unsuccessful in dealing with them, as Moses and Joshua had forewarned (Dt 28:25, 33; Jos 23:13, 16). The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for mercy, and deliverance is found throughout Judges. The people were rooted in the apostasy of their forefathers, even though the previous generation had been sensitive to God. Israel did not submit to the leadership of the judges, except to free itself from the oppressors. In fulfillment of the curses of the covenant, God swore not to give his people rest but to test them and to train them for warfare (Jgs 3:1-4), so that they might learn to respond to the challenges of a real world.<\/p>\n<h5>The Judges of Israel (3:7–16:31)<\/h5>\n<h6>Othniel (3:7-11)<\/h6>\n<p>Othniel is a transitional figure, linking the Conquest and the judges. He had involved himself in the conquest of Kiriath-sepher and was related to Caleb as his cousin and son-in-law (1:13). He repelled the Arameans led by Cushan-rishathaim, so that the land enjoyed peace for some 40 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ehud (3:12-30)<\/h6>\n<p>The Moabites, allied with the Ammonites and Amalekites, came against Israel from the east and oppressed them for 18 years under the leadership of Eglon. Ehud led the mission to bring tribute to Eglon at his palace, located probably by Jericho (the City of Palms). Ehud was uniquely qualified for this mission; being left-handed, he was able to use his double-edged sword in an unsuspecting manner to stab the king. Ehud’s success was the result of careful plotting and the element of surprise. He paid the tribute and left, only to return with a supposed oracle from the gods. The king fell for the deception and was murdered. The delay at the Moabite court gave the Israelites an opportunity to bring their forces together at the fords of the Jordan. Ehud’s success was complete; no Moabite escaped, and Israel enjoyed peace for 80 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Shamgar (3:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Shamgar’s exploits were against the Philistines in the coastal plains. He had a non-Israelite name but was probably an Israelite by birth. Like Samson he fought the Philistines with an unconventional weapon (an ox goad). His name is also mentioned in the song of Deborah (5:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Deborah and Barak (4:1–5:31)<\/h6>\n<p>The narrative now turns to the Canaanite aggressors in the north under the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor, and Sisera, of Harosheth-haggoyim (4:1-3). The ruins of Hazor (Jos 11:13) had been rebuilt, and another Jabin (cf. v 1) ruled over the region. He had regained his military power, as he had as many as 900 chariots of iron. He oppressed Israel for 20 years (Jgs 4:3).<\/p>\n<p>God had a prophetess in Israel who led his people during this dark time (4:4). She rendered judgments under a palm tree in southern Ephraim near Benjamin (v 5). She called on Barak to muster the armies of Naphtali and Zebulun, the tribes affected by the Canaanite raids, and to engage Sisera in a surprise attack by the Kishon River (vv 6-7). Barak’s hesitancy led him to request Deborah’s presence, which resulted in his forfeiture of the honor of killing Sisera, the commander of the Canaanite forces (vv 8-10). The Lord gave success to the surprise attack from Mt Tabor, so that the Canaanites were routed, unable to use their heavy chariots, which were mired down in the swamps of the Jezreel Valley (5:20-22). The Canaanites were routed, and Sisera was killed by Jael, the wife of Heber, a Kenite who had separated from the Kenites around Arad (4:17-18; cf. 1:16). She offered him hospitality, as her family had friendly relations with the Canaanites, but heroically put him to death with a tent peg (4:18-21; 5:26-27). In successive campaigns the Israelites gained freedom from Jabin, until they destroyed his power (4:24).<\/p>\n<p>The song of Deborah (ch 5) celebrates, in poetic fashion, the victory over Jabin. It is one of the oldest poems in the Bible. It praises the God of Israel as the King who comes to protect his covenant people, and before whom the mountains move (5:2-3). He is the God of Mt Sinai (Jgs 5:4-5; cf. Dt 33:2; Ps 68:7-8; Hb 3:3-4). Though the oppressors had despoiled Israel and had made the roads unsafe for travel, and Israel was unable to defend itself (Jgs 5:6-8), the Lord raised up Deborah and Barak to lead the nobles to war (vv 9-13). They came from Ephraim, Benjamin, Zebulun, Issachar, and Naphtali (vv 14-15a, 18), but the Transjordan tribes and Asher did not want to get involved (vv 15b-17). The song then moves to the battle scene, where torrential rains bogged the chariots down (vv 19-23). Jael is celebrated as “most blessed of women,” who used her simple way of life to bring an end to Sisera (vv 24-27). She stands in contrast to Sisera’s mother, who is portrayed with all her culture waiting in vain for Sisera’s return with all of his spoils (vv 28-30). The Lord has used the simple to confound the powerful. The conclusion is a prayer for God’s judgment on all of Israel’s enemies (Jgs 5:31a; cf. Ps 68:1-3).<\/p>\n<h6>Gideon (6:1–8:35)<\/h6>\n<p>Israel’s rest for 40 years (Jgs 5:31b) was disturbed by the invasion of Midianites and Amalekites from the East (6:1-3). They destroyed the economy by invading the country at harvesttime (vv 4-6). In response to Israel’s cry, God sent a prophet with a message similar to that of the angel of the Lord (2:1-5). Then an angel appeared to Gideon and called him to lead the people in battle (6:11-14). The Lord assured him of his presence (v 16) by a sign (vv 17-22). Gideon knew that he had been visited by the Lord and built an altar called “The <span>Lord<\/span> Is Peace” in Ophrah (v 24). He responded by destroying the cultic site dedicated to Baal and Asherah at Ophrah (vv 25-28) and by initiating worship at the new altar (v 28). Baal did not protect his own altar (vv 29-32), even when challenged by Gideon’s father (v 31). Consequently, Gideon was known as Jerubbaal (meaning, “let Baal contend with him,” v 32).<\/p>\n<p>Next, Gideon mustered an army of 32,000 men from Asher, Zebulun, and Naphtali (6:35; cf. 7:3b). In order to assure himself of the Lord’s presence, he asked for another sign: the sign of the fleece (6:36-40). It must be kept in mind that Gideon lived in an area in which the wonders of God had been scarce (v 13) and that he, like Moses, needed reassurance that God was with him. God responded to his growing faith. Gideon went forth with a greatly reduced army of 300 against the enemy. Of his original army, 22,000 had left because they were afraid (7:2-3; cf. Dt 20:8). Another 9,700 were sent home, though they were valiant men (7:4-8). After assuring Gideon by a dream of an enemy soldier, God used the 300 in a marvelous way to confound the Midianites (vv 9-15). God gave Israel victory over the Midianite leaders Oreb, Zeeb, Zebah, and Zalmunna (7:16–8:21). Gideon wisely avoided a possible military confrontation with Ephraim (8:1-3), pursued the enemy deep into the Transjordan, and punished the leaders of Succoth and Penuel, who did not assist him (vv 4-9, 13-16).<\/p>\n<p>This glorious victory created a new wave of interest in the idea of kingship. The men of Israel wished to establish the family of Gideon as their royal dynasty (8:22). Gideon refused, and instead wrongly set up an ephod, cast from the gold taken in battle (vv 23-27). The ephod was probably used for cultic practices, possibly divination (cf. 17:5).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s era also came to an end. He was God’s instrument, giving Israel rest for 40 years. He fathered 70 sons and died in old age. God had richly blessed him, even though he had led Israel astray with his ephod. Thereafter, Israel returned to Baal worship (8:33-35).<\/p>\n<p>In the wake of Gideon’s era, his son Abimelech attempted to establish dynastic continuity by having himself installed as king at Shechem (9:1-6). With the support of his relatives at Shechem, Abimelech had all his brothers killed except Jotham (vv 4-5). After Abimelech’s coronation, Jotham set forth his opposition to his brother in a proverbial manner (vv 7-20), and went into hiding. Three years later Abimelech’s evil schemes entrapped him when the citizens of Shechem rebelled. He furiously attacked the city and destroyed it. A short time later, however, he was wounded at Thebez by a millstone dropped by a woman from the tower in which she had sought refuge from him. His servant put him out of his misery as per his request. This episode demonstrates how bad a despotic king may be. Again, God’s justice prevailed.<\/p>\n<h6>Tola (10:1-2)<\/h6>\n<p>Tola was a minor judge from Issachar who judged Israel for 23 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jair (10:3-5)<\/h6>\n<p>Jair was a minor judge from Gilead who judged Israel for 22 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jephthah (10:6–12:7)<\/h6>\n<p>A recapitulation (10:6-16) of the cycle (idolatry, enemies, cry for help, momentary repentance) sets the introduction to the Jephthah narrative. Under attack from the Ammonites, the elders of Gilead requested help from Jephthah (10:17–11:8), who promised to help them on the condition that he remain their leader even after the war (vv 9-10). At a solemn ceremony he becomes their “head” at Mizpah (v 11). Jephthah opened up correspondence with the Ammonite king, in which he argued for Israel’s rights on the basis of the Israelites’ historic claim to the land as granted to them by the Lord (vv 12–27). Instead of going out immediately to war, he hoped that “the <span>Lord<\/span>, the Judge” would settle the dispute (v 27); but the Ammonite king was unimpressed. When the Spirit of God came over him, Jephthah led Israel into battle, but only after making a rash vow. He was victorious but found out that his vow to sacrifice whatever came first out of his house required him to sacrifice his daughter. Debate continues as to whether he offered her up as a human sacrifice or whether she sacrificed marriage (see discussion under Jephthah).<\/p>\n<p>The Ephraimites seemed to have had an insatiable desire for war. Earlier they had complained to Gideon, who successfully defused their threats (8:1-3). Jephthah fought them, however, because the Israelites living in Transjordan had been reviled as “renegades” (12:1-4). Forty-two thousand Ephraimites were killed by the fords of the Jordan in this civil war. Thereafter, Jephthah ruled for only six years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ibzan (12:8-10)<\/h6>\n<p>Ibzan was a minor judge from Bethlehem who ruled Israel for seven years.<\/p>\n<h6>Elon (12:11)<\/h6>\n<p>A minor judge from Zebulun, Elon ruled Israel for ten years.<\/p>\n<h6>Abdon (12:13-15)<\/h6>\n<p>Abdon was a minor judge from Pirathon, the location of which is uncertain. He ruled for eight years.<\/p>\n<h6>Samson (13:1–16:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Samson’s greatness in the history of redemption is due to his miraculous birth (13:1-24), his service as a Nazirite (13:7; cf. Nm 6:1-21), the repeated overpowering by the Spirit of the Lord (Jgs 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14), the single-handed exploits against the Philistines (Ashkelon, 14:19; the fields, 15:1-6; Ramath Etam, 15:7-17; Gaza, 16:1-3, 23-30), and his occasional dependence on the Lord (15:18-19; 16:28-30). However, his personal life was flawed because of his weakness for Philistine women (chs 14, 16). Having been seduced by Delilah, he was imprisoned at Gaza. He died in the collapse of Dagon’s temple, praying that the Lord would permit him to get revenge (16:28-30). He was buried in his father’s tomb in the territory of Dan (16:31).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue (17–21)<\/h5>\n<p>The cyclical nature of Israel’s existence was without movement. Rest from enemies was always temporary. Israel was not yet ready for dynastic kingship, and whatever one may say of the three years of Abimelech, it was a kingship of the worst sort. Israel vacillated between idolatry and belief in the true Lord. The period of the judges was unstable, marked by petty individualism and provincialism. Yet God remained sovereign in the affairs of his people. The epilogue contains two stories: the story of Micah and the Danite migration (chs 17–18) and the civil war (chs 19–21). The epilogue is bound together by the phrase “In those days Israel had no king; everyone did as he saw fit” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25, <span>niv<\/span>). The symmetric recurrence (two times in each narrative) emphasizes the anarchy and inability of the tribes to unite together to serve God as a covenant people.<\/p>\n<h6>Micah and the Danites (17–18)<\/h6>\n<p>Micah was an Ephraimite who established a shrine and hired one of his own sons, and then a Levite from Bethlehem, to serve as its priests (ch 17). Unable to keep their patrimony, the Danites left to establish themselves at the foot of Mt Hermon. They took the idols and the Levite from Micah’s shrine and set up a cultic city at the newly established city of Dan, built on the ruins of Laish (ch 18). Thus, they set up a cultic center that rivaled the tabernacle at Shiloh (18:31).<\/p>\n<h6>The Civil War (19–21)<\/h6>\n<p>The people of Gibeah, which belonged to Benjamin, sexually abused the concubine of a Levite so that she died. Like the Levite of chapters 17 and 18, she was from Bethlehem (19:1). Dramatically, the Levite sent pieces of her corpse to all the tribes, which assembled against the Benjamites because they protected the criminals of Gibeah (19:29–20:19). In the ensuing battle the population of Benjamin was decimated (20:20-48). The 11 tribes gave them 400 virgins taken in a civil war against Jabesh-gilead (21:6-15). These were not enough, however. Because of the threat of the extinction of Benjamin and the vow not to give their daughters in marriage to any Benjamite, the Israelites devised a plan by which the Benjamites could take Israelite virgins dancing in the festival at Shiloh. Benjamin thus was able to rebuild its towns and settlements.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Gideon; Jephthah; Samson.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JUDGES, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>The book reflects a final editing of the material in the period of the early monarchy. It may well be a polemic for the righteous rule of David over against the kingship of Saul, which was molded by a secular, Canaanite conception of kingship rather than by the law of God. The author was almost certainly not Samuel, as traditionally thought, but a later compiler who relied on ancient written materials.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>Though the judges succeeded in giving the tribes some rest from the incursions of surrounding enemies, the Israelites were continually harassed over long periods of time. Scholarly opinion differs on the duration of the period of the judges. The dating of the exodus affects the dating of the beginning of the judges. Those who take an early date for the exodus put the beginning around 1370–1360 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas others propose a date close to the end of the 13th century <span>BC<\/span>. A related issue pertains to the chronology of the judges. Does Judges give a chronological, sequential account of the period, or is the book a representative account of judges from various parts of Canaan and Transjordan who “judged” a region, a tribe, or several tribes simultaneously?<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LiteraryFramework\">Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>There is no doubt that the stories in the book bear the marks of literary creativity. The stories are classics in their own right. The poetry of Deborah’s song (Jgs 5) is very moving, and the fable of Jotham (9:8-15) is a fine example of figurative speech. The care given to the stories is also reflected in the construction of the book. There are two introductions: a political one (Jgs 1:1–2:5) and a socioreligious one (2:6–3:6). The political introduction connects Judges with the story of the Conquest, when the tribes attempted to occupy the land. It prepares the reader for the political and military problems of the era of the judges. The socioreligious introduction explains why Israel had so many adversities, why the institution of the judges arose, and why the Lord never gave Israel the promised lasting rest from its enemies. The main body of the book is the story of the judges (3:7–16:31). References to the minor judges (six in all) are set within the stories of the major judges in increasing frequency. As is evident from the schema, the number of minor judges increased in frequency in proportion to the decrease in number of major judges: two major, one minor; two major, two minor; one major, three minor; one major. There is a total of 12 judges, representative of the 12 tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>The purpose of the listing of 12 judges, representative of the various parts of Canaan and Transjordan, is to demonstrate that all tribes throughout the conquered territories experienced grave difficulties from a variety of enemies: Arameans, Moabites, Ammonites, Amalekites, Canaanites, and Philistines. Israel was hard pressed on nearly all its frontiers. The appendixes (chs 17–21), together with the two introductions, form the framework of the book. The political and socioreligious problems (1:1–3:6) are presented by way of several stories in the last chapters. The final editor who gave the book its canonical shape purposefully framed the stories of the judges so as to show lack of movement. The successes of the previous stages in redemptive history came to a standstill in the ebb and flow of the judges. Though the Lord delivered his people in many ways, they returned to the problems described in 1:1–3:6. The appendixes describe Israel’s problems representative of the period of the judges, when “there was no king in Israel” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTheologicalTeaching\">Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for deliverance, and God’s raising up of a judge reflects a deuteronomic perspective with its warnings concerning disobedience and judgment. The repetitiveness of the cycle supports the contention of the anonymous narrator that Israel remained unchanged by the grace of God. However, in spite of the moral, religious, and political anarchy as well as the civil wars, the last chapter shows that the tribes are still concerned with each other’s welfare. Though the unity of God’s people has been gravely challenged, the situation is not hopeless. The book ends on a note of hope—hope for a king who may deliver Israel.<\/p>\n\n<p>Thus, there are several purposes of the book: (1) to demonstrate the meaninglessness of this stage in Israel’s development; (2) to explain why the tribes did not occupy all the land promised to the patriarchs; (3) to justify the way of God, who was gracious and patient with Israel’s repeated acts of disobedience; (4) to set forth the legitimacy of a “shepherd” king in contrast to a despotic form of kingship; and (5) to explain the urgent need for a new momentum, lest Israel succumb to the Philistines and intertribal warfare.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>The Political Introduction (1:1–2:5)<\/h5>\n<p>In Joshua 1–12 the warfare under Joshua is portrayed as a mobilization of Canaanite forces against Israel. By the intervention of the Lord, the Canaanite resistance was put down and the land was occupied by the tribes (chs 13–21). Joshua 13–21, however, clearly shows that each tribe had problems ridding its territory of pockets of Canaanite resistance, which were usually centered around heavily guarded and well-fortified cities (cf. 13:2-6, 13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18).<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua emphasizes the successes and minimizes the problems, whereas the prologue to Judges sets the stage for the whole book by openly addressing Israel’s problems and failures. As the book unfolds, it is precisely these problems and failures that in due time bring Israel to the brink of disaster.<\/p>\n<p>The period of the judges began with the death of Joshua (Jgs 1:1; 2:8-9). The Israelites had inherited a legacy from Joshua: the law of the Lord (Jos 23:6; 24:26), the land, a challenge to obey the Lord (24:14-27), and a promise of God’s presence and help in subduing the Canaanites (23:5, 10).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah and Simeon (Jgs 1:2-20)<\/h6>\n<p>The prominence of Judah and Caleb parallels the position of Judah in Joshua (Jos 14:6–15:63; cf. also the house of Joseph, Jgs 1:22-29; cf. Jos 16–17). Judah was victorious over the cruel Adoni-bezek, who ruled over Bezek, a town of uncertain location. Judah successfully occupied the hill country, the Negev, and the western foothills. They even took Jerusalem, or an outlying suburb identified with Jerusalem (Jos 1:8), but could not retain control there (v 21) until David’s conquest of the city (2 Sm 5:6-9). Judah was victorious over the Canaanites in the region of Hebron, already conquered under Joshua (Jos 10:36). Hebron, also known as Kiriath-arba (“city of four” or “tetrapolis”), was a powerful ally of Jerusalem (v 3) and had been able to rally military support for a new assault on Israel, even after its first defeat. Caleb received Hebron, as Moses had promised (Jgs 1:20; cf. Jos 15:13). After the victory over Hebron, Judah extended its control over the southern hill country by an attack on Debir (Jgs 1:11-15; cf. Jos 15:14-19).<\/p>\n<p>The Kenites (Jgs 1:16), descendants of Jethro and therefore related to Moses by marriage, settled in the Negev around Arad and the City of Palms, which here probably refers to Tamar rather than Jericho.<\/p>\n<p>Judah secured the southern border by a victory over the Canaanites at Hormah (Jgs 1:17; cf. Nm 14:45; 21:3; Dt 1:44) and the coastal plain by victories at Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron. However, Judah’s successes in the coastal plain were resisted by a well-armed Canaanite force (Jgs 1:18-19). It occupied the Judean hill country and the Negev, but could not retain control over the plains. The Philistines were soon to take control over Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, and incorporate them into their pentapolis.<\/p>\n<h6>Benjamin (1:21)<\/h6>\n<p>Jerusalem was situated on the border between Judah and Benjamin. Judah took the city or a suburb (Jos 1:8) but was too far removed to retain control over it. Benjamin was too weak to subdue the Jebusites. Only David succeeded in this (2 Sm 5:6-9); he incorporated it into Judah (cf. Jos 15:63), even though it originally was allotted to Benjamin (Jos 18:28).<\/p>\n<h6>Joseph: Ephraim and Manasseh (1:22-29)<\/h6>\n<p>Ephraim took Bethel, known from the patriarchal stories as a significant cultic site (Gn 12:8; 13:3-4; 28:19; 31:13; 35:1-15). However, Manasseh was unsuccessful in taking the fortified cities in the valley of Jezreel (Esdraelon): Beth-shan, Taanach, Dor, Ibleam, and Megiddo. These cities controlled traffic along the east-west and north–south roads as well as the important passes through the Carmel range and the ford of the Jordan. Ephraim could not take full possession of the coastal plain, controlled by Gezer. The success of both Ephraim and Manasseh was limited.<\/p>\n<h6>The Other Four Tribes (1:30-36)<\/h6>\n<p>The other four tribes in Canaan receive brief mention. They, too, were only partially successful. Zebulun, Asher, Naphtali, and especially Dan did not fully succeed in driving out the Canaanites. At best they later subjected most of them to forced labor.<\/p>\n<h6>The Failure of Israel (2:1-5)<\/h6>\n<p>The failure to subdue the land and to wipe out the Canaanites and their culture led to intermarriage and idolatry (cf. Ex 23:33; 34:12-16; Nm 33:55; Dt 7:2-5, 16; Jos 23:7, 12).<\/p>\n<p>The identity of “the angel of the Lord” who appears at Bokim is far from certain. It may be a reference to the Lord himself, to an angelic messenger, or to a prophet (cf. Jgs 6:8). He rebuked the people in the prophetic spirit and pronounced God’s judgment as taking the form of continual confrontation between Israel and the Canaanites (2:3). Their weeping and sacrificing were to no avail (2:4-5; cf. Mal 2:13). Israel stood condemned within a generation after Joshua’s death.<\/p>\n<h5>The Theological Introduction (2:6–3:6)<\/h5>\n<p>The theological introduction begins where Joshua left off (Jos 24:28-31). The generation of Joshua was characterized by loyalty, but their loyalty to the Lord did not last long after the excitement of the Conquest and the demonstration of God’s presence (Jgs 2:10). Israel served Canaanite gods (Baal and Astarte) instead. Baal was the storm god, symbolic of rain and fertility, and Astarte was his cohort. The plural (Baals and Ashtaroth, 2:11-13) signifies the many local ways in which the Canaanite gods were worshiped. The religious unity was broken up into a great diversity. Thus Israel angered the Lord (vv 12-14), who sent them enemies and plunderers. Israel was unsuccessful in dealing with them, as Moses and Joshua had forewarned (Dt 28:25, 33; Jos 23:13, 16). The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for mercy, and deliverance is found throughout Judges. The people were rooted in the apostasy of their forefathers, even though the previous generation had been sensitive to God. Israel did not submit to the leadership of the judges, except to free itself from the oppressors. In fulfillment of the curses of the covenant, God swore not to give his people rest but to test them and to train them for warfare (Jgs 3:1-4), so that they might learn to respond to the challenges of a real world.<\/p>\n<h5>The Judges of Israel (3:7–16:31)<\/h5>\n<h6>Othniel (3:7-11)<\/h6>\n<p>Othniel is a transitional figure, linking the Conquest and the judges. He had involved himself in the conquest of Kiriath-sepher and was related to Caleb as his cousin and son-in-law (1:13). He repelled the Arameans led by Cushan-rishathaim, so that the land enjoyed peace for some 40 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ehud (3:12-30)<\/h6>\n<p>The Moabites, allied with the Ammonites and Amalekites, came against Israel from the east and oppressed them for 18 years under the leadership of Eglon. Ehud led the mission to bring tribute to Eglon at his palace, located probably by Jericho (the City of Palms). Ehud was uniquely qualified for this mission; being left-handed, he was able to use his double-edged sword in an unsuspecting manner to stab the king. Ehud’s success was the result of careful plotting and the element of surprise. He paid the tribute and left, only to return with a supposed oracle from the gods. The king fell for the deception and was murdered. The delay at the Moabite court gave the Israelites an opportunity to bring their forces together at the fords of the Jordan. Ehud’s success was complete; no Moabite escaped, and Israel enjoyed peace for 80 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Shamgar (3:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Shamgar’s exploits were against the Philistines in the coastal plains. He had a non-Israelite name but was probably an Israelite by birth. Like Samson he fought the Philistines with an unconventional weapon (an ox goad). His name is also mentioned in the song of Deborah (5:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Deborah and Barak (4:1–5:31)<\/h6>\n<p>The narrative now turns to the Canaanite aggressors in the north under the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor, and Sisera, of Harosheth-haggoyim (4:1-3). The ruins of Hazor (Jos 11:13) had been rebuilt, and another Jabin (cf. v 1) ruled over the region. He had regained his military power, as he had as many as 900 chariots of iron. He oppressed Israel for 20 years (Jgs 4:3).<\/p>\n<p>God had a prophetess in Israel who led his people during this dark time (4:4). She rendered judgments under a palm tree in southern Ephraim near Benjamin (v 5). She called on Barak to muster the armies of Naphtali and Zebulun, the tribes affected by the Canaanite raids, and to engage Sisera in a surprise attack by the Kishon River (vv 6-7). Barak’s hesitancy led him to request Deborah’s presence, which resulted in his forfeiture of the honor of killing Sisera, the commander of the Canaanite forces (vv 8-10). The Lord gave success to the surprise attack from Mt Tabor, so that the Canaanites were routed, unable to use their heavy chariots, which were mired down in the swamps of the Jezreel Valley (5:20-22). The Canaanites were routed, and Sisera was killed by Jael, the wife of Heber, a Kenite who had separated from the Kenites around Arad (4:17-18; cf. 1:16). She offered him hospitality, as her family had friendly relations with the Canaanites, but heroically put him to death with a tent peg (4:18-21; 5:26-27). In successive campaigns the Israelites gained freedom from Jabin, until they destroyed his power (4:24).<\/p>\n<p>The song of Deborah (ch 5) celebrates, in poetic fashion, the victory over Jabin. It is one of the oldest poems in the Bible. It praises the God of Israel as the King who comes to protect his covenant people, and before whom the mountains move (5:2-3). He is the God of Mt Sinai (Jgs 5:4-5; cf. Dt 33:2; Ps 68:7-8; Hb 3:3-4). Though the oppressors had despoiled Israel and had made the roads unsafe for travel, and Israel was unable to defend itself (Jgs 5:6-8), the Lord raised up Deborah and Barak to lead the nobles to war (vv 9-13). They came from Ephraim, Benjamin, Zebulun, Issachar, and Naphtali (vv 14-15a, 18), but the Transjordan tribes and Asher did not want to get involved (vv 15b-17). The song then moves to the battle scene, where torrential rains bogged the chariots down (vv 19-23). Jael is celebrated as “most blessed of women,” who used her simple way of life to bring an end to Sisera (vv 24-27). She stands in contrast to Sisera’s mother, who is portrayed with all her culture waiting in vain for Sisera’s return with all of his spoils (vv 28-30). The Lord has used the simple to confound the powerful. The conclusion is a prayer for God’s judgment on all of Israel’s enemies (Jgs 5:31a; cf. Ps 68:1-3).<\/p>\n<h6>Gideon (6:1–8:35)<\/h6>\n<p>Israel’s rest for 40 years (Jgs 5:31b) was disturbed by the invasion of Midianites and Amalekites from the East (6:1-3). They destroyed the economy by invading the country at harvesttime (vv 4-6). In response to Israel’s cry, God sent a prophet with a message similar to that of the angel of the Lord (2:1-5). Then an angel appeared to Gideon and called him to lead the people in battle (6:11-14). The Lord assured him of his presence (v 16) by a sign (vv 17-22). Gideon knew that he had been visited by the Lord and built an altar called “The <span>Lord<\/span> Is Peace” in Ophrah (v 24). He responded by destroying the cultic site dedicated to Baal and Asherah at Ophrah (vv 25-28) and by initiating worship at the new altar (v 28). Baal did not protect his own altar (vv 29-32), even when challenged by Gideon’s father (v 31). Consequently, Gideon was known as Jerubbaal (meaning, “let Baal contend with him,” v 32).<\/p>\n<p>Next, Gideon mustered an army of 32,000 men from Asher, Zebulun, and Naphtali (6:35; cf. 7:3b). In order to assure himself of the Lord’s presence, he asked for another sign: the sign of the fleece (6:36-40). It must be kept in mind that Gideon lived in an area in which the wonders of God had been scarce (v 13) and that he, like Moses, needed reassurance that God was with him. God responded to his growing faith. Gideon went forth with a greatly reduced army of 300 against the enemy. Of his original army, 22,000 had left because they were afraid (7:2-3; cf. Dt 20:8). Another 9,700 were sent home, though they were valiant men (7:4-8). After assuring Gideon by a dream of an enemy soldier, God used the 300 in a marvelous way to confound the Midianites (vv 9-15). God gave Israel victory over the Midianite leaders Oreb, Zeeb, Zebah, and Zalmunna (7:16–8:21). Gideon wisely avoided a possible military confrontation with Ephraim (8:1-3), pursued the enemy deep into the Transjordan, and punished the leaders of Succoth and Penuel, who did not assist him (vv 4-9, 13-16).<\/p>\n<p>This glorious victory created a new wave of interest in the idea of kingship. The men of Israel wished to establish the family of Gideon as their royal dynasty (8:22). Gideon refused, and instead wrongly set up an ephod, cast from the gold taken in battle (vv 23-27). The ephod was probably used for cultic practices, possibly divination (cf. 17:5).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s era also came to an end. He was God’s instrument, giving Israel rest for 40 years. He fathered 70 sons and died in old age. God had richly blessed him, even though he had led Israel astray with his ephod. Thereafter, Israel returned to Baal worship (8:33-35).<\/p>\n<p>In the wake of Gideon’s era, his son Abimelech attempted to establish dynastic continuity by having himself installed as king at Shechem (9:1-6). With the support of his relatives at Shechem, Abimelech had all his brothers killed except Jotham (vv 4-5). After Abimelech’s coronation, Jotham set forth his opposition to his brother in a proverbial manner (vv 7-20), and went into hiding. Three years later Abimelech’s evil schemes entrapped him when the citizens of Shechem rebelled. He furiously attacked the city and destroyed it. A short time later, however, he was wounded at Thebez by a millstone dropped by a woman from the tower in which she had sought refuge from him. His servant put him out of his misery as per his request. This episode demonstrates how bad a despotic king may be. Again, God’s justice prevailed.<\/p>\n<h6>Tola (10:1-2)<\/h6>\n<p>Tola was a minor judge from Issachar who judged Israel for 23 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jair (10:3-5)<\/h6>\n<p>Jair was a minor judge from Gilead who judged Israel for 22 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jephthah (10:6–12:7)<\/h6>\n<p>A recapitulation (10:6-16) of the cycle (idolatry, enemies, cry for help, momentary repentance) sets the introduction to the Jephthah narrative. Under attack from the Ammonites, the elders of Gilead requested help from Jephthah (10:17–11:8), who promised to help them on the condition that he remain their leader even after the war (vv 9-10). At a solemn ceremony he becomes their “head” at Mizpah (v 11). Jephthah opened up correspondence with the Ammonite king, in which he argued for Israel’s rights on the basis of the Israelites’ historic claim to the land as granted to them by the Lord (vv 12–27). Instead of going out immediately to war, he hoped that “the <span>Lord<\/span>, the Judge” would settle the dispute (v 27); but the Ammonite king was unimpressed. When the Spirit of God came over him, Jephthah led Israel into battle, but only after making a rash vow. He was victorious but found out that his vow to sacrifice whatever came first out of his house required him to sacrifice his daughter. Debate continues as to whether he offered her up as a human sacrifice or whether she sacrificed marriage (see discussion under Jephthah).<\/p>\n<p>The Ephraimites seemed to have had an insatiable desire for war. Earlier they had complained to Gideon, who successfully defused their threats (8:1-3). Jephthah fought them, however, because the Israelites living in Transjordan had been reviled as “renegades” (12:1-4). Forty-two thousand Ephraimites were killed by the fords of the Jordan in this civil war. Thereafter, Jephthah ruled for only six years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ibzan (12:8-10)<\/h6>\n<p>Ibzan was a minor judge from Bethlehem who ruled Israel for seven years.<\/p>\n<h6>Elon (12:11)<\/h6>\n<p>A minor judge from Zebulun, Elon ruled Israel for ten years.<\/p>\n<h6>Abdon (12:13-15)<\/h6>\n<p>Abdon was a minor judge from Pirathon, the location of which is uncertain. He ruled for eight years.<\/p>\n<h6>Samson (13:1–16:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Samson’s greatness in the history of redemption is due to his miraculous birth (13:1-24), his service as a Nazirite (13:7; cf. Nm 6:1-21), the repeated overpowering by the Spirit of the Lord (Jgs 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14), the single-handed exploits against the Philistines (Ashkelon, 14:19; the fields, 15:1-6; Ramath Etam, 15:7-17; Gaza, 16:1-3, 23-30), and his occasional dependence on the Lord (15:18-19; 16:28-30). However, his personal life was flawed because of his weakness for Philistine women (chs 14, 16). Having been seduced by Delilah, he was imprisoned at Gaza. He died in the collapse of Dagon’s temple, praying that the Lord would permit him to get revenge (16:28-30). He was buried in his father’s tomb in the territory of Dan (16:31).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue (17–21)<\/h5>\n<p>The cyclical nature of Israel’s existence was without movement. Rest from enemies was always temporary. Israel was not yet ready for dynastic kingship, and whatever one may say of the three years of Abimelech, it was a kingship of the worst sort. Israel vacillated between idolatry and belief in the true Lord. The period of the judges was unstable, marked by petty individualism and provincialism. Yet God remained sovereign in the affairs of his people. The epilogue contains two stories: the story of Micah and the Danite migration (chs 17–18) and the civil war (chs 19–21). The epilogue is bound together by the phrase “In those days Israel had no king; everyone did as he saw fit” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25, <span>niv<\/span>). The symmetric recurrence (two times in each narrative) emphasizes the anarchy and inability of the tribes to unite together to serve God as a covenant people.<\/p>\n<h6>Micah and the Danites (17–18)<\/h6>\n<p>Micah was an Ephraimite who established a shrine and hired one of his own sons, and then a Levite from Bethlehem, to serve as its priests (ch 17). Unable to keep their patrimony, the Danites left to establish themselves at the foot of Mt Hermon. They took the idols and the Levite from Micah’s shrine and set up a cultic city at the newly established city of Dan, built on the ruins of Laish (ch 18). Thus, they set up a cultic center that rivaled the tabernacle at Shiloh (18:31).<\/p>\n<h6>The Civil War (19–21)<\/h6>\n<p>The people of Gibeah, which belonged to Benjamin, sexually abused the concubine of a Levite so that she died. Like the Levite of chapters 17 and 18, she was from Bethlehem (19:1). Dramatically, the Levite sent pieces of her corpse to all the tribes, which assembled against the Benjamites because they protected the criminals of Gibeah (19:29–20:19). In the ensuing battle the population of Benjamin was decimated (20:20-48). The 11 tribes gave them 400 virgins taken in a civil war against Jabesh-gilead (21:6-15). These were not enough, however. Because of the threat of the extinction of Benjamin and the vow not to give their daughters in marriage to any Benjamite, the Israelites devised a plan by which the Benjamites could take Israelite virgins dancing in the festival at Shiloh. Benjamin thus was able to rebuild its towns and settlements.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Gideon; Jephthah; Samson.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JUDGES, Book of Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail. Preview • Author • Date • Li...","summary_en":"JUDGES, Book of Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail. Preview • Author • Date • Li...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":21525,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Kattath","title_en":"Kattath","content_ro":"<h3>KATTATH<\/h3>\n<p>Town assigned to Zebulun (Jos 19:15), perhaps the same as the Kitron of Judges 1:30. <em>See<\/em> Kitron.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>KATTATH<\/h3>\n<p>Town assigned to Zebulun (Jos 19:15), perhaps the same as the Kitron of Judges 1:30. <em>See<\/em> Kitron.<\/p>","summary_ro":"KATTATH Town assigned to Zebulun (Jos 19:15), perhaps the same as the Kitron of Judges 1:30. See Kitron.","summary_en":"KATTATH Town assigned to Zebulun (Jos 19:15), perhaps the same as the Kitron of Judges 1:30. See Kitron.","source":"Articles\/K.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":22226,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Kitron","title_en":"Kitron","content_ro":"<h3>KITRON<\/h3>\n<p>City allotted to the tribe of Zebulun from which the Canaanite inhabitants could not be driven out (Jgs 1:30). It has been identified with Kattath (Jos 19:15), Tell el-Far, and Tell Qurdaneh. <em>See<\/em> Kattath.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>KITRON<\/h3>\n<p>City allotted to the tribe of Zebulun from which the Canaanite inhabitants could not be driven out (Jgs 1:30). It has been identified with Kattath (Jos 19:15), Tell el-Far, and Tell Qurdaneh. <em>See<\/em> Kattath.<\/p>","summary_ro":"KITRON City allotted to the tribe of Zebulun from which the Canaanite inhabitants could not be driven out (Jgs 1:30). It has been identified with Kattath (Jos 19:15), Tell el-Far, and Tell Qurdaneh. See Kattath.","summary_en":"KITRON City allotted to the tribe of Zebulun from which the Canaanite inhabitants could not be driven out (Jgs 1:30). It has been identified with Kattath (Jos 19:15), Tell el-Far, and Tell Qurdaneh. See Kattath.","source":"Articles\/K.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":26832,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Nahalal","title_en":"Nahalal","content_ro":"<h3>NAHALAL<\/h3>\n<p>City in Zebulun’s territory (Jos 19:15), given to the Levites for an inheritance (21:35). Zebulun’s tribe was unable to drive the Canaanites from the city, so they forced them into hard labor (Jgs 1:30, “Nahalol”). The exact location of the city is unknown. Some possible locations include Tell el-Beida, south of modern Nahalal, and Tell en-Nahl, north of the Kishon River and near the southern end of the plain of Acco, near modern Nahalal.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Levitical Cities.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>NAHALAL<\/h3>\n<p>City in Zebulun’s territory (Jos 19:15), given to the Levites for an inheritance (21:35). Zebulun’s tribe was unable to drive the Canaanites from the city, so they forced them into hard labor (Jgs 1:30, “Nahalol”). The exact location of the city is unknown. Some possible locations include Tell el-Beida, south of modern Nahalal, and Tell en-Nahl, north of the Kishon River and near the southern end of the plain of Acco, near modern Nahalal.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Levitical Cities.<\/p>","summary_ro":"NAHALAL City in Zebulun’s territory (Jos 19:15), given to the Levites for an inheritance (21:35). Zebulun’s tribe was unable to drive the Canaanites from the city, so they forced them into hard labor (Jgs 1:30, “Nahalol”). The exact location of the city is unknown. Some possible locations include Tell el-Beida, south of modern Nahalal, and Tell en-Nahl, north of the Kishon River and near the southern end of the plain of Acco, near modern Nahalal. See also Levitical Cities.","summary_en":"NAHALAL City in Zebulun’s territory (Jos 19:15), given to the Levites for an inheritance (21:35). Zebulun’s tribe was unable to drive the Canaanites from the city, so they forced them into hard labor (Jgs 1:30, “Nahalol”). The exact location of the city is unknown. Some possible locations include Tell el-Beida, south of modern Nahalal, and Tell en-Nahl, north of the Kishon River and near the southern end of the plain of Acco, near modern Nahalal. See also Levitical Cities.","source":"Articles\/N.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":26835,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Nahalol","title_en":"Nahalol","content_ro":"<h3>NAHALOL<\/h3>\n<p>A city of Zebulun, in Judges 1:30. <em>See<\/em> Nahalal.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>NAHALOL<\/h3>\n<p>A city of Zebulun, in Judges 1:30. <em>See<\/em> Nahalal.<\/p>","summary_ro":"NAHALOL A city of Zebulun, in Judges 1:30. See Nahalal.","summary_en":"NAHALOL A city of Zebulun, in Judges 1:30. See Nahalal.","source":"Articles\/N.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"31":[{"id":319,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Accho*, Acco","title_en":"Accho*, Acco","content_ro":"<h3>ACCHO*, ACCO<\/h3>\n<p>Major Palestinian port city from the earliest Canaanite period. The only clear OT reference to Acco is the statement that at the time of Israel’s conquest of Canaan, Asher’s tribe failed to drive out its inhabitants (Jgs 1:31). Acco is frequently mentioned in Middle and New Kingdom Egyptian texts and in Assyrian records. Presumably Acco came under Israelite control during David’s reign and was among the 20 cities given by Solomon to King Hiram of Tyre (1 Kgs 9:11-14). In later centuries, Acco was captured by Alexander the Great of Macedonia. It was eventually rebuilt and renamed Ptolemais (Acts 21:7).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>ACCHO*, ACCO<\/h3>\n<p>Major Palestinian port city from the earliest Canaanite period. The only clear OT reference to Acco is the statement that at the time of Israel’s conquest of Canaan, Asher’s tribe failed to drive out its inhabitants (Jgs 1:31). Acco is frequently mentioned in Middle and New Kingdom Egyptian texts and in Assyrian records. Presumably Acco came under Israelite control during David’s reign and was among the 20 cities given by Solomon to King Hiram of Tyre (1 Kgs 9:11-14). In later centuries, Acco was captured by Alexander the Great of Macedonia. It was eventually rebuilt and renamed Ptolemais (Acts 21:7).<\/p>","summary_ro":"ACCHO*, ACCO Major Palestinian port city from the earliest Canaanite period. The only clear OT reference to Acco is the statement that at the time of Israel’s conquest of Canaan, Asher’s tribe failed to drive out its inhabitants (Jgs 1:31). Acco is frequently mentioned in Middle and New Kingdom Egyptian texts and in Assyrian records. Presumably Acco came under Israelite control during David’s reign and was among the 20 cities given by Solomon to King Hiram of Tyre (1 Kgs 9:11-14). In later ce...","summary_en":"ACCHO*, ACCO Major Palestinian port city from the earliest Canaanite period. The only clear OT reference to Acco is the statement that at the time of Israel’s conquest of Canaan, Asher’s tribe failed to drive out its inhabitants (Jgs 1:31). Acco is frequently mentioned in Middle and New Kingdom Egyptian texts and in Assyrian records. Presumably Acco came under Israelite control during David’s reign and was among the 20 cities given by Solomon to King Hiram of Tyre (1 Kgs 9:11-14). In later ce...","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":452,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Aczib","title_en":"Aczib","content_ro":"<h3>ACZIB<\/h3>\n<li>1. City in Judah’s territory (Jos 15:44). The prophet Micah listed it among cities that would be destroyed with Samaria (Mi 1:14). It was probably the same as Chezib (Gn 38:5) and Cozeba (1 Chr 4:22).<\/li>\n<li>2. City in Asher’s territory (Jos 19:29), one of seven from which the tribe failed to drive out the Canaanite inhabitants (Jgs 1:31). Recent excavations at Aczib (modern ez-Zib) show that the town was occupied almost continuously from the ninth to the third centuries <span>BC<\/span>.<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>ACZIB<\/h3>\n<li>1. City in Judah’s territory (Jos 15:44). The prophet Micah listed it among cities that would be destroyed with Samaria (Mi 1:14). It was probably the same as Chezib (Gn 38:5) and Cozeba (1 Chr 4:22).<\/li>\n<li>2. City in Asher’s territory (Jos 19:29), one of seven from which the tribe failed to drive out the Canaanite inhabitants (Jgs 1:31). Recent excavations at Aczib (modern ez-Zib) show that the town was occupied almost continuously from the ninth to the third centuries <span>BC<\/span>.<\/li>","summary_ro":"ACZIB 1. City in Judah’s territory (Jos 15:44). The prophet Micah listed it among cities that would be destroyed with Samaria (Mi 1:14). It was probably the same as Chezib (Gn 38:5) and Cozeba (1 Chr 4:22). 2. City in Asher’s territory (Jos 19:29), one of seven from which the tribe failed to drive out the Canaanite inhabitants (Jgs 1:31). Recent excavations at Aczib (modern ez-Zib) show that the town was occupied almost continuously from the ninth to the third centuries BC.","summary_en":"ACZIB 1. City in Judah’s territory (Jos 15:44). The prophet Micah listed it among cities that would be destroyed with Samaria (Mi 1:14). It was probably the same as Chezib (Gn 38:5) and Cozeba (1 Chr 4:22). 2. City in Asher’s territory (Jos 19:29), one of seven from which the tribe failed to drive out the Canaanite inhabitants (Jgs 1:31). Recent excavations at Aczib (modern ez-Zib) show that the town was occupied almost continuously from the ninth to the third centuries BC.","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":963,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Ahlab","title_en":"Ahlab","content_ro":"<h3>AHLAB<\/h3>\n<p>Canaanite city in Asher’s territory. The Israelites failed to drive out its inhabitants in their conquest of Canaan (Jgs 1:31). It probably is identical with Mahalab in Joshua 19:29, modern Khirbet el-Mahalib near Tyre. <em>See<\/em> Mahalab.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>AHLAB<\/h3>\n<p>Canaanite city in Asher’s territory. The Israelites failed to drive out its inhabitants in their conquest of Canaan (Jgs 1:31). It probably is identical with Mahalab in Joshua 19:29, modern Khirbet el-Mahalib near Tyre. <em>See<\/em> Mahalab.<\/p>","summary_ro":"AHLAB Canaanite city in Asher’s territory. The Israelites failed to drive out its inhabitants in their conquest of Canaan (Jgs 1:31). It probably is identical with Mahalab in Joshua 19:29, modern Khirbet el-Mahalib near Tyre. See Mahalab.","summary_en":"AHLAB Canaanite city in Asher’s territory. The Israelites failed to drive out its inhabitants in their conquest of Canaan (Jgs 1:31). It probably is identical with Mahalab in Joshua 19:29, modern Khirbet el-Mahalib near Tyre. See Mahalab.","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":2262,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Aphek","title_en":"Aphek","content_ro":"<h3>APHEK<\/h3>\n<li>1. Canaanite city west of the Jordan River conquered by Israel (Jos 12:18) and later included in Ephraim’s territory. It was located near the source of the Yarkon River in the plain of Sharon. Aphek was later captured by the Philistines (1 Sm 4:1; 29:1). In Roman times Herod the Great rebuilt the city and named it Antipatris, mentioned in Acts 23:31. Its modern name is Ras el-‘Ain.<\/li>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Antipatris.<\/p>\n<li>2. Place in Phoenicia (modern Lebanon) that remained unconquered after Joshua’s campaigns (Jos 13:4). This Aphek was probably located near the source of the river Ibrahim, east of Byblos.<\/li>\n<li>3. Town given to Asher’s tribe in the distribution of conquered cities (Jos 19:30). Asher’s tribe failed to drive out the pagan inhabitants (Jgs 1:31, where it is spelled “Aphik”). Aphek was located on the plain of Acco, at the present site of Tell Kurdaneh near the source of the river Na’main.<\/li>\n<li>4. City east of the Jordan River, on the main highway between Damascus and the valley of Jezreel. The Syrian king Ben-hadad, defeated by King Ahab of Israel, retreated into Aphek, where a falling wall demolished the rest of his army (1 Kgs 20:26, 30). A century later Elisha prophesied to King Joash of Israel that he would defeat the Syrians in the same city (2 Kgs 13:17).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>APHEK<\/h3>\n<li>1. Canaanite city west of the Jordan River conquered by Israel (Jos 12:18) and later included in Ephraim’s territory. It was located near the source of the Yarkon River in the plain of Sharon. Aphek was later captured by the Philistines (1 Sm 4:1; 29:1). In Roman times Herod the Great rebuilt the city and named it Antipatris, mentioned in Acts 23:31. Its modern name is Ras el-‘Ain.<\/li>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Antipatris.<\/p>\n<li>2. Place in Phoenicia (modern Lebanon) that remained unconquered after Joshua’s campaigns (Jos 13:4). This Aphek was probably located near the source of the river Ibrahim, east of Byblos.<\/li>\n<li>3. Town given to Asher’s tribe in the distribution of conquered cities (Jos 19:30). Asher’s tribe failed to drive out the pagan inhabitants (Jgs 1:31, where it is spelled “Aphik”). Aphek was located on the plain of Acco, at the present site of Tell Kurdaneh near the source of the river Na’main.<\/li>\n<li>4. City east of the Jordan River, on the main highway between Damascus and the valley of Jezreel. The Syrian king Ben-hadad, defeated by King Ahab of Israel, retreated into Aphek, where a falling wall demolished the rest of his army (1 Kgs 20:26, 30). A century later Elisha prophesied to King Joash of Israel that he would defeat the Syrians in the same city (2 Kgs 13:17).<\/li>","summary_ro":"APHEK 1. Canaanite city west of the Jordan River conquered by Israel (Jos 12:18) and later included in Ephraim’s territory. It was located near the source of the Yarkon River in the plain of Sharon. Aphek was later captured by the Philistines (1 Sm 4:1; 29:1). In Roman times Herod the Great rebuilt the city and named it Antipatris, mentioned in Acts 23:31. Its modern name is Ras el-‘Ain. See also Antipatris. 2. Place in Phoenicia (modern Lebanon) that remained unconquered after Joshua’s campa...","summary_en":"APHEK 1. Canaanite city west of the Jordan River conquered by Israel (Jos 12:18) and later included in Ephraim’s territory. It was located near the source of the Yarkon River in the plain of Sharon. Aphek was later captured by the Philistines (1 Sm 4:1; 29:1). In Roman times Herod the Great rebuilt the city and named it Antipatris, mentioned in Acts 23:31. Its modern name is Ras el-‘Ain. See also Antipatris. 2. Place in Phoenicia (modern Lebanon) that remained unconquered after Joshua’s campa...","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":2267,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Aphik","title_en":"Aphik","content_ro":"<h3>APHIK<\/h3>\n<p>Alternate form of Aphek in Judges 1:31. <em>See<\/em> Aphek #3.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>APHIK<\/h3>\n<p>Alternate form of Aphek in Judges 1:31. <em>See<\/em> Aphek #3.<\/p>","summary_ro":"APHIK Alternate form of Aphek in Judges 1:31. See Aphek #3.","summary_en":"APHIK Alternate form of Aphek in Judges 1:31. See Aphek #3.","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":2946,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Asher (Tribe)","title_en":"Asher (Tribe)","content_ro":"<h3>ASHER (T<span>ribe<\/span>)<\/h3>\n<p>Israelite tribe that inhabited the fertile coastal territory when the Promised Land was divided for settlement. Asher’s allotment stretched north of Mt Carmel to a point slightly above the city of Sidon. The eastern boundary ran along the western slopes of the hills of Galilee (Jos 19:24-34). The tribes of Zebulun and Naphtali were Asher’s eastern neighbors. Due south, the Carmel mountain range was a natural barrier between Asher and the tribe of Manasseh. The land of Asher was agriculturally rich and is still known for its olive groves. Economically, the people of Asher joined in maritime trade with the Phoenicians of the city of Tyre.<\/p>\n<p>As a tribe, Asher fluctuated in size. From the few who entered Egypt with their father, Jacob, the tribe grew to 41,500 adult warriors at Mt Sinai (Nm 1:40-41). At the second census in the wilderness the tribe numbered 53,400 soldiers (Nm 26:47). At the time of King David the number varied from 26,000 to 40,000 warriors (1 Chr 7:40; 12:36). Asher was never more than fifth in size among the tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>The tribe joined the rest of Israel in rejecting the optimistic reports of Caleb and Joshua about the land of Canaan (Nm 13:30–14:10). As a result, that generation perished in the wilderness after 40 years of wandering (Nm 14:22-25).<\/p>\n<p>At the close of the northern campaign in the Promised Land, Joshua gave the remaining seven tribes their own territory (Jos 18:2). The fifth partition went to Asher’s descendants. Earlier, Ahihud had been chosen by God to distribute land within the territory given to Asher’s tribe (Nm 34:16, 27). Certain Levites, descendants of Gershom, were allocated cities within its borders (Jos 21:6, 30; 1 Chr 6:62, 74).<\/p>\n<p>Like all the Israelite tribes, Asher was never able to possess all of its inheritance. Failure to drive out the inhabitants of Acco, Sidon, Ahlab, Achzib, Helbah, Aphik, and Rehob subjected the tribe to the degradations of pagan culture (Jgs 1:31). The “unpossessed” territory of the Sidonians and the Phoenicians stretched along the coastal region for 200 miles (322 kilometers). Thus “the Asherites dwelt among the Canaanites, the inhabitants of the land; for they did not drive them out” (Jgs 1:32, <span>rsv<\/span>). It is possible that Asher’s tribe, having become a partner in the enterprises of the successful Phoenicians, lost all desire to expel them from their cities.<\/p>\n<p>After the death of the Israelite judge Ehud, Israel fell into the hands of Jabin, king of Canaan. When the judge Deborah stirred up Barak to marshal Israel’s forces for battle, God gave their army a great victory and liberated them from their oppressor (Jgs 4). After the victory Deborah complained that “Asher sat unmoved at the seashore, remaining in his harbors” (Jgs 5:17, <span>nlt<\/span>). Eventually, through amalgamation, the tribe succumbed to Phoenician religious and cultural influences. Foreign invasion and pagan inroads were its downfall.<\/p>\n<p>Little is said in the Bible of the tribe’s leadership. At the time of the exodus, when the nation was organized at Mt Sinai, Pagiel the son of Ochran became tribal chief (Nm 1:13; 2:27; 7:72; 10:26). But the Bible is silent from then on about Asher’s leaders. None of the judges of Israel came from Asher, and in King David’s day the tribes of Asher and Gad were omitted from the list of the nation’s chief officers (1 Chr 27:16-22).<\/p>\n<p>Nevertheless, there are some bright spots in Asher’s tribal history. The tribe answered the call of Gideon to drive out the Midianite enemy (Jgs 6:1-8, 35; 7:23). They rallied with the rest of the tribes of Israel to defend Saul, their first king (1 Sm 11:7). Later, 40,000 Asherites sided with David to give him Saul’s kingdom (1 Chr 12:23-36). After the fall of Samaria in 722 <span>BC<\/span>, a small remnant came to Jerusalem to observe the first Passover feast in many years (2 Chr 30:5), when King Hezekiah (715–686 <span>BC<\/span>) invited all the tribes to assemble for the Passover (2 Chr 30:10-11).<\/p>\n<p>In the NT one of Asher’s descendants is mentioned, an 84-year-old widow named Anna, a prophetess. She described Jesus as “the redemption of Jerusalem” from the time of his dedication to the Lord in the temple (Lk 2:36-38).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Israel, History of.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>ASHER (T<span>ribe<\/span>)<\/h3>\n<p>Israelite tribe that inhabited the fertile coastal territory when the Promised Land was divided for settlement. Asher’s allotment stretched north of Mt Carmel to a point slightly above the city of Sidon. The eastern boundary ran along the western slopes of the hills of Galilee (Jos 19:24-34). The tribes of Zebulun and Naphtali were Asher’s eastern neighbors. Due south, the Carmel mountain range was a natural barrier between Asher and the tribe of Manasseh. The land of Asher was agriculturally rich and is still known for its olive groves. Economically, the people of Asher joined in maritime trade with the Phoenicians of the city of Tyre.<\/p>\n<p>As a tribe, Asher fluctuated in size. From the few who entered Egypt with their father, Jacob, the tribe grew to 41,500 adult warriors at Mt Sinai (Nm 1:40-41). At the second census in the wilderness the tribe numbered 53,400 soldiers (Nm 26:47). At the time of King David the number varied from 26,000 to 40,000 warriors (1 Chr 7:40; 12:36). Asher was never more than fifth in size among the tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>The tribe joined the rest of Israel in rejecting the optimistic reports of Caleb and Joshua about the land of Canaan (Nm 13:30–14:10). As a result, that generation perished in the wilderness after 40 years of wandering (Nm 14:22-25).<\/p>\n<p>At the close of the northern campaign in the Promised Land, Joshua gave the remaining seven tribes their own territory (Jos 18:2). The fifth partition went to Asher’s descendants. Earlier, Ahihud had been chosen by God to distribute land within the territory given to Asher’s tribe (Nm 34:16, 27). Certain Levites, descendants of Gershom, were allocated cities within its borders (Jos 21:6, 30; 1 Chr 6:62, 74).<\/p>\n<p>Like all the Israelite tribes, Asher was never able to possess all of its inheritance. Failure to drive out the inhabitants of Acco, Sidon, Ahlab, Achzib, Helbah, Aphik, and Rehob subjected the tribe to the degradations of pagan culture (Jgs 1:31). The “unpossessed” territory of the Sidonians and the Phoenicians stretched along the coastal region for 200 miles (322 kilometers). Thus “the Asherites dwelt among the Canaanites, the inhabitants of the land; for they did not drive them out” (Jgs 1:32, <span>rsv<\/span>). It is possible that Asher’s tribe, having become a partner in the enterprises of the successful Phoenicians, lost all desire to expel them from their cities.<\/p>\n<p>After the death of the Israelite judge Ehud, Israel fell into the hands of Jabin, king of Canaan. When the judge Deborah stirred up Barak to marshal Israel’s forces for battle, God gave their army a great victory and liberated them from their oppressor (Jgs 4). After the victory Deborah complained that “Asher sat unmoved at the seashore, remaining in his harbors” (Jgs 5:17, <span>nlt<\/span>). Eventually, through amalgamation, the tribe succumbed to Phoenician religious and cultural influences. Foreign invasion and pagan inroads were its downfall.<\/p>\n<p>Little is said in the Bible of the tribe’s leadership. At the time of the exodus, when the nation was organized at Mt Sinai, Pagiel the son of Ochran became tribal chief (Nm 1:13; 2:27; 7:72; 10:26). But the Bible is silent from then on about Asher’s leaders. None of the judges of Israel came from Asher, and in King David’s day the tribes of Asher and Gad were omitted from the list of the nation’s chief officers (1 Chr 27:16-22).<\/p>\n<p>Nevertheless, there are some bright spots in Asher’s tribal history. The tribe answered the call of Gideon to drive out the Midianite enemy (Jgs 6:1-8, 35; 7:23). They rallied with the rest of the tribes of Israel to defend Saul, their first king (1 Sm 11:7). Later, 40,000 Asherites sided with David to give him Saul’s kingdom (1 Chr 12:23-36). After the fall of Samaria in 722 <span>BC<\/span>, a small remnant came to Jerusalem to observe the first Passover feast in many years (2 Chr 30:5), when King Hezekiah (715–686 <span>BC<\/span>) invited all the tribes to assemble for the Passover (2 Chr 30:10-11).<\/p>\n<p>In the NT one of Asher’s descendants is mentioned, an 84-year-old widow named Anna, a prophetess. She described Jesus as “the redemption of Jerusalem” from the time of his dedication to the Lord in the temple (Lk 2:36-38).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Israel, History of.<\/p>","summary_ro":"ASHER (Tribe) Israelite tribe that inhabited the fertile coastal territory when the Promised Land was divided for settlement. Asher’s allotment stretched north of Mt Carmel to a point slightly above the city of Sidon. The eastern boundary ran along the western slopes of the hills of Galilee (Jos 19:24-34). The tribes of Zebulun and Naphtali were Asher’s eastern neighbors. Due south, the Carmel mountain range was a natural barrier between Asher and the tribe of Manasseh. The land of Asher was ...","summary_en":"ASHER (Tribe) Israelite tribe that inhabited the fertile coastal territory when the Promised Land was divided for settlement. Asher’s allotment stretched north of Mt Carmel to a point slightly above the city of Sidon. The eastern boundary ran along the western slopes of the hills of Galilee (Jos 19:24-34). The tribes of Zebulun and Naphtali were Asher’s eastern neighbors. Due south, the Carmel mountain range was a natural barrier between Asher and the tribe of Manasseh. The land of Asher was ...","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":16074,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Helbah","title_en":"Helbah","content_ro":"<h3>HELBAH<\/h3>\n<p>One of the Canaanite strongholds that was not conquered by the tribe of Asher after they took possession of the land (Jgs 1:31).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>HELBAH<\/h3>\n<p>One of the Canaanite strongholds that was not conquered by the tribe of Asher after they took possession of the land (Jgs 1:31).<\/p>","summary_ro":"HELBAH One of the Canaanite strongholds that was not conquered by the tribe of Asher after they took possession of the land (Jgs 1:31).","summary_en":"HELBAH One of the Canaanite strongholds that was not conquered by the tribe of Asher after they took possession of the land (Jgs 1:31).","source":"Articles\/H.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":23921,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Mahalab*","title_en":"Mahalab*","content_ro":"<h3>MAHALAB*<\/h3>\n<p>Reconstructed name of a town in Asher’s tribe (Jos 19:29, <span>nlt<\/span> “Mehebel”); the Hebrew text has a transposition of the last two consonants, but the town is probably the same as Ahlab and Helbah of Judges 1:31. The correct name is preserved in the Assyrian annals of Sennacherib as Mahalliba; another text has Mahalab. The town is sometimes identified with Khirbet el-Mahalib, northeast of Tyre.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Ahlab.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>MAHALAB*<\/h3>\n<p>Reconstructed name of a town in Asher’s tribe (Jos 19:29, <span>nlt<\/span> “Mehebel”); the Hebrew text has a transposition of the last two consonants, but the town is probably the same as Ahlab and Helbah of Judges 1:31. The correct name is preserved in the Assyrian annals of Sennacherib as Mahalliba; another text has Mahalab. The town is sometimes identified with Khirbet el-Mahalib, northeast of Tyre.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Ahlab.<\/p>","summary_ro":"MAHALAB* Reconstructed name of a town in Asher’s tribe (Jos 19:29, nlt “Mehebel”); the Hebrew text has a transposition of the last two consonants, but the town is probably the same as Ahlab and Helbah of Judges 1:31. The correct name is preserved in the Assyrian annals of Sennacherib as Mahalliba; another text has Mahalab. The town is sometimes identified with Khirbet el-Mahalib, northeast of Tyre. See also Ahlab.","summary_en":"MAHALAB* Reconstructed name of a town in Asher’s tribe (Jos 19:29, nlt “Mehebel”); the Hebrew text has a transposition of the last two consonants, but the town is probably the same as Ahlab and Helbah of Judges 1:31. The correct name is preserved in the Assyrian annals of Sennacherib as Mahalliba; another text has Mahalab. The town is sometimes identified with Khirbet el-Mahalib, northeast of Tyre. See also Ahlab.","source":"Articles\/M.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":28771,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Palestine*","title_en":"Palestine*","content_ro":"<h3>PALESTINE*<\/h3>\n<p>Country on the eastern shore of the Mediterranean Sea, also known as Canaan and Israel. Palestine was situated at the west end of the Fertile Crescent—that arching stretch of highly productive land that ran from the Persian Gulf through Mesopotamia and Syria to Egypt. Palestine lay in a unique position, for it constituted a land bridge between Mesopotamia and Egypt, the two primary cultural centers of the ancient Near East. It also served as a connection between the continents of Asia and Africa and as a continental link between Africa and Europe. Trade moved by well-defined routes as goods were brought into the Fertile Crescent from as far as northern Europe, India, and south of Egypt. The same roads were followed by prospective conquerors as they moved their armies from area to area in quest of power and wealth.<\/p>\n<p>It was the land promised by God to Abraham and his descendants, the homeland of God’s chosen people, and the geographical scene for much of biblical history. It has become a land sacred to three great world religions: Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. Physically, Palestine is a kind of microcosm. In a stretch of 150 miles (241.4 kilometers) one can find almost every kind of climate and terrain known on the earth. It has fertile plains, sandy deserts, rocky wastes, forests, mountains, lakes, and rivers. With such a variety in so small an area, the land provides sharp contrasts. In the north, Mt Hermon stands perpetually snowcapped at an altitude of about 9,100 feet (2,773.7 meters), while a scant 100 miles (160.9 kilometers) distant in the subtropical depression of the Jordan Valley is the Dead Sea, representing the deepest spot on the earth.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Name<\/p>\n<p>• Territory<\/p>\n<p>• Climate<\/p>\n<p>• Geography<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Name\">Name<\/p>\n<p>This land has been known by many names over its long history. The country seems to have been named after the maritime region, perhaps because this was the area that most foreigners contacted. So the land was called Canaan and later named after Philistia. In the table of nations, Canaan is said to have extended from Sidon in the north toward Gerar as far as Gaza and east toward the Cities of the Plain (Gn 10:19). The name Canaan appears in the Bible; the first occurrence of the name as that of a country or region is in Genesis 11:31.<\/p>\n<p>After the Israelite conquest of Canaan, the country was known as the land of Israel (1 Sm 13:19; 1 Chr 22:2). With the division of the kingdom in the reign of Rehoboam (930 <span>BC<\/span>), the name Israel went with the northern kingdom, and the southern kingdom was known as Judah (later, Judea).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Territory\">Territory<\/p>\n<p>The earliest reference to the extent of Palestine appears in the promise of the land to Abraham and to his descendants (Gn 15:18-21). Here the borders are given as the River of Egypt (Wadi el-Arish) in the southwest to the Euphrates River in the northeast. It is further defined in terms of the peoples who occupied it at that time, 10 in all, including the Kenites, the Kenizzites, the Kadmonites, the Hittites, the Perizzites, the Rephaim, the Amorites, the Canaanites, the Girgashites, and the Jebusites. In Genesis 17:8 the land is called simply “all the land of Canaan.”<\/p>\n<p>The Lord gave more detailed directions to Moses concerning the borders of the land that Israel was to occupy (Nm 34:1-12). The southern boundary was to be from the River of Egypt to the south of Kadesh-barnea and along the wilderness of Zin to the southern extremity of the Dead Sea. The western boundary was the Mediterranean, the northern border was set at the entrance to Hamath, and the eastern limit was the Jordan River and the Dead Sea.<\/p>\n<p>The greatest extent of the Promised Land is seen in the Lord’s declaration to Moses that he would set the bounds of Israel from the Red Sea to the Sea of the Philistines (Mediterranean) and from the wilderness to the Euphrates River (Ex 23:31). Historically, during the period of the judges and the reign of Saul, Israel did not conquer the land that had been given to the tribes in the division under Joshua. The military strength of David and the diplomacy of Solomon enabled them to achieve a marked expansion of Israelite rule. David defeated Hadadezer, king of Zobah, and thus pushed his northern frontier to the Euphrates River; he defeated Syria, Ammon, Moab, Edom, and Amalek, enlarging the kingdom also to the east and south (2 Sm 8:1-14; 1 Chr 18:1-13). Solomon had a fleet of merchant ships stationed at Ezion-geber on the Gulf of Aqaba. He also engaged in copper mining in that area.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Climate\">Climate<\/p>\n<p>It has been said that the climate of Palestine is more varied than that of any other area of comparable size in the world. Generally, the climate may be described as temperate; at Jerusalem, for example, the temperature extremes range from 26°F (-3.3°C) to 107°F (41.6°C), and the average annual rainfall is about 20 inches (50.8 centimeters). The coastal plain is warmer and has been compared to the east coast of Florida. The average annual temperature at Jaffa (Joppa) is 67° F (19.4°C). The Jordan Valley in the area of the Dead Sea is subtropical; in summer its temperatures may reach 120°F (48.8°C).<\/p>\n<p>Rainfall is seasonal, with rain coming in the cooler months of the year as the prevailing west wind brings moisture over the comparatively colder land area, much like the “lake effect” snows of the Great Lakes region of the United States. The rainy season extends from October to April. Within this time the Israelites singled out two periods (Jer 5:24; Jl 2:23), the former rain and the latter rain, with the former rain occurring in the months of October and November and the latter rain falling in March and April. The coastal area receives about 28 inches (71.1 centimeters) of rain annually, while the average for the country in general is 22 to 24 inches (55.9–70 centimeters).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Geography\">Geography<\/p>\n<p>For purposes of description, the land of Palestine may be conveniently divided into five longitudinal sections:<\/p>\n<p>1. The Maritime or Coastal Plain<\/p>\n<li>2. The Shephelah<\/li>\n<li>3. The Western Plateau or Hill Country<\/li>\n<li>4. The Arabah or Jordan Valley<\/li>\n<li>5. The Eastern Plateau or Transjordan<\/li>\n<p>These divisions are based essentially on differences in elevation, but other geographic elements also serve to mark their limits or otherwise distinguish them.<\/p>\n\n<h5>The Maritime or Coastal Plain<\/h5>\n<p>The Maritime or Coastal Plain may be divided into three separate plains from south to north: the plain of Philistia, the plain of Sharon, and the plain of Acre.<\/p>\n<p>1. The plain of Philistia begins with the Wadi el-Arish, or River of Egypt, and extends north to the Nahr el-Auja, about five miles (8 kilometers) north of Joppa. This plain is about 70 miles (112.6 kilometers) long and reaches its greatest width in the latitude of Gaza, where it measures about 30 miles (48.3 kilometers). Along the Mediterranean there were dunes of sand, but for the most part, this area was very fertile and admirably suited for the production of grain.<\/p>\n<li>2. The plain of Sharon is not sharply demarcated from the Philistine plain and was probably under Philistine control, but the OT recognizes it as a separate entity (cf. Sg 2:1; Is 65:10). The plain extends north to Mt Carmel. On the coast are the town of Dor, which is mentioned in “The Tale of Wenamon,” and the city of Caesarea, where Herod the Great did much building.<\/li>\n<li>3. Beyond the promontory of Carmel lies a bay on which was situated the city named Ptolemais (Acts 21:7), also known as Acre or Acco (Jgs 1:31). Here a narrow plain stretches some 20 miles (32.2 kilometers) to the Ladder of Tyre (Ras en-Nakurah). The Kishon River (Jgs 4:7, 13; 1 Kgs 18:40) flows through this plain to the sea.<\/li>\n<h5>The Shephelah<\/h5>\n<p>The Shephelah constitutes a kind of “midlands,” intermediate between the lowlands of the coastal plain and the highlands of the Western Plateau, with an elevation of about 500 to 1,000 feet (152.4– 304.8 meters) and a width of only a few miles. It extends from the valley of Aijalon to Beersheba.<\/p>\n<p>The valleys of the Shephelah produced grain crops, while the hills were well suited for grapes and olives. The region was very important strategically, because it afforded approaches to Jerusalem.<\/p>\n<h5>The Western Plateau or Hill Country<\/h5>\n<p>The Western Plateau or Hill Country ranges from 1,000 to 4,000 feet (304.8–609.6 meters) in elevation and covers some 150 miles (241.4 kilometers) from Lebanon to Beersheba. It may also be divided into three areas: Galilee, Samaria, and Judea.<\/p>\n<p>1. Galilee may be regarded as two parts, Upper Galilee (2,000–4,000 feet, or 609.6–1,219.2 meters) and Lower Galilee (below 2,000 feet, or 609.6 meters). The area was agricultural and pastoral, like much of Palestine, and was open to invasion. The highways that traversed Galilee made it a cosmopolitan district, so that Isaiah 9:1 calls it “Galilee of the nations.”<\/p>\n<li>2. Samaria was also suitable for crops and pasture. The brothers of Joseph were grazing their flocks in the plain of Dothan when Joseph visited them and became the victim of their conspiracy (Gn 37:17).<\/li>\n<li>3. Judea has an elevation of about 2,000 to 3,500 feet (609.6–1,066.8 meters) and reaches some 60 miles (96.5 kilometers) from Bethel to Beersheba. The city of Jerusalem stands at an elevation of 2,654 feet (808.9 meters), surrounded by mountains and valleys that served as part of its defense system (Ps 125:2). This was the heart of the nation, for from the time of David onward, the capital was here, and more important, the ark of the covenant had been brought here during David’s reign. As the Lord had long foretold, Jerusalem had become the center of his worship; here Solomon built the temple, one of the greatest structures ever made.<\/li>\n<h5>The Arabah or Jordan Valley<\/h5>\n<p>The Arabah or Jordan Valley presents the extremes of height and depth. Mt Hermon rises to 9,166 feet (2,793.8 meters), while the surface of the Dead Sea lies 1,275 feet (395 meters) below sea level, and at its deepest part the sea plunges another 1,300 feet (396.2 meters).<\/p>\n<p>1. The North Arabah or Upper Jordan Valley. The Jordan River has four sources, all near Mt Hermon. The Jordan flows through what was Lake Huleh, now partly drained and designated as a wildlife refuge. Two miles (3.2 kilometers) below the Huleh basin is the Bridge of Jacob’s Daughters, by which the old road to Damascus crossed the river. The Jordan then flows into a gorge some 1,200 feet (365.8 meters) deep.<\/p>\n<li>2. The Sea of Galilee, about 10 miles (16.1 kilometers) from Huleh, has an elevation of -685 feet (-208.8 meters). It measures 15 by 8 miles (24.1 by 12.9 kilometers), with a maximum depth of 750 feet (228.6 meters). The shape of the lake gave it the OT name, Chinnereth, meaning “harp” (Nm 34:11; Jos 13:27). In the NT it was also called the Lake of Gennesaret (Lk 5:1) and the Sea of Tiberias (Jn 6:1; 21:1).<\/li>\n<li>3. The Middle Arabah, or Ghor. The name Jordan means “descender”; in the 60 miles or 96.5 kilometers (in a straight line) from the outlet of the Sea of Galilee to the northern end of the Dead Sea there is a fall of more than 600 feet (182.9 meters), or 10 feet per mile. The river flows in a series of S-curves or zigzags, so that its actual course between Galilee and the Dead Sea covers some 200 miles (321.8 kilometers).<\/li>\n<p>This stretch of the Jordan Valley is known as the Ghor, or Rift. Six miles (9.7 kilometers) below the Sea of Galilee the Yarmuk River enters from the east. Some smaller streams empty into the Jordan, but the next river of consequence is the Jabbok (Gn 32:22). Just south of the Sea of Galilee the Ghor is about four miles (6.4 kilometers) wide; near Beth-shan it reaches seven miles (11.3 kilometers) wide; beyond that for some 15 miles (24.1 kilometers) the mountains close in on the river on both sides, narrowing the valley to two to three miles (3.2 to 4.8 kilometers); near Jericho it broadens to about 12 miles (19.3 kilometers).<\/p>\n<li>4. The Dead Sea is unique. Its surface is the deepest point on the face of the earth and its waters are of tremendous wealth. In the OT it is known as the Salt Sea (Gn 14:3; Nm 34:12; Jos 12:3) and the Sea of Arabah (Jos 12:3). Josephus calls it Lake Asphaltitis.<\/li>\n<p>This body of water is 46 miles (74 kilometers) long, 10 miles (16.1 kilometers) wide, and 1,300 feet (396.2 meters) deep and consists of about 25 percent mineral matter, making it a chemical deposit of great value. In addition to the flow of the Jordan, the Dead Sea receives the water of other streams, such as the Arnon River on the east. Much of the runoff of the seasonal rains also finds its way into the Salt Sea. Temperatures in the valley may reach 120° F (48.8° C) in summer; with the extreme humidity the climate is very debilitating and almost unbearable. It is estimated that the daily evaporation from the sea is 6 to 8 million tons (5.4–7.3 million metric tons).<\/p>\n<li>5. The Southern Arabah, mostly a barren wilderness, extends from the Dead Sea to the Gulf of Aqaba, a distance of 150 miles (241.4 kilometers). There is a gradual ascent from the Dead Sea to a watershed just west of Petra. Near the tip of the Gulf of Aqaba were the ports of Elath (modern Eilat) and Ezion-geber.<\/li>\n<h5>The Eastern Plateau or Transjordan<\/h5>\n<p>The Eastern Plateau, or Transjordan, was not named as part of the land of promise, but it was taken by the tribes of Reuben, Gad, and half of Manasseh. The region is better supplied with water than the Western Plateau and has perennial streams, such as the Yarmuk, Jabbok, and Arnon. A principal north-south road was the King’s Highway, followed by the Israelites during the exodus (Nm 21:22) and probably also the route taken by the invading kings of Genesis 14.<\/p>\n<p>The northern section of Transjordan was known as Bashan, noted for its cattle (Ps 22:12; Ez 39:18) and for its oak trees (Is 2:13; Zec 11:2).<\/p>\n<p>Gilead, famed for its balm (Gn 37:25; Jer 8:22), was often mentioned in the OT (e.g., Dt 3:10-16; Jgs 11). It extended from the Yarmuk River to the city of Heshbon. This area was heavily forested in David’s time (cf. 2 Sm 18:8).<\/p>\n<p>In Palestine proper there were two important divisions: the plain of Esdraelon and the Negev. The plain of Esdraelon, often associated prophetically with Armageddon, lies between Galilee and Samaria. This is one of the most fertile areas of Palestine and also was the scene of numerous battles. The plain was guarded by fortress cities on its southern side (Megiddo, Ibleam, and Taanach). In the OT the valley of Jezreel was not regarded as a part of Esdraelon but as the valley between the hill of Moreh and Mt Gilboa. At the eastern end was the stronghold of Beth-shan.<\/p>\n<p>In the extreme south of the land is the wilderness area called the Negev, or South Country. This begins in the region of Beersheba and extends roughly to Kadesh-barnea. A district of infrequent and irregular rainfall, its agriculture is restricted, although a nomadic pastoral life has been widely practiced there. <em>See<\/em> Arabah; Conquest and Allotment of the Land; Dead Sea; Decapolis; Sea of Galilee; Jordan River; Negev; Shephelah; Transjordan.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>PALESTINE*<\/h3>\n<p>Country on the eastern shore of the Mediterranean Sea, also known as Canaan and Israel. Palestine was situated at the west end of the Fertile Crescent—that arching stretch of highly productive land that ran from the Persian Gulf through Mesopotamia and Syria to Egypt. Palestine lay in a unique position, for it constituted a land bridge between Mesopotamia and Egypt, the two primary cultural centers of the ancient Near East. It also served as a connection between the continents of Asia and Africa and as a continental link between Africa and Europe. Trade moved by well-defined routes as goods were brought into the Fertile Crescent from as far as northern Europe, India, and south of Egypt. The same roads were followed by prospective conquerors as they moved their armies from area to area in quest of power and wealth.<\/p>\n<p>It was the land promised by God to Abraham and his descendants, the homeland of God’s chosen people, and the geographical scene for much of biblical history. It has become a land sacred to three great world religions: Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. Physically, Palestine is a kind of microcosm. In a stretch of 150 miles (241.4 kilometers) one can find almost every kind of climate and terrain known on the earth. It has fertile plains, sandy deserts, rocky wastes, forests, mountains, lakes, and rivers. With such a variety in so small an area, the land provides sharp contrasts. In the north, Mt Hermon stands perpetually snowcapped at an altitude of about 9,100 feet (2,773.7 meters), while a scant 100 miles (160.9 kilometers) distant in the subtropical depression of the Jordan Valley is the Dead Sea, representing the deepest spot on the earth.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Name<\/p>\n<p>• Territory<\/p>\n<p>• Climate<\/p>\n<p>• Geography<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Name\">Name<\/p>\n<p>This land has been known by many names over its long history. The country seems to have been named after the maritime region, perhaps because this was the area that most foreigners contacted. So the land was called Canaan and later named after Philistia. In the table of nations, Canaan is said to have extended from Sidon in the north toward Gerar as far as Gaza and east toward the Cities of the Plain (Gn 10:19). The name Canaan appears in the Bible; the first occurrence of the name as that of a country or region is in Genesis 11:31.<\/p>\n<p>After the Israelite conquest of Canaan, the country was known as the land of Israel (1 Sm 13:19; 1 Chr 22:2). With the division of the kingdom in the reign of Rehoboam (930 <span>BC<\/span>), the name Israel went with the northern kingdom, and the southern kingdom was known as Judah (later, Judea).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Territory\">Territory<\/p>\n<p>The earliest reference to the extent of Palestine appears in the promise of the land to Abraham and to his descendants (Gn 15:18-21). Here the borders are given as the River of Egypt (Wadi el-Arish) in the southwest to the Euphrates River in the northeast. It is further defined in terms of the peoples who occupied it at that time, 10 in all, including the Kenites, the Kenizzites, the Kadmonites, the Hittites, the Perizzites, the Rephaim, the Amorites, the Canaanites, the Girgashites, and the Jebusites. In Genesis 17:8 the land is called simply “all the land of Canaan.”<\/p>\n<p>The Lord gave more detailed directions to Moses concerning the borders of the land that Israel was to occupy (Nm 34:1-12). The southern boundary was to be from the River of Egypt to the south of Kadesh-barnea and along the wilderness of Zin to the southern extremity of the Dead Sea. The western boundary was the Mediterranean, the northern border was set at the entrance to Hamath, and the eastern limit was the Jordan River and the Dead Sea.<\/p>\n<p>The greatest extent of the Promised Land is seen in the Lord’s declaration to Moses that he would set the bounds of Israel from the Red Sea to the Sea of the Philistines (Mediterranean) and from the wilderness to the Euphrates River (Ex 23:31). Historically, during the period of the judges and the reign of Saul, Israel did not conquer the land that had been given to the tribes in the division under Joshua. The military strength of David and the diplomacy of Solomon enabled them to achieve a marked expansion of Israelite rule. David defeated Hadadezer, king of Zobah, and thus pushed his northern frontier to the Euphrates River; he defeated Syria, Ammon, Moab, Edom, and Amalek, enlarging the kingdom also to the east and south (2 Sm 8:1-14; 1 Chr 18:1-13). Solomon had a fleet of merchant ships stationed at Ezion-geber on the Gulf of Aqaba. He also engaged in copper mining in that area.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Climate\">Climate<\/p>\n<p>It has been said that the climate of Palestine is more varied than that of any other area of comparable size in the world. Generally, the climate may be described as temperate; at Jerusalem, for example, the temperature extremes range from 26°F (-3.3°C) to 107°F (41.6°C), and the average annual rainfall is about 20 inches (50.8 centimeters). The coastal plain is warmer and has been compared to the east coast of Florida. The average annual temperature at Jaffa (Joppa) is 67° F (19.4°C). The Jordan Valley in the area of the Dead Sea is subtropical; in summer its temperatures may reach 120°F (48.8°C).<\/p>\n<p>Rainfall is seasonal, with rain coming in the cooler months of the year as the prevailing west wind brings moisture over the comparatively colder land area, much like the “lake effect” snows of the Great Lakes region of the United States. The rainy season extends from October to April. Within this time the Israelites singled out two periods (Jer 5:24; Jl 2:23), the former rain and the latter rain, with the former rain occurring in the months of October and November and the latter rain falling in March and April. The coastal area receives about 28 inches (71.1 centimeters) of rain annually, while the average for the country in general is 22 to 24 inches (55.9–70 centimeters).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Geography\">Geography<\/p>\n<p>For purposes of description, the land of Palestine may be conveniently divided into five longitudinal sections:<\/p>\n<p>1. The Maritime or Coastal Plain<\/p>\n<li>2. The Shephelah<\/li>\n<li>3. The Western Plateau or Hill Country<\/li>\n<li>4. The Arabah or Jordan Valley<\/li>\n<li>5. The Eastern Plateau or Transjordan<\/li>\n<p>These divisions are based essentially on differences in elevation, but other geographic elements also serve to mark their limits or otherwise distinguish them.<\/p>\n\n<h5>The Maritime or Coastal Plain<\/h5>\n<p>The Maritime or Coastal Plain may be divided into three separate plains from south to north: the plain of Philistia, the plain of Sharon, and the plain of Acre.<\/p>\n<p>1. The plain of Philistia begins with the Wadi el-Arish, or River of Egypt, and extends north to the Nahr el-Auja, about five miles (8 kilometers) north of Joppa. This plain is about 70 miles (112.6 kilometers) long and reaches its greatest width in the latitude of Gaza, where it measures about 30 miles (48.3 kilometers). Along the Mediterranean there were dunes of sand, but for the most part, this area was very fertile and admirably suited for the production of grain.<\/p>\n<li>2. The plain of Sharon is not sharply demarcated from the Philistine plain and was probably under Philistine control, but the OT recognizes it as a separate entity (cf. Sg 2:1; Is 65:10). The plain extends north to Mt Carmel. On the coast are the town of Dor, which is mentioned in “The Tale of Wenamon,” and the city of Caesarea, where Herod the Great did much building.<\/li>\n<li>3. Beyond the promontory of Carmel lies a bay on which was situated the city named Ptolemais (Acts 21:7), also known as Acre or Acco (Jgs 1:31). Here a narrow plain stretches some 20 miles (32.2 kilometers) to the Ladder of Tyre (Ras en-Nakurah). The Kishon River (Jgs 4:7, 13; 1 Kgs 18:40) flows through this plain to the sea.<\/li>\n<h5>The Shephelah<\/h5>\n<p>The Shephelah constitutes a kind of “midlands,” intermediate between the lowlands of the coastal plain and the highlands of the Western Plateau, with an elevation of about 500 to 1,000 feet (152.4– 304.8 meters) and a width of only a few miles. It extends from the valley of Aijalon to Beersheba.<\/p>\n<p>The valleys of the Shephelah produced grain crops, while the hills were well suited for grapes and olives. The region was very important strategically, because it afforded approaches to Jerusalem.<\/p>\n<h5>The Western Plateau or Hill Country<\/h5>\n<p>The Western Plateau or Hill Country ranges from 1,000 to 4,000 feet (304.8–609.6 meters) in elevation and covers some 150 miles (241.4 kilometers) from Lebanon to Beersheba. It may also be divided into three areas: Galilee, Samaria, and Judea.<\/p>\n<p>1. Galilee may be regarded as two parts, Upper Galilee (2,000–4,000 feet, or 609.6–1,219.2 meters) and Lower Galilee (below 2,000 feet, or 609.6 meters). The area was agricultural and pastoral, like much of Palestine, and was open to invasion. The highways that traversed Galilee made it a cosmopolitan district, so that Isaiah 9:1 calls it “Galilee of the nations.”<\/p>\n<li>2. Samaria was also suitable for crops and pasture. The brothers of Joseph were grazing their flocks in the plain of Dothan when Joseph visited them and became the victim of their conspiracy (Gn 37:17).<\/li>\n<li>3. Judea has an elevation of about 2,000 to 3,500 feet (609.6–1,066.8 meters) and reaches some 60 miles (96.5 kilometers) from Bethel to Beersheba. The city of Jerusalem stands at an elevation of 2,654 feet (808.9 meters), surrounded by mountains and valleys that served as part of its defense system (Ps 125:2). This was the heart of the nation, for from the time of David onward, the capital was here, and more important, the ark of the covenant had been brought here during David’s reign. As the Lord had long foretold, Jerusalem had become the center of his worship; here Solomon built the temple, one of the greatest structures ever made.<\/li>\n<h5>The Arabah or Jordan Valley<\/h5>\n<p>The Arabah or Jordan Valley presents the extremes of height and depth. Mt Hermon rises to 9,166 feet (2,793.8 meters), while the surface of the Dead Sea lies 1,275 feet (395 meters) below sea level, and at its deepest part the sea plunges another 1,300 feet (396.2 meters).<\/p>\n<p>1. The North Arabah or Upper Jordan Valley. The Jordan River has four sources, all near Mt Hermon. The Jordan flows through what was Lake Huleh, now partly drained and designated as a wildlife refuge. Two miles (3.2 kilometers) below the Huleh basin is the Bridge of Jacob’s Daughters, by which the old road to Damascus crossed the river. The Jordan then flows into a gorge some 1,200 feet (365.8 meters) deep.<\/p>\n<li>2. The Sea of Galilee, about 10 miles (16.1 kilometers) from Huleh, has an elevation of -685 feet (-208.8 meters). It measures 15 by 8 miles (24.1 by 12.9 kilometers), with a maximum depth of 750 feet (228.6 meters). The shape of the lake gave it the OT name, Chinnereth, meaning “harp” (Nm 34:11; Jos 13:27). In the NT it was also called the Lake of Gennesaret (Lk 5:1) and the Sea of Tiberias (Jn 6:1; 21:1).<\/li>\n<li>3. The Middle Arabah, or Ghor. The name Jordan means “descender”; in the 60 miles or 96.5 kilometers (in a straight line) from the outlet of the Sea of Galilee to the northern end of the Dead Sea there is a fall of more than 600 feet (182.9 meters), or 10 feet per mile. The river flows in a series of S-curves or zigzags, so that its actual course between Galilee and the Dead Sea covers some 200 miles (321.8 kilometers).<\/li>\n<p>This stretch of the Jordan Valley is known as the Ghor, or Rift. Six miles (9.7 kilometers) below the Sea of Galilee the Yarmuk River enters from the east. Some smaller streams empty into the Jordan, but the next river of consequence is the Jabbok (Gn 32:22). Just south of the Sea of Galilee the Ghor is about four miles (6.4 kilometers) wide; near Beth-shan it reaches seven miles (11.3 kilometers) wide; beyond that for some 15 miles (24.1 kilometers) the mountains close in on the river on both sides, narrowing the valley to two to three miles (3.2 to 4.8 kilometers); near Jericho it broadens to about 12 miles (19.3 kilometers).<\/p>\n<li>4. The Dead Sea is unique. Its surface is the deepest point on the face of the earth and its waters are of tremendous wealth. In the OT it is known as the Salt Sea (Gn 14:3; Nm 34:12; Jos 12:3) and the Sea of Arabah (Jos 12:3). Josephus calls it Lake Asphaltitis.<\/li>\n<p>This body of water is 46 miles (74 kilometers) long, 10 miles (16.1 kilometers) wide, and 1,300 feet (396.2 meters) deep and consists of about 25 percent mineral matter, making it a chemical deposit of great value. In addition to the flow of the Jordan, the Dead Sea receives the water of other streams, such as the Arnon River on the east. Much of the runoff of the seasonal rains also finds its way into the Salt Sea. Temperatures in the valley may reach 120° F (48.8° C) in summer; with the extreme humidity the climate is very debilitating and almost unbearable. It is estimated that the daily evaporation from the sea is 6 to 8 million tons (5.4–7.3 million metric tons).<\/p>\n<li>5. The Southern Arabah, mostly a barren wilderness, extends from the Dead Sea to the Gulf of Aqaba, a distance of 150 miles (241.4 kilometers). There is a gradual ascent from the Dead Sea to a watershed just west of Petra. Near the tip of the Gulf of Aqaba were the ports of Elath (modern Eilat) and Ezion-geber.<\/li>\n<h5>The Eastern Plateau or Transjordan<\/h5>\n<p>The Eastern Plateau, or Transjordan, was not named as part of the land of promise, but it was taken by the tribes of Reuben, Gad, and half of Manasseh. The region is better supplied with water than the Western Plateau and has perennial streams, such as the Yarmuk, Jabbok, and Arnon. A principal north-south road was the King’s Highway, followed by the Israelites during the exodus (Nm 21:22) and probably also the route taken by the invading kings of Genesis 14.<\/p>\n<p>The northern section of Transjordan was known as Bashan, noted for its cattle (Ps 22:12; Ez 39:18) and for its oak trees (Is 2:13; Zec 11:2).<\/p>\n<p>Gilead, famed for its balm (Gn 37:25; Jer 8:22), was often mentioned in the OT (e.g., Dt 3:10-16; Jgs 11). It extended from the Yarmuk River to the city of Heshbon. This area was heavily forested in David’s time (cf. 2 Sm 18:8).<\/p>\n<p>In Palestine proper there were two important divisions: the plain of Esdraelon and the Negev. The plain of Esdraelon, often associated prophetically with Armageddon, lies between Galilee and Samaria. This is one of the most fertile areas of Palestine and also was the scene of numerous battles. The plain was guarded by fortress cities on its southern side (Megiddo, Ibleam, and Taanach). In the OT the valley of Jezreel was not regarded as a part of Esdraelon but as the valley between the hill of Moreh and Mt Gilboa. At the eastern end was the stronghold of Beth-shan.<\/p>\n<p>In the extreme south of the land is the wilderness area called the Negev, or South Country. This begins in the region of Beersheba and extends roughly to Kadesh-barnea. A district of infrequent and irregular rainfall, its agriculture is restricted, although a nomadic pastoral life has been widely practiced there. <em>See<\/em> Arabah; Conquest and Allotment of the Land; Dead Sea; Decapolis; Sea of Galilee; Jordan River; Negev; Shephelah; Transjordan.<\/p>","summary_ro":"PALESTINE* Country on the eastern shore of the Mediterranean Sea, also known as Canaan and Israel. Palestine was situated at the west end of the Fertile Crescent—that arching stretch of highly productive land that ran from the Persian Gulf through Mesopotamia and Syria to Egypt. Palestine lay in a unique position, for it constituted a land bridge between Mesopotamia and Egypt, the two primary cultural centers of the ancient Near East. It also served as a connection between the continents of A...","summary_en":"PALESTINE* Country on the eastern shore of the Mediterranean Sea, also known as Canaan and Israel. Palestine was situated at the west end of the Fertile Crescent—that arching stretch of highly productive land that ran from the Persian Gulf through Mesopotamia and Syria to Egypt. Palestine lay in a unique position, for it constituted a land bridge between Mesopotamia and Egypt, the two primary cultural centers of the ancient Near East. It also served as a connection between the continents of A...","source":"Articles\/P.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":32626,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Rehob (Place)","title_en":"Rehob (Place)","content_ro":"<h3>REHOB (P<span>lace<\/span>)<\/h3>\n<li>1. Northernmost territory explored by the Israelite spies prior to occupation of Canaan (Nm 13:21). It agrees with the location of Beth-rehob (Jgs 18:28) and is mentioned with Zobah and Maacah as an opponent of David in the Ammonite war (2 Sm 10:6-8).<\/li>\n<li>2. Two cities belonging to Asher’s tribe (Jos 19:28-30). One was given to the Levitical family of Gershon (Jos 21:31) and became a city of refuge (1 Chr 6:75). The other remained in Canaanite hands (Jgs 1:31). Some scholars identify the references as one city.<\/li>\n<li><em>See also<\/em> Cities of Refuge; Levitical Cities.<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>REHOB (P<span>lace<\/span>)<\/h3>\n<li>1. Northernmost territory explored by the Israelite spies prior to occupation of Canaan (Nm 13:21). It agrees with the location of Beth-rehob (Jgs 18:28) and is mentioned with Zobah and Maacah as an opponent of David in the Ammonite war (2 Sm 10:6-8).<\/li>\n<li>2. Two cities belonging to Asher’s tribe (Jos 19:28-30). One was given to the Levitical family of Gershon (Jos 21:31) and became a city of refuge (1 Chr 6:75). The other remained in Canaanite hands (Jgs 1:31). Some scholars identify the references as one city.<\/li>\n<li><em>See also<\/em> Cities of Refuge; Levitical Cities.<\/li>","summary_ro":"REHOB (Place) 1. Northernmost territory explored by the Israelite spies prior to occupation of Canaan (Nm 13:21). It agrees with the location of Beth-rehob (Jgs 18:28) and is mentioned with Zobah and Maacah as an opponent of David in the Ammonite war (2 Sm 10:6-8). 2. Two cities belonging to Asher’s tribe (Jos 19:28-30). One was given to the Levitical family of Gershon (Jos 21:31) and became a city of refuge (1 Chr 6:75). The other remained in Canaanite hands (Jgs 1:31). Some scholars identif...","summary_en":"REHOB (Place) 1. Northernmost territory explored by the Israelite spies prior to occupation of Canaan (Nm 13:21). It agrees with the location of Beth-rehob (Jgs 18:28) and is mentioned with Zobah and Maacah as an opponent of David in the Ammonite war (2 Sm 10:6-8). 2. Two cities belonging to Asher’s tribe (Jos 19:28-30). One was given to the Levitical family of Gershon (Jos 21:31) and became a city of refuge (1 Chr 6:75). The other remained in Canaanite hands (Jgs 1:31). Some scholars identif...","source":"Articles\/R.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":35283,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Sidonian Sidon (Place)","title_en":"Sidonian Sidon (Place)","content_ro":"<h3>SIDON (Place), SIDONIAN<\/h3>\n<p>City on the Phoenician coast, between Beirut and Tyre; frequently called Zidon in the <span>kjv<\/span>. The present town, Saida, is not regarded as a direct continuation of the ancient city but rather a development of post-Crusader times. The names Sidon and Sidonian appear 38 times in the OT, and Sidon occurs 12 times in the NT.<\/p>\n<p>The relative antiquity of Byblos (Gebal, Jebeil), Tyre, and Sidon may be determined by the “table of nations” (Gn 10), which names Sidon as the firstborn son of Canaan, who was a son of Ham. The territory of the Canaanites extended from Sidon to Gaza and east to the Cities of the Plain.<\/p>\n<p>Sidon is situated 22 miles (35.4 kilometers) north of Tyre, with which it is often associated (e.g., Is 23:1-2; Jer 47:4; Mt 11:21-22); both were much concerned with commerce and industry. Sidon was built on a headland that jutted into the sea toward the southwest. It had two harbors, the northern one having inner and outer ports. Sidon was also a center for the manufacture of the purple dye made from the Murex shellfish.<\/p>\n<p>The Bible mentions Sidon several times in connection with the conquest of Palestine. Joshua defeated the northern confederation under Jabin, king of Hazor, and pursued the enemy as far as “Great Sidon” (Jos 11:8). Joshua also stated that the land of Israel included all of Lebanon, “even all the Sidonians” (13:4-6). The tribal allotment of Asher extended as far north as “Sidon the Great” (19:28), but Asher did not drive out the inhabitants of Sidon (Jgs 1:31).<\/p>\n<p>The gods of Sidon are listed among the foreign deities that Israel served (Jgs 10:6); David’s census included Sidon and Tyre (2 Sm 24:6-7); and during a famine in the time of Ahab, the prophet Elijah was sent to live at the home of a widow in Zarephath (Sarepta) in Sidon (1 Kgs 17:9; Lk 4:25-26). Sidon is referred to often by the Hebrew prophets (Is 23:2, 4, 12; Jer 25:22; 27:3; 47:4; Ez 27:8; Jl 3:4; Zec 9:2).<\/p>\n<p>In the NT, Jesus healed the daughter of a woman of that area (Mt 15:21-28). People came from as far away as Tyre and Sidon to hear Jesus and to be healed by him (Lk 6:17). On Paul’s voyage to Rome to appear before Caesar, the ship made its first stop at Sidon, where the centurion, Julius, allowed Paul to go ashore to visit friends (Acts 27:3).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>SIDON (Place), SIDONIAN<\/h3>\n<p>City on the Phoenician coast, between Beirut and Tyre; frequently called Zidon in the <span>kjv<\/span>. The present town, Saida, is not regarded as a direct continuation of the ancient city but rather a development of post-Crusader times. The names Sidon and Sidonian appear 38 times in the OT, and Sidon occurs 12 times in the NT.<\/p>\n<p>The relative antiquity of Byblos (Gebal, Jebeil), Tyre, and Sidon may be determined by the “table of nations” (Gn 10), which names Sidon as the firstborn son of Canaan, who was a son of Ham. The territory of the Canaanites extended from Sidon to Gaza and east to the Cities of the Plain.<\/p>\n<p>Sidon is situated 22 miles (35.4 kilometers) north of Tyre, with which it is often associated (e.g., Is 23:1-2; Jer 47:4; Mt 11:21-22); both were much concerned with commerce and industry. Sidon was built on a headland that jutted into the sea toward the southwest. It had two harbors, the northern one having inner and outer ports. Sidon was also a center for the manufacture of the purple dye made from the Murex shellfish.<\/p>\n<p>The Bible mentions Sidon several times in connection with the conquest of Palestine. Joshua defeated the northern confederation under Jabin, king of Hazor, and pursued the enemy as far as “Great Sidon” (Jos 11:8). Joshua also stated that the land of Israel included all of Lebanon, “even all the Sidonians” (13:4-6). The tribal allotment of Asher extended as far north as “Sidon the Great” (19:28), but Asher did not drive out the inhabitants of Sidon (Jgs 1:31).<\/p>\n<p>The gods of Sidon are listed among the foreign deities that Israel served (Jgs 10:6); David’s census included Sidon and Tyre (2 Sm 24:6-7); and during a famine in the time of Ahab, the prophet Elijah was sent to live at the home of a widow in Zarephath (Sarepta) in Sidon (1 Kgs 17:9; Lk 4:25-26). Sidon is referred to often by the Hebrew prophets (Is 23:2, 4, 12; Jer 25:22; 27:3; 47:4; Ez 27:8; Jl 3:4; Zec 9:2).<\/p>\n<p>In the NT, Jesus healed the daughter of a woman of that area (Mt 15:21-28). People came from as far away as Tyre and Sidon to hear Jesus and to be healed by him (Lk 6:17). On Paul’s voyage to Rome to appear before Caesar, the ship made its first stop at Sidon, where the centurion, Julius, allowed Paul to go ashore to visit friends (Acts 27:3).<\/p>","summary_ro":"SIDON (Place), SIDONIAN City on the Phoenician coast, between Beirut and Tyre; frequently called Zidon in the kjv. The present town, Saida, is not regarded as a direct continuation of the ancient city but rather a development of post-Crusader times. The names Sidon and Sidonian appear 38 times in the OT, and Sidon occurs 12 times in the NT. The relative antiquity of Byblos (Gebal, Jebeil), Tyre, and Sidon may be determined by the “table of nations” (Gn 10), which names Sidon as the firstborn ...","summary_en":"SIDON (Place), SIDONIAN City on the Phoenician coast, between Beirut and Tyre; frequently called Zidon in the kjv. The present town, Saida, is not regarded as a direct continuation of the ancient city but rather a development of post-Crusader times. The names Sidon and Sidonian appear 38 times in the OT, and Sidon occurs 12 times in the NT. The relative antiquity of Byblos (Gebal, Jebeil), Tyre, and Sidon may be determined by the “table of nations” (Gn 10), which names Sidon as the firstborn ...","source":"Articles\/S.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"32":[{"id":2947,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Asher (Tribe)","title_en":"Asher (Tribe)","content_ro":"<h3>ASHER (T<span>ribe<\/span>)<\/h3>\n<p>Israelite tribe that inhabited the fertile coastal territory when the Promised Land was divided for settlement. Asher’s allotment stretched north of Mt Carmel to a point slightly above the city of Sidon. The eastern boundary ran along the western slopes of the hills of Galilee (Jos 19:24-34). The tribes of Zebulun and Naphtali were Asher’s eastern neighbors. Due south, the Carmel mountain range was a natural barrier between Asher and the tribe of Manasseh. The land of Asher was agriculturally rich and is still known for its olive groves. Economically, the people of Asher joined in maritime trade with the Phoenicians of the city of Tyre.<\/p>\n<p>As a tribe, Asher fluctuated in size. From the few who entered Egypt with their father, Jacob, the tribe grew to 41,500 adult warriors at Mt Sinai (Nm 1:40-41). At the second census in the wilderness the tribe numbered 53,400 soldiers (Nm 26:47). At the time of King David the number varied from 26,000 to 40,000 warriors (1 Chr 7:40; 12:36). Asher was never more than fifth in size among the tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>The tribe joined the rest of Israel in rejecting the optimistic reports of Caleb and Joshua about the land of Canaan (Nm 13:30–14:10). As a result, that generation perished in the wilderness after 40 years of wandering (Nm 14:22-25).<\/p>\n<p>At the close of the northern campaign in the Promised Land, Joshua gave the remaining seven tribes their own territory (Jos 18:2). The fifth partition went to Asher’s descendants. Earlier, Ahihud had been chosen by God to distribute land within the territory given to Asher’s tribe (Nm 34:16, 27). Certain Levites, descendants of Gershom, were allocated cities within its borders (Jos 21:6, 30; 1 Chr 6:62, 74).<\/p>\n<p>Like all the Israelite tribes, Asher was never able to possess all of its inheritance. Failure to drive out the inhabitants of Acco, Sidon, Ahlab, Achzib, Helbah, Aphik, and Rehob subjected the tribe to the degradations of pagan culture (Jgs 1:31). The “unpossessed” territory of the Sidonians and the Phoenicians stretched along the coastal region for 200 miles (322 kilometers). Thus “the Asherites dwelt among the Canaanites, the inhabitants of the land; for they did not drive them out” (Jgs 1:32, <span>rsv<\/span>). It is possible that Asher’s tribe, having become a partner in the enterprises of the successful Phoenicians, lost all desire to expel them from their cities.<\/p>\n<p>After the death of the Israelite judge Ehud, Israel fell into the hands of Jabin, king of Canaan. When the judge Deborah stirred up Barak to marshal Israel’s forces for battle, God gave their army a great victory and liberated them from their oppressor (Jgs 4). After the victory Deborah complained that “Asher sat unmoved at the seashore, remaining in his harbors” (Jgs 5:17, <span>nlt<\/span>). Eventually, through amalgamation, the tribe succumbed to Phoenician religious and cultural influences. Foreign invasion and pagan inroads were its downfall.<\/p>\n<p>Little is said in the Bible of the tribe’s leadership. At the time of the exodus, when the nation was organized at Mt Sinai, Pagiel the son of Ochran became tribal chief (Nm 1:13; 2:27; 7:72; 10:26). But the Bible is silent from then on about Asher’s leaders. None of the judges of Israel came from Asher, and in King David’s day the tribes of Asher and Gad were omitted from the list of the nation’s chief officers (1 Chr 27:16-22).<\/p>\n<p>Nevertheless, there are some bright spots in Asher’s tribal history. The tribe answered the call of Gideon to drive out the Midianite enemy (Jgs 6:1-8, 35; 7:23). They rallied with the rest of the tribes of Israel to defend Saul, their first king (1 Sm 11:7). Later, 40,000 Asherites sided with David to give him Saul’s kingdom (1 Chr 12:23-36). After the fall of Samaria in 722 <span>BC<\/span>, a small remnant came to Jerusalem to observe the first Passover feast in many years (2 Chr 30:5), when King Hezekiah (715–686 <span>BC<\/span>) invited all the tribes to assemble for the Passover (2 Chr 30:10-11).<\/p>\n<p>In the NT one of Asher’s descendants is mentioned, an 84-year-old widow named Anna, a prophetess. She described Jesus as “the redemption of Jerusalem” from the time of his dedication to the Lord in the temple (Lk 2:36-38).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Israel, History of.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>ASHER (T<span>ribe<\/span>)<\/h3>\n<p>Israelite tribe that inhabited the fertile coastal territory when the Promised Land was divided for settlement. Asher’s allotment stretched north of Mt Carmel to a point slightly above the city of Sidon. The eastern boundary ran along the western slopes of the hills of Galilee (Jos 19:24-34). The tribes of Zebulun and Naphtali were Asher’s eastern neighbors. Due south, the Carmel mountain range was a natural barrier between Asher and the tribe of Manasseh. The land of Asher was agriculturally rich and is still known for its olive groves. Economically, the people of Asher joined in maritime trade with the Phoenicians of the city of Tyre.<\/p>\n<p>As a tribe, Asher fluctuated in size. From the few who entered Egypt with their father, Jacob, the tribe grew to 41,500 adult warriors at Mt Sinai (Nm 1:40-41). At the second census in the wilderness the tribe numbered 53,400 soldiers (Nm 26:47). At the time of King David the number varied from 26,000 to 40,000 warriors (1 Chr 7:40; 12:36). Asher was never more than fifth in size among the tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>The tribe joined the rest of Israel in rejecting the optimistic reports of Caleb and Joshua about the land of Canaan (Nm 13:30–14:10). As a result, that generation perished in the wilderness after 40 years of wandering (Nm 14:22-25).<\/p>\n<p>At the close of the northern campaign in the Promised Land, Joshua gave the remaining seven tribes their own territory (Jos 18:2). The fifth partition went to Asher’s descendants. Earlier, Ahihud had been chosen by God to distribute land within the territory given to Asher’s tribe (Nm 34:16, 27). Certain Levites, descendants of Gershom, were allocated cities within its borders (Jos 21:6, 30; 1 Chr 6:62, 74).<\/p>\n<p>Like all the Israelite tribes, Asher was never able to possess all of its inheritance. Failure to drive out the inhabitants of Acco, Sidon, Ahlab, Achzib, Helbah, Aphik, and Rehob subjected the tribe to the degradations of pagan culture (Jgs 1:31). The “unpossessed” territory of the Sidonians and the Phoenicians stretched along the coastal region for 200 miles (322 kilometers). Thus “the Asherites dwelt among the Canaanites, the inhabitants of the land; for they did not drive them out” (Jgs 1:32, <span>rsv<\/span>). It is possible that Asher’s tribe, having become a partner in the enterprises of the successful Phoenicians, lost all desire to expel them from their cities.<\/p>\n<p>After the death of the Israelite judge Ehud, Israel fell into the hands of Jabin, king of Canaan. When the judge Deborah stirred up Barak to marshal Israel’s forces for battle, God gave their army a great victory and liberated them from their oppressor (Jgs 4). After the victory Deborah complained that “Asher sat unmoved at the seashore, remaining in his harbors” (Jgs 5:17, <span>nlt<\/span>). Eventually, through amalgamation, the tribe succumbed to Phoenician religious and cultural influences. Foreign invasion and pagan inroads were its downfall.<\/p>\n<p>Little is said in the Bible of the tribe’s leadership. At the time of the exodus, when the nation was organized at Mt Sinai, Pagiel the son of Ochran became tribal chief (Nm 1:13; 2:27; 7:72; 10:26). But the Bible is silent from then on about Asher’s leaders. None of the judges of Israel came from Asher, and in King David’s day the tribes of Asher and Gad were omitted from the list of the nation’s chief officers (1 Chr 27:16-22).<\/p>\n<p>Nevertheless, there are some bright spots in Asher’s tribal history. The tribe answered the call of Gideon to drive out the Midianite enemy (Jgs 6:1-8, 35; 7:23). They rallied with the rest of the tribes of Israel to defend Saul, their first king (1 Sm 11:7). Later, 40,000 Asherites sided with David to give him Saul’s kingdom (1 Chr 12:23-36). After the fall of Samaria in 722 <span>BC<\/span>, a small remnant came to Jerusalem to observe the first Passover feast in many years (2 Chr 30:5), when King Hezekiah (715–686 <span>BC<\/span>) invited all the tribes to assemble for the Passover (2 Chr 30:10-11).<\/p>\n<p>In the NT one of Asher’s descendants is mentioned, an 84-year-old widow named Anna, a prophetess. She described Jesus as “the redemption of Jerusalem” from the time of his dedication to the Lord in the temple (Lk 2:36-38).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Israel, History of.<\/p>","summary_ro":"ASHER (Tribe) Israelite tribe that inhabited the fertile coastal territory when the Promised Land was divided for settlement. Asher’s allotment stretched north of Mt Carmel to a point slightly above the city of Sidon. The eastern boundary ran along the western slopes of the hills of Galilee (Jos 19:24-34). The tribes of Zebulun and Naphtali were Asher’s eastern neighbors. Due south, the Carmel mountain range was a natural barrier between Asher and the tribe of Manasseh. The land of Asher was ...","summary_en":"ASHER (Tribe) Israelite tribe that inhabited the fertile coastal territory when the Promised Land was divided for settlement. Asher’s allotment stretched north of Mt Carmel to a point slightly above the city of Sidon. The eastern boundary ran along the western slopes of the hills of Galilee (Jos 19:24-34). The tribes of Zebulun and Naphtali were Asher’s eastern neighbors. Due south, the Carmel mountain range was a natural barrier between Asher and the tribe of Manasseh. The land of Asher was ...","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":39004,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Tribe of Zebulun","title_en":"Tribe of Zebulun","content_ro":"<h3>ZEBULUN, Tribe of<\/h3>\n<p>Tribe descended from Zebulun, the tenth son of Jacob and the sixth borne to him by Leah (Gn 30:19-20). His tribe was divided into three clans named after his three sons: the Seredites, the Elonites, and the Jahleelites (Gn 46:14; Nm 26:27). At the census taken on the plains of Moab, the number of men in the tribe over 20 years of age and fit for military service was 60,500 (Nm 26:26-27).<\/p>\n<p>The territory allotted to Zebulun’s tribe was in central Canaan and included the valley of Jezreel, but the boundary lines given in Joshua 19:10-16 are difficult to trace because only the tribe’s southeastern and eastern borders are indicated. The western border on the Mediterranean side is not clearly defined. In the blessing of Moses (Dt 33:18-19), Zebulun, along with Issachar, “shall draw out [lit. suck] the abundance of the sea,” which would seem to indicate that Zebulun would have access to the sea (Mediterranean) and therefore to the mercantile and maritime trade.<\/p>\n\n<p>The boundary details, however, do not bring Zebulun in touch geographically with the sea, in apparent contradiction to Genesis 49:13. But this reference may not imply actual contact with the Mediterranean. Zebulun’s position did enable it to profit by maritime trade because the great caravan route to the sea passed through Zebulunite territory. In addition, Zebulun’s “lot,” with its fruitful fields and valleys, ensured olive groves, vineyards, and splendid harvests. In 1 Chronicles 12:40 the tribe was able to provide rich provisions for David. Throughout the centuries the tribe maintained its identity.<\/p>\n<p>Clearly, then, the tribe of Zebulun held a strong position among its tribal neighbors around Galilee and was settled more securely. In contrast to the tribes of Asher and Naphtali, who continued to live among the Canaanites (Jgs 1:32-33), the Canaanites constituted a minority in Zebulun. Throughout the period of the judges the tribe was very active. For example, the victorious army in the battle of Kishon was composed of men of Zebulun and Naphtali (4:6-10); in the Song of Deborah, Zebulun is praised as a people that puts its life in jeopardy to the point of death (5:18). According to Judges 6:35, the men of Zebulun took part in Gideon’s struggle with the Midianites on the plain of Jezreel and fought with outstanding valor. The judge Elon belonged to the tribe of Zebulun (12:11-12), and since Galilee was in the territory of Zebulun (Jos 19:15), Ibzan of Bethlehem was probably also a Zebulunite. Another indication of the strength and importance of Zebulun’s tribe within the united kingdom period is found in the mention of Zebulun’s fighting force as the largest of the western tribal armies that fought under King David (1 Chr 12:33).<\/p>\n<p>In the NT there are two references to Zebulun. The first notes Zebulun as a region into which Jesus, the great light, made an appearance (Mt 4:13-15). The second mention of Zebulun appears in the list of the 12 tribes in Revelation 7:8 after Issachar.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Zebulun (Person).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>ZEBULUN, Tribe of<\/h3>\n<p>Tribe descended from Zebulun, the tenth son of Jacob and the sixth borne to him by Leah (Gn 30:19-20). His tribe was divided into three clans named after his three sons: the Seredites, the Elonites, and the Jahleelites (Gn 46:14; Nm 26:27). At the census taken on the plains of Moab, the number of men in the tribe over 20 years of age and fit for military service was 60,500 (Nm 26:26-27).<\/p>\n<p>The territory allotted to Zebulun’s tribe was in central Canaan and included the valley of Jezreel, but the boundary lines given in Joshua 19:10-16 are difficult to trace because only the tribe’s southeastern and eastern borders are indicated. The western border on the Mediterranean side is not clearly defined. In the blessing of Moses (Dt 33:18-19), Zebulun, along with Issachar, “shall draw out [lit. suck] the abundance of the sea,” which would seem to indicate that Zebulun would have access to the sea (Mediterranean) and therefore to the mercantile and maritime trade.<\/p>\n\n<p>The boundary details, however, do not bring Zebulun in touch geographically with the sea, in apparent contradiction to Genesis 49:13. But this reference may not imply actual contact with the Mediterranean. Zebulun’s position did enable it to profit by maritime trade because the great caravan route to the sea passed through Zebulunite territory. In addition, Zebulun’s “lot,” with its fruitful fields and valleys, ensured olive groves, vineyards, and splendid harvests. In 1 Chronicles 12:40 the tribe was able to provide rich provisions for David. Throughout the centuries the tribe maintained its identity.<\/p>\n<p>Clearly, then, the tribe of Zebulun held a strong position among its tribal neighbors around Galilee and was settled more securely. In contrast to the tribes of Asher and Naphtali, who continued to live among the Canaanites (Jgs 1:32-33), the Canaanites constituted a minority in Zebulun. Throughout the period of the judges the tribe was very active. For example, the victorious army in the battle of Kishon was composed of men of Zebulun and Naphtali (4:6-10); in the Song of Deborah, Zebulun is praised as a people that puts its life in jeopardy to the point of death (5:18). According to Judges 6:35, the men of Zebulun took part in Gideon’s struggle with the Midianites on the plain of Jezreel and fought with outstanding valor. The judge Elon belonged to the tribe of Zebulun (12:11-12), and since Galilee was in the territory of Zebulun (Jos 19:15), Ibzan of Bethlehem was probably also a Zebulunite. Another indication of the strength and importance of Zebulun’s tribe within the united kingdom period is found in the mention of Zebulun’s fighting force as the largest of the western tribal armies that fought under King David (1 Chr 12:33).<\/p>\n<p>In the NT there are two references to Zebulun. The first notes Zebulun as a region into which Jesus, the great light, made an appearance (Mt 4:13-15). The second mention of Zebulun appears in the list of the 12 tribes in Revelation 7:8 after Issachar.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Zebulun (Person).<\/p>","summary_ro":"ZEBULUN, Tribe of Tribe descended from Zebulun, the tenth son of Jacob and the sixth borne to him by Leah (Gn 30:19-20). His tribe was divided into three clans named after his three sons: the Seredites, the Elonites, and the Jahleelites (Gn 46:14; Nm 26:27). At the census taken on the plains of Moab, the number of men in the tribe over 20 years of age and fit for military service was 60,500 (Nm 26:26-27). The territory allotted to Zebulun’s tribe was in central Canaan and included the valley ...","summary_en":"ZEBULUN, Tribe of Tribe descended from Zebulun, the tenth son of Jacob and the sixth borne to him by Leah (Gn 30:19-20). His tribe was divided into three clans named after his three sons: the Seredites, the Elonites, and the Jahleelites (Gn 46:14; Nm 26:27). At the census taken on the plains of Moab, the number of men in the tribe over 20 years of age and fit for military service was 60,500 (Nm 26:26-27). The territory allotted to Zebulun’s tribe was in central Canaan and included the valley ...","source":"Articles\/Z.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"33":[{"id":4395,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Beth-Anath","title_en":"Beth-Anath","content_ro":"<h3>BETH-ANATH<\/h3>\n<p>Town assigned to Naphtali’s tribe (Jos 19:38) from which the tribe failed to drive out the original inhabitants (Jgs 1:33). The Israelites, who often made slaves of the remaining Canaanite people, were in many cases eventually corrupted by their pagan religious practices.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>BETH-ANATH<\/h3>\n<p>Town assigned to Naphtali’s tribe (Jos 19:38) from which the tribe failed to drive out the original inhabitants (Jgs 1:33). The Israelites, who often made slaves of the remaining Canaanite people, were in many cases eventually corrupted by their pagan religious practices.<\/p>","summary_ro":"BETH-ANATH Town assigned to Naphtali’s tribe (Jos 19:38) from which the tribe failed to drive out the original inhabitants (Jgs 1:33). The Israelites, who often made slaves of the remaining Canaanite people, were in many cases eventually corrupted by their pagan religious practices.","summary_en":"BETH-ANATH Town assigned to Naphtali’s tribe (Jos 19:38) from which the tribe failed to drive out the original inhabitants (Jgs 1:33). The Israelites, who often made slaves of the remaining Canaanite people, were in many cases eventually corrupted by their pagan religious practices.","source":"Articles\/B.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":4571,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Beth-Shemesh","title_en":"Beth-Shemesh","content_ro":"<h3>BETH-SHEMESH<\/h3>\n<li>1. Canaanite city on the northern border of Judah’s territory (Jos 15:10) and the southern border of Dan’s (before that tribe migrated north). Beth-shemesh means “the house of Shamash,” the Canaanite sun god. As Ir-shemesh, it was included in the list of cities of Dan (19:41). Beth-shemesh was one of the towns of Judah granted to the Levites (Jos 21:16; 1 Chr 6:59). Its inhabitants were called Beth-shemites (1 Sm 6:14, 18, <span>kjv<\/span>). When the Philistines decided to dispose of the captured ark of the covenant because plagues were breaking out in their cities, they took it to Beth-shemesh. The area was also the scene of a great victory of King Joash (Jehoash) of Israel over King Amaziah of Judah (2 Chr 25:21-23). About a century later, Beth-shemesh was captured from King Ahaz of Judah by the Philistines (28:16-20). After that, the settlement fell into decline and was finally destroyed by Nebuchadnezzar in 586 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/li>\n<li>2. Canaanite city allotted to Issachar’s tribe (Jos 19:22).<\/li>\n<li>3. Fortified Canaanite city allotted to Naphtali’s tribe (Jos 19:38). The inhabitants of this Beth-shemesh were not driven out by the Israelites (Jgs 1:33).<\/li>\n<li>4. KJV reference to the Egyptian city of Heliopolis (or On), where the sun was worshiped (Jer 43:13). <em>See<\/em> Heliopolis.<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>BETH-SHEMESH<\/h3>\n<li>1. Canaanite city on the northern border of Judah’s territory (Jos 15:10) and the southern border of Dan’s (before that tribe migrated north). Beth-shemesh means “the house of Shamash,” the Canaanite sun god. As Ir-shemesh, it was included in the list of cities of Dan (19:41). Beth-shemesh was one of the towns of Judah granted to the Levites (Jos 21:16; 1 Chr 6:59). Its inhabitants were called Beth-shemites (1 Sm 6:14, 18, <span>kjv<\/span>). When the Philistines decided to dispose of the captured ark of the covenant because plagues were breaking out in their cities, they took it to Beth-shemesh. The area was also the scene of a great victory of King Joash (Jehoash) of Israel over King Amaziah of Judah (2 Chr 25:21-23). About a century later, Beth-shemesh was captured from King Ahaz of Judah by the Philistines (28:16-20). After that, the settlement fell into decline and was finally destroyed by Nebuchadnezzar in 586 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/li>\n<li>2. Canaanite city allotted to Issachar’s tribe (Jos 19:22).<\/li>\n<li>3. Fortified Canaanite city allotted to Naphtali’s tribe (Jos 19:38). The inhabitants of this Beth-shemesh were not driven out by the Israelites (Jgs 1:33).<\/li>\n<li>4. KJV reference to the Egyptian city of Heliopolis (or On), where the sun was worshiped (Jer 43:13). <em>See<\/em> Heliopolis.<\/li>","summary_ro":"BETH-SHEMESH 1. Canaanite city on the northern border of Judah’s territory (Jos 15:10) and the southern border of Dan’s (before that tribe migrated north). Beth-shemesh means “the house of Shamash,” the Canaanite sun god. As Ir-shemesh, it was included in the list of cities of Dan (19:41). Beth-shemesh was one of the towns of Judah granted to the Levites (Jos 21:16; 1 Chr 6:59). Its inhabitants were called Beth-shemites (1 Sm 6:14, 18, kjv). When the Philistines decided to dispose of the capt...","summary_en":"BETH-SHEMESH 1. Canaanite city on the northern border of Judah’s territory (Jos 15:10) and the southern border of Dan’s (before that tribe migrated north). Beth-shemesh means “the house of Shamash,” the Canaanite sun god. As Ir-shemesh, it was included in the list of cities of Dan (19:41). Beth-shemesh was one of the towns of Judah granted to the Levites (Jos 21:16; 1 Chr 6:59). Its inhabitants were called Beth-shemites (1 Sm 6:14, 18, kjv). When the Philistines decided to dispose of the capt...","source":"Articles\/B.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":26978,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Tribe of Naphtali","title_en":"Tribe of Naphtali","content_ro":"<h3>NAPHTALI, Tribe of<\/h3>\n<p>One of the 12 tribes of Israel that migrated from Egypt to Canaan, ultimately settling in northern Canaan in the high country of Galilee.<\/p>\n<p>During the period of the Israelite exodus from Egypt, Naphtali’s tribe is mentioned only incidentally. Acting as the leader of the tribe, Ahira, Enan’s son (Nm 2:29; 7:28), helped conduct the census of Naphtali (1:15) as Israel prepared for the prospect of war. The first census records 53,400 men ready for war (vv 42-43), whereas a later census taken near the end of their desert sojourning records 45,400 men capable of battle (26:48). When Moses sent the 12 spies to search out the land of Canaan, Nahbi, Vophsi’s son, represented Naphtali’s tribe (13:14). Other significant activities involving Naphtali’s tribe during the wilderness wanderings include the position of encampment around the tabernacle while in the desert (2:29); the distribution of the land, in which Pedahel, Ammihud’s son, represented Naphtali in the ceremony of choosing lots (34:28); and the ratification of the covenant at Shechem (Dt 27:13). Finally, like the rest of the tribes, Naphtali was the recipient of a blessing from Moses (Dt 33:23).<\/p>\n<p>The tribal inheritance of Naphtali was located on the eastern side of upper Galilee, bordered on the south by Zebulun and by Asher on the west (Jos 19:34). Within its borders were several Levitical cities (Jos 21:6; 1 Chr 6:62) and a city of refuge, Kedesh (Jos 20:7; 1 Chr 6:76). Though they successfully occupied the region, they did not initially drive out the Canaanites (Jgs 1:33). They did, however, subjugate the inhabitants of the Canaanite cities Beth-shemesh and Beth-anath to forced labor. As a result of their location, they were involved in some major conflicts with the indigenous population and foreign invaders. The most significant of these was the war with Jabin, king of Hazor. Barak, son of Abinoam, from Kedesh in Naphtali joined Deborah, the prophetess, and together they led the tribes of Zebulun and Naphtali against the Canaanites (chs 4–5). Along with the tribes of Asher, Zebulun, and Manasseh, the tribe of Naphtali was also called by Gideon into battle against the Midianites (6:35).<\/p>\n<p>During the united monarchy, the tribe of Naphtali sent troops to Hebron, demonstrating their support of David’s kingship over all of Israel (1 Chr 12:34). Naphtali’s continued allegiance to the Davidic dynasty was evidenced in their support of Solomon’s administrative system. Ahimaaz of Naphtali’s tribe was one of 12 officers who administered the various regional districts for the king; this same Ahimaaz also married Basemath, the daughter of Solomon (1 Kgs 4:15).<\/p>\n<p>The history of the tribe during the divided monarchy is sketchy, and references to Naphtali occur in the contexts of military conflicts. During the reign of Asa in Judah, Baasha, king of Israel, sought to build a fortress at Ramah on the central Benjamite plateau. Feeling threatened, Asa encouraged Ben-hadad of Syria to attack the northern kingdom. The Syrian monarch complied, and the brunt of his attack was felt by Naphtali’s tribe (1 Kgs 15:16-24). Baasha withdrew his troops from the Benjamite plateau only to encounter the powerful onslaught of the Syrian army. The other major foreign power to exert its influence in the region of Naphtali was Assyria, particularly during the reign of Tiglath-pileser III. During the rule of Pekah in Israel and Rezon in Syria, this Assyrian monarch came and captured Gilead, Galilee, and Naphtali (2 Kgs 15:29) in 732 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>According to the prophet Isaiah (Is 9:1), though the Lord had made Naphtali’s land contemptible, he would make it glorious once again. Matthew sees the fulfillment of this prophecy in the person of Christ, who brought the message of God’s kingdom to the Jews living in the region of Naphtali’s tribe (Mt 4:13-15). In the book of Revelation (Rv 7:6), 12,000 members of Naphtali’s tribe are included among the sealed multitude of Israel.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>NAPHTALI, Tribe of<\/h3>\n<p>One of the 12 tribes of Israel that migrated from Egypt to Canaan, ultimately settling in northern Canaan in the high country of Galilee.<\/p>\n<p>During the period of the Israelite exodus from Egypt, Naphtali’s tribe is mentioned only incidentally. Acting as the leader of the tribe, Ahira, Enan’s son (Nm 2:29; 7:28), helped conduct the census of Naphtali (1:15) as Israel prepared for the prospect of war. The first census records 53,400 men ready for war (vv 42-43), whereas a later census taken near the end of their desert sojourning records 45,400 men capable of battle (26:48). When Moses sent the 12 spies to search out the land of Canaan, Nahbi, Vophsi’s son, represented Naphtali’s tribe (13:14). Other significant activities involving Naphtali’s tribe during the wilderness wanderings include the position of encampment around the tabernacle while in the desert (2:29); the distribution of the land, in which Pedahel, Ammihud’s son, represented Naphtali in the ceremony of choosing lots (34:28); and the ratification of the covenant at Shechem (Dt 27:13). Finally, like the rest of the tribes, Naphtali was the recipient of a blessing from Moses (Dt 33:23).<\/p>\n<p>The tribal inheritance of Naphtali was located on the eastern side of upper Galilee, bordered on the south by Zebulun and by Asher on the west (Jos 19:34). Within its borders were several Levitical cities (Jos 21:6; 1 Chr 6:62) and a city of refuge, Kedesh (Jos 20:7; 1 Chr 6:76). Though they successfully occupied the region, they did not initially drive out the Canaanites (Jgs 1:33). They did, however, subjugate the inhabitants of the Canaanite cities Beth-shemesh and Beth-anath to forced labor. As a result of their location, they were involved in some major conflicts with the indigenous population and foreign invaders. The most significant of these was the war with Jabin, king of Hazor. Barak, son of Abinoam, from Kedesh in Naphtali joined Deborah, the prophetess, and together they led the tribes of Zebulun and Naphtali against the Canaanites (chs 4–5). Along with the tribes of Asher, Zebulun, and Manasseh, the tribe of Naphtali was also called by Gideon into battle against the Midianites (6:35).<\/p>\n<p>During the united monarchy, the tribe of Naphtali sent troops to Hebron, demonstrating their support of David’s kingship over all of Israel (1 Chr 12:34). Naphtali’s continued allegiance to the Davidic dynasty was evidenced in their support of Solomon’s administrative system. Ahimaaz of Naphtali’s tribe was one of 12 officers who administered the various regional districts for the king; this same Ahimaaz also married Basemath, the daughter of Solomon (1 Kgs 4:15).<\/p>\n<p>The history of the tribe during the divided monarchy is sketchy, and references to Naphtali occur in the contexts of military conflicts. During the reign of Asa in Judah, Baasha, king of Israel, sought to build a fortress at Ramah on the central Benjamite plateau. Feeling threatened, Asa encouraged Ben-hadad of Syria to attack the northern kingdom. The Syrian monarch complied, and the brunt of his attack was felt by Naphtali’s tribe (1 Kgs 15:16-24). Baasha withdrew his troops from the Benjamite plateau only to encounter the powerful onslaught of the Syrian army. The other major foreign power to exert its influence in the region of Naphtali was Assyria, particularly during the reign of Tiglath-pileser III. During the rule of Pekah in Israel and Rezon in Syria, this Assyrian monarch came and captured Gilead, Galilee, and Naphtali (2 Kgs 15:29) in 732 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>According to the prophet Isaiah (Is 9:1), though the Lord had made Naphtali’s land contemptible, he would make it glorious once again. Matthew sees the fulfillment of this prophecy in the person of Christ, who brought the message of God’s kingdom to the Jews living in the region of Naphtali’s tribe (Mt 4:13-15). In the book of Revelation (Rv 7:6), 12,000 members of Naphtali’s tribe are included among the sealed multitude of Israel.<\/p>","summary_ro":"NAPHTALI, Tribe of One of the 12 tribes of Israel that migrated from Egypt to Canaan, ultimately settling in northern Canaan in the high country of Galilee. During the period of the Israelite exodus from Egypt, Naphtali’s tribe is mentioned only incidentally. Acting as the leader of the tribe, Ahira, Enan’s son (Nm 2:29; 7:28), helped conduct the census of Naphtali (1:15) as Israel prepared for the prospect of war. The first census records 53,400 men ready for war (vv 42-43), whereas a later ...","summary_en":"NAPHTALI, Tribe of One of the 12 tribes of Israel that migrated from Egypt to Canaan, ultimately settling in northern Canaan in the high country of Galilee. During the period of the Israelite exodus from Egypt, Naphtali’s tribe is mentioned only incidentally. Acting as the leader of the tribe, Ahira, Enan’s son (Nm 2:29; 7:28), helped conduct the census of Naphtali (1:15) as Israel prepared for the prospect of war. The first census records 53,400 men ready for war (vv 42-43), whereas a later ...","source":"Articles\/N.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"34":[{"id":997,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Aijalon","title_en":"Aijalon","content_ro":"<h3>AIJALON<\/h3>\n<li>1. City located in a valley 15 miles (24 kilometers) northwest of Jerusalem (at modern Yalo) and originally allotted to Dan’s tribe (Jos 19:42). Aijalon was designated as one of four levitical cities in Dan’s area (Jos 21:24) and was later made a city of refuge by Ephraim’s tribe (1 Chr 6:69). Dan’s tribe had by then migrated north, having been unable to occupy its southerly allotment, including Aijalon (Jgs 1:34-36). Near Aijalon, Saul and Jonathan won a victory over the Philistines (1 Sm 14:31). Members of Benjamin’s tribe occupied it at one time (1 Chr 8:13).<\/li>\n<p>When the kingdom was divided after Solomon’s death, Aijalon, on the northwest border of the southern kingdom, was fortified by King Rehoboam (2 Chr 11:10). It was one of 65 cities claimed to have been conquered by the Egyptian pharaoh Shishak, who invaded Palestine around 924 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Chr 12:2-12). Much later, Aijalon was lost to the Philistines during the reign of Ahaz (2 Chr 28:18).<\/p>\n<p>The valley of Aijalon was part of the geographical setting of Joshua’s battle to control Gibeon (Jos 10:12, <span>nlt<\/span>). To make the Israelite victory complete, God answered Joshua’s prayer to “let the sun stand still over Gibeon, and the moon over the valley of Aijalon” (Jos 10:12).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Cities of Refuge; Levitical Cities.<\/p>\n<li>2. City in the territory of Zebulun, burial place of the judge Elon (Jgs 12:12).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>AIJALON<\/h3>\n<li>1. City located in a valley 15 miles (24 kilometers) northwest of Jerusalem (at modern Yalo) and originally allotted to Dan’s tribe (Jos 19:42). Aijalon was designated as one of four levitical cities in Dan’s area (Jos 21:24) and was later made a city of refuge by Ephraim’s tribe (1 Chr 6:69). Dan’s tribe had by then migrated north, having been unable to occupy its southerly allotment, including Aijalon (Jgs 1:34-36). Near Aijalon, Saul and Jonathan won a victory over the Philistines (1 Sm 14:31). Members of Benjamin’s tribe occupied it at one time (1 Chr 8:13).<\/li>\n<p>When the kingdom was divided after Solomon’s death, Aijalon, on the northwest border of the southern kingdom, was fortified by King Rehoboam (2 Chr 11:10). It was one of 65 cities claimed to have been conquered by the Egyptian pharaoh Shishak, who invaded Palestine around 924 <span>BC<\/span> (2 Chr 12:2-12). Much later, Aijalon was lost to the Philistines during the reign of Ahaz (2 Chr 28:18).<\/p>\n<p>The valley of Aijalon was part of the geographical setting of Joshua’s battle to control Gibeon (Jos 10:12, <span>nlt<\/span>). To make the Israelite victory complete, God answered Joshua’s prayer to “let the sun stand still over Gibeon, and the moon over the valley of Aijalon” (Jos 10:12).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Cities of Refuge; Levitical Cities.<\/p>\n<li>2. City in the territory of Zebulun, burial place of the judge Elon (Jgs 12:12).<\/li>","summary_ro":"AIJALON 1. City located in a valley 15 miles (24 kilometers) northwest of Jerusalem (at modern Yalo) and originally allotted to Dan’s tribe (Jos 19:42). Aijalon was designated as one of four levitical cities in Dan’s area (Jos 21:24) and was later made a city of refuge by Ephraim’s tribe (1 Chr 6:69). Dan’s tribe had by then migrated north, having been unable to occupy its southerly allotment, including Aijalon (Jgs 1:34-36). Near Aijalon, Saul and Jonathan won a victory over the Philistines ...","summary_en":"AIJALON 1. City located in a valley 15 miles (24 kilometers) northwest of Jerusalem (at modern Yalo) and originally allotted to Dan’s tribe (Jos 19:42). Aijalon was designated as one of four levitical cities in Dan’s area (Jos 21:24) and was later made a city of refuge by Ephraim’s tribe (1 Chr 6:69). Dan’s tribe had by then migrated north, having been unable to occupy its southerly allotment, including Aijalon (Jgs 1:34-36). Near Aijalon, Saul and Jonathan won a victory over the Philistines ...","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":1423,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Amorites","title_en":"Amorites","content_ro":"<h3>AMORITES<\/h3>\n<p>Semitic people found throughout the Fertile Crescent of the Near East at the beginning of the second millennium <span>BC<\/span>. Amorites are first mentioned in the Bible as descendants of Canaan in a list of ancient peoples (Gn 10:16; cf. 1 Chr 1:13-16). Some of these nomadic people seem to have migrated from the Syrian Desert into Mesopotamia, others into Palestine.<\/p>\n<p>Akkadian cuneiform inscriptions mention a relatively uncivilized people called <em>Amurru<\/em> (translation of the Sumerian <em>Mar-tu<\/em>), perhaps named for a storm god. They overran the Sumerians and eventually most of Mesopotamia. The city of Mari, on the upper Euphrates River, fell to them about 2000 <span>BC<\/span>; Eshunna a short time later; Babylon by 1830 <span>BC<\/span>; and finally Assur around 1750 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>Farther to the west, Amorites had been in Palestine and Syria as early as the third millennium <span>BC<\/span>. Egyptian texts of the early part of the 19th century <span>BC<\/span> show that additional waves of Amorite nomads were entering Canaan at that time. Many of their names are similar to the Amorite names from upper Mesopotamia. In fact, many names from the Mari tablets are identical with or similar to names in the patriarchal accounts in Genesis. People named Jacob, Abraham, Levi, and Ishmael were known at Mari, and names similar to Gad and Dan have been found there. Benjamin was known as the name of a tribe. Nahor was found to be the name of a city near Haran. According to Genesis, Abraham lived in Haran many years before going to Canaan. Jacob spent 20 years there and married two women from Haran.<\/p>\n<p>Amorites appear prominently in the OT as major obstacles to the occupation of Canaan (the Promised Land) by the Israelites after the exodus. Calling Moses to lead Israel out of Egypt, the Lord spoke of Canaan, then occupied by Amorites and others, as a good land (Ex 3:8, 17; 13:5). When the Israelites were in the wilderness, God promised to destroy those nations (Ex 23:23) and drive them out of the land (Ex 33:2). The Hebrew people were warned not to make covenants with any of them, to intermarry with them, or to tolerate their idol worship (Ex 34:11-17).<\/p>\n<p>Spies sent into the land found Amalekites in the south; Hittites, Jebusites, and Amorites in the northern mountains and to the west of the Jordan River; and Canaanites by the sea and along the Jordan (Nm 13:25-29). At that time there were Amorites east of the Jordan as well (Nm 21:13).<\/p>\n<p>God had instructed Israel to go up from Horeb and conquer the mountain Amorites on the west side of the Jordan all the way to the Mediterranean Sea (Dt 1:7). When they arrived at Kadesh-barnea they were at the foot of those mountains (Dt 1:19-20). But the people murmured and complained that God had brought them from Egypt only to be slaughtered by the Amorites. From the spies’ reports, they pictured the Amorites as an awesome people, greater and taller than the Israelites (Dt 1:26-28). At first they refused to trust God enough to go in, so God told them to turn around and head back into the wilderness. Then they changed their minds, stubbornly attacked the Amorites against God’s command, and were badly beaten (Dt 1:34-44). Finally, after 38 additional years in the wilderness, the Israelites once again faced the Amorites, but this time on the east side of the Dead Sea (Nm 21:13). The Amorite king, Sihon, refused to let them pass through his land. The Israelites were drawn up at the Arnon River, which flows into the Dead Sea about two-thirds of the way up its eastern shore.<\/p>\n<p>Transjordan was controlled by two Amorite kings, Sihon and Og. Israel had to face Sihon first. His city, Heshbon, lay due east of the north end of the Dead Sea (Nm 21:21-26). Sihon himself had taken this land from the Moabites. Moses knew of Sihon’s reputation and quoted a poem that boasted of Sihon’s victory over Moab (Nm 21:27-30). Nevertheless, the Israelites defeated Sihon and devastated his kingdom from Dibon, four miles (6.4 kilometers) north of the Arnon, to Medeba, seven miles (11.2 kilometers) south of Heshbon. King Og, farther to the north, received the same treatment (Nm 21:31-35). King Balak of Moab heard of the Israelite victories and was terrified (Nm 22:2-3).<\/p>\n<p>Moses reminded the people that by relying on God’s promises they had taken all of the land of the Amorites east of the Jordan (Dt 2:24–3:10). The conquered territory was given to the tribes of Gad and Reuben and to the half-tribe of Manasseh (Nm 32:33). Then, 40 years after the exodus began, Israel was standing on the east side of the Jordan, having dispossessed the two great Amorite nations there (Dt 1:1-4). But there were other Amorite kingdoms in the hills west of the Jordan, along with other nations (Dt 7:1-2). They were to be destroyed in the same way Sihon and Og had been defeated (Dt 31:3-6).<\/p>\n<p>So famous was the victory of Israel east of the Jordan that Rahab and others in Jericho, west of the Jordan, knew of it and were frightened (Jos 2:8-11). The Israelites crossed the Jordan and took Jericho but were defeated at the smaller city of Ai in the hill country west of Jericho. They immediately assumed that they would be wiped out by the Amorites in those hills (Jos 7:7).<\/p>\n<p>The Israelites regained God’s favor, however, and defeated Ai. Their victory made an impression on the other kingdoms west of the Jordan in the hills, valleys, and coastlands up to Lebanon, who allied to fight Joshua (Jos 9:1-2). Gibeon, an Amorite city seven miles (11.2 kilometers) southwest of Ai, made peace with Israel, putting more fear in the hearts of the remaining kings (Jos 10:1-2). Adoni-zedek, king of Jerusalem, was evidently the leader of the Amorite kings west of the Jordan (Jos 10:3). Jerusalem was only eight miles (12.8 kilometers) southeast of Gibeon. Adoni-zedek called together the kings of Hebron, Jarmuth, Lachish, and Eglon, all within 50 miles (80.4 kilometers) of Jerusalem, to fight against Gibeon and Joshua (Jos 10:3-5).<\/p>\n<p>Joshua came to Gibeon’s defense and routed the Amorites, chasing them to the northwest and southwest. The Lord fought for Israel, raining hailstones on the Amorites at Azekah, southwest of Gibeon, and causing the sun to stand still in order to provide a longer battle day (Jos 10:6-14).<\/p>\n<p>In the far north, Jabin, king of Hazor, rallied the Canaanites and remaining Amorites all the way north to Mt Hermon (Jos 11:1-5). But they too were overcome (Jos 11:10-23). Toward the end of Joshua’s career, he reminded the people that it was the Lord who had given them the land of the Amorites (Jos 24:1-18).<\/p>\n<p>After the occupation of Canaan by Israel, Amorites still present in the land chased Dan’s tribe into the mountains and continued to live near Aijalon, 17 miles (27.4 kilometers) west of Jerusalem. They still held the slopes toward the south end of the Dead Sea as well (Jgs 1:34-36). In the period of the judges, the Amorites and their gods posed a constant threat to Israel’s well-being (Jgs 6:10).<\/p>\n<p>At the end of the period of the judges, relations between Israel and the Amorites improved (1 Sm 7:14). David continued to honor Joshua’s treaty with the Amorite remnant of Gibeon (2 Sm 21:2-6). Solomon conscripted his labor forces from the Amorites and other peoples still surviving from Israelite conquest (1 Kgs 9:20-22).<\/p>\n<p>The OT treats the deliverance of the Amorites and their land into the hands of Israel as a great event comparable with the exodus itself, a victory to be remembered and celebrated (Pss 135:9-12; 136:13-26). If the people forgot, the Lord reminded them through his prophets (Am 2:9-10). Long after Sihon and Og had been defeated, the area east of the Jordan was still remembered as the land of “Sihon king of the Amorites” (1 Kgs 4:19). When the kings of Israel and Judah began to fail God, the memory of the Amorites provided a standard of comparison of evil. The Jews’ continuing fascination with idolatry led God to address Jerusalem, representing the Jewish people, through the prophet Ezekiel: “Your mother was a Hittite and your father an Amorite” (Ez 16:45). In the biblical view, the Amorites stood for everything that is abominable in the sight of God.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>AMORITES<\/h3>\n<p>Semitic people found throughout the Fertile Crescent of the Near East at the beginning of the second millennium <span>BC<\/span>. Amorites are first mentioned in the Bible as descendants of Canaan in a list of ancient peoples (Gn 10:16; cf. 1 Chr 1:13-16). Some of these nomadic people seem to have migrated from the Syrian Desert into Mesopotamia, others into Palestine.<\/p>\n<p>Akkadian cuneiform inscriptions mention a relatively uncivilized people called <em>Amurru<\/em> (translation of the Sumerian <em>Mar-tu<\/em>), perhaps named for a storm god. They overran the Sumerians and eventually most of Mesopotamia. The city of Mari, on the upper Euphrates River, fell to them about 2000 <span>BC<\/span>; Eshunna a short time later; Babylon by 1830 <span>BC<\/span>; and finally Assur around 1750 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>Farther to the west, Amorites had been in Palestine and Syria as early as the third millennium <span>BC<\/span>. Egyptian texts of the early part of the 19th century <span>BC<\/span> show that additional waves of Amorite nomads were entering Canaan at that time. Many of their names are similar to the Amorite names from upper Mesopotamia. In fact, many names from the Mari tablets are identical with or similar to names in the patriarchal accounts in Genesis. People named Jacob, Abraham, Levi, and Ishmael were known at Mari, and names similar to Gad and Dan have been found there. Benjamin was known as the name of a tribe. Nahor was found to be the name of a city near Haran. According to Genesis, Abraham lived in Haran many years before going to Canaan. Jacob spent 20 years there and married two women from Haran.<\/p>\n<p>Amorites appear prominently in the OT as major obstacles to the occupation of Canaan (the Promised Land) by the Israelites after the exodus. Calling Moses to lead Israel out of Egypt, the Lord spoke of Canaan, then occupied by Amorites and others, as a good land (Ex 3:8, 17; 13:5). When the Israelites were in the wilderness, God promised to destroy those nations (Ex 23:23) and drive them out of the land (Ex 33:2). The Hebrew people were warned not to make covenants with any of them, to intermarry with them, or to tolerate their idol worship (Ex 34:11-17).<\/p>\n<p>Spies sent into the land found Amalekites in the south; Hittites, Jebusites, and Amorites in the northern mountains and to the west of the Jordan River; and Canaanites by the sea and along the Jordan (Nm 13:25-29). At that time there were Amorites east of the Jordan as well (Nm 21:13).<\/p>\n<p>God had instructed Israel to go up from Horeb and conquer the mountain Amorites on the west side of the Jordan all the way to the Mediterranean Sea (Dt 1:7). When they arrived at Kadesh-barnea they were at the foot of those mountains (Dt 1:19-20). But the people murmured and complained that God had brought them from Egypt only to be slaughtered by the Amorites. From the spies’ reports, they pictured the Amorites as an awesome people, greater and taller than the Israelites (Dt 1:26-28). At first they refused to trust God enough to go in, so God told them to turn around and head back into the wilderness. Then they changed their minds, stubbornly attacked the Amorites against God’s command, and were badly beaten (Dt 1:34-44). Finally, after 38 additional years in the wilderness, the Israelites once again faced the Amorites, but this time on the east side of the Dead Sea (Nm 21:13). The Amorite king, Sihon, refused to let them pass through his land. The Israelites were drawn up at the Arnon River, which flows into the Dead Sea about two-thirds of the way up its eastern shore.<\/p>\n<p>Transjordan was controlled by two Amorite kings, Sihon and Og. Israel had to face Sihon first. His city, Heshbon, lay due east of the north end of the Dead Sea (Nm 21:21-26). Sihon himself had taken this land from the Moabites. Moses knew of Sihon’s reputation and quoted a poem that boasted of Sihon’s victory over Moab (Nm 21:27-30). Nevertheless, the Israelites defeated Sihon and devastated his kingdom from Dibon, four miles (6.4 kilometers) north of the Arnon, to Medeba, seven miles (11.2 kilometers) south of Heshbon. King Og, farther to the north, received the same treatment (Nm 21:31-35). King Balak of Moab heard of the Israelite victories and was terrified (Nm 22:2-3).<\/p>\n<p>Moses reminded the people that by relying on God’s promises they had taken all of the land of the Amorites east of the Jordan (Dt 2:24–3:10). The conquered territory was given to the tribes of Gad and Reuben and to the half-tribe of Manasseh (Nm 32:33). Then, 40 years after the exodus began, Israel was standing on the east side of the Jordan, having dispossessed the two great Amorite nations there (Dt 1:1-4). But there were other Amorite kingdoms in the hills west of the Jordan, along with other nations (Dt 7:1-2). They were to be destroyed in the same way Sihon and Og had been defeated (Dt 31:3-6).<\/p>\n<p>So famous was the victory of Israel east of the Jordan that Rahab and others in Jericho, west of the Jordan, knew of it and were frightened (Jos 2:8-11). The Israelites crossed the Jordan and took Jericho but were defeated at the smaller city of Ai in the hill country west of Jericho. They immediately assumed that they would be wiped out by the Amorites in those hills (Jos 7:7).<\/p>\n<p>The Israelites regained God’s favor, however, and defeated Ai. Their victory made an impression on the other kingdoms west of the Jordan in the hills, valleys, and coastlands up to Lebanon, who allied to fight Joshua (Jos 9:1-2). Gibeon, an Amorite city seven miles (11.2 kilometers) southwest of Ai, made peace with Israel, putting more fear in the hearts of the remaining kings (Jos 10:1-2). Adoni-zedek, king of Jerusalem, was evidently the leader of the Amorite kings west of the Jordan (Jos 10:3). Jerusalem was only eight miles (12.8 kilometers) southeast of Gibeon. Adoni-zedek called together the kings of Hebron, Jarmuth, Lachish, and Eglon, all within 50 miles (80.4 kilometers) of Jerusalem, to fight against Gibeon and Joshua (Jos 10:3-5).<\/p>\n<p>Joshua came to Gibeon’s defense and routed the Amorites, chasing them to the northwest and southwest. The Lord fought for Israel, raining hailstones on the Amorites at Azekah, southwest of Gibeon, and causing the sun to stand still in order to provide a longer battle day (Jos 10:6-14).<\/p>\n<p>In the far north, Jabin, king of Hazor, rallied the Canaanites and remaining Amorites all the way north to Mt Hermon (Jos 11:1-5). But they too were overcome (Jos 11:10-23). Toward the end of Joshua’s career, he reminded the people that it was the Lord who had given them the land of the Amorites (Jos 24:1-18).<\/p>\n<p>After the occupation of Canaan by Israel, Amorites still present in the land chased Dan’s tribe into the mountains and continued to live near Aijalon, 17 miles (27.4 kilometers) west of Jerusalem. They still held the slopes toward the south end of the Dead Sea as well (Jgs 1:34-36). In the period of the judges, the Amorites and their gods posed a constant threat to Israel’s well-being (Jgs 6:10).<\/p>\n<p>At the end of the period of the judges, relations between Israel and the Amorites improved (1 Sm 7:14). David continued to honor Joshua’s treaty with the Amorite remnant of Gibeon (2 Sm 21:2-6). Solomon conscripted his labor forces from the Amorites and other peoples still surviving from Israelite conquest (1 Kgs 9:20-22).<\/p>\n<p>The OT treats the deliverance of the Amorites and their land into the hands of Israel as a great event comparable with the exodus itself, a victory to be remembered and celebrated (Pss 135:9-12; 136:13-26). If the people forgot, the Lord reminded them through his prophets (Am 2:9-10). Long after Sihon and Og had been defeated, the area east of the Jordan was still remembered as the land of “Sihon king of the Amorites” (1 Kgs 4:19). When the kings of Israel and Judah began to fail God, the memory of the Amorites provided a standard of comparison of evil. The Jews’ continuing fascination with idolatry led God to address Jerusalem, representing the Jewish people, through the prophet Ezekiel: “Your mother was a Hittite and your father an Amorite” (Ez 16:45). In the biblical view, the Amorites stood for everything that is abominable in the sight of God.<\/p>","summary_ro":"AMORITES Semitic people found throughout the Fertile Crescent of the Near East at the beginning of the second millennium BC. Amorites are first mentioned in the Bible as descendants of Canaan in a list of ancient peoples (Gn 10:16; cf. 1 Chr 1:13-16). Some of these nomadic people seem to have migrated from the Syrian Desert into Mesopotamia, others into Palestine. Akkadian cuneiform inscriptions mention a relatively uncivilized people called Amurru (translation of the Sumerian Mar-tu), perhap...","summary_en":"AMORITES Semitic people found throughout the Fertile Crescent of the Near East at the beginning of the second millennium BC. Amorites are first mentioned in the Bible as descendants of Canaan in a list of ancient peoples (Gn 10:16; cf. 1 Chr 1:13-16). Some of these nomadic people seem to have migrated from the Syrian Desert into Mesopotamia, others into Palestine. Akkadian cuneiform inscriptions mention a relatively uncivilized people called Amurru (translation of the Sumerian Mar-tu), perhap...","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":8527,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Tribe of Dan","title_en":"Tribe of Dan","content_ro":"<h3>DAN, Tribe of<\/h3>\n<p>Israelite tribe named for the patriarch Jacob’s fifth son. The tribe of Dan, descended from Dan’s only known son, Hushim (cf. “Shuham” in Nm 26:42-43), had little distinction in its early years. Some Danites are mentioned in the wilderness narratives: Oholiab, a craftsman of the tabernacle (Ex 31:6; 35:34; 38:23); another whose mother married an Egyptian and who blasphemed God (Lv 24:11); and Ahiezer, chief prince of Dan during the exodus (Nm 1:12).<\/p>\n<p>Dan was the second largest tribe at the first census taken in the wilderness (62,700 warriors—Nm 1:38-39). They were instructed to encamp on the north side of the Israelites’ camp along with Asher and Naphtali (Nm 2:25-31), and were to bring up the rear in the line of march (Nm 2:31; 10:25). At the second census 40 years later, just before entering the Promised Land, they had grown only to 64,400 (26:42-43), still second in size. The tribe does not stand out in the Conquest narratives (Dt 2:16–3:29; Jos 1–24; Jgs 1). Dan is listed among the tribes who reminded Israel of the covenant curses at Mt Ebal (Dt 27:13; cf. Jos 8:30-33). The tribe is called a “lion’s whelp” in Moses’ blessing (Dt 33:22). Some believe that the reference to “Bashan” in that blessing prefigured the Danites’ migration to the northern territory where they eventually settled.<\/p>\n<p>One of the most significant references to Dan’s tribe is the account of its northward migration (Jos 19:40-48; Jgs 18). The Danites had been allotted a portion of Canaan between Judah and Ephraim bordering the Mediterranean seacoast (Jos 19:40-46; Jgs 5:17), but were unable to occupy their territory except for the valley at Zorah and Eshtaol (Jgs 13:25; 18:2). As a result, a group of Danites, discouraged with their situation, marched north and captured Laish, located about 25 miles (40 kilometers) north of the Sea of Galilee and just below Israel’s northernmost border. Laish was renamed Dan at that time (18:27-29). Their association with that northern territory eventually gave rise to the expression “from Dan to Beersheba” (Jgs 20:1; 2 Sm 3:10) as designating Israel’s northern and southern borders.<\/p>\n<p>Southern Dan continued for some time, as illustrated in the exploits of Samson of the tribe of Dan (Jgs 13–16). Evidently the southern Danites gradually merged into the tribe of Judah, and no historical reference to the southern Danite tribe is made in the rest of the OT. The Danites were mentioned in King David’s time as mustering a considerable army loyal to David (1 Chr 12:35; 27:22).<\/p>\n<p>The Danites were among the tribes who did not drive the Canaanites from their territory (Jos 13:4-5; cf. Jgs 1:34-35). Joshua had to prod them into the task at the Shiloh assembly (Jos 18:1-4; 19:40-48). Eventually the Danites gave up the effort and sought other lands in the north, where conquest was easier. Their disobedience was further manifested in their open sin of setting up a “graven image” and establishing a rival priesthood, even though their priest was a Levite (Jgs 18:30-31). The result of that idolatry was that, at the division of the Israelite kingdom at the end of King Solomon’s reign, King Jeroboam of the northern kingdom of Israel chose the city of Dan as one of the idol shrines in which to set up the golden calves (1 Kgs 12:28-29). The Danites’ apostasy, and that of the other northern tribes, continued throughout their history (2 Kgs 10:29), and because of it they were eventually carried captive to Assyria (2 Kgs 17:1-23).<\/p>\n<p>The tribe name is mentioned in the prophet Ezekiel’s idealized description of the restored land and Jerusalem (Ez 48:1-2, 32). In the NT, the apostle John omitted the tribe from a list of Israel’s tribes (Rv 7:4-8).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Israel, History of; Dan (Person); Dan (Place).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>DAN, Tribe of<\/h3>\n<p>Israelite tribe named for the patriarch Jacob’s fifth son. The tribe of Dan, descended from Dan’s only known son, Hushim (cf. “Shuham” in Nm 26:42-43), had little distinction in its early years. Some Danites are mentioned in the wilderness narratives: Oholiab, a craftsman of the tabernacle (Ex 31:6; 35:34; 38:23); another whose mother married an Egyptian and who blasphemed God (Lv 24:11); and Ahiezer, chief prince of Dan during the exodus (Nm 1:12).<\/p>\n<p>Dan was the second largest tribe at the first census taken in the wilderness (62,700 warriors—Nm 1:38-39). They were instructed to encamp on the north side of the Israelites’ camp along with Asher and Naphtali (Nm 2:25-31), and were to bring up the rear in the line of march (Nm 2:31; 10:25). At the second census 40 years later, just before entering the Promised Land, they had grown only to 64,400 (26:42-43), still second in size. The tribe does not stand out in the Conquest narratives (Dt 2:16–3:29; Jos 1–24; Jgs 1). Dan is listed among the tribes who reminded Israel of the covenant curses at Mt Ebal (Dt 27:13; cf. Jos 8:30-33). The tribe is called a “lion’s whelp” in Moses’ blessing (Dt 33:22). Some believe that the reference to “Bashan” in that blessing prefigured the Danites’ migration to the northern territory where they eventually settled.<\/p>\n<p>One of the most significant references to Dan’s tribe is the account of its northward migration (Jos 19:40-48; Jgs 18). The Danites had been allotted a portion of Canaan between Judah and Ephraim bordering the Mediterranean seacoast (Jos 19:40-46; Jgs 5:17), but were unable to occupy their territory except for the valley at Zorah and Eshtaol (Jgs 13:25; 18:2). As a result, a group of Danites, discouraged with their situation, marched north and captured Laish, located about 25 miles (40 kilometers) north of the Sea of Galilee and just below Israel’s northernmost border. Laish was renamed Dan at that time (18:27-29). Their association with that northern territory eventually gave rise to the expression “from Dan to Beersheba” (Jgs 20:1; 2 Sm 3:10) as designating Israel’s northern and southern borders.<\/p>\n<p>Southern Dan continued for some time, as illustrated in the exploits of Samson of the tribe of Dan (Jgs 13–16). Evidently the southern Danites gradually merged into the tribe of Judah, and no historical reference to the southern Danite tribe is made in the rest of the OT. The Danites were mentioned in King David’s time as mustering a considerable army loyal to David (1 Chr 12:35; 27:22).<\/p>\n<p>The Danites were among the tribes who did not drive the Canaanites from their territory (Jos 13:4-5; cf. Jgs 1:34-35). Joshua had to prod them into the task at the Shiloh assembly (Jos 18:1-4; 19:40-48). Eventually the Danites gave up the effort and sought other lands in the north, where conquest was easier. Their disobedience was further manifested in their open sin of setting up a “graven image” and establishing a rival priesthood, even though their priest was a Levite (Jgs 18:30-31). The result of that idolatry was that, at the division of the Israelite kingdom at the end of King Solomon’s reign, King Jeroboam of the northern kingdom of Israel chose the city of Dan as one of the idol shrines in which to set up the golden calves (1 Kgs 12:28-29). The Danites’ apostasy, and that of the other northern tribes, continued throughout their history (2 Kgs 10:29), and because of it they were eventually carried captive to Assyria (2 Kgs 17:1-23).<\/p>\n<p>The tribe name is mentioned in the prophet Ezekiel’s idealized description of the restored land and Jerusalem (Ez 48:1-2, 32). In the NT, the apostle John omitted the tribe from a list of Israel’s tribes (Rv 7:4-8).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Israel, History of; Dan (Person); Dan (Place).<\/p>","summary_ro":"DAN, Tribe of Israelite tribe named for the patriarch Jacob’s fifth son. The tribe of Dan, descended from Dan’s only known son, Hushim (cf. “Shuham” in Nm 26:42-43), had little distinction in its early years. Some Danites are mentioned in the wilderness narratives: Oholiab, a craftsman of the tabernacle (Ex 31:6; 35:34; 38:23); another whose mother married an Egyptian and who blasphemed God (Lv 24:11); and Ahiezer, chief prince of Dan during the exodus (Nm 1:12). Dan was the second largest tr...","summary_en":"DAN, Tribe of Israelite tribe named for the patriarch Jacob’s fifth son. The tribe of Dan, descended from Dan’s only known son, Hushim (cf. “Shuham” in Nm 26:42-43), had little distinction in its early years. Some Danites are mentioned in the wilderness narratives: Oholiab, a craftsman of the tabernacle (Ex 31:6; 35:34; 38:23); another whose mother married an Egyptian and who blasphemed God (Lv 24:11); and Ahiezer, chief prince of Dan during the exodus (Nm 1:12). Dan was the second largest tr...","source":"Articles\/D.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":16239,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Heres","title_en":"Heres","content_ro":"<h3>HERES<\/h3>\n<li>1. Region from which the Amorites were not expelled by the Israelites, known as Mt Heres (Jgs 1:34-35, <span>rsv<\/span> “Har-heres”). In Joshua 19:41-42, Mt Heres is synonymous with the town of Ir-shemesh (Beth-shemesh).<\/li>\n<li>2. Ascent of Heres (Jgs 8:13, <span>rsv<\/span>; <span>nlt<\/span> “Heres Pass”). Though the text and the exact nature of the terrain is unclear, it was the place on the Jordan River from which Gideon returned after his victory over Zebah and Zalmunna.<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>HERES<\/h3>\n<li>1. Region from which the Amorites were not expelled by the Israelites, known as Mt Heres (Jgs 1:34-35, <span>rsv<\/span> “Har-heres”). In Joshua 19:41-42, Mt Heres is synonymous with the town of Ir-shemesh (Beth-shemesh).<\/li>\n<li>2. Ascent of Heres (Jgs 8:13, <span>rsv<\/span>; <span>nlt<\/span> “Heres Pass”). Though the text and the exact nature of the terrain is unclear, it was the place on the Jordan River from which Gideon returned after his victory over Zebah and Zalmunna.<\/li>","summary_ro":"HERES 1. Region from which the Amorites were not expelled by the Israelites, known as Mt Heres (Jgs 1:34-35, rsv “Har-heres”). In Joshua 19:41-42, Mt Heres is synonymous with the town of Ir-shemesh (Beth-shemesh). 2. Ascent of Heres (Jgs 8:13, rsv; nlt “Heres Pass”). Though the text and the exact nature of the terrain is unclear, it was the place on the Jordan River from which Gideon returned after his victory over Zebah and Zalmunna.","summary_en":"HERES 1. Region from which the Amorites were not expelled by the Israelites, known as Mt Heres (Jgs 1:34-35, rsv “Har-heres”). In Joshua 19:41-42, Mt Heres is synonymous with the town of Ir-shemesh (Beth-shemesh). 2. Ascent of Heres (Jgs 8:13, rsv; nlt “Heres Pass”). Though the text and the exact nature of the terrain is unclear, it was the place on the Jordan River from which Gideon returned after his victory over Zebah and Zalmunna.","source":"Articles\/H.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":45687,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:34","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:34","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:34<\/strong> Dan’s failure to take the land represents total infidelity and led to the complete abandonment of a portion of the Promised Land (chs 17–18).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:34<\/strong> Dan’s failure to take the land represents total infidelity and led to the complete abandonment of a portion of the Promised Land (chs 17–18).<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:34 Dan’s failure to take the land represents total infidelity and led to the complete abandonment of a portion of the Promised Land (chs 17–18).","summary_en":"1:34 Dan’s failure to take the land represents total infidelity and led to the complete abandonment of a portion of the Promised Land (chs 17–18).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73313,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:34","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:34","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:34<\/strong> Dan’s failure to take the land represents total infidelity and led to the complete abandonment of a portion of the Promised Land (chs 17–18).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:34<\/strong> Dan’s failure to take the land represents total infidelity and led to the complete abandonment of a portion of the Promised Land (chs 17–18).<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:34 Dan’s failure to take the land represents total infidelity and led to the complete abandonment of a portion of the Promised Land (chs 17–18).","summary_en":"1:34 Dan’s failure to take the land represents total infidelity and led to the complete abandonment of a portion of the Promised Land (chs 17–18).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":100939,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:34","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:34","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:34<\/strong> Dan’s failure to take the land represents total infidelity and led to the complete abandonment of a portion of the Promised Land (chs 17–18).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:34<\/strong> Dan’s failure to take the land represents total infidelity and led to the complete abandonment of a portion of the Promised Land (chs 17–18).<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:34 Dan’s failure to take the land represents total infidelity and led to the complete abandonment of a portion of the Promised Land (chs 17–18).","summary_en":"1:34 Dan’s failure to take the land represents total infidelity and led to the complete abandonment of a portion of the Promised Land (chs 17–18).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128565,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 1:34","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 1:34","content_ro":"<p><strong>1:34<\/strong> Dan’s failure to take the land represents total infidelity and led to the complete abandonment of a portion of the Promised Land (chs 17–18).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>1:34<\/strong> Dan’s failure to take the land represents total infidelity and led to the complete abandonment of a portion of the Promised Land (chs 17–18).<\/p>","summary_ro":"1:34 Dan’s failure to take the land represents total infidelity and led to the complete abandonment of a portion of the Promised Land (chs 17–18).","summary_en":"1:34 Dan’s failure to take the land represents total infidelity and led to the complete abandonment of a portion of the Promised Land (chs 17–18).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"35":[{"id":15366,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Har-Heres*","title_en":"Har-Heres*","content_ro":"<h3>HAR-HERES*<\/h3>\n<p>Mountain in Aijalon of Dan’s territory (Jgs 1:35). <em>See<\/em> Heres #1.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>HAR-HERES*<\/h3>\n<p>Mountain in Aijalon of Dan’s territory (Jgs 1:35). <em>See<\/em> Heres #1.<\/p>","summary_ro":"HAR-HERES* Mountain in Aijalon of Dan’s territory (Jgs 1:35). See Heres #1.","summary_en":"HAR-HERES* Mountain in Aijalon of Dan’s territory (Jgs 1:35). See Heres #1.","source":"Articles\/H.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":34546,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Shaalabbin, Shaalbim, Shaalbon","title_en":"Shaalabbin, Shaalbim, Shaalbon","content_ro":"<h3>SHAALABBIN, SHAALBIM, SHAALBON<\/h3>\n<p>Amorite city known by three names, assigned to Dan’s tribe for an inheritance, mentioned between Ir-shemesh and Aijalon (Jos 19:42). The Danites, however, were unable to defeat the Amorites and take possession of the city. When the house of Joseph grew strong, the Ephraimites conquered Shaalbim and reduced the Amorites to forced labor (Jgs 1:35). Later, Shaalbim, along with the cities of Makaz, Beth-shemesh, and Elon-bethhanan made up Solomon’s second administrative district (1 Kgs 4:9). Eliahba the Shaalbonite was one of David’s 30 mighty men (2 Sm 23:32; 1 Chr 11:33).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>SHAALABBIN, SHAALBIM, SHAALBON<\/h3>\n<p>Amorite city known by three names, assigned to Dan’s tribe for an inheritance, mentioned between Ir-shemesh and Aijalon (Jos 19:42). The Danites, however, were unable to defeat the Amorites and take possession of the city. When the house of Joseph grew strong, the Ephraimites conquered Shaalbim and reduced the Amorites to forced labor (Jgs 1:35). Later, Shaalbim, along with the cities of Makaz, Beth-shemesh, and Elon-bethhanan made up Solomon’s second administrative district (1 Kgs 4:9). Eliahba the Shaalbonite was one of David’s 30 mighty men (2 Sm 23:32; 1 Chr 11:33).<\/p>","summary_ro":"SHAALABBIN, SHAALBIM, SHAALBON Amorite city known by three names, assigned to Dan’s tribe for an inheritance, mentioned between Ir-shemesh and Aijalon (Jos 19:42). The Danites, however, were unable to defeat the Amorites and take possession of the city. When the house of Joseph grew strong, the Ephraimites conquered Shaalbim and reduced the Amorites to forced labor (Jgs 1:35). Later, Shaalbim, along with the cities of Makaz, Beth-shemesh, and Elon-bethhanan made up Solomon’s second administra...","summary_en":"SHAALABBIN, SHAALBIM, SHAALBON Amorite city known by three names, assigned to Dan’s tribe for an inheritance, mentioned between Ir-shemesh and Aijalon (Jos 19:42). The Danites, however, were unable to defeat the Amorites and take possession of the city. When the house of Joseph grew strong, the Ephraimites conquered Shaalbim and reduced the Amorites to forced labor (Jgs 1:35). Later, Shaalbim, along with the cities of Makaz, Beth-shemesh, and Elon-bethhanan made up Solomon’s second administra...","source":"Articles\/S.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"36":[{"id":1029,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Akrabbim*","title_en":"Akrabbim*","content_ro":"<h3>AKRABBIM*<\/h3>\n<p>A mountain pass or slope in southern Palestine between the southwestern tip of the Dead Sea and the wilderness of Zin. The pass (Nm 34:4; Jgs 1:36) of Mt Akrabbim served as part of the southern border of the land given to Judah’s tribe after the conquest of Canaan (Jos 15:3; <span>kjv<\/span> “Maaleh-acrabbim”). During the intertestamental period, Judas Maccabeus won an important victory over the Idumeans at this pass (1 Macc 5:3). Also called Scorpion Pass.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>AKRABBIM*<\/h3>\n<p>A mountain pass or slope in southern Palestine between the southwestern tip of the Dead Sea and the wilderness of Zin. The pass (Nm 34:4; Jgs 1:36) of Mt Akrabbim served as part of the southern border of the land given to Judah’s tribe after the conquest of Canaan (Jos 15:3; <span>kjv<\/span> “Maaleh-acrabbim”). During the intertestamental period, Judas Maccabeus won an important victory over the Idumeans at this pass (1 Macc 5:3). Also called Scorpion Pass.<\/p>","summary_ro":"AKRABBIM* A mountain pass or slope in southern Palestine between the southwestern tip of the Dead Sea and the wilderness of Zin. The pass (Nm 34:4; Jgs 1:36) of Mt Akrabbim served as part of the southern border of the land given to Judah’s tribe after the conquest of Canaan (Jos 15:3; kjv “Maaleh-acrabbim”). During the intertestamental period, Judas Maccabeus won an important victory over the Idumeans at this pass (1 Macc 5:3). Also called Scorpion Pass.","summary_en":"AKRABBIM* A mountain pass or slope in southern Palestine between the southwestern tip of the Dead Sea and the wilderness of Zin. The pass (Nm 34:4; Jgs 1:36) of Mt Akrabbim served as part of the southern border of the land given to Judah’s tribe after the conquest of Canaan (Jos 15:3; kjv “Maaleh-acrabbim”). During the intertestamental period, Judas Maccabeus won an important victory over the Idumeans at this pass (1 Macc 5:3). Also called Scorpion Pass.","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":34317,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Sela","title_en":"Sela","content_ro":"<h3>SELA<\/h3>\n<li>1. Unidentified site on the border of the Amorites (Jgs 1:36).<\/li>\n<li>2. Edomite stronghold (2 Kgs 14:7). On this site the Nabatean city of Petra was built. <em>See<\/em> Petra.<\/li>\n<li>3. Unidentified place mentioned in Isaiah’s prophecy against Moab (Is 16:1).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>SELA<\/h3>\n<li>1. Unidentified site on the border of the Amorites (Jgs 1:36).<\/li>\n<li>2. Edomite stronghold (2 Kgs 14:7). On this site the Nabatean city of Petra was built. <em>See<\/em> Petra.<\/li>\n<li>3. Unidentified place mentioned in Isaiah’s prophecy against Moab (Is 16:1).<\/li>","summary_ro":"SELA 1. Unidentified site on the border of the Amorites (Jgs 1:36). 2. Edomite stronghold (2 Kgs 14:7). On this site the Nabatean city of Petra was built. See Petra. 3. Unidentified place mentioned in Isaiah’s prophecy against Moab (Is 16:1).","summary_en":"SELA 1. Unidentified site on the border of the Amorites (Jgs 1:36). 2. Edomite stronghold (2 Kgs 14:7). On this site the Nabatean city of Petra was built. See Petra. 3. Unidentified place mentioned in Isaiah’s prophecy against Moab (Is 16:1).","source":"Articles\/S.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}]},"labels":{"article":"Articol","map":"Hartă","chart":"Diagramă","textbox":"Notă explicativă","picture":"Imagine","profile":"Profil","study_note":"Notă de studiu","theme_note":"Temă biblică"},"icons":{"article":"📖","map":"🗺️","chart":"📊","textbox":"💡","picture":"🖼️","profile":"👤","study_note":"📝","theme_note":"🎯"},"typeColors":{"article":"#d4af37","map":"#2d7d46","chart":"#3b82f6","textbox":"#8b5cf6","picture":"#ec4899","profile":"#f59e0b","study_note":"#06b6d4","theme_note":"#ef4444"}}
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