1
Ierubaal, sau Ghedeon, şi tot poporul care era cu el, s-au sculat disdedimineaţă, şi au tăbărât la izvorul Harod. Tabăra lui Madian era la miazănoapte de Ghedeon, spre dealul More, în vale.
2
Domnul a zis lui Ghedeon: ,,Poporul pe care-l ai cu tine este prea mult, pentru ca să dau pe Madian în mânile lui; el ar putea să se laude împotriva Mea, şi să zică: ,Mâna mea m-a izbăvit`.
3
Vesteşte dar lucrul acesta în auzul poporului: ,Cine este fricos şi se teme, să se întoarcă şi să se depărteze de muntele Gaaladului``. Douăzeci şi două de mii de oameni din popor s-au întors, şi au mai rămas zece mii.
4
Domnul a zis lui Ghedeon: ,,Poporul este încă prea mult. Pogoară-i la apă, şi acolo ţi-i voi alege; acela despre care îţi voi spune: ,Acesta să meargă cu tine`, va merge cu tine; şi acela despre care îţi voi spune: ,Acesta să nu meargă cu tine`, nu va merge cu tine``.
5
Ghedeon a pogorât poporul la apă, şi Domnul a zis lui Ghedeon: ,,Pe toţi cei ce vor limpăi apă cu limba, cum limpăeşte cânele, să-i desparţi de toţi cei ce vor bea apă din genunchi``.
6
Ceice au limpăit apa, ducând-o la gură cu mâna, au fost în număr de trei sute de oameni; şi tot poporul celalt a îngenunchiat ca să bea.
7
Şi Domnul a zis lui Ghedeon: ,,Cu cei trei sute de oameni cari au limpăit, vă voi mântui, şi voi da pe Madian în mânile tale. Toţi ceilalţi din popor să se ducă fiecare acasă.
8
Au luat merindele poporului şi trâmbiţele lui. Apoi Ghedeon a trimes pe toţi bărbaţii lui Israel, pe fiecare în cortul lui, şi a ţinut pe cei trei sute de oameni. Tabăra lui Madian era jos în vale.
9
Domnul a zis lui Ghedeon în timpul nopţii: ,,Scoală-te, şi pogoară-te în tabără, căci am dat-o în mânile tale.
10
Dacă ţi-e frică să te pogori, pogoară-te cu Pura, slujitorul tău.
11
Să asculţi ce vor zice, şi după aceea ţi se vor întări mânile: pogoară-te dar în tabără.`` ,,El s-a pogorât cu Pura, slujitorul lui, până la întâia strajă a taberii.
12
Madian, Amalec, şi toţi fiii Răsăritului, erau răspândiţi în vale, ca o mulţime de lăcuste, şi cămilele lor erau fără număr, ca nisipul de pe marginea mării.
13
Ghedeon a sosit; şi iată că un om istorisea tovarăşului său un vis. El zicea: ,,Am visat un vis: şi se făcea că o turtă de orz se rostogolea în tabăra lui Madian; a venit de s-a lovit până la cort, şi cortul a căzut; l-a răsturnat cu susul în jos, şi cortul a fost dărâmat.``
14
Tovarăşul lui a răspuns, şi a zis: ,,Aceasta nu este altceva decât sabia lui Ghedeon, fiul lui Ioas, bărbatul lui Israel; Dumnezeu a dat în mânile lui pe Madian şi toată tabăra.``
15
Când a auzit Ghedeon istorisirea visului şi tâlcuirea lui, s-a aruncat cu faţa la pământ, s-a întors în tabăra lui Israel, şi a zis: ,,Sculaţi-vă, căci Domnul a dat în mânile voastre tabăra lui Madian.``
16
A împărţit în trei cete pe cei trei sute de oameni, şi le-a dat tuturor trâmbiţe şi ulcioare goale, cu nişte făclii în ulcioare.
17
El le-a zis: ,,Să vă uitaţi la mine, şi să faceţi ca mine. Cum voi ajunge în tabără, să faceţi ce voi face eu;
18
şi când voi suna din trâmbiţă, eu şi toţi ceice vor fi cu mine, să sunaţi şi voi din trâmbiţă de jur împrejurul taberii, şi să ziceţi: ,Sabia Domnului şi a lui Ghedeon!``
19
Ghedeon şi cei o sută de oameni cari erau cu el au ajuns la capătul taberii la începutul străjii dela mijlocul nopţii, îndată dupăce puseseră pe păzitori. Au sunat din trâmbiţă, şi au spart ulcioarele pe cari le aveau în mână.
20
Cele trei cete au sunat din trâmbiţă şi au spart ulcioarele; au apucat făcliile cu mâna stângă şi trâmbiţele cu mâna dreaptă ca să sune, şi au strigat: ,,Sabia Domnului şi a lui Ghedeon!``
21
Au rămas fiecare la locul lui în jurul taberii, şi toată tabăra a început să alerge, să ţipe, şi să fugă.
22
Cei trei sute de oameni au sunat iarăş din trâmbiţă; şi în toată tabăra, Domnul i-a făcut să întoarcă sabia unii împotriva altora. Tabăra a fugit până la Bet-Şita spre Ţerera, până la hotarul dela Abel-Mehola lângă Tabat.
23
Bărbaţii lui Israel s-au strâns, cei din Neftali, din Aşer şi din tot Manase, şi au urmărit pe Madian.
24
Ghedeon a trimes soli în tot muntele lui Efraim, ca să spună: ,,Pogorîţi-vă înaintea lui Madian, şi tăiaţi-le trecerea apelor până la Bet-Bara, şi Iordan.`` Toţi bărbaţii lui Efraim s-au strâns, şi au pus stăpânire pe trecerea apelor până la Bet-Bara şi Iordan.``
25
Au pus mâna pe două căpetenii ale lui Madian: Oreb şi Zeeb; au ucis pe Oreb la stânca lui Oreb, şi au ucis pe Zeeb la teascul lui Zeeb. Au urmărit pe Madian, şi au adus capetele lui Oreb şi Zeeb la Ghedeon de cealaltă parte a Iordanului.
{"verseMap":{"1":[{"id":15387,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Harod","title_en":"Harod","content_ro":"<h3>HAROD<\/h3>\n<li>1. Spring beside which Gideon and his army camped before their encounter with the Midianites (Jgs 7:1). Perhaps this is the same spring by which Saul and his army pitched their tents prior to their battle with the Philistines (1 Sm 29:1). The spring of Harod is at ‘Ain Jalud by the northern side of Mt Gilboa, about two miles (3.2 kilometers) southeast of Zerin.<\/li>\n<li>2. Home of Shammah and Elika, two of David’s valiant warriors (2 Sm 23:25). In the parallel passage (1 Chr 11:27), Elika’s name is omitted and Shammah (Shammoth) is listed as a Harorite instead of a Harodite. “Harorite” reflects a later scribal error where the copyist mistook the Hebrew letter “d” for an “r.”<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>HAROD<\/h3>\n<li>1. Spring beside which Gideon and his army camped before their encounter with the Midianites (Jgs 7:1). Perhaps this is the same spring by which Saul and his army pitched their tents prior to their battle with the Philistines (1 Sm 29:1). The spring of Harod is at ‘Ain Jalud by the northern side of Mt Gilboa, about two miles (3.2 kilometers) southeast of Zerin.<\/li>\n<li>2. Home of Shammah and Elika, two of David’s valiant warriors (2 Sm 23:25). In the parallel passage (1 Chr 11:27), Elika’s name is omitted and Shammah (Shammoth) is listed as a Harorite instead of a Harodite. “Harorite” reflects a later scribal error where the copyist mistook the Hebrew letter “d” for an “r.”<\/li>","summary_ro":"HAROD 1. Spring beside which Gideon and his army camped before their encounter with the Midianites (Jgs 7:1). Perhaps this is the same spring by which Saul and his army pitched their tents prior to their battle with the Philistines (1 Sm 29:1). The spring of Harod is at ‘Ain Jalud by the northern side of Mt Gilboa, about two miles (3.2 kilometers) southeast of Zerin. 2. Home of Shammah and Elika, two of David’s valiant warriors (2 Sm 23:25). In the parallel passage (1 Chr 11:27), Elika’s name...","summary_en":"HAROD 1. Spring beside which Gideon and his army camped before their encounter with the Midianites (Jgs 7:1). Perhaps this is the same spring by which Saul and his army pitched their tents prior to their battle with the Philistines (1 Sm 29:1). The spring of Harod is at ‘Ain Jalud by the northern side of Mt Gilboa, about two miles (3.2 kilometers) southeast of Zerin. 2. Home of Shammah and Elika, two of David’s valiant warriors (2 Sm 23:25). In the parallel passage (1 Chr 11:27), Elika’s name...","source":"Articles\/H.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":19863,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Jezreel Valley","title_en":"Jezreel Valley","content_ro":"<h3>JEZREEL VALLEY<\/h3>\n<p>Largest and richest valley in the land of Israel. It was named after Jezreel, and it was apparently the only town on the plain where the Israelites had gained a foothold in the early stages of their conquest (cf. Jgs 1:27-30). The form of the name in later Greek sources is Esdraelon (Jdt 1:8); some scholars have wrongly applied the latter term to the great western plain and the former to the narrow valley leading eastward to Beth-shan. Comparison of Joshua 17:16 with Judges 1:27-28 and Joshua 17:11 shows that the Beth-shan area was considered as a separate entity from the valley of Jezreel, which included the cities of Taanach and Megiddo among others (cf. also Hos 1:5).<\/p>\n<p>The Midianites camped there, between the hill of Moreh and Mt Tabor (Jgs 6:33; 7:1); Barak defeated the army of Sisera and Jabin there, near Endor (Ps 83:9-10), and later the Philistines gathered there to oppose Saul (1 Sm 29:1, 11; 2 Sm 4:4). Under the monarchy, the valley was an administrative district (2 Sm 2:9; 1 Kgs 4:12). Another name, perhaps applicable only to the southern half of the valley, is the plain of Megiddo (2 Chr 35:22; Zec 12:11).<\/p>\n\n<p>The valley figures in the wars of Thutmose III and Amenhotep II, and the towns there, especially Megiddo, were under Egyptian control in the late Bronze Age. The southwestern side was famous as a military assembly ground, probably called Harosheth-haggoyim (Jgs 4:2, 13-16).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Palestine.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JEZREEL VALLEY<\/h3>\n<p>Largest and richest valley in the land of Israel. It was named after Jezreel, and it was apparently the only town on the plain where the Israelites had gained a foothold in the early stages of their conquest (cf. Jgs 1:27-30). The form of the name in later Greek sources is Esdraelon (Jdt 1:8); some scholars have wrongly applied the latter term to the great western plain and the former to the narrow valley leading eastward to Beth-shan. Comparison of Joshua 17:16 with Judges 1:27-28 and Joshua 17:11 shows that the Beth-shan area was considered as a separate entity from the valley of Jezreel, which included the cities of Taanach and Megiddo among others (cf. also Hos 1:5).<\/p>\n<p>The Midianites camped there, between the hill of Moreh and Mt Tabor (Jgs 6:33; 7:1); Barak defeated the army of Sisera and Jabin there, near Endor (Ps 83:9-10), and later the Philistines gathered there to oppose Saul (1 Sm 29:1, 11; 2 Sm 4:4). Under the monarchy, the valley was an administrative district (2 Sm 2:9; 1 Kgs 4:12). Another name, perhaps applicable only to the southern half of the valley, is the plain of Megiddo (2 Chr 35:22; Zec 12:11).<\/p>\n\n<p>The valley figures in the wars of Thutmose III and Amenhotep II, and the towns there, especially Megiddo, were under Egyptian control in the late Bronze Age. The southwestern side was famous as a military assembly ground, probably called Harosheth-haggoyim (Jgs 4:2, 13-16).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Palestine.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JEZREEL VALLEY Largest and richest valley in the land of Israel. It was named after Jezreel, and it was apparently the only town on the plain where the Israelites had gained a foothold in the early stages of their conquest (cf. Jgs 1:27-30). The form of the name in later Greek sources is Esdraelon (Jdt 1:8); some scholars have wrongly applied the latter term to the great western plain and the former to the narrow valley leading eastward to Beth-shan. Comparison of Joshua 17:16 with Judges 1:2...","summary_en":"JEZREEL VALLEY Largest and richest valley in the land of Israel. It was named after Jezreel, and it was apparently the only town on the plain where the Israelites had gained a foothold in the early stages of their conquest (cf. Jgs 1:27-30). The form of the name in later Greek sources is Esdraelon (Jdt 1:8); some scholars have wrongly applied the latter term to the great western plain and the former to the narrow valley leading eastward to Beth-shan. Comparison of Joshua 17:16 with Judges 1:2...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":26282,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Hill of Moreh","title_en":"Hill of Moreh","content_ro":"<h3>MOREH, Hill of<\/h3>\n<p>Hill close to the valley of Jezreel, near which the Midianites camped when they were attacked by Gideon (Jgs 7:1). It was probably called by this name because it was the location of a sanctuary where divination was practiced. Its name may imply instruction or divination. It is generally identified with Jebel Nabi Dahi, across the valley from Mt Gilboa.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>MOREH, Hill of<\/h3>\n<p>Hill close to the valley of Jezreel, near which the Midianites camped when they were attacked by Gideon (Jgs 7:1). It was probably called by this name because it was the location of a sanctuary where divination was practiced. Its name may imply instruction or divination. It is generally identified with Jebel Nabi Dahi, across the valley from Mt Gilboa.<\/p>","summary_ro":"MOREH, Hill of Hill close to the valley of Jezreel, near which the Midianites camped when they were attacked by Gideon (Jgs 7:1). It was probably called by this name because it was the location of a sanctuary where divination was practiced. Its name may imply instruction or divination. It is generally identified with Jebel Nabi Dahi, across the valley from Mt Gilboa.","summary_en":"MOREH, Hill of Hill close to the valley of Jezreel, near which the Midianites camped when they were attacked by Gideon (Jgs 7:1). It was probably called by this name because it was the location of a sanctuary where divination was practiced. Its name may imply instruction or divination. It is generally identified with Jebel Nabi Dahi, across the valley from Mt Gilboa.","source":"Articles\/M.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":38963,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Zebah and Zalmunna","title_en":"Zebah and Zalmunna","content_ro":"<h3>ZEBAH AND ZALMUNNA<\/h3>\n<p>Two Midianite kings who slaughtered Gideon’s brothers at Tabor. Gideon subsequently killed them in order to avenge his brothers’ deaths (Jgs 8:18-21).<\/p>\n<p>During Gideon’s day, Midianite camel raiders annually made forays into Israelite territory at harvesttime, stealing crops and livestock (Jgs 6:3). So complete were their raids that nothing was left in Israel, including crops, sheep, oxen, or donkeys.<\/p>\n<p>In this state of affairs God called Gideon to deliver Israel (Jgs 6:16). His well-known victory over Midian near Mt Moreh was an important step toward realization of this divine commission (7:1-23). In the operations following the battle, Ephraimite warriors captured and assassinated two Midianite leaders named Zeeb and Oreb (7:24–8:3).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon determined to capture Zebah and Zalmunna, the kings of the Midianite forces. In tracking them down, he crossed the Jordan River and traveled more than 100 miles (160.9 kilometers) from the site of the original battle. Along the way, two successive towns, Succoth and Penuel, refused to help Gideon and his men, doubtless fearing reprisal from the Midianite raiders should Gideon fail to defeat them.<\/p>\n<p>Gideon routed the remaining Midianite warriors and captured Zebah and Zalmunna (Jgs 8:12). Because Zebah and Zalmunna had killed his brothers, Gideon killed the two Midianite kings (vv 19-21). Psalm 83:11 indicates that Zebah, Zalmunna, and the Midianites were the enemies not merely of Israel but also of God.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>ZEBAH AND ZALMUNNA<\/h3>\n<p>Two Midianite kings who slaughtered Gideon’s brothers at Tabor. Gideon subsequently killed them in order to avenge his brothers’ deaths (Jgs 8:18-21).<\/p>\n<p>During Gideon’s day, Midianite camel raiders annually made forays into Israelite territory at harvesttime, stealing crops and livestock (Jgs 6:3). So complete were their raids that nothing was left in Israel, including crops, sheep, oxen, or donkeys.<\/p>\n<p>In this state of affairs God called Gideon to deliver Israel (Jgs 6:16). His well-known victory over Midian near Mt Moreh was an important step toward realization of this divine commission (7:1-23). In the operations following the battle, Ephraimite warriors captured and assassinated two Midianite leaders named Zeeb and Oreb (7:24–8:3).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon determined to capture Zebah and Zalmunna, the kings of the Midianite forces. In tracking them down, he crossed the Jordan River and traveled more than 100 miles (160.9 kilometers) from the site of the original battle. Along the way, two successive towns, Succoth and Penuel, refused to help Gideon and his men, doubtless fearing reprisal from the Midianite raiders should Gideon fail to defeat them.<\/p>\n<p>Gideon routed the remaining Midianite warriors and captured Zebah and Zalmunna (Jgs 8:12). Because Zebah and Zalmunna had killed his brothers, Gideon killed the two Midianite kings (vv 19-21). Psalm 83:11 indicates that Zebah, Zalmunna, and the Midianites were the enemies not merely of Israel but also of God.<\/p>","summary_ro":"ZEBAH AND ZALMUNNA Two Midianite kings who slaughtered Gideon’s brothers at Tabor. Gideon subsequently killed them in order to avenge his brothers’ deaths (Jgs 8:18-21). During Gideon’s day, Midianite camel raiders annually made forays into Israelite territory at harvesttime, stealing crops and livestock (Jgs 6:3). So complete were their raids that nothing was left in Israel, including crops, sheep, oxen, or donkeys. In this state of affairs God called Gideon to deliver Israel (Jgs 6:16). His...","summary_en":"ZEBAH AND ZALMUNNA Two Midianite kings who slaughtered Gideon’s brothers at Tabor. Gideon subsequently killed them in order to avenge his brothers’ deaths (Jgs 8:18-21). During Gideon’s day, Midianite camel raiders annually made forays into Israelite territory at harvesttime, stealing crops and livestock (Jgs 6:3). So complete were their raids that nothing was left in Israel, including crops, sheep, oxen, or donkeys. In this state of affairs God called Gideon to deliver Israel (Jgs 6:16). His...","source":"Articles\/Z.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":45751,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:1","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>6:1–8:35<\/strong> Gideon’s judgeship brings to a close the first period of judges.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>6:1–8:35<\/strong> Gideon’s judgeship brings to a close the first period of judges.<\/p>","summary_ro":"6:1–8:35 Gideon’s judgeship brings to a close the first period of judges.","summary_en":"6:1–8:35 Gideon’s judgeship brings to a close the first period of judges.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":45767,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:1","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:1<\/strong> The <em>spring of Harod<\/em> and <em>the hill of Moreh<\/em> were just east of the town of Jezreel; they guarded the pass that connects the valley of Jezreel to the fords of the Jordan near Beth-shan. Gideon’s army was located on the north slope of Mount Gilboa. The Midianite hosts were in the valley below, with the hill behind them.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:1<\/strong> The <em>spring of Harod<\/em> and <em>the hill of Moreh<\/em> were just east of the town of Jezreel; they guarded the pass that connects the valley of Jezreel to the fords of the Jordan near Beth-shan. Gideon’s army was located on the north slope of Mount Gilboa. The Midianite hosts were in the valley below, with the hill behind them.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:1 The spring of Harod and the hill of Moreh were just east of the town of Jezreel; they guarded the pass that connects the valley of Jezreel to the fords of the Jordan near Beth-shan. Gideon’s army was located on the north slope of Mount Gilboa. The Midianite hosts were in the valley below, with the hill behind them.","summary_en":"7:1 The spring of Harod and the hill of Moreh were just east of the town of Jezreel; they guarded the pass that connects the valley of Jezreel to the fords of the Jordan near Beth-shan. Gideon’s army was located on the north slope of Mount Gilboa. The Midianite hosts were in the valley below, with the hill behind them.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73377,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:1","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>6:1–8:35<\/strong> Gideon’s judgeship brings to a close the first period of judges.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>6:1–8:35<\/strong> Gideon’s judgeship brings to a close the first period of judges.<\/p>","summary_ro":"6:1–8:35 Gideon’s judgeship brings to a close the first period of judges.","summary_en":"6:1–8:35 Gideon’s judgeship brings to a close the first period of judges.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73393,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:1","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:1<\/strong> The <em>spring of Harod<\/em> and <em>the hill of Moreh<\/em> were just east of the town of Jezreel; they guarded the pass that connects the valley of Jezreel to the fords of the Jordan near Beth-shan. Gideon’s army was located on the north slope of Mount Gilboa. The Midianite hosts were in the valley below, with the hill behind them.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:1<\/strong> The <em>spring of Harod<\/em> and <em>the hill of Moreh<\/em> were just east of the town of Jezreel; they guarded the pass that connects the valley of Jezreel to the fords of the Jordan near Beth-shan. Gideon’s army was located on the north slope of Mount Gilboa. The Midianite hosts were in the valley below, with the hill behind them.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:1 The spring of Harod and the hill of Moreh were just east of the town of Jezreel; they guarded the pass that connects the valley of Jezreel to the fords of the Jordan near Beth-shan. Gideon’s army was located on the north slope of Mount Gilboa. The Midianite hosts were in the valley below, with the hill behind them.","summary_en":"7:1 The spring of Harod and the hill of Moreh were just east of the town of Jezreel; they guarded the pass that connects the valley of Jezreel to the fords of the Jordan near Beth-shan. Gideon’s army was located on the north slope of Mount Gilboa. The Midianite hosts were in the valley below, with the hill behind them.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":101003,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:1","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>6:1–8:35<\/strong> Gideon’s judgeship brings to a close the first period of judges.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>6:1–8:35<\/strong> Gideon’s judgeship brings to a close the first period of judges.<\/p>","summary_ro":"6:1–8:35 Gideon’s judgeship brings to a close the first period of judges.","summary_en":"6:1–8:35 Gideon’s judgeship brings to a close the first period of judges.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":101019,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:1","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:1<\/strong> The <em>spring of Harod<\/em> and <em>the hill of Moreh<\/em> were just east of the town of Jezreel; they guarded the pass that connects the valley of Jezreel to the fords of the Jordan near Beth-shan. Gideon’s army was located on the north slope of Mount Gilboa. The Midianite hosts were in the valley below, with the hill behind them.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:1<\/strong> The <em>spring of Harod<\/em> and <em>the hill of Moreh<\/em> were just east of the town of Jezreel; they guarded the pass that connects the valley of Jezreel to the fords of the Jordan near Beth-shan. Gideon’s army was located on the north slope of Mount Gilboa. The Midianite hosts were in the valley below, with the hill behind them.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:1 The spring of Harod and the hill of Moreh were just east of the town of Jezreel; they guarded the pass that connects the valley of Jezreel to the fords of the Jordan near Beth-shan. Gideon’s army was located on the north slope of Mount Gilboa. The Midianite hosts were in the valley below, with the hill behind them.","summary_en":"7:1 The spring of Harod and the hill of Moreh were just east of the town of Jezreel; they guarded the pass that connects the valley of Jezreel to the fords of the Jordan near Beth-shan. Gideon’s army was located on the north slope of Mount Gilboa. The Midianite hosts were in the valley below, with the hill behind them.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128629,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:1","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>6:1–8:35<\/strong> Gideon’s judgeship brings to a close the first period of judges.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>6:1–8:35<\/strong> Gideon’s judgeship brings to a close the first period of judges.<\/p>","summary_ro":"6:1–8:35 Gideon’s judgeship brings to a close the first period of judges.","summary_en":"6:1–8:35 Gideon’s judgeship brings to a close the first period of judges.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128645,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:1","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:1","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:1<\/strong> The <em>spring of Harod<\/em> and <em>the hill of Moreh<\/em> were just east of the town of Jezreel; they guarded the pass that connects the valley of Jezreel to the fords of the Jordan near Beth-shan. Gideon’s army was located on the north slope of Mount Gilboa. The Midianite hosts were in the valley below, with the hill behind them.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:1<\/strong> The <em>spring of Harod<\/em> and <em>the hill of Moreh<\/em> were just east of the town of Jezreel; they guarded the pass that connects the valley of Jezreel to the fords of the Jordan near Beth-shan. Gideon’s army was located on the north slope of Mount Gilboa. The Midianite hosts were in the valley below, with the hill behind them.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:1 The spring of Harod and the hill of Moreh were just east of the town of Jezreel; they guarded the pass that connects the valley of Jezreel to the fords of the Jordan near Beth-shan. Gideon’s army was located on the north slope of Mount Gilboa. The Midianite hosts were in the valley below, with the hill behind them.","summary_en":"7:1 The spring of Harod and the hill of Moreh were just east of the town of Jezreel; they guarded the pass that connects the valley of Jezreel to the fords of the Jordan near Beth-shan. Gideon’s army was located on the north slope of Mount Gilboa. The Midianite hosts were in the valley below, with the hill behind them.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"2":[{"id":13810,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Gideon","title_en":"Gideon","content_ro":"<h3>GIDEON<\/h3>\n<p>Judge of Israel, son of Joash, of the clan of Abiezer and the tribe of Manasseh. Of the 12 judges of Israel, more verses are devoted to Gideon than any other—Samson running a close second. The narrative in which he is the central character antedates the Christian era by roughly 11 centuries.<\/p>\n<p>Following seven years of cruel oppression by the Midianites, Israel cried out to the Lord for relief (Jgs 6:6). An unknown prophet informs the Israelites that their miserable conditions stem from their forgetting to give exclusive devotion to the one true God. God sends his angel to Gideon. A touch of humor earmarks the angel’s greeting, for the “mighty warrior” (v 12) is threshing wheat secretly for fear of the Midianites. Yet God addresses Gideon in realization of what his mighty power is able to accomplish in him (vv 14-16, 34). Conscious of his own weakness and the formidable task before him, Gideon is an ideal vehicle for God’s tremendous work of deliverance (cf. 1 Cor 1:27; 2 Cor 12:10).<\/p>\n\n<p>Gideon’s first task is to tear down his father’s altar to Baal and the adjacent one to Asherah, Baal’s female consort (cf. Is 42:8). Knowing that the people would resist such an act, Gideon and his servants destroy these images of debased Canaanite religion at night. The following day the men of Ophrah confront Gideon and seek his life in retaliation for the act. Joash pleads the cause of his son, inviting Baal, if he indeed is deity, to contend for himself. Out of this confrontation the name Jerubbaal (“let Baal contend”) is ascribed to Gideon (Jgs 6:32).<\/p>\n<p>Yet Gideon is a man of inconstant faith, and his desire of further assurance is not rebuked as God graciously and patiently accedes to his requests concerning the dew and the fleece (Jgs 6:36-40). Subsequently Gideon is informed that mere numbers will not assure victory. Moreover, there must be no doubt whatever as to the true source of Israel’s liberation (7:2). From 32,000, Gideon’s troops are trimmed down to only 300 by an unusual method of reduction (vv 3-7). A secret reconnaissance mission to the outskirts of the oppositions’ camp enables Gideon to receive further strengthening as he and his servant Purah overhear a Midianite soldier reveal his dream indicating Israel’s imminent victory (vv 13-14). In response to this additional encouragement, he worships the Lord (Jgs 7:15; cf. 6:24).<\/p>\n<p>Divided into three companies, Gideon’s army stations itself at night outside the Midianite stronghold. At Gideon’s signal each man blows a trumpet (made from an animal’s horn) and smashes an empty jar containing a torch, shouting, “A sword for the <span>Lord<\/span> and for Gideon!” (Jgs 7:20). The effect of the clamor is overwhelming. Thinking themselves outnumbered, the confused and disheartened Midianites flee eastward across the Jordan. In hot pursuit, Gideon’s men are joined by Israelites from Naphtali, Asher, and Manasseh, who follow the enemy into the Transjordan area. The men of Ephraim, whose efforts are now called upon for the first time, capture and kill two of the Midianite leaders. Angry with Gideon for failing to enlist their services earlier, the Ephraimites are nonetheless appeased by Gideon’s tactful response to their queries (8:1-3).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s unselfishness shines in response to the people’s desire to make him king, but he declines (Jgs 8:22-23). He does, however, receive an immense personal fortune from the spoils of war (vv 24-26). The unfortunate conclusion of Gideon’s story relates to his making an ephod from the gold won in battle. Perhaps a garment patterned after the high priest’s or a freestanding image, the object ensnares the people, and they worship it at Ophrah (v 27). In 2 Samuel 11:21 Gideon’s alternate name, Jerubbaal, becomes Jerubbesheth, “Baal” being replaced with the Hebrew word for “shame” <em>(<\/em><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">besheth<\/span><em>).<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Gideon has been singled out in the Letter to the Hebrews as a hero of the faith whose trust in God brought glory to the Lord (Heb 11:32, <span>kjv<\/span> “Gedeon”). As far back as the time of Isaiah, “the day of Midian” had become proverbial for deliverance accomplished by the hand of God apart from human strength (Is 9:4).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Judges, Book of.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>GIDEON<\/h3>\n<p>Judge of Israel, son of Joash, of the clan of Abiezer and the tribe of Manasseh. Of the 12 judges of Israel, more verses are devoted to Gideon than any other—Samson running a close second. The narrative in which he is the central character antedates the Christian era by roughly 11 centuries.<\/p>\n<p>Following seven years of cruel oppression by the Midianites, Israel cried out to the Lord for relief (Jgs 6:6). An unknown prophet informs the Israelites that their miserable conditions stem from their forgetting to give exclusive devotion to the one true God. God sends his angel to Gideon. A touch of humor earmarks the angel’s greeting, for the “mighty warrior” (v 12) is threshing wheat secretly for fear of the Midianites. Yet God addresses Gideon in realization of what his mighty power is able to accomplish in him (vv 14-16, 34). Conscious of his own weakness and the formidable task before him, Gideon is an ideal vehicle for God’s tremendous work of deliverance (cf. 1 Cor 1:27; 2 Cor 12:10).<\/p>\n\n<p>Gideon’s first task is to tear down his father’s altar to Baal and the adjacent one to Asherah, Baal’s female consort (cf. Is 42:8). Knowing that the people would resist such an act, Gideon and his servants destroy these images of debased Canaanite religion at night. The following day the men of Ophrah confront Gideon and seek his life in retaliation for the act. Joash pleads the cause of his son, inviting Baal, if he indeed is deity, to contend for himself. Out of this confrontation the name Jerubbaal (“let Baal contend”) is ascribed to Gideon (Jgs 6:32).<\/p>\n<p>Yet Gideon is a man of inconstant faith, and his desire of further assurance is not rebuked as God graciously and patiently accedes to his requests concerning the dew and the fleece (Jgs 6:36-40). Subsequently Gideon is informed that mere numbers will not assure victory. Moreover, there must be no doubt whatever as to the true source of Israel’s liberation (7:2). From 32,000, Gideon’s troops are trimmed down to only 300 by an unusual method of reduction (vv 3-7). A secret reconnaissance mission to the outskirts of the oppositions’ camp enables Gideon to receive further strengthening as he and his servant Purah overhear a Midianite soldier reveal his dream indicating Israel’s imminent victory (vv 13-14). In response to this additional encouragement, he worships the Lord (Jgs 7:15; cf. 6:24).<\/p>\n<p>Divided into three companies, Gideon’s army stations itself at night outside the Midianite stronghold. At Gideon’s signal each man blows a trumpet (made from an animal’s horn) and smashes an empty jar containing a torch, shouting, “A sword for the <span>Lord<\/span> and for Gideon!” (Jgs 7:20). The effect of the clamor is overwhelming. Thinking themselves outnumbered, the confused and disheartened Midianites flee eastward across the Jordan. In hot pursuit, Gideon’s men are joined by Israelites from Naphtali, Asher, and Manasseh, who follow the enemy into the Transjordan area. The men of Ephraim, whose efforts are now called upon for the first time, capture and kill two of the Midianite leaders. Angry with Gideon for failing to enlist their services earlier, the Ephraimites are nonetheless appeased by Gideon’s tactful response to their queries (8:1-3).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s unselfishness shines in response to the people’s desire to make him king, but he declines (Jgs 8:22-23). He does, however, receive an immense personal fortune from the spoils of war (vv 24-26). The unfortunate conclusion of Gideon’s story relates to his making an ephod from the gold won in battle. Perhaps a garment patterned after the high priest’s or a freestanding image, the object ensnares the people, and they worship it at Ophrah (v 27). In 2 Samuel 11:21 Gideon’s alternate name, Jerubbaal, becomes Jerubbesheth, “Baal” being replaced with the Hebrew word for “shame” <em>(<\/em><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">besheth<\/span><em>).<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Gideon has been singled out in the Letter to the Hebrews as a hero of the faith whose trust in God brought glory to the Lord (Heb 11:32, <span>kjv<\/span> “Gedeon”). As far back as the time of Isaiah, “the day of Midian” had become proverbial for deliverance accomplished by the hand of God apart from human strength (Is 9:4).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Judges, Book of.<\/p>","summary_ro":"GIDEON Judge of Israel, son of Joash, of the clan of Abiezer and the tribe of Manasseh. Of the 12 judges of Israel, more verses are devoted to Gideon than any other—Samson running a close second. The narrative in which he is the central character antedates the Christian era by roughly 11 centuries. Following seven years of cruel oppression by the Midianites, Israel cried out to the Lord for relief (Jgs 6:6). An unknown prophet informs the Israelites that their miserable conditions stem from t...","summary_en":"GIDEON Judge of Israel, son of Joash, of the clan of Abiezer and the tribe of Manasseh. Of the 12 judges of Israel, more verses are devoted to Gideon than any other—Samson running a close second. The narrative in which he is the central character antedates the Christian era by roughly 11 centuries. Following seven years of cruel oppression by the Midianites, Israel cried out to the Lord for relief (Jgs 6:6). An unknown prophet informs the Israelites that their miserable conditions stem from t...","source":"Articles\/G.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":17470,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Inheritance","title_en":"Inheritance","content_ro":"<h3>INHERITANCE<\/h3>\n<p>Legacy or bequest. Inheritance plays an unusually significant role in the Scriptures when it is used to convey theological truths. As we might expect, these theological applications reflect legal customs in force during OT and NT times.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LegalandHistoricalAspect\">Legal and Historical Aspect<\/p>\n<h5>The Patriarchs<\/h5>\n<p>We learn something of early-second-millennium <span>BC<\/span> practices from the patriarchal stories in Genesis. For example, the narrative indicates that the firstborn could normally expect to receive the birthright. Yet exceptions abound. Ishmael (Gn 16:15; 17:15-21), Esau (25:23), and Reuben (49:3-4) did not receive the birthright. Another item of special interest is Abraham’s suggestion that, in the absence of a son, his servant Eliezer might be regarded as the heir (15:2-5); scholars have found confirmation of this practice in Hurrian legal documents of the second millennium.<\/p>\n<h5>The Hebrew Nation<\/h5>\n<p>According to Deuteronomy 21:15-17, Hebrew firstborns were legally entitled to a double portion of the inheritance. Israelite law also made provision for widows through the practice of levirate marriage (Dt 25:5; see Gn 38:8; Ru 4:5).<\/p>\n<p>According to Numbers 27:1-11, the daughters of Zelophehad argued that they should receive the inheritance since their father had died without sons. Consequently, God decreed that if a man died without sons, the inheritance should be transferred to his daughter; if he had no daughter, to his brothers; if he had no brothers, to his nearest relatives. This particular incident also illustrates the importance of preserving tribal possessions: the daughters of Zelophehad were not allowed to marry outside the tribe of Manasseh, for this would mean transferral of the property to another tribe (Nm 36).<\/p>\n<p>How highly the Israelites valued their family’s inherited possessions may be gathered from Leviticus 25:25-28. If an individual sold his land for financial reasons, provision must be made for a relative to redeem it; if he had no near relative, he could still purchase it back at a later time, and even if he could not afford to do so, the land automatically reverted to him in the Year of Jubilee, when all debts were canceled (note also Lv 27:14-25).<\/p>\n<h5>In the New Testament<\/h5>\n<p>Apart from the reference to levirate marriage in Matthew 22:23-33 (Mk 12:18-27; Lk 20:27-40), the NT has little to say about principles of property transferral during Roman times.<\/p>\n<p>In the parable of the prodigal son, the younger son in the family requested his share of the inheritance (Lk 15:12). One should also note that the elder son, who with false piety looked down on his brother’s behavior, had not protested when his brother asked for the inheritance; on the contrary, the elder brother too, without complaining, received his share—presumably a double portion.<\/p>\n<p>In another significant passage (Gal 4:1-2) Paul, seeking to illustrate a theological point, refers to secular practices. An heir, he tells us, is subject to guardians and managers during his childhood, up to the time he actually inherits. The point Paul wants to establish is clear enough, but the illustration does not coincide with what we know of Roman law and unfortunately scholars have been unable to identify the precise social custom in view. It may be that Paul was making reference, in general rather than strict legal terms, to some practice with which he and the Galatians were familiar.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheologicalAspect\">Theological Aspect<\/p>\n<h5>Canaan as Israel’s Inheritance<\/h5>\n<p>The conviction that God gave Palestine to the Israelites for their inheritance serves as a bridge between the historical and the theological data. The historical element lies in the obvious fact that the Promised Land, a physical entity, was certainly occupied by the Hebrews and distributed among their tribes. Theologically, however, the Scriptures speak of this occupation as a divine gift; in effect, even the method of distribution was based on the concept that the land belongs to God (Lv 25:23; see Ex 15:17; Jos 22:27; Ez 38:16; Jl 1:6).<\/p>\n<p>The theme goes back to Genesis 12:1-3. God, in choosing Abraham, instructed him to move to a new country and promised to make him a great and blessed nation (Heb 11:8). The significance of the land in this Abrahamic promise is made more explicit later, when we are told that God promised to give Canaan to Abraham’s descendants after four centuries of Egyptian bondage (Gn 15:12-21; see Acts 7:5).<\/p>\n<p>Since Canaan was occupied by wicked inhabitants, the land was to be taken by force; to inherit the land therefore really means <em>to take possession<\/em> of it. Israel must trust God, whose land it is, to give them the victory (Jos 1:1-9; 21:43-45; Jgs 7:2; Ps 44:1-3; Acts 13:19). Once they conquered the land, it was apportioned among the tribes according to their size (following the instructions in Nm 26:52-54). God further commanded the people to divide the land by lot (vv 55-56). Thus, from the initial promise to Abraham, to the actual apportionment of the land and even with reference to the future (Is 60:21; Ez 45:1-8; 47:13–48:29), the people were made fully aware that their inheritance lay in the hands of a sovereign Lord.<\/p>\n<h5>The Believer’s Inheritance<\/h5>\n<p>In the OT we find the concept of inheritance transferred from the purely physical to the spiritual. The tribe of Levi, which constituted the priestly clan, received no inheritance, because “the Lord is their inheritance” (Dt 18:1-2; see Nm 18:8-24). The Levites, in other words, received no land apportionment, but in their service to God they could begin to enjoy the fuller blessings to which the land inheritance pointed.<\/p>\n<p>That this truth could not be restricted to Levites is hinted at in Exodus 19:6, where the whole nation is called “a kingdom of priests” (see 1 Pt 2:9). Psalm 16 makes it clear that no one understood more clearly than David what those words entailed. Even if he were deprived of Israel’s physical inheritance, he had received by lot a more beautiful heritage, the Lord himself, in whose presence he found full joy and everlasting pleasures (Ps 16:5-6, 11; see also Pss 73:25-26; 142:5; Is 58:14; Lam 3:24).<\/p>\n<p>In later Judaism, during and after the intertestamental period, the figure was extended considerably. For example, the rabbis began to speak of the law as the inheritance of the faithful. Further, they might give the idea a negative turn, as when the wicked are said to inherit hell (cf. Jb 27:13). Neither of these figures is found in the NT.<\/p>\n<p>We also read in Jewish literature statements about inheriting the age to come, the kingdom, eternal life; these ideas occur frequently in the NT (Mt 19:29; 25:34; Lk 10:25; 18:18; 1 Cor 6:9-10; 15:50; Gal 5:21; Eph 5:5; Ti 3:7; Jas 2:5). Such an inheritance, however, belongs only to those who are sanctified by God’s word (Acts 20:32; 26:18; Col 1:12; note also Jn 17:17; Col 3:23-24). These future blessings do not exclude the physical (Mt 5:5; note Ps 37:11, 29; Is 60:21; Rom 4:13; 2 Pt 3:13), but they certainly exclude human frailty, for God’s inheritance is imperishable (1 Cor 15:50). In short, our heritage is nothing less than full salvation (Heb 1:14; 11:7), which God carefully guards for us in heaven (1 Pt 1:4).<\/p>\n<p>Doubtless, the most significant feature in the NT is its emphasis that, as a result of the work of Christ, his people begin even <em>now<\/em> to receive the promised inheritance. The Gospel of John frequently stresses the present reality of eternal life, as does the Letter to the Hebrews (cf. 6:12-17 with 9:15 and 11:13, 39-40).<\/p>\n<p>Paul treats this whole matter thoroughly in Galatians 3:7–4:7. In response to the Judaizers, who claim that the Abrahamic inheritance is restricted to those who become Jews through circumcision, Paul argues vigorously that Abraham’s true children are those who believe, whether Jew or Gentile (3:7; see Acts 26:16-18; Eph 3:6). They become heirs of God’s promise, for they receive the Spirit (Gal 3:14). The principle of inheritance is promise, not the Law (v 18). Those who believe are brought into union with Christ (vv 27-29); but then they are not merely Abraham’s children but God’s (v 26), for Christ is the Son of God and God has determined to send the Spirit of his Son to believers so that they too may call God <em>Father<\/em> (Gal 4:4-7; see also Rom 8:15-16).<\/p>\n<p>Indeed, Christ himself as the Son is the true heir (Mt 21:38; Mk 12:7; Lk 20:14); he has inherited a name above every name (Phil 2:9; Heb 1:4) and has been appointed heir of all things (Heb 1:2; see Ps 2:7-8; Mt 28:18). But by his grace, all who become his through faith are counted joint heirs with him (Rom 8:17).<\/p>\n<h5>God’s Inheritance<\/h5>\n<p>With a bold shift in the metaphor, the Scriptures speak of believers as God’s inheritance. In the beautiful “Song of Moses” the author speaks of God as the Israelites’ Father (Dt 32:6), who has taken special interest in their inheritance (v 8). Then we are told why God cares: “For the <span>Lord<\/span>’s portion is his people, Jacob his allotted inheritance” (Dt 32:9, <span>niv<\/span>). This theme becomes very prominent throughout the OT (e.g., Dt 9:26-29; 1 Kgs 8:51-53; Pss 28:9; 33:12; 74:2; Is 19:25; Jer 10:16; Zec 2:12). Elsewhere, Israel is spoken of as God’s special possession (e.g., Ex 19:5; Dt 7:6).<\/p>\n<p>In Ephesians 1:14 “the redemption of the possession” refers to the final salvation of believers, who are God’s treasure. Further, “we have obtained an inheritance” (Eph 1:11) may well be translated, “we have been made an inheritance,” that is, been “chosen as God’s portion,” a view supported by verse 18. No more fundamental idea than this can be found in Scripture, and its essence is expressed by the words of the One who sits on the throne: “He who conquers shall have this heritage, and I will be his God and he shall be my son” (Rv 21:7, <span>rsv<\/span>; see Lv 26:11-12; 2 Sm 7:14).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Adoption; Birthright; Firstborn; Heir.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>INHERITANCE<\/h3>\n<p>Legacy or bequest. Inheritance plays an unusually significant role in the Scriptures when it is used to convey theological truths. As we might expect, these theological applications reflect legal customs in force during OT and NT times.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LegalandHistoricalAspect\">Legal and Historical Aspect<\/p>\n<h5>The Patriarchs<\/h5>\n<p>We learn something of early-second-millennium <span>BC<\/span> practices from the patriarchal stories in Genesis. For example, the narrative indicates that the firstborn could normally expect to receive the birthright. Yet exceptions abound. Ishmael (Gn 16:15; 17:15-21), Esau (25:23), and Reuben (49:3-4) did not receive the birthright. Another item of special interest is Abraham’s suggestion that, in the absence of a son, his servant Eliezer might be regarded as the heir (15:2-5); scholars have found confirmation of this practice in Hurrian legal documents of the second millennium.<\/p>\n<h5>The Hebrew Nation<\/h5>\n<p>According to Deuteronomy 21:15-17, Hebrew firstborns were legally entitled to a double portion of the inheritance. Israelite law also made provision for widows through the practice of levirate marriage (Dt 25:5; see Gn 38:8; Ru 4:5).<\/p>\n<p>According to Numbers 27:1-11, the daughters of Zelophehad argued that they should receive the inheritance since their father had died without sons. Consequently, God decreed that if a man died without sons, the inheritance should be transferred to his daughter; if he had no daughter, to his brothers; if he had no brothers, to his nearest relatives. This particular incident also illustrates the importance of preserving tribal possessions: the daughters of Zelophehad were not allowed to marry outside the tribe of Manasseh, for this would mean transferral of the property to another tribe (Nm 36).<\/p>\n<p>How highly the Israelites valued their family’s inherited possessions may be gathered from Leviticus 25:25-28. If an individual sold his land for financial reasons, provision must be made for a relative to redeem it; if he had no near relative, he could still purchase it back at a later time, and even if he could not afford to do so, the land automatically reverted to him in the Year of Jubilee, when all debts were canceled (note also Lv 27:14-25).<\/p>\n<h5>In the New Testament<\/h5>\n<p>Apart from the reference to levirate marriage in Matthew 22:23-33 (Mk 12:18-27; Lk 20:27-40), the NT has little to say about principles of property transferral during Roman times.<\/p>\n<p>In the parable of the prodigal son, the younger son in the family requested his share of the inheritance (Lk 15:12). One should also note that the elder son, who with false piety looked down on his brother’s behavior, had not protested when his brother asked for the inheritance; on the contrary, the elder brother too, without complaining, received his share—presumably a double portion.<\/p>\n<p>In another significant passage (Gal 4:1-2) Paul, seeking to illustrate a theological point, refers to secular practices. An heir, he tells us, is subject to guardians and managers during his childhood, up to the time he actually inherits. The point Paul wants to establish is clear enough, but the illustration does not coincide with what we know of Roman law and unfortunately scholars have been unable to identify the precise social custom in view. It may be that Paul was making reference, in general rather than strict legal terms, to some practice with which he and the Galatians were familiar.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"TheologicalAspect\">Theological Aspect<\/p>\n<h5>Canaan as Israel’s Inheritance<\/h5>\n<p>The conviction that God gave Palestine to the Israelites for their inheritance serves as a bridge between the historical and the theological data. The historical element lies in the obvious fact that the Promised Land, a physical entity, was certainly occupied by the Hebrews and distributed among their tribes. Theologically, however, the Scriptures speak of this occupation as a divine gift; in effect, even the method of distribution was based on the concept that the land belongs to God (Lv 25:23; see Ex 15:17; Jos 22:27; Ez 38:16; Jl 1:6).<\/p>\n<p>The theme goes back to Genesis 12:1-3. God, in choosing Abraham, instructed him to move to a new country and promised to make him a great and blessed nation (Heb 11:8). The significance of the land in this Abrahamic promise is made more explicit later, when we are told that God promised to give Canaan to Abraham’s descendants after four centuries of Egyptian bondage (Gn 15:12-21; see Acts 7:5).<\/p>\n<p>Since Canaan was occupied by wicked inhabitants, the land was to be taken by force; to inherit the land therefore really means <em>to take possession<\/em> of it. Israel must trust God, whose land it is, to give them the victory (Jos 1:1-9; 21:43-45; Jgs 7:2; Ps 44:1-3; Acts 13:19). Once they conquered the land, it was apportioned among the tribes according to their size (following the instructions in Nm 26:52-54). God further commanded the people to divide the land by lot (vv 55-56). Thus, from the initial promise to Abraham, to the actual apportionment of the land and even with reference to the future (Is 60:21; Ez 45:1-8; 47:13–48:29), the people were made fully aware that their inheritance lay in the hands of a sovereign Lord.<\/p>\n<h5>The Believer’s Inheritance<\/h5>\n<p>In the OT we find the concept of inheritance transferred from the purely physical to the spiritual. The tribe of Levi, which constituted the priestly clan, received no inheritance, because “the Lord is their inheritance” (Dt 18:1-2; see Nm 18:8-24). The Levites, in other words, received no land apportionment, but in their service to God they could begin to enjoy the fuller blessings to which the land inheritance pointed.<\/p>\n<p>That this truth could not be restricted to Levites is hinted at in Exodus 19:6, where the whole nation is called “a kingdom of priests” (see 1 Pt 2:9). Psalm 16 makes it clear that no one understood more clearly than David what those words entailed. Even if he were deprived of Israel’s physical inheritance, he had received by lot a more beautiful heritage, the Lord himself, in whose presence he found full joy and everlasting pleasures (Ps 16:5-6, 11; see also Pss 73:25-26; 142:5; Is 58:14; Lam 3:24).<\/p>\n<p>In later Judaism, during and after the intertestamental period, the figure was extended considerably. For example, the rabbis began to speak of the law as the inheritance of the faithful. Further, they might give the idea a negative turn, as when the wicked are said to inherit hell (cf. Jb 27:13). Neither of these figures is found in the NT.<\/p>\n<p>We also read in Jewish literature statements about inheriting the age to come, the kingdom, eternal life; these ideas occur frequently in the NT (Mt 19:29; 25:34; Lk 10:25; 18:18; 1 Cor 6:9-10; 15:50; Gal 5:21; Eph 5:5; Ti 3:7; Jas 2:5). Such an inheritance, however, belongs only to those who are sanctified by God’s word (Acts 20:32; 26:18; Col 1:12; note also Jn 17:17; Col 3:23-24). These future blessings do not exclude the physical (Mt 5:5; note Ps 37:11, 29; Is 60:21; Rom 4:13; 2 Pt 3:13), but they certainly exclude human frailty, for God’s inheritance is imperishable (1 Cor 15:50). In short, our heritage is nothing less than full salvation (Heb 1:14; 11:7), which God carefully guards for us in heaven (1 Pt 1:4).<\/p>\n<p>Doubtless, the most significant feature in the NT is its emphasis that, as a result of the work of Christ, his people begin even <em>now<\/em> to receive the promised inheritance. The Gospel of John frequently stresses the present reality of eternal life, as does the Letter to the Hebrews (cf. 6:12-17 with 9:15 and 11:13, 39-40).<\/p>\n<p>Paul treats this whole matter thoroughly in Galatians 3:7–4:7. In response to the Judaizers, who claim that the Abrahamic inheritance is restricted to those who become Jews through circumcision, Paul argues vigorously that Abraham’s true children are those who believe, whether Jew or Gentile (3:7; see Acts 26:16-18; Eph 3:6). They become heirs of God’s promise, for they receive the Spirit (Gal 3:14). The principle of inheritance is promise, not the Law (v 18). Those who believe are brought into union with Christ (vv 27-29); but then they are not merely Abraham’s children but God’s (v 26), for Christ is the Son of God and God has determined to send the Spirit of his Son to believers so that they too may call God <em>Father<\/em> (Gal 4:4-7; see also Rom 8:15-16).<\/p>\n<p>Indeed, Christ himself as the Son is the true heir (Mt 21:38; Mk 12:7; Lk 20:14); he has inherited a name above every name (Phil 2:9; Heb 1:4) and has been appointed heir of all things (Heb 1:2; see Ps 2:7-8; Mt 28:18). But by his grace, all who become his through faith are counted joint heirs with him (Rom 8:17).<\/p>\n<h5>God’s Inheritance<\/h5>\n<p>With a bold shift in the metaphor, the Scriptures speak of believers as God’s inheritance. In the beautiful “Song of Moses” the author speaks of God as the Israelites’ Father (Dt 32:6), who has taken special interest in their inheritance (v 8). Then we are told why God cares: “For the <span>Lord<\/span>’s portion is his people, Jacob his allotted inheritance” (Dt 32:9, <span>niv<\/span>). This theme becomes very prominent throughout the OT (e.g., Dt 9:26-29; 1 Kgs 8:51-53; Pss 28:9; 33:12; 74:2; Is 19:25; Jer 10:16; Zec 2:12). Elsewhere, Israel is spoken of as God’s special possession (e.g., Ex 19:5; Dt 7:6).<\/p>\n<p>In Ephesians 1:14 “the redemption of the possession” refers to the final salvation of believers, who are God’s treasure. Further, “we have obtained an inheritance” (Eph 1:11) may well be translated, “we have been made an inheritance,” that is, been “chosen as God’s portion,” a view supported by verse 18. No more fundamental idea than this can be found in Scripture, and its essence is expressed by the words of the One who sits on the throne: “He who conquers shall have this heritage, and I will be his God and he shall be my son” (Rv 21:7, <span>rsv<\/span>; see Lv 26:11-12; 2 Sm 7:14).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Adoption; Birthright; Firstborn; Heir.<\/p>","summary_ro":"INHERITANCE Legacy or bequest. Inheritance plays an unusually significant role in the Scriptures when it is used to convey theological truths. As we might expect, these theological applications reflect legal customs in force during OT and NT times. Legal and Historical Aspect The Patriarchs We learn something of early-second-millennium BC practices from the patriarchal stories in Genesis. For example, the narrative indicates that the firstborn could normally expect to receive the birthright. ...","summary_en":"INHERITANCE Legacy or bequest. Inheritance plays an unusually significant role in the Scriptures when it is used to convey theological truths. As we might expect, these theological applications reflect legal customs in force during OT and NT times. Legal and Historical Aspect The Patriarchs We learn something of early-second-millennium BC practices from the patriarchal stories in Genesis. For example, the narrative indicates that the firstborn could normally expect to receive the birthright. ...","source":"Articles\/I.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":21313,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Book of Judges","title_en":"Book of Judges","content_ro":"<h3>JUDGES, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>The book reflects a final editing of the material in the period of the early monarchy. It may well be a polemic for the righteous rule of David over against the kingship of Saul, which was molded by a secular, Canaanite conception of kingship rather than by the law of God. The author was almost certainly not Samuel, as traditionally thought, but a later compiler who relied on ancient written materials.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>Though the judges succeeded in giving the tribes some rest from the incursions of surrounding enemies, the Israelites were continually harassed over long periods of time. Scholarly opinion differs on the duration of the period of the judges. The dating of the exodus affects the dating of the beginning of the judges. Those who take an early date for the exodus put the beginning around 1370–1360 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas others propose a date close to the end of the 13th century <span>BC<\/span>. A related issue pertains to the chronology of the judges. Does Judges give a chronological, sequential account of the period, or is the book a representative account of judges from various parts of Canaan and Transjordan who “judged” a region, a tribe, or several tribes simultaneously?<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LiteraryFramework\">Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>There is no doubt that the stories in the book bear the marks of literary creativity. The stories are classics in their own right. The poetry of Deborah’s song (Jgs 5) is very moving, and the fable of Jotham (9:8-15) is a fine example of figurative speech. The care given to the stories is also reflected in the construction of the book. There are two introductions: a political one (Jgs 1:1–2:5) and a socioreligious one (2:6–3:6). The political introduction connects Judges with the story of the Conquest, when the tribes attempted to occupy the land. It prepares the reader for the political and military problems of the era of the judges. The socioreligious introduction explains why Israel had so many adversities, why the institution of the judges arose, and why the Lord never gave Israel the promised lasting rest from its enemies. The main body of the book is the story of the judges (3:7–16:31). References to the minor judges (six in all) are set within the stories of the major judges in increasing frequency. As is evident from the schema, the number of minor judges increased in frequency in proportion to the decrease in number of major judges: two major, one minor; two major, two minor; one major, three minor; one major. There is a total of 12 judges, representative of the 12 tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>The purpose of the listing of 12 judges, representative of the various parts of Canaan and Transjordan, is to demonstrate that all tribes throughout the conquered territories experienced grave difficulties from a variety of enemies: Arameans, Moabites, Ammonites, Amalekites, Canaanites, and Philistines. Israel was hard pressed on nearly all its frontiers. The appendixes (chs 17–21), together with the two introductions, form the framework of the book. The political and socioreligious problems (1:1–3:6) are presented by way of several stories in the last chapters. The final editor who gave the book its canonical shape purposefully framed the stories of the judges so as to show lack of movement. The successes of the previous stages in redemptive history came to a standstill in the ebb and flow of the judges. Though the Lord delivered his people in many ways, they returned to the problems described in 1:1–3:6. The appendixes describe Israel’s problems representative of the period of the judges, when “there was no king in Israel” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTheologicalTeaching\">Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for deliverance, and God’s raising up of a judge reflects a deuteronomic perspective with its warnings concerning disobedience and judgment. The repetitiveness of the cycle supports the contention of the anonymous narrator that Israel remained unchanged by the grace of God. However, in spite of the moral, religious, and political anarchy as well as the civil wars, the last chapter shows that the tribes are still concerned with each other’s welfare. Though the unity of God’s people has been gravely challenged, the situation is not hopeless. The book ends on a note of hope—hope for a king who may deliver Israel.<\/p>\n\n<p>Thus, there are several purposes of the book: (1) to demonstrate the meaninglessness of this stage in Israel’s development; (2) to explain why the tribes did not occupy all the land promised to the patriarchs; (3) to justify the way of God, who was gracious and patient with Israel’s repeated acts of disobedience; (4) to set forth the legitimacy of a “shepherd” king in contrast to a despotic form of kingship; and (5) to explain the urgent need for a new momentum, lest Israel succumb to the Philistines and intertribal warfare.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>The Political Introduction (1:1–2:5)<\/h5>\n<p>In Joshua 1–12 the warfare under Joshua is portrayed as a mobilization of Canaanite forces against Israel. By the intervention of the Lord, the Canaanite resistance was put down and the land was occupied by the tribes (chs 13–21). Joshua 13–21, however, clearly shows that each tribe had problems ridding its territory of pockets of Canaanite resistance, which were usually centered around heavily guarded and well-fortified cities (cf. 13:2-6, 13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18).<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua emphasizes the successes and minimizes the problems, whereas the prologue to Judges sets the stage for the whole book by openly addressing Israel’s problems and failures. As the book unfolds, it is precisely these problems and failures that in due time bring Israel to the brink of disaster.<\/p>\n<p>The period of the judges began with the death of Joshua (Jgs 1:1; 2:8-9). The Israelites had inherited a legacy from Joshua: the law of the Lord (Jos 23:6; 24:26), the land, a challenge to obey the Lord (24:14-27), and a promise of God’s presence and help in subduing the Canaanites (23:5, 10).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah and Simeon (Jgs 1:2-20)<\/h6>\n<p>The prominence of Judah and Caleb parallels the position of Judah in Joshua (Jos 14:6–15:63; cf. also the house of Joseph, Jgs 1:22-29; cf. Jos 16–17). Judah was victorious over the cruel Adoni-bezek, who ruled over Bezek, a town of uncertain location. Judah successfully occupied the hill country, the Negev, and the western foothills. They even took Jerusalem, or an outlying suburb identified with Jerusalem (Jos 1:8), but could not retain control there (v 21) until David’s conquest of the city (2 Sm 5:6-9). Judah was victorious over the Canaanites in the region of Hebron, already conquered under Joshua (Jos 10:36). Hebron, also known as Kiriath-arba (“city of four” or “tetrapolis”), was a powerful ally of Jerusalem (v 3) and had been able to rally military support for a new assault on Israel, even after its first defeat. Caleb received Hebron, as Moses had promised (Jgs 1:20; cf. Jos 15:13). After the victory over Hebron, Judah extended its control over the southern hill country by an attack on Debir (Jgs 1:11-15; cf. Jos 15:14-19).<\/p>\n<p>The Kenites (Jgs 1:16), descendants of Jethro and therefore related to Moses by marriage, settled in the Negev around Arad and the City of Palms, which here probably refers to Tamar rather than Jericho.<\/p>\n<p>Judah secured the southern border by a victory over the Canaanites at Hormah (Jgs 1:17; cf. Nm 14:45; 21:3; Dt 1:44) and the coastal plain by victories at Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron. However, Judah’s successes in the coastal plain were resisted by a well-armed Canaanite force (Jgs 1:18-19). It occupied the Judean hill country and the Negev, but could not retain control over the plains. The Philistines were soon to take control over Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, and incorporate them into their pentapolis.<\/p>\n<h6>Benjamin (1:21)<\/h6>\n<p>Jerusalem was situated on the border between Judah and Benjamin. Judah took the city or a suburb (Jos 1:8) but was too far removed to retain control over it. Benjamin was too weak to subdue the Jebusites. Only David succeeded in this (2 Sm 5:6-9); he incorporated it into Judah (cf. Jos 15:63), even though it originally was allotted to Benjamin (Jos 18:28).<\/p>\n<h6>Joseph: Ephraim and Manasseh (1:22-29)<\/h6>\n<p>Ephraim took Bethel, known from the patriarchal stories as a significant cultic site (Gn 12:8; 13:3-4; 28:19; 31:13; 35:1-15). However, Manasseh was unsuccessful in taking the fortified cities in the valley of Jezreel (Esdraelon): Beth-shan, Taanach, Dor, Ibleam, and Megiddo. These cities controlled traffic along the east-west and north–south roads as well as the important passes through the Carmel range and the ford of the Jordan. Ephraim could not take full possession of the coastal plain, controlled by Gezer. The success of both Ephraim and Manasseh was limited.<\/p>\n<h6>The Other Four Tribes (1:30-36)<\/h6>\n<p>The other four tribes in Canaan receive brief mention. They, too, were only partially successful. Zebulun, Asher, Naphtali, and especially Dan did not fully succeed in driving out the Canaanites. At best they later subjected most of them to forced labor.<\/p>\n<h6>The Failure of Israel (2:1-5)<\/h6>\n<p>The failure to subdue the land and to wipe out the Canaanites and their culture led to intermarriage and idolatry (cf. Ex 23:33; 34:12-16; Nm 33:55; Dt 7:2-5, 16; Jos 23:7, 12).<\/p>\n<p>The identity of “the angel of the Lord” who appears at Bokim is far from certain. It may be a reference to the Lord himself, to an angelic messenger, or to a prophet (cf. Jgs 6:8). He rebuked the people in the prophetic spirit and pronounced God’s judgment as taking the form of continual confrontation between Israel and the Canaanites (2:3). Their weeping and sacrificing were to no avail (2:4-5; cf. Mal 2:13). Israel stood condemned within a generation after Joshua’s death.<\/p>\n<h5>The Theological Introduction (2:6–3:6)<\/h5>\n<p>The theological introduction begins where Joshua left off (Jos 24:28-31). The generation of Joshua was characterized by loyalty, but their loyalty to the Lord did not last long after the excitement of the Conquest and the demonstration of God’s presence (Jgs 2:10). Israel served Canaanite gods (Baal and Astarte) instead. Baal was the storm god, symbolic of rain and fertility, and Astarte was his cohort. The plural (Baals and Ashtaroth, 2:11-13) signifies the many local ways in which the Canaanite gods were worshiped. The religious unity was broken up into a great diversity. Thus Israel angered the Lord (vv 12-14), who sent them enemies and plunderers. Israel was unsuccessful in dealing with them, as Moses and Joshua had forewarned (Dt 28:25, 33; Jos 23:13, 16). The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for mercy, and deliverance is found throughout Judges. The people were rooted in the apostasy of their forefathers, even though the previous generation had been sensitive to God. Israel did not submit to the leadership of the judges, except to free itself from the oppressors. In fulfillment of the curses of the covenant, God swore not to give his people rest but to test them and to train them for warfare (Jgs 3:1-4), so that they might learn to respond to the challenges of a real world.<\/p>\n<h5>The Judges of Israel (3:7–16:31)<\/h5>\n<h6>Othniel (3:7-11)<\/h6>\n<p>Othniel is a transitional figure, linking the Conquest and the judges. He had involved himself in the conquest of Kiriath-sepher and was related to Caleb as his cousin and son-in-law (1:13). He repelled the Arameans led by Cushan-rishathaim, so that the land enjoyed peace for some 40 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ehud (3:12-30)<\/h6>\n<p>The Moabites, allied with the Ammonites and Amalekites, came against Israel from the east and oppressed them for 18 years under the leadership of Eglon. Ehud led the mission to bring tribute to Eglon at his palace, located probably by Jericho (the City of Palms). Ehud was uniquely qualified for this mission; being left-handed, he was able to use his double-edged sword in an unsuspecting manner to stab the king. Ehud’s success was the result of careful plotting and the element of surprise. He paid the tribute and left, only to return with a supposed oracle from the gods. The king fell for the deception and was murdered. The delay at the Moabite court gave the Israelites an opportunity to bring their forces together at the fords of the Jordan. Ehud’s success was complete; no Moabite escaped, and Israel enjoyed peace for 80 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Shamgar (3:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Shamgar’s exploits were against the Philistines in the coastal plains. He had a non-Israelite name but was probably an Israelite by birth. Like Samson he fought the Philistines with an unconventional weapon (an ox goad). His name is also mentioned in the song of Deborah (5:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Deborah and Barak (4:1–5:31)<\/h6>\n<p>The narrative now turns to the Canaanite aggressors in the north under the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor, and Sisera, of Harosheth-haggoyim (4:1-3). The ruins of Hazor (Jos 11:13) had been rebuilt, and another Jabin (cf. v 1) ruled over the region. He had regained his military power, as he had as many as 900 chariots of iron. He oppressed Israel for 20 years (Jgs 4:3).<\/p>\n<p>God had a prophetess in Israel who led his people during this dark time (4:4). She rendered judgments under a palm tree in southern Ephraim near Benjamin (v 5). She called on Barak to muster the armies of Naphtali and Zebulun, the tribes affected by the Canaanite raids, and to engage Sisera in a surprise attack by the Kishon River (vv 6-7). Barak’s hesitancy led him to request Deborah’s presence, which resulted in his forfeiture of the honor of killing Sisera, the commander of the Canaanite forces (vv 8-10). The Lord gave success to the surprise attack from Mt Tabor, so that the Canaanites were routed, unable to use their heavy chariots, which were mired down in the swamps of the Jezreel Valley (5:20-22). The Canaanites were routed, and Sisera was killed by Jael, the wife of Heber, a Kenite who had separated from the Kenites around Arad (4:17-18; cf. 1:16). She offered him hospitality, as her family had friendly relations with the Canaanites, but heroically put him to death with a tent peg (4:18-21; 5:26-27). In successive campaigns the Israelites gained freedom from Jabin, until they destroyed his power (4:24).<\/p>\n<p>The song of Deborah (ch 5) celebrates, in poetic fashion, the victory over Jabin. It is one of the oldest poems in the Bible. It praises the God of Israel as the King who comes to protect his covenant people, and before whom the mountains move (5:2-3). He is the God of Mt Sinai (Jgs 5:4-5; cf. Dt 33:2; Ps 68:7-8; Hb 3:3-4). Though the oppressors had despoiled Israel and had made the roads unsafe for travel, and Israel was unable to defend itself (Jgs 5:6-8), the Lord raised up Deborah and Barak to lead the nobles to war (vv 9-13). They came from Ephraim, Benjamin, Zebulun, Issachar, and Naphtali (vv 14-15a, 18), but the Transjordan tribes and Asher did not want to get involved (vv 15b-17). The song then moves to the battle scene, where torrential rains bogged the chariots down (vv 19-23). Jael is celebrated as “most blessed of women,” who used her simple way of life to bring an end to Sisera (vv 24-27). She stands in contrast to Sisera’s mother, who is portrayed with all her culture waiting in vain for Sisera’s return with all of his spoils (vv 28-30). The Lord has used the simple to confound the powerful. The conclusion is a prayer for God’s judgment on all of Israel’s enemies (Jgs 5:31a; cf. Ps 68:1-3).<\/p>\n<h6>Gideon (6:1–8:35)<\/h6>\n<p>Israel’s rest for 40 years (Jgs 5:31b) was disturbed by the invasion of Midianites and Amalekites from the East (6:1-3). They destroyed the economy by invading the country at harvesttime (vv 4-6). In response to Israel’s cry, God sent a prophet with a message similar to that of the angel of the Lord (2:1-5). Then an angel appeared to Gideon and called him to lead the people in battle (6:11-14). The Lord assured him of his presence (v 16) by a sign (vv 17-22). Gideon knew that he had been visited by the Lord and built an altar called “The <span>Lord<\/span> Is Peace” in Ophrah (v 24). He responded by destroying the cultic site dedicated to Baal and Asherah at Ophrah (vv 25-28) and by initiating worship at the new altar (v 28). Baal did not protect his own altar (vv 29-32), even when challenged by Gideon’s father (v 31). Consequently, Gideon was known as Jerubbaal (meaning, “let Baal contend with him,” v 32).<\/p>\n<p>Next, Gideon mustered an army of 32,000 men from Asher, Zebulun, and Naphtali (6:35; cf. 7:3b). In order to assure himself of the Lord’s presence, he asked for another sign: the sign of the fleece (6:36-40). It must be kept in mind that Gideon lived in an area in which the wonders of God had been scarce (v 13) and that he, like Moses, needed reassurance that God was with him. God responded to his growing faith. Gideon went forth with a greatly reduced army of 300 against the enemy. Of his original army, 22,000 had left because they were afraid (7:2-3; cf. Dt 20:8). Another 9,700 were sent home, though they were valiant men (7:4-8). After assuring Gideon by a dream of an enemy soldier, God used the 300 in a marvelous way to confound the Midianites (vv 9-15). God gave Israel victory over the Midianite leaders Oreb, Zeeb, Zebah, and Zalmunna (7:16–8:21). Gideon wisely avoided a possible military confrontation with Ephraim (8:1-3), pursued the enemy deep into the Transjordan, and punished the leaders of Succoth and Penuel, who did not assist him (vv 4-9, 13-16).<\/p>\n<p>This glorious victory created a new wave of interest in the idea of kingship. The men of Israel wished to establish the family of Gideon as their royal dynasty (8:22). Gideon refused, and instead wrongly set up an ephod, cast from the gold taken in battle (vv 23-27). The ephod was probably used for cultic practices, possibly divination (cf. 17:5).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s era also came to an end. He was God’s instrument, giving Israel rest for 40 years. He fathered 70 sons and died in old age. God had richly blessed him, even though he had led Israel astray with his ephod. Thereafter, Israel returned to Baal worship (8:33-35).<\/p>\n<p>In the wake of Gideon’s era, his son Abimelech attempted to establish dynastic continuity by having himself installed as king at Shechem (9:1-6). With the support of his relatives at Shechem, Abimelech had all his brothers killed except Jotham (vv 4-5). After Abimelech’s coronation, Jotham set forth his opposition to his brother in a proverbial manner (vv 7-20), and went into hiding. Three years later Abimelech’s evil schemes entrapped him when the citizens of Shechem rebelled. He furiously attacked the city and destroyed it. A short time later, however, he was wounded at Thebez by a millstone dropped by a woman from the tower in which she had sought refuge from him. His servant put him out of his misery as per his request. This episode demonstrates how bad a despotic king may be. Again, God’s justice prevailed.<\/p>\n<h6>Tola (10:1-2)<\/h6>\n<p>Tola was a minor judge from Issachar who judged Israel for 23 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jair (10:3-5)<\/h6>\n<p>Jair was a minor judge from Gilead who judged Israel for 22 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jephthah (10:6–12:7)<\/h6>\n<p>A recapitulation (10:6-16) of the cycle (idolatry, enemies, cry for help, momentary repentance) sets the introduction to the Jephthah narrative. Under attack from the Ammonites, the elders of Gilead requested help from Jephthah (10:17–11:8), who promised to help them on the condition that he remain their leader even after the war (vv 9-10). At a solemn ceremony he becomes their “head” at Mizpah (v 11). Jephthah opened up correspondence with the Ammonite king, in which he argued for Israel’s rights on the basis of the Israelites’ historic claim to the land as granted to them by the Lord (vv 12–27). Instead of going out immediately to war, he hoped that “the <span>Lord<\/span>, the Judge” would settle the dispute (v 27); but the Ammonite king was unimpressed. When the Spirit of God came over him, Jephthah led Israel into battle, but only after making a rash vow. He was victorious but found out that his vow to sacrifice whatever came first out of his house required him to sacrifice his daughter. Debate continues as to whether he offered her up as a human sacrifice or whether she sacrificed marriage (see discussion under Jephthah).<\/p>\n<p>The Ephraimites seemed to have had an insatiable desire for war. Earlier they had complained to Gideon, who successfully defused their threats (8:1-3). Jephthah fought them, however, because the Israelites living in Transjordan had been reviled as “renegades” (12:1-4). Forty-two thousand Ephraimites were killed by the fords of the Jordan in this civil war. Thereafter, Jephthah ruled for only six years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ibzan (12:8-10)<\/h6>\n<p>Ibzan was a minor judge from Bethlehem who ruled Israel for seven years.<\/p>\n<h6>Elon (12:11)<\/h6>\n<p>A minor judge from Zebulun, Elon ruled Israel for ten years.<\/p>\n<h6>Abdon (12:13-15)<\/h6>\n<p>Abdon was a minor judge from Pirathon, the location of which is uncertain. He ruled for eight years.<\/p>\n<h6>Samson (13:1–16:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Samson’s greatness in the history of redemption is due to his miraculous birth (13:1-24), his service as a Nazirite (13:7; cf. Nm 6:1-21), the repeated overpowering by the Spirit of the Lord (Jgs 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14), the single-handed exploits against the Philistines (Ashkelon, 14:19; the fields, 15:1-6; Ramath Etam, 15:7-17; Gaza, 16:1-3, 23-30), and his occasional dependence on the Lord (15:18-19; 16:28-30). However, his personal life was flawed because of his weakness for Philistine women (chs 14, 16). Having been seduced by Delilah, he was imprisoned at Gaza. He died in the collapse of Dagon’s temple, praying that the Lord would permit him to get revenge (16:28-30). He was buried in his father’s tomb in the territory of Dan (16:31).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue (17–21)<\/h5>\n<p>The cyclical nature of Israel’s existence was without movement. Rest from enemies was always temporary. Israel was not yet ready for dynastic kingship, and whatever one may say of the three years of Abimelech, it was a kingship of the worst sort. Israel vacillated between idolatry and belief in the true Lord. The period of the judges was unstable, marked by petty individualism and provincialism. Yet God remained sovereign in the affairs of his people. The epilogue contains two stories: the story of Micah and the Danite migration (chs 17–18) and the civil war (chs 19–21). The epilogue is bound together by the phrase “In those days Israel had no king; everyone did as he saw fit” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25, <span>niv<\/span>). The symmetric recurrence (two times in each narrative) emphasizes the anarchy and inability of the tribes to unite together to serve God as a covenant people.<\/p>\n<h6>Micah and the Danites (17–18)<\/h6>\n<p>Micah was an Ephraimite who established a shrine and hired one of his own sons, and then a Levite from Bethlehem, to serve as its priests (ch 17). Unable to keep their patrimony, the Danites left to establish themselves at the foot of Mt Hermon. They took the idols and the Levite from Micah’s shrine and set up a cultic city at the newly established city of Dan, built on the ruins of Laish (ch 18). Thus, they set up a cultic center that rivaled the tabernacle at Shiloh (18:31).<\/p>\n<h6>The Civil War (19–21)<\/h6>\n<p>The people of Gibeah, which belonged to Benjamin, sexually abused the concubine of a Levite so that she died. Like the Levite of chapters 17 and 18, she was from Bethlehem (19:1). Dramatically, the Levite sent pieces of her corpse to all the tribes, which assembled against the Benjamites because they protected the criminals of Gibeah (19:29–20:19). In the ensuing battle the population of Benjamin was decimated (20:20-48). The 11 tribes gave them 400 virgins taken in a civil war against Jabesh-gilead (21:6-15). These were not enough, however. Because of the threat of the extinction of Benjamin and the vow not to give their daughters in marriage to any Benjamite, the Israelites devised a plan by which the Benjamites could take Israelite virgins dancing in the festival at Shiloh. Benjamin thus was able to rebuild its towns and settlements.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Gideon; Jephthah; Samson.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JUDGES, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>The book reflects a final editing of the material in the period of the early monarchy. It may well be a polemic for the righteous rule of David over against the kingship of Saul, which was molded by a secular, Canaanite conception of kingship rather than by the law of God. The author was almost certainly not Samuel, as traditionally thought, but a later compiler who relied on ancient written materials.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>Though the judges succeeded in giving the tribes some rest from the incursions of surrounding enemies, the Israelites were continually harassed over long periods of time. Scholarly opinion differs on the duration of the period of the judges. The dating of the exodus affects the dating of the beginning of the judges. Those who take an early date for the exodus put the beginning around 1370–1360 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas others propose a date close to the end of the 13th century <span>BC<\/span>. A related issue pertains to the chronology of the judges. Does Judges give a chronological, sequential account of the period, or is the book a representative account of judges from various parts of Canaan and Transjordan who “judged” a region, a tribe, or several tribes simultaneously?<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LiteraryFramework\">Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>There is no doubt that the stories in the book bear the marks of literary creativity. The stories are classics in their own right. The poetry of Deborah’s song (Jgs 5) is very moving, and the fable of Jotham (9:8-15) is a fine example of figurative speech. The care given to the stories is also reflected in the construction of the book. There are two introductions: a political one (Jgs 1:1–2:5) and a socioreligious one (2:6–3:6). The political introduction connects Judges with the story of the Conquest, when the tribes attempted to occupy the land. It prepares the reader for the political and military problems of the era of the judges. The socioreligious introduction explains why Israel had so many adversities, why the institution of the judges arose, and why the Lord never gave Israel the promised lasting rest from its enemies. The main body of the book is the story of the judges (3:7–16:31). References to the minor judges (six in all) are set within the stories of the major judges in increasing frequency. As is evident from the schema, the number of minor judges increased in frequency in proportion to the decrease in number of major judges: two major, one minor; two major, two minor; one major, three minor; one major. There is a total of 12 judges, representative of the 12 tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>The purpose of the listing of 12 judges, representative of the various parts of Canaan and Transjordan, is to demonstrate that all tribes throughout the conquered territories experienced grave difficulties from a variety of enemies: Arameans, Moabites, Ammonites, Amalekites, Canaanites, and Philistines. Israel was hard pressed on nearly all its frontiers. The appendixes (chs 17–21), together with the two introductions, form the framework of the book. The political and socioreligious problems (1:1–3:6) are presented by way of several stories in the last chapters. The final editor who gave the book its canonical shape purposefully framed the stories of the judges so as to show lack of movement. The successes of the previous stages in redemptive history came to a standstill in the ebb and flow of the judges. Though the Lord delivered his people in many ways, they returned to the problems described in 1:1–3:6. The appendixes describe Israel’s problems representative of the period of the judges, when “there was no king in Israel” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTheologicalTeaching\">Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for deliverance, and God’s raising up of a judge reflects a deuteronomic perspective with its warnings concerning disobedience and judgment. The repetitiveness of the cycle supports the contention of the anonymous narrator that Israel remained unchanged by the grace of God. However, in spite of the moral, religious, and political anarchy as well as the civil wars, the last chapter shows that the tribes are still concerned with each other’s welfare. Though the unity of God’s people has been gravely challenged, the situation is not hopeless. The book ends on a note of hope—hope for a king who may deliver Israel.<\/p>\n\n<p>Thus, there are several purposes of the book: (1) to demonstrate the meaninglessness of this stage in Israel’s development; (2) to explain why the tribes did not occupy all the land promised to the patriarchs; (3) to justify the way of God, who was gracious and patient with Israel’s repeated acts of disobedience; (4) to set forth the legitimacy of a “shepherd” king in contrast to a despotic form of kingship; and (5) to explain the urgent need for a new momentum, lest Israel succumb to the Philistines and intertribal warfare.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>The Political Introduction (1:1–2:5)<\/h5>\n<p>In Joshua 1–12 the warfare under Joshua is portrayed as a mobilization of Canaanite forces against Israel. By the intervention of the Lord, the Canaanite resistance was put down and the land was occupied by the tribes (chs 13–21). Joshua 13–21, however, clearly shows that each tribe had problems ridding its territory of pockets of Canaanite resistance, which were usually centered around heavily guarded and well-fortified cities (cf. 13:2-6, 13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18).<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua emphasizes the successes and minimizes the problems, whereas the prologue to Judges sets the stage for the whole book by openly addressing Israel’s problems and failures. As the book unfolds, it is precisely these problems and failures that in due time bring Israel to the brink of disaster.<\/p>\n<p>The period of the judges began with the death of Joshua (Jgs 1:1; 2:8-9). The Israelites had inherited a legacy from Joshua: the law of the Lord (Jos 23:6; 24:26), the land, a challenge to obey the Lord (24:14-27), and a promise of God’s presence and help in subduing the Canaanites (23:5, 10).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah and Simeon (Jgs 1:2-20)<\/h6>\n<p>The prominence of Judah and Caleb parallels the position of Judah in Joshua (Jos 14:6–15:63; cf. also the house of Joseph, Jgs 1:22-29; cf. Jos 16–17). Judah was victorious over the cruel Adoni-bezek, who ruled over Bezek, a town of uncertain location. Judah successfully occupied the hill country, the Negev, and the western foothills. They even took Jerusalem, or an outlying suburb identified with Jerusalem (Jos 1:8), but could not retain control there (v 21) until David’s conquest of the city (2 Sm 5:6-9). Judah was victorious over the Canaanites in the region of Hebron, already conquered under Joshua (Jos 10:36). Hebron, also known as Kiriath-arba (“city of four” or “tetrapolis”), was a powerful ally of Jerusalem (v 3) and had been able to rally military support for a new assault on Israel, even after its first defeat. Caleb received Hebron, as Moses had promised (Jgs 1:20; cf. Jos 15:13). After the victory over Hebron, Judah extended its control over the southern hill country by an attack on Debir (Jgs 1:11-15; cf. Jos 15:14-19).<\/p>\n<p>The Kenites (Jgs 1:16), descendants of Jethro and therefore related to Moses by marriage, settled in the Negev around Arad and the City of Palms, which here probably refers to Tamar rather than Jericho.<\/p>\n<p>Judah secured the southern border by a victory over the Canaanites at Hormah (Jgs 1:17; cf. Nm 14:45; 21:3; Dt 1:44) and the coastal plain by victories at Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron. However, Judah’s successes in the coastal plain were resisted by a well-armed Canaanite force (Jgs 1:18-19). It occupied the Judean hill country and the Negev, but could not retain control over the plains. The Philistines were soon to take control over Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, and incorporate them into their pentapolis.<\/p>\n<h6>Benjamin (1:21)<\/h6>\n<p>Jerusalem was situated on the border between Judah and Benjamin. Judah took the city or a suburb (Jos 1:8) but was too far removed to retain control over it. Benjamin was too weak to subdue the Jebusites. Only David succeeded in this (2 Sm 5:6-9); he incorporated it into Judah (cf. Jos 15:63), even though it originally was allotted to Benjamin (Jos 18:28).<\/p>\n<h6>Joseph: Ephraim and Manasseh (1:22-29)<\/h6>\n<p>Ephraim took Bethel, known from the patriarchal stories as a significant cultic site (Gn 12:8; 13:3-4; 28:19; 31:13; 35:1-15). However, Manasseh was unsuccessful in taking the fortified cities in the valley of Jezreel (Esdraelon): Beth-shan, Taanach, Dor, Ibleam, and Megiddo. These cities controlled traffic along the east-west and north–south roads as well as the important passes through the Carmel range and the ford of the Jordan. Ephraim could not take full possession of the coastal plain, controlled by Gezer. The success of both Ephraim and Manasseh was limited.<\/p>\n<h6>The Other Four Tribes (1:30-36)<\/h6>\n<p>The other four tribes in Canaan receive brief mention. They, too, were only partially successful. Zebulun, Asher, Naphtali, and especially Dan did not fully succeed in driving out the Canaanites. At best they later subjected most of them to forced labor.<\/p>\n<h6>The Failure of Israel (2:1-5)<\/h6>\n<p>The failure to subdue the land and to wipe out the Canaanites and their culture led to intermarriage and idolatry (cf. Ex 23:33; 34:12-16; Nm 33:55; Dt 7:2-5, 16; Jos 23:7, 12).<\/p>\n<p>The identity of “the angel of the Lord” who appears at Bokim is far from certain. It may be a reference to the Lord himself, to an angelic messenger, or to a prophet (cf. Jgs 6:8). He rebuked the people in the prophetic spirit and pronounced God’s judgment as taking the form of continual confrontation between Israel and the Canaanites (2:3). Their weeping and sacrificing were to no avail (2:4-5; cf. Mal 2:13). Israel stood condemned within a generation after Joshua’s death.<\/p>\n<h5>The Theological Introduction (2:6–3:6)<\/h5>\n<p>The theological introduction begins where Joshua left off (Jos 24:28-31). The generation of Joshua was characterized by loyalty, but their loyalty to the Lord did not last long after the excitement of the Conquest and the demonstration of God’s presence (Jgs 2:10). Israel served Canaanite gods (Baal and Astarte) instead. Baal was the storm god, symbolic of rain and fertility, and Astarte was his cohort. The plural (Baals and Ashtaroth, 2:11-13) signifies the many local ways in which the Canaanite gods were worshiped. The religious unity was broken up into a great diversity. Thus Israel angered the Lord (vv 12-14), who sent them enemies and plunderers. Israel was unsuccessful in dealing with them, as Moses and Joshua had forewarned (Dt 28:25, 33; Jos 23:13, 16). The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for mercy, and deliverance is found throughout Judges. The people were rooted in the apostasy of their forefathers, even though the previous generation had been sensitive to God. Israel did not submit to the leadership of the judges, except to free itself from the oppressors. In fulfillment of the curses of the covenant, God swore not to give his people rest but to test them and to train them for warfare (Jgs 3:1-4), so that they might learn to respond to the challenges of a real world.<\/p>\n<h5>The Judges of Israel (3:7–16:31)<\/h5>\n<h6>Othniel (3:7-11)<\/h6>\n<p>Othniel is a transitional figure, linking the Conquest and the judges. He had involved himself in the conquest of Kiriath-sepher and was related to Caleb as his cousin and son-in-law (1:13). He repelled the Arameans led by Cushan-rishathaim, so that the land enjoyed peace for some 40 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ehud (3:12-30)<\/h6>\n<p>The Moabites, allied with the Ammonites and Amalekites, came against Israel from the east and oppressed them for 18 years under the leadership of Eglon. Ehud led the mission to bring tribute to Eglon at his palace, located probably by Jericho (the City of Palms). Ehud was uniquely qualified for this mission; being left-handed, he was able to use his double-edged sword in an unsuspecting manner to stab the king. Ehud’s success was the result of careful plotting and the element of surprise. He paid the tribute and left, only to return with a supposed oracle from the gods. The king fell for the deception and was murdered. The delay at the Moabite court gave the Israelites an opportunity to bring their forces together at the fords of the Jordan. Ehud’s success was complete; no Moabite escaped, and Israel enjoyed peace for 80 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Shamgar (3:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Shamgar’s exploits were against the Philistines in the coastal plains. He had a non-Israelite name but was probably an Israelite by birth. Like Samson he fought the Philistines with an unconventional weapon (an ox goad). His name is also mentioned in the song of Deborah (5:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Deborah and Barak (4:1–5:31)<\/h6>\n<p>The narrative now turns to the Canaanite aggressors in the north under the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor, and Sisera, of Harosheth-haggoyim (4:1-3). The ruins of Hazor (Jos 11:13) had been rebuilt, and another Jabin (cf. v 1) ruled over the region. He had regained his military power, as he had as many as 900 chariots of iron. He oppressed Israel for 20 years (Jgs 4:3).<\/p>\n<p>God had a prophetess in Israel who led his people during this dark time (4:4). She rendered judgments under a palm tree in southern Ephraim near Benjamin (v 5). She called on Barak to muster the armies of Naphtali and Zebulun, the tribes affected by the Canaanite raids, and to engage Sisera in a surprise attack by the Kishon River (vv 6-7). Barak’s hesitancy led him to request Deborah’s presence, which resulted in his forfeiture of the honor of killing Sisera, the commander of the Canaanite forces (vv 8-10). The Lord gave success to the surprise attack from Mt Tabor, so that the Canaanites were routed, unable to use their heavy chariots, which were mired down in the swamps of the Jezreel Valley (5:20-22). The Canaanites were routed, and Sisera was killed by Jael, the wife of Heber, a Kenite who had separated from the Kenites around Arad (4:17-18; cf. 1:16). She offered him hospitality, as her family had friendly relations with the Canaanites, but heroically put him to death with a tent peg (4:18-21; 5:26-27). In successive campaigns the Israelites gained freedom from Jabin, until they destroyed his power (4:24).<\/p>\n<p>The song of Deborah (ch 5) celebrates, in poetic fashion, the victory over Jabin. It is one of the oldest poems in the Bible. It praises the God of Israel as the King who comes to protect his covenant people, and before whom the mountains move (5:2-3). He is the God of Mt Sinai (Jgs 5:4-5; cf. Dt 33:2; Ps 68:7-8; Hb 3:3-4). Though the oppressors had despoiled Israel and had made the roads unsafe for travel, and Israel was unable to defend itself (Jgs 5:6-8), the Lord raised up Deborah and Barak to lead the nobles to war (vv 9-13). They came from Ephraim, Benjamin, Zebulun, Issachar, and Naphtali (vv 14-15a, 18), but the Transjordan tribes and Asher did not want to get involved (vv 15b-17). The song then moves to the battle scene, where torrential rains bogged the chariots down (vv 19-23). Jael is celebrated as “most blessed of women,” who used her simple way of life to bring an end to Sisera (vv 24-27). She stands in contrast to Sisera’s mother, who is portrayed with all her culture waiting in vain for Sisera’s return with all of his spoils (vv 28-30). The Lord has used the simple to confound the powerful. The conclusion is a prayer for God’s judgment on all of Israel’s enemies (Jgs 5:31a; cf. Ps 68:1-3).<\/p>\n<h6>Gideon (6:1–8:35)<\/h6>\n<p>Israel’s rest for 40 years (Jgs 5:31b) was disturbed by the invasion of Midianites and Amalekites from the East (6:1-3). They destroyed the economy by invading the country at harvesttime (vv 4-6). In response to Israel’s cry, God sent a prophet with a message similar to that of the angel of the Lord (2:1-5). Then an angel appeared to Gideon and called him to lead the people in battle (6:11-14). The Lord assured him of his presence (v 16) by a sign (vv 17-22). Gideon knew that he had been visited by the Lord and built an altar called “The <span>Lord<\/span> Is Peace” in Ophrah (v 24). He responded by destroying the cultic site dedicated to Baal and Asherah at Ophrah (vv 25-28) and by initiating worship at the new altar (v 28). Baal did not protect his own altar (vv 29-32), even when challenged by Gideon’s father (v 31). Consequently, Gideon was known as Jerubbaal (meaning, “let Baal contend with him,” v 32).<\/p>\n<p>Next, Gideon mustered an army of 32,000 men from Asher, Zebulun, and Naphtali (6:35; cf. 7:3b). In order to assure himself of the Lord’s presence, he asked for another sign: the sign of the fleece (6:36-40). It must be kept in mind that Gideon lived in an area in which the wonders of God had been scarce (v 13) and that he, like Moses, needed reassurance that God was with him. God responded to his growing faith. Gideon went forth with a greatly reduced army of 300 against the enemy. Of his original army, 22,000 had left because they were afraid (7:2-3; cf. Dt 20:8). Another 9,700 were sent home, though they were valiant men (7:4-8). After assuring Gideon by a dream of an enemy soldier, God used the 300 in a marvelous way to confound the Midianites (vv 9-15). God gave Israel victory over the Midianite leaders Oreb, Zeeb, Zebah, and Zalmunna (7:16–8:21). Gideon wisely avoided a possible military confrontation with Ephraim (8:1-3), pursued the enemy deep into the Transjordan, and punished the leaders of Succoth and Penuel, who did not assist him (vv 4-9, 13-16).<\/p>\n<p>This glorious victory created a new wave of interest in the idea of kingship. The men of Israel wished to establish the family of Gideon as their royal dynasty (8:22). Gideon refused, and instead wrongly set up an ephod, cast from the gold taken in battle (vv 23-27). The ephod was probably used for cultic practices, possibly divination (cf. 17:5).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s era also came to an end. He was God’s instrument, giving Israel rest for 40 years. He fathered 70 sons and died in old age. God had richly blessed him, even though he had led Israel astray with his ephod. Thereafter, Israel returned to Baal worship (8:33-35).<\/p>\n<p>In the wake of Gideon’s era, his son Abimelech attempted to establish dynastic continuity by having himself installed as king at Shechem (9:1-6). With the support of his relatives at Shechem, Abimelech had all his brothers killed except Jotham (vv 4-5). After Abimelech’s coronation, Jotham set forth his opposition to his brother in a proverbial manner (vv 7-20), and went into hiding. Three years later Abimelech’s evil schemes entrapped him when the citizens of Shechem rebelled. He furiously attacked the city and destroyed it. A short time later, however, he was wounded at Thebez by a millstone dropped by a woman from the tower in which she had sought refuge from him. His servant put him out of his misery as per his request. This episode demonstrates how bad a despotic king may be. Again, God’s justice prevailed.<\/p>\n<h6>Tola (10:1-2)<\/h6>\n<p>Tola was a minor judge from Issachar who judged Israel for 23 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jair (10:3-5)<\/h6>\n<p>Jair was a minor judge from Gilead who judged Israel for 22 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jephthah (10:6–12:7)<\/h6>\n<p>A recapitulation (10:6-16) of the cycle (idolatry, enemies, cry for help, momentary repentance) sets the introduction to the Jephthah narrative. Under attack from the Ammonites, the elders of Gilead requested help from Jephthah (10:17–11:8), who promised to help them on the condition that he remain their leader even after the war (vv 9-10). At a solemn ceremony he becomes their “head” at Mizpah (v 11). Jephthah opened up correspondence with the Ammonite king, in which he argued for Israel’s rights on the basis of the Israelites’ historic claim to the land as granted to them by the Lord (vv 12–27). Instead of going out immediately to war, he hoped that “the <span>Lord<\/span>, the Judge” would settle the dispute (v 27); but the Ammonite king was unimpressed. When the Spirit of God came over him, Jephthah led Israel into battle, but only after making a rash vow. He was victorious but found out that his vow to sacrifice whatever came first out of his house required him to sacrifice his daughter. Debate continues as to whether he offered her up as a human sacrifice or whether she sacrificed marriage (see discussion under Jephthah).<\/p>\n<p>The Ephraimites seemed to have had an insatiable desire for war. Earlier they had complained to Gideon, who successfully defused their threats (8:1-3). Jephthah fought them, however, because the Israelites living in Transjordan had been reviled as “renegades” (12:1-4). Forty-two thousand Ephraimites were killed by the fords of the Jordan in this civil war. Thereafter, Jephthah ruled for only six years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ibzan (12:8-10)<\/h6>\n<p>Ibzan was a minor judge from Bethlehem who ruled Israel for seven years.<\/p>\n<h6>Elon (12:11)<\/h6>\n<p>A minor judge from Zebulun, Elon ruled Israel for ten years.<\/p>\n<h6>Abdon (12:13-15)<\/h6>\n<p>Abdon was a minor judge from Pirathon, the location of which is uncertain. He ruled for eight years.<\/p>\n<h6>Samson (13:1–16:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Samson’s greatness in the history of redemption is due to his miraculous birth (13:1-24), his service as a Nazirite (13:7; cf. Nm 6:1-21), the repeated overpowering by the Spirit of the Lord (Jgs 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14), the single-handed exploits against the Philistines (Ashkelon, 14:19; the fields, 15:1-6; Ramath Etam, 15:7-17; Gaza, 16:1-3, 23-30), and his occasional dependence on the Lord (15:18-19; 16:28-30). However, his personal life was flawed because of his weakness for Philistine women (chs 14, 16). Having been seduced by Delilah, he was imprisoned at Gaza. He died in the collapse of Dagon’s temple, praying that the Lord would permit him to get revenge (16:28-30). He was buried in his father’s tomb in the territory of Dan (16:31).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue (17–21)<\/h5>\n<p>The cyclical nature of Israel’s existence was without movement. Rest from enemies was always temporary. Israel was not yet ready for dynastic kingship, and whatever one may say of the three years of Abimelech, it was a kingship of the worst sort. Israel vacillated between idolatry and belief in the true Lord. The period of the judges was unstable, marked by petty individualism and provincialism. Yet God remained sovereign in the affairs of his people. The epilogue contains two stories: the story of Micah and the Danite migration (chs 17–18) and the civil war (chs 19–21). The epilogue is bound together by the phrase “In those days Israel had no king; everyone did as he saw fit” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25, <span>niv<\/span>). The symmetric recurrence (two times in each narrative) emphasizes the anarchy and inability of the tribes to unite together to serve God as a covenant people.<\/p>\n<h6>Micah and the Danites (17–18)<\/h6>\n<p>Micah was an Ephraimite who established a shrine and hired one of his own sons, and then a Levite from Bethlehem, to serve as its priests (ch 17). Unable to keep their patrimony, the Danites left to establish themselves at the foot of Mt Hermon. They took the idols and the Levite from Micah’s shrine and set up a cultic city at the newly established city of Dan, built on the ruins of Laish (ch 18). Thus, they set up a cultic center that rivaled the tabernacle at Shiloh (18:31).<\/p>\n<h6>The Civil War (19–21)<\/h6>\n<p>The people of Gibeah, which belonged to Benjamin, sexually abused the concubine of a Levite so that she died. Like the Levite of chapters 17 and 18, she was from Bethlehem (19:1). Dramatically, the Levite sent pieces of her corpse to all the tribes, which assembled against the Benjamites because they protected the criminals of Gibeah (19:29–20:19). In the ensuing battle the population of Benjamin was decimated (20:20-48). The 11 tribes gave them 400 virgins taken in a civil war against Jabesh-gilead (21:6-15). These were not enough, however. Because of the threat of the extinction of Benjamin and the vow not to give their daughters in marriage to any Benjamite, the Israelites devised a plan by which the Benjamites could take Israelite virgins dancing in the festival at Shiloh. Benjamin thus was able to rebuild its towns and settlements.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Gideon; Jephthah; Samson.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JUDGES, Book of Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail. Preview • Author • Date • Li...","summary_en":"JUDGES, Book of Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail. Preview • Author • Date • Li...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":45768,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:2","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:2","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:2<\/strong> <em>The<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span> does not require a large force to save his people (cp. 1 Sam 14:6). A large number might even have hindered success because the element of surprise was crucial to the Lord’s battle plan. <em>Gideon<\/em> was to pare down the army to maintain godly humility, not for reasons of military strategy.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:2<\/strong> <em>The<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span> does not require a large force to save his people (cp. 1 Sam 14:6). A large number might even have hindered success because the element of surprise was crucial to the Lord’s battle plan. <em>Gideon<\/em> was to pare down the army to maintain godly humility, not for reasons of military strategy.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:2 The Lord does not require a large force to save his people (cp. 1 Sam 14:6). A large number might even have hindered success because the element of surprise was crucial to the Lord’s battle plan. Gideon was to pare down the army to maintain godly humility, not for reasons of military strategy.","summary_en":"7:2 The Lord does not require a large force to save his people (cp. 1 Sam 14:6). A large number might even have hindered success because the element of surprise was crucial to the Lord’s battle plan. Gideon was to pare down the army to maintain godly humility, not for reasons of military strategy.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73394,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:2","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:2","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:2<\/strong> <em>The<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span> does not require a large force to save his people (cp. 1 Sam 14:6). A large number might even have hindered success because the element of surprise was crucial to the Lord’s battle plan. <em>Gideon<\/em> was to pare down the army to maintain godly humility, not for reasons of military strategy.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:2<\/strong> <em>The<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span> does not require a large force to save his people (cp. 1 Sam 14:6). A large number might even have hindered success because the element of surprise was crucial to the Lord’s battle plan. <em>Gideon<\/em> was to pare down the army to maintain godly humility, not for reasons of military strategy.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:2 The Lord does not require a large force to save his people (cp. 1 Sam 14:6). A large number might even have hindered success because the element of surprise was crucial to the Lord’s battle plan. Gideon was to pare down the army to maintain godly humility, not for reasons of military strategy.","summary_en":"7:2 The Lord does not require a large force to save his people (cp. 1 Sam 14:6). A large number might even have hindered success because the element of surprise was crucial to the Lord’s battle plan. Gideon was to pare down the army to maintain godly humility, not for reasons of military strategy.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":101020,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:2","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:2","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:2<\/strong> <em>The<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span> does not require a large force to save his people (cp. 1 Sam 14:6). A large number might even have hindered success because the element of surprise was crucial to the Lord’s battle plan. <em>Gideon<\/em> was to pare down the army to maintain godly humility, not for reasons of military strategy.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:2<\/strong> <em>The<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span> does not require a large force to save his people (cp. 1 Sam 14:6). A large number might even have hindered success because the element of surprise was crucial to the Lord’s battle plan. <em>Gideon<\/em> was to pare down the army to maintain godly humility, not for reasons of military strategy.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:2 The Lord does not require a large force to save his people (cp. 1 Sam 14:6). A large number might even have hindered success because the element of surprise was crucial to the Lord’s battle plan. Gideon was to pare down the army to maintain godly humility, not for reasons of military strategy.","summary_en":"7:2 The Lord does not require a large force to save his people (cp. 1 Sam 14:6). A large number might even have hindered success because the element of surprise was crucial to the Lord’s battle plan. Gideon was to pare down the army to maintain godly humility, not for reasons of military strategy.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128646,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:2","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:2","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:2<\/strong> <em>The<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span> does not require a large force to save his people (cp. 1 Sam 14:6). A large number might even have hindered success because the element of surprise was crucial to the Lord’s battle plan. <em>Gideon<\/em> was to pare down the army to maintain godly humility, not for reasons of military strategy.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:2<\/strong> <em>The<\/em> <span>Lord<\/span> does not require a large force to save his people (cp. 1 Sam 14:6). A large number might even have hindered success because the element of surprise was crucial to the Lord’s battle plan. <em>Gideon<\/em> was to pare down the army to maintain godly humility, not for reasons of military strategy.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:2 The Lord does not require a large force to save his people (cp. 1 Sam 14:6). A large number might even have hindered success because the element of surprise was crucial to the Lord’s battle plan. Gideon was to pare down the army to maintain godly humility, not for reasons of military strategy.","summary_en":"7:2 The Lord does not require a large force to save his people (cp. 1 Sam 14:6). A large number might even have hindered success because the element of surprise was crucial to the Lord’s battle plan. Gideon was to pare down the army to maintain godly humility, not for reasons of military strategy.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"3":[{"id":13811,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Gideon","title_en":"Gideon","content_ro":"<h3>GIDEON<\/h3>\n<p>Judge of Israel, son of Joash, of the clan of Abiezer and the tribe of Manasseh. Of the 12 judges of Israel, more verses are devoted to Gideon than any other—Samson running a close second. The narrative in which he is the central character antedates the Christian era by roughly 11 centuries.<\/p>\n<p>Following seven years of cruel oppression by the Midianites, Israel cried out to the Lord for relief (Jgs 6:6). An unknown prophet informs the Israelites that their miserable conditions stem from their forgetting to give exclusive devotion to the one true God. God sends his angel to Gideon. A touch of humor earmarks the angel’s greeting, for the “mighty warrior” (v 12) is threshing wheat secretly for fear of the Midianites. Yet God addresses Gideon in realization of what his mighty power is able to accomplish in him (vv 14-16, 34). Conscious of his own weakness and the formidable task before him, Gideon is an ideal vehicle for God’s tremendous work of deliverance (cf. 1 Cor 1:27; 2 Cor 12:10).<\/p>\n\n<p>Gideon’s first task is to tear down his father’s altar to Baal and the adjacent one to Asherah, Baal’s female consort (cf. Is 42:8). Knowing that the people would resist such an act, Gideon and his servants destroy these images of debased Canaanite religion at night. The following day the men of Ophrah confront Gideon and seek his life in retaliation for the act. Joash pleads the cause of his son, inviting Baal, if he indeed is deity, to contend for himself. Out of this confrontation the name Jerubbaal (“let Baal contend”) is ascribed to Gideon (Jgs 6:32).<\/p>\n<p>Yet Gideon is a man of inconstant faith, and his desire of further assurance is not rebuked as God graciously and patiently accedes to his requests concerning the dew and the fleece (Jgs 6:36-40). Subsequently Gideon is informed that mere numbers will not assure victory. Moreover, there must be no doubt whatever as to the true source of Israel’s liberation (7:2). From 32,000, Gideon’s troops are trimmed down to only 300 by an unusual method of reduction (vv 3-7). A secret reconnaissance mission to the outskirts of the oppositions’ camp enables Gideon to receive further strengthening as he and his servant Purah overhear a Midianite soldier reveal his dream indicating Israel’s imminent victory (vv 13-14). In response to this additional encouragement, he worships the Lord (Jgs 7:15; cf. 6:24).<\/p>\n<p>Divided into three companies, Gideon’s army stations itself at night outside the Midianite stronghold. At Gideon’s signal each man blows a trumpet (made from an animal’s horn) and smashes an empty jar containing a torch, shouting, “A sword for the <span>Lord<\/span> and for Gideon!” (Jgs 7:20). The effect of the clamor is overwhelming. Thinking themselves outnumbered, the confused and disheartened Midianites flee eastward across the Jordan. In hot pursuit, Gideon’s men are joined by Israelites from Naphtali, Asher, and Manasseh, who follow the enemy into the Transjordan area. The men of Ephraim, whose efforts are now called upon for the first time, capture and kill two of the Midianite leaders. Angry with Gideon for failing to enlist their services earlier, the Ephraimites are nonetheless appeased by Gideon’s tactful response to their queries (8:1-3).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s unselfishness shines in response to the people’s desire to make him king, but he declines (Jgs 8:22-23). He does, however, receive an immense personal fortune from the spoils of war (vv 24-26). The unfortunate conclusion of Gideon’s story relates to his making an ephod from the gold won in battle. Perhaps a garment patterned after the high priest’s or a freestanding image, the object ensnares the people, and they worship it at Ophrah (v 27). In 2 Samuel 11:21 Gideon’s alternate name, Jerubbaal, becomes Jerubbesheth, “Baal” being replaced with the Hebrew word for “shame” <em>(<\/em><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">besheth<\/span><em>).<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Gideon has been singled out in the Letter to the Hebrews as a hero of the faith whose trust in God brought glory to the Lord (Heb 11:32, <span>kjv<\/span> “Gedeon”). As far back as the time of Isaiah, “the day of Midian” had become proverbial for deliverance accomplished by the hand of God apart from human strength (Is 9:4).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Judges, Book of.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>GIDEON<\/h3>\n<p>Judge of Israel, son of Joash, of the clan of Abiezer and the tribe of Manasseh. Of the 12 judges of Israel, more verses are devoted to Gideon than any other—Samson running a close second. The narrative in which he is the central character antedates the Christian era by roughly 11 centuries.<\/p>\n<p>Following seven years of cruel oppression by the Midianites, Israel cried out to the Lord for relief (Jgs 6:6). An unknown prophet informs the Israelites that their miserable conditions stem from their forgetting to give exclusive devotion to the one true God. God sends his angel to Gideon. A touch of humor earmarks the angel’s greeting, for the “mighty warrior” (v 12) is threshing wheat secretly for fear of the Midianites. Yet God addresses Gideon in realization of what his mighty power is able to accomplish in him (vv 14-16, 34). Conscious of his own weakness and the formidable task before him, Gideon is an ideal vehicle for God’s tremendous work of deliverance (cf. 1 Cor 1:27; 2 Cor 12:10).<\/p>\n\n<p>Gideon’s first task is to tear down his father’s altar to Baal and the adjacent one to Asherah, Baal’s female consort (cf. Is 42:8). Knowing that the people would resist such an act, Gideon and his servants destroy these images of debased Canaanite religion at night. The following day the men of Ophrah confront Gideon and seek his life in retaliation for the act. Joash pleads the cause of his son, inviting Baal, if he indeed is deity, to contend for himself. Out of this confrontation the name Jerubbaal (“let Baal contend”) is ascribed to Gideon (Jgs 6:32).<\/p>\n<p>Yet Gideon is a man of inconstant faith, and his desire of further assurance is not rebuked as God graciously and patiently accedes to his requests concerning the dew and the fleece (Jgs 6:36-40). Subsequently Gideon is informed that mere numbers will not assure victory. Moreover, there must be no doubt whatever as to the true source of Israel’s liberation (7:2). From 32,000, Gideon’s troops are trimmed down to only 300 by an unusual method of reduction (vv 3-7). A secret reconnaissance mission to the outskirts of the oppositions’ camp enables Gideon to receive further strengthening as he and his servant Purah overhear a Midianite soldier reveal his dream indicating Israel’s imminent victory (vv 13-14). In response to this additional encouragement, he worships the Lord (Jgs 7:15; cf. 6:24).<\/p>\n<p>Divided into three companies, Gideon’s army stations itself at night outside the Midianite stronghold. At Gideon’s signal each man blows a trumpet (made from an animal’s horn) and smashes an empty jar containing a torch, shouting, “A sword for the <span>Lord<\/span> and for Gideon!” (Jgs 7:20). The effect of the clamor is overwhelming. Thinking themselves outnumbered, the confused and disheartened Midianites flee eastward across the Jordan. In hot pursuit, Gideon’s men are joined by Israelites from Naphtali, Asher, and Manasseh, who follow the enemy into the Transjordan area. The men of Ephraim, whose efforts are now called upon for the first time, capture and kill two of the Midianite leaders. Angry with Gideon for failing to enlist their services earlier, the Ephraimites are nonetheless appeased by Gideon’s tactful response to their queries (8:1-3).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s unselfishness shines in response to the people’s desire to make him king, but he declines (Jgs 8:22-23). He does, however, receive an immense personal fortune from the spoils of war (vv 24-26). The unfortunate conclusion of Gideon’s story relates to his making an ephod from the gold won in battle. Perhaps a garment patterned after the high priest’s or a freestanding image, the object ensnares the people, and they worship it at Ophrah (v 27). In 2 Samuel 11:21 Gideon’s alternate name, Jerubbaal, becomes Jerubbesheth, “Baal” being replaced with the Hebrew word for “shame” <em>(<\/em><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">besheth<\/span><em>).<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Gideon has been singled out in the Letter to the Hebrews as a hero of the faith whose trust in God brought glory to the Lord (Heb 11:32, <span>kjv<\/span> “Gedeon”). As far back as the time of Isaiah, “the day of Midian” had become proverbial for deliverance accomplished by the hand of God apart from human strength (Is 9:4).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Judges, Book of.<\/p>","summary_ro":"GIDEON Judge of Israel, son of Joash, of the clan of Abiezer and the tribe of Manasseh. Of the 12 judges of Israel, more verses are devoted to Gideon than any other—Samson running a close second. The narrative in which he is the central character antedates the Christian era by roughly 11 centuries. Following seven years of cruel oppression by the Midianites, Israel cried out to the Lord for relief (Jgs 6:6). An unknown prophet informs the Israelites that their miserable conditions stem from t...","summary_en":"GIDEON Judge of Israel, son of Joash, of the clan of Abiezer and the tribe of Manasseh. Of the 12 judges of Israel, more verses are devoted to Gideon than any other—Samson running a close second. The narrative in which he is the central character antedates the Christian era by roughly 11 centuries. Following seven years of cruel oppression by the Midianites, Israel cried out to the Lord for relief (Jgs 6:6). An unknown prophet informs the Israelites that their miserable conditions stem from t...","source":"Articles\/G.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":21310,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Book of Judges","title_en":"Book of Judges","content_ro":"<h3>JUDGES, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>The book reflects a final editing of the material in the period of the early monarchy. It may well be a polemic for the righteous rule of David over against the kingship of Saul, which was molded by a secular, Canaanite conception of kingship rather than by the law of God. The author was almost certainly not Samuel, as traditionally thought, but a later compiler who relied on ancient written materials.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>Though the judges succeeded in giving the tribes some rest from the incursions of surrounding enemies, the Israelites were continually harassed over long periods of time. Scholarly opinion differs on the duration of the period of the judges. The dating of the exodus affects the dating of the beginning of the judges. Those who take an early date for the exodus put the beginning around 1370–1360 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas others propose a date close to the end of the 13th century <span>BC<\/span>. A related issue pertains to the chronology of the judges. Does Judges give a chronological, sequential account of the period, or is the book a representative account of judges from various parts of Canaan and Transjordan who “judged” a region, a tribe, or several tribes simultaneously?<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LiteraryFramework\">Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>There is no doubt that the stories in the book bear the marks of literary creativity. The stories are classics in their own right. The poetry of Deborah’s song (Jgs 5) is very moving, and the fable of Jotham (9:8-15) is a fine example of figurative speech. The care given to the stories is also reflected in the construction of the book. There are two introductions: a political one (Jgs 1:1–2:5) and a socioreligious one (2:6–3:6). The political introduction connects Judges with the story of the Conquest, when the tribes attempted to occupy the land. It prepares the reader for the political and military problems of the era of the judges. The socioreligious introduction explains why Israel had so many adversities, why the institution of the judges arose, and why the Lord never gave Israel the promised lasting rest from its enemies. The main body of the book is the story of the judges (3:7–16:31). References to the minor judges (six in all) are set within the stories of the major judges in increasing frequency. As is evident from the schema, the number of minor judges increased in frequency in proportion to the decrease in number of major judges: two major, one minor; two major, two minor; one major, three minor; one major. There is a total of 12 judges, representative of the 12 tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>The purpose of the listing of 12 judges, representative of the various parts of Canaan and Transjordan, is to demonstrate that all tribes throughout the conquered territories experienced grave difficulties from a variety of enemies: Arameans, Moabites, Ammonites, Amalekites, Canaanites, and Philistines. Israel was hard pressed on nearly all its frontiers. The appendixes (chs 17–21), together with the two introductions, form the framework of the book. The political and socioreligious problems (1:1–3:6) are presented by way of several stories in the last chapters. The final editor who gave the book its canonical shape purposefully framed the stories of the judges so as to show lack of movement. The successes of the previous stages in redemptive history came to a standstill in the ebb and flow of the judges. Though the Lord delivered his people in many ways, they returned to the problems described in 1:1–3:6. The appendixes describe Israel’s problems representative of the period of the judges, when “there was no king in Israel” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTheologicalTeaching\">Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for deliverance, and God’s raising up of a judge reflects a deuteronomic perspective with its warnings concerning disobedience and judgment. The repetitiveness of the cycle supports the contention of the anonymous narrator that Israel remained unchanged by the grace of God. However, in spite of the moral, religious, and political anarchy as well as the civil wars, the last chapter shows that the tribes are still concerned with each other’s welfare. Though the unity of God’s people has been gravely challenged, the situation is not hopeless. The book ends on a note of hope—hope for a king who may deliver Israel.<\/p>\n\n<p>Thus, there are several purposes of the book: (1) to demonstrate the meaninglessness of this stage in Israel’s development; (2) to explain why the tribes did not occupy all the land promised to the patriarchs; (3) to justify the way of God, who was gracious and patient with Israel’s repeated acts of disobedience; (4) to set forth the legitimacy of a “shepherd” king in contrast to a despotic form of kingship; and (5) to explain the urgent need for a new momentum, lest Israel succumb to the Philistines and intertribal warfare.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>The Political Introduction (1:1–2:5)<\/h5>\n<p>In Joshua 1–12 the warfare under Joshua is portrayed as a mobilization of Canaanite forces against Israel. By the intervention of the Lord, the Canaanite resistance was put down and the land was occupied by the tribes (chs 13–21). Joshua 13–21, however, clearly shows that each tribe had problems ridding its territory of pockets of Canaanite resistance, which were usually centered around heavily guarded and well-fortified cities (cf. 13:2-6, 13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18).<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua emphasizes the successes and minimizes the problems, whereas the prologue to Judges sets the stage for the whole book by openly addressing Israel’s problems and failures. As the book unfolds, it is precisely these problems and failures that in due time bring Israel to the brink of disaster.<\/p>\n<p>The period of the judges began with the death of Joshua (Jgs 1:1; 2:8-9). The Israelites had inherited a legacy from Joshua: the law of the Lord (Jos 23:6; 24:26), the land, a challenge to obey the Lord (24:14-27), and a promise of God’s presence and help in subduing the Canaanites (23:5, 10).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah and Simeon (Jgs 1:2-20)<\/h6>\n<p>The prominence of Judah and Caleb parallels the position of Judah in Joshua (Jos 14:6–15:63; cf. also the house of Joseph, Jgs 1:22-29; cf. Jos 16–17). Judah was victorious over the cruel Adoni-bezek, who ruled over Bezek, a town of uncertain location. Judah successfully occupied the hill country, the Negev, and the western foothills. They even took Jerusalem, or an outlying suburb identified with Jerusalem (Jos 1:8), but could not retain control there (v 21) until David’s conquest of the city (2 Sm 5:6-9). Judah was victorious over the Canaanites in the region of Hebron, already conquered under Joshua (Jos 10:36). Hebron, also known as Kiriath-arba (“city of four” or “tetrapolis”), was a powerful ally of Jerusalem (v 3) and had been able to rally military support for a new assault on Israel, even after its first defeat. Caleb received Hebron, as Moses had promised (Jgs 1:20; cf. Jos 15:13). After the victory over Hebron, Judah extended its control over the southern hill country by an attack on Debir (Jgs 1:11-15; cf. Jos 15:14-19).<\/p>\n<p>The Kenites (Jgs 1:16), descendants of Jethro and therefore related to Moses by marriage, settled in the Negev around Arad and the City of Palms, which here probably refers to Tamar rather than Jericho.<\/p>\n<p>Judah secured the southern border by a victory over the Canaanites at Hormah (Jgs 1:17; cf. Nm 14:45; 21:3; Dt 1:44) and the coastal plain by victories at Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron. However, Judah’s successes in the coastal plain were resisted by a well-armed Canaanite force (Jgs 1:18-19). It occupied the Judean hill country and the Negev, but could not retain control over the plains. The Philistines were soon to take control over Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, and incorporate them into their pentapolis.<\/p>\n<h6>Benjamin (1:21)<\/h6>\n<p>Jerusalem was situated on the border between Judah and Benjamin. Judah took the city or a suburb (Jos 1:8) but was too far removed to retain control over it. Benjamin was too weak to subdue the Jebusites. Only David succeeded in this (2 Sm 5:6-9); he incorporated it into Judah (cf. Jos 15:63), even though it originally was allotted to Benjamin (Jos 18:28).<\/p>\n<h6>Joseph: Ephraim and Manasseh (1:22-29)<\/h6>\n<p>Ephraim took Bethel, known from the patriarchal stories as a significant cultic site (Gn 12:8; 13:3-4; 28:19; 31:13; 35:1-15). However, Manasseh was unsuccessful in taking the fortified cities in the valley of Jezreel (Esdraelon): Beth-shan, Taanach, Dor, Ibleam, and Megiddo. These cities controlled traffic along the east-west and north–south roads as well as the important passes through the Carmel range and the ford of the Jordan. Ephraim could not take full possession of the coastal plain, controlled by Gezer. The success of both Ephraim and Manasseh was limited.<\/p>\n<h6>The Other Four Tribes (1:30-36)<\/h6>\n<p>The other four tribes in Canaan receive brief mention. They, too, were only partially successful. Zebulun, Asher, Naphtali, and especially Dan did not fully succeed in driving out the Canaanites. At best they later subjected most of them to forced labor.<\/p>\n<h6>The Failure of Israel (2:1-5)<\/h6>\n<p>The failure to subdue the land and to wipe out the Canaanites and their culture led to intermarriage and idolatry (cf. Ex 23:33; 34:12-16; Nm 33:55; Dt 7:2-5, 16; Jos 23:7, 12).<\/p>\n<p>The identity of “the angel of the Lord” who appears at Bokim is far from certain. It may be a reference to the Lord himself, to an angelic messenger, or to a prophet (cf. Jgs 6:8). He rebuked the people in the prophetic spirit and pronounced God’s judgment as taking the form of continual confrontation between Israel and the Canaanites (2:3). Their weeping and sacrificing were to no avail (2:4-5; cf. Mal 2:13). Israel stood condemned within a generation after Joshua’s death.<\/p>\n<h5>The Theological Introduction (2:6–3:6)<\/h5>\n<p>The theological introduction begins where Joshua left off (Jos 24:28-31). The generation of Joshua was characterized by loyalty, but their loyalty to the Lord did not last long after the excitement of the Conquest and the demonstration of God’s presence (Jgs 2:10). Israel served Canaanite gods (Baal and Astarte) instead. Baal was the storm god, symbolic of rain and fertility, and Astarte was his cohort. The plural (Baals and Ashtaroth, 2:11-13) signifies the many local ways in which the Canaanite gods were worshiped. The religious unity was broken up into a great diversity. Thus Israel angered the Lord (vv 12-14), who sent them enemies and plunderers. Israel was unsuccessful in dealing with them, as Moses and Joshua had forewarned (Dt 28:25, 33; Jos 23:13, 16). The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for mercy, and deliverance is found throughout Judges. The people were rooted in the apostasy of their forefathers, even though the previous generation had been sensitive to God. Israel did not submit to the leadership of the judges, except to free itself from the oppressors. In fulfillment of the curses of the covenant, God swore not to give his people rest but to test them and to train them for warfare (Jgs 3:1-4), so that they might learn to respond to the challenges of a real world.<\/p>\n<h5>The Judges of Israel (3:7–16:31)<\/h5>\n<h6>Othniel (3:7-11)<\/h6>\n<p>Othniel is a transitional figure, linking the Conquest and the judges. He had involved himself in the conquest of Kiriath-sepher and was related to Caleb as his cousin and son-in-law (1:13). He repelled the Arameans led by Cushan-rishathaim, so that the land enjoyed peace for some 40 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ehud (3:12-30)<\/h6>\n<p>The Moabites, allied with the Ammonites and Amalekites, came against Israel from the east and oppressed them for 18 years under the leadership of Eglon. Ehud led the mission to bring tribute to Eglon at his palace, located probably by Jericho (the City of Palms). Ehud was uniquely qualified for this mission; being left-handed, he was able to use his double-edged sword in an unsuspecting manner to stab the king. Ehud’s success was the result of careful plotting and the element of surprise. He paid the tribute and left, only to return with a supposed oracle from the gods. The king fell for the deception and was murdered. The delay at the Moabite court gave the Israelites an opportunity to bring their forces together at the fords of the Jordan. Ehud’s success was complete; no Moabite escaped, and Israel enjoyed peace for 80 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Shamgar (3:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Shamgar’s exploits were against the Philistines in the coastal plains. He had a non-Israelite name but was probably an Israelite by birth. Like Samson he fought the Philistines with an unconventional weapon (an ox goad). His name is also mentioned in the song of Deborah (5:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Deborah and Barak (4:1–5:31)<\/h6>\n<p>The narrative now turns to the Canaanite aggressors in the north under the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor, and Sisera, of Harosheth-haggoyim (4:1-3). The ruins of Hazor (Jos 11:13) had been rebuilt, and another Jabin (cf. v 1) ruled over the region. He had regained his military power, as he had as many as 900 chariots of iron. He oppressed Israel for 20 years (Jgs 4:3).<\/p>\n<p>God had a prophetess in Israel who led his people during this dark time (4:4). She rendered judgments under a palm tree in southern Ephraim near Benjamin (v 5). She called on Barak to muster the armies of Naphtali and Zebulun, the tribes affected by the Canaanite raids, and to engage Sisera in a surprise attack by the Kishon River (vv 6-7). Barak’s hesitancy led him to request Deborah’s presence, which resulted in his forfeiture of the honor of killing Sisera, the commander of the Canaanite forces (vv 8-10). The Lord gave success to the surprise attack from Mt Tabor, so that the Canaanites were routed, unable to use their heavy chariots, which were mired down in the swamps of the Jezreel Valley (5:20-22). The Canaanites were routed, and Sisera was killed by Jael, the wife of Heber, a Kenite who had separated from the Kenites around Arad (4:17-18; cf. 1:16). She offered him hospitality, as her family had friendly relations with the Canaanites, but heroically put him to death with a tent peg (4:18-21; 5:26-27). In successive campaigns the Israelites gained freedom from Jabin, until they destroyed his power (4:24).<\/p>\n<p>The song of Deborah (ch 5) celebrates, in poetic fashion, the victory over Jabin. It is one of the oldest poems in the Bible. It praises the God of Israel as the King who comes to protect his covenant people, and before whom the mountains move (5:2-3). He is the God of Mt Sinai (Jgs 5:4-5; cf. Dt 33:2; Ps 68:7-8; Hb 3:3-4). Though the oppressors had despoiled Israel and had made the roads unsafe for travel, and Israel was unable to defend itself (Jgs 5:6-8), the Lord raised up Deborah and Barak to lead the nobles to war (vv 9-13). They came from Ephraim, Benjamin, Zebulun, Issachar, and Naphtali (vv 14-15a, 18), but the Transjordan tribes and Asher did not want to get involved (vv 15b-17). The song then moves to the battle scene, where torrential rains bogged the chariots down (vv 19-23). Jael is celebrated as “most blessed of women,” who used her simple way of life to bring an end to Sisera (vv 24-27). She stands in contrast to Sisera’s mother, who is portrayed with all her culture waiting in vain for Sisera’s return with all of his spoils (vv 28-30). The Lord has used the simple to confound the powerful. The conclusion is a prayer for God’s judgment on all of Israel’s enemies (Jgs 5:31a; cf. Ps 68:1-3).<\/p>\n<h6>Gideon (6:1–8:35)<\/h6>\n<p>Israel’s rest for 40 years (Jgs 5:31b) was disturbed by the invasion of Midianites and Amalekites from the East (6:1-3). They destroyed the economy by invading the country at harvesttime (vv 4-6). In response to Israel’s cry, God sent a prophet with a message similar to that of the angel of the Lord (2:1-5). Then an angel appeared to Gideon and called him to lead the people in battle (6:11-14). The Lord assured him of his presence (v 16) by a sign (vv 17-22). Gideon knew that he had been visited by the Lord and built an altar called “The <span>Lord<\/span> Is Peace” in Ophrah (v 24). He responded by destroying the cultic site dedicated to Baal and Asherah at Ophrah (vv 25-28) and by initiating worship at the new altar (v 28). Baal did not protect his own altar (vv 29-32), even when challenged by Gideon’s father (v 31). Consequently, Gideon was known as Jerubbaal (meaning, “let Baal contend with him,” v 32).<\/p>\n<p>Next, Gideon mustered an army of 32,000 men from Asher, Zebulun, and Naphtali (6:35; cf. 7:3b). In order to assure himself of the Lord’s presence, he asked for another sign: the sign of the fleece (6:36-40). It must be kept in mind that Gideon lived in an area in which the wonders of God had been scarce (v 13) and that he, like Moses, needed reassurance that God was with him. God responded to his growing faith. Gideon went forth with a greatly reduced army of 300 against the enemy. Of his original army, 22,000 had left because they were afraid (7:2-3; cf. Dt 20:8). Another 9,700 were sent home, though they were valiant men (7:4-8). After assuring Gideon by a dream of an enemy soldier, God used the 300 in a marvelous way to confound the Midianites (vv 9-15). God gave Israel victory over the Midianite leaders Oreb, Zeeb, Zebah, and Zalmunna (7:16–8:21). Gideon wisely avoided a possible military confrontation with Ephraim (8:1-3), pursued the enemy deep into the Transjordan, and punished the leaders of Succoth and Penuel, who did not assist him (vv 4-9, 13-16).<\/p>\n<p>This glorious victory created a new wave of interest in the idea of kingship. The men of Israel wished to establish the family of Gideon as their royal dynasty (8:22). Gideon refused, and instead wrongly set up an ephod, cast from the gold taken in battle (vv 23-27). The ephod was probably used for cultic practices, possibly divination (cf. 17:5).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s era also came to an end. He was God’s instrument, giving Israel rest for 40 years. He fathered 70 sons and died in old age. God had richly blessed him, even though he had led Israel astray with his ephod. Thereafter, Israel returned to Baal worship (8:33-35).<\/p>\n<p>In the wake of Gideon’s era, his son Abimelech attempted to establish dynastic continuity by having himself installed as king at Shechem (9:1-6). With the support of his relatives at Shechem, Abimelech had all his brothers killed except Jotham (vv 4-5). After Abimelech’s coronation, Jotham set forth his opposition to his brother in a proverbial manner (vv 7-20), and went into hiding. Three years later Abimelech’s evil schemes entrapped him when the citizens of Shechem rebelled. He furiously attacked the city and destroyed it. A short time later, however, he was wounded at Thebez by a millstone dropped by a woman from the tower in which she had sought refuge from him. His servant put him out of his misery as per his request. This episode demonstrates how bad a despotic king may be. Again, God’s justice prevailed.<\/p>\n<h6>Tola (10:1-2)<\/h6>\n<p>Tola was a minor judge from Issachar who judged Israel for 23 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jair (10:3-5)<\/h6>\n<p>Jair was a minor judge from Gilead who judged Israel for 22 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jephthah (10:6–12:7)<\/h6>\n<p>A recapitulation (10:6-16) of the cycle (idolatry, enemies, cry for help, momentary repentance) sets the introduction to the Jephthah narrative. Under attack from the Ammonites, the elders of Gilead requested help from Jephthah (10:17–11:8), who promised to help them on the condition that he remain their leader even after the war (vv 9-10). At a solemn ceremony he becomes their “head” at Mizpah (v 11). Jephthah opened up correspondence with the Ammonite king, in which he argued for Israel’s rights on the basis of the Israelites’ historic claim to the land as granted to them by the Lord (vv 12–27). Instead of going out immediately to war, he hoped that “the <span>Lord<\/span>, the Judge” would settle the dispute (v 27); but the Ammonite king was unimpressed. When the Spirit of God came over him, Jephthah led Israel into battle, but only after making a rash vow. He was victorious but found out that his vow to sacrifice whatever came first out of his house required him to sacrifice his daughter. Debate continues as to whether he offered her up as a human sacrifice or whether she sacrificed marriage (see discussion under Jephthah).<\/p>\n<p>The Ephraimites seemed to have had an insatiable desire for war. Earlier they had complained to Gideon, who successfully defused their threats (8:1-3). Jephthah fought them, however, because the Israelites living in Transjordan had been reviled as “renegades” (12:1-4). Forty-two thousand Ephraimites were killed by the fords of the Jordan in this civil war. Thereafter, Jephthah ruled for only six years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ibzan (12:8-10)<\/h6>\n<p>Ibzan was a minor judge from Bethlehem who ruled Israel for seven years.<\/p>\n<h6>Elon (12:11)<\/h6>\n<p>A minor judge from Zebulun, Elon ruled Israel for ten years.<\/p>\n<h6>Abdon (12:13-15)<\/h6>\n<p>Abdon was a minor judge from Pirathon, the location of which is uncertain. He ruled for eight years.<\/p>\n<h6>Samson (13:1–16:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Samson’s greatness in the history of redemption is due to his miraculous birth (13:1-24), his service as a Nazirite (13:7; cf. Nm 6:1-21), the repeated overpowering by the Spirit of the Lord (Jgs 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14), the single-handed exploits against the Philistines (Ashkelon, 14:19; the fields, 15:1-6; Ramath Etam, 15:7-17; Gaza, 16:1-3, 23-30), and his occasional dependence on the Lord (15:18-19; 16:28-30). However, his personal life was flawed because of his weakness for Philistine women (chs 14, 16). Having been seduced by Delilah, he was imprisoned at Gaza. He died in the collapse of Dagon’s temple, praying that the Lord would permit him to get revenge (16:28-30). He was buried in his father’s tomb in the territory of Dan (16:31).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue (17–21)<\/h5>\n<p>The cyclical nature of Israel’s existence was without movement. Rest from enemies was always temporary. Israel was not yet ready for dynastic kingship, and whatever one may say of the three years of Abimelech, it was a kingship of the worst sort. Israel vacillated between idolatry and belief in the true Lord. The period of the judges was unstable, marked by petty individualism and provincialism. Yet God remained sovereign in the affairs of his people. The epilogue contains two stories: the story of Micah and the Danite migration (chs 17–18) and the civil war (chs 19–21). The epilogue is bound together by the phrase “In those days Israel had no king; everyone did as he saw fit” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25, <span>niv<\/span>). The symmetric recurrence (two times in each narrative) emphasizes the anarchy and inability of the tribes to unite together to serve God as a covenant people.<\/p>\n<h6>Micah and the Danites (17–18)<\/h6>\n<p>Micah was an Ephraimite who established a shrine and hired one of his own sons, and then a Levite from Bethlehem, to serve as its priests (ch 17). Unable to keep their patrimony, the Danites left to establish themselves at the foot of Mt Hermon. They took the idols and the Levite from Micah’s shrine and set up a cultic city at the newly established city of Dan, built on the ruins of Laish (ch 18). Thus, they set up a cultic center that rivaled the tabernacle at Shiloh (18:31).<\/p>\n<h6>The Civil War (19–21)<\/h6>\n<p>The people of Gibeah, which belonged to Benjamin, sexually abused the concubine of a Levite so that she died. Like the Levite of chapters 17 and 18, she was from Bethlehem (19:1). Dramatically, the Levite sent pieces of her corpse to all the tribes, which assembled against the Benjamites because they protected the criminals of Gibeah (19:29–20:19). In the ensuing battle the population of Benjamin was decimated (20:20-48). The 11 tribes gave them 400 virgins taken in a civil war against Jabesh-gilead (21:6-15). These were not enough, however. Because of the threat of the extinction of Benjamin and the vow not to give their daughters in marriage to any Benjamite, the Israelites devised a plan by which the Benjamites could take Israelite virgins dancing in the festival at Shiloh. Benjamin thus was able to rebuild its towns and settlements.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Gideon; Jephthah; Samson.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JUDGES, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>The book reflects a final editing of the material in the period of the early monarchy. It may well be a polemic for the righteous rule of David over against the kingship of Saul, which was molded by a secular, Canaanite conception of kingship rather than by the law of God. The author was almost certainly not Samuel, as traditionally thought, but a later compiler who relied on ancient written materials.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>Though the judges succeeded in giving the tribes some rest from the incursions of surrounding enemies, the Israelites were continually harassed over long periods of time. Scholarly opinion differs on the duration of the period of the judges. The dating of the exodus affects the dating of the beginning of the judges. Those who take an early date for the exodus put the beginning around 1370–1360 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas others propose a date close to the end of the 13th century <span>BC<\/span>. A related issue pertains to the chronology of the judges. Does Judges give a chronological, sequential account of the period, or is the book a representative account of judges from various parts of Canaan and Transjordan who “judged” a region, a tribe, or several tribes simultaneously?<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LiteraryFramework\">Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>There is no doubt that the stories in the book bear the marks of literary creativity. The stories are classics in their own right. The poetry of Deborah’s song (Jgs 5) is very moving, and the fable of Jotham (9:8-15) is a fine example of figurative speech. The care given to the stories is also reflected in the construction of the book. There are two introductions: a political one (Jgs 1:1–2:5) and a socioreligious one (2:6–3:6). The political introduction connects Judges with the story of the Conquest, when the tribes attempted to occupy the land. It prepares the reader for the political and military problems of the era of the judges. The socioreligious introduction explains why Israel had so many adversities, why the institution of the judges arose, and why the Lord never gave Israel the promised lasting rest from its enemies. The main body of the book is the story of the judges (3:7–16:31). References to the minor judges (six in all) are set within the stories of the major judges in increasing frequency. As is evident from the schema, the number of minor judges increased in frequency in proportion to the decrease in number of major judges: two major, one minor; two major, two minor; one major, three minor; one major. There is a total of 12 judges, representative of the 12 tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>The purpose of the listing of 12 judges, representative of the various parts of Canaan and Transjordan, is to demonstrate that all tribes throughout the conquered territories experienced grave difficulties from a variety of enemies: Arameans, Moabites, Ammonites, Amalekites, Canaanites, and Philistines. Israel was hard pressed on nearly all its frontiers. The appendixes (chs 17–21), together with the two introductions, form the framework of the book. The political and socioreligious problems (1:1–3:6) are presented by way of several stories in the last chapters. The final editor who gave the book its canonical shape purposefully framed the stories of the judges so as to show lack of movement. The successes of the previous stages in redemptive history came to a standstill in the ebb and flow of the judges. Though the Lord delivered his people in many ways, they returned to the problems described in 1:1–3:6. The appendixes describe Israel’s problems representative of the period of the judges, when “there was no king in Israel” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTheologicalTeaching\">Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for deliverance, and God’s raising up of a judge reflects a deuteronomic perspective with its warnings concerning disobedience and judgment. The repetitiveness of the cycle supports the contention of the anonymous narrator that Israel remained unchanged by the grace of God. However, in spite of the moral, religious, and political anarchy as well as the civil wars, the last chapter shows that the tribes are still concerned with each other’s welfare. Though the unity of God’s people has been gravely challenged, the situation is not hopeless. The book ends on a note of hope—hope for a king who may deliver Israel.<\/p>\n\n<p>Thus, there are several purposes of the book: (1) to demonstrate the meaninglessness of this stage in Israel’s development; (2) to explain why the tribes did not occupy all the land promised to the patriarchs; (3) to justify the way of God, who was gracious and patient with Israel’s repeated acts of disobedience; (4) to set forth the legitimacy of a “shepherd” king in contrast to a despotic form of kingship; and (5) to explain the urgent need for a new momentum, lest Israel succumb to the Philistines and intertribal warfare.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>The Political Introduction (1:1–2:5)<\/h5>\n<p>In Joshua 1–12 the warfare under Joshua is portrayed as a mobilization of Canaanite forces against Israel. By the intervention of the Lord, the Canaanite resistance was put down and the land was occupied by the tribes (chs 13–21). Joshua 13–21, however, clearly shows that each tribe had problems ridding its territory of pockets of Canaanite resistance, which were usually centered around heavily guarded and well-fortified cities (cf. 13:2-6, 13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18).<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua emphasizes the successes and minimizes the problems, whereas the prologue to Judges sets the stage for the whole book by openly addressing Israel’s problems and failures. As the book unfolds, it is precisely these problems and failures that in due time bring Israel to the brink of disaster.<\/p>\n<p>The period of the judges began with the death of Joshua (Jgs 1:1; 2:8-9). The Israelites had inherited a legacy from Joshua: the law of the Lord (Jos 23:6; 24:26), the land, a challenge to obey the Lord (24:14-27), and a promise of God’s presence and help in subduing the Canaanites (23:5, 10).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah and Simeon (Jgs 1:2-20)<\/h6>\n<p>The prominence of Judah and Caleb parallels the position of Judah in Joshua (Jos 14:6–15:63; cf. also the house of Joseph, Jgs 1:22-29; cf. Jos 16–17). Judah was victorious over the cruel Adoni-bezek, who ruled over Bezek, a town of uncertain location. Judah successfully occupied the hill country, the Negev, and the western foothills. They even took Jerusalem, or an outlying suburb identified with Jerusalem (Jos 1:8), but could not retain control there (v 21) until David’s conquest of the city (2 Sm 5:6-9). Judah was victorious over the Canaanites in the region of Hebron, already conquered under Joshua (Jos 10:36). Hebron, also known as Kiriath-arba (“city of four” or “tetrapolis”), was a powerful ally of Jerusalem (v 3) and had been able to rally military support for a new assault on Israel, even after its first defeat. Caleb received Hebron, as Moses had promised (Jgs 1:20; cf. Jos 15:13). After the victory over Hebron, Judah extended its control over the southern hill country by an attack on Debir (Jgs 1:11-15; cf. Jos 15:14-19).<\/p>\n<p>The Kenites (Jgs 1:16), descendants of Jethro and therefore related to Moses by marriage, settled in the Negev around Arad and the City of Palms, which here probably refers to Tamar rather than Jericho.<\/p>\n<p>Judah secured the southern border by a victory over the Canaanites at Hormah (Jgs 1:17; cf. Nm 14:45; 21:3; Dt 1:44) and the coastal plain by victories at Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron. However, Judah’s successes in the coastal plain were resisted by a well-armed Canaanite force (Jgs 1:18-19). It occupied the Judean hill country and the Negev, but could not retain control over the plains. The Philistines were soon to take control over Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, and incorporate them into their pentapolis.<\/p>\n<h6>Benjamin (1:21)<\/h6>\n<p>Jerusalem was situated on the border between Judah and Benjamin. Judah took the city or a suburb (Jos 1:8) but was too far removed to retain control over it. Benjamin was too weak to subdue the Jebusites. Only David succeeded in this (2 Sm 5:6-9); he incorporated it into Judah (cf. Jos 15:63), even though it originally was allotted to Benjamin (Jos 18:28).<\/p>\n<h6>Joseph: Ephraim and Manasseh (1:22-29)<\/h6>\n<p>Ephraim took Bethel, known from the patriarchal stories as a significant cultic site (Gn 12:8; 13:3-4; 28:19; 31:13; 35:1-15). However, Manasseh was unsuccessful in taking the fortified cities in the valley of Jezreel (Esdraelon): Beth-shan, Taanach, Dor, Ibleam, and Megiddo. These cities controlled traffic along the east-west and north–south roads as well as the important passes through the Carmel range and the ford of the Jordan. Ephraim could not take full possession of the coastal plain, controlled by Gezer. The success of both Ephraim and Manasseh was limited.<\/p>\n<h6>The Other Four Tribes (1:30-36)<\/h6>\n<p>The other four tribes in Canaan receive brief mention. They, too, were only partially successful. Zebulun, Asher, Naphtali, and especially Dan did not fully succeed in driving out the Canaanites. At best they later subjected most of them to forced labor.<\/p>\n<h6>The Failure of Israel (2:1-5)<\/h6>\n<p>The failure to subdue the land and to wipe out the Canaanites and their culture led to intermarriage and idolatry (cf. Ex 23:33; 34:12-16; Nm 33:55; Dt 7:2-5, 16; Jos 23:7, 12).<\/p>\n<p>The identity of “the angel of the Lord” who appears at Bokim is far from certain. It may be a reference to the Lord himself, to an angelic messenger, or to a prophet (cf. Jgs 6:8). He rebuked the people in the prophetic spirit and pronounced God’s judgment as taking the form of continual confrontation between Israel and the Canaanites (2:3). Their weeping and sacrificing were to no avail (2:4-5; cf. Mal 2:13). Israel stood condemned within a generation after Joshua’s death.<\/p>\n<h5>The Theological Introduction (2:6–3:6)<\/h5>\n<p>The theological introduction begins where Joshua left off (Jos 24:28-31). The generation of Joshua was characterized by loyalty, but their loyalty to the Lord did not last long after the excitement of the Conquest and the demonstration of God’s presence (Jgs 2:10). Israel served Canaanite gods (Baal and Astarte) instead. Baal was the storm god, symbolic of rain and fertility, and Astarte was his cohort. The plural (Baals and Ashtaroth, 2:11-13) signifies the many local ways in which the Canaanite gods were worshiped. The religious unity was broken up into a great diversity. Thus Israel angered the Lord (vv 12-14), who sent them enemies and plunderers. Israel was unsuccessful in dealing with them, as Moses and Joshua had forewarned (Dt 28:25, 33; Jos 23:13, 16). The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for mercy, and deliverance is found throughout Judges. The people were rooted in the apostasy of their forefathers, even though the previous generation had been sensitive to God. Israel did not submit to the leadership of the judges, except to free itself from the oppressors. In fulfillment of the curses of the covenant, God swore not to give his people rest but to test them and to train them for warfare (Jgs 3:1-4), so that they might learn to respond to the challenges of a real world.<\/p>\n<h5>The Judges of Israel (3:7–16:31)<\/h5>\n<h6>Othniel (3:7-11)<\/h6>\n<p>Othniel is a transitional figure, linking the Conquest and the judges. He had involved himself in the conquest of Kiriath-sepher and was related to Caleb as his cousin and son-in-law (1:13). He repelled the Arameans led by Cushan-rishathaim, so that the land enjoyed peace for some 40 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ehud (3:12-30)<\/h6>\n<p>The Moabites, allied with the Ammonites and Amalekites, came against Israel from the east and oppressed them for 18 years under the leadership of Eglon. Ehud led the mission to bring tribute to Eglon at his palace, located probably by Jericho (the City of Palms). Ehud was uniquely qualified for this mission; being left-handed, he was able to use his double-edged sword in an unsuspecting manner to stab the king. Ehud’s success was the result of careful plotting and the element of surprise. He paid the tribute and left, only to return with a supposed oracle from the gods. The king fell for the deception and was murdered. The delay at the Moabite court gave the Israelites an opportunity to bring their forces together at the fords of the Jordan. Ehud’s success was complete; no Moabite escaped, and Israel enjoyed peace for 80 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Shamgar (3:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Shamgar’s exploits were against the Philistines in the coastal plains. He had a non-Israelite name but was probably an Israelite by birth. Like Samson he fought the Philistines with an unconventional weapon (an ox goad). His name is also mentioned in the song of Deborah (5:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Deborah and Barak (4:1–5:31)<\/h6>\n<p>The narrative now turns to the Canaanite aggressors in the north under the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor, and Sisera, of Harosheth-haggoyim (4:1-3). The ruins of Hazor (Jos 11:13) had been rebuilt, and another Jabin (cf. v 1) ruled over the region. He had regained his military power, as he had as many as 900 chariots of iron. He oppressed Israel for 20 years (Jgs 4:3).<\/p>\n<p>God had a prophetess in Israel who led his people during this dark time (4:4). She rendered judgments under a palm tree in southern Ephraim near Benjamin (v 5). She called on Barak to muster the armies of Naphtali and Zebulun, the tribes affected by the Canaanite raids, and to engage Sisera in a surprise attack by the Kishon River (vv 6-7). Barak’s hesitancy led him to request Deborah’s presence, which resulted in his forfeiture of the honor of killing Sisera, the commander of the Canaanite forces (vv 8-10). The Lord gave success to the surprise attack from Mt Tabor, so that the Canaanites were routed, unable to use their heavy chariots, which were mired down in the swamps of the Jezreel Valley (5:20-22). The Canaanites were routed, and Sisera was killed by Jael, the wife of Heber, a Kenite who had separated from the Kenites around Arad (4:17-18; cf. 1:16). She offered him hospitality, as her family had friendly relations with the Canaanites, but heroically put him to death with a tent peg (4:18-21; 5:26-27). In successive campaigns the Israelites gained freedom from Jabin, until they destroyed his power (4:24).<\/p>\n<p>The song of Deborah (ch 5) celebrates, in poetic fashion, the victory over Jabin. It is one of the oldest poems in the Bible. It praises the God of Israel as the King who comes to protect his covenant people, and before whom the mountains move (5:2-3). He is the God of Mt Sinai (Jgs 5:4-5; cf. Dt 33:2; Ps 68:7-8; Hb 3:3-4). Though the oppressors had despoiled Israel and had made the roads unsafe for travel, and Israel was unable to defend itself (Jgs 5:6-8), the Lord raised up Deborah and Barak to lead the nobles to war (vv 9-13). They came from Ephraim, Benjamin, Zebulun, Issachar, and Naphtali (vv 14-15a, 18), but the Transjordan tribes and Asher did not want to get involved (vv 15b-17). The song then moves to the battle scene, where torrential rains bogged the chariots down (vv 19-23). Jael is celebrated as “most blessed of women,” who used her simple way of life to bring an end to Sisera (vv 24-27). She stands in contrast to Sisera’s mother, who is portrayed with all her culture waiting in vain for Sisera’s return with all of his spoils (vv 28-30). The Lord has used the simple to confound the powerful. The conclusion is a prayer for God’s judgment on all of Israel’s enemies (Jgs 5:31a; cf. Ps 68:1-3).<\/p>\n<h6>Gideon (6:1–8:35)<\/h6>\n<p>Israel’s rest for 40 years (Jgs 5:31b) was disturbed by the invasion of Midianites and Amalekites from the East (6:1-3). They destroyed the economy by invading the country at harvesttime (vv 4-6). In response to Israel’s cry, God sent a prophet with a message similar to that of the angel of the Lord (2:1-5). Then an angel appeared to Gideon and called him to lead the people in battle (6:11-14). The Lord assured him of his presence (v 16) by a sign (vv 17-22). Gideon knew that he had been visited by the Lord and built an altar called “The <span>Lord<\/span> Is Peace” in Ophrah (v 24). He responded by destroying the cultic site dedicated to Baal and Asherah at Ophrah (vv 25-28) and by initiating worship at the new altar (v 28). Baal did not protect his own altar (vv 29-32), even when challenged by Gideon’s father (v 31). Consequently, Gideon was known as Jerubbaal (meaning, “let Baal contend with him,” v 32).<\/p>\n<p>Next, Gideon mustered an army of 32,000 men from Asher, Zebulun, and Naphtali (6:35; cf. 7:3b). In order to assure himself of the Lord’s presence, he asked for another sign: the sign of the fleece (6:36-40). It must be kept in mind that Gideon lived in an area in which the wonders of God had been scarce (v 13) and that he, like Moses, needed reassurance that God was with him. God responded to his growing faith. Gideon went forth with a greatly reduced army of 300 against the enemy. Of his original army, 22,000 had left because they were afraid (7:2-3; cf. Dt 20:8). Another 9,700 were sent home, though they were valiant men (7:4-8). After assuring Gideon by a dream of an enemy soldier, God used the 300 in a marvelous way to confound the Midianites (vv 9-15). God gave Israel victory over the Midianite leaders Oreb, Zeeb, Zebah, and Zalmunna (7:16–8:21). Gideon wisely avoided a possible military confrontation with Ephraim (8:1-3), pursued the enemy deep into the Transjordan, and punished the leaders of Succoth and Penuel, who did not assist him (vv 4-9, 13-16).<\/p>\n<p>This glorious victory created a new wave of interest in the idea of kingship. The men of Israel wished to establish the family of Gideon as their royal dynasty (8:22). Gideon refused, and instead wrongly set up an ephod, cast from the gold taken in battle (vv 23-27). The ephod was probably used for cultic practices, possibly divination (cf. 17:5).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s era also came to an end. He was God’s instrument, giving Israel rest for 40 years. He fathered 70 sons and died in old age. God had richly blessed him, even though he had led Israel astray with his ephod. Thereafter, Israel returned to Baal worship (8:33-35).<\/p>\n<p>In the wake of Gideon’s era, his son Abimelech attempted to establish dynastic continuity by having himself installed as king at Shechem (9:1-6). With the support of his relatives at Shechem, Abimelech had all his brothers killed except Jotham (vv 4-5). After Abimelech’s coronation, Jotham set forth his opposition to his brother in a proverbial manner (vv 7-20), and went into hiding. Three years later Abimelech’s evil schemes entrapped him when the citizens of Shechem rebelled. He furiously attacked the city and destroyed it. A short time later, however, he was wounded at Thebez by a millstone dropped by a woman from the tower in which she had sought refuge from him. His servant put him out of his misery as per his request. This episode demonstrates how bad a despotic king may be. Again, God’s justice prevailed.<\/p>\n<h6>Tola (10:1-2)<\/h6>\n<p>Tola was a minor judge from Issachar who judged Israel for 23 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jair (10:3-5)<\/h6>\n<p>Jair was a minor judge from Gilead who judged Israel for 22 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jephthah (10:6–12:7)<\/h6>\n<p>A recapitulation (10:6-16) of the cycle (idolatry, enemies, cry for help, momentary repentance) sets the introduction to the Jephthah narrative. Under attack from the Ammonites, the elders of Gilead requested help from Jephthah (10:17–11:8), who promised to help them on the condition that he remain their leader even after the war (vv 9-10). At a solemn ceremony he becomes their “head” at Mizpah (v 11). Jephthah opened up correspondence with the Ammonite king, in which he argued for Israel’s rights on the basis of the Israelites’ historic claim to the land as granted to them by the Lord (vv 12–27). Instead of going out immediately to war, he hoped that “the <span>Lord<\/span>, the Judge” would settle the dispute (v 27); but the Ammonite king was unimpressed. When the Spirit of God came over him, Jephthah led Israel into battle, but only after making a rash vow. He was victorious but found out that his vow to sacrifice whatever came first out of his house required him to sacrifice his daughter. Debate continues as to whether he offered her up as a human sacrifice or whether she sacrificed marriage (see discussion under Jephthah).<\/p>\n<p>The Ephraimites seemed to have had an insatiable desire for war. Earlier they had complained to Gideon, who successfully defused their threats (8:1-3). Jephthah fought them, however, because the Israelites living in Transjordan had been reviled as “renegades” (12:1-4). Forty-two thousand Ephraimites were killed by the fords of the Jordan in this civil war. Thereafter, Jephthah ruled for only six years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ibzan (12:8-10)<\/h6>\n<p>Ibzan was a minor judge from Bethlehem who ruled Israel for seven years.<\/p>\n<h6>Elon (12:11)<\/h6>\n<p>A minor judge from Zebulun, Elon ruled Israel for ten years.<\/p>\n<h6>Abdon (12:13-15)<\/h6>\n<p>Abdon was a minor judge from Pirathon, the location of which is uncertain. He ruled for eight years.<\/p>\n<h6>Samson (13:1–16:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Samson’s greatness in the history of redemption is due to his miraculous birth (13:1-24), his service as a Nazirite (13:7; cf. Nm 6:1-21), the repeated overpowering by the Spirit of the Lord (Jgs 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14), the single-handed exploits against the Philistines (Ashkelon, 14:19; the fields, 15:1-6; Ramath Etam, 15:7-17; Gaza, 16:1-3, 23-30), and his occasional dependence on the Lord (15:18-19; 16:28-30). However, his personal life was flawed because of his weakness for Philistine women (chs 14, 16). Having been seduced by Delilah, he was imprisoned at Gaza. He died in the collapse of Dagon’s temple, praying that the Lord would permit him to get revenge (16:28-30). He was buried in his father’s tomb in the territory of Dan (16:31).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue (17–21)<\/h5>\n<p>The cyclical nature of Israel’s existence was without movement. Rest from enemies was always temporary. Israel was not yet ready for dynastic kingship, and whatever one may say of the three years of Abimelech, it was a kingship of the worst sort. Israel vacillated between idolatry and belief in the true Lord. The period of the judges was unstable, marked by petty individualism and provincialism. Yet God remained sovereign in the affairs of his people. The epilogue contains two stories: the story of Micah and the Danite migration (chs 17–18) and the civil war (chs 19–21). The epilogue is bound together by the phrase “In those days Israel had no king; everyone did as he saw fit” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25, <span>niv<\/span>). The symmetric recurrence (two times in each narrative) emphasizes the anarchy and inability of the tribes to unite together to serve God as a covenant people.<\/p>\n<h6>Micah and the Danites (17–18)<\/h6>\n<p>Micah was an Ephraimite who established a shrine and hired one of his own sons, and then a Levite from Bethlehem, to serve as its priests (ch 17). Unable to keep their patrimony, the Danites left to establish themselves at the foot of Mt Hermon. They took the idols and the Levite from Micah’s shrine and set up a cultic city at the newly established city of Dan, built on the ruins of Laish (ch 18). Thus, they set up a cultic center that rivaled the tabernacle at Shiloh (18:31).<\/p>\n<h6>The Civil War (19–21)<\/h6>\n<p>The people of Gibeah, which belonged to Benjamin, sexually abused the concubine of a Levite so that she died. Like the Levite of chapters 17 and 18, she was from Bethlehem (19:1). Dramatically, the Levite sent pieces of her corpse to all the tribes, which assembled against the Benjamites because they protected the criminals of Gibeah (19:29–20:19). In the ensuing battle the population of Benjamin was decimated (20:20-48). The 11 tribes gave them 400 virgins taken in a civil war against Jabesh-gilead (21:6-15). These were not enough, however. Because of the threat of the extinction of Benjamin and the vow not to give their daughters in marriage to any Benjamite, the Israelites devised a plan by which the Benjamites could take Israelite virgins dancing in the festival at Shiloh. Benjamin thus was able to rebuild its towns and settlements.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Gideon; Jephthah; Samson.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JUDGES, Book of Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail. Preview • Author • Date • Li...","summary_en":"JUDGES, Book of Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail. Preview • Author • Date • Li...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":38165,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Warfare","title_en":"Warfare","content_ro":"<h3>WARFARE<\/h3>\n<p>The means by which one nation seeks to impose its will upon another by force. An index to the importance of warfare in antiquity is provided by the amount of technical skill directed to perfecting devices for destruction and defense.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"MethodsofWarfare\">Methods of Warfare<\/p>\n<h5>Standard Combat<\/h5>\n<p>Cavalry units were introduced at the close of the second millennium <span>BC<\/span> and the beginning of the first. The cavalry charge provided a shock force to the great armies, and the cavalry’s mobility permitted concentration of firepower at decisive points. When the Assyrians coordinated their infantry, cavalry, and chariot corps into a powerful battle machine, smaller neighboring nations were more and more compelled to retreat behind their fortifications. They could not hope to engage the massive Assyrian army in standard combat in open terrain. No period is richer in illustrated monuments than Iron Age II; the Assyrian war reliefs present detailed illustrations of their conquests and the size of fortified cities. The few scenes depicting standard combat in open terrain show chariots charging from all directions and engaging the enemy at all stages of a battle. Other formations carry out mopping-up operations, finishing off pockets of enemy resistance remaining after the chariot charge.<\/p>\n<p>The factor of terrain was always very important. In standard combat on open terrain it became conventional to place the best troops on the right side of the line. A Greek commander, Epaminodas (d. 362 <span>BC<\/span>), introduced the variant of a slanting attack by a strengthened left wing, taking the Spartan army completely by surprise. Philip of Macedon and his son Alexander continued to surprise their enemies with variations on a plan of attack based on the phalanx.<\/p>\n\n<h5>Battle in Open Terrain: The Duel<\/h5>\n<p>During certain periods in the ancient Near East, the duel presented an alternative to standard combat. The duel was a contest between two champions who represented the contending forces. The two armies would agree in advance to abide by the outcome of the fight. The duel was meant to avoid the heavy casualties of full-scale warfare. The earliest detailed written account of this unique form of warfare occurs in the Tale of Sinuhe. A chamberlain in the royal court of the 12th dynasty, Sinuhe voluntarily went into exile and traveled to northern Palestine and Syria, where he lived among Semitic tribes. There he was challenged to a duel by a local champion, whom he defeated and whose goods he then plundered.<\/p>\n<p>Although the duel was common among other armies in subsequent periods, it was evidently unknown to Israel before the encounter between David and Goliath (1 Sm 17). The Philistine army had penetrated Judah as far as Socoh and were arrayed on one hill. Drawn up against them on an opposite hill was the army of Saul. The valley of Elah separated the two camps. The Israelites were challenged daily by the Philistine champion, Goliath, who proposed that the battle be decided through combat between two warriors. David accepted his proposal, but when he killed Goliath, the Philistines fled, unwilling to honor the terms of the prior agreement. The Israelite army then entered the contest, pursuing the Philistines and inflicting heavy casualties.<\/p>\n<h5>Assaults on Fortified Cities<\/h5>\n<p>Most cities in the ancient Near East were located at sites that could be defended against attack and that possessed economic advantages. An assault on a fortified city presented opposite problems for attacker and defender. The actions of one were a direct response to the actions of the other. Systems of defense were intended to thwart methods of attack, which in turn were designed to penetrate systems of defense.<\/p>\n<p>There were five possible ways of conquering a fortified city: penetration from above the fortifications; direct penetration through the fortifications; penetration from below the fortifications; siege; and penetration by ruse. On many occasions, a combination of two or more methods was necessary to breach the defensive network.<\/p>\n<p>The biblical narrative of the conquest of Shechem by Abimelech (Jgs 9) gives an account of an assault on a fortified city in the period of the judges (Iron Age I). When the people of Shechem and their allies rebelled against Abimelech, he retaliated by attacking the city, advancing his army of mercenaries by night and launching an assault from ambush positions at dawn (9:32-35). The men of Shechem engaged in open battle outside the city gates but were forced to retreat behind the security of the city walls. The next day Abimelech directed his assault against the city itself. Dividing his forces into three groups, he assumed direct command of one, which he committed to an attack on the city gates at the decisive moment of battle (vv 43-44). The gate was breached and the main walls seized, but the city’s surviving defenders fled to an inner citadel, the temple of Baal-berith.<\/p>\n<p>Many reliefs depict groups of soldiers defending an inner citadel after a city’s wall was breached. Archaeological excavations at Shechem confirm that its temple, like those in other Canaanite cities, was built in the form of a fortified tower, supported by stout bastions near the entrance. The tower of Shechem was thus strongly fortified and occupied only a small area, enabling its defenders to concentrate their firepower on Abimelech’s troops. Since it could not be taken by storm, Abimelech ordered his soldiers to use their battle-axes to cut brushwood, which was piled against the stronghold and set on fire (Jgs 9:48-49). All of the defenders within the tower died.<\/p>\n<p>An assault on an inner citadel was always a hazardous undertaking for an attacking army, as shown in the sequel to the capture of Shechem’s tower. Abimelech turned his attention next to the city of Thebez and followed the same plan of assault that had proved successful at Shechem. But as he was preparing to burn the door of the tower to which the defenders had fled, his skull was crushed by a piece of millstone dropped on him by a woman (Jgs 9:50-53). The incident was remembered and became proverbial for the danger of approaching too closely the walls of a fortified tower (2 Sm 11:19-21).<\/p>\n<h5>Communications and Intelligence<\/h5>\n<p>From the patriarchal period (middle Bronze period), we have detailed written information on the use of communications systems in wartime. The documents from Mari on the Euphrates provide evidence for a well-developed communications system based on signaling. Signals were flashed by torches or firebrands at night in accordance with a prearranged code. The system was widely used in Mesopotamia and elsewhere to call for immediate help when a city was under attack.<\/p>\n<p>In the late Bronze period horsemen were sometimes employed for isolated communication functions. Intelligence services played a role in planning and executing military operations. The importance of intelligence and the use of spies or scouts is stressed in the biblical accounts of the conquest of the land of Canaan. Before entering the land, Moses sent men on an espionage mission. He instructed them to gather information on the topography of the land, to observe the relative strength of its inhabitants, to determine whether the land was fertile, to survey the cities and see if they were fortified, and to report on the character of the land—whether it was capable of sustaining a large population (Nm 13:17-20).<\/p>\n<p>Tactical intelligence was very important. Joshua dispatched spies to Jericho and to Ai before beginning military operations against them (Jos 2:1; 7:2). The reports he received about the offensive spirit and strength of the Canaanites enabled him to formulate an attack plan. In the period of the judges the conquest of Bethel (Jgs 1:22-26) was due directly to intelligence gathered by a reconnaissance patrol. The tribes of Joseph sent out scouts to keep the city under observation. It was strongly fortified and seemed impregnable. The scouts captured a man who emerged from the city—presumably not through the main gate, which was shut tight, but through a concealed postern or tunnel. In exchange for his own life and the safety of his family, he disclosed the location of the passage leading beneath the walls. The city was penetrated through the tunnel and captured.<\/p>\n<h5>Attack and Penetration: The Breach<\/h5>\n<p>Direct penetration through the fortifications of an ancient city meant breaching the gate or the main walls by using hammers, axes, pikes, spears, swords, or a battering ram. Illustrated monuments and written documents indicate that early in the middle Bronze period fortified cities were being attacked with battering rams. The earliest known illustration of a ram appears in a siege scene in the wall paintings from Beni Hasan (20th century <span>BC<\/span>). The ram pictured is a relatively simple device, consisting of a hutlike structure with a slightly pointed roof, which could be moved near a fortress with the help of two parallel crossbars. The structure provided cover for two or three soldiers who operated by hand a very long pole with a sharp tip, presumably of metal.<\/p>\n<p>The Mari documents provide information for the period 200 years later. They mention the effectiveness of battering rams constructed largely of wood. Although very heavy, the siege weapon could be moved over long distances. One document speaks of the use of a wagon drawn by draft animals and of a boat to transport a battering ram to the site of a besieged city.<\/p>\n<p>Moving a battering ram into position always exposed the demolition unit to heavy fire from defenders on the walls above them. Its heaviness made it cumbersome to move. Moreover, the ground adjacent to the walls was usually rough, rocky, and steep. When the chosen point of penetration was a section of the wall, an assault force had to construct an earthen ramp, occasionally strengthened on the top surface and sides with wooden planks or stones. The ramp provided a track along which the battering ram could be moved from the foot of the slope to the outer wall. Once moved into operational position, the ram had to be braked to prevent it from rolling back. The building of such a ramp was evidently necessary in Joab’s campaign against the fortified city of Abel in Beth-maacah (2 Sm 20:15). The biblical account indicates that some sort of battering ram was in use in Israel under King David during the early monarchy.<\/p>\n<p>The earliest Assyrian reliefs show that protection of the penetration units was a major consideration. High, mobile assault towers constructed of wood operated in tandem with a battering ram. Such towers, moved into position near a breach operation and manned by archers, provided covering fire directed against the defenders on the wall. Siege towers neutralized the defenders’ advantage in firepower and drew fire away from the crew engaged in breaching the walls.<\/p>\n<p>The details of the Assyrian reliefs make it possible to visualize clearly the fate of Jerusalem, as announced to the prophet Ezekiel (Ez 4:1-3; 21:22). The gate was the focal point of attack because it was the weakest point in the wall. Moreover, the path leading up to the gate made construction of a special ramp unnecessary. In the demolition of a gate, swords were sometimes used to pry the doors loose and to tear down hinges. Wooden doors unprotected by metal were often set on fire.<\/p>\n<p>The battering ram continued to be used as an engine for breaching walls in the Hellenistic-Roman period. In 63 <span>BC<\/span> the Roman commander Pompey brought up battering rams from Tyre against the defenders of Jerusalem, and with them penetrated the fortified wall that enclosed the temple. The siege machine shown on Trajan’s column had a beam with an iron head shaped like a ram. It was moved up to a wall in a frame protected by a wooden roof covered with clay or hides. A variation equipped for boring into a wall was used by Titus when besieging Jerusalem in <span>AD<\/span> 70.<\/p>\n<p>The battering ram was not the only device used to effect a breach in a wall. Troops trained as sappers would tear down a section of the wall by using sharp-headed levers (pikes, swords, spears) or even sledgehammers (cf. Ez 26:8-9). In Ashurnasirpal’s army such men were issued full-length coats of mail to cover their whole bodies. Under later Assyrian kings, they were protected by both round and rectangular shields, which they carried on their backs when engaged in demolition. Later, Ashurbanipal relied exclusively on such sappers for direct penetration of a fortified city. He designed for their protection a huge shield, the curved head of which could be propped against the wall, screening the sapper from missiles while he worked beneath it.<\/p>\n<h5>Scaling the Walls<\/h5>\n<p>A battle scene depicted on limestone in the tomb of Anta at Dashashe in Upper Egypt (24th century <span>BC<\/span>) provides the earliest known representation of siege activities. It shows the Egyptians raising a scaling ladder against the walls of a fortified city. By the time of Sargon, the thickness of walls was increased considerably, which permitted construction of much higher walls, more resistant to scaling. Such solid, massive walls also tended to blunt the effectiveness of a battering ram. Sargon, and especially his successor Ashurbanipal, responded by constructing longer scaling ladders, some of which could reach a height of from 25 to 30 feet (7.6 to 9.1 meters), judging from the number of rungs.<\/p>\n<h5>Penetration beneath the Walls<\/h5>\n<p>A tunneling operation could be started beyond the range of any weapons at the disposal of the defenders. Once underground, the penetration unit was shielded from enemy fire. The tunneling could be accomplished under cover of night, so that the element of surprise could be exploited to the maximum. It was, however, a lengthy process requiring considerable technical skill. Moreover, if the operation was detected by the defenders before its completion, they could destroy the penetration unit as it emerged from the tunnel. Attempts to penetrate fortified cities by tunneling beneath the walls was a characteristic feature of warfare in Iron Age II. That is confirmed by reliefs, written documents, and archaeological excavation of sites dating to this period, where the remains of attack tunnels have been discovered.<\/p>\n<h5>Siege<\/h5>\n<p>Particularly when a walled city was situated on a high hill, an extended siege provided an alternate method of conquering it. By encircling the city and preventing aid or supplies from reaching its defenders, the attacking army could starve the inhabitants out. That procedure minimized the element of risk for the attacking army. Its success depended upon their capacity to prevent outside assistance from reaching the city and the defenders from leaving it. An army would generally resort to siege when a city’s fortifications were too powerful for direct penetration. The siege of Samaria by the Assyrians lasted for three years (2 Kgs 18:9-10).<\/p>\n<p>The peculiar conditions of siege produced the catapult, a major innovation of Greek artillery and a logical improvement on the bow and the sling. Designed originally as a strengthened bow mounted on a stand and used to fire arrows only, it was introduced around 400 <span>BC<\/span> by Demetrius I. He may have borrowed the idea from the Phoenicians at Carthage.<\/p>\n<p>In the course of time the instrument was improved. The perfect weapon, called the torsion catapult, derived its power from many tightly twisted strands of elastic material, frequently supplied by women’s hair, which could be tightened with a windlass and then released suddenly. Firing arrows, large stones, or fire-baskets with an effective range of 200 yards (182.9 meters), a catapult could clear a wall of its defenders while a battering ram breached it or a boarding party attacked from a mobile tower.<\/p>\n<p>For those in a besieged city, the critical problems were food and water supplies. The horror of famine is stressed in the biblical account of the siege of Samaria by the Syrian Ben-hadad in the days of the prophet Elisha. On that occasion women were reduced to eating their children (2 Kgs 6:26-29). A besieging army would do everything in its power to aggravate such conditions. In one of the siege reliefs of Ashurnasirpal II, a defender has lowered a bucket from the wall to draw water from a stream below; an Assyrian soldier is shown cutting the rope with his dagger.<\/p>\n<h5>Ruses and Stratagems<\/h5>\n<p>Various ruses and stratagems could draw the defenders out of a city or infiltrate troops into the city. If a small force could enter a city by a cunning stratagem, it could overpower the guards and open the city gates to an attacking army. A city’s fortifications were of little value once an enemy had entered the city. Moreover, penetrating a city’s defenses at any one point frequently caused the entire defense system to collapse. The story of the Trojan horse is probably the most celebrated account of a stratagem circumventing the defense of a strongly fortified ancient city.<\/p>\n<p>In the biblical account of the siege of Samaria by Ben-hadad, a sudden lifting of the Syrian siege led Joram, the king of Israel, to suspect a ruse. He refused to believe the report of four lepers that the Syrians had gone, leaving behind large food supplies (2 Kgs 7:12). That was the same kind of tactic that Joshua had employed at Ai (Jos 8:3-8).<\/p>\n<p>On other occasions, powerful armies sought to break down resistance by psychological warfare, as in the unsuccessful attempt by Sennacherib to capture Jerusalem in the time of Hezekiah (2 Kgs 18–19). The dialogue between the Assyrian general and Hezekiah’s delegates reveals that the Assyrian was trying to shake the confidence of the city’s defenders.<\/p>\n<p>The ambush was a type of ruse used to trap and destroy an enemy at a moment when he was least able to counter a sudden, unexpected blow. Its effectiveness depended almost entirely on the element of surprise. By taking advantage of good intelligence, knowledge of the terrain, and the cover of night, a small force could stage a devastating ambush against vastly superior numbers.<\/p>\n<p>The ambush was a standard method of combat during the period of the conquest of Canaan. The fall of Ai, for example, was due directly to the tactical success of an ambush (Jos 8:1-23). Under cover of night, Joshua was able to move a large force to a concealed position behind the city. He then led the remainder of the Israelite army to the edge of a valley north of the fortified city, giving the appearance of a planned assault on the city. The diversion, as calculated, drew the main force of Ai away from the city to engage Israel on the plain of Arabah. When the Israelites fell back, appearing to be badly beaten, the remaining defenders of the city were summoned to pursue Joshua’s fleeing army. With the city left undefended, the main Israelite strike force rose from its ambush position, poured into the city, and set it on fire. Too late, the men of Ai saw the smoke from their burning city and realized the stratagem. Joshua’s army turned to counterattack their pursuers, who found themselves trapped between two bodies of Israelite forces. Assaulted from both front and rear, the king of Ai’s army was annihilated, victim of an effectively laid ambush.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"FortificationsandDefense\">Fortifications and Defense<\/p>\n<p>The earliest known fortifications in the world, dated by some to about 7000 <span>BC<\/span>, were discovered in 1954 at Jericho. They were impressive in conception and construction. The core of the defense system was a wall, part of which, bordering the western edge of the ancient city, was still standing to a height of 21 feet (6.4 meters). Further excavation uncovered a large moat that had been carved out of solid rock at the base of the wall, 27 feet (8.2 meters) wide and 9 feet (2.7 meters) deep. How that feat was accomplished when the only tools assumed to have been available were made of stone is a complete mystery. A third component of Jericho’s defense system was a huge stone circular tower 30 feet (9.1 meters) high, once evidently attached to the inner side of the western part of the wall. The exact purpose of the tower has not yet been determined, but Neolithic Jericho provides the earliest evidence of a fortified city supported by a wall, tower, and moat.<\/p>\n<p>By the middle Bronze period, there were four components in a standard defense system: a moat, an advance (outer) wall, the main (inner) wall, and a well-fortified gate structure. The moat, advance wall, and subsidiary fortifications protecting the steep slope and lower portion of the main wall were intended to prevent breaching by a battering ram.<\/p>\n<h5>City Walls<\/h5>\n<p>Erection of a simple wall could halt a hostile advance only temporarily, since walls could be scaled or breached. Walls therefore provided a firing platform so defenders could repel attacks. The wall system consisted of three principal components: the wall itself, constituting the barrier; an upper structure, which provided the firing platform and cover for the defenders; and a series of obstacles and traps erected in front of the wall to keep archers at a distance and to prevent operation of a battering ram.<\/p>\n<p>The battlement—a parapet built along the outer top edge of the wall—provided the defenders with a measure of security, freedom for mobility, and openings through which fire could be directed. From a distance the square notches looked like a row of teeth with gaps between them. The teeth, called merlons, provided a protective barrier against hostile missiles. The gaps, called embrasures or crenels, supplied openings through which the defenders could discharge their weapons. Special towers protruded from the outer face of the wall, spaced at a distance no greater than the double range of a bow. Such towers enabled the defenders to fire at troops who managed to reach the walls. One way of protecting the main wall was to construct an outer or advance wall that could be breached or climbed only under heavy fire from defending units on the battlements of the main wall. Another method was to dig a wide, deep moat around the base of the main wall. A moat kept the enemy from using a battering ram unless they could bridge the moat or fill it up at certain points, under concentrated fire from the defenders.<\/p>\n<p>Casemate fortifications, introduced in the middle Bronze period, were developed from double walls built of dressed stones. The space between the walls was divided into chambers, or casemates, used for storage or dwellings. The Hittite casemate system, introduced into Palestine at least as early as the time of Saul, was widely adopted in Syria and Palestine. A fine example has been discovered at Gibeah, where Saul’s citadel was located, dating to the end of the 11th century <span>BC<\/span>. The overall thickness of the double walls, including the casemates, reaches 15 feet (4.6 meters). The same type of construction has been found in excavations of three Solomonic cities—Hazor, Gezer, and Megiddo (cf. 1 Kgs 9:15)—where the casemate walls have an overall thickness of 18 feet (5.5 meters).<\/p>\n<p>Although the divided kingdoms of Judah and Israel were not noted for technical advancements in offensive warfare, a number of their kings worked at improving fortifications and means of defense. Uzziah was especially remembered for his accomplishments in defensive warfare. Along with other measures, “he produced machines mounted on the walls of Jerusalem, designed by brilliant men to shoot arrows and hurl stones from the towers and the corners of the wall” (2 Chr 26:15, <span>nlt<\/span>). Those “machines” were special protective structures built to facilitate the task of the archers and to permit huge stones to be dropped on the heads of assaulting troops.<\/p>\n<h5>Gate<\/h5>\n<p>It was inevitable that the gate would be the focus of action in any assault on a fortified city. City gates were therefore designed to expose an attacking army to the greatest risk while providing maximum security to the defenders. The road approaching a city on a hill would wind up the slope, climbing obliquely to the left or the right. Such roads were usually laid out to reach the gate from the right, so an attacker would have to expose the right side of his body to the defenders on the wall. Since he carried his shield in his left hand, that made him more vulnerable.<\/p>\n<p>To prevent the heavy wooden doors of the gate from being set on fire, they were usually plated with metal. A gate wide enough for chariots required double doors, making the line at the center where the two doors met the weakest point in the barrier. Double doors were therefore fitted with huge bolts and fortified with a heavy beam running across the back of both door panels and held in place by sockets set in the doorposts.<\/p>\n<p>Another component in the defense complex at a gate consisted of towers erected on either side of the gate and protruding from the outer face of the wall. Enemy soldiers trying to smash the doors with axes or set them on fire with torches were thus exposed to heavy flanking fire from defensive units on the towers. From a roof over the gate having a balcony, concentrated firepower could be poured down on attackers’ heads. The addition of such auxiliary structures transformed a gate into a small fortress.<\/p>\n<h5>Inner Citadel<\/h5>\n<p>A major weakness of a city’s walls and gate was the magnitude of the circumference. An average-size city might have a perimeter of half a mile (.8 kilometer); a larger city, a perimeter of over a mile (1.6 kilometers). Yet the entire wall had to be defended against breaching, scaling, or tunneling. An attacking army would use diversionary tactics to keep defenders dispersed along the entire perimeter but concentrate their primary assault at one point in the wall. Once the wall was breached, perimeter fortifications served no further defensive purpose. Therefore, internal walls were often added to subdivide a city into several sections, each capable of independent defense. Also, on the highest point of land within the city a citadel would be constructed as a self-contained defensive unit.<\/p>\n<p>The earliest examples of such fortifications, called migdols, are found in the late Bronze Age. They were originally small citadels built to guard important military targets such as sources of water, strategic routes, cultivated farmlands, or frontiers. A migdol of that type was discovered in Israel, not far from Ashdod, in 1960. It was square in plan, with rectangular bastions, and was two stories high, just like structures depicted in Egyptian reliefs from the same period. The same design was used to fortify temples inside of cities. Such fortified temples served as places of refuge and as a city’s final defense once its walls had been breached (cf. Jgs 9:45-51).<\/p>\n<p>In a later period an inner citadel could embrace a complex consisting of the fortified palace of the governor, dwellings of his chief ministers, and sometimes the temple. Such citadels resembled fortified cities, possessing a main wall, a gateway, an outer wall, and occasionally a moat. Being small in area and heavily fortified, citadels could be defended in a final effort by the governor and remaining inhabitants. Presumably Zimri could have held out against Omri’s army for an extended period in the citadel of Tirzah, had he not committed suicide by setting it on fire (1 Kgs 16:17-18).<\/p>\n<h5>Water Supply under Siege<\/h5>\n<p>Unless provision was made to keep a city’s inhabitants supplied with food and water during a protracted siege, no defense system could be effective. Several Judean kings made efforts to solve the food-storage problem. Rehoboam, for example, fortified a number of cities located on the western, eastern, and southern borders of his kingdom and made them centers for the storage of food, oil, and wine (2 Chr 11:5-11).<\/p>\n<p>Storage of food was easier than storage of water. Cisterns built to collect rainwater were a partial answer, but cisterns often ran dry, particularly in times of drought. Cities were sometimes built on the banks of a stream or river, using the stream as part of the city’s defense system. But for a city built on a hill, the source of water might be a spring located at the foot of the slope and outside the city walls. Sometimes the mouth of the spring could be blocked and its location concealed from the enemy while still allowing access by the inhabitants. At Megiddo a vertical shaft 100 feet (274.3 meters) deep was connected by a horizontal tunnel about 200 feet (548.6 meters) long to the water supply at the western end of the city, beyond the fortifications. The work was undertaken in the time of either Solomon or Ahab.<\/p>\n<p>The most celebrated measures to guarantee a supply of fresh water in a time of siege were those taken by Hezekiah at Jerusalem. That engineering achievement is recalled in all the summaries of his reign, both in the Bible and in the “Praise of Famous Men” in the apocryphal book of Ecclesiasticus (2 Kgs 20:20; 2 Chr 32:30; Ecclus 48:17). The prodigious feat commemorated in those references was the sealing of the spring of Gihon and the cutting of an 1,800-foot (548.6-meter) channel through solid rock in order to bring water into a reservoir in the city. How it was accomplished was reported by Hezekiah himself in the famous Siloam inscription. Two crews, working with hammers, wedges, and pickaxes, began at opposite ends. The crew that began at the spring was able to take advantage of the older tunnel (cf. Is 22:11). They turned due south, in the direction of the city. The other crew, starting from the reservoir, began in a northeasterly direction. They then turned southeast until they reached the north-south line followed by the crew tunneling from the spring, when they turned due north to meet them. The two crews almost passed each other, being about five feet (1.5 meters) apart, but a shout from one was heard through a crevice in the rock by the other. Both parties turned sharply right, and the tunnel was completed. Hezekiah’s precautionary step, taken before Sennacherib’s invasion of Judah, helps to explain why the Assyrians were unable to subdue Jerusalem by the siege tactics that had earlier subdued Samaria in the time of Sargon.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"HebrewMilitaryOrganization\">Hebrew Military Organization<\/p>\n<h5>Tribal Army<\/h5>\n<p>In their exodus from Egypt the Israelites were organized by tribes and divisions. That systematic arrangement for their trek through the wilderness provided a precedent for military organization. After the sojourn at Mt Sinai, the 12 tribes were divided into divisions or army corps, and certain grades in military rank began to appear. The “officers of the army” (Nm 31:14) had command over units of 1,000 or 100 men, which suggests that the tribal army was divided into decimal units. At a later period there is reference to units of 1,000 (the division), 100 (the company), 50 (the platoon), and 10 (the section). Except for the Levites, who were assigned as a tribe to the care of the tabernacle (Nm 2:33), men from 20 years of age who were physically able to fight were assigned to a unit in the tribal army. Certain individuals, however, were exempted from military service (cf. Dt 20:5-9; 24:5; Jgs 7:3).<\/p>\n<p>Until after the conquest of Canaan, the tribal army was essentially a militia recruited in an emergency. Internal organization of the militia was the responsibility of the tribe; each clan and family sent their quota of warriors when summoned to battle by tribal leaders. Because the clan formed the basic unit, recruits were under the command of their own leaders. David’s brothers, for example, served in a division composed of the fighting men from their clan under the command of a captain (1 Sm 17:18; 18:13). When the emergency passed, the militia was disbanded and the soldiers returned to their home districts.<\/p>\n<p>Because the land was divided among the tribes, no tribal or clan leader before Saul commanded the entire tribal confederation (cf. 1 Sm 11:1-11). In fact, tribal jealousies and rivalries threatened national solidarity and jeopardized united action even in a critical period. On some occasions, however, the severity of a crisis caused the armies of the various tribes to unite in common action. The multitribal armies were divided into companies of 1,000, 100, and 50, and still further into families under appointed officers. There is evidence of organization into units according to weaponry (1 Chr 12:24-38). Benjamin’s tribe specialized in the bow and sling. The tribes of Gad, Judah, and Naphtali were expert with the spear and shield.<\/p>\n<p>Provisioning the tribal army was the responsibility of each tribe (Jgs 20:9-10). One out of every ten soldiers was appointed to secure food for the others, either from wealthy landowners (cf. 1 Sm 25) or from the natural resources of the land. In that early stage of military organization, a soldier’s pay generally consisted only of supplies and a portion of the spoils of battle (cf. 30:21-25).<\/p>\n<h5>Professional Army<\/h5>\n<p>Not until the time of the united monarchy did Israel have a regular army. Transition from a people’s militia to a professional army took place under Saul, whose reign changed the tribal confederacy into a monarchy (1 Sm 13:2). Philistine harassment of Israel encouraged establishment of a strong standing army. The army, however, was not large; it consisted of 3,000 men organized in three formations of 1,000 each (1 Sm 13:2; 24:2). Pay for those career soldiers was sometimes in the form of a land grant (8:14) as well as a share of booty. In the organization of Saul’s army, Abner, Jonathan, and David were given particular responsibilities. Abner was named commander of the army (17:55) and was probably also given direct command of one of the divisions. David’s band of valorous men, “the thirty,” provided the leadership core for his own military organization when he became king.<\/p>\n<p>David continued the practice of maintaining a professional army. But he also developed a national militia of 12 regiments, each being called up for duty for one month of the year under professional officers (1 Chr 27:1-15). Each regiment, recruited across tribal lines, consisted of 24,000 soldiers. David’s innovation provided him with a large reserve force that could be mustered for war in times of emergency. The reserves, and presumably the professional army as well, were organized into units of 1,000, 100, 50, and 10. Joab, a specialist in siege warfare (2 Sm 20:15), commanded the professional army, and Amasa was over the citizens’ militia. David, however, remained commander-in-chief of the military organization.<\/p>\n<p>The Israelite group in King David’s professional army was an outgrowth of the small band of fighting men who had served with him during the period of conflict with Saul. That veteran group consisted of David’s family and clansmen, and others who felt themselves oppressed by the central authority under Saul (1 Sm 22:1-2). It ranged in size between 400 and 600 men (1 Sm 22:2; 23:13; 27:2). The presence of mercenaries in David’s army is clearly recorded. Uriah the Hittite and Ittai of Gath are conspicuous examples, along with many career soldiers of Philistine origin, such as the Cherethites and the Pelethites under Benaiah (2 Sm 8:18; 15:19-22; 23:22-23).<\/p>\n<p>The Davidic dynasty maintained a permanent mercenary army until 701 <span>BC<\/span>, after which it was considered too costly. The oppressive cost of maintaining a professional army, financed by burdensome taxes and forced labor, was in fact a major factor contributing to the disruption of the monarchy after Solomon’s death (cf. 1 Kgs 10:26-29; 12:4-19). After Sennacherib’s invasion in 701 <span>BC<\/span>, the southern kingdom of Judah depended entirely on a citizens’ militia for its defense. It is commonly held that the northern kingdom of Israel did not employ a professional army, but it is evident that King Ahab used at least some mercenary soldiers in his defense against Ben-hadad of Syria (1 Kgs 20:15-20).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Armor and Weapons.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>WARFARE<\/h3>\n<p>The means by which one nation seeks to impose its will upon another by force. An index to the importance of warfare in antiquity is provided by the amount of technical skill directed to perfecting devices for destruction and defense.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"MethodsofWarfare\">Methods of Warfare<\/p>\n<h5>Standard Combat<\/h5>\n<p>Cavalry units were introduced at the close of the second millennium <span>BC<\/span> and the beginning of the first. The cavalry charge provided a shock force to the great armies, and the cavalry’s mobility permitted concentration of firepower at decisive points. When the Assyrians coordinated their infantry, cavalry, and chariot corps into a powerful battle machine, smaller neighboring nations were more and more compelled to retreat behind their fortifications. They could not hope to engage the massive Assyrian army in standard combat in open terrain. No period is richer in illustrated monuments than Iron Age II; the Assyrian war reliefs present detailed illustrations of their conquests and the size of fortified cities. The few scenes depicting standard combat in open terrain show chariots charging from all directions and engaging the enemy at all stages of a battle. Other formations carry out mopping-up operations, finishing off pockets of enemy resistance remaining after the chariot charge.<\/p>\n<p>The factor of terrain was always very important. In standard combat on open terrain it became conventional to place the best troops on the right side of the line. A Greek commander, Epaminodas (d. 362 <span>BC<\/span>), introduced the variant of a slanting attack by a strengthened left wing, taking the Spartan army completely by surprise. Philip of Macedon and his son Alexander continued to surprise their enemies with variations on a plan of attack based on the phalanx.<\/p>\n\n<h5>Battle in Open Terrain: The Duel<\/h5>\n<p>During certain periods in the ancient Near East, the duel presented an alternative to standard combat. The duel was a contest between two champions who represented the contending forces. The two armies would agree in advance to abide by the outcome of the fight. The duel was meant to avoid the heavy casualties of full-scale warfare. The earliest detailed written account of this unique form of warfare occurs in the Tale of Sinuhe. A chamberlain in the royal court of the 12th dynasty, Sinuhe voluntarily went into exile and traveled to northern Palestine and Syria, where he lived among Semitic tribes. There he was challenged to a duel by a local champion, whom he defeated and whose goods he then plundered.<\/p>\n<p>Although the duel was common among other armies in subsequent periods, it was evidently unknown to Israel before the encounter between David and Goliath (1 Sm 17). The Philistine army had penetrated Judah as far as Socoh and were arrayed on one hill. Drawn up against them on an opposite hill was the army of Saul. The valley of Elah separated the two camps. The Israelites were challenged daily by the Philistine champion, Goliath, who proposed that the battle be decided through combat between two warriors. David accepted his proposal, but when he killed Goliath, the Philistines fled, unwilling to honor the terms of the prior agreement. The Israelite army then entered the contest, pursuing the Philistines and inflicting heavy casualties.<\/p>\n<h5>Assaults on Fortified Cities<\/h5>\n<p>Most cities in the ancient Near East were located at sites that could be defended against attack and that possessed economic advantages. An assault on a fortified city presented opposite problems for attacker and defender. The actions of one were a direct response to the actions of the other. Systems of defense were intended to thwart methods of attack, which in turn were designed to penetrate systems of defense.<\/p>\n<p>There were five possible ways of conquering a fortified city: penetration from above the fortifications; direct penetration through the fortifications; penetration from below the fortifications; siege; and penetration by ruse. On many occasions, a combination of two or more methods was necessary to breach the defensive network.<\/p>\n<p>The biblical narrative of the conquest of Shechem by Abimelech (Jgs 9) gives an account of an assault on a fortified city in the period of the judges (Iron Age I). When the people of Shechem and their allies rebelled against Abimelech, he retaliated by attacking the city, advancing his army of mercenaries by night and launching an assault from ambush positions at dawn (9:32-35). The men of Shechem engaged in open battle outside the city gates but were forced to retreat behind the security of the city walls. The next day Abimelech directed his assault against the city itself. Dividing his forces into three groups, he assumed direct command of one, which he committed to an attack on the city gates at the decisive moment of battle (vv 43-44). The gate was breached and the main walls seized, but the city’s surviving defenders fled to an inner citadel, the temple of Baal-berith.<\/p>\n<p>Many reliefs depict groups of soldiers defending an inner citadel after a city’s wall was breached. Archaeological excavations at Shechem confirm that its temple, like those in other Canaanite cities, was built in the form of a fortified tower, supported by stout bastions near the entrance. The tower of Shechem was thus strongly fortified and occupied only a small area, enabling its defenders to concentrate their firepower on Abimelech’s troops. Since it could not be taken by storm, Abimelech ordered his soldiers to use their battle-axes to cut brushwood, which was piled against the stronghold and set on fire (Jgs 9:48-49). All of the defenders within the tower died.<\/p>\n<p>An assault on an inner citadel was always a hazardous undertaking for an attacking army, as shown in the sequel to the capture of Shechem’s tower. Abimelech turned his attention next to the city of Thebez and followed the same plan of assault that had proved successful at Shechem. But as he was preparing to burn the door of the tower to which the defenders had fled, his skull was crushed by a piece of millstone dropped on him by a woman (Jgs 9:50-53). The incident was remembered and became proverbial for the danger of approaching too closely the walls of a fortified tower (2 Sm 11:19-21).<\/p>\n<h5>Communications and Intelligence<\/h5>\n<p>From the patriarchal period (middle Bronze period), we have detailed written information on the use of communications systems in wartime. The documents from Mari on the Euphrates provide evidence for a well-developed communications system based on signaling. Signals were flashed by torches or firebrands at night in accordance with a prearranged code. The system was widely used in Mesopotamia and elsewhere to call for immediate help when a city was under attack.<\/p>\n<p>In the late Bronze period horsemen were sometimes employed for isolated communication functions. Intelligence services played a role in planning and executing military operations. The importance of intelligence and the use of spies or scouts is stressed in the biblical accounts of the conquest of the land of Canaan. Before entering the land, Moses sent men on an espionage mission. He instructed them to gather information on the topography of the land, to observe the relative strength of its inhabitants, to determine whether the land was fertile, to survey the cities and see if they were fortified, and to report on the character of the land—whether it was capable of sustaining a large population (Nm 13:17-20).<\/p>\n<p>Tactical intelligence was very important. Joshua dispatched spies to Jericho and to Ai before beginning military operations against them (Jos 2:1; 7:2). The reports he received about the offensive spirit and strength of the Canaanites enabled him to formulate an attack plan. In the period of the judges the conquest of Bethel (Jgs 1:22-26) was due directly to intelligence gathered by a reconnaissance patrol. The tribes of Joseph sent out scouts to keep the city under observation. It was strongly fortified and seemed impregnable. The scouts captured a man who emerged from the city—presumably not through the main gate, which was shut tight, but through a concealed postern or tunnel. In exchange for his own life and the safety of his family, he disclosed the location of the passage leading beneath the walls. The city was penetrated through the tunnel and captured.<\/p>\n<h5>Attack and Penetration: The Breach<\/h5>\n<p>Direct penetration through the fortifications of an ancient city meant breaching the gate or the main walls by using hammers, axes, pikes, spears, swords, or a battering ram. Illustrated monuments and written documents indicate that early in the middle Bronze period fortified cities were being attacked with battering rams. The earliest known illustration of a ram appears in a siege scene in the wall paintings from Beni Hasan (20th century <span>BC<\/span>). The ram pictured is a relatively simple device, consisting of a hutlike structure with a slightly pointed roof, which could be moved near a fortress with the help of two parallel crossbars. The structure provided cover for two or three soldiers who operated by hand a very long pole with a sharp tip, presumably of metal.<\/p>\n<p>The Mari documents provide information for the period 200 years later. They mention the effectiveness of battering rams constructed largely of wood. Although very heavy, the siege weapon could be moved over long distances. One document speaks of the use of a wagon drawn by draft animals and of a boat to transport a battering ram to the site of a besieged city.<\/p>\n<p>Moving a battering ram into position always exposed the demolition unit to heavy fire from defenders on the walls above them. Its heaviness made it cumbersome to move. Moreover, the ground adjacent to the walls was usually rough, rocky, and steep. When the chosen point of penetration was a section of the wall, an assault force had to construct an earthen ramp, occasionally strengthened on the top surface and sides with wooden planks or stones. The ramp provided a track along which the battering ram could be moved from the foot of the slope to the outer wall. Once moved into operational position, the ram had to be braked to prevent it from rolling back. The building of such a ramp was evidently necessary in Joab’s campaign against the fortified city of Abel in Beth-maacah (2 Sm 20:15). The biblical account indicates that some sort of battering ram was in use in Israel under King David during the early monarchy.<\/p>\n<p>The earliest Assyrian reliefs show that protection of the penetration units was a major consideration. High, mobile assault towers constructed of wood operated in tandem with a battering ram. Such towers, moved into position near a breach operation and manned by archers, provided covering fire directed against the defenders on the wall. Siege towers neutralized the defenders’ advantage in firepower and drew fire away from the crew engaged in breaching the walls.<\/p>\n<p>The details of the Assyrian reliefs make it possible to visualize clearly the fate of Jerusalem, as announced to the prophet Ezekiel (Ez 4:1-3; 21:22). The gate was the focal point of attack because it was the weakest point in the wall. Moreover, the path leading up to the gate made construction of a special ramp unnecessary. In the demolition of a gate, swords were sometimes used to pry the doors loose and to tear down hinges. Wooden doors unprotected by metal were often set on fire.<\/p>\n<p>The battering ram continued to be used as an engine for breaching walls in the Hellenistic-Roman period. In 63 <span>BC<\/span> the Roman commander Pompey brought up battering rams from Tyre against the defenders of Jerusalem, and with them penetrated the fortified wall that enclosed the temple. The siege machine shown on Trajan’s column had a beam with an iron head shaped like a ram. It was moved up to a wall in a frame protected by a wooden roof covered with clay or hides. A variation equipped for boring into a wall was used by Titus when besieging Jerusalem in <span>AD<\/span> 70.<\/p>\n<p>The battering ram was not the only device used to effect a breach in a wall. Troops trained as sappers would tear down a section of the wall by using sharp-headed levers (pikes, swords, spears) or even sledgehammers (cf. Ez 26:8-9). In Ashurnasirpal’s army such men were issued full-length coats of mail to cover their whole bodies. Under later Assyrian kings, they were protected by both round and rectangular shields, which they carried on their backs when engaged in demolition. Later, Ashurbanipal relied exclusively on such sappers for direct penetration of a fortified city. He designed for their protection a huge shield, the curved head of which could be propped against the wall, screening the sapper from missiles while he worked beneath it.<\/p>\n<h5>Scaling the Walls<\/h5>\n<p>A battle scene depicted on limestone in the tomb of Anta at Dashashe in Upper Egypt (24th century <span>BC<\/span>) provides the earliest known representation of siege activities. It shows the Egyptians raising a scaling ladder against the walls of a fortified city. By the time of Sargon, the thickness of walls was increased considerably, which permitted construction of much higher walls, more resistant to scaling. Such solid, massive walls also tended to blunt the effectiveness of a battering ram. Sargon, and especially his successor Ashurbanipal, responded by constructing longer scaling ladders, some of which could reach a height of from 25 to 30 feet (7.6 to 9.1 meters), judging from the number of rungs.<\/p>\n<h5>Penetration beneath the Walls<\/h5>\n<p>A tunneling operation could be started beyond the range of any weapons at the disposal of the defenders. Once underground, the penetration unit was shielded from enemy fire. The tunneling could be accomplished under cover of night, so that the element of surprise could be exploited to the maximum. It was, however, a lengthy process requiring considerable technical skill. Moreover, if the operation was detected by the defenders before its completion, they could destroy the penetration unit as it emerged from the tunnel. Attempts to penetrate fortified cities by tunneling beneath the walls was a characteristic feature of warfare in Iron Age II. That is confirmed by reliefs, written documents, and archaeological excavation of sites dating to this period, where the remains of attack tunnels have been discovered.<\/p>\n<h5>Siege<\/h5>\n<p>Particularly when a walled city was situated on a high hill, an extended siege provided an alternate method of conquering it. By encircling the city and preventing aid or supplies from reaching its defenders, the attacking army could starve the inhabitants out. That procedure minimized the element of risk for the attacking army. Its success depended upon their capacity to prevent outside assistance from reaching the city and the defenders from leaving it. An army would generally resort to siege when a city’s fortifications were too powerful for direct penetration. The siege of Samaria by the Assyrians lasted for three years (2 Kgs 18:9-10).<\/p>\n<p>The peculiar conditions of siege produced the catapult, a major innovation of Greek artillery and a logical improvement on the bow and the sling. Designed originally as a strengthened bow mounted on a stand and used to fire arrows only, it was introduced around 400 <span>BC<\/span> by Demetrius I. He may have borrowed the idea from the Phoenicians at Carthage.<\/p>\n<p>In the course of time the instrument was improved. The perfect weapon, called the torsion catapult, derived its power from many tightly twisted strands of elastic material, frequently supplied by women’s hair, which could be tightened with a windlass and then released suddenly. Firing arrows, large stones, or fire-baskets with an effective range of 200 yards (182.9 meters), a catapult could clear a wall of its defenders while a battering ram breached it or a boarding party attacked from a mobile tower.<\/p>\n<p>For those in a besieged city, the critical problems were food and water supplies. The horror of famine is stressed in the biblical account of the siege of Samaria by the Syrian Ben-hadad in the days of the prophet Elisha. On that occasion women were reduced to eating their children (2 Kgs 6:26-29). A besieging army would do everything in its power to aggravate such conditions. In one of the siege reliefs of Ashurnasirpal II, a defender has lowered a bucket from the wall to draw water from a stream below; an Assyrian soldier is shown cutting the rope with his dagger.<\/p>\n<h5>Ruses and Stratagems<\/h5>\n<p>Various ruses and stratagems could draw the defenders out of a city or infiltrate troops into the city. If a small force could enter a city by a cunning stratagem, it could overpower the guards and open the city gates to an attacking army. A city’s fortifications were of little value once an enemy had entered the city. Moreover, penetrating a city’s defenses at any one point frequently caused the entire defense system to collapse. The story of the Trojan horse is probably the most celebrated account of a stratagem circumventing the defense of a strongly fortified ancient city.<\/p>\n<p>In the biblical account of the siege of Samaria by Ben-hadad, a sudden lifting of the Syrian siege led Joram, the king of Israel, to suspect a ruse. He refused to believe the report of four lepers that the Syrians had gone, leaving behind large food supplies (2 Kgs 7:12). That was the same kind of tactic that Joshua had employed at Ai (Jos 8:3-8).<\/p>\n<p>On other occasions, powerful armies sought to break down resistance by psychological warfare, as in the unsuccessful attempt by Sennacherib to capture Jerusalem in the time of Hezekiah (2 Kgs 18–19). The dialogue between the Assyrian general and Hezekiah’s delegates reveals that the Assyrian was trying to shake the confidence of the city’s defenders.<\/p>\n<p>The ambush was a type of ruse used to trap and destroy an enemy at a moment when he was least able to counter a sudden, unexpected blow. Its effectiveness depended almost entirely on the element of surprise. By taking advantage of good intelligence, knowledge of the terrain, and the cover of night, a small force could stage a devastating ambush against vastly superior numbers.<\/p>\n<p>The ambush was a standard method of combat during the period of the conquest of Canaan. The fall of Ai, for example, was due directly to the tactical success of an ambush (Jos 8:1-23). Under cover of night, Joshua was able to move a large force to a concealed position behind the city. He then led the remainder of the Israelite army to the edge of a valley north of the fortified city, giving the appearance of a planned assault on the city. The diversion, as calculated, drew the main force of Ai away from the city to engage Israel on the plain of Arabah. When the Israelites fell back, appearing to be badly beaten, the remaining defenders of the city were summoned to pursue Joshua’s fleeing army. With the city left undefended, the main Israelite strike force rose from its ambush position, poured into the city, and set it on fire. Too late, the men of Ai saw the smoke from their burning city and realized the stratagem. Joshua’s army turned to counterattack their pursuers, who found themselves trapped between two bodies of Israelite forces. Assaulted from both front and rear, the king of Ai’s army was annihilated, victim of an effectively laid ambush.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"FortificationsandDefense\">Fortifications and Defense<\/p>\n<p>The earliest known fortifications in the world, dated by some to about 7000 <span>BC<\/span>, were discovered in 1954 at Jericho. They were impressive in conception and construction. The core of the defense system was a wall, part of which, bordering the western edge of the ancient city, was still standing to a height of 21 feet (6.4 meters). Further excavation uncovered a large moat that had been carved out of solid rock at the base of the wall, 27 feet (8.2 meters) wide and 9 feet (2.7 meters) deep. How that feat was accomplished when the only tools assumed to have been available were made of stone is a complete mystery. A third component of Jericho’s defense system was a huge stone circular tower 30 feet (9.1 meters) high, once evidently attached to the inner side of the western part of the wall. The exact purpose of the tower has not yet been determined, but Neolithic Jericho provides the earliest evidence of a fortified city supported by a wall, tower, and moat.<\/p>\n<p>By the middle Bronze period, there were four components in a standard defense system: a moat, an advance (outer) wall, the main (inner) wall, and a well-fortified gate structure. The moat, advance wall, and subsidiary fortifications protecting the steep slope and lower portion of the main wall were intended to prevent breaching by a battering ram.<\/p>\n<h5>City Walls<\/h5>\n<p>Erection of a simple wall could halt a hostile advance only temporarily, since walls could be scaled or breached. Walls therefore provided a firing platform so defenders could repel attacks. The wall system consisted of three principal components: the wall itself, constituting the barrier; an upper structure, which provided the firing platform and cover for the defenders; and a series of obstacles and traps erected in front of the wall to keep archers at a distance and to prevent operation of a battering ram.<\/p>\n<p>The battlement—a parapet built along the outer top edge of the wall—provided the defenders with a measure of security, freedom for mobility, and openings through which fire could be directed. From a distance the square notches looked like a row of teeth with gaps between them. The teeth, called merlons, provided a protective barrier against hostile missiles. The gaps, called embrasures or crenels, supplied openings through which the defenders could discharge their weapons. Special towers protruded from the outer face of the wall, spaced at a distance no greater than the double range of a bow. Such towers enabled the defenders to fire at troops who managed to reach the walls. One way of protecting the main wall was to construct an outer or advance wall that could be breached or climbed only under heavy fire from defending units on the battlements of the main wall. Another method was to dig a wide, deep moat around the base of the main wall. A moat kept the enemy from using a battering ram unless they could bridge the moat or fill it up at certain points, under concentrated fire from the defenders.<\/p>\n<p>Casemate fortifications, introduced in the middle Bronze period, were developed from double walls built of dressed stones. The space between the walls was divided into chambers, or casemates, used for storage or dwellings. The Hittite casemate system, introduced into Palestine at least as early as the time of Saul, was widely adopted in Syria and Palestine. A fine example has been discovered at Gibeah, where Saul’s citadel was located, dating to the end of the 11th century <span>BC<\/span>. The overall thickness of the double walls, including the casemates, reaches 15 feet (4.6 meters). The same type of construction has been found in excavations of three Solomonic cities—Hazor, Gezer, and Megiddo (cf. 1 Kgs 9:15)—where the casemate walls have an overall thickness of 18 feet (5.5 meters).<\/p>\n<p>Although the divided kingdoms of Judah and Israel were not noted for technical advancements in offensive warfare, a number of their kings worked at improving fortifications and means of defense. Uzziah was especially remembered for his accomplishments in defensive warfare. Along with other measures, “he produced machines mounted on the walls of Jerusalem, designed by brilliant men to shoot arrows and hurl stones from the towers and the corners of the wall” (2 Chr 26:15, <span>nlt<\/span>). Those “machines” were special protective structures built to facilitate the task of the archers and to permit huge stones to be dropped on the heads of assaulting troops.<\/p>\n<h5>Gate<\/h5>\n<p>It was inevitable that the gate would be the focus of action in any assault on a fortified city. City gates were therefore designed to expose an attacking army to the greatest risk while providing maximum security to the defenders. The road approaching a city on a hill would wind up the slope, climbing obliquely to the left or the right. Such roads were usually laid out to reach the gate from the right, so an attacker would have to expose the right side of his body to the defenders on the wall. Since he carried his shield in his left hand, that made him more vulnerable.<\/p>\n<p>To prevent the heavy wooden doors of the gate from being set on fire, they were usually plated with metal. A gate wide enough for chariots required double doors, making the line at the center where the two doors met the weakest point in the barrier. Double doors were therefore fitted with huge bolts and fortified with a heavy beam running across the back of both door panels and held in place by sockets set in the doorposts.<\/p>\n<p>Another component in the defense complex at a gate consisted of towers erected on either side of the gate and protruding from the outer face of the wall. Enemy soldiers trying to smash the doors with axes or set them on fire with torches were thus exposed to heavy flanking fire from defensive units on the towers. From a roof over the gate having a balcony, concentrated firepower could be poured down on attackers’ heads. The addition of such auxiliary structures transformed a gate into a small fortress.<\/p>\n<h5>Inner Citadel<\/h5>\n<p>A major weakness of a city’s walls and gate was the magnitude of the circumference. An average-size city might have a perimeter of half a mile (.8 kilometer); a larger city, a perimeter of over a mile (1.6 kilometers). Yet the entire wall had to be defended against breaching, scaling, or tunneling. An attacking army would use diversionary tactics to keep defenders dispersed along the entire perimeter but concentrate their primary assault at one point in the wall. Once the wall was breached, perimeter fortifications served no further defensive purpose. Therefore, internal walls were often added to subdivide a city into several sections, each capable of independent defense. Also, on the highest point of land within the city a citadel would be constructed as a self-contained defensive unit.<\/p>\n<p>The earliest examples of such fortifications, called migdols, are found in the late Bronze Age. They were originally small citadels built to guard important military targets such as sources of water, strategic routes, cultivated farmlands, or frontiers. A migdol of that type was discovered in Israel, not far from Ashdod, in 1960. It was square in plan, with rectangular bastions, and was two stories high, just like structures depicted in Egyptian reliefs from the same period. The same design was used to fortify temples inside of cities. Such fortified temples served as places of refuge and as a city’s final defense once its walls had been breached (cf. Jgs 9:45-51).<\/p>\n<p>In a later period an inner citadel could embrace a complex consisting of the fortified palace of the governor, dwellings of his chief ministers, and sometimes the temple. Such citadels resembled fortified cities, possessing a main wall, a gateway, an outer wall, and occasionally a moat. Being small in area and heavily fortified, citadels could be defended in a final effort by the governor and remaining inhabitants. Presumably Zimri could have held out against Omri’s army for an extended period in the citadel of Tirzah, had he not committed suicide by setting it on fire (1 Kgs 16:17-18).<\/p>\n<h5>Water Supply under Siege<\/h5>\n<p>Unless provision was made to keep a city’s inhabitants supplied with food and water during a protracted siege, no defense system could be effective. Several Judean kings made efforts to solve the food-storage problem. Rehoboam, for example, fortified a number of cities located on the western, eastern, and southern borders of his kingdom and made them centers for the storage of food, oil, and wine (2 Chr 11:5-11).<\/p>\n<p>Storage of food was easier than storage of water. Cisterns built to collect rainwater were a partial answer, but cisterns often ran dry, particularly in times of drought. Cities were sometimes built on the banks of a stream or river, using the stream as part of the city’s defense system. But for a city built on a hill, the source of water might be a spring located at the foot of the slope and outside the city walls. Sometimes the mouth of the spring could be blocked and its location concealed from the enemy while still allowing access by the inhabitants. At Megiddo a vertical shaft 100 feet (274.3 meters) deep was connected by a horizontal tunnel about 200 feet (548.6 meters) long to the water supply at the western end of the city, beyond the fortifications. The work was undertaken in the time of either Solomon or Ahab.<\/p>\n<p>The most celebrated measures to guarantee a supply of fresh water in a time of siege were those taken by Hezekiah at Jerusalem. That engineering achievement is recalled in all the summaries of his reign, both in the Bible and in the “Praise of Famous Men” in the apocryphal book of Ecclesiasticus (2 Kgs 20:20; 2 Chr 32:30; Ecclus 48:17). The prodigious feat commemorated in those references was the sealing of the spring of Gihon and the cutting of an 1,800-foot (548.6-meter) channel through solid rock in order to bring water into a reservoir in the city. How it was accomplished was reported by Hezekiah himself in the famous Siloam inscription. Two crews, working with hammers, wedges, and pickaxes, began at opposite ends. The crew that began at the spring was able to take advantage of the older tunnel (cf. Is 22:11). They turned due south, in the direction of the city. The other crew, starting from the reservoir, began in a northeasterly direction. They then turned southeast until they reached the north-south line followed by the crew tunneling from the spring, when they turned due north to meet them. The two crews almost passed each other, being about five feet (1.5 meters) apart, but a shout from one was heard through a crevice in the rock by the other. Both parties turned sharply right, and the tunnel was completed. Hezekiah’s precautionary step, taken before Sennacherib’s invasion of Judah, helps to explain why the Assyrians were unable to subdue Jerusalem by the siege tactics that had earlier subdued Samaria in the time of Sargon.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"HebrewMilitaryOrganization\">Hebrew Military Organization<\/p>\n<h5>Tribal Army<\/h5>\n<p>In their exodus from Egypt the Israelites were organized by tribes and divisions. That systematic arrangement for their trek through the wilderness provided a precedent for military organization. After the sojourn at Mt Sinai, the 12 tribes were divided into divisions or army corps, and certain grades in military rank began to appear. The “officers of the army” (Nm 31:14) had command over units of 1,000 or 100 men, which suggests that the tribal army was divided into decimal units. At a later period there is reference to units of 1,000 (the division), 100 (the company), 50 (the platoon), and 10 (the section). Except for the Levites, who were assigned as a tribe to the care of the tabernacle (Nm 2:33), men from 20 years of age who were physically able to fight were assigned to a unit in the tribal army. Certain individuals, however, were exempted from military service (cf. Dt 20:5-9; 24:5; Jgs 7:3).<\/p>\n<p>Until after the conquest of Canaan, the tribal army was essentially a militia recruited in an emergency. Internal organization of the militia was the responsibility of the tribe; each clan and family sent their quota of warriors when summoned to battle by tribal leaders. Because the clan formed the basic unit, recruits were under the command of their own leaders. David’s brothers, for example, served in a division composed of the fighting men from their clan under the command of a captain (1 Sm 17:18; 18:13). When the emergency passed, the militia was disbanded and the soldiers returned to their home districts.<\/p>\n<p>Because the land was divided among the tribes, no tribal or clan leader before Saul commanded the entire tribal confederation (cf. 1 Sm 11:1-11). In fact, tribal jealousies and rivalries threatened national solidarity and jeopardized united action even in a critical period. On some occasions, however, the severity of a crisis caused the armies of the various tribes to unite in common action. The multitribal armies were divided into companies of 1,000, 100, and 50, and still further into families under appointed officers. There is evidence of organization into units according to weaponry (1 Chr 12:24-38). Benjamin’s tribe specialized in the bow and sling. The tribes of Gad, Judah, and Naphtali were expert with the spear and shield.<\/p>\n<p>Provisioning the tribal army was the responsibility of each tribe (Jgs 20:9-10). One out of every ten soldiers was appointed to secure food for the others, either from wealthy landowners (cf. 1 Sm 25) or from the natural resources of the land. In that early stage of military organization, a soldier’s pay generally consisted only of supplies and a portion of the spoils of battle (cf. 30:21-25).<\/p>\n<h5>Professional Army<\/h5>\n<p>Not until the time of the united monarchy did Israel have a regular army. Transition from a people’s militia to a professional army took place under Saul, whose reign changed the tribal confederacy into a monarchy (1 Sm 13:2). Philistine harassment of Israel encouraged establishment of a strong standing army. The army, however, was not large; it consisted of 3,000 men organized in three formations of 1,000 each (1 Sm 13:2; 24:2). Pay for those career soldiers was sometimes in the form of a land grant (8:14) as well as a share of booty. In the organization of Saul’s army, Abner, Jonathan, and David were given particular responsibilities. Abner was named commander of the army (17:55) and was probably also given direct command of one of the divisions. David’s band of valorous men, “the thirty,” provided the leadership core for his own military organization when he became king.<\/p>\n<p>David continued the practice of maintaining a professional army. But he also developed a national militia of 12 regiments, each being called up for duty for one month of the year under professional officers (1 Chr 27:1-15). Each regiment, recruited across tribal lines, consisted of 24,000 soldiers. David’s innovation provided him with a large reserve force that could be mustered for war in times of emergency. The reserves, and presumably the professional army as well, were organized into units of 1,000, 100, 50, and 10. Joab, a specialist in siege warfare (2 Sm 20:15), commanded the professional army, and Amasa was over the citizens’ militia. David, however, remained commander-in-chief of the military organization.<\/p>\n<p>The Israelite group in King David’s professional army was an outgrowth of the small band of fighting men who had served with him during the period of conflict with Saul. That veteran group consisted of David’s family and clansmen, and others who felt themselves oppressed by the central authority under Saul (1 Sm 22:1-2). It ranged in size between 400 and 600 men (1 Sm 22:2; 23:13; 27:2). The presence of mercenaries in David’s army is clearly recorded. Uriah the Hittite and Ittai of Gath are conspicuous examples, along with many career soldiers of Philistine origin, such as the Cherethites and the Pelethites under Benaiah (2 Sm 8:18; 15:19-22; 23:22-23).<\/p>\n<p>The Davidic dynasty maintained a permanent mercenary army until 701 <span>BC<\/span>, after which it was considered too costly. The oppressive cost of maintaining a professional army, financed by burdensome taxes and forced labor, was in fact a major factor contributing to the disruption of the monarchy after Solomon’s death (cf. 1 Kgs 10:26-29; 12:4-19). After Sennacherib’s invasion in 701 <span>BC<\/span>, the southern kingdom of Judah depended entirely on a citizens’ militia for its defense. It is commonly held that the northern kingdom of Israel did not employ a professional army, but it is evident that King Ahab used at least some mercenary soldiers in his defense against Ben-hadad of Syria (1 Kgs 20:15-20).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Armor and Weapons.<\/p>","summary_ro":"WARFARE The means by which one nation seeks to impose its will upon another by force. An index to the importance of warfare in antiquity is provided by the amount of technical skill directed to perfecting devices for destruction and defense. Methods of Warfare Standard Combat Cavalry units were introduced at the close of the second millennium BC and the beginning of the first. The cavalry charge provided a shock force to the great armies, and the cavalry’s mobility permitted concentration of ...","summary_en":"WARFARE The means by which one nation seeks to impose its will upon another by force. An index to the importance of warfare in antiquity is provided by the amount of technical skill directed to perfecting devices for destruction and defense. Methods of Warfare Standard Combat Cavalry units were introduced at the close of the second millennium BC and the beginning of the first. The cavalry charge provided a shock force to the great armies, and the cavalry’s mobility permitted concentration of ...","source":"Articles\/W.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":45769,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:3","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:3","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:3<\/strong> The first reduction sorted out those who initially responded with enthusiasm but then had second thoughts.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:3<\/strong> The first reduction sorted out those who initially responded with enthusiasm but then had second thoughts.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:3 The first reduction sorted out those who initially responded with enthusiasm but then had second thoughts.","summary_en":"7:3 The first reduction sorted out those who initially responded with enthusiasm but then had second thoughts.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73395,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:3","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:3","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:3<\/strong> The first reduction sorted out those who initially responded with enthusiasm but then had second thoughts.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:3<\/strong> The first reduction sorted out those who initially responded with enthusiasm but then had second thoughts.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:3 The first reduction sorted out those who initially responded with enthusiasm but then had second thoughts.","summary_en":"7:3 The first reduction sorted out those who initially responded with enthusiasm but then had second thoughts.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":101021,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:3","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:3","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:3<\/strong> The first reduction sorted out those who initially responded with enthusiasm but then had second thoughts.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:3<\/strong> The first reduction sorted out those who initially responded with enthusiasm but then had second thoughts.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:3 The first reduction sorted out those who initially responded with enthusiasm but then had second thoughts.","summary_en":"7:3 The first reduction sorted out those who initially responded with enthusiasm but then had second thoughts.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128647,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:3","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:3","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:3<\/strong> The first reduction sorted out those who initially responded with enthusiasm but then had second thoughts.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:3<\/strong> The first reduction sorted out those who initially responded with enthusiasm but then had second thoughts.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:3 The first reduction sorted out those who initially responded with enthusiasm but then had second thoughts.","summary_en":"7:3 The first reduction sorted out those who initially responded with enthusiasm but then had second thoughts.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"4":[{"id":21315,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Book of Judges","title_en":"Book of Judges","content_ro":"<h3>JUDGES, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>The book reflects a final editing of the material in the period of the early monarchy. It may well be a polemic for the righteous rule of David over against the kingship of Saul, which was molded by a secular, Canaanite conception of kingship rather than by the law of God. The author was almost certainly not Samuel, as traditionally thought, but a later compiler who relied on ancient written materials.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>Though the judges succeeded in giving the tribes some rest from the incursions of surrounding enemies, the Israelites were continually harassed over long periods of time. Scholarly opinion differs on the duration of the period of the judges. The dating of the exodus affects the dating of the beginning of the judges. Those who take an early date for the exodus put the beginning around 1370–1360 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas others propose a date close to the end of the 13th century <span>BC<\/span>. A related issue pertains to the chronology of the judges. Does Judges give a chronological, sequential account of the period, or is the book a representative account of judges from various parts of Canaan and Transjordan who “judged” a region, a tribe, or several tribes simultaneously?<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LiteraryFramework\">Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>There is no doubt that the stories in the book bear the marks of literary creativity. The stories are classics in their own right. The poetry of Deborah’s song (Jgs 5) is very moving, and the fable of Jotham (9:8-15) is a fine example of figurative speech. The care given to the stories is also reflected in the construction of the book. There are two introductions: a political one (Jgs 1:1–2:5) and a socioreligious one (2:6–3:6). The political introduction connects Judges with the story of the Conquest, when the tribes attempted to occupy the land. It prepares the reader for the political and military problems of the era of the judges. The socioreligious introduction explains why Israel had so many adversities, why the institution of the judges arose, and why the Lord never gave Israel the promised lasting rest from its enemies. The main body of the book is the story of the judges (3:7–16:31). References to the minor judges (six in all) are set within the stories of the major judges in increasing frequency. As is evident from the schema, the number of minor judges increased in frequency in proportion to the decrease in number of major judges: two major, one minor; two major, two minor; one major, three minor; one major. There is a total of 12 judges, representative of the 12 tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>The purpose of the listing of 12 judges, representative of the various parts of Canaan and Transjordan, is to demonstrate that all tribes throughout the conquered territories experienced grave difficulties from a variety of enemies: Arameans, Moabites, Ammonites, Amalekites, Canaanites, and Philistines. Israel was hard pressed on nearly all its frontiers. The appendixes (chs 17–21), together with the two introductions, form the framework of the book. The political and socioreligious problems (1:1–3:6) are presented by way of several stories in the last chapters. The final editor who gave the book its canonical shape purposefully framed the stories of the judges so as to show lack of movement. The successes of the previous stages in redemptive history came to a standstill in the ebb and flow of the judges. Though the Lord delivered his people in many ways, they returned to the problems described in 1:1–3:6. The appendixes describe Israel’s problems representative of the period of the judges, when “there was no king in Israel” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTheologicalTeaching\">Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for deliverance, and God’s raising up of a judge reflects a deuteronomic perspective with its warnings concerning disobedience and judgment. The repetitiveness of the cycle supports the contention of the anonymous narrator that Israel remained unchanged by the grace of God. However, in spite of the moral, religious, and political anarchy as well as the civil wars, the last chapter shows that the tribes are still concerned with each other’s welfare. Though the unity of God’s people has been gravely challenged, the situation is not hopeless. The book ends on a note of hope—hope for a king who may deliver Israel.<\/p>\n\n<p>Thus, there are several purposes of the book: (1) to demonstrate the meaninglessness of this stage in Israel’s development; (2) to explain why the tribes did not occupy all the land promised to the patriarchs; (3) to justify the way of God, who was gracious and patient with Israel’s repeated acts of disobedience; (4) to set forth the legitimacy of a “shepherd” king in contrast to a despotic form of kingship; and (5) to explain the urgent need for a new momentum, lest Israel succumb to the Philistines and intertribal warfare.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>The Political Introduction (1:1–2:5)<\/h5>\n<p>In Joshua 1–12 the warfare under Joshua is portrayed as a mobilization of Canaanite forces against Israel. By the intervention of the Lord, the Canaanite resistance was put down and the land was occupied by the tribes (chs 13–21). Joshua 13–21, however, clearly shows that each tribe had problems ridding its territory of pockets of Canaanite resistance, which were usually centered around heavily guarded and well-fortified cities (cf. 13:2-6, 13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18).<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua emphasizes the successes and minimizes the problems, whereas the prologue to Judges sets the stage for the whole book by openly addressing Israel’s problems and failures. As the book unfolds, it is precisely these problems and failures that in due time bring Israel to the brink of disaster.<\/p>\n<p>The period of the judges began with the death of Joshua (Jgs 1:1; 2:8-9). The Israelites had inherited a legacy from Joshua: the law of the Lord (Jos 23:6; 24:26), the land, a challenge to obey the Lord (24:14-27), and a promise of God’s presence and help in subduing the Canaanites (23:5, 10).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah and Simeon (Jgs 1:2-20)<\/h6>\n<p>The prominence of Judah and Caleb parallels the position of Judah in Joshua (Jos 14:6–15:63; cf. also the house of Joseph, Jgs 1:22-29; cf. Jos 16–17). Judah was victorious over the cruel Adoni-bezek, who ruled over Bezek, a town of uncertain location. Judah successfully occupied the hill country, the Negev, and the western foothills. They even took Jerusalem, or an outlying suburb identified with Jerusalem (Jos 1:8), but could not retain control there (v 21) until David’s conquest of the city (2 Sm 5:6-9). Judah was victorious over the Canaanites in the region of Hebron, already conquered under Joshua (Jos 10:36). Hebron, also known as Kiriath-arba (“city of four” or “tetrapolis”), was a powerful ally of Jerusalem (v 3) and had been able to rally military support for a new assault on Israel, even after its first defeat. Caleb received Hebron, as Moses had promised (Jgs 1:20; cf. Jos 15:13). After the victory over Hebron, Judah extended its control over the southern hill country by an attack on Debir (Jgs 1:11-15; cf. Jos 15:14-19).<\/p>\n<p>The Kenites (Jgs 1:16), descendants of Jethro and therefore related to Moses by marriage, settled in the Negev around Arad and the City of Palms, which here probably refers to Tamar rather than Jericho.<\/p>\n<p>Judah secured the southern border by a victory over the Canaanites at Hormah (Jgs 1:17; cf. Nm 14:45; 21:3; Dt 1:44) and the coastal plain by victories at Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron. However, Judah’s successes in the coastal plain were resisted by a well-armed Canaanite force (Jgs 1:18-19). It occupied the Judean hill country and the Negev, but could not retain control over the plains. The Philistines were soon to take control over Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, and incorporate them into their pentapolis.<\/p>\n<h6>Benjamin (1:21)<\/h6>\n<p>Jerusalem was situated on the border between Judah and Benjamin. Judah took the city or a suburb (Jos 1:8) but was too far removed to retain control over it. Benjamin was too weak to subdue the Jebusites. Only David succeeded in this (2 Sm 5:6-9); he incorporated it into Judah (cf. Jos 15:63), even though it originally was allotted to Benjamin (Jos 18:28).<\/p>\n<h6>Joseph: Ephraim and Manasseh (1:22-29)<\/h6>\n<p>Ephraim took Bethel, known from the patriarchal stories as a significant cultic site (Gn 12:8; 13:3-4; 28:19; 31:13; 35:1-15). However, Manasseh was unsuccessful in taking the fortified cities in the valley of Jezreel (Esdraelon): Beth-shan, Taanach, Dor, Ibleam, and Megiddo. These cities controlled traffic along the east-west and north–south roads as well as the important passes through the Carmel range and the ford of the Jordan. Ephraim could not take full possession of the coastal plain, controlled by Gezer. The success of both Ephraim and Manasseh was limited.<\/p>\n<h6>The Other Four Tribes (1:30-36)<\/h6>\n<p>The other four tribes in Canaan receive brief mention. They, too, were only partially successful. Zebulun, Asher, Naphtali, and especially Dan did not fully succeed in driving out the Canaanites. At best they later subjected most of them to forced labor.<\/p>\n<h6>The Failure of Israel (2:1-5)<\/h6>\n<p>The failure to subdue the land and to wipe out the Canaanites and their culture led to intermarriage and idolatry (cf. Ex 23:33; 34:12-16; Nm 33:55; Dt 7:2-5, 16; Jos 23:7, 12).<\/p>\n<p>The identity of “the angel of the Lord” who appears at Bokim is far from certain. It may be a reference to the Lord himself, to an angelic messenger, or to a prophet (cf. Jgs 6:8). He rebuked the people in the prophetic spirit and pronounced God’s judgment as taking the form of continual confrontation between Israel and the Canaanites (2:3). Their weeping and sacrificing were to no avail (2:4-5; cf. Mal 2:13). Israel stood condemned within a generation after Joshua’s death.<\/p>\n<h5>The Theological Introduction (2:6–3:6)<\/h5>\n<p>The theological introduction begins where Joshua left off (Jos 24:28-31). The generation of Joshua was characterized by loyalty, but their loyalty to the Lord did not last long after the excitement of the Conquest and the demonstration of God’s presence (Jgs 2:10). Israel served Canaanite gods (Baal and Astarte) instead. Baal was the storm god, symbolic of rain and fertility, and Astarte was his cohort. The plural (Baals and Ashtaroth, 2:11-13) signifies the many local ways in which the Canaanite gods were worshiped. The religious unity was broken up into a great diversity. Thus Israel angered the Lord (vv 12-14), who sent them enemies and plunderers. Israel was unsuccessful in dealing with them, as Moses and Joshua had forewarned (Dt 28:25, 33; Jos 23:13, 16). The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for mercy, and deliverance is found throughout Judges. The people were rooted in the apostasy of their forefathers, even though the previous generation had been sensitive to God. Israel did not submit to the leadership of the judges, except to free itself from the oppressors. In fulfillment of the curses of the covenant, God swore not to give his people rest but to test them and to train them for warfare (Jgs 3:1-4), so that they might learn to respond to the challenges of a real world.<\/p>\n<h5>The Judges of Israel (3:7–16:31)<\/h5>\n<h6>Othniel (3:7-11)<\/h6>\n<p>Othniel is a transitional figure, linking the Conquest and the judges. He had involved himself in the conquest of Kiriath-sepher and was related to Caleb as his cousin and son-in-law (1:13). He repelled the Arameans led by Cushan-rishathaim, so that the land enjoyed peace for some 40 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ehud (3:12-30)<\/h6>\n<p>The Moabites, allied with the Ammonites and Amalekites, came against Israel from the east and oppressed them for 18 years under the leadership of Eglon. Ehud led the mission to bring tribute to Eglon at his palace, located probably by Jericho (the City of Palms). Ehud was uniquely qualified for this mission; being left-handed, he was able to use his double-edged sword in an unsuspecting manner to stab the king. Ehud’s success was the result of careful plotting and the element of surprise. He paid the tribute and left, only to return with a supposed oracle from the gods. The king fell for the deception and was murdered. The delay at the Moabite court gave the Israelites an opportunity to bring their forces together at the fords of the Jordan. Ehud’s success was complete; no Moabite escaped, and Israel enjoyed peace for 80 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Shamgar (3:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Shamgar’s exploits were against the Philistines in the coastal plains. He had a non-Israelite name but was probably an Israelite by birth. Like Samson he fought the Philistines with an unconventional weapon (an ox goad). His name is also mentioned in the song of Deborah (5:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Deborah and Barak (4:1–5:31)<\/h6>\n<p>The narrative now turns to the Canaanite aggressors in the north under the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor, and Sisera, of Harosheth-haggoyim (4:1-3). The ruins of Hazor (Jos 11:13) had been rebuilt, and another Jabin (cf. v 1) ruled over the region. He had regained his military power, as he had as many as 900 chariots of iron. He oppressed Israel for 20 years (Jgs 4:3).<\/p>\n<p>God had a prophetess in Israel who led his people during this dark time (4:4). She rendered judgments under a palm tree in southern Ephraim near Benjamin (v 5). She called on Barak to muster the armies of Naphtali and Zebulun, the tribes affected by the Canaanite raids, and to engage Sisera in a surprise attack by the Kishon River (vv 6-7). Barak’s hesitancy led him to request Deborah’s presence, which resulted in his forfeiture of the honor of killing Sisera, the commander of the Canaanite forces (vv 8-10). The Lord gave success to the surprise attack from Mt Tabor, so that the Canaanites were routed, unable to use their heavy chariots, which were mired down in the swamps of the Jezreel Valley (5:20-22). The Canaanites were routed, and Sisera was killed by Jael, the wife of Heber, a Kenite who had separated from the Kenites around Arad (4:17-18; cf. 1:16). She offered him hospitality, as her family had friendly relations with the Canaanites, but heroically put him to death with a tent peg (4:18-21; 5:26-27). In successive campaigns the Israelites gained freedom from Jabin, until they destroyed his power (4:24).<\/p>\n<p>The song of Deborah (ch 5) celebrates, in poetic fashion, the victory over Jabin. It is one of the oldest poems in the Bible. It praises the God of Israel as the King who comes to protect his covenant people, and before whom the mountains move (5:2-3). He is the God of Mt Sinai (Jgs 5:4-5; cf. Dt 33:2; Ps 68:7-8; Hb 3:3-4). Though the oppressors had despoiled Israel and had made the roads unsafe for travel, and Israel was unable to defend itself (Jgs 5:6-8), the Lord raised up Deborah and Barak to lead the nobles to war (vv 9-13). They came from Ephraim, Benjamin, Zebulun, Issachar, and Naphtali (vv 14-15a, 18), but the Transjordan tribes and Asher did not want to get involved (vv 15b-17). The song then moves to the battle scene, where torrential rains bogged the chariots down (vv 19-23). Jael is celebrated as “most blessed of women,” who used her simple way of life to bring an end to Sisera (vv 24-27). She stands in contrast to Sisera’s mother, who is portrayed with all her culture waiting in vain for Sisera’s return with all of his spoils (vv 28-30). The Lord has used the simple to confound the powerful. The conclusion is a prayer for God’s judgment on all of Israel’s enemies (Jgs 5:31a; cf. Ps 68:1-3).<\/p>\n<h6>Gideon (6:1–8:35)<\/h6>\n<p>Israel’s rest for 40 years (Jgs 5:31b) was disturbed by the invasion of Midianites and Amalekites from the East (6:1-3). They destroyed the economy by invading the country at harvesttime (vv 4-6). In response to Israel’s cry, God sent a prophet with a message similar to that of the angel of the Lord (2:1-5). Then an angel appeared to Gideon and called him to lead the people in battle (6:11-14). The Lord assured him of his presence (v 16) by a sign (vv 17-22). Gideon knew that he had been visited by the Lord and built an altar called “The <span>Lord<\/span> Is Peace” in Ophrah (v 24). He responded by destroying the cultic site dedicated to Baal and Asherah at Ophrah (vv 25-28) and by initiating worship at the new altar (v 28). Baal did not protect his own altar (vv 29-32), even when challenged by Gideon’s father (v 31). Consequently, Gideon was known as Jerubbaal (meaning, “let Baal contend with him,” v 32).<\/p>\n<p>Next, Gideon mustered an army of 32,000 men from Asher, Zebulun, and Naphtali (6:35; cf. 7:3b). In order to assure himself of the Lord’s presence, he asked for another sign: the sign of the fleece (6:36-40). It must be kept in mind that Gideon lived in an area in which the wonders of God had been scarce (v 13) and that he, like Moses, needed reassurance that God was with him. God responded to his growing faith. Gideon went forth with a greatly reduced army of 300 against the enemy. Of his original army, 22,000 had left because they were afraid (7:2-3; cf. Dt 20:8). Another 9,700 were sent home, though they were valiant men (7:4-8). After assuring Gideon by a dream of an enemy soldier, God used the 300 in a marvelous way to confound the Midianites (vv 9-15). God gave Israel victory over the Midianite leaders Oreb, Zeeb, Zebah, and Zalmunna (7:16–8:21). Gideon wisely avoided a possible military confrontation with Ephraim (8:1-3), pursued the enemy deep into the Transjordan, and punished the leaders of Succoth and Penuel, who did not assist him (vv 4-9, 13-16).<\/p>\n<p>This glorious victory created a new wave of interest in the idea of kingship. The men of Israel wished to establish the family of Gideon as their royal dynasty (8:22). Gideon refused, and instead wrongly set up an ephod, cast from the gold taken in battle (vv 23-27). The ephod was probably used for cultic practices, possibly divination (cf. 17:5).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s era also came to an end. He was God’s instrument, giving Israel rest for 40 years. He fathered 70 sons and died in old age. God had richly blessed him, even though he had led Israel astray with his ephod. Thereafter, Israel returned to Baal worship (8:33-35).<\/p>\n<p>In the wake of Gideon’s era, his son Abimelech attempted to establish dynastic continuity by having himself installed as king at Shechem (9:1-6). With the support of his relatives at Shechem, Abimelech had all his brothers killed except Jotham (vv 4-5). After Abimelech’s coronation, Jotham set forth his opposition to his brother in a proverbial manner (vv 7-20), and went into hiding. Three years later Abimelech’s evil schemes entrapped him when the citizens of Shechem rebelled. He furiously attacked the city and destroyed it. A short time later, however, he was wounded at Thebez by a millstone dropped by a woman from the tower in which she had sought refuge from him. His servant put him out of his misery as per his request. This episode demonstrates how bad a despotic king may be. Again, God’s justice prevailed.<\/p>\n<h6>Tola (10:1-2)<\/h6>\n<p>Tola was a minor judge from Issachar who judged Israel for 23 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jair (10:3-5)<\/h6>\n<p>Jair was a minor judge from Gilead who judged Israel for 22 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jephthah (10:6–12:7)<\/h6>\n<p>A recapitulation (10:6-16) of the cycle (idolatry, enemies, cry for help, momentary repentance) sets the introduction to the Jephthah narrative. Under attack from the Ammonites, the elders of Gilead requested help from Jephthah (10:17–11:8), who promised to help them on the condition that he remain their leader even after the war (vv 9-10). At a solemn ceremony he becomes their “head” at Mizpah (v 11). Jephthah opened up correspondence with the Ammonite king, in which he argued for Israel’s rights on the basis of the Israelites’ historic claim to the land as granted to them by the Lord (vv 12–27). Instead of going out immediately to war, he hoped that “the <span>Lord<\/span>, the Judge” would settle the dispute (v 27); but the Ammonite king was unimpressed. When the Spirit of God came over him, Jephthah led Israel into battle, but only after making a rash vow. He was victorious but found out that his vow to sacrifice whatever came first out of his house required him to sacrifice his daughter. Debate continues as to whether he offered her up as a human sacrifice or whether she sacrificed marriage (see discussion under Jephthah).<\/p>\n<p>The Ephraimites seemed to have had an insatiable desire for war. Earlier they had complained to Gideon, who successfully defused their threats (8:1-3). Jephthah fought them, however, because the Israelites living in Transjordan had been reviled as “renegades” (12:1-4). Forty-two thousand Ephraimites were killed by the fords of the Jordan in this civil war. Thereafter, Jephthah ruled for only six years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ibzan (12:8-10)<\/h6>\n<p>Ibzan was a minor judge from Bethlehem who ruled Israel for seven years.<\/p>\n<h6>Elon (12:11)<\/h6>\n<p>A minor judge from Zebulun, Elon ruled Israel for ten years.<\/p>\n<h6>Abdon (12:13-15)<\/h6>\n<p>Abdon was a minor judge from Pirathon, the location of which is uncertain. He ruled for eight years.<\/p>\n<h6>Samson (13:1–16:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Samson’s greatness in the history of redemption is due to his miraculous birth (13:1-24), his service as a Nazirite (13:7; cf. Nm 6:1-21), the repeated overpowering by the Spirit of the Lord (Jgs 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14), the single-handed exploits against the Philistines (Ashkelon, 14:19; the fields, 15:1-6; Ramath Etam, 15:7-17; Gaza, 16:1-3, 23-30), and his occasional dependence on the Lord (15:18-19; 16:28-30). However, his personal life was flawed because of his weakness for Philistine women (chs 14, 16). Having been seduced by Delilah, he was imprisoned at Gaza. He died in the collapse of Dagon’s temple, praying that the Lord would permit him to get revenge (16:28-30). He was buried in his father’s tomb in the territory of Dan (16:31).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue (17–21)<\/h5>\n<p>The cyclical nature of Israel’s existence was without movement. Rest from enemies was always temporary. Israel was not yet ready for dynastic kingship, and whatever one may say of the three years of Abimelech, it was a kingship of the worst sort. Israel vacillated between idolatry and belief in the true Lord. The period of the judges was unstable, marked by petty individualism and provincialism. Yet God remained sovereign in the affairs of his people. The epilogue contains two stories: the story of Micah and the Danite migration (chs 17–18) and the civil war (chs 19–21). The epilogue is bound together by the phrase “In those days Israel had no king; everyone did as he saw fit” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25, <span>niv<\/span>). The symmetric recurrence (two times in each narrative) emphasizes the anarchy and inability of the tribes to unite together to serve God as a covenant people.<\/p>\n<h6>Micah and the Danites (17–18)<\/h6>\n<p>Micah was an Ephraimite who established a shrine and hired one of his own sons, and then a Levite from Bethlehem, to serve as its priests (ch 17). Unable to keep their patrimony, the Danites left to establish themselves at the foot of Mt Hermon. They took the idols and the Levite from Micah’s shrine and set up a cultic city at the newly established city of Dan, built on the ruins of Laish (ch 18). Thus, they set up a cultic center that rivaled the tabernacle at Shiloh (18:31).<\/p>\n<h6>The Civil War (19–21)<\/h6>\n<p>The people of Gibeah, which belonged to Benjamin, sexually abused the concubine of a Levite so that she died. Like the Levite of chapters 17 and 18, she was from Bethlehem (19:1). Dramatically, the Levite sent pieces of her corpse to all the tribes, which assembled against the Benjamites because they protected the criminals of Gibeah (19:29–20:19). In the ensuing battle the population of Benjamin was decimated (20:20-48). The 11 tribes gave them 400 virgins taken in a civil war against Jabesh-gilead (21:6-15). These were not enough, however. Because of the threat of the extinction of Benjamin and the vow not to give their daughters in marriage to any Benjamite, the Israelites devised a plan by which the Benjamites could take Israelite virgins dancing in the festival at Shiloh. Benjamin thus was able to rebuild its towns and settlements.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Gideon; Jephthah; Samson.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JUDGES, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>The book reflects a final editing of the material in the period of the early monarchy. It may well be a polemic for the righteous rule of David over against the kingship of Saul, which was molded by a secular, Canaanite conception of kingship rather than by the law of God. The author was almost certainly not Samuel, as traditionally thought, but a later compiler who relied on ancient written materials.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>Though the judges succeeded in giving the tribes some rest from the incursions of surrounding enemies, the Israelites were continually harassed over long periods of time. Scholarly opinion differs on the duration of the period of the judges. The dating of the exodus affects the dating of the beginning of the judges. Those who take an early date for the exodus put the beginning around 1370–1360 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas others propose a date close to the end of the 13th century <span>BC<\/span>. A related issue pertains to the chronology of the judges. Does Judges give a chronological, sequential account of the period, or is the book a representative account of judges from various parts of Canaan and Transjordan who “judged” a region, a tribe, or several tribes simultaneously?<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LiteraryFramework\">Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>There is no doubt that the stories in the book bear the marks of literary creativity. The stories are classics in their own right. The poetry of Deborah’s song (Jgs 5) is very moving, and the fable of Jotham (9:8-15) is a fine example of figurative speech. The care given to the stories is also reflected in the construction of the book. There are two introductions: a political one (Jgs 1:1–2:5) and a socioreligious one (2:6–3:6). The political introduction connects Judges with the story of the Conquest, when the tribes attempted to occupy the land. It prepares the reader for the political and military problems of the era of the judges. The socioreligious introduction explains why Israel had so many adversities, why the institution of the judges arose, and why the Lord never gave Israel the promised lasting rest from its enemies. The main body of the book is the story of the judges (3:7–16:31). References to the minor judges (six in all) are set within the stories of the major judges in increasing frequency. As is evident from the schema, the number of minor judges increased in frequency in proportion to the decrease in number of major judges: two major, one minor; two major, two minor; one major, three minor; one major. There is a total of 12 judges, representative of the 12 tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>The purpose of the listing of 12 judges, representative of the various parts of Canaan and Transjordan, is to demonstrate that all tribes throughout the conquered territories experienced grave difficulties from a variety of enemies: Arameans, Moabites, Ammonites, Amalekites, Canaanites, and Philistines. Israel was hard pressed on nearly all its frontiers. The appendixes (chs 17–21), together with the two introductions, form the framework of the book. The political and socioreligious problems (1:1–3:6) are presented by way of several stories in the last chapters. The final editor who gave the book its canonical shape purposefully framed the stories of the judges so as to show lack of movement. The successes of the previous stages in redemptive history came to a standstill in the ebb and flow of the judges. Though the Lord delivered his people in many ways, they returned to the problems described in 1:1–3:6. The appendixes describe Israel’s problems representative of the period of the judges, when “there was no king in Israel” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTheologicalTeaching\">Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for deliverance, and God’s raising up of a judge reflects a deuteronomic perspective with its warnings concerning disobedience and judgment. The repetitiveness of the cycle supports the contention of the anonymous narrator that Israel remained unchanged by the grace of God. However, in spite of the moral, religious, and political anarchy as well as the civil wars, the last chapter shows that the tribes are still concerned with each other’s welfare. Though the unity of God’s people has been gravely challenged, the situation is not hopeless. The book ends on a note of hope—hope for a king who may deliver Israel.<\/p>\n\n<p>Thus, there are several purposes of the book: (1) to demonstrate the meaninglessness of this stage in Israel’s development; (2) to explain why the tribes did not occupy all the land promised to the patriarchs; (3) to justify the way of God, who was gracious and patient with Israel’s repeated acts of disobedience; (4) to set forth the legitimacy of a “shepherd” king in contrast to a despotic form of kingship; and (5) to explain the urgent need for a new momentum, lest Israel succumb to the Philistines and intertribal warfare.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>The Political Introduction (1:1–2:5)<\/h5>\n<p>In Joshua 1–12 the warfare under Joshua is portrayed as a mobilization of Canaanite forces against Israel. By the intervention of the Lord, the Canaanite resistance was put down and the land was occupied by the tribes (chs 13–21). Joshua 13–21, however, clearly shows that each tribe had problems ridding its territory of pockets of Canaanite resistance, which were usually centered around heavily guarded and well-fortified cities (cf. 13:2-6, 13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18).<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua emphasizes the successes and minimizes the problems, whereas the prologue to Judges sets the stage for the whole book by openly addressing Israel’s problems and failures. As the book unfolds, it is precisely these problems and failures that in due time bring Israel to the brink of disaster.<\/p>\n<p>The period of the judges began with the death of Joshua (Jgs 1:1; 2:8-9). The Israelites had inherited a legacy from Joshua: the law of the Lord (Jos 23:6; 24:26), the land, a challenge to obey the Lord (24:14-27), and a promise of God’s presence and help in subduing the Canaanites (23:5, 10).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah and Simeon (Jgs 1:2-20)<\/h6>\n<p>The prominence of Judah and Caleb parallels the position of Judah in Joshua (Jos 14:6–15:63; cf. also the house of Joseph, Jgs 1:22-29; cf. Jos 16–17). Judah was victorious over the cruel Adoni-bezek, who ruled over Bezek, a town of uncertain location. Judah successfully occupied the hill country, the Negev, and the western foothills. They even took Jerusalem, or an outlying suburb identified with Jerusalem (Jos 1:8), but could not retain control there (v 21) until David’s conquest of the city (2 Sm 5:6-9). Judah was victorious over the Canaanites in the region of Hebron, already conquered under Joshua (Jos 10:36). Hebron, also known as Kiriath-arba (“city of four” or “tetrapolis”), was a powerful ally of Jerusalem (v 3) and had been able to rally military support for a new assault on Israel, even after its first defeat. Caleb received Hebron, as Moses had promised (Jgs 1:20; cf. Jos 15:13). After the victory over Hebron, Judah extended its control over the southern hill country by an attack on Debir (Jgs 1:11-15; cf. Jos 15:14-19).<\/p>\n<p>The Kenites (Jgs 1:16), descendants of Jethro and therefore related to Moses by marriage, settled in the Negev around Arad and the City of Palms, which here probably refers to Tamar rather than Jericho.<\/p>\n<p>Judah secured the southern border by a victory over the Canaanites at Hormah (Jgs 1:17; cf. Nm 14:45; 21:3; Dt 1:44) and the coastal plain by victories at Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron. However, Judah’s successes in the coastal plain were resisted by a well-armed Canaanite force (Jgs 1:18-19). It occupied the Judean hill country and the Negev, but could not retain control over the plains. The Philistines were soon to take control over Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, and incorporate them into their pentapolis.<\/p>\n<h6>Benjamin (1:21)<\/h6>\n<p>Jerusalem was situated on the border between Judah and Benjamin. Judah took the city or a suburb (Jos 1:8) but was too far removed to retain control over it. Benjamin was too weak to subdue the Jebusites. Only David succeeded in this (2 Sm 5:6-9); he incorporated it into Judah (cf. Jos 15:63), even though it originally was allotted to Benjamin (Jos 18:28).<\/p>\n<h6>Joseph: Ephraim and Manasseh (1:22-29)<\/h6>\n<p>Ephraim took Bethel, known from the patriarchal stories as a significant cultic site (Gn 12:8; 13:3-4; 28:19; 31:13; 35:1-15). However, Manasseh was unsuccessful in taking the fortified cities in the valley of Jezreel (Esdraelon): Beth-shan, Taanach, Dor, Ibleam, and Megiddo. These cities controlled traffic along the east-west and north–south roads as well as the important passes through the Carmel range and the ford of the Jordan. Ephraim could not take full possession of the coastal plain, controlled by Gezer. The success of both Ephraim and Manasseh was limited.<\/p>\n<h6>The Other Four Tribes (1:30-36)<\/h6>\n<p>The other four tribes in Canaan receive brief mention. They, too, were only partially successful. Zebulun, Asher, Naphtali, and especially Dan did not fully succeed in driving out the Canaanites. At best they later subjected most of them to forced labor.<\/p>\n<h6>The Failure of Israel (2:1-5)<\/h6>\n<p>The failure to subdue the land and to wipe out the Canaanites and their culture led to intermarriage and idolatry (cf. Ex 23:33; 34:12-16; Nm 33:55; Dt 7:2-5, 16; Jos 23:7, 12).<\/p>\n<p>The identity of “the angel of the Lord” who appears at Bokim is far from certain. It may be a reference to the Lord himself, to an angelic messenger, or to a prophet (cf. Jgs 6:8). He rebuked the people in the prophetic spirit and pronounced God’s judgment as taking the form of continual confrontation between Israel and the Canaanites (2:3). Their weeping and sacrificing were to no avail (2:4-5; cf. Mal 2:13). Israel stood condemned within a generation after Joshua’s death.<\/p>\n<h5>The Theological Introduction (2:6–3:6)<\/h5>\n<p>The theological introduction begins where Joshua left off (Jos 24:28-31). The generation of Joshua was characterized by loyalty, but their loyalty to the Lord did not last long after the excitement of the Conquest and the demonstration of God’s presence (Jgs 2:10). Israel served Canaanite gods (Baal and Astarte) instead. Baal was the storm god, symbolic of rain and fertility, and Astarte was his cohort. The plural (Baals and Ashtaroth, 2:11-13) signifies the many local ways in which the Canaanite gods were worshiped. The religious unity was broken up into a great diversity. Thus Israel angered the Lord (vv 12-14), who sent them enemies and plunderers. Israel was unsuccessful in dealing with them, as Moses and Joshua had forewarned (Dt 28:25, 33; Jos 23:13, 16). The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for mercy, and deliverance is found throughout Judges. The people were rooted in the apostasy of their forefathers, even though the previous generation had been sensitive to God. Israel did not submit to the leadership of the judges, except to free itself from the oppressors. In fulfillment of the curses of the covenant, God swore not to give his people rest but to test them and to train them for warfare (Jgs 3:1-4), so that they might learn to respond to the challenges of a real world.<\/p>\n<h5>The Judges of Israel (3:7–16:31)<\/h5>\n<h6>Othniel (3:7-11)<\/h6>\n<p>Othniel is a transitional figure, linking the Conquest and the judges. He had involved himself in the conquest of Kiriath-sepher and was related to Caleb as his cousin and son-in-law (1:13). He repelled the Arameans led by Cushan-rishathaim, so that the land enjoyed peace for some 40 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ehud (3:12-30)<\/h6>\n<p>The Moabites, allied with the Ammonites and Amalekites, came against Israel from the east and oppressed them for 18 years under the leadership of Eglon. Ehud led the mission to bring tribute to Eglon at his palace, located probably by Jericho (the City of Palms). Ehud was uniquely qualified for this mission; being left-handed, he was able to use his double-edged sword in an unsuspecting manner to stab the king. Ehud’s success was the result of careful plotting and the element of surprise. He paid the tribute and left, only to return with a supposed oracle from the gods. The king fell for the deception and was murdered. The delay at the Moabite court gave the Israelites an opportunity to bring their forces together at the fords of the Jordan. Ehud’s success was complete; no Moabite escaped, and Israel enjoyed peace for 80 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Shamgar (3:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Shamgar’s exploits were against the Philistines in the coastal plains. He had a non-Israelite name but was probably an Israelite by birth. Like Samson he fought the Philistines with an unconventional weapon (an ox goad). His name is also mentioned in the song of Deborah (5:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Deborah and Barak (4:1–5:31)<\/h6>\n<p>The narrative now turns to the Canaanite aggressors in the north under the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor, and Sisera, of Harosheth-haggoyim (4:1-3). The ruins of Hazor (Jos 11:13) had been rebuilt, and another Jabin (cf. v 1) ruled over the region. He had regained his military power, as he had as many as 900 chariots of iron. He oppressed Israel for 20 years (Jgs 4:3).<\/p>\n<p>God had a prophetess in Israel who led his people during this dark time (4:4). She rendered judgments under a palm tree in southern Ephraim near Benjamin (v 5). She called on Barak to muster the armies of Naphtali and Zebulun, the tribes affected by the Canaanite raids, and to engage Sisera in a surprise attack by the Kishon River (vv 6-7). Barak’s hesitancy led him to request Deborah’s presence, which resulted in his forfeiture of the honor of killing Sisera, the commander of the Canaanite forces (vv 8-10). The Lord gave success to the surprise attack from Mt Tabor, so that the Canaanites were routed, unable to use their heavy chariots, which were mired down in the swamps of the Jezreel Valley (5:20-22). The Canaanites were routed, and Sisera was killed by Jael, the wife of Heber, a Kenite who had separated from the Kenites around Arad (4:17-18; cf. 1:16). She offered him hospitality, as her family had friendly relations with the Canaanites, but heroically put him to death with a tent peg (4:18-21; 5:26-27). In successive campaigns the Israelites gained freedom from Jabin, until they destroyed his power (4:24).<\/p>\n<p>The song of Deborah (ch 5) celebrates, in poetic fashion, the victory over Jabin. It is one of the oldest poems in the Bible. It praises the God of Israel as the King who comes to protect his covenant people, and before whom the mountains move (5:2-3). He is the God of Mt Sinai (Jgs 5:4-5; cf. Dt 33:2; Ps 68:7-8; Hb 3:3-4). Though the oppressors had despoiled Israel and had made the roads unsafe for travel, and Israel was unable to defend itself (Jgs 5:6-8), the Lord raised up Deborah and Barak to lead the nobles to war (vv 9-13). They came from Ephraim, Benjamin, Zebulun, Issachar, and Naphtali (vv 14-15a, 18), but the Transjordan tribes and Asher did not want to get involved (vv 15b-17). The song then moves to the battle scene, where torrential rains bogged the chariots down (vv 19-23). Jael is celebrated as “most blessed of women,” who used her simple way of life to bring an end to Sisera (vv 24-27). She stands in contrast to Sisera’s mother, who is portrayed with all her culture waiting in vain for Sisera’s return with all of his spoils (vv 28-30). The Lord has used the simple to confound the powerful. The conclusion is a prayer for God’s judgment on all of Israel’s enemies (Jgs 5:31a; cf. Ps 68:1-3).<\/p>\n<h6>Gideon (6:1–8:35)<\/h6>\n<p>Israel’s rest for 40 years (Jgs 5:31b) was disturbed by the invasion of Midianites and Amalekites from the East (6:1-3). They destroyed the economy by invading the country at harvesttime (vv 4-6). In response to Israel’s cry, God sent a prophet with a message similar to that of the angel of the Lord (2:1-5). Then an angel appeared to Gideon and called him to lead the people in battle (6:11-14). The Lord assured him of his presence (v 16) by a sign (vv 17-22). Gideon knew that he had been visited by the Lord and built an altar called “The <span>Lord<\/span> Is Peace” in Ophrah (v 24). He responded by destroying the cultic site dedicated to Baal and Asherah at Ophrah (vv 25-28) and by initiating worship at the new altar (v 28). Baal did not protect his own altar (vv 29-32), even when challenged by Gideon’s father (v 31). Consequently, Gideon was known as Jerubbaal (meaning, “let Baal contend with him,” v 32).<\/p>\n<p>Next, Gideon mustered an army of 32,000 men from Asher, Zebulun, and Naphtali (6:35; cf. 7:3b). In order to assure himself of the Lord’s presence, he asked for another sign: the sign of the fleece (6:36-40). It must be kept in mind that Gideon lived in an area in which the wonders of God had been scarce (v 13) and that he, like Moses, needed reassurance that God was with him. God responded to his growing faith. Gideon went forth with a greatly reduced army of 300 against the enemy. Of his original army, 22,000 had left because they were afraid (7:2-3; cf. Dt 20:8). Another 9,700 were sent home, though they were valiant men (7:4-8). After assuring Gideon by a dream of an enemy soldier, God used the 300 in a marvelous way to confound the Midianites (vv 9-15). God gave Israel victory over the Midianite leaders Oreb, Zeeb, Zebah, and Zalmunna (7:16–8:21). Gideon wisely avoided a possible military confrontation with Ephraim (8:1-3), pursued the enemy deep into the Transjordan, and punished the leaders of Succoth and Penuel, who did not assist him (vv 4-9, 13-16).<\/p>\n<p>This glorious victory created a new wave of interest in the idea of kingship. The men of Israel wished to establish the family of Gideon as their royal dynasty (8:22). Gideon refused, and instead wrongly set up an ephod, cast from the gold taken in battle (vv 23-27). The ephod was probably used for cultic practices, possibly divination (cf. 17:5).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s era also came to an end. He was God’s instrument, giving Israel rest for 40 years. He fathered 70 sons and died in old age. God had richly blessed him, even though he had led Israel astray with his ephod. Thereafter, Israel returned to Baal worship (8:33-35).<\/p>\n<p>In the wake of Gideon’s era, his son Abimelech attempted to establish dynastic continuity by having himself installed as king at Shechem (9:1-6). With the support of his relatives at Shechem, Abimelech had all his brothers killed except Jotham (vv 4-5). After Abimelech’s coronation, Jotham set forth his opposition to his brother in a proverbial manner (vv 7-20), and went into hiding. Three years later Abimelech’s evil schemes entrapped him when the citizens of Shechem rebelled. He furiously attacked the city and destroyed it. A short time later, however, he was wounded at Thebez by a millstone dropped by a woman from the tower in which she had sought refuge from him. His servant put him out of his misery as per his request. This episode demonstrates how bad a despotic king may be. Again, God’s justice prevailed.<\/p>\n<h6>Tola (10:1-2)<\/h6>\n<p>Tola was a minor judge from Issachar who judged Israel for 23 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jair (10:3-5)<\/h6>\n<p>Jair was a minor judge from Gilead who judged Israel for 22 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jephthah (10:6–12:7)<\/h6>\n<p>A recapitulation (10:6-16) of the cycle (idolatry, enemies, cry for help, momentary repentance) sets the introduction to the Jephthah narrative. Under attack from the Ammonites, the elders of Gilead requested help from Jephthah (10:17–11:8), who promised to help them on the condition that he remain their leader even after the war (vv 9-10). At a solemn ceremony he becomes their “head” at Mizpah (v 11). Jephthah opened up correspondence with the Ammonite king, in which he argued for Israel’s rights on the basis of the Israelites’ historic claim to the land as granted to them by the Lord (vv 12–27). Instead of going out immediately to war, he hoped that “the <span>Lord<\/span>, the Judge” would settle the dispute (v 27); but the Ammonite king was unimpressed. When the Spirit of God came over him, Jephthah led Israel into battle, but only after making a rash vow. He was victorious but found out that his vow to sacrifice whatever came first out of his house required him to sacrifice his daughter. Debate continues as to whether he offered her up as a human sacrifice or whether she sacrificed marriage (see discussion under Jephthah).<\/p>\n<p>The Ephraimites seemed to have had an insatiable desire for war. Earlier they had complained to Gideon, who successfully defused their threats (8:1-3). Jephthah fought them, however, because the Israelites living in Transjordan had been reviled as “renegades” (12:1-4). Forty-two thousand Ephraimites were killed by the fords of the Jordan in this civil war. Thereafter, Jephthah ruled for only six years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ibzan (12:8-10)<\/h6>\n<p>Ibzan was a minor judge from Bethlehem who ruled Israel for seven years.<\/p>\n<h6>Elon (12:11)<\/h6>\n<p>A minor judge from Zebulun, Elon ruled Israel for ten years.<\/p>\n<h6>Abdon (12:13-15)<\/h6>\n<p>Abdon was a minor judge from Pirathon, the location of which is uncertain. He ruled for eight years.<\/p>\n<h6>Samson (13:1–16:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Samson’s greatness in the history of redemption is due to his miraculous birth (13:1-24), his service as a Nazirite (13:7; cf. Nm 6:1-21), the repeated overpowering by the Spirit of the Lord (Jgs 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14), the single-handed exploits against the Philistines (Ashkelon, 14:19; the fields, 15:1-6; Ramath Etam, 15:7-17; Gaza, 16:1-3, 23-30), and his occasional dependence on the Lord (15:18-19; 16:28-30). However, his personal life was flawed because of his weakness for Philistine women (chs 14, 16). Having been seduced by Delilah, he was imprisoned at Gaza. He died in the collapse of Dagon’s temple, praying that the Lord would permit him to get revenge (16:28-30). He was buried in his father’s tomb in the territory of Dan (16:31).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue (17–21)<\/h5>\n<p>The cyclical nature of Israel’s existence was without movement. Rest from enemies was always temporary. Israel was not yet ready for dynastic kingship, and whatever one may say of the three years of Abimelech, it was a kingship of the worst sort. Israel vacillated between idolatry and belief in the true Lord. The period of the judges was unstable, marked by petty individualism and provincialism. Yet God remained sovereign in the affairs of his people. The epilogue contains two stories: the story of Micah and the Danite migration (chs 17–18) and the civil war (chs 19–21). The epilogue is bound together by the phrase “In those days Israel had no king; everyone did as he saw fit” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25, <span>niv<\/span>). The symmetric recurrence (two times in each narrative) emphasizes the anarchy and inability of the tribes to unite together to serve God as a covenant people.<\/p>\n<h6>Micah and the Danites (17–18)<\/h6>\n<p>Micah was an Ephraimite who established a shrine and hired one of his own sons, and then a Levite from Bethlehem, to serve as its priests (ch 17). Unable to keep their patrimony, the Danites left to establish themselves at the foot of Mt Hermon. They took the idols and the Levite from Micah’s shrine and set up a cultic city at the newly established city of Dan, built on the ruins of Laish (ch 18). Thus, they set up a cultic center that rivaled the tabernacle at Shiloh (18:31).<\/p>\n<h6>The Civil War (19–21)<\/h6>\n<p>The people of Gibeah, which belonged to Benjamin, sexually abused the concubine of a Levite so that she died. Like the Levite of chapters 17 and 18, she was from Bethlehem (19:1). Dramatically, the Levite sent pieces of her corpse to all the tribes, which assembled against the Benjamites because they protected the criminals of Gibeah (19:29–20:19). In the ensuing battle the population of Benjamin was decimated (20:20-48). The 11 tribes gave them 400 virgins taken in a civil war against Jabesh-gilead (21:6-15). These were not enough, however. Because of the threat of the extinction of Benjamin and the vow not to give their daughters in marriage to any Benjamite, the Israelites devised a plan by which the Benjamites could take Israelite virgins dancing in the festival at Shiloh. Benjamin thus was able to rebuild its towns and settlements.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Gideon; Jephthah; Samson.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JUDGES, Book of Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail. Preview • Author • Date • Li...","summary_en":"JUDGES, Book of Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail. Preview • Author • Date • Li...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":45770,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:4","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:4","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:4-8<\/strong> The choice of those who lapped from their hands over those who knelt was apparently arbitrary, but it enabled the Lord to reduce the size of the army.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:4-8<\/strong> The choice of those who lapped from their hands over those who knelt was apparently arbitrary, but it enabled the Lord to reduce the size of the army.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:4-8 The choice of those who lapped from their hands over those who knelt was apparently arbitrary, but it enabled the Lord to reduce the size of the army.","summary_en":"7:4-8 The choice of those who lapped from their hands over those who knelt was apparently arbitrary, but it enabled the Lord to reduce the size of the army.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73396,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:4","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:4","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:4-8<\/strong> The choice of those who lapped from their hands over those who knelt was apparently arbitrary, but it enabled the Lord to reduce the size of the army.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:4-8<\/strong> The choice of those who lapped from their hands over those who knelt was apparently arbitrary, but it enabled the Lord to reduce the size of the army.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:4-8 The choice of those who lapped from their hands over those who knelt was apparently arbitrary, but it enabled the Lord to reduce the size of the army.","summary_en":"7:4-8 The choice of those who lapped from their hands over those who knelt was apparently arbitrary, but it enabled the Lord to reduce the size of the army.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":101022,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:4","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:4","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:4-8<\/strong> The choice of those who lapped from their hands over those who knelt was apparently arbitrary, but it enabled the Lord to reduce the size of the army.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:4-8<\/strong> The choice of those who lapped from their hands over those who knelt was apparently arbitrary, but it enabled the Lord to reduce the size of the army.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:4-8 The choice of those who lapped from their hands over those who knelt was apparently arbitrary, but it enabled the Lord to reduce the size of the army.","summary_en":"7:4-8 The choice of those who lapped from their hands over those who knelt was apparently arbitrary, but it enabled the Lord to reduce the size of the army.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128648,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:4","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:4","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:4-8<\/strong> The choice of those who lapped from their hands over those who knelt was apparently arbitrary, but it enabled the Lord to reduce the size of the army.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:4-8<\/strong> The choice of those who lapped from their hands over those who knelt was apparently arbitrary, but it enabled the Lord to reduce the size of the army.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:4-8 The choice of those who lapped from their hands over those who knelt was apparently arbitrary, but it enabled the Lord to reduce the size of the army.","summary_en":"7:4-8 The choice of those who lapped from their hands over those who knelt was apparently arbitrary, but it enabled the Lord to reduce the size of the army.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"7":[{"id":62026,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"God as Holy Warrior","title_en":"God as Holy Warrior","content_ro":"<h3>God as Holy Warrior<\/h3>\n<p>The Arabic term <em>jihad,<\/em> which has become well known in the English language, speaks of a “holy war” in which men fight for God. However, the biblical description of a “holy war” is quite different. A holy war is a conflict where God fights for his people while they trust in him. In these wars, victory does not depend on weapons but on obedience to God.<\/p>\n<p>In a time of war, King Jehoshaphat of Judah proclaimed a fast (2 Chr 20:3) and petitioned God in the typical style of a prayer lament (20:5-12), which included an invocation, a complaint, a confession of trust, and a request. Jehoshaphat and the people reflected their hearts’ attitude by bowing low with their faces to the ground (20:18). The image of an army marching into battle headed by a choir giving praise to God (20:21) is startling, because the battlefield is not usually the place for worship and praise. However, worship provides a way to know the will of God, and it invites God to act to save his people. God rewards acts of trust in him, and in Jehoshaphat’s case, God brought about the defeat of a large coalition of enemy forces without Israel having to even draw their swords (20:22-24).<\/p>\n<p>The New Testament portrays Jesus as the conqueror of all the principalities and powers that are arrayed against the Kingdom of God (see Eph 1:19-21). In the end, Jesus will accomplish the ultimate defeat of all enemy forces (1 Cor 15:24-28; Rev 19:11–20.15). In bringing this ultimate victory of God as king, worship will be complete: “Praise the <span>Lord<\/span>! For the Lord our God, the Almighty, reigns” (Rev 19:6).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Josh 6:1-20; 10:7-15; Judg 7:7-22; 2 Kgs 19:14-37; 2 Chr 6:34-35; 20:5-7, 20-24; Isa 26:21–27:6; Jon 3:4-10; Matt 16:18; 2 Cor 10:3-6; Eph 1:19-23; 6:10-20; Rev 19:11-21<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>God as Holy Warrior<\/h3>\n<p>The Arabic term <em>jihad,<\/em> which has become well known in the English language, speaks of a “holy war” in which men fight for God. However, the biblical description of a “holy war” is quite different. A holy war is a conflict where God fights for his people while they trust in him. In these wars, victory does not depend on weapons but on obedience to God.<\/p>\n<p>In a time of war, King Jehoshaphat of Judah proclaimed a fast (2 Chr 20:3) and petitioned God in the typical style of a prayer lament (20:5-12), which included an invocation, a complaint, a confession of trust, and a request. Jehoshaphat and the people reflected their hearts’ attitude by bowing low with their faces to the ground (20:18). The image of an army marching into battle headed by a choir giving praise to God (20:21) is startling, because the battlefield is not usually the place for worship and praise. However, worship provides a way to know the will of God, and it invites God to act to save his people. God rewards acts of trust in him, and in Jehoshaphat’s case, God brought about the defeat of a large coalition of enemy forces without Israel having to even draw their swords (20:22-24).<\/p>\n<p>The New Testament portrays Jesus as the conqueror of all the principalities and powers that are arrayed against the Kingdom of God (see Eph 1:19-21). In the end, Jesus will accomplish the ultimate defeat of all enemy forces (1 Cor 15:24-28; Rev 19:11–20.15). In bringing this ultimate victory of God as king, worship will be complete: “Praise the <span>Lord<\/span>! For the Lord our God, the Almighty, reigns” (Rev 19:6).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Josh 6:1-20; 10:7-15; Judg 7:7-22; 2 Kgs 19:14-37; 2 Chr 6:34-35; 20:5-7, 20-24; Isa 26:21–27:6; Jon 3:4-10; Matt 16:18; 2 Cor 10:3-6; Eph 1:19-23; 6:10-20; Rev 19:11-21<\/p>","summary_ro":"God as Holy Warrior The Arabic term jihad, which has become well known in the English language, speaks of a “holy war” in which men fight for God. However, the biblical description of a “holy war” is quite different. A holy war is a conflict where God fights for his people while they trust in him. In these wars, victory does not depend on weapons but on obedience to God. In a time of war, King Jehoshaphat of Judah proclaimed a fast (2 Chr 20:3) and petitioned God in the typical style of a pra...","summary_en":"God as Holy Warrior The Arabic term jihad, which has become well known in the English language, speaks of a “holy war” in which men fight for God. However, the biblical description of a “holy war” is quite different. A holy war is a conflict where God fights for his people while they trust in him. In these wars, victory does not depend on weapons but on obedience to God. In a time of war, King Jehoshaphat of Judah proclaimed a fast (2 Chr 20:3) and petitioned God in the typical style of a pra...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":89652,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"God as Holy Warrior","title_en":"God as Holy Warrior","content_ro":"<h3>God as Holy Warrior<\/h3>\n<p>The Arabic term <em>jihad,<\/em> which has become well known in the English language, speaks of a “holy war” in which men fight for God. However, the biblical description of a “holy war” is quite different. A holy war is a conflict where God fights for his people while they trust in him. In these wars, victory does not depend on weapons but on obedience to God.<\/p>\n<p>In a time of war, King Jehoshaphat of Judah proclaimed a fast (2 Chr 20:3) and petitioned God in the typical style of a prayer lament (20:5-12), which included an invocation, a complaint, a confession of trust, and a request. Jehoshaphat and the people reflected their hearts’ attitude by bowing low with their faces to the ground (20:18). The image of an army marching into battle headed by a choir giving praise to God (20:21) is startling, because the battlefield is not usually the place for worship and praise. However, worship provides a way to know the will of God, and it invites God to act to save his people. God rewards acts of trust in him, and in Jehoshaphat’s case, God brought about the defeat of a large coalition of enemy forces without Israel having to even draw their swords (20:22-24).<\/p>\n<p>The New Testament portrays Jesus as the conqueror of all the principalities and powers that are arrayed against the Kingdom of God (see Eph 1:19-21). In the end, Jesus will accomplish the ultimate defeat of all enemy forces (1 Cor 15:24-28; Rev 19:11–20.15). In bringing this ultimate victory of God as king, worship will be complete: “Praise the <span>Lord<\/span>! For the Lord our God, the Almighty, reigns” (Rev 19:6).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Josh 6:1-20; 10:7-15; Judg 7:7-22; 2 Kgs 19:14-37; 2 Chr 6:34-35; 20:5-7, 20-24; Isa 26:21–27:6; Jon 3:4-10; Matt 16:18; 2 Cor 10:3-6; Eph 1:19-23; 6:10-20; Rev 19:11-21<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>God as Holy Warrior<\/h3>\n<p>The Arabic term <em>jihad,<\/em> which has become well known in the English language, speaks of a “holy war” in which men fight for God. However, the biblical description of a “holy war” is quite different. A holy war is a conflict where God fights for his people while they trust in him. In these wars, victory does not depend on weapons but on obedience to God.<\/p>\n<p>In a time of war, King Jehoshaphat of Judah proclaimed a fast (2 Chr 20:3) and petitioned God in the typical style of a prayer lament (20:5-12), which included an invocation, a complaint, a confession of trust, and a request. Jehoshaphat and the people reflected their hearts’ attitude by bowing low with their faces to the ground (20:18). The image of an army marching into battle headed by a choir giving praise to God (20:21) is startling, because the battlefield is not usually the place for worship and praise. However, worship provides a way to know the will of God, and it invites God to act to save his people. God rewards acts of trust in him, and in Jehoshaphat’s case, God brought about the defeat of a large coalition of enemy forces without Israel having to even draw their swords (20:22-24).<\/p>\n<p>The New Testament portrays Jesus as the conqueror of all the principalities and powers that are arrayed against the Kingdom of God (see Eph 1:19-21). In the end, Jesus will accomplish the ultimate defeat of all enemy forces (1 Cor 15:24-28; Rev 19:11–20.15). In bringing this ultimate victory of God as king, worship will be complete: “Praise the <span>Lord<\/span>! For the Lord our God, the Almighty, reigns” (Rev 19:6).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Josh 6:1-20; 10:7-15; Judg 7:7-22; 2 Kgs 19:14-37; 2 Chr 6:34-35; 20:5-7, 20-24; Isa 26:21–27:6; Jon 3:4-10; Matt 16:18; 2 Cor 10:3-6; Eph 1:19-23; 6:10-20; Rev 19:11-21<\/p>","summary_ro":"God as Holy Warrior The Arabic term jihad, which has become well known in the English language, speaks of a “holy war” in which men fight for God. However, the biblical description of a “holy war” is quite different. A holy war is a conflict where God fights for his people while they trust in him. In these wars, victory does not depend on weapons but on obedience to God. In a time of war, King Jehoshaphat of Judah proclaimed a fast (2 Chr 20:3) and petitioned God in the typical style of a pra...","summary_en":"God as Holy Warrior The Arabic term jihad, which has become well known in the English language, speaks of a “holy war” in which men fight for God. However, the biblical description of a “holy war” is quite different. A holy war is a conflict where God fights for his people while they trust in him. In these wars, victory does not depend on weapons but on obedience to God. In a time of war, King Jehoshaphat of Judah proclaimed a fast (2 Chr 20:3) and petitioned God in the typical style of a pra...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":117278,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"God as Holy Warrior","title_en":"God as Holy Warrior","content_ro":"<h3>God as Holy Warrior<\/h3>\n<p>The Arabic term <em>jihad,<\/em> which has become well known in the English language, speaks of a “holy war” in which men fight for God. However, the biblical description of a “holy war” is quite different. A holy war is a conflict where God fights for his people while they trust in him. In these wars, victory does not depend on weapons but on obedience to God.<\/p>\n<p>In a time of war, King Jehoshaphat of Judah proclaimed a fast (2 Chr 20:3) and petitioned God in the typical style of a prayer lament (20:5-12), which included an invocation, a complaint, a confession of trust, and a request. Jehoshaphat and the people reflected their hearts’ attitude by bowing low with their faces to the ground (20:18). The image of an army marching into battle headed by a choir giving praise to God (20:21) is startling, because the battlefield is not usually the place for worship and praise. However, worship provides a way to know the will of God, and it invites God to act to save his people. God rewards acts of trust in him, and in Jehoshaphat’s case, God brought about the defeat of a large coalition of enemy forces without Israel having to even draw their swords (20:22-24).<\/p>\n<p>The New Testament portrays Jesus as the conqueror of all the principalities and powers that are arrayed against the Kingdom of God (see Eph 1:19-21). In the end, Jesus will accomplish the ultimate defeat of all enemy forces (1 Cor 15:24-28; Rev 19:11–20.15). In bringing this ultimate victory of God as king, worship will be complete: “Praise the <span>Lord<\/span>! For the Lord our God, the Almighty, reigns” (Rev 19:6).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Josh 6:1-20; 10:7-15; Judg 7:7-22; 2 Kgs 19:14-37; 2 Chr 6:34-35; 20:5-7, 20-24; Isa 26:21–27:6; Jon 3:4-10; Matt 16:18; 2 Cor 10:3-6; Eph 1:19-23; 6:10-20; Rev 19:11-21<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>God as Holy Warrior<\/h3>\n<p>The Arabic term <em>jihad,<\/em> which has become well known in the English language, speaks of a “holy war” in which men fight for God. However, the biblical description of a “holy war” is quite different. A holy war is a conflict where God fights for his people while they trust in him. In these wars, victory does not depend on weapons but on obedience to God.<\/p>\n<p>In a time of war, King Jehoshaphat of Judah proclaimed a fast (2 Chr 20:3) and petitioned God in the typical style of a prayer lament (20:5-12), which included an invocation, a complaint, a confession of trust, and a request. Jehoshaphat and the people reflected their hearts’ attitude by bowing low with their faces to the ground (20:18). The image of an army marching into battle headed by a choir giving praise to God (20:21) is startling, because the battlefield is not usually the place for worship and praise. However, worship provides a way to know the will of God, and it invites God to act to save his people. God rewards acts of trust in him, and in Jehoshaphat’s case, God brought about the defeat of a large coalition of enemy forces without Israel having to even draw their swords (20:22-24).<\/p>\n<p>The New Testament portrays Jesus as the conqueror of all the principalities and powers that are arrayed against the Kingdom of God (see Eph 1:19-21). In the end, Jesus will accomplish the ultimate defeat of all enemy forces (1 Cor 15:24-28; Rev 19:11–20.15). In bringing this ultimate victory of God as king, worship will be complete: “Praise the <span>Lord<\/span>! For the Lord our God, the Almighty, reigns” (Rev 19:6).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Josh 6:1-20; 10:7-15; Judg 7:7-22; 2 Kgs 19:14-37; 2 Chr 6:34-35; 20:5-7, 20-24; Isa 26:21–27:6; Jon 3:4-10; Matt 16:18; 2 Cor 10:3-6; Eph 1:19-23; 6:10-20; Rev 19:11-21<\/p>","summary_ro":"God as Holy Warrior The Arabic term jihad, which has become well known in the English language, speaks of a “holy war” in which men fight for God. However, the biblical description of a “holy war” is quite different. A holy war is a conflict where God fights for his people while they trust in him. In these wars, victory does not depend on weapons but on obedience to God. In a time of war, King Jehoshaphat of Judah proclaimed a fast (2 Chr 20:3) and petitioned God in the typical style of a pra...","summary_en":"God as Holy Warrior The Arabic term jihad, which has become well known in the English language, speaks of a “holy war” in which men fight for God. However, the biblical description of a “holy war” is quite different. A holy war is a conflict where God fights for his people while they trust in him. In these wars, victory does not depend on weapons but on obedience to God. In a time of war, King Jehoshaphat of Judah proclaimed a fast (2 Chr 20:3) and petitioned God in the typical style of a pra...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":144904,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"God as Holy Warrior","title_en":"God as Holy Warrior","content_ro":"<h3>God as Holy Warrior<\/h3>\n<p>The Arabic term <em>jihad,<\/em> which has become well known in the English language, speaks of a “holy war” in which men fight for God. However, the biblical description of a “holy war” is quite different. A holy war is a conflict where God fights for his people while they trust in him. In these wars, victory does not depend on weapons but on obedience to God.<\/p>\n<p>In a time of war, King Jehoshaphat of Judah proclaimed a fast (2 Chr 20:3) and petitioned God in the typical style of a prayer lament (20:5-12), which included an invocation, a complaint, a confession of trust, and a request. Jehoshaphat and the people reflected their hearts’ attitude by bowing low with their faces to the ground (20:18). The image of an army marching into battle headed by a choir giving praise to God (20:21) is startling, because the battlefield is not usually the place for worship and praise. However, worship provides a way to know the will of God, and it invites God to act to save his people. God rewards acts of trust in him, and in Jehoshaphat’s case, God brought about the defeat of a large coalition of enemy forces without Israel having to even draw their swords (20:22-24).<\/p>\n<p>The New Testament portrays Jesus as the conqueror of all the principalities and powers that are arrayed against the Kingdom of God (see Eph 1:19-21). In the end, Jesus will accomplish the ultimate defeat of all enemy forces (1 Cor 15:24-28; Rev 19:11–20.15). In bringing this ultimate victory of God as king, worship will be complete: “Praise the <span>Lord<\/span>! For the Lord our God, the Almighty, reigns” (Rev 19:6).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Josh 6:1-20; 10:7-15; Judg 7:7-22; 2 Kgs 19:14-37; 2 Chr 6:34-35; 20:5-7, 20-24; Isa 26:21–27:6; Jon 3:4-10; Matt 16:18; 2 Cor 10:3-6; Eph 1:19-23; 6:10-20; Rev 19:11-21<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>God as Holy Warrior<\/h3>\n<p>The Arabic term <em>jihad,<\/em> which has become well known in the English language, speaks of a “holy war” in which men fight for God. However, the biblical description of a “holy war” is quite different. A holy war is a conflict where God fights for his people while they trust in him. In these wars, victory does not depend on weapons but on obedience to God.<\/p>\n<p>In a time of war, King Jehoshaphat of Judah proclaimed a fast (2 Chr 20:3) and petitioned God in the typical style of a prayer lament (20:5-12), which included an invocation, a complaint, a confession of trust, and a request. Jehoshaphat and the people reflected their hearts’ attitude by bowing low with their faces to the ground (20:18). The image of an army marching into battle headed by a choir giving praise to God (20:21) is startling, because the battlefield is not usually the place for worship and praise. However, worship provides a way to know the will of God, and it invites God to act to save his people. God rewards acts of trust in him, and in Jehoshaphat’s case, God brought about the defeat of a large coalition of enemy forces without Israel having to even draw their swords (20:22-24).<\/p>\n<p>The New Testament portrays Jesus as the conqueror of all the principalities and powers that are arrayed against the Kingdom of God (see Eph 1:19-21). In the end, Jesus will accomplish the ultimate defeat of all enemy forces (1 Cor 15:24-28; Rev 19:11–20.15). In bringing this ultimate victory of God as king, worship will be complete: “Praise the <span>Lord<\/span>! For the Lord our God, the Almighty, reigns” (Rev 19:6).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Passages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Josh 6:1-20; 10:7-15; Judg 7:7-22; 2 Kgs 19:14-37; 2 Chr 6:34-35; 20:5-7, 20-24; Isa 26:21–27:6; Jon 3:4-10; Matt 16:18; 2 Cor 10:3-6; Eph 1:19-23; 6:10-20; Rev 19:11-21<\/p>","summary_ro":"God as Holy Warrior The Arabic term jihad, which has become well known in the English language, speaks of a “holy war” in which men fight for God. However, the biblical description of a “holy war” is quite different. A holy war is a conflict where God fights for his people while they trust in him. In these wars, victory does not depend on weapons but on obedience to God. In a time of war, King Jehoshaphat of Judah proclaimed a fast (2 Chr 20:3) and petitioned God in the typical style of a pra...","summary_en":"God as Holy Warrior The Arabic term jihad, which has become well known in the English language, speaks of a “holy war” in which men fight for God. However, the biblical description of a “holy war” is quite different. A holy war is a conflict where God fights for his people while they trust in him. In these wars, victory does not depend on weapons but on obedience to God. In a time of war, King Jehoshaphat of Judah proclaimed a fast (2 Chr 20:3) and petitioned God in the typical style of a pra...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"8":[{"id":45771,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:8","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:8","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:8<\/strong> The jars (in which the men carried <em>provisions<\/em>) and trumpets borrowed from the warriors who were sent home would be used in the coming battle.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:8<\/strong> The jars (in which the men carried <em>provisions<\/em>) and trumpets borrowed from the warriors who were sent home would be used in the coming battle.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:8 The jars (in which the men carried provisions) and trumpets borrowed from the warriors who were sent home would be used in the coming battle.","summary_en":"7:8 The jars (in which the men carried provisions) and trumpets borrowed from the warriors who were sent home would be used in the coming battle.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73397,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:8","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:8","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:8<\/strong> The jars (in which the men carried <em>provisions<\/em>) and trumpets borrowed from the warriors who were sent home would be used in the coming battle.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:8<\/strong> The jars (in which the men carried <em>provisions<\/em>) and trumpets borrowed from the warriors who were sent home would be used in the coming battle.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:8 The jars (in which the men carried provisions) and trumpets borrowed from the warriors who were sent home would be used in the coming battle.","summary_en":"7:8 The jars (in which the men carried provisions) and trumpets borrowed from the warriors who were sent home would be used in the coming battle.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":101023,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:8","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:8","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:8<\/strong> The jars (in which the men carried <em>provisions<\/em>) and trumpets borrowed from the warriors who were sent home would be used in the coming battle.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:8<\/strong> The jars (in which the men carried <em>provisions<\/em>) and trumpets borrowed from the warriors who were sent home would be used in the coming battle.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:8 The jars (in which the men carried provisions) and trumpets borrowed from the warriors who were sent home would be used in the coming battle.","summary_en":"7:8 The jars (in which the men carried provisions) and trumpets borrowed from the warriors who were sent home would be used in the coming battle.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128649,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:8","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:8","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:8<\/strong> The jars (in which the men carried <em>provisions<\/em>) and trumpets borrowed from the warriors who were sent home would be used in the coming battle.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:8<\/strong> The jars (in which the men carried <em>provisions<\/em>) and trumpets borrowed from the warriors who were sent home would be used in the coming battle.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:8 The jars (in which the men carried provisions) and trumpets borrowed from the warriors who were sent home would be used in the coming battle.","summary_en":"7:8 The jars (in which the men carried provisions) and trumpets borrowed from the warriors who were sent home would be used in the coming battle.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"9":[{"id":21316,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Book of Judges","title_en":"Book of Judges","content_ro":"<h3>JUDGES, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>The book reflects a final editing of the material in the period of the early monarchy. It may well be a polemic for the righteous rule of David over against the kingship of Saul, which was molded by a secular, Canaanite conception of kingship rather than by the law of God. The author was almost certainly not Samuel, as traditionally thought, but a later compiler who relied on ancient written materials.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>Though the judges succeeded in giving the tribes some rest from the incursions of surrounding enemies, the Israelites were continually harassed over long periods of time. Scholarly opinion differs on the duration of the period of the judges. The dating of the exodus affects the dating of the beginning of the judges. Those who take an early date for the exodus put the beginning around 1370–1360 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas others propose a date close to the end of the 13th century <span>BC<\/span>. A related issue pertains to the chronology of the judges. Does Judges give a chronological, sequential account of the period, or is the book a representative account of judges from various parts of Canaan and Transjordan who “judged” a region, a tribe, or several tribes simultaneously?<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LiteraryFramework\">Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>There is no doubt that the stories in the book bear the marks of literary creativity. The stories are classics in their own right. The poetry of Deborah’s song (Jgs 5) is very moving, and the fable of Jotham (9:8-15) is a fine example of figurative speech. The care given to the stories is also reflected in the construction of the book. There are two introductions: a political one (Jgs 1:1–2:5) and a socioreligious one (2:6–3:6). The political introduction connects Judges with the story of the Conquest, when the tribes attempted to occupy the land. It prepares the reader for the political and military problems of the era of the judges. The socioreligious introduction explains why Israel had so many adversities, why the institution of the judges arose, and why the Lord never gave Israel the promised lasting rest from its enemies. The main body of the book is the story of the judges (3:7–16:31). References to the minor judges (six in all) are set within the stories of the major judges in increasing frequency. As is evident from the schema, the number of minor judges increased in frequency in proportion to the decrease in number of major judges: two major, one minor; two major, two minor; one major, three minor; one major. There is a total of 12 judges, representative of the 12 tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>The purpose of the listing of 12 judges, representative of the various parts of Canaan and Transjordan, is to demonstrate that all tribes throughout the conquered territories experienced grave difficulties from a variety of enemies: Arameans, Moabites, Ammonites, Amalekites, Canaanites, and Philistines. Israel was hard pressed on nearly all its frontiers. The appendixes (chs 17–21), together with the two introductions, form the framework of the book. The political and socioreligious problems (1:1–3:6) are presented by way of several stories in the last chapters. The final editor who gave the book its canonical shape purposefully framed the stories of the judges so as to show lack of movement. The successes of the previous stages in redemptive history came to a standstill in the ebb and flow of the judges. Though the Lord delivered his people in many ways, they returned to the problems described in 1:1–3:6. The appendixes describe Israel’s problems representative of the period of the judges, when “there was no king in Israel” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTheologicalTeaching\">Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for deliverance, and God’s raising up of a judge reflects a deuteronomic perspective with its warnings concerning disobedience and judgment. The repetitiveness of the cycle supports the contention of the anonymous narrator that Israel remained unchanged by the grace of God. However, in spite of the moral, religious, and political anarchy as well as the civil wars, the last chapter shows that the tribes are still concerned with each other’s welfare. Though the unity of God’s people has been gravely challenged, the situation is not hopeless. The book ends on a note of hope—hope for a king who may deliver Israel.<\/p>\n\n<p>Thus, there are several purposes of the book: (1) to demonstrate the meaninglessness of this stage in Israel’s development; (2) to explain why the tribes did not occupy all the land promised to the patriarchs; (3) to justify the way of God, who was gracious and patient with Israel’s repeated acts of disobedience; (4) to set forth the legitimacy of a “shepherd” king in contrast to a despotic form of kingship; and (5) to explain the urgent need for a new momentum, lest Israel succumb to the Philistines and intertribal warfare.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>The Political Introduction (1:1–2:5)<\/h5>\n<p>In Joshua 1–12 the warfare under Joshua is portrayed as a mobilization of Canaanite forces against Israel. By the intervention of the Lord, the Canaanite resistance was put down and the land was occupied by the tribes (chs 13–21). Joshua 13–21, however, clearly shows that each tribe had problems ridding its territory of pockets of Canaanite resistance, which were usually centered around heavily guarded and well-fortified cities (cf. 13:2-6, 13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18).<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua emphasizes the successes and minimizes the problems, whereas the prologue to Judges sets the stage for the whole book by openly addressing Israel’s problems and failures. As the book unfolds, it is precisely these problems and failures that in due time bring Israel to the brink of disaster.<\/p>\n<p>The period of the judges began with the death of Joshua (Jgs 1:1; 2:8-9). The Israelites had inherited a legacy from Joshua: the law of the Lord (Jos 23:6; 24:26), the land, a challenge to obey the Lord (24:14-27), and a promise of God’s presence and help in subduing the Canaanites (23:5, 10).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah and Simeon (Jgs 1:2-20)<\/h6>\n<p>The prominence of Judah and Caleb parallels the position of Judah in Joshua (Jos 14:6–15:63; cf. also the house of Joseph, Jgs 1:22-29; cf. Jos 16–17). Judah was victorious over the cruel Adoni-bezek, who ruled over Bezek, a town of uncertain location. Judah successfully occupied the hill country, the Negev, and the western foothills. They even took Jerusalem, or an outlying suburb identified with Jerusalem (Jos 1:8), but could not retain control there (v 21) until David’s conquest of the city (2 Sm 5:6-9). Judah was victorious over the Canaanites in the region of Hebron, already conquered under Joshua (Jos 10:36). Hebron, also known as Kiriath-arba (“city of four” or “tetrapolis”), was a powerful ally of Jerusalem (v 3) and had been able to rally military support for a new assault on Israel, even after its first defeat. Caleb received Hebron, as Moses had promised (Jgs 1:20; cf. Jos 15:13). After the victory over Hebron, Judah extended its control over the southern hill country by an attack on Debir (Jgs 1:11-15; cf. Jos 15:14-19).<\/p>\n<p>The Kenites (Jgs 1:16), descendants of Jethro and therefore related to Moses by marriage, settled in the Negev around Arad and the City of Palms, which here probably refers to Tamar rather than Jericho.<\/p>\n<p>Judah secured the southern border by a victory over the Canaanites at Hormah (Jgs 1:17; cf. Nm 14:45; 21:3; Dt 1:44) and the coastal plain by victories at Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron. However, Judah’s successes in the coastal plain were resisted by a well-armed Canaanite force (Jgs 1:18-19). It occupied the Judean hill country and the Negev, but could not retain control over the plains. The Philistines were soon to take control over Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, and incorporate them into their pentapolis.<\/p>\n<h6>Benjamin (1:21)<\/h6>\n<p>Jerusalem was situated on the border between Judah and Benjamin. Judah took the city or a suburb (Jos 1:8) but was too far removed to retain control over it. Benjamin was too weak to subdue the Jebusites. Only David succeeded in this (2 Sm 5:6-9); he incorporated it into Judah (cf. Jos 15:63), even though it originally was allotted to Benjamin (Jos 18:28).<\/p>\n<h6>Joseph: Ephraim and Manasseh (1:22-29)<\/h6>\n<p>Ephraim took Bethel, known from the patriarchal stories as a significant cultic site (Gn 12:8; 13:3-4; 28:19; 31:13; 35:1-15). However, Manasseh was unsuccessful in taking the fortified cities in the valley of Jezreel (Esdraelon): Beth-shan, Taanach, Dor, Ibleam, and Megiddo. These cities controlled traffic along the east-west and north–south roads as well as the important passes through the Carmel range and the ford of the Jordan. Ephraim could not take full possession of the coastal plain, controlled by Gezer. The success of both Ephraim and Manasseh was limited.<\/p>\n<h6>The Other Four Tribes (1:30-36)<\/h6>\n<p>The other four tribes in Canaan receive brief mention. They, too, were only partially successful. Zebulun, Asher, Naphtali, and especially Dan did not fully succeed in driving out the Canaanites. At best they later subjected most of them to forced labor.<\/p>\n<h6>The Failure of Israel (2:1-5)<\/h6>\n<p>The failure to subdue the land and to wipe out the Canaanites and their culture led to intermarriage and idolatry (cf. Ex 23:33; 34:12-16; Nm 33:55; Dt 7:2-5, 16; Jos 23:7, 12).<\/p>\n<p>The identity of “the angel of the Lord” who appears at Bokim is far from certain. It may be a reference to the Lord himself, to an angelic messenger, or to a prophet (cf. Jgs 6:8). He rebuked the people in the prophetic spirit and pronounced God’s judgment as taking the form of continual confrontation between Israel and the Canaanites (2:3). Their weeping and sacrificing were to no avail (2:4-5; cf. Mal 2:13). Israel stood condemned within a generation after Joshua’s death.<\/p>\n<h5>The Theological Introduction (2:6–3:6)<\/h5>\n<p>The theological introduction begins where Joshua left off (Jos 24:28-31). The generation of Joshua was characterized by loyalty, but their loyalty to the Lord did not last long after the excitement of the Conquest and the demonstration of God’s presence (Jgs 2:10). Israel served Canaanite gods (Baal and Astarte) instead. Baal was the storm god, symbolic of rain and fertility, and Astarte was his cohort. The plural (Baals and Ashtaroth, 2:11-13) signifies the many local ways in which the Canaanite gods were worshiped. The religious unity was broken up into a great diversity. Thus Israel angered the Lord (vv 12-14), who sent them enemies and plunderers. Israel was unsuccessful in dealing with them, as Moses and Joshua had forewarned (Dt 28:25, 33; Jos 23:13, 16). The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for mercy, and deliverance is found throughout Judges. The people were rooted in the apostasy of their forefathers, even though the previous generation had been sensitive to God. Israel did not submit to the leadership of the judges, except to free itself from the oppressors. In fulfillment of the curses of the covenant, God swore not to give his people rest but to test them and to train them for warfare (Jgs 3:1-4), so that they might learn to respond to the challenges of a real world.<\/p>\n<h5>The Judges of Israel (3:7–16:31)<\/h5>\n<h6>Othniel (3:7-11)<\/h6>\n<p>Othniel is a transitional figure, linking the Conquest and the judges. He had involved himself in the conquest of Kiriath-sepher and was related to Caleb as his cousin and son-in-law (1:13). He repelled the Arameans led by Cushan-rishathaim, so that the land enjoyed peace for some 40 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ehud (3:12-30)<\/h6>\n<p>The Moabites, allied with the Ammonites and Amalekites, came against Israel from the east and oppressed them for 18 years under the leadership of Eglon. Ehud led the mission to bring tribute to Eglon at his palace, located probably by Jericho (the City of Palms). Ehud was uniquely qualified for this mission; being left-handed, he was able to use his double-edged sword in an unsuspecting manner to stab the king. Ehud’s success was the result of careful plotting and the element of surprise. He paid the tribute and left, only to return with a supposed oracle from the gods. The king fell for the deception and was murdered. The delay at the Moabite court gave the Israelites an opportunity to bring their forces together at the fords of the Jordan. Ehud’s success was complete; no Moabite escaped, and Israel enjoyed peace for 80 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Shamgar (3:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Shamgar’s exploits were against the Philistines in the coastal plains. He had a non-Israelite name but was probably an Israelite by birth. Like Samson he fought the Philistines with an unconventional weapon (an ox goad). His name is also mentioned in the song of Deborah (5:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Deborah and Barak (4:1–5:31)<\/h6>\n<p>The narrative now turns to the Canaanite aggressors in the north under the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor, and Sisera, of Harosheth-haggoyim (4:1-3). The ruins of Hazor (Jos 11:13) had been rebuilt, and another Jabin (cf. v 1) ruled over the region. He had regained his military power, as he had as many as 900 chariots of iron. He oppressed Israel for 20 years (Jgs 4:3).<\/p>\n<p>God had a prophetess in Israel who led his people during this dark time (4:4). She rendered judgments under a palm tree in southern Ephraim near Benjamin (v 5). She called on Barak to muster the armies of Naphtali and Zebulun, the tribes affected by the Canaanite raids, and to engage Sisera in a surprise attack by the Kishon River (vv 6-7). Barak’s hesitancy led him to request Deborah’s presence, which resulted in his forfeiture of the honor of killing Sisera, the commander of the Canaanite forces (vv 8-10). The Lord gave success to the surprise attack from Mt Tabor, so that the Canaanites were routed, unable to use their heavy chariots, which were mired down in the swamps of the Jezreel Valley (5:20-22). The Canaanites were routed, and Sisera was killed by Jael, the wife of Heber, a Kenite who had separated from the Kenites around Arad (4:17-18; cf. 1:16). She offered him hospitality, as her family had friendly relations with the Canaanites, but heroically put him to death with a tent peg (4:18-21; 5:26-27). In successive campaigns the Israelites gained freedom from Jabin, until they destroyed his power (4:24).<\/p>\n<p>The song of Deborah (ch 5) celebrates, in poetic fashion, the victory over Jabin. It is one of the oldest poems in the Bible. It praises the God of Israel as the King who comes to protect his covenant people, and before whom the mountains move (5:2-3). He is the God of Mt Sinai (Jgs 5:4-5; cf. Dt 33:2; Ps 68:7-8; Hb 3:3-4). Though the oppressors had despoiled Israel and had made the roads unsafe for travel, and Israel was unable to defend itself (Jgs 5:6-8), the Lord raised up Deborah and Barak to lead the nobles to war (vv 9-13). They came from Ephraim, Benjamin, Zebulun, Issachar, and Naphtali (vv 14-15a, 18), but the Transjordan tribes and Asher did not want to get involved (vv 15b-17). The song then moves to the battle scene, where torrential rains bogged the chariots down (vv 19-23). Jael is celebrated as “most blessed of women,” who used her simple way of life to bring an end to Sisera (vv 24-27). She stands in contrast to Sisera’s mother, who is portrayed with all her culture waiting in vain for Sisera’s return with all of his spoils (vv 28-30). The Lord has used the simple to confound the powerful. The conclusion is a prayer for God’s judgment on all of Israel’s enemies (Jgs 5:31a; cf. Ps 68:1-3).<\/p>\n<h6>Gideon (6:1–8:35)<\/h6>\n<p>Israel’s rest for 40 years (Jgs 5:31b) was disturbed by the invasion of Midianites and Amalekites from the East (6:1-3). They destroyed the economy by invading the country at harvesttime (vv 4-6). In response to Israel’s cry, God sent a prophet with a message similar to that of the angel of the Lord (2:1-5). Then an angel appeared to Gideon and called him to lead the people in battle (6:11-14). The Lord assured him of his presence (v 16) by a sign (vv 17-22). Gideon knew that he had been visited by the Lord and built an altar called “The <span>Lord<\/span> Is Peace” in Ophrah (v 24). He responded by destroying the cultic site dedicated to Baal and Asherah at Ophrah (vv 25-28) and by initiating worship at the new altar (v 28). Baal did not protect his own altar (vv 29-32), even when challenged by Gideon’s father (v 31). Consequently, Gideon was known as Jerubbaal (meaning, “let Baal contend with him,” v 32).<\/p>\n<p>Next, Gideon mustered an army of 32,000 men from Asher, Zebulun, and Naphtali (6:35; cf. 7:3b). In order to assure himself of the Lord’s presence, he asked for another sign: the sign of the fleece (6:36-40). It must be kept in mind that Gideon lived in an area in which the wonders of God had been scarce (v 13) and that he, like Moses, needed reassurance that God was with him. God responded to his growing faith. Gideon went forth with a greatly reduced army of 300 against the enemy. Of his original army, 22,000 had left because they were afraid (7:2-3; cf. Dt 20:8). Another 9,700 were sent home, though they were valiant men (7:4-8). After assuring Gideon by a dream of an enemy soldier, God used the 300 in a marvelous way to confound the Midianites (vv 9-15). God gave Israel victory over the Midianite leaders Oreb, Zeeb, Zebah, and Zalmunna (7:16–8:21). Gideon wisely avoided a possible military confrontation with Ephraim (8:1-3), pursued the enemy deep into the Transjordan, and punished the leaders of Succoth and Penuel, who did not assist him (vv 4-9, 13-16).<\/p>\n<p>This glorious victory created a new wave of interest in the idea of kingship. The men of Israel wished to establish the family of Gideon as their royal dynasty (8:22). Gideon refused, and instead wrongly set up an ephod, cast from the gold taken in battle (vv 23-27). The ephod was probably used for cultic practices, possibly divination (cf. 17:5).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s era also came to an end. He was God’s instrument, giving Israel rest for 40 years. He fathered 70 sons and died in old age. God had richly blessed him, even though he had led Israel astray with his ephod. Thereafter, Israel returned to Baal worship (8:33-35).<\/p>\n<p>In the wake of Gideon’s era, his son Abimelech attempted to establish dynastic continuity by having himself installed as king at Shechem (9:1-6). With the support of his relatives at Shechem, Abimelech had all his brothers killed except Jotham (vv 4-5). After Abimelech’s coronation, Jotham set forth his opposition to his brother in a proverbial manner (vv 7-20), and went into hiding. Three years later Abimelech’s evil schemes entrapped him when the citizens of Shechem rebelled. He furiously attacked the city and destroyed it. A short time later, however, he was wounded at Thebez by a millstone dropped by a woman from the tower in which she had sought refuge from him. His servant put him out of his misery as per his request. This episode demonstrates how bad a despotic king may be. Again, God’s justice prevailed.<\/p>\n<h6>Tola (10:1-2)<\/h6>\n<p>Tola was a minor judge from Issachar who judged Israel for 23 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jair (10:3-5)<\/h6>\n<p>Jair was a minor judge from Gilead who judged Israel for 22 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jephthah (10:6–12:7)<\/h6>\n<p>A recapitulation (10:6-16) of the cycle (idolatry, enemies, cry for help, momentary repentance) sets the introduction to the Jephthah narrative. Under attack from the Ammonites, the elders of Gilead requested help from Jephthah (10:17–11:8), who promised to help them on the condition that he remain their leader even after the war (vv 9-10). At a solemn ceremony he becomes their “head” at Mizpah (v 11). Jephthah opened up correspondence with the Ammonite king, in which he argued for Israel’s rights on the basis of the Israelites’ historic claim to the land as granted to them by the Lord (vv 12–27). Instead of going out immediately to war, he hoped that “the <span>Lord<\/span>, the Judge” would settle the dispute (v 27); but the Ammonite king was unimpressed. When the Spirit of God came over him, Jephthah led Israel into battle, but only after making a rash vow. He was victorious but found out that his vow to sacrifice whatever came first out of his house required him to sacrifice his daughter. Debate continues as to whether he offered her up as a human sacrifice or whether she sacrificed marriage (see discussion under Jephthah).<\/p>\n<p>The Ephraimites seemed to have had an insatiable desire for war. Earlier they had complained to Gideon, who successfully defused their threats (8:1-3). Jephthah fought them, however, because the Israelites living in Transjordan had been reviled as “renegades” (12:1-4). Forty-two thousand Ephraimites were killed by the fords of the Jordan in this civil war. Thereafter, Jephthah ruled for only six years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ibzan (12:8-10)<\/h6>\n<p>Ibzan was a minor judge from Bethlehem who ruled Israel for seven years.<\/p>\n<h6>Elon (12:11)<\/h6>\n<p>A minor judge from Zebulun, Elon ruled Israel for ten years.<\/p>\n<h6>Abdon (12:13-15)<\/h6>\n<p>Abdon was a minor judge from Pirathon, the location of which is uncertain. He ruled for eight years.<\/p>\n<h6>Samson (13:1–16:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Samson’s greatness in the history of redemption is due to his miraculous birth (13:1-24), his service as a Nazirite (13:7; cf. Nm 6:1-21), the repeated overpowering by the Spirit of the Lord (Jgs 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14), the single-handed exploits against the Philistines (Ashkelon, 14:19; the fields, 15:1-6; Ramath Etam, 15:7-17; Gaza, 16:1-3, 23-30), and his occasional dependence on the Lord (15:18-19; 16:28-30). However, his personal life was flawed because of his weakness for Philistine women (chs 14, 16). Having been seduced by Delilah, he was imprisoned at Gaza. He died in the collapse of Dagon’s temple, praying that the Lord would permit him to get revenge (16:28-30). He was buried in his father’s tomb in the territory of Dan (16:31).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue (17–21)<\/h5>\n<p>The cyclical nature of Israel’s existence was without movement. Rest from enemies was always temporary. Israel was not yet ready for dynastic kingship, and whatever one may say of the three years of Abimelech, it was a kingship of the worst sort. Israel vacillated between idolatry and belief in the true Lord. The period of the judges was unstable, marked by petty individualism and provincialism. Yet God remained sovereign in the affairs of his people. The epilogue contains two stories: the story of Micah and the Danite migration (chs 17–18) and the civil war (chs 19–21). The epilogue is bound together by the phrase “In those days Israel had no king; everyone did as he saw fit” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25, <span>niv<\/span>). The symmetric recurrence (two times in each narrative) emphasizes the anarchy and inability of the tribes to unite together to serve God as a covenant people.<\/p>\n<h6>Micah and the Danites (17–18)<\/h6>\n<p>Micah was an Ephraimite who established a shrine and hired one of his own sons, and then a Levite from Bethlehem, to serve as its priests (ch 17). Unable to keep their patrimony, the Danites left to establish themselves at the foot of Mt Hermon. They took the idols and the Levite from Micah’s shrine and set up a cultic city at the newly established city of Dan, built on the ruins of Laish (ch 18). Thus, they set up a cultic center that rivaled the tabernacle at Shiloh (18:31).<\/p>\n<h6>The Civil War (19–21)<\/h6>\n<p>The people of Gibeah, which belonged to Benjamin, sexually abused the concubine of a Levite so that she died. Like the Levite of chapters 17 and 18, she was from Bethlehem (19:1). Dramatically, the Levite sent pieces of her corpse to all the tribes, which assembled against the Benjamites because they protected the criminals of Gibeah (19:29–20:19). In the ensuing battle the population of Benjamin was decimated (20:20-48). The 11 tribes gave them 400 virgins taken in a civil war against Jabesh-gilead (21:6-15). These were not enough, however. Because of the threat of the extinction of Benjamin and the vow not to give their daughters in marriage to any Benjamite, the Israelites devised a plan by which the Benjamites could take Israelite virgins dancing in the festival at Shiloh. Benjamin thus was able to rebuild its towns and settlements.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Gideon; Jephthah; Samson.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JUDGES, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>The book reflects a final editing of the material in the period of the early monarchy. It may well be a polemic for the righteous rule of David over against the kingship of Saul, which was molded by a secular, Canaanite conception of kingship rather than by the law of God. The author was almost certainly not Samuel, as traditionally thought, but a later compiler who relied on ancient written materials.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>Though the judges succeeded in giving the tribes some rest from the incursions of surrounding enemies, the Israelites were continually harassed over long periods of time. Scholarly opinion differs on the duration of the period of the judges. The dating of the exodus affects the dating of the beginning of the judges. Those who take an early date for the exodus put the beginning around 1370–1360 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas others propose a date close to the end of the 13th century <span>BC<\/span>. A related issue pertains to the chronology of the judges. Does Judges give a chronological, sequential account of the period, or is the book a representative account of judges from various parts of Canaan and Transjordan who “judged” a region, a tribe, or several tribes simultaneously?<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LiteraryFramework\">Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>There is no doubt that the stories in the book bear the marks of literary creativity. The stories are classics in their own right. The poetry of Deborah’s song (Jgs 5) is very moving, and the fable of Jotham (9:8-15) is a fine example of figurative speech. The care given to the stories is also reflected in the construction of the book. There are two introductions: a political one (Jgs 1:1–2:5) and a socioreligious one (2:6–3:6). The political introduction connects Judges with the story of the Conquest, when the tribes attempted to occupy the land. It prepares the reader for the political and military problems of the era of the judges. The socioreligious introduction explains why Israel had so many adversities, why the institution of the judges arose, and why the Lord never gave Israel the promised lasting rest from its enemies. The main body of the book is the story of the judges (3:7–16:31). References to the minor judges (six in all) are set within the stories of the major judges in increasing frequency. As is evident from the schema, the number of minor judges increased in frequency in proportion to the decrease in number of major judges: two major, one minor; two major, two minor; one major, three minor; one major. There is a total of 12 judges, representative of the 12 tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>The purpose of the listing of 12 judges, representative of the various parts of Canaan and Transjordan, is to demonstrate that all tribes throughout the conquered territories experienced grave difficulties from a variety of enemies: Arameans, Moabites, Ammonites, Amalekites, Canaanites, and Philistines. Israel was hard pressed on nearly all its frontiers. The appendixes (chs 17–21), together with the two introductions, form the framework of the book. The political and socioreligious problems (1:1–3:6) are presented by way of several stories in the last chapters. The final editor who gave the book its canonical shape purposefully framed the stories of the judges so as to show lack of movement. The successes of the previous stages in redemptive history came to a standstill in the ebb and flow of the judges. Though the Lord delivered his people in many ways, they returned to the problems described in 1:1–3:6. The appendixes describe Israel’s problems representative of the period of the judges, when “there was no king in Israel” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTheologicalTeaching\">Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for deliverance, and God’s raising up of a judge reflects a deuteronomic perspective with its warnings concerning disobedience and judgment. The repetitiveness of the cycle supports the contention of the anonymous narrator that Israel remained unchanged by the grace of God. However, in spite of the moral, religious, and political anarchy as well as the civil wars, the last chapter shows that the tribes are still concerned with each other’s welfare. Though the unity of God’s people has been gravely challenged, the situation is not hopeless. The book ends on a note of hope—hope for a king who may deliver Israel.<\/p>\n\n<p>Thus, there are several purposes of the book: (1) to demonstrate the meaninglessness of this stage in Israel’s development; (2) to explain why the tribes did not occupy all the land promised to the patriarchs; (3) to justify the way of God, who was gracious and patient with Israel’s repeated acts of disobedience; (4) to set forth the legitimacy of a “shepherd” king in contrast to a despotic form of kingship; and (5) to explain the urgent need for a new momentum, lest Israel succumb to the Philistines and intertribal warfare.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>The Political Introduction (1:1–2:5)<\/h5>\n<p>In Joshua 1–12 the warfare under Joshua is portrayed as a mobilization of Canaanite forces against Israel. By the intervention of the Lord, the Canaanite resistance was put down and the land was occupied by the tribes (chs 13–21). Joshua 13–21, however, clearly shows that each tribe had problems ridding its territory of pockets of Canaanite resistance, which were usually centered around heavily guarded and well-fortified cities (cf. 13:2-6, 13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18).<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua emphasizes the successes and minimizes the problems, whereas the prologue to Judges sets the stage for the whole book by openly addressing Israel’s problems and failures. As the book unfolds, it is precisely these problems and failures that in due time bring Israel to the brink of disaster.<\/p>\n<p>The period of the judges began with the death of Joshua (Jgs 1:1; 2:8-9). The Israelites had inherited a legacy from Joshua: the law of the Lord (Jos 23:6; 24:26), the land, a challenge to obey the Lord (24:14-27), and a promise of God’s presence and help in subduing the Canaanites (23:5, 10).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah and Simeon (Jgs 1:2-20)<\/h6>\n<p>The prominence of Judah and Caleb parallels the position of Judah in Joshua (Jos 14:6–15:63; cf. also the house of Joseph, Jgs 1:22-29; cf. Jos 16–17). Judah was victorious over the cruel Adoni-bezek, who ruled over Bezek, a town of uncertain location. Judah successfully occupied the hill country, the Negev, and the western foothills. They even took Jerusalem, or an outlying suburb identified with Jerusalem (Jos 1:8), but could not retain control there (v 21) until David’s conquest of the city (2 Sm 5:6-9). Judah was victorious over the Canaanites in the region of Hebron, already conquered under Joshua (Jos 10:36). Hebron, also known as Kiriath-arba (“city of four” or “tetrapolis”), was a powerful ally of Jerusalem (v 3) and had been able to rally military support for a new assault on Israel, even after its first defeat. Caleb received Hebron, as Moses had promised (Jgs 1:20; cf. Jos 15:13). After the victory over Hebron, Judah extended its control over the southern hill country by an attack on Debir (Jgs 1:11-15; cf. Jos 15:14-19).<\/p>\n<p>The Kenites (Jgs 1:16), descendants of Jethro and therefore related to Moses by marriage, settled in the Negev around Arad and the City of Palms, which here probably refers to Tamar rather than Jericho.<\/p>\n<p>Judah secured the southern border by a victory over the Canaanites at Hormah (Jgs 1:17; cf. Nm 14:45; 21:3; Dt 1:44) and the coastal plain by victories at Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron. However, Judah’s successes in the coastal plain were resisted by a well-armed Canaanite force (Jgs 1:18-19). It occupied the Judean hill country and the Negev, but could not retain control over the plains. The Philistines were soon to take control over Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, and incorporate them into their pentapolis.<\/p>\n<h6>Benjamin (1:21)<\/h6>\n<p>Jerusalem was situated on the border between Judah and Benjamin. Judah took the city or a suburb (Jos 1:8) but was too far removed to retain control over it. Benjamin was too weak to subdue the Jebusites. Only David succeeded in this (2 Sm 5:6-9); he incorporated it into Judah (cf. Jos 15:63), even though it originally was allotted to Benjamin (Jos 18:28).<\/p>\n<h6>Joseph: Ephraim and Manasseh (1:22-29)<\/h6>\n<p>Ephraim took Bethel, known from the patriarchal stories as a significant cultic site (Gn 12:8; 13:3-4; 28:19; 31:13; 35:1-15). However, Manasseh was unsuccessful in taking the fortified cities in the valley of Jezreel (Esdraelon): Beth-shan, Taanach, Dor, Ibleam, and Megiddo. These cities controlled traffic along the east-west and north–south roads as well as the important passes through the Carmel range and the ford of the Jordan. Ephraim could not take full possession of the coastal plain, controlled by Gezer. The success of both Ephraim and Manasseh was limited.<\/p>\n<h6>The Other Four Tribes (1:30-36)<\/h6>\n<p>The other four tribes in Canaan receive brief mention. They, too, were only partially successful. Zebulun, Asher, Naphtali, and especially Dan did not fully succeed in driving out the Canaanites. At best they later subjected most of them to forced labor.<\/p>\n<h6>The Failure of Israel (2:1-5)<\/h6>\n<p>The failure to subdue the land and to wipe out the Canaanites and their culture led to intermarriage and idolatry (cf. Ex 23:33; 34:12-16; Nm 33:55; Dt 7:2-5, 16; Jos 23:7, 12).<\/p>\n<p>The identity of “the angel of the Lord” who appears at Bokim is far from certain. It may be a reference to the Lord himself, to an angelic messenger, or to a prophet (cf. Jgs 6:8). He rebuked the people in the prophetic spirit and pronounced God’s judgment as taking the form of continual confrontation between Israel and the Canaanites (2:3). Their weeping and sacrificing were to no avail (2:4-5; cf. Mal 2:13). Israel stood condemned within a generation after Joshua’s death.<\/p>\n<h5>The Theological Introduction (2:6–3:6)<\/h5>\n<p>The theological introduction begins where Joshua left off (Jos 24:28-31). The generation of Joshua was characterized by loyalty, but their loyalty to the Lord did not last long after the excitement of the Conquest and the demonstration of God’s presence (Jgs 2:10). Israel served Canaanite gods (Baal and Astarte) instead. Baal was the storm god, symbolic of rain and fertility, and Astarte was his cohort. The plural (Baals and Ashtaroth, 2:11-13) signifies the many local ways in which the Canaanite gods were worshiped. The religious unity was broken up into a great diversity. Thus Israel angered the Lord (vv 12-14), who sent them enemies and plunderers. Israel was unsuccessful in dealing with them, as Moses and Joshua had forewarned (Dt 28:25, 33; Jos 23:13, 16). The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for mercy, and deliverance is found throughout Judges. The people were rooted in the apostasy of their forefathers, even though the previous generation had been sensitive to God. Israel did not submit to the leadership of the judges, except to free itself from the oppressors. In fulfillment of the curses of the covenant, God swore not to give his people rest but to test them and to train them for warfare (Jgs 3:1-4), so that they might learn to respond to the challenges of a real world.<\/p>\n<h5>The Judges of Israel (3:7–16:31)<\/h5>\n<h6>Othniel (3:7-11)<\/h6>\n<p>Othniel is a transitional figure, linking the Conquest and the judges. He had involved himself in the conquest of Kiriath-sepher and was related to Caleb as his cousin and son-in-law (1:13). He repelled the Arameans led by Cushan-rishathaim, so that the land enjoyed peace for some 40 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ehud (3:12-30)<\/h6>\n<p>The Moabites, allied with the Ammonites and Amalekites, came against Israel from the east and oppressed them for 18 years under the leadership of Eglon. Ehud led the mission to bring tribute to Eglon at his palace, located probably by Jericho (the City of Palms). Ehud was uniquely qualified for this mission; being left-handed, he was able to use his double-edged sword in an unsuspecting manner to stab the king. Ehud’s success was the result of careful plotting and the element of surprise. He paid the tribute and left, only to return with a supposed oracle from the gods. The king fell for the deception and was murdered. The delay at the Moabite court gave the Israelites an opportunity to bring their forces together at the fords of the Jordan. Ehud’s success was complete; no Moabite escaped, and Israel enjoyed peace for 80 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Shamgar (3:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Shamgar’s exploits were against the Philistines in the coastal plains. He had a non-Israelite name but was probably an Israelite by birth. Like Samson he fought the Philistines with an unconventional weapon (an ox goad). His name is also mentioned in the song of Deborah (5:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Deborah and Barak (4:1–5:31)<\/h6>\n<p>The narrative now turns to the Canaanite aggressors in the north under the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor, and Sisera, of Harosheth-haggoyim (4:1-3). The ruins of Hazor (Jos 11:13) had been rebuilt, and another Jabin (cf. v 1) ruled over the region. He had regained his military power, as he had as many as 900 chariots of iron. He oppressed Israel for 20 years (Jgs 4:3).<\/p>\n<p>God had a prophetess in Israel who led his people during this dark time (4:4). She rendered judgments under a palm tree in southern Ephraim near Benjamin (v 5). She called on Barak to muster the armies of Naphtali and Zebulun, the tribes affected by the Canaanite raids, and to engage Sisera in a surprise attack by the Kishon River (vv 6-7). Barak’s hesitancy led him to request Deborah’s presence, which resulted in his forfeiture of the honor of killing Sisera, the commander of the Canaanite forces (vv 8-10). The Lord gave success to the surprise attack from Mt Tabor, so that the Canaanites were routed, unable to use their heavy chariots, which were mired down in the swamps of the Jezreel Valley (5:20-22). The Canaanites were routed, and Sisera was killed by Jael, the wife of Heber, a Kenite who had separated from the Kenites around Arad (4:17-18; cf. 1:16). She offered him hospitality, as her family had friendly relations with the Canaanites, but heroically put him to death with a tent peg (4:18-21; 5:26-27). In successive campaigns the Israelites gained freedom from Jabin, until they destroyed his power (4:24).<\/p>\n<p>The song of Deborah (ch 5) celebrates, in poetic fashion, the victory over Jabin. It is one of the oldest poems in the Bible. It praises the God of Israel as the King who comes to protect his covenant people, and before whom the mountains move (5:2-3). He is the God of Mt Sinai (Jgs 5:4-5; cf. Dt 33:2; Ps 68:7-8; Hb 3:3-4). Though the oppressors had despoiled Israel and had made the roads unsafe for travel, and Israel was unable to defend itself (Jgs 5:6-8), the Lord raised up Deborah and Barak to lead the nobles to war (vv 9-13). They came from Ephraim, Benjamin, Zebulun, Issachar, and Naphtali (vv 14-15a, 18), but the Transjordan tribes and Asher did not want to get involved (vv 15b-17). The song then moves to the battle scene, where torrential rains bogged the chariots down (vv 19-23). Jael is celebrated as “most blessed of women,” who used her simple way of life to bring an end to Sisera (vv 24-27). She stands in contrast to Sisera’s mother, who is portrayed with all her culture waiting in vain for Sisera’s return with all of his spoils (vv 28-30). The Lord has used the simple to confound the powerful. The conclusion is a prayer for God’s judgment on all of Israel’s enemies (Jgs 5:31a; cf. Ps 68:1-3).<\/p>\n<h6>Gideon (6:1–8:35)<\/h6>\n<p>Israel’s rest for 40 years (Jgs 5:31b) was disturbed by the invasion of Midianites and Amalekites from the East (6:1-3). They destroyed the economy by invading the country at harvesttime (vv 4-6). In response to Israel’s cry, God sent a prophet with a message similar to that of the angel of the Lord (2:1-5). Then an angel appeared to Gideon and called him to lead the people in battle (6:11-14). The Lord assured him of his presence (v 16) by a sign (vv 17-22). Gideon knew that he had been visited by the Lord and built an altar called “The <span>Lord<\/span> Is Peace” in Ophrah (v 24). He responded by destroying the cultic site dedicated to Baal and Asherah at Ophrah (vv 25-28) and by initiating worship at the new altar (v 28). Baal did not protect his own altar (vv 29-32), even when challenged by Gideon’s father (v 31). Consequently, Gideon was known as Jerubbaal (meaning, “let Baal contend with him,” v 32).<\/p>\n<p>Next, Gideon mustered an army of 32,000 men from Asher, Zebulun, and Naphtali (6:35; cf. 7:3b). In order to assure himself of the Lord’s presence, he asked for another sign: the sign of the fleece (6:36-40). It must be kept in mind that Gideon lived in an area in which the wonders of God had been scarce (v 13) and that he, like Moses, needed reassurance that God was with him. God responded to his growing faith. Gideon went forth with a greatly reduced army of 300 against the enemy. Of his original army, 22,000 had left because they were afraid (7:2-3; cf. Dt 20:8). Another 9,700 were sent home, though they were valiant men (7:4-8). After assuring Gideon by a dream of an enemy soldier, God used the 300 in a marvelous way to confound the Midianites (vv 9-15). God gave Israel victory over the Midianite leaders Oreb, Zeeb, Zebah, and Zalmunna (7:16–8:21). Gideon wisely avoided a possible military confrontation with Ephraim (8:1-3), pursued the enemy deep into the Transjordan, and punished the leaders of Succoth and Penuel, who did not assist him (vv 4-9, 13-16).<\/p>\n<p>This glorious victory created a new wave of interest in the idea of kingship. The men of Israel wished to establish the family of Gideon as their royal dynasty (8:22). Gideon refused, and instead wrongly set up an ephod, cast from the gold taken in battle (vv 23-27). The ephod was probably used for cultic practices, possibly divination (cf. 17:5).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s era also came to an end. He was God’s instrument, giving Israel rest for 40 years. He fathered 70 sons and died in old age. God had richly blessed him, even though he had led Israel astray with his ephod. Thereafter, Israel returned to Baal worship (8:33-35).<\/p>\n<p>In the wake of Gideon’s era, his son Abimelech attempted to establish dynastic continuity by having himself installed as king at Shechem (9:1-6). With the support of his relatives at Shechem, Abimelech had all his brothers killed except Jotham (vv 4-5). After Abimelech’s coronation, Jotham set forth his opposition to his brother in a proverbial manner (vv 7-20), and went into hiding. Three years later Abimelech’s evil schemes entrapped him when the citizens of Shechem rebelled. He furiously attacked the city and destroyed it. A short time later, however, he was wounded at Thebez by a millstone dropped by a woman from the tower in which she had sought refuge from him. His servant put him out of his misery as per his request. This episode demonstrates how bad a despotic king may be. Again, God’s justice prevailed.<\/p>\n<h6>Tola (10:1-2)<\/h6>\n<p>Tola was a minor judge from Issachar who judged Israel for 23 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jair (10:3-5)<\/h6>\n<p>Jair was a minor judge from Gilead who judged Israel for 22 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jephthah (10:6–12:7)<\/h6>\n<p>A recapitulation (10:6-16) of the cycle (idolatry, enemies, cry for help, momentary repentance) sets the introduction to the Jephthah narrative. Under attack from the Ammonites, the elders of Gilead requested help from Jephthah (10:17–11:8), who promised to help them on the condition that he remain their leader even after the war (vv 9-10). At a solemn ceremony he becomes their “head” at Mizpah (v 11). Jephthah opened up correspondence with the Ammonite king, in which he argued for Israel’s rights on the basis of the Israelites’ historic claim to the land as granted to them by the Lord (vv 12–27). Instead of going out immediately to war, he hoped that “the <span>Lord<\/span>, the Judge” would settle the dispute (v 27); but the Ammonite king was unimpressed. When the Spirit of God came over him, Jephthah led Israel into battle, but only after making a rash vow. He was victorious but found out that his vow to sacrifice whatever came first out of his house required him to sacrifice his daughter. Debate continues as to whether he offered her up as a human sacrifice or whether she sacrificed marriage (see discussion under Jephthah).<\/p>\n<p>The Ephraimites seemed to have had an insatiable desire for war. Earlier they had complained to Gideon, who successfully defused their threats (8:1-3). Jephthah fought them, however, because the Israelites living in Transjordan had been reviled as “renegades” (12:1-4). Forty-two thousand Ephraimites were killed by the fords of the Jordan in this civil war. Thereafter, Jephthah ruled for only six years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ibzan (12:8-10)<\/h6>\n<p>Ibzan was a minor judge from Bethlehem who ruled Israel for seven years.<\/p>\n<h6>Elon (12:11)<\/h6>\n<p>A minor judge from Zebulun, Elon ruled Israel for ten years.<\/p>\n<h6>Abdon (12:13-15)<\/h6>\n<p>Abdon was a minor judge from Pirathon, the location of which is uncertain. He ruled for eight years.<\/p>\n<h6>Samson (13:1–16:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Samson’s greatness in the history of redemption is due to his miraculous birth (13:1-24), his service as a Nazirite (13:7; cf. Nm 6:1-21), the repeated overpowering by the Spirit of the Lord (Jgs 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14), the single-handed exploits against the Philistines (Ashkelon, 14:19; the fields, 15:1-6; Ramath Etam, 15:7-17; Gaza, 16:1-3, 23-30), and his occasional dependence on the Lord (15:18-19; 16:28-30). However, his personal life was flawed because of his weakness for Philistine women (chs 14, 16). Having been seduced by Delilah, he was imprisoned at Gaza. He died in the collapse of Dagon’s temple, praying that the Lord would permit him to get revenge (16:28-30). He was buried in his father’s tomb in the territory of Dan (16:31).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue (17–21)<\/h5>\n<p>The cyclical nature of Israel’s existence was without movement. Rest from enemies was always temporary. Israel was not yet ready for dynastic kingship, and whatever one may say of the three years of Abimelech, it was a kingship of the worst sort. Israel vacillated between idolatry and belief in the true Lord. The period of the judges was unstable, marked by petty individualism and provincialism. Yet God remained sovereign in the affairs of his people. The epilogue contains two stories: the story of Micah and the Danite migration (chs 17–18) and the civil war (chs 19–21). The epilogue is bound together by the phrase “In those days Israel had no king; everyone did as he saw fit” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25, <span>niv<\/span>). The symmetric recurrence (two times in each narrative) emphasizes the anarchy and inability of the tribes to unite together to serve God as a covenant people.<\/p>\n<h6>Micah and the Danites (17–18)<\/h6>\n<p>Micah was an Ephraimite who established a shrine and hired one of his own sons, and then a Levite from Bethlehem, to serve as its priests (ch 17). Unable to keep their patrimony, the Danites left to establish themselves at the foot of Mt Hermon. They took the idols and the Levite from Micah’s shrine and set up a cultic city at the newly established city of Dan, built on the ruins of Laish (ch 18). Thus, they set up a cultic center that rivaled the tabernacle at Shiloh (18:31).<\/p>\n<h6>The Civil War (19–21)<\/h6>\n<p>The people of Gibeah, which belonged to Benjamin, sexually abused the concubine of a Levite so that she died. Like the Levite of chapters 17 and 18, she was from Bethlehem (19:1). Dramatically, the Levite sent pieces of her corpse to all the tribes, which assembled against the Benjamites because they protected the criminals of Gibeah (19:29–20:19). In the ensuing battle the population of Benjamin was decimated (20:20-48). The 11 tribes gave them 400 virgins taken in a civil war against Jabesh-gilead (21:6-15). These were not enough, however. Because of the threat of the extinction of Benjamin and the vow not to give their daughters in marriage to any Benjamite, the Israelites devised a plan by which the Benjamites could take Israelite virgins dancing in the festival at Shiloh. Benjamin thus was able to rebuild its towns and settlements.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Gideon; Jephthah; Samson.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JUDGES, Book of Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail. Preview • Author • Date • Li...","summary_en":"JUDGES, Book of Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail. Preview • Author • Date • Li...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"10":[{"id":30361,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Phurah*","title_en":"Phurah*","content_ro":"<h3>PHURAH*<\/h3>\n<p>KJV spelling of Purah, Gideon’s servant, in Judges 7:10-11. <em>See<\/em> Purah.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>PHURAH*<\/h3>\n<p>KJV spelling of Purah, Gideon’s servant, in Judges 7:10-11. <em>See<\/em> Purah.<\/p>","summary_ro":"PHURAH* KJV spelling of Purah, Gideon’s servant, in Judges 7:10-11. See Purah.","summary_en":"PHURAH* KJV spelling of Purah, Gideon’s servant, in Judges 7:10-11. See Purah.","source":"Articles\/P.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":32184,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Purah","title_en":"Purah","content_ro":"<h3>PURAH<\/h3>\n<p>Gideon’s servant, who accompanied his master on a secret night visit to the Midianite camp, where they were encouraged by the Lord (Jgs 7:10-11).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>PURAH<\/h3>\n<p>Gideon’s servant, who accompanied his master on a secret night visit to the Midianite camp, where they were encouraged by the Lord (Jgs 7:10-11).<\/p>","summary_ro":"PURAH Gideon’s servant, who accompanied his master on a secret night visit to the Midianite camp, where they were encouraged by the Lord (Jgs 7:10-11).","summary_en":"PURAH Gideon’s servant, who accompanied his master on a secret night visit to the Midianite camp, where they were encouraged by the Lord (Jgs 7:10-11).","source":"Articles\/P.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":45772,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:10","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:10","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:10-15<\/strong> The Lord <em>encouraged<\/em> Gideon with a third sign (6:17-21, 36-40).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:10-15<\/strong> The Lord <em>encouraged<\/em> Gideon with a third sign (6:17-21, 36-40).<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:10-15 The Lord encouraged Gideon with a third sign (6:17-21, 36-40).","summary_en":"7:10-15 The Lord encouraged Gideon with a third sign (6:17-21, 36-40).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73398,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:10","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:10","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:10-15<\/strong> The Lord <em>encouraged<\/em> Gideon with a third sign (6:17-21, 36-40).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:10-15<\/strong> The Lord <em>encouraged<\/em> Gideon with a third sign (6:17-21, 36-40).<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:10-15 The Lord encouraged Gideon with a third sign (6:17-21, 36-40).","summary_en":"7:10-15 The Lord encouraged Gideon with a third sign (6:17-21, 36-40).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":101024,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:10","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:10","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:10-15<\/strong> The Lord <em>encouraged<\/em> Gideon with a third sign (6:17-21, 36-40).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:10-15<\/strong> The Lord <em>encouraged<\/em> Gideon with a third sign (6:17-21, 36-40).<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:10-15 The Lord encouraged Gideon with a third sign (6:17-21, 36-40).","summary_en":"7:10-15 The Lord encouraged Gideon with a third sign (6:17-21, 36-40).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128650,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:10","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:10","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:10-15<\/strong> The Lord <em>encouraged<\/em> Gideon with a third sign (6:17-21, 36-40).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:10-15<\/strong> The Lord <em>encouraged<\/em> Gideon with a third sign (6:17-21, 36-40).<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:10-15 The Lord encouraged Gideon with a third sign (6:17-21, 36-40).","summary_en":"7:10-15 The Lord encouraged Gideon with a third sign (6:17-21, 36-40).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"11":[{"id":45773,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:11","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:11","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:11<\/strong> With the <em>enemy camp<\/em> spread out across the valley (7:1, 12), it was easy for Gideon and his servant to sneak undetected into the camp.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:11<\/strong> With the <em>enemy camp<\/em> spread out across the valley (7:1, 12), it was easy for Gideon and his servant to sneak undetected into the camp.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:11 With the enemy camp spread out across the valley (7:1, 12), it was easy for Gideon and his servant to sneak undetected into the camp.","summary_en":"7:11 With the enemy camp spread out across the valley (7:1, 12), it was easy for Gideon and his servant to sneak undetected into the camp.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73399,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:11","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:11","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:11<\/strong> With the <em>enemy camp<\/em> spread out across the valley (7:1, 12), it was easy for Gideon and his servant to sneak undetected into the camp.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:11<\/strong> With the <em>enemy camp<\/em> spread out across the valley (7:1, 12), it was easy for Gideon and his servant to sneak undetected into the camp.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:11 With the enemy camp spread out across the valley (7:1, 12), it was easy for Gideon and his servant to sneak undetected into the camp.","summary_en":"7:11 With the enemy camp spread out across the valley (7:1, 12), it was easy for Gideon and his servant to sneak undetected into the camp.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":101025,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:11","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:11","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:11<\/strong> With the <em>enemy camp<\/em> spread out across the valley (7:1, 12), it was easy for Gideon and his servant to sneak undetected into the camp.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:11<\/strong> With the <em>enemy camp<\/em> spread out across the valley (7:1, 12), it was easy for Gideon and his servant to sneak undetected into the camp.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:11 With the enemy camp spread out across the valley (7:1, 12), it was easy for Gideon and his servant to sneak undetected into the camp.","summary_en":"7:11 With the enemy camp spread out across the valley (7:1, 12), it was easy for Gideon and his servant to sneak undetected into the camp.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128651,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:11","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:11","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:11<\/strong> With the <em>enemy camp<\/em> spread out across the valley (7:1, 12), it was easy for Gideon and his servant to sneak undetected into the camp.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:11<\/strong> With the <em>enemy camp<\/em> spread out across the valley (7:1, 12), it was easy for Gideon and his servant to sneak undetected into the camp.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:11 With the enemy camp spread out across the valley (7:1, 12), it was easy for Gideon and his servant to sneak undetected into the camp.","summary_en":"7:11 With the enemy camp spread out across the valley (7:1, 12), it was easy for Gideon and his servant to sneak undetected into the camp.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"12":[{"id":1206,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Amalekites Amalek","title_en":"Amalekites Amalek","content_ro":"<h3>AMALEK, AMALEKITES<\/h3>\n<p>Amalek was the son of Eliphaz (Esau’s son) by his concubine, Timna (Gn 36:12; 1 Chr 1:36). Descendants of this tribal chief of Edom were known as Amalekites. They settled in the Negev Desert and became allies of the Edomites, Ammonites, Moabites, Ishmaelites, and Midianites. The Amalekites were notable enemies of Israel. Amalek inherited the fraternal feud that had begun with his grandfather Esau’s antagonism toward Jacob. Since Jacob was one of the progenitors of Israel, the conflict between Amalek and Israel had both a theological and political basis.<\/p>\n<p>The territory of the nomadic Amalekites in the Negev ranged at times from south of Beersheba to the southeast as far as Elath and Ezion-geber. They undoubtedly raided westward into the coastal plain, eastward into the Arabah wastelands, and possibly over into Arabia. In the Negev they blocked the path of the Israelites during the exodus (Ex 17:8-16).<\/p>\n<p>Israel’s first encounter with the warriors of Amalek came at Rephidim near Sinai. Moses stood on top of a hill and held up the rod of God until Israel won the battle, then built an altar and named it “The Lord Is My Banner” (Ex 17:1, 8-16). The Amalekites attacked stragglers during Israel’s desert wanderings (Dt 25:17-18). After reaching the boundary of the Promised Land but rejecting Caleb and Joshua’s report of it, the unbelieving and disheartened Israelites attacked the Amalekites and were defeated (Nm 14:39-45).<\/p>\n<p>When Balaam was summoned by King Balak of Moab to curse Israel, he turned his curse upon Moab and in his last oracle predicted the end of Amalek’s tribe (Nm 24:20). Moses, in his farewell speech, reminded the children of Israel that they had been harassed by Amalek’s descendants and should blot out all remembrance of the name Amalek (Dt 25:17-19).<\/p>\n<p>During the period of the judges Amalekites continued to occupy their traditional area and became associated with the Kenites (1 Sm 15:5-6), descendants of Moses’ father-in-law, who settled in the Negev south of Arad (Jgs 1:16). The Amalekites, still associated with other nomadic tribes (Moabites, Ammonites, Midianites), were rallied by Eglon, king of Moab, to defeat Israel and seize Jericho (Jgs 3:12-14). The Song of Deborah cites Amalek as one of a coalition of tribes against Israel (Jgs 5:14, <span>kjv<\/span>). The name is omitted in a number of modern translations, and in others translated as “into the valley” (<span>rsv<\/span>). However, Amalekite harassment is referred to in other passages of the time of Deborah and Barak (Jgs 6:3, 33; 7:12). Gideon defeated the coalition (Jgs 7:12-25), but there is no evidence that the Amalekites were driven out of the Negev.<\/p>\n<p>According to 1 Samuel, Saul sent his armies out against the Amalekites (14:47-48) and received a command from God to destroy them and all their possessions (15:1-3). He did attack their city (15:4-7) but did not kill their king, Agag (15:8). Saul distributed the choicest Amalekite livestock to his men (15:9), for which the Lord condemned him and sent Samuel to tell him that his kingship was ended because of his sin (15:10-31). Samuel then slaughtered Agag (15:32-35). A remnant of Amalekites must have escaped, since they appeared again as David’s foes while he was still a young warrior (27:8). He rescued his two wives carried off by Amalekites and killed most of the raiding party (30:1-20). The Amalekites were Israel’s sworn enemies throughout King David’s reign (2 Sm 1:1). They are listed among the enemies of Israel (2 Sm 8:12; 1 Chr 18:11; Ps 83:7). Destruction of the few surviving Amalekites came several hundred years after David during the reign of Hezekiah of the southern kingdom of Judah (1 Chr 4:41-43).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>AMALEK, AMALEKITES<\/h3>\n<p>Amalek was the son of Eliphaz (Esau’s son) by his concubine, Timna (Gn 36:12; 1 Chr 1:36). Descendants of this tribal chief of Edom were known as Amalekites. They settled in the Negev Desert and became allies of the Edomites, Ammonites, Moabites, Ishmaelites, and Midianites. The Amalekites were notable enemies of Israel. Amalek inherited the fraternal feud that had begun with his grandfather Esau’s antagonism toward Jacob. Since Jacob was one of the progenitors of Israel, the conflict between Amalek and Israel had both a theological and political basis.<\/p>\n<p>The territory of the nomadic Amalekites in the Negev ranged at times from south of Beersheba to the southeast as far as Elath and Ezion-geber. They undoubtedly raided westward into the coastal plain, eastward into the Arabah wastelands, and possibly over into Arabia. In the Negev they blocked the path of the Israelites during the exodus (Ex 17:8-16).<\/p>\n<p>Israel’s first encounter with the warriors of Amalek came at Rephidim near Sinai. Moses stood on top of a hill and held up the rod of God until Israel won the battle, then built an altar and named it “The Lord Is My Banner” (Ex 17:1, 8-16). The Amalekites attacked stragglers during Israel’s desert wanderings (Dt 25:17-18). After reaching the boundary of the Promised Land but rejecting Caleb and Joshua’s report of it, the unbelieving and disheartened Israelites attacked the Amalekites and were defeated (Nm 14:39-45).<\/p>\n<p>When Balaam was summoned by King Balak of Moab to curse Israel, he turned his curse upon Moab and in his last oracle predicted the end of Amalek’s tribe (Nm 24:20). Moses, in his farewell speech, reminded the children of Israel that they had been harassed by Amalek’s descendants and should blot out all remembrance of the name Amalek (Dt 25:17-19).<\/p>\n<p>During the period of the judges Amalekites continued to occupy their traditional area and became associated with the Kenites (1 Sm 15:5-6), descendants of Moses’ father-in-law, who settled in the Negev south of Arad (Jgs 1:16). The Amalekites, still associated with other nomadic tribes (Moabites, Ammonites, Midianites), were rallied by Eglon, king of Moab, to defeat Israel and seize Jericho (Jgs 3:12-14). The Song of Deborah cites Amalek as one of a coalition of tribes against Israel (Jgs 5:14, <span>kjv<\/span>). The name is omitted in a number of modern translations, and in others translated as “into the valley” (<span>rsv<\/span>). However, Amalekite harassment is referred to in other passages of the time of Deborah and Barak (Jgs 6:3, 33; 7:12). Gideon defeated the coalition (Jgs 7:12-25), but there is no evidence that the Amalekites were driven out of the Negev.<\/p>\n<p>According to 1 Samuel, Saul sent his armies out against the Amalekites (14:47-48) and received a command from God to destroy them and all their possessions (15:1-3). He did attack their city (15:4-7) but did not kill their king, Agag (15:8). Saul distributed the choicest Amalekite livestock to his men (15:9), for which the Lord condemned him and sent Samuel to tell him that his kingship was ended because of his sin (15:10-31). Samuel then slaughtered Agag (15:32-35). A remnant of Amalekites must have escaped, since they appeared again as David’s foes while he was still a young warrior (27:8). He rescued his two wives carried off by Amalekites and killed most of the raiding party (30:1-20). The Amalekites were Israel’s sworn enemies throughout King David’s reign (2 Sm 1:1). They are listed among the enemies of Israel (2 Sm 8:12; 1 Chr 18:11; Ps 83:7). Destruction of the few surviving Amalekites came several hundred years after David during the reign of Hezekiah of the southern kingdom of Judah (1 Chr 4:41-43).<\/p>","summary_ro":"AMALEK, AMALEKITES Amalek was the son of Eliphaz (Esau’s son) by his concubine, Timna (Gn 36:12; 1 Chr 1:36). Descendants of this tribal chief of Edom were known as Amalekites. They settled in the Negev Desert and became allies of the Edomites, Ammonites, Moabites, Ishmaelites, and Midianites. The Amalekites were notable enemies of Israel. Amalek inherited the fraternal feud that had begun with his grandfather Esau’s antagonism toward Jacob. Since Jacob was one of the progenitors of Israel, t...","summary_en":"AMALEK, AMALEKITES Amalek was the son of Eliphaz (Esau’s son) by his concubine, Timna (Gn 36:12; 1 Chr 1:36). Descendants of this tribal chief of Edom were known as Amalekites. They settled in the Negev Desert and became allies of the Edomites, Ammonites, Moabites, Ishmaelites, and Midianites. The Amalekites were notable enemies of Israel. Amalek inherited the fraternal feud that had begun with his grandfather Esau’s antagonism toward Jacob. Since Jacob was one of the progenitors of Israel, t...","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"13":[{"id":758,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Agriculture*","title_en":"Agriculture*","content_ro":"<h3>AGRICULTURE*<\/h3>\n<p>During Bible times agriculture took the same three main forms found in Palestine today. Emphasis on each of these has depended upon the social and technological status of the people.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Herding<\/p>\n<p>• Field Cropping<\/p>\n<p>• Fruit Raising<\/p>\n<p>• Cultivating<\/p>\n<p>• Harvesting<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Herding\">Herding<\/p>\n<p>Raising livestock is one of the first occupations mentioned in the Scriptures. Abel (Gn 4:2) and Jabal (Gn 4:20) were keepers of sheep or had cattle. This occupation fit the seminomadic life, providing both food and clothing while requiring a minimum of techniques and equipment.<\/p>\n<p>The patriarchs were mainly herdsmen, pasturing their sheep and cattle on common land and generally neglecting to till the soil. Jacob and his sons entered Egypt as shepherds (Gn 47:3). Later this pastoral life is still found in the tribes of Reuben, Gad, and the half-tribe of Manasseh in Transjordan (Nm 32:1) and in certain of the tribes dwelling in the western Palestinian hills (1 Sm 25:2). Herding continued to be a part of Hebrew agriculture even in postnomadic days, partly because the animals utilized less productive lands and partly because of the people’s traditions. Important among these traditions were the sacrifices performed in the temple.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"FieldCropping\">Field Cropping<\/p>\n<p>Most authorities agree that the Israelites learned field agriculture from the Canaanites, since contact with these people was contemporaneous with the settling of the Promised Land. The raising of grain is known to have existed before that time. Cain was a tiller of the soil (Gn 4:2), although it is uncertain what he raised. Archaeologists date the existence of grain farming to around 6800 <span>BC<\/span> in the Near East. Isaac sowed in Gerar (Gn 26:12), and Joseph dreamed of sheaves of grain (Gn 37:6-7). Joseph probably learned more about farming grain from the Egyptians, who raised it on the fertile soils of the Nile floodplain.<\/p>\n<p>Yet it was from contact with the Canaanites that Israelites began to raise grain. The productivity of Canaan was reported by Joshua and Caleb at Kadesh-barnea (Nm 13:26), and the Canaanites, who were later conquered, were no doubt made to initiate their conquerors into agricultural practices. Probably such a relationship contributed to the continual Israelite lapses into idolatry (Jgs 9:27). How rapidly they made the transition from the purely nomadic life is not clear. Some tribes never did shed the nomadic way, but cultivation of the soil seems to have been common by the time of the kings (2 Sm 14:30).<\/p>\n<p>Of the cereals raised, wheat was one of the most important. Solomon sent great amounts of it, along with barley and oil, to Hiram (2 Chr 2:10), and it continued to be a chief item of export (Ez 27:17). Barley was second in importance. In early times it was the chief ingredient of bread (Jgs 7:13); later it became an important food for the poorer classes (Jn 6:9, 13). It was also fed to cattle.<\/p>\n<p>Other field crops were beans and lentils (2 Sm 17:28), which were ground into meal and sometimes used for bread (Ez 4:9). Leeks, garlic, and onions were raised for seasoning, and cumin, coriander, dill, mint, rue, and mustard for spices. Flax was important (Jos 2:6). Some cotton was grown (Is 19:9). The fiber supply was supplemented with wool. By Roman times cotton had become much more important than flax.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"FruitRaising\">Fruit Raising<\/p>\n<p>When the Israelites became well settled, orchards and vineyards were planted and came to be symbols of prosperity. Vineyards supplied wine to drink. Olive orchards provided oil for cooking, cosmetics, and medicine. Figs and pomegranates were also grown. For all of these crops more skill and equipment became necessary.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Cultivating\">Cultivating<\/p>\n<p>Throughout biblical times, much of the labor for agriculture came from the farmer himself. To plant for the first time, it was necessary to clear the land of forest (Jos 17:18), stones (Is 5:2), weeds, and thorns. Sometimes the thin soil on hillsides was terraced, and sometimes irrigation was employed. Such tasks limited the size of farms so that only the wealthy, such as Job and Boaz, had large holdings.<\/p>\n<p>To till the land, farmers used oxen or cows to pull very primitive plows (Jgs 14:18; Am 6:12). Occasionally an ass was used (Dt 22:10). Clods were broken with a hoe or the driver’s goad. The surface was evened by drawing a simple harrow, perhaps only a thornbush, or a stoneboat over it. Seed was sown by hand, sometimes carefully in the furrow, and covered lightly with the harrow or stoneboat. Weeds were controlled by the plow, harrow, or hoe.<\/p>\n\n<p>Implements did not change much during Bible times. The plow consisted of an upright J-shaped piece of hardwood so fixed to be drawn by oxen at one end and held by the driver at the other. Such a primitive device could break up only four to five inches (10 to 13 centimeters) of soil. After the exodus, iron became available for the tip of the plow (1 Sm 13:20), but this served mainly to cut down wear on the point.<\/p>\n<p>The use of fertilizer was very limited on Palestinian farms. Of course, ceremonial law requiring that the soil lie fallow every seventh year helped to replenish water and nutrients, or at least delay their depletion. Manuring of fields was not common because dung was used for fuel. However, there is some mention of this practice in Scripture (Lk 13:8, where dung is placed around trees). There is mention in the Mishnah of the use of wood ashes, leaves, blood of slaughtered animals, and oil scum for fertilizer.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Harvesting\">Harvesting<\/p>\n<p>Seeding was done at the beginning of the rainy season and harvesting was begun at the end. Harvesting lasted at least seven weeks. Some crops were pulled up by the roots (pulse), others were dug with a hoe (some grain), but most were cut with a sickle. Iron sickles have been found in archaeological excavations, some with cutting edges set with flakes of flint. The cut grain was tied in sheaves (Ps 126:6) and cast into heaps to be transported to the threshing floor. Barley was harvested first and wheat last.<\/p>\n<p>Small quantities of grain, dill, cumin, and other small crops were beaten out with a flail (Jgs 6:11; Ru 2:17), but most grain was threshed on a floor placed on high ground so that the wind would carry off the chaff. The usual method was to scatter the loosened bundles of straw on the floor and to drive oxen over them to dislodge the grains. Sometimes heavy implements were drawn over the straw (Is 28:27; 41:15). These were weighted by stones and ridden by the driver. The resulting bits of straw, or chaff, were separated from the grain by a tedious winnowing process that involved throwing the material in the air with a fork or shovel (Is 30:24; Jer 15:7). The lighter straw would be blown to the edge of the floor, and the grain would collect at the feet of the worker. The chaff was burned or used as fodder. Grain was sifted (Am 9:9), shoveled into a heap, and later stored in covered pits in the field (Jer 41:8). Sometimes storehouses or granaries were used (Dt 28:8).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Plants; Harvest; Palestine; Vines, Vineyard; Food and Food Preparation.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>AGRICULTURE*<\/h3>\n<p>During Bible times agriculture took the same three main forms found in Palestine today. Emphasis on each of these has depended upon the social and technological status of the people.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Herding<\/p>\n<p>• Field Cropping<\/p>\n<p>• Fruit Raising<\/p>\n<p>• Cultivating<\/p>\n<p>• Harvesting<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Herding\">Herding<\/p>\n<p>Raising livestock is one of the first occupations mentioned in the Scriptures. Abel (Gn 4:2) and Jabal (Gn 4:20) were keepers of sheep or had cattle. This occupation fit the seminomadic life, providing both food and clothing while requiring a minimum of techniques and equipment.<\/p>\n<p>The patriarchs were mainly herdsmen, pasturing their sheep and cattle on common land and generally neglecting to till the soil. Jacob and his sons entered Egypt as shepherds (Gn 47:3). Later this pastoral life is still found in the tribes of Reuben, Gad, and the half-tribe of Manasseh in Transjordan (Nm 32:1) and in certain of the tribes dwelling in the western Palestinian hills (1 Sm 25:2). Herding continued to be a part of Hebrew agriculture even in postnomadic days, partly because the animals utilized less productive lands and partly because of the people’s traditions. Important among these traditions were the sacrifices performed in the temple.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"FieldCropping\">Field Cropping<\/p>\n<p>Most authorities agree that the Israelites learned field agriculture from the Canaanites, since contact with these people was contemporaneous with the settling of the Promised Land. The raising of grain is known to have existed before that time. Cain was a tiller of the soil (Gn 4:2), although it is uncertain what he raised. Archaeologists date the existence of grain farming to around 6800 <span>BC<\/span> in the Near East. Isaac sowed in Gerar (Gn 26:12), and Joseph dreamed of sheaves of grain (Gn 37:6-7). Joseph probably learned more about farming grain from the Egyptians, who raised it on the fertile soils of the Nile floodplain.<\/p>\n<p>Yet it was from contact with the Canaanites that Israelites began to raise grain. The productivity of Canaan was reported by Joshua and Caleb at Kadesh-barnea (Nm 13:26), and the Canaanites, who were later conquered, were no doubt made to initiate their conquerors into agricultural practices. Probably such a relationship contributed to the continual Israelite lapses into idolatry (Jgs 9:27). How rapidly they made the transition from the purely nomadic life is not clear. Some tribes never did shed the nomadic way, but cultivation of the soil seems to have been common by the time of the kings (2 Sm 14:30).<\/p>\n<p>Of the cereals raised, wheat was one of the most important. Solomon sent great amounts of it, along with barley and oil, to Hiram (2 Chr 2:10), and it continued to be a chief item of export (Ez 27:17). Barley was second in importance. In early times it was the chief ingredient of bread (Jgs 7:13); later it became an important food for the poorer classes (Jn 6:9, 13). It was also fed to cattle.<\/p>\n<p>Other field crops were beans and lentils (2 Sm 17:28), which were ground into meal and sometimes used for bread (Ez 4:9). Leeks, garlic, and onions were raised for seasoning, and cumin, coriander, dill, mint, rue, and mustard for spices. Flax was important (Jos 2:6). Some cotton was grown (Is 19:9). The fiber supply was supplemented with wool. By Roman times cotton had become much more important than flax.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"FruitRaising\">Fruit Raising<\/p>\n<p>When the Israelites became well settled, orchards and vineyards were planted and came to be symbols of prosperity. Vineyards supplied wine to drink. Olive orchards provided oil for cooking, cosmetics, and medicine. Figs and pomegranates were also grown. For all of these crops more skill and equipment became necessary.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Cultivating\">Cultivating<\/p>\n<p>Throughout biblical times, much of the labor for agriculture came from the farmer himself. To plant for the first time, it was necessary to clear the land of forest (Jos 17:18), stones (Is 5:2), weeds, and thorns. Sometimes the thin soil on hillsides was terraced, and sometimes irrigation was employed. Such tasks limited the size of farms so that only the wealthy, such as Job and Boaz, had large holdings.<\/p>\n<p>To till the land, farmers used oxen or cows to pull very primitive plows (Jgs 14:18; Am 6:12). Occasionally an ass was used (Dt 22:10). Clods were broken with a hoe or the driver’s goad. The surface was evened by drawing a simple harrow, perhaps only a thornbush, or a stoneboat over it. Seed was sown by hand, sometimes carefully in the furrow, and covered lightly with the harrow or stoneboat. Weeds were controlled by the plow, harrow, or hoe.<\/p>\n\n<p>Implements did not change much during Bible times. The plow consisted of an upright J-shaped piece of hardwood so fixed to be drawn by oxen at one end and held by the driver at the other. Such a primitive device could break up only four to five inches (10 to 13 centimeters) of soil. After the exodus, iron became available for the tip of the plow (1 Sm 13:20), but this served mainly to cut down wear on the point.<\/p>\n<p>The use of fertilizer was very limited on Palestinian farms. Of course, ceremonial law requiring that the soil lie fallow every seventh year helped to replenish water and nutrients, or at least delay their depletion. Manuring of fields was not common because dung was used for fuel. However, there is some mention of this practice in Scripture (Lk 13:8, where dung is placed around trees). There is mention in the Mishnah of the use of wood ashes, leaves, blood of slaughtered animals, and oil scum for fertilizer.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Harvesting\">Harvesting<\/p>\n<p>Seeding was done at the beginning of the rainy season and harvesting was begun at the end. Harvesting lasted at least seven weeks. Some crops were pulled up by the roots (pulse), others were dug with a hoe (some grain), but most were cut with a sickle. Iron sickles have been found in archaeological excavations, some with cutting edges set with flakes of flint. The cut grain was tied in sheaves (Ps 126:6) and cast into heaps to be transported to the threshing floor. Barley was harvested first and wheat last.<\/p>\n<p>Small quantities of grain, dill, cumin, and other small crops were beaten out with a flail (Jgs 6:11; Ru 2:17), but most grain was threshed on a floor placed on high ground so that the wind would carry off the chaff. The usual method was to scatter the loosened bundles of straw on the floor and to drive oxen over them to dislodge the grains. Sometimes heavy implements were drawn over the straw (Is 28:27; 41:15). These were weighted by stones and ridden by the driver. The resulting bits of straw, or chaff, were separated from the grain by a tedious winnowing process that involved throwing the material in the air with a fork or shovel (Is 30:24; Jer 15:7). The lighter straw would be blown to the edge of the floor, and the grain would collect at the feet of the worker. The chaff was burned or used as fodder. Grain was sifted (Am 9:9), shoveled into a heap, and later stored in covered pits in the field (Jer 41:8). Sometimes storehouses or granaries were used (Dt 28:8).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Plants; Harvest; Palestine; Vines, Vineyard; Food and Food Preparation.<\/p>","summary_ro":"AGRICULTURE* During Bible times agriculture took the same three main forms found in Palestine today. Emphasis on each of these has depended upon the social and technological status of the people. Preview • Herding • Field Cropping • Fruit Raising • Cultivating • Harvesting Herding Raising livestock is one of the first occupations mentioned in the Scriptures. Abel (Gn 4:2) and Jabal (Gn 4:20) were keepers of sheep or had cattle. This occupation fit the seminomadic life, providing both food and...","summary_en":"AGRICULTURE* During Bible times agriculture took the same three main forms found in Palestine today. Emphasis on each of these has depended upon the social and technological status of the people. Preview • Herding • Field Cropping • Fruit Raising • Cultivating • Harvesting Herding Raising livestock is one of the first occupations mentioned in the Scriptures. Abel (Gn 4:2) and Jabal (Gn 4:20) were keepers of sheep or had cattle. This occupation fit the seminomadic life, providing both food and...","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":9864,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Dreams","title_en":"Dreams","content_ro":"<h3>DREAMS<\/h3>\n<p>Thoughts, images, or emotions occurring during sleep. Dreams have always fascinated people; the events experienced in dreams are too vivid and real to be ignored.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"AncientUnderstanding\">Ancient Understanding<\/p>\n<p>From the earliest times people viewed dreams as a mystery, provoking speculation about another actual sphere of existence in which the person lived and acted while the body slept. Dreams, especially those of emperors and kings, were held to be messages from the gods.<\/p>\n<p>Ancient recorded dreams focused on three main areas: religion, politics, and personal destiny. Religious dreams called for piety and devotion to the gods. Political dreams supposedly forecast the outcome of battles and the future destiny of nations. Personal dreams guided family decisions and presaged serious crises.<\/p>\n<p>Sometimes the god took the initiative and forewarned the person about something unexpected. Sometimes the ruler or general would go to a pagan temple or holy place and sleep there, hoping to bring on a dream that would help him cope with some serious problem. In some dreams the message was clear; more often it had to be discovered by individuals who specialized in dream interpretation. Records were kept concerning specific dreams and the subsequent events.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"OldTestamentUse\">Old Testament Use<\/p>\n<p>Dreams played an important part in the lives of God’s people. Of the nearly 120 references to dreams in the OT, 52 come in Genesis during the early patriarchal period and 29 in the book of Daniel. In reality, however, only 14 specific dreams are recorded in the OT. Most of them are in Genesis and reflect God’s direct revelation to the patriarchs. Even Daniel tells about only two of Nebuchadnezzar’s dreams—the large, manlike image and the gigantic tree chopped down—and his own dream about the four beasts and the Ancient of Days.<\/p>\n<p>The OT understanding of dreams had several significant features. Like the rest of the ancient world, people of God believed that God communicated in dreams. Yet there is in the OT accounts a reserve that is lacking in the perverse and obscene scenes often described in pagan dream records. Another distinction is that God is the initiator; he gives the revelatory dreams when, where, and to whom he pleases—a truth painfully learned by Saul (1 Sm 28:6, 15). More significantly, the secular approach to interpretation was specifically rejected. Understanding of dream symbols came not by research in dream books or by natural human ability. When Joseph interpreted the dreams of his two Egyptian fellow prisoners and later of the pharaoh himself, he insisted on giving full credit to God (Gn 40:8; 41:7, 25, 28, 39). Similarly, Daniel informed Nebuchadnezzar that the God in heaven who reveals secrets would make known the king’s dream and its meaning, in which task professional dream interpreters had failed (Dn 2:27-28).<\/p>\n<p>Unlike their neighbors, the OT saints knew that a dream was a “vision of the night” (Jb 33:15), and figuratively represented the spiritual realm (Jb 20:8; Pss 73:20; 126:1; Is 29:7-8).<\/p>\n<p>God used dreams in OT days to protect his servants (Gn 20), to reveal himself to people in a special way (28:12), to provide guidance in specific circumstances (31:10-13), and to forewarn about personal future events (37:5-20). Dreams were also used to predict the history of nations (chs 40–41) and to foretell the four great successive world empires that would be replaced by God’s eternal kingdom (Dn 4:19-27).<\/p>\n<p>During the approximately 1,000 years between Joseph and Daniel, only two dreams are recorded. One assured Gideon that God would defeat the Midianites (Jgs 7:13-15); the other concerns how Solomon became so wise after his humble, unselfish request for “an understanding heart” (1 Kgs 3:9, 15) thoroughly pleased God.<\/p>\n<p>In the final OT dreams, God gave Nebuchadnezzar an overview of future world history (Dn 2:31-45) and a prediction of the king’s temporary insanity (4:19-27). Daniel’s dream of the four beasts was similar to the king’s first dreams, but with added details concerning future international relations (7:13-14).<\/p>\n<p>Dreams were seen as one means by which God would speak to prophets (Nm 12:6). But how could the people of God distinguish a true prophet from an imposter? God gave two tests: the ability to predict the immediate future (Dt 18:22) and the consistency of the message with previously revealed truth (13:1-4). False prophets were put to death (v 5). False prophecy was a serious problem in the days of Jeremiah (Jer 23:25-32) and Zechariah (Zec 10:2). Despite repeated warnings by Jeremiah (Jer 23:32; 27:9-10; 29:8-9), the people preferred to listen to the false prophets with their empty messages of hope. Dreams were also a part of Israel’s prophetic hope (Jl 2:28).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"NewTestamentUse\">New Testament Use<\/p>\n<p>The few specific dreams in the NT all come from Matthew, five of these in the first two chapters. They emphasize the divine care and protection of the baby Jesus. First, there was God’s provision that Jesus would grow up in a home with a father and mother and thus avoid the cruelty and shame of being unjustly called an illegitimate child (Mt 1:19-23). Then the wise men were instructed in a dream not to tell Herod where Jesus was living (2:12). Jesus was further protected from jealous King Herod by the dream that told Joseph to flee to Egypt with Mary and the child (v 13). On Herod’s death, Joseph was divinely advised in a dream to return home from Egypt (v 20). Finally, God warned Joseph to avoid Judea, where Herod’s evil son Archelaus reigned, and to settle in Galilee instead (v 22).<\/p>\n<p>The only other specific dream mentioned in the NT prompted Pilate’s wife to warn her husband, “Don’t have anything to do with that innocent man” (Mt 27:19, <span>niv<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Prophecy; Visions.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>DREAMS<\/h3>\n<p>Thoughts, images, or emotions occurring during sleep. Dreams have always fascinated people; the events experienced in dreams are too vivid and real to be ignored.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"AncientUnderstanding\">Ancient Understanding<\/p>\n<p>From the earliest times people viewed dreams as a mystery, provoking speculation about another actual sphere of existence in which the person lived and acted while the body slept. Dreams, especially those of emperors and kings, were held to be messages from the gods.<\/p>\n<p>Ancient recorded dreams focused on three main areas: religion, politics, and personal destiny. Religious dreams called for piety and devotion to the gods. Political dreams supposedly forecast the outcome of battles and the future destiny of nations. Personal dreams guided family decisions and presaged serious crises.<\/p>\n<p>Sometimes the god took the initiative and forewarned the person about something unexpected. Sometimes the ruler or general would go to a pagan temple or holy place and sleep there, hoping to bring on a dream that would help him cope with some serious problem. In some dreams the message was clear; more often it had to be discovered by individuals who specialized in dream interpretation. Records were kept concerning specific dreams and the subsequent events.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"OldTestamentUse\">Old Testament Use<\/p>\n<p>Dreams played an important part in the lives of God’s people. Of the nearly 120 references to dreams in the OT, 52 come in Genesis during the early patriarchal period and 29 in the book of Daniel. In reality, however, only 14 specific dreams are recorded in the OT. Most of them are in Genesis and reflect God’s direct revelation to the patriarchs. Even Daniel tells about only two of Nebuchadnezzar’s dreams—the large, manlike image and the gigantic tree chopped down—and his own dream about the four beasts and the Ancient of Days.<\/p>\n<p>The OT understanding of dreams had several significant features. Like the rest of the ancient world, people of God believed that God communicated in dreams. Yet there is in the OT accounts a reserve that is lacking in the perverse and obscene scenes often described in pagan dream records. Another distinction is that God is the initiator; he gives the revelatory dreams when, where, and to whom he pleases—a truth painfully learned by Saul (1 Sm 28:6, 15). More significantly, the secular approach to interpretation was specifically rejected. Understanding of dream symbols came not by research in dream books or by natural human ability. When Joseph interpreted the dreams of his two Egyptian fellow prisoners and later of the pharaoh himself, he insisted on giving full credit to God (Gn 40:8; 41:7, 25, 28, 39). Similarly, Daniel informed Nebuchadnezzar that the God in heaven who reveals secrets would make known the king’s dream and its meaning, in which task professional dream interpreters had failed (Dn 2:27-28).<\/p>\n<p>Unlike their neighbors, the OT saints knew that a dream was a “vision of the night” (Jb 33:15), and figuratively represented the spiritual realm (Jb 20:8; Pss 73:20; 126:1; Is 29:7-8).<\/p>\n<p>God used dreams in OT days to protect his servants (Gn 20), to reveal himself to people in a special way (28:12), to provide guidance in specific circumstances (31:10-13), and to forewarn about personal future events (37:5-20). Dreams were also used to predict the history of nations (chs 40–41) and to foretell the four great successive world empires that would be replaced by God’s eternal kingdom (Dn 4:19-27).<\/p>\n<p>During the approximately 1,000 years between Joseph and Daniel, only two dreams are recorded. One assured Gideon that God would defeat the Midianites (Jgs 7:13-15); the other concerns how Solomon became so wise after his humble, unselfish request for “an understanding heart” (1 Kgs 3:9, 15) thoroughly pleased God.<\/p>\n<p>In the final OT dreams, God gave Nebuchadnezzar an overview of future world history (Dn 2:31-45) and a prediction of the king’s temporary insanity (4:19-27). Daniel’s dream of the four beasts was similar to the king’s first dreams, but with added details concerning future international relations (7:13-14).<\/p>\n<p>Dreams were seen as one means by which God would speak to prophets (Nm 12:6). But how could the people of God distinguish a true prophet from an imposter? God gave two tests: the ability to predict the immediate future (Dt 18:22) and the consistency of the message with previously revealed truth (13:1-4). False prophets were put to death (v 5). False prophecy was a serious problem in the days of Jeremiah (Jer 23:25-32) and Zechariah (Zec 10:2). Despite repeated warnings by Jeremiah (Jer 23:32; 27:9-10; 29:8-9), the people preferred to listen to the false prophets with their empty messages of hope. Dreams were also a part of Israel’s prophetic hope (Jl 2:28).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"NewTestamentUse\">New Testament Use<\/p>\n<p>The few specific dreams in the NT all come from Matthew, five of these in the first two chapters. They emphasize the divine care and protection of the baby Jesus. First, there was God’s provision that Jesus would grow up in a home with a father and mother and thus avoid the cruelty and shame of being unjustly called an illegitimate child (Mt 1:19-23). Then the wise men were instructed in a dream not to tell Herod where Jesus was living (2:12). Jesus was further protected from jealous King Herod by the dream that told Joseph to flee to Egypt with Mary and the child (v 13). On Herod’s death, Joseph was divinely advised in a dream to return home from Egypt (v 20). Finally, God warned Joseph to avoid Judea, where Herod’s evil son Archelaus reigned, and to settle in Galilee instead (v 22).<\/p>\n<p>The only other specific dream mentioned in the NT prompted Pilate’s wife to warn her husband, “Don’t have anything to do with that innocent man” (Mt 27:19, <span>niv<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Prophecy; Visions.<\/p>","summary_ro":"DREAMS Thoughts, images, or emotions occurring during sleep. Dreams have always fascinated people; the events experienced in dreams are too vivid and real to be ignored. Ancient Understanding From the earliest times people viewed dreams as a mystery, provoking speculation about another actual sphere of existence in which the person lived and acted while the body slept. Dreams, especially those of emperors and kings, were held to be messages from the gods. Ancient recorded dreams focused on th...","summary_en":"DREAMS Thoughts, images, or emotions occurring during sleep. Dreams have always fascinated people; the events experienced in dreams are too vivid and real to be ignored. Ancient Understanding From the earliest times people viewed dreams as a mystery, provoking speculation about another actual sphere of existence in which the person lived and acted while the body slept. Dreams, especially those of emperors and kings, were held to be messages from the gods. Ancient recorded dreams focused on th...","source":"Articles\/D.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":12488,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Food and Food Preparation","title_en":"Food and Food Preparation","content_ro":"<h3>FOOD AND FOOD PREPARATION<\/h3>\n<p>Substances required by the body to sustain life, and the methods of making them edible. Food consumed in Bible times included bread, milk products, fruit, meat, and fish. Food was also offered sacrificially or given as gifts. The availability of food was a perpetual concern because of the recurrent scarcity: droughts were frequent (2 Kgs 4:38; Jer 14:1, 4-6; Hg 1:11), hailstorms wrought devastation among crops (Hg 2:17), farming was frequently interrupted by warfare with neighboring nations (2 Kgs 6:25), and intermittent plagues of locusts ravaged large areas.<\/p>\n<p>Food was more plentiful in Palestine (described as a “land flowing with milk and honey”) than in many other parts of the Near East. Shallow cultivation of the soil, however, made crops highly reliant on regular rainfall. Egyptian crops were far less susceptible to weather variations, because the Nile provided a dependable source of water.<\/p>\n<p>Food shortages were considered warnings or punishment from God (Lam 4:9, 11; Am 4:6-9) to teach the Hebrews that life is more than food and that faith must continue despite scarcity, famine, or even death (Dt 8:3; Hb 3:17-18).<\/p>\n<p>The staples of nomadic Hebrews were milk, curds, and cheese. As the people became more stationary, they grew grains and vegetables and planted orchards and vineyards. Grain would sometimes be grown for a season, and then after the harvest, the tribes would move their flocks to other pastures and find other arable land. Religious sacrifices and festivals were times not only of solemnity but also of rejoicing and great feasting. Victories were also celebrated with banquets and feasting on the food obtained from the camp of the vanquished enemy.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Dairy Products<\/p>\n<p>• Grain Crops<\/p>\n<p>• Animal Products<\/p>\n<p>• Insects and Their Food Products<\/p>\n<p>• Vegetables and Seasoning<\/p>\n<p>• Fruits, Nuts, and Wine<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"DairyProducts\">Dairy Products<\/p>\n<p>Milk and its by-products formed a vital part of the Hebrew diet (see Jgs 4:19). Goat’s milk was most frequently used, although milk from camels, cows, and sheep was also available (Gn 32:15; Dt 32:14; Prv 27:27).<\/p>\n<p>Since fresh milk could not be preserved in Palestine’s hot climate, it was processed into buttermilk, curds, and cheese. Milk was poured into goatskins, where it soured and thickened because of the nonsterile condition of the previously used skins and the movement as it was transported. That movement of the pouch (often made from a cow’s stomach, containing the enzyme rennin used in cheese making) produced curds. Curds are first mentioned in the Bible as part of the meal that Abraham provided for his extraordinary guests (Gn 18:8).<\/p>\n<p>The Hebrew word for curds <em>(<\/em><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">chena<\/span><em>)<\/em> is also translated “butter” (Jb 10:10). This butter would be similar in consistency to yogurt from which the water has been squeezed out. When pressed and rolled into small balls, it kept indefinitely, despite the climate. Thus, compressed curds were particularly valuable for journeys in arid regions where food was scarce.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"GrainCrops\">Grain Crops<\/p>\n<p>The most frequently mentioned food in the Bible is bread. The term refers in a general sense to all foods but more particularly to food prepared from grain. In biblical times bread was prepared from several grains. Wheat, barley, and spelt were grown in Egypt (Ex 9:31-32).<\/p>\n<p>An Egyptian physician named Sinuhe, living in the mid-20th century <span>BC<\/span>, recorded that bread was baked daily in Palestine and Syria, and it is probable that it was served with every meal. This bread was probably a wafer or flat cake made from barley or emmer (an inferior form of wheat), since these were the two grain crops that Sinuhe mentioned seeing. Wheat was the most expensive grain. Fine wheat flour was a luxury only the rich could afford (Gn 18:6; Ez 16:13, 19). In later periods wheat became a valuable export crop that was shipped from Tyre to other ports in the Mediterranean.<\/p>\n<p>Because barley could grow in less productive soil and was more tolerant of drought conditions, it became a popular grain crop in the ancient Near East. Barley could also be harvested several weeks earlier than wheat. Barley bread (Jgs 7:13; 2 Kgs 4:42) and barley cakes (Ez 4:12) were eaten by the average laborer. Jesus miraculously multiplied a young boy’s five barley loaves and two fishes and fed five thousand (Jn 6:9-13).<\/p>\n<p>Millet, a cereal with a small grain head growing on a stalk less than two feet (.6 meter) high, and spelt, a type of wheat, were also used in times of need as a border around the edges of fields.<\/p>\n<p>The most primitive way of processing grain was to rub the ears between the hands to separate the kernels, as Jesus and his disciples did (Lk 6:1). To perform this act on the Sabbath (the day of rest) was considered the equivalent of reaping and was therefore forbidden.<\/p>\n<p>Parching (roasting the grain lightly in a pan) was another simple method of preparation (Jos 5:11; 1 Sm 17:17). It formed a quick and easy meal for laborers or kings (Ru 2:14; 1 Sm 25:18; 2 Sm 17:28). Parched corn was ideal for taking on journeys.<\/p>\n<p>Bread making was a strenuous task. Mortars, pestles, and simple mills with upper and lower stones were used for grinding flour in ancient Egypt around 2900 <span>BC<\/span>. These primitive mills were normally placed on the ground, and one was compelled to kneel in order to do the backbreaking work. The resulting meal was coarse and filled with small pieces of husk.<\/p>\n<p>When the flour had been prepared, water was added and the mixture was kneaded in a special trough. The dough could then be made immediately into cakes, pancakes, or unleavened bread (Gn 19:3). These flat cakes or wafers were often baked on previously heated stones, on the inner walls of small conical ovens, or in larger communal ovens. Leaven was added to make a lighter dough. The leaven was normally a piece of dough left over from an earlier mixing and allowed to ferment before being used. The flour meal was also mixed with a porridge made of lentil beans in order to stretch the food supply.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"AnimalProducts\">Animal Products<\/p>\n<p>The introduction of meat as part of the diet seems to have coincided with the time when Noah and his family left the ark (Gn 9:3). After this time, however, the animals normally eaten for food were so valuable that only the wealthy could afford to slaughter them. So in biblical times the peasant had a simple, somewhat monotonous diet, while the rich feasted on meat, delicacies, and imported commodities. As a result, meat was a luxury item that the poor would rarely enjoy except on such occasions as the Passover celebration or sacrifices in which the worshiper ate part of the offering (Ex 12:8). Although it was clearly uneconomic to slaughter an animal that produced such staples as milk, curds, and cheese, the rules of hospitality in the Near East dictated that an animal should be killed to entertain an honored guest (2 Sm 12:2-4).<\/p>\n<p>Domestic sheep, goats, and oxen provided the main source of meat, although venison was popular with the upper classes. When the blind Isaac was deceived by his son Jacob, the father was offered the luxury of both kid’s meat and wild game (Gn 27:3, 9, 19). The ox kept in a stall or the fatted calf were reserved for occasions of great festivity (Mt 22:4).<\/p>\n<p>The use of meat for sacrifice was given definitive form in the provisions of Leviticus and Deuteronomy. The Law forbade anyone to slaughter an animal and its offspring on the same day (Lv 22:28). Another prohibition, perhaps directed at pagan Canaanite sacrificial rituals, would not allow a kid to be stewed or poached in its mother’s milk (Dt 14:21). Mosaic law was emphatic in prohibiting the consumption of blood in any form. Animal blood was considered the source of the animal’s life and was offered by priests as a sacrifice to God to atone for human sin (Lv 17:11). In the Mosaic law, pigs, camels, badgers, and rabbits were considered unclean and were therefore forbidden for food, principally on hygienic grounds (11:4-8).<\/p>\n<p>In the ancient world, meat was usually boiled or stewed. Roasting an ox or a kid would usually occur only as part of a special feast or sacrificial ritual. Animals might also be roasted for members of the royal palace or for a king’s special guests.<\/p>\n<p>Despite the fact that hunting was enjoyed by all who were able to participate, wild game provided only a minor part of the diet. Among the game found in Palestine and mentioned in the Bible are gazelle, roebuck, wild goat, and deer (Dt 14:5; 1 Kgs 4:23). It is probable that pheasants were available, and there were certainly turtledoves, pigeons, quails, and partridges, although the precise quantities of food that these birds provided is not certain (Gn 15:9; Ex 16:13). Goose was the most popular dish in Egypt, and marsh ducks were also highly esteemed as game. After the Persian period, chickens were eaten (2 Esd 1:30), and eggs and omelettes were popular in Rome in early Christian times. The eggs mentioned in Deuteronomy are probably wild birds’ eggs (Dt 22:6-7; cf. Is 10:14).<\/p>\n<p>Thirty varieties of fish were available in the Jordan, and an extensive fishing industry existed on the shores of the Sea of Galilee at the time of Christ. Supplies of fish were readily available from the Mediterranean coast during the Roman period, but at an earlier time the fish supply depended to a large extent upon whichever nation had control of the coastline. In the postexilic period the people of Tyre supplied the city of Jerusalem with fish, which were sold near the Fish Gate (Neh 3:3). In the regulations concerning the types of fish suitable for food, only those that had fins and scales were acceptable (Lv 11:9-12).<\/p>\n<p>In NT times many of the distinctions concerning food were eliminated. In the Gospel of Mark, Jesus, challenging the Pharisees’ hypocrisy, upset the Jewish food laws by saying that evil thoughts, not certain foods, make a person unclean (Mk 7:19). As Christianity spread into gentile areas, there was, however, a continuing concern about eating meat that had been offered to idols. The question came to a head in Corinth. The apostle Paul maintained that though the meat was acceptable, one should take care not to cause spiritual damage to another Christian with a more sensitive conscience.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"InsectsandTheirFoodProducts\">Insects and Their Food Products<\/p>\n<p>Wild honey was found in Palestine, but there is no evidence of bee-keeping. Egyptians, however, did practice beekeeping at that time.<\/p>\n<p>The honeycomb is mentioned specifically in 1 Samuel 14:27 and Song of Songs 5:1; liquid honey is referred to in 1 Kings 14:3. Honey was to be found in crevices of rocks and on trees (Dt 32:13). It was the primary sweetener in cooking. Although it could not be used in a sacrifice to the Lord (Lv 2:11), honey was prized as a delicacy. In the 15th century <span>BC<\/span>, when Thutmose III was campaigning in Syria and Palestine, he brought back vast quantities of honey as tribute from his newly conquered lands.<\/p>\n<p>Locusts were probably first eaten in desperation after they had devastated crops. They are one of the few insects mentioned as a permissible source of food (Lv 11:22). Locusts were fried in flour or honey, or were preserved by being dried. Locusts and wild honey formed John the Baptist’s basic diet in the wilderness (Mt 3:4; Mk 1:6). Although locusts contain little protein, they are rich in fat and have some mineral content.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"VegetablesandSeasoning\">Vegetables and Seasoning<\/p>\n<p>The Hebrew people wandering in the Sinai wilderness bemoaned the loss of the flavorful vegetables they had become accustomed to during their Egyptian captivity. In particular, they expressed a longing for cucumbers, melons (possibly watermelons), leeks, onions, and garlic (Nm 11:5). Many of these vegetables were later grown in Palestine (particularly in the Gaza). When cucumbers were first cultivated, they were regarded as luxury items and had to be protected by guards who lived in shacks overlooking the gardens (Is 1:8). Beans, lentils, and parched grain were among the items brought to David and his soldiers at Mahanaim (2 Sm 17:28). Lentils were known in Egypt from at least the 13th century <span>BC<\/span> and were used extensively both then and in later times by the Israelites. Lentil soup is mentioned in Genesis 25:34.<\/p>\n<p>In times of hunger the husks of the carob tree, normally fed to cattle, could be used for food. These would have been most acceptable to the prodigal son (Lk 15:16). There were many kinds of green herbs that could provide a meal for the poor in time of need (Prv 15:17). In cases of extreme hunger, some kinds of mallow and juniper roots could also be used as food. In Elisha’s time a group of prophets at Gilgal prepared a stew of wild vegetables, to which they mistakenly added poisonous wild gourds. Elisha rectified the situation by adding meal to the pot (2 Kgs 4:38-41). While there is no actual record of the kinds of bitter herbs used as part of the Passover offering (Ex 12:8; Nm 9:11), mint and cummin were most probably included. Dill, cummin, rue, and mint were common garden herbs (Mt 23:23; Lk 11:42).<\/p>\n<p>Seasonings were welcome additives to the rather bland character of typical Israelite fare. Salt came mainly from the Dead Sea area and was essential as a seasoning and preserving agent. Salt was so important in the diet that it became part of the vocabulary of moral obligation. The sharing of salt with a person at a meal sealed a covenant or pact (Nm 18:19). In the Levitical sacrificial ritual, salt was part of meat and cereal offerings, since it signified the sealing of God’s covenant with Israel (Lv 2:13; Ez 43:24).<\/p>\n<p>The mustard tree, which was probably grown for its oil content, grew from a minute seed to the height of 15 feet (4.5 meters) (Mt 13:31-32). Anise, coriander, and cinnamon were also available (Ex 16:31; Nm 11:7). Perhaps the most popular and widely used spice, apart from salt, was garlic. Vinegar was also probably used as a flavoring agent and a preservative. From the number of seeds and plants found in Egyptian tombs from the 18th dynasty, it is obvious that the use of seasoning was widespread in antiquity.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"FruitsNutsandWine\">Fruits, Nuts, and Wine<\/p>\n<p>Olive trees grew abundantly in Palestine and were an excellent source of food and oil. Even in poor soil, one tree could sufficiently supply a family for a whole year. Some green olives were pickled in brine and eaten with bread, but the olive was most important as a source of oil. Olive oil was used in baking bread and cakes and in frying foods. The best quality olive oil was used in the temple sacrifices.<\/p>\n<p>Oil was extracted from olives by a simple process: for the finest quality oil, olives were picked before fully ripe and then crushed by hand with a stone mortar and pestle. Usually, however, pickers beat the olives from trees with long poles and collected them in baskets. The oil was then trodden out, probably in the same vat used for grapes (Mi 6:15), which were harvested approximately four weeks later.<\/p>\n<p>An oil mill was developed subsequently, and the heavy upper grinding stone was turned by two people. As the oil dripped through, it was collected in another stone vat and was allowed to settle and purify. When refined, the oil was stored in skins or jars.<\/p>\n<p>Fig trees grew in all areas of Palestine. They required little attention and provided two or three crops per year. The most abundant of these was the second, which ripened in late summer. The first figs of the season were considered a great delicacy (Is 28:4; Mi 7:1). The prophet Hosea suggested that the Israelites were like the firstfruits of the fig tree (Hos 9:10). Another prophet, Jeremiah, spoke of those who had gone into exile as being like the first figs, while those who were left behind were the bad figs, fit only for destruction (Jer 24:1-10).<\/p>\n<p>Figs were usually eaten fresh from the trees, but some were pressed into cakes to use when traveling (1 Sm 25:18; 30:12; 1 Chr 12:40). Figs were also valuable for medicinal purposes, since effective poultices could be made from them (2 Kgs 20:7; Is 38:21). Sycamore trees produced small, figlike fruit eaten primarily by the poor. A short time before harvest, the fruit was slightly incised, making it swell and ripen more quickly. The prophet Amos notched sycamore fruit before he was called by God (Am 7:14).<\/p>\n<p>Fruit from the date palm could also have been pressed into flat cakes for travelers, as figs were. The Bible, however, makes no specific reference to its fruit as food (see Jgs 4:5; Ps 92:12; Jl 1:12; Jn 12:13).<\/p>\n<p>Another popular Near Eastern fruit was the red pomegranate. It was eaten whole, or the seeds were pressed to provide a refreshing drink. The pomegranate is mentioned in temple ritual as one of the fruits brought back from Canaan to Moses by his spies (Ex 28:33) and as an exotic drink (Sg 8:2). The “apple” mentioned in Scripture (Prv 25:11; Sg 2:5) was most likely a type of apricot or quince, not an apple as we know it today. Nuts were used for additional flavor in cooking. Almonds and pistachio nuts were among the gifts sent by Jacob to ransom his sons (Gn 43:11).<\/p>\n<p>Grapes were popular and plentiful from the early Bronze Age. In addition to being eaten fresh from the vine, grapes were dried as raisins (Nm 6:3; 1 Sm 25:18) or pressed, their juice drunk either as new wine or fermented into an alcoholic drink. One of the duties of the cup-bearer in ancient royal courts was to provide grape juice or wine for the king, his family, and guests (Gn 40:9-13).<\/p>\n<p>The juice of grapes also provided vinegar when wine deteriorated. Vinegar was used as a flavoring agent in cooking and as a preservative. When diluted with water, it supplied a refreshing drink for workers in the fields. A type of jelly was made in the Near East by boiling grapes until they assumed the consistency of molasses. This syrup could also be used as a sweetening agent in cooking.<\/p>\n<p>Wine was the universal drink in antiquity. It could be diluted with water or mixed with spices or honey to make a mulled wine (Sg 8:2; Is 5:22). The Hebrew word for “banquet” or “feast” literally means “drinking,” which reveals much of the character of such occasions. A certain amount of merriment was considered proper at a festival or banquet (Gn 43:34; Jgs 9:13; Lk 5:34).<\/p>\n<p>Wine making was similar in many respects to the production of olive oil. Clusters of grapes were cut from the vine with a sickle, collected in baskets, and taken to the winepress, where they were trodden by men and women. The juice ran into a lower vat, where, under the hot sun, fermentation began almost immediately. The wine was left to settle so that any twigs or skins would form a sediment; after that the wine could be strained off. In about six weeks the wine was ready to drink or store in earthenware jars or wineskins.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Animals; Bread; Family Life and Relations; Leaven; Meals, Significance of; Plants; Unleavened Bread.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>FOOD AND FOOD PREPARATION<\/h3>\n<p>Substances required by the body to sustain life, and the methods of making them edible. Food consumed in Bible times included bread, milk products, fruit, meat, and fish. Food was also offered sacrificially or given as gifts. The availability of food was a perpetual concern because of the recurrent scarcity: droughts were frequent (2 Kgs 4:38; Jer 14:1, 4-6; Hg 1:11), hailstorms wrought devastation among crops (Hg 2:17), farming was frequently interrupted by warfare with neighboring nations (2 Kgs 6:25), and intermittent plagues of locusts ravaged large areas.<\/p>\n<p>Food was more plentiful in Palestine (described as a “land flowing with milk and honey”) than in many other parts of the Near East. Shallow cultivation of the soil, however, made crops highly reliant on regular rainfall. Egyptian crops were far less susceptible to weather variations, because the Nile provided a dependable source of water.<\/p>\n<p>Food shortages were considered warnings or punishment from God (Lam 4:9, 11; Am 4:6-9) to teach the Hebrews that life is more than food and that faith must continue despite scarcity, famine, or even death (Dt 8:3; Hb 3:17-18).<\/p>\n<p>The staples of nomadic Hebrews were milk, curds, and cheese. As the people became more stationary, they grew grains and vegetables and planted orchards and vineyards. Grain would sometimes be grown for a season, and then after the harvest, the tribes would move their flocks to other pastures and find other arable land. Religious sacrifices and festivals were times not only of solemnity but also of rejoicing and great feasting. Victories were also celebrated with banquets and feasting on the food obtained from the camp of the vanquished enemy.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Dairy Products<\/p>\n<p>• Grain Crops<\/p>\n<p>• Animal Products<\/p>\n<p>• Insects and Their Food Products<\/p>\n<p>• Vegetables and Seasoning<\/p>\n<p>• Fruits, Nuts, and Wine<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"DairyProducts\">Dairy Products<\/p>\n<p>Milk and its by-products formed a vital part of the Hebrew diet (see Jgs 4:19). Goat’s milk was most frequently used, although milk from camels, cows, and sheep was also available (Gn 32:15; Dt 32:14; Prv 27:27).<\/p>\n<p>Since fresh milk could not be preserved in Palestine’s hot climate, it was processed into buttermilk, curds, and cheese. Milk was poured into goatskins, where it soured and thickened because of the nonsterile condition of the previously used skins and the movement as it was transported. That movement of the pouch (often made from a cow’s stomach, containing the enzyme rennin used in cheese making) produced curds. Curds are first mentioned in the Bible as part of the meal that Abraham provided for his extraordinary guests (Gn 18:8).<\/p>\n<p>The Hebrew word for curds <em>(<\/em><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">chena<\/span><em>)<\/em> is also translated “butter” (Jb 10:10). This butter would be similar in consistency to yogurt from which the water has been squeezed out. When pressed and rolled into small balls, it kept indefinitely, despite the climate. Thus, compressed curds were particularly valuable for journeys in arid regions where food was scarce.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"GrainCrops\">Grain Crops<\/p>\n<p>The most frequently mentioned food in the Bible is bread. The term refers in a general sense to all foods but more particularly to food prepared from grain. In biblical times bread was prepared from several grains. Wheat, barley, and spelt were grown in Egypt (Ex 9:31-32).<\/p>\n<p>An Egyptian physician named Sinuhe, living in the mid-20th century <span>BC<\/span>, recorded that bread was baked daily in Palestine and Syria, and it is probable that it was served with every meal. This bread was probably a wafer or flat cake made from barley or emmer (an inferior form of wheat), since these were the two grain crops that Sinuhe mentioned seeing. Wheat was the most expensive grain. Fine wheat flour was a luxury only the rich could afford (Gn 18:6; Ez 16:13, 19). In later periods wheat became a valuable export crop that was shipped from Tyre to other ports in the Mediterranean.<\/p>\n<p>Because barley could grow in less productive soil and was more tolerant of drought conditions, it became a popular grain crop in the ancient Near East. Barley could also be harvested several weeks earlier than wheat. Barley bread (Jgs 7:13; 2 Kgs 4:42) and barley cakes (Ez 4:12) were eaten by the average laborer. Jesus miraculously multiplied a young boy’s five barley loaves and two fishes and fed five thousand (Jn 6:9-13).<\/p>\n<p>Millet, a cereal with a small grain head growing on a stalk less than two feet (.6 meter) high, and spelt, a type of wheat, were also used in times of need as a border around the edges of fields.<\/p>\n<p>The most primitive way of processing grain was to rub the ears between the hands to separate the kernels, as Jesus and his disciples did (Lk 6:1). To perform this act on the Sabbath (the day of rest) was considered the equivalent of reaping and was therefore forbidden.<\/p>\n<p>Parching (roasting the grain lightly in a pan) was another simple method of preparation (Jos 5:11; 1 Sm 17:17). It formed a quick and easy meal for laborers or kings (Ru 2:14; 1 Sm 25:18; 2 Sm 17:28). Parched corn was ideal for taking on journeys.<\/p>\n<p>Bread making was a strenuous task. Mortars, pestles, and simple mills with upper and lower stones were used for grinding flour in ancient Egypt around 2900 <span>BC<\/span>. These primitive mills were normally placed on the ground, and one was compelled to kneel in order to do the backbreaking work. The resulting meal was coarse and filled with small pieces of husk.<\/p>\n<p>When the flour had been prepared, water was added and the mixture was kneaded in a special trough. The dough could then be made immediately into cakes, pancakes, or unleavened bread (Gn 19:3). These flat cakes or wafers were often baked on previously heated stones, on the inner walls of small conical ovens, or in larger communal ovens. Leaven was added to make a lighter dough. The leaven was normally a piece of dough left over from an earlier mixing and allowed to ferment before being used. The flour meal was also mixed with a porridge made of lentil beans in order to stretch the food supply.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"AnimalProducts\">Animal Products<\/p>\n<p>The introduction of meat as part of the diet seems to have coincided with the time when Noah and his family left the ark (Gn 9:3). After this time, however, the animals normally eaten for food were so valuable that only the wealthy could afford to slaughter them. So in biblical times the peasant had a simple, somewhat monotonous diet, while the rich feasted on meat, delicacies, and imported commodities. As a result, meat was a luxury item that the poor would rarely enjoy except on such occasions as the Passover celebration or sacrifices in which the worshiper ate part of the offering (Ex 12:8). Although it was clearly uneconomic to slaughter an animal that produced such staples as milk, curds, and cheese, the rules of hospitality in the Near East dictated that an animal should be killed to entertain an honored guest (2 Sm 12:2-4).<\/p>\n<p>Domestic sheep, goats, and oxen provided the main source of meat, although venison was popular with the upper classes. When the blind Isaac was deceived by his son Jacob, the father was offered the luxury of both kid’s meat and wild game (Gn 27:3, 9, 19). The ox kept in a stall or the fatted calf were reserved for occasions of great festivity (Mt 22:4).<\/p>\n<p>The use of meat for sacrifice was given definitive form in the provisions of Leviticus and Deuteronomy. The Law forbade anyone to slaughter an animal and its offspring on the same day (Lv 22:28). Another prohibition, perhaps directed at pagan Canaanite sacrificial rituals, would not allow a kid to be stewed or poached in its mother’s milk (Dt 14:21). Mosaic law was emphatic in prohibiting the consumption of blood in any form. Animal blood was considered the source of the animal’s life and was offered by priests as a sacrifice to God to atone for human sin (Lv 17:11). In the Mosaic law, pigs, camels, badgers, and rabbits were considered unclean and were therefore forbidden for food, principally on hygienic grounds (11:4-8).<\/p>\n<p>In the ancient world, meat was usually boiled or stewed. Roasting an ox or a kid would usually occur only as part of a special feast or sacrificial ritual. Animals might also be roasted for members of the royal palace or for a king’s special guests.<\/p>\n<p>Despite the fact that hunting was enjoyed by all who were able to participate, wild game provided only a minor part of the diet. Among the game found in Palestine and mentioned in the Bible are gazelle, roebuck, wild goat, and deer (Dt 14:5; 1 Kgs 4:23). It is probable that pheasants were available, and there were certainly turtledoves, pigeons, quails, and partridges, although the precise quantities of food that these birds provided is not certain (Gn 15:9; Ex 16:13). Goose was the most popular dish in Egypt, and marsh ducks were also highly esteemed as game. After the Persian period, chickens were eaten (2 Esd 1:30), and eggs and omelettes were popular in Rome in early Christian times. The eggs mentioned in Deuteronomy are probably wild birds’ eggs (Dt 22:6-7; cf. Is 10:14).<\/p>\n<p>Thirty varieties of fish were available in the Jordan, and an extensive fishing industry existed on the shores of the Sea of Galilee at the time of Christ. Supplies of fish were readily available from the Mediterranean coast during the Roman period, but at an earlier time the fish supply depended to a large extent upon whichever nation had control of the coastline. In the postexilic period the people of Tyre supplied the city of Jerusalem with fish, which were sold near the Fish Gate (Neh 3:3). In the regulations concerning the types of fish suitable for food, only those that had fins and scales were acceptable (Lv 11:9-12).<\/p>\n<p>In NT times many of the distinctions concerning food were eliminated. In the Gospel of Mark, Jesus, challenging the Pharisees’ hypocrisy, upset the Jewish food laws by saying that evil thoughts, not certain foods, make a person unclean (Mk 7:19). As Christianity spread into gentile areas, there was, however, a continuing concern about eating meat that had been offered to idols. The question came to a head in Corinth. The apostle Paul maintained that though the meat was acceptable, one should take care not to cause spiritual damage to another Christian with a more sensitive conscience.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"InsectsandTheirFoodProducts\">Insects and Their Food Products<\/p>\n<p>Wild honey was found in Palestine, but there is no evidence of bee-keeping. Egyptians, however, did practice beekeeping at that time.<\/p>\n<p>The honeycomb is mentioned specifically in 1 Samuel 14:27 and Song of Songs 5:1; liquid honey is referred to in 1 Kings 14:3. Honey was to be found in crevices of rocks and on trees (Dt 32:13). It was the primary sweetener in cooking. Although it could not be used in a sacrifice to the Lord (Lv 2:11), honey was prized as a delicacy. In the 15th century <span>BC<\/span>, when Thutmose III was campaigning in Syria and Palestine, he brought back vast quantities of honey as tribute from his newly conquered lands.<\/p>\n<p>Locusts were probably first eaten in desperation after they had devastated crops. They are one of the few insects mentioned as a permissible source of food (Lv 11:22). Locusts were fried in flour or honey, or were preserved by being dried. Locusts and wild honey formed John the Baptist’s basic diet in the wilderness (Mt 3:4; Mk 1:6). Although locusts contain little protein, they are rich in fat and have some mineral content.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"VegetablesandSeasoning\">Vegetables and Seasoning<\/p>\n<p>The Hebrew people wandering in the Sinai wilderness bemoaned the loss of the flavorful vegetables they had become accustomed to during their Egyptian captivity. In particular, they expressed a longing for cucumbers, melons (possibly watermelons), leeks, onions, and garlic (Nm 11:5). Many of these vegetables were later grown in Palestine (particularly in the Gaza). When cucumbers were first cultivated, they were regarded as luxury items and had to be protected by guards who lived in shacks overlooking the gardens (Is 1:8). Beans, lentils, and parched grain were among the items brought to David and his soldiers at Mahanaim (2 Sm 17:28). Lentils were known in Egypt from at least the 13th century <span>BC<\/span> and were used extensively both then and in later times by the Israelites. Lentil soup is mentioned in Genesis 25:34.<\/p>\n<p>In times of hunger the husks of the carob tree, normally fed to cattle, could be used for food. These would have been most acceptable to the prodigal son (Lk 15:16). There were many kinds of green herbs that could provide a meal for the poor in time of need (Prv 15:17). In cases of extreme hunger, some kinds of mallow and juniper roots could also be used as food. In Elisha’s time a group of prophets at Gilgal prepared a stew of wild vegetables, to which they mistakenly added poisonous wild gourds. Elisha rectified the situation by adding meal to the pot (2 Kgs 4:38-41). While there is no actual record of the kinds of bitter herbs used as part of the Passover offering (Ex 12:8; Nm 9:11), mint and cummin were most probably included. Dill, cummin, rue, and mint were common garden herbs (Mt 23:23; Lk 11:42).<\/p>\n<p>Seasonings were welcome additives to the rather bland character of typical Israelite fare. Salt came mainly from the Dead Sea area and was essential as a seasoning and preserving agent. Salt was so important in the diet that it became part of the vocabulary of moral obligation. The sharing of salt with a person at a meal sealed a covenant or pact (Nm 18:19). In the Levitical sacrificial ritual, salt was part of meat and cereal offerings, since it signified the sealing of God’s covenant with Israel (Lv 2:13; Ez 43:24).<\/p>\n<p>The mustard tree, which was probably grown for its oil content, grew from a minute seed to the height of 15 feet (4.5 meters) (Mt 13:31-32). Anise, coriander, and cinnamon were also available (Ex 16:31; Nm 11:7). Perhaps the most popular and widely used spice, apart from salt, was garlic. Vinegar was also probably used as a flavoring agent and a preservative. From the number of seeds and plants found in Egyptian tombs from the 18th dynasty, it is obvious that the use of seasoning was widespread in antiquity.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"FruitsNutsandWine\">Fruits, Nuts, and Wine<\/p>\n<p>Olive trees grew abundantly in Palestine and were an excellent source of food and oil. Even in poor soil, one tree could sufficiently supply a family for a whole year. Some green olives were pickled in brine and eaten with bread, but the olive was most important as a source of oil. Olive oil was used in baking bread and cakes and in frying foods. The best quality olive oil was used in the temple sacrifices.<\/p>\n<p>Oil was extracted from olives by a simple process: for the finest quality oil, olives were picked before fully ripe and then crushed by hand with a stone mortar and pestle. Usually, however, pickers beat the olives from trees with long poles and collected them in baskets. The oil was then trodden out, probably in the same vat used for grapes (Mi 6:15), which were harvested approximately four weeks later.<\/p>\n<p>An oil mill was developed subsequently, and the heavy upper grinding stone was turned by two people. As the oil dripped through, it was collected in another stone vat and was allowed to settle and purify. When refined, the oil was stored in skins or jars.<\/p>\n<p>Fig trees grew in all areas of Palestine. They required little attention and provided two or three crops per year. The most abundant of these was the second, which ripened in late summer. The first figs of the season were considered a great delicacy (Is 28:4; Mi 7:1). The prophet Hosea suggested that the Israelites were like the firstfruits of the fig tree (Hos 9:10). Another prophet, Jeremiah, spoke of those who had gone into exile as being like the first figs, while those who were left behind were the bad figs, fit only for destruction (Jer 24:1-10).<\/p>\n<p>Figs were usually eaten fresh from the trees, but some were pressed into cakes to use when traveling (1 Sm 25:18; 30:12; 1 Chr 12:40). Figs were also valuable for medicinal purposes, since effective poultices could be made from them (2 Kgs 20:7; Is 38:21). Sycamore trees produced small, figlike fruit eaten primarily by the poor. A short time before harvest, the fruit was slightly incised, making it swell and ripen more quickly. The prophet Amos notched sycamore fruit before he was called by God (Am 7:14).<\/p>\n<p>Fruit from the date palm could also have been pressed into flat cakes for travelers, as figs were. The Bible, however, makes no specific reference to its fruit as food (see Jgs 4:5; Ps 92:12; Jl 1:12; Jn 12:13).<\/p>\n<p>Another popular Near Eastern fruit was the red pomegranate. It was eaten whole, or the seeds were pressed to provide a refreshing drink. The pomegranate is mentioned in temple ritual as one of the fruits brought back from Canaan to Moses by his spies (Ex 28:33) and as an exotic drink (Sg 8:2). The “apple” mentioned in Scripture (Prv 25:11; Sg 2:5) was most likely a type of apricot or quince, not an apple as we know it today. Nuts were used for additional flavor in cooking. Almonds and pistachio nuts were among the gifts sent by Jacob to ransom his sons (Gn 43:11).<\/p>\n<p>Grapes were popular and plentiful from the early Bronze Age. In addition to being eaten fresh from the vine, grapes were dried as raisins (Nm 6:3; 1 Sm 25:18) or pressed, their juice drunk either as new wine or fermented into an alcoholic drink. One of the duties of the cup-bearer in ancient royal courts was to provide grape juice or wine for the king, his family, and guests (Gn 40:9-13).<\/p>\n<p>The juice of grapes also provided vinegar when wine deteriorated. Vinegar was used as a flavoring agent in cooking and as a preservative. When diluted with water, it supplied a refreshing drink for workers in the fields. A type of jelly was made in the Near East by boiling grapes until they assumed the consistency of molasses. This syrup could also be used as a sweetening agent in cooking.<\/p>\n<p>Wine was the universal drink in antiquity. It could be diluted with water or mixed with spices or honey to make a mulled wine (Sg 8:2; Is 5:22). The Hebrew word for “banquet” or “feast” literally means “drinking,” which reveals much of the character of such occasions. A certain amount of merriment was considered proper at a festival or banquet (Gn 43:34; Jgs 9:13; Lk 5:34).<\/p>\n<p>Wine making was similar in many respects to the production of olive oil. Clusters of grapes were cut from the vine with a sickle, collected in baskets, and taken to the winepress, where they were trodden by men and women. The juice ran into a lower vat, where, under the hot sun, fermentation began almost immediately. The wine was left to settle so that any twigs or skins would form a sediment; after that the wine could be strained off. In about six weeks the wine was ready to drink or store in earthenware jars or wineskins.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Animals; Bread; Family Life and Relations; Leaven; Meals, Significance of; Plants; Unleavened Bread.<\/p>","summary_ro":"FOOD AND FOOD PREPARATION Substances required by the body to sustain life, and the methods of making them edible. Food consumed in Bible times included bread, milk products, fruit, meat, and fish. Food was also offered sacrificially or given as gifts. The availability of food was a perpetual concern because of the recurrent scarcity: droughts were frequent (2 Kgs 4:38; Jer 14:1, 4-6; Hg 1:11), hailstorms wrought devastation among crops (Hg 2:17), farming was frequently interrupted by warfare ...","summary_en":"FOOD AND FOOD PREPARATION Substances required by the body to sustain life, and the methods of making them edible. Food consumed in Bible times included bread, milk products, fruit, meat, and fish. Food was also offered sacrificially or given as gifts. The availability of food was a perpetual concern because of the recurrent scarcity: droughts were frequent (2 Kgs 4:38; Jer 14:1, 4-6; Hg 1:11), hailstorms wrought devastation among crops (Hg 2:17), farming was frequently interrupted by warfare ...","source":"Articles\/F.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":13812,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Gideon","title_en":"Gideon","content_ro":"<h3>GIDEON<\/h3>\n<p>Judge of Israel, son of Joash, of the clan of Abiezer and the tribe of Manasseh. Of the 12 judges of Israel, more verses are devoted to Gideon than any other—Samson running a close second. The narrative in which he is the central character antedates the Christian era by roughly 11 centuries.<\/p>\n<p>Following seven years of cruel oppression by the Midianites, Israel cried out to the Lord for relief (Jgs 6:6). An unknown prophet informs the Israelites that their miserable conditions stem from their forgetting to give exclusive devotion to the one true God. God sends his angel to Gideon. A touch of humor earmarks the angel’s greeting, for the “mighty warrior” (v 12) is threshing wheat secretly for fear of the Midianites. Yet God addresses Gideon in realization of what his mighty power is able to accomplish in him (vv 14-16, 34). Conscious of his own weakness and the formidable task before him, Gideon is an ideal vehicle for God’s tremendous work of deliverance (cf. 1 Cor 1:27; 2 Cor 12:10).<\/p>\n\n<p>Gideon’s first task is to tear down his father’s altar to Baal and the adjacent one to Asherah, Baal’s female consort (cf. Is 42:8). Knowing that the people would resist such an act, Gideon and his servants destroy these images of debased Canaanite religion at night. The following day the men of Ophrah confront Gideon and seek his life in retaliation for the act. Joash pleads the cause of his son, inviting Baal, if he indeed is deity, to contend for himself. Out of this confrontation the name Jerubbaal (“let Baal contend”) is ascribed to Gideon (Jgs 6:32).<\/p>\n<p>Yet Gideon is a man of inconstant faith, and his desire of further assurance is not rebuked as God graciously and patiently accedes to his requests concerning the dew and the fleece (Jgs 6:36-40). Subsequently Gideon is informed that mere numbers will not assure victory. Moreover, there must be no doubt whatever as to the true source of Israel’s liberation (7:2). From 32,000, Gideon’s troops are trimmed down to only 300 by an unusual method of reduction (vv 3-7). A secret reconnaissance mission to the outskirts of the oppositions’ camp enables Gideon to receive further strengthening as he and his servant Purah overhear a Midianite soldier reveal his dream indicating Israel’s imminent victory (vv 13-14). In response to this additional encouragement, he worships the Lord (Jgs 7:15; cf. 6:24).<\/p>\n<p>Divided into three companies, Gideon’s army stations itself at night outside the Midianite stronghold. At Gideon’s signal each man blows a trumpet (made from an animal’s horn) and smashes an empty jar containing a torch, shouting, “A sword for the <span>Lord<\/span> and for Gideon!” (Jgs 7:20). The effect of the clamor is overwhelming. Thinking themselves outnumbered, the confused and disheartened Midianites flee eastward across the Jordan. In hot pursuit, Gideon’s men are joined by Israelites from Naphtali, Asher, and Manasseh, who follow the enemy into the Transjordan area. The men of Ephraim, whose efforts are now called upon for the first time, capture and kill two of the Midianite leaders. Angry with Gideon for failing to enlist their services earlier, the Ephraimites are nonetheless appeased by Gideon’s tactful response to their queries (8:1-3).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s unselfishness shines in response to the people’s desire to make him king, but he declines (Jgs 8:22-23). He does, however, receive an immense personal fortune from the spoils of war (vv 24-26). The unfortunate conclusion of Gideon’s story relates to his making an ephod from the gold won in battle. Perhaps a garment patterned after the high priest’s or a freestanding image, the object ensnares the people, and they worship it at Ophrah (v 27). In 2 Samuel 11:21 Gideon’s alternate name, Jerubbaal, becomes Jerubbesheth, “Baal” being replaced with the Hebrew word for “shame” <em>(<\/em><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">besheth<\/span><em>).<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Gideon has been singled out in the Letter to the Hebrews as a hero of the faith whose trust in God brought glory to the Lord (Heb 11:32, <span>kjv<\/span> “Gedeon”). As far back as the time of Isaiah, “the day of Midian” had become proverbial for deliverance accomplished by the hand of God apart from human strength (Is 9:4).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Judges, Book of.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>GIDEON<\/h3>\n<p>Judge of Israel, son of Joash, of the clan of Abiezer and the tribe of Manasseh. Of the 12 judges of Israel, more verses are devoted to Gideon than any other—Samson running a close second. The narrative in which he is the central character antedates the Christian era by roughly 11 centuries.<\/p>\n<p>Following seven years of cruel oppression by the Midianites, Israel cried out to the Lord for relief (Jgs 6:6). An unknown prophet informs the Israelites that their miserable conditions stem from their forgetting to give exclusive devotion to the one true God. God sends his angel to Gideon. A touch of humor earmarks the angel’s greeting, for the “mighty warrior” (v 12) is threshing wheat secretly for fear of the Midianites. Yet God addresses Gideon in realization of what his mighty power is able to accomplish in him (vv 14-16, 34). Conscious of his own weakness and the formidable task before him, Gideon is an ideal vehicle for God’s tremendous work of deliverance (cf. 1 Cor 1:27; 2 Cor 12:10).<\/p>\n\n<p>Gideon’s first task is to tear down his father’s altar to Baal and the adjacent one to Asherah, Baal’s female consort (cf. Is 42:8). Knowing that the people would resist such an act, Gideon and his servants destroy these images of debased Canaanite religion at night. The following day the men of Ophrah confront Gideon and seek his life in retaliation for the act. Joash pleads the cause of his son, inviting Baal, if he indeed is deity, to contend for himself. Out of this confrontation the name Jerubbaal (“let Baal contend”) is ascribed to Gideon (Jgs 6:32).<\/p>\n<p>Yet Gideon is a man of inconstant faith, and his desire of further assurance is not rebuked as God graciously and patiently accedes to his requests concerning the dew and the fleece (Jgs 6:36-40). Subsequently Gideon is informed that mere numbers will not assure victory. Moreover, there must be no doubt whatever as to the true source of Israel’s liberation (7:2). From 32,000, Gideon’s troops are trimmed down to only 300 by an unusual method of reduction (vv 3-7). A secret reconnaissance mission to the outskirts of the oppositions’ camp enables Gideon to receive further strengthening as he and his servant Purah overhear a Midianite soldier reveal his dream indicating Israel’s imminent victory (vv 13-14). In response to this additional encouragement, he worships the Lord (Jgs 7:15; cf. 6:24).<\/p>\n<p>Divided into three companies, Gideon’s army stations itself at night outside the Midianite stronghold. At Gideon’s signal each man blows a trumpet (made from an animal’s horn) and smashes an empty jar containing a torch, shouting, “A sword for the <span>Lord<\/span> and for Gideon!” (Jgs 7:20). The effect of the clamor is overwhelming. Thinking themselves outnumbered, the confused and disheartened Midianites flee eastward across the Jordan. In hot pursuit, Gideon’s men are joined by Israelites from Naphtali, Asher, and Manasseh, who follow the enemy into the Transjordan area. The men of Ephraim, whose efforts are now called upon for the first time, capture and kill two of the Midianite leaders. Angry with Gideon for failing to enlist their services earlier, the Ephraimites are nonetheless appeased by Gideon’s tactful response to their queries (8:1-3).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s unselfishness shines in response to the people’s desire to make him king, but he declines (Jgs 8:22-23). He does, however, receive an immense personal fortune from the spoils of war (vv 24-26). The unfortunate conclusion of Gideon’s story relates to his making an ephod from the gold won in battle. Perhaps a garment patterned after the high priest’s or a freestanding image, the object ensnares the people, and they worship it at Ophrah (v 27). In 2 Samuel 11:21 Gideon’s alternate name, Jerubbaal, becomes Jerubbesheth, “Baal” being replaced with the Hebrew word for “shame” <em>(<\/em><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">besheth<\/span><em>).<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Gideon has been singled out in the Letter to the Hebrews as a hero of the faith whose trust in God brought glory to the Lord (Heb 11:32, <span>kjv<\/span> “Gedeon”). As far back as the time of Isaiah, “the day of Midian” had become proverbial for deliverance accomplished by the hand of God apart from human strength (Is 9:4).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Judges, Book of.<\/p>","summary_ro":"GIDEON Judge of Israel, son of Joash, of the clan of Abiezer and the tribe of Manasseh. Of the 12 judges of Israel, more verses are devoted to Gideon than any other—Samson running a close second. The narrative in which he is the central character antedates the Christian era by roughly 11 centuries. Following seven years of cruel oppression by the Midianites, Israel cried out to the Lord for relief (Jgs 6:6). An unknown prophet informs the Israelites that their miserable conditions stem from t...","summary_en":"GIDEON Judge of Israel, son of Joash, of the clan of Abiezer and the tribe of Manasseh. Of the 12 judges of Israel, more verses are devoted to Gideon than any other—Samson running a close second. The narrative in which he is the central character antedates the Christian era by roughly 11 centuries. Following seven years of cruel oppression by the Midianites, Israel cried out to the Lord for relief (Jgs 6:6). An unknown prophet informs the Israelites that their miserable conditions stem from t...","source":"Articles\/G.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":45774,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:13","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:13","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:13-14<\/strong> Dreams and their interpretations were often discussed in Egypt and Babylonia. The Old Testament teaches that dreams are inspired by God and are best interpreted by his revelation (see Gen 41:15-16, 25; Dan 2:28). The point of this dream is clear: Gideon’s band, represented as a rounded <em>loaf of barley bread<\/em>, would come <em>tumbling down<\/em> and overturn <em>the Midianite camp<\/em>.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:13-14<\/strong> Dreams and their interpretations were often discussed in Egypt and Babylonia. The Old Testament teaches that dreams are inspired by God and are best interpreted by his revelation (see Gen 41:15-16, 25; Dan 2:28). The point of this dream is clear: Gideon’s band, represented as a rounded <em>loaf of barley bread<\/em>, would come <em>tumbling down<\/em> and overturn <em>the Midianite camp<\/em>.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:13-14 Dreams and their interpretations were often discussed in Egypt and Babylonia. The Old Testament teaches that dreams are inspired by God and are best interpreted by his revelation (see Gen 41:15-16, 25; Dan 2:28). The point of this dream is clear: Gideon’s band, represented as a rounded loaf of barley bread, would come tumbling down and overturn the Midianite camp.","summary_en":"7:13-14 Dreams and their interpretations were often discussed in Egypt and Babylonia. The Old Testament teaches that dreams are inspired by God and are best interpreted by his revelation (see Gen 41:15-16, 25; Dan 2:28). The point of this dream is clear: Gideon’s band, represented as a rounded loaf of barley bread, would come tumbling down and overturn the Midianite camp.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73400,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:13","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:13","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:13-14<\/strong> Dreams and their interpretations were often discussed in Egypt and Babylonia. The Old Testament teaches that dreams are inspired by God and are best interpreted by his revelation (see Gen 41:15-16, 25; Dan 2:28). The point of this dream is clear: Gideon’s band, represented as a rounded <em>loaf of barley bread<\/em>, would come <em>tumbling down<\/em> and overturn <em>the Midianite camp<\/em>.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:13-14<\/strong> Dreams and their interpretations were often discussed in Egypt and Babylonia. The Old Testament teaches that dreams are inspired by God and are best interpreted by his revelation (see Gen 41:15-16, 25; Dan 2:28). The point of this dream is clear: Gideon’s band, represented as a rounded <em>loaf of barley bread<\/em>, would come <em>tumbling down<\/em> and overturn <em>the Midianite camp<\/em>.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:13-14 Dreams and their interpretations were often discussed in Egypt and Babylonia. The Old Testament teaches that dreams are inspired by God and are best interpreted by his revelation (see Gen 41:15-16, 25; Dan 2:28). The point of this dream is clear: Gideon’s band, represented as a rounded loaf of barley bread, would come tumbling down and overturn the Midianite camp.","summary_en":"7:13-14 Dreams and their interpretations were often discussed in Egypt and Babylonia. The Old Testament teaches that dreams are inspired by God and are best interpreted by his revelation (see Gen 41:15-16, 25; Dan 2:28). The point of this dream is clear: Gideon’s band, represented as a rounded loaf of barley bread, would come tumbling down and overturn the Midianite camp.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":101026,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:13","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:13","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:13-14<\/strong> Dreams and their interpretations were often discussed in Egypt and Babylonia. The Old Testament teaches that dreams are inspired by God and are best interpreted by his revelation (see Gen 41:15-16, 25; Dan 2:28). The point of this dream is clear: Gideon’s band, represented as a rounded <em>loaf of barley bread<\/em>, would come <em>tumbling down<\/em> and overturn <em>the Midianite camp<\/em>.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:13-14<\/strong> Dreams and their interpretations were often discussed in Egypt and Babylonia. The Old Testament teaches that dreams are inspired by God and are best interpreted by his revelation (see Gen 41:15-16, 25; Dan 2:28). The point of this dream is clear: Gideon’s band, represented as a rounded <em>loaf of barley bread<\/em>, would come <em>tumbling down<\/em> and overturn <em>the Midianite camp<\/em>.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:13-14 Dreams and their interpretations were often discussed in Egypt and Babylonia. The Old Testament teaches that dreams are inspired by God and are best interpreted by his revelation (see Gen 41:15-16, 25; Dan 2:28). The point of this dream is clear: Gideon’s band, represented as a rounded loaf of barley bread, would come tumbling down and overturn the Midianite camp.","summary_en":"7:13-14 Dreams and their interpretations were often discussed in Egypt and Babylonia. The Old Testament teaches that dreams are inspired by God and are best interpreted by his revelation (see Gen 41:15-16, 25; Dan 2:28). The point of this dream is clear: Gideon’s band, represented as a rounded loaf of barley bread, would come tumbling down and overturn the Midianite camp.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128652,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:13","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:13","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:13-14<\/strong> Dreams and their interpretations were often discussed in Egypt and Babylonia. The Old Testament teaches that dreams are inspired by God and are best interpreted by his revelation (see Gen 41:15-16, 25; Dan 2:28). The point of this dream is clear: Gideon’s band, represented as a rounded <em>loaf of barley bread<\/em>, would come <em>tumbling down<\/em> and overturn <em>the Midianite camp<\/em>.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:13-14<\/strong> Dreams and their interpretations were often discussed in Egypt and Babylonia. The Old Testament teaches that dreams are inspired by God and are best interpreted by his revelation (see Gen 41:15-16, 25; Dan 2:28). The point of this dream is clear: Gideon’s band, represented as a rounded <em>loaf of barley bread<\/em>, would come <em>tumbling down<\/em> and overturn <em>the Midianite camp<\/em>.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:13-14 Dreams and their interpretations were often discussed in Egypt and Babylonia. The Old Testament teaches that dreams are inspired by God and are best interpreted by his revelation (see Gen 41:15-16, 25; Dan 2:28). The point of this dream is clear: Gideon’s band, represented as a rounded loaf of barley bread, would come tumbling down and overturn the Midianite camp.","summary_en":"7:13-14 Dreams and their interpretations were often discussed in Egypt and Babylonia. The Old Testament teaches that dreams are inspired by God and are best interpreted by his revelation (see Gen 41:15-16, 25; Dan 2:28). The point of this dream is clear: Gideon’s band, represented as a rounded loaf of barley bread, would come tumbling down and overturn the Midianite camp.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"14":[{"id":19929,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Joash","title_en":"Joash","content_ro":"<h3>JOASH<\/h3>\n<li>1. Abiezrite who lived at Ophrah and the father of Gideon. Joash built an altar to Baal and an image of Asherah, which Gideon later destroyed (Jgs 6:11-31; 7:14; 8:13, 29-32).<\/li>\n<li>2. Son of King Ahab of Israel (1 Kgs 22:26; 2 Chr 18:25).<\/li>\n<li>3. Alternate name for Jehoash, Ahaziah’s son and king of Judah (835–796 <span>BC<\/span>), in 2 Kings 11:2-3 and 1 Chronicles 3:11. <em>See<\/em> Jehoash #1.<\/li>\n<li>4. Alternate name for Jehoash, Jehoahaz’s son and king of Israel (798–782 <span>BC<\/span>), in 2 Kings 13:10-13. <em>See<\/em> Jehoash #2.<\/li>\n<li>5. Judahite from the house of Shelah (1 Chr 4:22).<\/li>\n<li>6. Second of Beker’s nine sons and a leader in Benjamin’s tribe (1 Chr 7:8).<\/li>\n<li>7. Benjamite warrior who supported David at Ziklag (1 Chr 12:3).<\/li>\n<li>8. One of David’s officials (1 Chr 27:28).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>JOASH<\/h3>\n<li>1. Abiezrite who lived at Ophrah and the father of Gideon. Joash built an altar to Baal and an image of Asherah, which Gideon later destroyed (Jgs 6:11-31; 7:14; 8:13, 29-32).<\/li>\n<li>2. Son of King Ahab of Israel (1 Kgs 22:26; 2 Chr 18:25).<\/li>\n<li>3. Alternate name for Jehoash, Ahaziah’s son and king of Judah (835–796 <span>BC<\/span>), in 2 Kings 11:2-3 and 1 Chronicles 3:11. <em>See<\/em> Jehoash #1.<\/li>\n<li>4. Alternate name for Jehoash, Jehoahaz’s son and king of Israel (798–782 <span>BC<\/span>), in 2 Kings 13:10-13. <em>See<\/em> Jehoash #2.<\/li>\n<li>5. Judahite from the house of Shelah (1 Chr 4:22).<\/li>\n<li>6. Second of Beker’s nine sons and a leader in Benjamin’s tribe (1 Chr 7:8).<\/li>\n<li>7. Benjamite warrior who supported David at Ziklag (1 Chr 12:3).<\/li>\n<li>8. One of David’s officials (1 Chr 27:28).<\/li>","summary_ro":"JOASH 1. Abiezrite who lived at Ophrah and the father of Gideon. Joash built an altar to Baal and an image of Asherah, which Gideon later destroyed (Jgs 6:11-31; 7:14; 8:13, 29-32). 2. Son of King Ahab of Israel (1 Kgs 22:26; 2 Chr 18:25). 3. Alternate name for Jehoash, Ahaziah’s son and king of Judah (835–796 BC), in 2 Kings 11:2-3 and 1 Chronicles 3:11. See Jehoash #1. 4. Alternate name for Jehoash, Jehoahaz’s son and king of Israel (798–782 BC), in 2 Kings 13:10-13. See Jehoash #2. 5. Juda...","summary_en":"JOASH 1. Abiezrite who lived at Ophrah and the father of Gideon. Joash built an altar to Baal and an image of Asherah, which Gideon later destroyed (Jgs 6:11-31; 7:14; 8:13, 29-32). 2. Son of King Ahab of Israel (1 Kgs 22:26; 2 Chr 18:25). 3. Alternate name for Jehoash, Ahaziah’s son and king of Judah (835–796 BC), in 2 Kings 11:2-3 and 1 Chronicles 3:11. See Jehoash #1. 4. Alternate name for Jehoash, Jehoahaz’s son and king of Israel (798–782 BC), in 2 Kings 13:10-13. See Jehoash #2. 5. Juda...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"15":[{"id":13813,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Gideon","title_en":"Gideon","content_ro":"<h3>GIDEON<\/h3>\n<p>Judge of Israel, son of Joash, of the clan of Abiezer and the tribe of Manasseh. Of the 12 judges of Israel, more verses are devoted to Gideon than any other—Samson running a close second. The narrative in which he is the central character antedates the Christian era by roughly 11 centuries.<\/p>\n<p>Following seven years of cruel oppression by the Midianites, Israel cried out to the Lord for relief (Jgs 6:6). An unknown prophet informs the Israelites that their miserable conditions stem from their forgetting to give exclusive devotion to the one true God. God sends his angel to Gideon. A touch of humor earmarks the angel’s greeting, for the “mighty warrior” (v 12) is threshing wheat secretly for fear of the Midianites. Yet God addresses Gideon in realization of what his mighty power is able to accomplish in him (vv 14-16, 34). Conscious of his own weakness and the formidable task before him, Gideon is an ideal vehicle for God’s tremendous work of deliverance (cf. 1 Cor 1:27; 2 Cor 12:10).<\/p>\n\n<p>Gideon’s first task is to tear down his father’s altar to Baal and the adjacent one to Asherah, Baal’s female consort (cf. Is 42:8). Knowing that the people would resist such an act, Gideon and his servants destroy these images of debased Canaanite religion at night. The following day the men of Ophrah confront Gideon and seek his life in retaliation for the act. Joash pleads the cause of his son, inviting Baal, if he indeed is deity, to contend for himself. Out of this confrontation the name Jerubbaal (“let Baal contend”) is ascribed to Gideon (Jgs 6:32).<\/p>\n<p>Yet Gideon is a man of inconstant faith, and his desire of further assurance is not rebuked as God graciously and patiently accedes to his requests concerning the dew and the fleece (Jgs 6:36-40). Subsequently Gideon is informed that mere numbers will not assure victory. Moreover, there must be no doubt whatever as to the true source of Israel’s liberation (7:2). From 32,000, Gideon’s troops are trimmed down to only 300 by an unusual method of reduction (vv 3-7). A secret reconnaissance mission to the outskirts of the oppositions’ camp enables Gideon to receive further strengthening as he and his servant Purah overhear a Midianite soldier reveal his dream indicating Israel’s imminent victory (vv 13-14). In response to this additional encouragement, he worships the Lord (Jgs 7:15; cf. 6:24).<\/p>\n<p>Divided into three companies, Gideon’s army stations itself at night outside the Midianite stronghold. At Gideon’s signal each man blows a trumpet (made from an animal’s horn) and smashes an empty jar containing a torch, shouting, “A sword for the <span>Lord<\/span> and for Gideon!” (Jgs 7:20). The effect of the clamor is overwhelming. Thinking themselves outnumbered, the confused and disheartened Midianites flee eastward across the Jordan. In hot pursuit, Gideon’s men are joined by Israelites from Naphtali, Asher, and Manasseh, who follow the enemy into the Transjordan area. The men of Ephraim, whose efforts are now called upon for the first time, capture and kill two of the Midianite leaders. Angry with Gideon for failing to enlist their services earlier, the Ephraimites are nonetheless appeased by Gideon’s tactful response to their queries (8:1-3).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s unselfishness shines in response to the people’s desire to make him king, but he declines (Jgs 8:22-23). He does, however, receive an immense personal fortune from the spoils of war (vv 24-26). The unfortunate conclusion of Gideon’s story relates to his making an ephod from the gold won in battle. Perhaps a garment patterned after the high priest’s or a freestanding image, the object ensnares the people, and they worship it at Ophrah (v 27). In 2 Samuel 11:21 Gideon’s alternate name, Jerubbaal, becomes Jerubbesheth, “Baal” being replaced with the Hebrew word for “shame” <em>(<\/em><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">besheth<\/span><em>).<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Gideon has been singled out in the Letter to the Hebrews as a hero of the faith whose trust in God brought glory to the Lord (Heb 11:32, <span>kjv<\/span> “Gedeon”). As far back as the time of Isaiah, “the day of Midian” had become proverbial for deliverance accomplished by the hand of God apart from human strength (Is 9:4).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Judges, Book of.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>GIDEON<\/h3>\n<p>Judge of Israel, son of Joash, of the clan of Abiezer and the tribe of Manasseh. Of the 12 judges of Israel, more verses are devoted to Gideon than any other—Samson running a close second. The narrative in which he is the central character antedates the Christian era by roughly 11 centuries.<\/p>\n<p>Following seven years of cruel oppression by the Midianites, Israel cried out to the Lord for relief (Jgs 6:6). An unknown prophet informs the Israelites that their miserable conditions stem from their forgetting to give exclusive devotion to the one true God. God sends his angel to Gideon. A touch of humor earmarks the angel’s greeting, for the “mighty warrior” (v 12) is threshing wheat secretly for fear of the Midianites. Yet God addresses Gideon in realization of what his mighty power is able to accomplish in him (vv 14-16, 34). Conscious of his own weakness and the formidable task before him, Gideon is an ideal vehicle for God’s tremendous work of deliverance (cf. 1 Cor 1:27; 2 Cor 12:10).<\/p>\n\n<p>Gideon’s first task is to tear down his father’s altar to Baal and the adjacent one to Asherah, Baal’s female consort (cf. Is 42:8). Knowing that the people would resist such an act, Gideon and his servants destroy these images of debased Canaanite religion at night. The following day the men of Ophrah confront Gideon and seek his life in retaliation for the act. Joash pleads the cause of his son, inviting Baal, if he indeed is deity, to contend for himself. Out of this confrontation the name Jerubbaal (“let Baal contend”) is ascribed to Gideon (Jgs 6:32).<\/p>\n<p>Yet Gideon is a man of inconstant faith, and his desire of further assurance is not rebuked as God graciously and patiently accedes to his requests concerning the dew and the fleece (Jgs 6:36-40). Subsequently Gideon is informed that mere numbers will not assure victory. Moreover, there must be no doubt whatever as to the true source of Israel’s liberation (7:2). From 32,000, Gideon’s troops are trimmed down to only 300 by an unusual method of reduction (vv 3-7). A secret reconnaissance mission to the outskirts of the oppositions’ camp enables Gideon to receive further strengthening as he and his servant Purah overhear a Midianite soldier reveal his dream indicating Israel’s imminent victory (vv 13-14). In response to this additional encouragement, he worships the Lord (Jgs 7:15; cf. 6:24).<\/p>\n<p>Divided into three companies, Gideon’s army stations itself at night outside the Midianite stronghold. At Gideon’s signal each man blows a trumpet (made from an animal’s horn) and smashes an empty jar containing a torch, shouting, “A sword for the <span>Lord<\/span> and for Gideon!” (Jgs 7:20). The effect of the clamor is overwhelming. Thinking themselves outnumbered, the confused and disheartened Midianites flee eastward across the Jordan. In hot pursuit, Gideon’s men are joined by Israelites from Naphtali, Asher, and Manasseh, who follow the enemy into the Transjordan area. The men of Ephraim, whose efforts are now called upon for the first time, capture and kill two of the Midianite leaders. Angry with Gideon for failing to enlist their services earlier, the Ephraimites are nonetheless appeased by Gideon’s tactful response to their queries (8:1-3).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s unselfishness shines in response to the people’s desire to make him king, but he declines (Jgs 8:22-23). He does, however, receive an immense personal fortune from the spoils of war (vv 24-26). The unfortunate conclusion of Gideon’s story relates to his making an ephod from the gold won in battle. Perhaps a garment patterned after the high priest’s or a freestanding image, the object ensnares the people, and they worship it at Ophrah (v 27). In 2 Samuel 11:21 Gideon’s alternate name, Jerubbaal, becomes Jerubbesheth, “Baal” being replaced with the Hebrew word for “shame” <em>(<\/em><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">besheth<\/span><em>).<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Gideon has been singled out in the Letter to the Hebrews as a hero of the faith whose trust in God brought glory to the Lord (Heb 11:32, <span>kjv<\/span> “Gedeon”). As far back as the time of Isaiah, “the day of Midian” had become proverbial for deliverance accomplished by the hand of God apart from human strength (Is 9:4).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Judges, Book of.<\/p>","summary_ro":"GIDEON Judge of Israel, son of Joash, of the clan of Abiezer and the tribe of Manasseh. Of the 12 judges of Israel, more verses are devoted to Gideon than any other—Samson running a close second. The narrative in which he is the central character antedates the Christian era by roughly 11 centuries. Following seven years of cruel oppression by the Midianites, Israel cried out to the Lord for relief (Jgs 6:6). An unknown prophet informs the Israelites that their miserable conditions stem from t...","summary_en":"GIDEON Judge of Israel, son of Joash, of the clan of Abiezer and the tribe of Manasseh. Of the 12 judges of Israel, more verses are devoted to Gideon than any other—Samson running a close second. The narrative in which he is the central character antedates the Christian era by roughly 11 centuries. Following seven years of cruel oppression by the Midianites, Israel cried out to the Lord for relief (Jgs 6:6). An unknown prophet informs the Israelites that their miserable conditions stem from t...","source":"Articles\/G.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"16":[{"id":7309,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Communication","title_en":"Communication","content_ro":"<h3>COMMUNICATION<\/h3>\n<p>The act of transmitting a message. Fire, light, and smoke signals were probably the earliest methods of communicating over any distance. The Babylonians were the first to employ a primitive heliograph system (reflected sunlight) for signaling over short distances. A classic use of fire beacons was related by Aeschylus, a Greek dramatist, who described the news of the fall of Troy being relayed to Clytemnestra of Mycenae (c. 1084 <span>BC<\/span>) by a dozen or more fires lighted on mountaintops. Similarly, the Lachish letters mention the use of fire signals to coordinate Israel’s defense against the Babylonians in 587 <span>BC<\/span>. One letter concludes, “Let my lord know that we are watching for the fire signals of Lachish according to the signs my lord has given, because we do not see Azekah” (see Jer 6:1; 34:7). Later, fire signals were communicated from lighthouses such as the famous one at Alexandria, Egypt.<\/p>\n<p>Projected sounds have been used as a means of communication for thousands of years. Around 550 <span>BC<\/span>, Cyrus of Persia built a network of towers from which a soldier shouted a message to a soldier in a nearby tower. According to legend, Alexander the Great had a giant megaphone that could carry a voice several miles. The historian Severus said that the Romans had brass speaking tubes to aid in defense along the northern wall in England. The Hebrews used the <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">shofar<\/span><em>,<\/em> a ram’s horn trumpet, to announce the new moon, the beginning of the Sabbath, and the approach of danger (Jos 6:4; Jgs 7:16; Hos 8:1). Also, drum tattoos were used in communication. Even today Ashanti drummers in Ghana can render high and low tones that correspond to the tonal values of their language.<\/p>\n<p>Archaeological excavations have uncovered thousands of ancient business and family letters written on clay tablets. As early as 2000 <span>BC<\/span> the Assyrians maintained an informal postal service with eastern Anatolia (Asia Minor), using the caravans that frequently went between them. Later, Assyrian roads used by the army were also traveled by royal messengers of an efficient government mail service. A network of postal officials stationed in key population centers supervised the couriers and the mail. Clay tablets listing the place-names along a given route and the distances between them served as travel guides. Many royal letters of Assyria and other parts of the Middle East now help to reconstruct ancient history.<\/p>\n<p>After the Persians ascended to power, they expanded the Assyrians’ postal service. The Persian “royal road” was built for government messengers, but it was open to all. It extended more than 1,600 miles (2,574 kilometers) from Sardis in Asia Minor to Susa, the Persian capital located near the head of the Persian Gulf (Est 3:13; 8:10). Royalty and officials traveling that highway found rest houses and inns about 15 miles (24 kilometers) apart, forts at strategic points, and ferries for river crossings. Ordinary travelers, averaging 18 miles (29 kilometers) a day, would spend three months traveling the full length of the road. The Persian dispatch service, however, relaying messages on fresh mounts between regular stages, probably traversed the same distance in two or three weeks. Describing a Persian messenger, the Greek historian Herodotus in the fifth century <span>BC<\/span> reported that neither snow nor rain nor heat nor gloom of night prevented the swiftest possible completion of their appointed rounds.<\/p>\n<p>At the same time as the Persians, the Chou dynasty in China had built up an efficient postal system. By the third century <span>BC<\/span>, the Han dynasty of China and the Ptolemies of Egypt were operating the closest thing to a modern postal system that the ancient world was to know. A system of communication, necessary to rule the large Roman Empire, was devised in the reign of Caesar Augustus (27 <span>BC<\/span>–<span>AD<\/span> 14). The idea for the system came after the Romans annexed Egypt in 30 <span>BC<\/span>. The Roman system did not stress speed or regularity, and although the mail moved speedily over short distances, it could take weeks over long distances or over water. Usually the mail system of the emperors did not benefit the ordinary public; rather, it was an added tax burden. Wealthy families had their own slaves deliver mail, businesses employed letter carriers, and the poor asked traveling friends to carry messages.<\/p>\n<p>A letter written by Christian leaders in Jerusalem to the churches of Asia Minor was delivered by the apostle Paul and Barnabas (Acts 15:22-29). Later, Paul requested Timothy (1 Thes 3:2), Tychicus (Col 4:7, 9), and Epaphroditus (Phil 2:25; 4:18) to serve as messengers.<\/p>\n<p>One means of local communication was the Roman <em>album<\/em> (Latin for “white”), a white-painted public bulletin board displayed in the center of a city on which messages were painted in black.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Travel.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>COMMUNICATION<\/h3>\n<p>The act of transmitting a message. Fire, light, and smoke signals were probably the earliest methods of communicating over any distance. The Babylonians were the first to employ a primitive heliograph system (reflected sunlight) for signaling over short distances. A classic use of fire beacons was related by Aeschylus, a Greek dramatist, who described the news of the fall of Troy being relayed to Clytemnestra of Mycenae (c. 1084 <span>BC<\/span>) by a dozen or more fires lighted on mountaintops. Similarly, the Lachish letters mention the use of fire signals to coordinate Israel’s defense against the Babylonians in 587 <span>BC<\/span>. One letter concludes, “Let my lord know that we are watching for the fire signals of Lachish according to the signs my lord has given, because we do not see Azekah” (see Jer 6:1; 34:7). Later, fire signals were communicated from lighthouses such as the famous one at Alexandria, Egypt.<\/p>\n<p>Projected sounds have been used as a means of communication for thousands of years. Around 550 <span>BC<\/span>, Cyrus of Persia built a network of towers from which a soldier shouted a message to a soldier in a nearby tower. According to legend, Alexander the Great had a giant megaphone that could carry a voice several miles. The historian Severus said that the Romans had brass speaking tubes to aid in defense along the northern wall in England. The Hebrews used the <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">shofar<\/span><em>,<\/em> a ram’s horn trumpet, to announce the new moon, the beginning of the Sabbath, and the approach of danger (Jos 6:4; Jgs 7:16; Hos 8:1). Also, drum tattoos were used in communication. Even today Ashanti drummers in Ghana can render high and low tones that correspond to the tonal values of their language.<\/p>\n<p>Archaeological excavations have uncovered thousands of ancient business and family letters written on clay tablets. As early as 2000 <span>BC<\/span> the Assyrians maintained an informal postal service with eastern Anatolia (Asia Minor), using the caravans that frequently went between them. Later, Assyrian roads used by the army were also traveled by royal messengers of an efficient government mail service. A network of postal officials stationed in key population centers supervised the couriers and the mail. Clay tablets listing the place-names along a given route and the distances between them served as travel guides. Many royal letters of Assyria and other parts of the Middle East now help to reconstruct ancient history.<\/p>\n<p>After the Persians ascended to power, they expanded the Assyrians’ postal service. The Persian “royal road” was built for government messengers, but it was open to all. It extended more than 1,600 miles (2,574 kilometers) from Sardis in Asia Minor to Susa, the Persian capital located near the head of the Persian Gulf (Est 3:13; 8:10). Royalty and officials traveling that highway found rest houses and inns about 15 miles (24 kilometers) apart, forts at strategic points, and ferries for river crossings. Ordinary travelers, averaging 18 miles (29 kilometers) a day, would spend three months traveling the full length of the road. The Persian dispatch service, however, relaying messages on fresh mounts between regular stages, probably traversed the same distance in two or three weeks. Describing a Persian messenger, the Greek historian Herodotus in the fifth century <span>BC<\/span> reported that neither snow nor rain nor heat nor gloom of night prevented the swiftest possible completion of their appointed rounds.<\/p>\n<p>At the same time as the Persians, the Chou dynasty in China had built up an efficient postal system. By the third century <span>BC<\/span>, the Han dynasty of China and the Ptolemies of Egypt were operating the closest thing to a modern postal system that the ancient world was to know. A system of communication, necessary to rule the large Roman Empire, was devised in the reign of Caesar Augustus (27 <span>BC<\/span>–<span>AD<\/span> 14). The idea for the system came after the Romans annexed Egypt in 30 <span>BC<\/span>. The Roman system did not stress speed or regularity, and although the mail moved speedily over short distances, it could take weeks over long distances or over water. Usually the mail system of the emperors did not benefit the ordinary public; rather, it was an added tax burden. Wealthy families had their own slaves deliver mail, businesses employed letter carriers, and the poor asked traveling friends to carry messages.<\/p>\n<p>A letter written by Christian leaders in Jerusalem to the churches of Asia Minor was delivered by the apostle Paul and Barnabas (Acts 15:22-29). Later, Paul requested Timothy (1 Thes 3:2), Tychicus (Col 4:7, 9), and Epaphroditus (Phil 2:25; 4:18) to serve as messengers.<\/p>\n<p>One means of local communication was the Roman <em>album<\/em> (Latin for “white”), a white-painted public bulletin board displayed in the center of a city on which messages were painted in black.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Travel.<\/p>","summary_ro":"COMMUNICATION The act of transmitting a message. Fire, light, and smoke signals were probably the earliest methods of communicating over any distance. The Babylonians were the first to employ a primitive heliograph system (reflected sunlight) for signaling over short distances. A classic use of fire beacons was related by Aeschylus, a Greek dramatist, who described the news of the fall of Troy being relayed to Clytemnestra of Mycenae (c. 1084 BC) by a dozen or more fires lighted on mountainto...","summary_en":"COMMUNICATION The act of transmitting a message. Fire, light, and smoke signals were probably the earliest methods of communicating over any distance. The Babylonians were the first to employ a primitive heliograph system (reflected sunlight) for signaling over short distances. A classic use of fire beacons was related by Aeschylus, a Greek dramatist, who described the news of the fall of Troy being relayed to Clytemnestra of Mycenae (c. 1084 BC) by a dozen or more fires lighted on mountainto...","source":"Articles\/C.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":21317,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Book of Judges","title_en":"Book of Judges","content_ro":"<h3>JUDGES, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>The book reflects a final editing of the material in the period of the early monarchy. It may well be a polemic for the righteous rule of David over against the kingship of Saul, which was molded by a secular, Canaanite conception of kingship rather than by the law of God. The author was almost certainly not Samuel, as traditionally thought, but a later compiler who relied on ancient written materials.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>Though the judges succeeded in giving the tribes some rest from the incursions of surrounding enemies, the Israelites were continually harassed over long periods of time. Scholarly opinion differs on the duration of the period of the judges. The dating of the exodus affects the dating of the beginning of the judges. Those who take an early date for the exodus put the beginning around 1370–1360 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas others propose a date close to the end of the 13th century <span>BC<\/span>. A related issue pertains to the chronology of the judges. Does Judges give a chronological, sequential account of the period, or is the book a representative account of judges from various parts of Canaan and Transjordan who “judged” a region, a tribe, or several tribes simultaneously?<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LiteraryFramework\">Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>There is no doubt that the stories in the book bear the marks of literary creativity. The stories are classics in their own right. The poetry of Deborah’s song (Jgs 5) is very moving, and the fable of Jotham (9:8-15) is a fine example of figurative speech. The care given to the stories is also reflected in the construction of the book. There are two introductions: a political one (Jgs 1:1–2:5) and a socioreligious one (2:6–3:6). The political introduction connects Judges with the story of the Conquest, when the tribes attempted to occupy the land. It prepares the reader for the political and military problems of the era of the judges. The socioreligious introduction explains why Israel had so many adversities, why the institution of the judges arose, and why the Lord never gave Israel the promised lasting rest from its enemies. The main body of the book is the story of the judges (3:7–16:31). References to the minor judges (six in all) are set within the stories of the major judges in increasing frequency. As is evident from the schema, the number of minor judges increased in frequency in proportion to the decrease in number of major judges: two major, one minor; two major, two minor; one major, three minor; one major. There is a total of 12 judges, representative of the 12 tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>The purpose of the listing of 12 judges, representative of the various parts of Canaan and Transjordan, is to demonstrate that all tribes throughout the conquered territories experienced grave difficulties from a variety of enemies: Arameans, Moabites, Ammonites, Amalekites, Canaanites, and Philistines. Israel was hard pressed on nearly all its frontiers. The appendixes (chs 17–21), together with the two introductions, form the framework of the book. The political and socioreligious problems (1:1–3:6) are presented by way of several stories in the last chapters. The final editor who gave the book its canonical shape purposefully framed the stories of the judges so as to show lack of movement. The successes of the previous stages in redemptive history came to a standstill in the ebb and flow of the judges. Though the Lord delivered his people in many ways, they returned to the problems described in 1:1–3:6. The appendixes describe Israel’s problems representative of the period of the judges, when “there was no king in Israel” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTheologicalTeaching\">Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for deliverance, and God’s raising up of a judge reflects a deuteronomic perspective with its warnings concerning disobedience and judgment. The repetitiveness of the cycle supports the contention of the anonymous narrator that Israel remained unchanged by the grace of God. However, in spite of the moral, religious, and political anarchy as well as the civil wars, the last chapter shows that the tribes are still concerned with each other’s welfare. Though the unity of God’s people has been gravely challenged, the situation is not hopeless. The book ends on a note of hope—hope for a king who may deliver Israel.<\/p>\n\n<p>Thus, there are several purposes of the book: (1) to demonstrate the meaninglessness of this stage in Israel’s development; (2) to explain why the tribes did not occupy all the land promised to the patriarchs; (3) to justify the way of God, who was gracious and patient with Israel’s repeated acts of disobedience; (4) to set forth the legitimacy of a “shepherd” king in contrast to a despotic form of kingship; and (5) to explain the urgent need for a new momentum, lest Israel succumb to the Philistines and intertribal warfare.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>The Political Introduction (1:1–2:5)<\/h5>\n<p>In Joshua 1–12 the warfare under Joshua is portrayed as a mobilization of Canaanite forces against Israel. By the intervention of the Lord, the Canaanite resistance was put down and the land was occupied by the tribes (chs 13–21). Joshua 13–21, however, clearly shows that each tribe had problems ridding its territory of pockets of Canaanite resistance, which were usually centered around heavily guarded and well-fortified cities (cf. 13:2-6, 13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18).<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua emphasizes the successes and minimizes the problems, whereas the prologue to Judges sets the stage for the whole book by openly addressing Israel’s problems and failures. As the book unfolds, it is precisely these problems and failures that in due time bring Israel to the brink of disaster.<\/p>\n<p>The period of the judges began with the death of Joshua (Jgs 1:1; 2:8-9). The Israelites had inherited a legacy from Joshua: the law of the Lord (Jos 23:6; 24:26), the land, a challenge to obey the Lord (24:14-27), and a promise of God’s presence and help in subduing the Canaanites (23:5, 10).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah and Simeon (Jgs 1:2-20)<\/h6>\n<p>The prominence of Judah and Caleb parallels the position of Judah in Joshua (Jos 14:6–15:63; cf. also the house of Joseph, Jgs 1:22-29; cf. Jos 16–17). Judah was victorious over the cruel Adoni-bezek, who ruled over Bezek, a town of uncertain location. Judah successfully occupied the hill country, the Negev, and the western foothills. They even took Jerusalem, or an outlying suburb identified with Jerusalem (Jos 1:8), but could not retain control there (v 21) until David’s conquest of the city (2 Sm 5:6-9). Judah was victorious over the Canaanites in the region of Hebron, already conquered under Joshua (Jos 10:36). Hebron, also known as Kiriath-arba (“city of four” or “tetrapolis”), was a powerful ally of Jerusalem (v 3) and had been able to rally military support for a new assault on Israel, even after its first defeat. Caleb received Hebron, as Moses had promised (Jgs 1:20; cf. Jos 15:13). After the victory over Hebron, Judah extended its control over the southern hill country by an attack on Debir (Jgs 1:11-15; cf. Jos 15:14-19).<\/p>\n<p>The Kenites (Jgs 1:16), descendants of Jethro and therefore related to Moses by marriage, settled in the Negev around Arad and the City of Palms, which here probably refers to Tamar rather than Jericho.<\/p>\n<p>Judah secured the southern border by a victory over the Canaanites at Hormah (Jgs 1:17; cf. Nm 14:45; 21:3; Dt 1:44) and the coastal plain by victories at Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron. However, Judah’s successes in the coastal plain were resisted by a well-armed Canaanite force (Jgs 1:18-19). It occupied the Judean hill country and the Negev, but could not retain control over the plains. The Philistines were soon to take control over Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, and incorporate them into their pentapolis.<\/p>\n<h6>Benjamin (1:21)<\/h6>\n<p>Jerusalem was situated on the border between Judah and Benjamin. Judah took the city or a suburb (Jos 1:8) but was too far removed to retain control over it. Benjamin was too weak to subdue the Jebusites. Only David succeeded in this (2 Sm 5:6-9); he incorporated it into Judah (cf. Jos 15:63), even though it originally was allotted to Benjamin (Jos 18:28).<\/p>\n<h6>Joseph: Ephraim and Manasseh (1:22-29)<\/h6>\n<p>Ephraim took Bethel, known from the patriarchal stories as a significant cultic site (Gn 12:8; 13:3-4; 28:19; 31:13; 35:1-15). However, Manasseh was unsuccessful in taking the fortified cities in the valley of Jezreel (Esdraelon): Beth-shan, Taanach, Dor, Ibleam, and Megiddo. These cities controlled traffic along the east-west and north–south roads as well as the important passes through the Carmel range and the ford of the Jordan. Ephraim could not take full possession of the coastal plain, controlled by Gezer. The success of both Ephraim and Manasseh was limited.<\/p>\n<h6>The Other Four Tribes (1:30-36)<\/h6>\n<p>The other four tribes in Canaan receive brief mention. They, too, were only partially successful. Zebulun, Asher, Naphtali, and especially Dan did not fully succeed in driving out the Canaanites. At best they later subjected most of them to forced labor.<\/p>\n<h6>The Failure of Israel (2:1-5)<\/h6>\n<p>The failure to subdue the land and to wipe out the Canaanites and their culture led to intermarriage and idolatry (cf. Ex 23:33; 34:12-16; Nm 33:55; Dt 7:2-5, 16; Jos 23:7, 12).<\/p>\n<p>The identity of “the angel of the Lord” who appears at Bokim is far from certain. It may be a reference to the Lord himself, to an angelic messenger, or to a prophet (cf. Jgs 6:8). He rebuked the people in the prophetic spirit and pronounced God’s judgment as taking the form of continual confrontation between Israel and the Canaanites (2:3). Their weeping and sacrificing were to no avail (2:4-5; cf. Mal 2:13). Israel stood condemned within a generation after Joshua’s death.<\/p>\n<h5>The Theological Introduction (2:6–3:6)<\/h5>\n<p>The theological introduction begins where Joshua left off (Jos 24:28-31). The generation of Joshua was characterized by loyalty, but their loyalty to the Lord did not last long after the excitement of the Conquest and the demonstration of God’s presence (Jgs 2:10). Israel served Canaanite gods (Baal and Astarte) instead. Baal was the storm god, symbolic of rain and fertility, and Astarte was his cohort. The plural (Baals and Ashtaroth, 2:11-13) signifies the many local ways in which the Canaanite gods were worshiped. The religious unity was broken up into a great diversity. Thus Israel angered the Lord (vv 12-14), who sent them enemies and plunderers. Israel was unsuccessful in dealing with them, as Moses and Joshua had forewarned (Dt 28:25, 33; Jos 23:13, 16). The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for mercy, and deliverance is found throughout Judges. The people were rooted in the apostasy of their forefathers, even though the previous generation had been sensitive to God. Israel did not submit to the leadership of the judges, except to free itself from the oppressors. In fulfillment of the curses of the covenant, God swore not to give his people rest but to test them and to train them for warfare (Jgs 3:1-4), so that they might learn to respond to the challenges of a real world.<\/p>\n<h5>The Judges of Israel (3:7–16:31)<\/h5>\n<h6>Othniel (3:7-11)<\/h6>\n<p>Othniel is a transitional figure, linking the Conquest and the judges. He had involved himself in the conquest of Kiriath-sepher and was related to Caleb as his cousin and son-in-law (1:13). He repelled the Arameans led by Cushan-rishathaim, so that the land enjoyed peace for some 40 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ehud (3:12-30)<\/h6>\n<p>The Moabites, allied with the Ammonites and Amalekites, came against Israel from the east and oppressed them for 18 years under the leadership of Eglon. Ehud led the mission to bring tribute to Eglon at his palace, located probably by Jericho (the City of Palms). Ehud was uniquely qualified for this mission; being left-handed, he was able to use his double-edged sword in an unsuspecting manner to stab the king. Ehud’s success was the result of careful plotting and the element of surprise. He paid the tribute and left, only to return with a supposed oracle from the gods. The king fell for the deception and was murdered. The delay at the Moabite court gave the Israelites an opportunity to bring their forces together at the fords of the Jordan. Ehud’s success was complete; no Moabite escaped, and Israel enjoyed peace for 80 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Shamgar (3:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Shamgar’s exploits were against the Philistines in the coastal plains. He had a non-Israelite name but was probably an Israelite by birth. Like Samson he fought the Philistines with an unconventional weapon (an ox goad). His name is also mentioned in the song of Deborah (5:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Deborah and Barak (4:1–5:31)<\/h6>\n<p>The narrative now turns to the Canaanite aggressors in the north under the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor, and Sisera, of Harosheth-haggoyim (4:1-3). The ruins of Hazor (Jos 11:13) had been rebuilt, and another Jabin (cf. v 1) ruled over the region. He had regained his military power, as he had as many as 900 chariots of iron. He oppressed Israel for 20 years (Jgs 4:3).<\/p>\n<p>God had a prophetess in Israel who led his people during this dark time (4:4). She rendered judgments under a palm tree in southern Ephraim near Benjamin (v 5). She called on Barak to muster the armies of Naphtali and Zebulun, the tribes affected by the Canaanite raids, and to engage Sisera in a surprise attack by the Kishon River (vv 6-7). Barak’s hesitancy led him to request Deborah’s presence, which resulted in his forfeiture of the honor of killing Sisera, the commander of the Canaanite forces (vv 8-10). The Lord gave success to the surprise attack from Mt Tabor, so that the Canaanites were routed, unable to use their heavy chariots, which were mired down in the swamps of the Jezreel Valley (5:20-22). The Canaanites were routed, and Sisera was killed by Jael, the wife of Heber, a Kenite who had separated from the Kenites around Arad (4:17-18; cf. 1:16). She offered him hospitality, as her family had friendly relations with the Canaanites, but heroically put him to death with a tent peg (4:18-21; 5:26-27). In successive campaigns the Israelites gained freedom from Jabin, until they destroyed his power (4:24).<\/p>\n<p>The song of Deborah (ch 5) celebrates, in poetic fashion, the victory over Jabin. It is one of the oldest poems in the Bible. It praises the God of Israel as the King who comes to protect his covenant people, and before whom the mountains move (5:2-3). He is the God of Mt Sinai (Jgs 5:4-5; cf. Dt 33:2; Ps 68:7-8; Hb 3:3-4). Though the oppressors had despoiled Israel and had made the roads unsafe for travel, and Israel was unable to defend itself (Jgs 5:6-8), the Lord raised up Deborah and Barak to lead the nobles to war (vv 9-13). They came from Ephraim, Benjamin, Zebulun, Issachar, and Naphtali (vv 14-15a, 18), but the Transjordan tribes and Asher did not want to get involved (vv 15b-17). The song then moves to the battle scene, where torrential rains bogged the chariots down (vv 19-23). Jael is celebrated as “most blessed of women,” who used her simple way of life to bring an end to Sisera (vv 24-27). She stands in contrast to Sisera’s mother, who is portrayed with all her culture waiting in vain for Sisera’s return with all of his spoils (vv 28-30). The Lord has used the simple to confound the powerful. The conclusion is a prayer for God’s judgment on all of Israel’s enemies (Jgs 5:31a; cf. Ps 68:1-3).<\/p>\n<h6>Gideon (6:1–8:35)<\/h6>\n<p>Israel’s rest for 40 years (Jgs 5:31b) was disturbed by the invasion of Midianites and Amalekites from the East (6:1-3). They destroyed the economy by invading the country at harvesttime (vv 4-6). In response to Israel’s cry, God sent a prophet with a message similar to that of the angel of the Lord (2:1-5). Then an angel appeared to Gideon and called him to lead the people in battle (6:11-14). The Lord assured him of his presence (v 16) by a sign (vv 17-22). Gideon knew that he had been visited by the Lord and built an altar called “The <span>Lord<\/span> Is Peace” in Ophrah (v 24). He responded by destroying the cultic site dedicated to Baal and Asherah at Ophrah (vv 25-28) and by initiating worship at the new altar (v 28). Baal did not protect his own altar (vv 29-32), even when challenged by Gideon’s father (v 31). Consequently, Gideon was known as Jerubbaal (meaning, “let Baal contend with him,” v 32).<\/p>\n<p>Next, Gideon mustered an army of 32,000 men from Asher, Zebulun, and Naphtali (6:35; cf. 7:3b). In order to assure himself of the Lord’s presence, he asked for another sign: the sign of the fleece (6:36-40). It must be kept in mind that Gideon lived in an area in which the wonders of God had been scarce (v 13) and that he, like Moses, needed reassurance that God was with him. God responded to his growing faith. Gideon went forth with a greatly reduced army of 300 against the enemy. Of his original army, 22,000 had left because they were afraid (7:2-3; cf. Dt 20:8). Another 9,700 were sent home, though they were valiant men (7:4-8). After assuring Gideon by a dream of an enemy soldier, God used the 300 in a marvelous way to confound the Midianites (vv 9-15). God gave Israel victory over the Midianite leaders Oreb, Zeeb, Zebah, and Zalmunna (7:16–8:21). Gideon wisely avoided a possible military confrontation with Ephraim (8:1-3), pursued the enemy deep into the Transjordan, and punished the leaders of Succoth and Penuel, who did not assist him (vv 4-9, 13-16).<\/p>\n<p>This glorious victory created a new wave of interest in the idea of kingship. The men of Israel wished to establish the family of Gideon as their royal dynasty (8:22). Gideon refused, and instead wrongly set up an ephod, cast from the gold taken in battle (vv 23-27). The ephod was probably used for cultic practices, possibly divination (cf. 17:5).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s era also came to an end. He was God’s instrument, giving Israel rest for 40 years. He fathered 70 sons and died in old age. God had richly blessed him, even though he had led Israel astray with his ephod. Thereafter, Israel returned to Baal worship (8:33-35).<\/p>\n<p>In the wake of Gideon’s era, his son Abimelech attempted to establish dynastic continuity by having himself installed as king at Shechem (9:1-6). With the support of his relatives at Shechem, Abimelech had all his brothers killed except Jotham (vv 4-5). After Abimelech’s coronation, Jotham set forth his opposition to his brother in a proverbial manner (vv 7-20), and went into hiding. Three years later Abimelech’s evil schemes entrapped him when the citizens of Shechem rebelled. He furiously attacked the city and destroyed it. A short time later, however, he was wounded at Thebez by a millstone dropped by a woman from the tower in which she had sought refuge from him. His servant put him out of his misery as per his request. This episode demonstrates how bad a despotic king may be. Again, God’s justice prevailed.<\/p>\n<h6>Tola (10:1-2)<\/h6>\n<p>Tola was a minor judge from Issachar who judged Israel for 23 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jair (10:3-5)<\/h6>\n<p>Jair was a minor judge from Gilead who judged Israel for 22 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jephthah (10:6–12:7)<\/h6>\n<p>A recapitulation (10:6-16) of the cycle (idolatry, enemies, cry for help, momentary repentance) sets the introduction to the Jephthah narrative. Under attack from the Ammonites, the elders of Gilead requested help from Jephthah (10:17–11:8), who promised to help them on the condition that he remain their leader even after the war (vv 9-10). At a solemn ceremony he becomes their “head” at Mizpah (v 11). Jephthah opened up correspondence with the Ammonite king, in which he argued for Israel’s rights on the basis of the Israelites’ historic claim to the land as granted to them by the Lord (vv 12–27). Instead of going out immediately to war, he hoped that “the <span>Lord<\/span>, the Judge” would settle the dispute (v 27); but the Ammonite king was unimpressed. When the Spirit of God came over him, Jephthah led Israel into battle, but only after making a rash vow. He was victorious but found out that his vow to sacrifice whatever came first out of his house required him to sacrifice his daughter. Debate continues as to whether he offered her up as a human sacrifice or whether she sacrificed marriage (see discussion under Jephthah).<\/p>\n<p>The Ephraimites seemed to have had an insatiable desire for war. Earlier they had complained to Gideon, who successfully defused their threats (8:1-3). Jephthah fought them, however, because the Israelites living in Transjordan had been reviled as “renegades” (12:1-4). Forty-two thousand Ephraimites were killed by the fords of the Jordan in this civil war. Thereafter, Jephthah ruled for only six years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ibzan (12:8-10)<\/h6>\n<p>Ibzan was a minor judge from Bethlehem who ruled Israel for seven years.<\/p>\n<h6>Elon (12:11)<\/h6>\n<p>A minor judge from Zebulun, Elon ruled Israel for ten years.<\/p>\n<h6>Abdon (12:13-15)<\/h6>\n<p>Abdon was a minor judge from Pirathon, the location of which is uncertain. He ruled for eight years.<\/p>\n<h6>Samson (13:1–16:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Samson’s greatness in the history of redemption is due to his miraculous birth (13:1-24), his service as a Nazirite (13:7; cf. Nm 6:1-21), the repeated overpowering by the Spirit of the Lord (Jgs 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14), the single-handed exploits against the Philistines (Ashkelon, 14:19; the fields, 15:1-6; Ramath Etam, 15:7-17; Gaza, 16:1-3, 23-30), and his occasional dependence on the Lord (15:18-19; 16:28-30). However, his personal life was flawed because of his weakness for Philistine women (chs 14, 16). Having been seduced by Delilah, he was imprisoned at Gaza. He died in the collapse of Dagon’s temple, praying that the Lord would permit him to get revenge (16:28-30). He was buried in his father’s tomb in the territory of Dan (16:31).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue (17–21)<\/h5>\n<p>The cyclical nature of Israel’s existence was without movement. Rest from enemies was always temporary. Israel was not yet ready for dynastic kingship, and whatever one may say of the three years of Abimelech, it was a kingship of the worst sort. Israel vacillated between idolatry and belief in the true Lord. The period of the judges was unstable, marked by petty individualism and provincialism. Yet God remained sovereign in the affairs of his people. The epilogue contains two stories: the story of Micah and the Danite migration (chs 17–18) and the civil war (chs 19–21). The epilogue is bound together by the phrase “In those days Israel had no king; everyone did as he saw fit” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25, <span>niv<\/span>). The symmetric recurrence (two times in each narrative) emphasizes the anarchy and inability of the tribes to unite together to serve God as a covenant people.<\/p>\n<h6>Micah and the Danites (17–18)<\/h6>\n<p>Micah was an Ephraimite who established a shrine and hired one of his own sons, and then a Levite from Bethlehem, to serve as its priests (ch 17). Unable to keep their patrimony, the Danites left to establish themselves at the foot of Mt Hermon. They took the idols and the Levite from Micah’s shrine and set up a cultic city at the newly established city of Dan, built on the ruins of Laish (ch 18). Thus, they set up a cultic center that rivaled the tabernacle at Shiloh (18:31).<\/p>\n<h6>The Civil War (19–21)<\/h6>\n<p>The people of Gibeah, which belonged to Benjamin, sexually abused the concubine of a Levite so that she died. Like the Levite of chapters 17 and 18, she was from Bethlehem (19:1). Dramatically, the Levite sent pieces of her corpse to all the tribes, which assembled against the Benjamites because they protected the criminals of Gibeah (19:29–20:19). In the ensuing battle the population of Benjamin was decimated (20:20-48). The 11 tribes gave them 400 virgins taken in a civil war against Jabesh-gilead (21:6-15). These were not enough, however. Because of the threat of the extinction of Benjamin and the vow not to give their daughters in marriage to any Benjamite, the Israelites devised a plan by which the Benjamites could take Israelite virgins dancing in the festival at Shiloh. Benjamin thus was able to rebuild its towns and settlements.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Gideon; Jephthah; Samson.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JUDGES, Book of<\/h3>\n<p>Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Author<\/p>\n<p>• Date<\/p>\n<p>• Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>• Content<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Author\">Author<\/p>\n<p>The book reflects a final editing of the material in the period of the early monarchy. It may well be a polemic for the righteous rule of David over against the kingship of Saul, which was molded by a secular, Canaanite conception of kingship rather than by the law of God. The author was almost certainly not Samuel, as traditionally thought, but a later compiler who relied on ancient written materials.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Date\">Date<\/p>\n<p>Though the judges succeeded in giving the tribes some rest from the incursions of surrounding enemies, the Israelites were continually harassed over long periods of time. Scholarly opinion differs on the duration of the period of the judges. The dating of the exodus affects the dating of the beginning of the judges. Those who take an early date for the exodus put the beginning around 1370–1360 <span>BC<\/span>, whereas others propose a date close to the end of the 13th century <span>BC<\/span>. A related issue pertains to the chronology of the judges. Does Judges give a chronological, sequential account of the period, or is the book a representative account of judges from various parts of Canaan and Transjordan who “judged” a region, a tribe, or several tribes simultaneously?<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"LiteraryFramework\">Literary Framework<\/p>\n<p>There is no doubt that the stories in the book bear the marks of literary creativity. The stories are classics in their own right. The poetry of Deborah’s song (Jgs 5) is very moving, and the fable of Jotham (9:8-15) is a fine example of figurative speech. The care given to the stories is also reflected in the construction of the book. There are two introductions: a political one (Jgs 1:1–2:5) and a socioreligious one (2:6–3:6). The political introduction connects Judges with the story of the Conquest, when the tribes attempted to occupy the land. It prepares the reader for the political and military problems of the era of the judges. The socioreligious introduction explains why Israel had so many adversities, why the institution of the judges arose, and why the Lord never gave Israel the promised lasting rest from its enemies. The main body of the book is the story of the judges (3:7–16:31). References to the minor judges (six in all) are set within the stories of the major judges in increasing frequency. As is evident from the schema, the number of minor judges increased in frequency in proportion to the decrease in number of major judges: two major, one minor; two major, two minor; one major, three minor; one major. There is a total of 12 judges, representative of the 12 tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>The purpose of the listing of 12 judges, representative of the various parts of Canaan and Transjordan, is to demonstrate that all tribes throughout the conquered territories experienced grave difficulties from a variety of enemies: Arameans, Moabites, Ammonites, Amalekites, Canaanites, and Philistines. Israel was hard pressed on nearly all its frontiers. The appendixes (chs 17–21), together with the two introductions, form the framework of the book. The political and socioreligious problems (1:1–3:6) are presented by way of several stories in the last chapters. The final editor who gave the book its canonical shape purposefully framed the stories of the judges so as to show lack of movement. The successes of the previous stages in redemptive history came to a standstill in the ebb and flow of the judges. Though the Lord delivered his people in many ways, they returned to the problems described in 1:1–3:6. The appendixes describe Israel’s problems representative of the period of the judges, when “there was no king in Israel” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"PurposeandTheologicalTeaching\">Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n<p>The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for deliverance, and God’s raising up of a judge reflects a deuteronomic perspective with its warnings concerning disobedience and judgment. The repetitiveness of the cycle supports the contention of the anonymous narrator that Israel remained unchanged by the grace of God. However, in spite of the moral, religious, and political anarchy as well as the civil wars, the last chapter shows that the tribes are still concerned with each other’s welfare. Though the unity of God’s people has been gravely challenged, the situation is not hopeless. The book ends on a note of hope—hope for a king who may deliver Israel.<\/p>\n\n<p>Thus, there are several purposes of the book: (1) to demonstrate the meaninglessness of this stage in Israel’s development; (2) to explain why the tribes did not occupy all the land promised to the patriarchs; (3) to justify the way of God, who was gracious and patient with Israel’s repeated acts of disobedience; (4) to set forth the legitimacy of a “shepherd” king in contrast to a despotic form of kingship; and (5) to explain the urgent need for a new momentum, lest Israel succumb to the Philistines and intertribal warfare.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"Content\">Content<\/p>\n<h5>The Political Introduction (1:1–2:5)<\/h5>\n<p>In Joshua 1–12 the warfare under Joshua is portrayed as a mobilization of Canaanite forces against Israel. By the intervention of the Lord, the Canaanite resistance was put down and the land was occupied by the tribes (chs 13–21). Joshua 13–21, however, clearly shows that each tribe had problems ridding its territory of pockets of Canaanite resistance, which were usually centered around heavily guarded and well-fortified cities (cf. 13:2-6, 13; 15:63; 16:10; 17:12-18).<\/p>\n<p>The book of Joshua emphasizes the successes and minimizes the problems, whereas the prologue to Judges sets the stage for the whole book by openly addressing Israel’s problems and failures. As the book unfolds, it is precisely these problems and failures that in due time bring Israel to the brink of disaster.<\/p>\n<p>The period of the judges began with the death of Joshua (Jgs 1:1; 2:8-9). The Israelites had inherited a legacy from Joshua: the law of the Lord (Jos 23:6; 24:26), the land, a challenge to obey the Lord (24:14-27), and a promise of God’s presence and help in subduing the Canaanites (23:5, 10).<\/p>\n<h6>Judah and Simeon (Jgs 1:2-20)<\/h6>\n<p>The prominence of Judah and Caleb parallels the position of Judah in Joshua (Jos 14:6–15:63; cf. also the house of Joseph, Jgs 1:22-29; cf. Jos 16–17). Judah was victorious over the cruel Adoni-bezek, who ruled over Bezek, a town of uncertain location. Judah successfully occupied the hill country, the Negev, and the western foothills. They even took Jerusalem, or an outlying suburb identified with Jerusalem (Jos 1:8), but could not retain control there (v 21) until David’s conquest of the city (2 Sm 5:6-9). Judah was victorious over the Canaanites in the region of Hebron, already conquered under Joshua (Jos 10:36). Hebron, also known as Kiriath-arba (“city of four” or “tetrapolis”), was a powerful ally of Jerusalem (v 3) and had been able to rally military support for a new assault on Israel, even after its first defeat. Caleb received Hebron, as Moses had promised (Jgs 1:20; cf. Jos 15:13). After the victory over Hebron, Judah extended its control over the southern hill country by an attack on Debir (Jgs 1:11-15; cf. Jos 15:14-19).<\/p>\n<p>The Kenites (Jgs 1:16), descendants of Jethro and therefore related to Moses by marriage, settled in the Negev around Arad and the City of Palms, which here probably refers to Tamar rather than Jericho.<\/p>\n<p>Judah secured the southern border by a victory over the Canaanites at Hormah (Jgs 1:17; cf. Nm 14:45; 21:3; Dt 1:44) and the coastal plain by victories at Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron. However, Judah’s successes in the coastal plain were resisted by a well-armed Canaanite force (Jgs 1:18-19). It occupied the Judean hill country and the Negev, but could not retain control over the plains. The Philistines were soon to take control over Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron, and incorporate them into their pentapolis.<\/p>\n<h6>Benjamin (1:21)<\/h6>\n<p>Jerusalem was situated on the border between Judah and Benjamin. Judah took the city or a suburb (Jos 1:8) but was too far removed to retain control over it. Benjamin was too weak to subdue the Jebusites. Only David succeeded in this (2 Sm 5:6-9); he incorporated it into Judah (cf. Jos 15:63), even though it originally was allotted to Benjamin (Jos 18:28).<\/p>\n<h6>Joseph: Ephraim and Manasseh (1:22-29)<\/h6>\n<p>Ephraim took Bethel, known from the patriarchal stories as a significant cultic site (Gn 12:8; 13:3-4; 28:19; 31:13; 35:1-15). However, Manasseh was unsuccessful in taking the fortified cities in the valley of Jezreel (Esdraelon): Beth-shan, Taanach, Dor, Ibleam, and Megiddo. These cities controlled traffic along the east-west and north–south roads as well as the important passes through the Carmel range and the ford of the Jordan. Ephraim could not take full possession of the coastal plain, controlled by Gezer. The success of both Ephraim and Manasseh was limited.<\/p>\n<h6>The Other Four Tribes (1:30-36)<\/h6>\n<p>The other four tribes in Canaan receive brief mention. They, too, were only partially successful. Zebulun, Asher, Naphtali, and especially Dan did not fully succeed in driving out the Canaanites. At best they later subjected most of them to forced labor.<\/p>\n<h6>The Failure of Israel (2:1-5)<\/h6>\n<p>The failure to subdue the land and to wipe out the Canaanites and their culture led to intermarriage and idolatry (cf. Ex 23:33; 34:12-16; Nm 33:55; Dt 7:2-5, 16; Jos 23:7, 12).<\/p>\n<p>The identity of “the angel of the Lord” who appears at Bokim is far from certain. It may be a reference to the Lord himself, to an angelic messenger, or to a prophet (cf. Jgs 6:8). He rebuked the people in the prophetic spirit and pronounced God’s judgment as taking the form of continual confrontation between Israel and the Canaanites (2:3). Their weeping and sacrificing were to no avail (2:4-5; cf. Mal 2:13). Israel stood condemned within a generation after Joshua’s death.<\/p>\n<h5>The Theological Introduction (2:6–3:6)<\/h5>\n<p>The theological introduction begins where Joshua left off (Jos 24:28-31). The generation of Joshua was characterized by loyalty, but their loyalty to the Lord did not last long after the excitement of the Conquest and the demonstration of God’s presence (Jgs 2:10). Israel served Canaanite gods (Baal and Astarte) instead. Baal was the storm god, symbolic of rain and fertility, and Astarte was his cohort. The plural (Baals and Ashtaroth, 2:11-13) signifies the many local ways in which the Canaanite gods were worshiped. The religious unity was broken up into a great diversity. Thus Israel angered the Lord (vv 12-14), who sent them enemies and plunderers. Israel was unsuccessful in dealing with them, as Moses and Joshua had forewarned (Dt 28:25, 33; Jos 23:13, 16). The cycle of apostasy, judgment, cry for mercy, and deliverance is found throughout Judges. The people were rooted in the apostasy of their forefathers, even though the previous generation had been sensitive to God. Israel did not submit to the leadership of the judges, except to free itself from the oppressors. In fulfillment of the curses of the covenant, God swore not to give his people rest but to test them and to train them for warfare (Jgs 3:1-4), so that they might learn to respond to the challenges of a real world.<\/p>\n<h5>The Judges of Israel (3:7–16:31)<\/h5>\n<h6>Othniel (3:7-11)<\/h6>\n<p>Othniel is a transitional figure, linking the Conquest and the judges. He had involved himself in the conquest of Kiriath-sepher and was related to Caleb as his cousin and son-in-law (1:13). He repelled the Arameans led by Cushan-rishathaim, so that the land enjoyed peace for some 40 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ehud (3:12-30)<\/h6>\n<p>The Moabites, allied with the Ammonites and Amalekites, came against Israel from the east and oppressed them for 18 years under the leadership of Eglon. Ehud led the mission to bring tribute to Eglon at his palace, located probably by Jericho (the City of Palms). Ehud was uniquely qualified for this mission; being left-handed, he was able to use his double-edged sword in an unsuspecting manner to stab the king. Ehud’s success was the result of careful plotting and the element of surprise. He paid the tribute and left, only to return with a supposed oracle from the gods. The king fell for the deception and was murdered. The delay at the Moabite court gave the Israelites an opportunity to bring their forces together at the fords of the Jordan. Ehud’s success was complete; no Moabite escaped, and Israel enjoyed peace for 80 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Shamgar (3:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Shamgar’s exploits were against the Philistines in the coastal plains. He had a non-Israelite name but was probably an Israelite by birth. Like Samson he fought the Philistines with an unconventional weapon (an ox goad). His name is also mentioned in the song of Deborah (5:6).<\/p>\n<h6>Deborah and Barak (4:1–5:31)<\/h6>\n<p>The narrative now turns to the Canaanite aggressors in the north under the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor, and Sisera, of Harosheth-haggoyim (4:1-3). The ruins of Hazor (Jos 11:13) had been rebuilt, and another Jabin (cf. v 1) ruled over the region. He had regained his military power, as he had as many as 900 chariots of iron. He oppressed Israel for 20 years (Jgs 4:3).<\/p>\n<p>God had a prophetess in Israel who led his people during this dark time (4:4). She rendered judgments under a palm tree in southern Ephraim near Benjamin (v 5). She called on Barak to muster the armies of Naphtali and Zebulun, the tribes affected by the Canaanite raids, and to engage Sisera in a surprise attack by the Kishon River (vv 6-7). Barak’s hesitancy led him to request Deborah’s presence, which resulted in his forfeiture of the honor of killing Sisera, the commander of the Canaanite forces (vv 8-10). The Lord gave success to the surprise attack from Mt Tabor, so that the Canaanites were routed, unable to use their heavy chariots, which were mired down in the swamps of the Jezreel Valley (5:20-22). The Canaanites were routed, and Sisera was killed by Jael, the wife of Heber, a Kenite who had separated from the Kenites around Arad (4:17-18; cf. 1:16). She offered him hospitality, as her family had friendly relations with the Canaanites, but heroically put him to death with a tent peg (4:18-21; 5:26-27). In successive campaigns the Israelites gained freedom from Jabin, until they destroyed his power (4:24).<\/p>\n<p>The song of Deborah (ch 5) celebrates, in poetic fashion, the victory over Jabin. It is one of the oldest poems in the Bible. It praises the God of Israel as the King who comes to protect his covenant people, and before whom the mountains move (5:2-3). He is the God of Mt Sinai (Jgs 5:4-5; cf. Dt 33:2; Ps 68:7-8; Hb 3:3-4). Though the oppressors had despoiled Israel and had made the roads unsafe for travel, and Israel was unable to defend itself (Jgs 5:6-8), the Lord raised up Deborah and Barak to lead the nobles to war (vv 9-13). They came from Ephraim, Benjamin, Zebulun, Issachar, and Naphtali (vv 14-15a, 18), but the Transjordan tribes and Asher did not want to get involved (vv 15b-17). The song then moves to the battle scene, where torrential rains bogged the chariots down (vv 19-23). Jael is celebrated as “most blessed of women,” who used her simple way of life to bring an end to Sisera (vv 24-27). She stands in contrast to Sisera’s mother, who is portrayed with all her culture waiting in vain for Sisera’s return with all of his spoils (vv 28-30). The Lord has used the simple to confound the powerful. The conclusion is a prayer for God’s judgment on all of Israel’s enemies (Jgs 5:31a; cf. Ps 68:1-3).<\/p>\n<h6>Gideon (6:1–8:35)<\/h6>\n<p>Israel’s rest for 40 years (Jgs 5:31b) was disturbed by the invasion of Midianites and Amalekites from the East (6:1-3). They destroyed the economy by invading the country at harvesttime (vv 4-6). In response to Israel’s cry, God sent a prophet with a message similar to that of the angel of the Lord (2:1-5). Then an angel appeared to Gideon and called him to lead the people in battle (6:11-14). The Lord assured him of his presence (v 16) by a sign (vv 17-22). Gideon knew that he had been visited by the Lord and built an altar called “The <span>Lord<\/span> Is Peace” in Ophrah (v 24). He responded by destroying the cultic site dedicated to Baal and Asherah at Ophrah (vv 25-28) and by initiating worship at the new altar (v 28). Baal did not protect his own altar (vv 29-32), even when challenged by Gideon’s father (v 31). Consequently, Gideon was known as Jerubbaal (meaning, “let Baal contend with him,” v 32).<\/p>\n<p>Next, Gideon mustered an army of 32,000 men from Asher, Zebulun, and Naphtali (6:35; cf. 7:3b). In order to assure himself of the Lord’s presence, he asked for another sign: the sign of the fleece (6:36-40). It must be kept in mind that Gideon lived in an area in which the wonders of God had been scarce (v 13) and that he, like Moses, needed reassurance that God was with him. God responded to his growing faith. Gideon went forth with a greatly reduced army of 300 against the enemy. Of his original army, 22,000 had left because they were afraid (7:2-3; cf. Dt 20:8). Another 9,700 were sent home, though they were valiant men (7:4-8). After assuring Gideon by a dream of an enemy soldier, God used the 300 in a marvelous way to confound the Midianites (vv 9-15). God gave Israel victory over the Midianite leaders Oreb, Zeeb, Zebah, and Zalmunna (7:16–8:21). Gideon wisely avoided a possible military confrontation with Ephraim (8:1-3), pursued the enemy deep into the Transjordan, and punished the leaders of Succoth and Penuel, who did not assist him (vv 4-9, 13-16).<\/p>\n<p>This glorious victory created a new wave of interest in the idea of kingship. The men of Israel wished to establish the family of Gideon as their royal dynasty (8:22). Gideon refused, and instead wrongly set up an ephod, cast from the gold taken in battle (vv 23-27). The ephod was probably used for cultic practices, possibly divination (cf. 17:5).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s era also came to an end. He was God’s instrument, giving Israel rest for 40 years. He fathered 70 sons and died in old age. God had richly blessed him, even though he had led Israel astray with his ephod. Thereafter, Israel returned to Baal worship (8:33-35).<\/p>\n<p>In the wake of Gideon’s era, his son Abimelech attempted to establish dynastic continuity by having himself installed as king at Shechem (9:1-6). With the support of his relatives at Shechem, Abimelech had all his brothers killed except Jotham (vv 4-5). After Abimelech’s coronation, Jotham set forth his opposition to his brother in a proverbial manner (vv 7-20), and went into hiding. Three years later Abimelech’s evil schemes entrapped him when the citizens of Shechem rebelled. He furiously attacked the city and destroyed it. A short time later, however, he was wounded at Thebez by a millstone dropped by a woman from the tower in which she had sought refuge from him. His servant put him out of his misery as per his request. This episode demonstrates how bad a despotic king may be. Again, God’s justice prevailed.<\/p>\n<h6>Tola (10:1-2)<\/h6>\n<p>Tola was a minor judge from Issachar who judged Israel for 23 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jair (10:3-5)<\/h6>\n<p>Jair was a minor judge from Gilead who judged Israel for 22 years.<\/p>\n<h6>Jephthah (10:6–12:7)<\/h6>\n<p>A recapitulation (10:6-16) of the cycle (idolatry, enemies, cry for help, momentary repentance) sets the introduction to the Jephthah narrative. Under attack from the Ammonites, the elders of Gilead requested help from Jephthah (10:17–11:8), who promised to help them on the condition that he remain their leader even after the war (vv 9-10). At a solemn ceremony he becomes their “head” at Mizpah (v 11). Jephthah opened up correspondence with the Ammonite king, in which he argued for Israel’s rights on the basis of the Israelites’ historic claim to the land as granted to them by the Lord (vv 12–27). Instead of going out immediately to war, he hoped that “the <span>Lord<\/span>, the Judge” would settle the dispute (v 27); but the Ammonite king was unimpressed. When the Spirit of God came over him, Jephthah led Israel into battle, but only after making a rash vow. He was victorious but found out that his vow to sacrifice whatever came first out of his house required him to sacrifice his daughter. Debate continues as to whether he offered her up as a human sacrifice or whether she sacrificed marriage (see discussion under Jephthah).<\/p>\n<p>The Ephraimites seemed to have had an insatiable desire for war. Earlier they had complained to Gideon, who successfully defused their threats (8:1-3). Jephthah fought them, however, because the Israelites living in Transjordan had been reviled as “renegades” (12:1-4). Forty-two thousand Ephraimites were killed by the fords of the Jordan in this civil war. Thereafter, Jephthah ruled for only six years.<\/p>\n<h6>Ibzan (12:8-10)<\/h6>\n<p>Ibzan was a minor judge from Bethlehem who ruled Israel for seven years.<\/p>\n<h6>Elon (12:11)<\/h6>\n<p>A minor judge from Zebulun, Elon ruled Israel for ten years.<\/p>\n<h6>Abdon (12:13-15)<\/h6>\n<p>Abdon was a minor judge from Pirathon, the location of which is uncertain. He ruled for eight years.<\/p>\n<h6>Samson (13:1–16:31)<\/h6>\n<p>Samson’s greatness in the history of redemption is due to his miraculous birth (13:1-24), his service as a Nazirite (13:7; cf. Nm 6:1-21), the repeated overpowering by the Spirit of the Lord (Jgs 13:25; 14:6, 19; 15:14), the single-handed exploits against the Philistines (Ashkelon, 14:19; the fields, 15:1-6; Ramath Etam, 15:7-17; Gaza, 16:1-3, 23-30), and his occasional dependence on the Lord (15:18-19; 16:28-30). However, his personal life was flawed because of his weakness for Philistine women (chs 14, 16). Having been seduced by Delilah, he was imprisoned at Gaza. He died in the collapse of Dagon’s temple, praying that the Lord would permit him to get revenge (16:28-30). He was buried in his father’s tomb in the territory of Dan (16:31).<\/p>\n<h5>Epilogue (17–21)<\/h5>\n<p>The cyclical nature of Israel’s existence was without movement. Rest from enemies was always temporary. Israel was not yet ready for dynastic kingship, and whatever one may say of the three years of Abimelech, it was a kingship of the worst sort. Israel vacillated between idolatry and belief in the true Lord. The period of the judges was unstable, marked by petty individualism and provincialism. Yet God remained sovereign in the affairs of his people. The epilogue contains two stories: the story of Micah and the Danite migration (chs 17–18) and the civil war (chs 19–21). The epilogue is bound together by the phrase “In those days Israel had no king; everyone did as he saw fit” (17:6; 18:1; 19:1; 21:25, <span>niv<\/span>). The symmetric recurrence (two times in each narrative) emphasizes the anarchy and inability of the tribes to unite together to serve God as a covenant people.<\/p>\n<h6>Micah and the Danites (17–18)<\/h6>\n<p>Micah was an Ephraimite who established a shrine and hired one of his own sons, and then a Levite from Bethlehem, to serve as its priests (ch 17). Unable to keep their patrimony, the Danites left to establish themselves at the foot of Mt Hermon. They took the idols and the Levite from Micah’s shrine and set up a cultic city at the newly established city of Dan, built on the ruins of Laish (ch 18). Thus, they set up a cultic center that rivaled the tabernacle at Shiloh (18:31).<\/p>\n<h6>The Civil War (19–21)<\/h6>\n<p>The people of Gibeah, which belonged to Benjamin, sexually abused the concubine of a Levite so that she died. Like the Levite of chapters 17 and 18, she was from Bethlehem (19:1). Dramatically, the Levite sent pieces of her corpse to all the tribes, which assembled against the Benjamites because they protected the criminals of Gibeah (19:29–20:19). In the ensuing battle the population of Benjamin was decimated (20:20-48). The 11 tribes gave them 400 virgins taken in a civil war against Jabesh-gilead (21:6-15). These were not enough, however. Because of the threat of the extinction of Benjamin and the vow not to give their daughters in marriage to any Benjamite, the Israelites devised a plan by which the Benjamites could take Israelite virgins dancing in the festival at Shiloh. Benjamin thus was able to rebuild its towns and settlements.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Gideon; Jephthah; Samson.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JUDGES, Book of Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail. Preview • Author • Date • Li...","summary_en":"JUDGES, Book of Old Testament book named after the prominent leaders raised up by the Lord to deliver his people. The word “judge” in Hebrew also denotes the activity of governance, including warfare. Some scholars have argued that there were two kinds of judges: charismatic deliverers (or major judges) and local judicial sages (minor judges). It is uncertain why some judges receive cursory attention, whereas the exploits of other judges are given in great detail. Preview • Author • Date • Li...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":22484,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Lampstand Lamp","title_en":"Lampstand Lamp","content_ro":"<h3>LAMP, LAMPSTAND<\/h3>\n<p>Israelite lamps developed from those in general use among the Canaanites in the second millennium <span>BC<\/span>. Their shape was similar to a shell or saucer with a lip. Lamps of stone, metal, and shells were used, although the majority were made of pottery. A multitude of clay lamps, fashioned in a variety of designs, have been excavated in Palestine.<\/p>\n\n<p>The clay bowl was fashioned first, and the rim was folded over to help contain the oil. A spout was pinched in place at one end, into which the wick would be placed. When the clay had dried, the lamp would be fired to a dull brown shade. Gradually a style with an increasingly sharply pinched lip was developed. The wick was generally made of flax (Is 42:3, <span>kjv<\/span>), although an old piece of linen cloth was sometimes used. Salt could be added to the wick for a brighter flame, and frequently extra wicks were used. This led to the development of multispouted lamps like those found at Tell Dotha from 1200 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>Olive oil provided the most common form of lamp fuel (Ex 27:20), and the average lamp could hold enough oil to burn through the night. Despite this, the housewife would have to get up several times to tend the wick and keep her precious lamp lit (Prv 31:18). Tongs were used for extinguishing the flame of a lamp in the tabernacle or temple (Ex 25:38; 37:23; Nm 4:9; 1 Kgs 7:49; Is 6:6). Since candles were not known in biblical times, the translation in the <span>kjv<\/span> is incorrect.<\/p>\n<p>The saucer lamp, which would have spilled easily, was not suitable for night travel, so a torch was probably used for that purpose (Jgs 7:16-20). In addition, the wick of the open saucer lamp could easily have blown out at night.<\/p>\n<p>Lamps were commonly found in burials along with food offerings. Because the lamp’s flame was associated with life, lamps were frequently placed in tombs as a symbol of life being rekindled.<\/p>\n<p>Although a more elaborate cup-and-saucer style of lamp was developed in which the flame came from the central area, the saucer lamp remained the most popular. The earliest Hellenistic lamp found in Palestine dates from 630 <span>BC<\/span> and already shows indications of the later covered model. During the sixth and fifth centuries <span>BC<\/span>, a flat-bottomed, saucer-style lamp was developed.<\/p>\n<p>In the third century <span>BC<\/span> the more elaborate wheel-made, covered Greek style took precedence. These lamps were often simple in design, rounded, with a central hole for the oil and one in the small spout for the wick.<\/p>\n<p>In the second century <span>BC<\/span> the wheel-made lamp was replaced by a molded ceramic lamp of finer design with a larger spout. Imported Egyptian lamps of this type have been found in southern Palestine. Multispouted lamps were probably used on festive occasions. From the same period comes the Hellenistic-influenced bronze lamp of a seated figure holding out a saucer lamp in his hands. At the end of the Hellenistic age the form of lamps deteriorated as the spouts became thick and squat.<\/p>\n<p>Small, round wheel-made lamps of simple design were prevalent in the time of Christ; this would be the type of lamp used by the woman searching the house for her gold coin (Lk 15:8). With wicks trimmed, the lamps of the foolish virgins would probably have lasted approximately five hours, from dark until about midnight (Mt 25:1-12).<\/p>\n<p>Jewish lamps were part of the religious symbolism of the home, probably dating back to the prohibition against lighting a fire on the Sabbath (Ex 35:3). References to light abound in Scripture. We read of the eye as a lamp (Mt 6:22-23; Lk 11:33-36) and of Christ as the Light of the World (Jn 8:12). We are warned to pay attention to teaching as to a light shining in the dark (Prv 6:23; 2 Pt 1:19). Both God and the spirit of man are symbolized as lamps (2 Sm 22:29; Prv 20:27), while in Proverbs 13:9 “lamp” is synonymous with the essence of life itself. Lamps, with or without stands, were also part of the Jewish ritual of death, mourning, and burial.<\/p>\n<p>The tabernacle housed an ornate golden lampstand, or menorah. On either side three branches came out from the main central stem, and seven lamps could be lighted in the flower-shaped holders. The menorah from the Jerusalem temple is represented in relief on the Arch of Titus in Rome. This particular seven-branched lampstand resembles the ten that were part of the furnishings of Solomon’s temple.<\/p>\n<p>The seven-branched lampstand has been a particular symbol of the Jewish faith from the time of its earliest appearance on a coin in the reign of Antigonus (40–37 <span>BC<\/span>) up to the present day.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Menorah.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>LAMP, LAMPSTAND<\/h3>\n<p>Israelite lamps developed from those in general use among the Canaanites in the second millennium <span>BC<\/span>. Their shape was similar to a shell or saucer with a lip. Lamps of stone, metal, and shells were used, although the majority were made of pottery. A multitude of clay lamps, fashioned in a variety of designs, have been excavated in Palestine.<\/p>\n\n<p>The clay bowl was fashioned first, and the rim was folded over to help contain the oil. A spout was pinched in place at one end, into which the wick would be placed. When the clay had dried, the lamp would be fired to a dull brown shade. Gradually a style with an increasingly sharply pinched lip was developed. The wick was generally made of flax (Is 42:3, <span>kjv<\/span>), although an old piece of linen cloth was sometimes used. Salt could be added to the wick for a brighter flame, and frequently extra wicks were used. This led to the development of multispouted lamps like those found at Tell Dotha from 1200 <span>BC<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>Olive oil provided the most common form of lamp fuel (Ex 27:20), and the average lamp could hold enough oil to burn through the night. Despite this, the housewife would have to get up several times to tend the wick and keep her precious lamp lit (Prv 31:18). Tongs were used for extinguishing the flame of a lamp in the tabernacle or temple (Ex 25:38; 37:23; Nm 4:9; 1 Kgs 7:49; Is 6:6). Since candles were not known in biblical times, the translation in the <span>kjv<\/span> is incorrect.<\/p>\n<p>The saucer lamp, which would have spilled easily, was not suitable for night travel, so a torch was probably used for that purpose (Jgs 7:16-20). In addition, the wick of the open saucer lamp could easily have blown out at night.<\/p>\n<p>Lamps were commonly found in burials along with food offerings. Because the lamp’s flame was associated with life, lamps were frequently placed in tombs as a symbol of life being rekindled.<\/p>\n<p>Although a more elaborate cup-and-saucer style of lamp was developed in which the flame came from the central area, the saucer lamp remained the most popular. The earliest Hellenistic lamp found in Palestine dates from 630 <span>BC<\/span> and already shows indications of the later covered model. During the sixth and fifth centuries <span>BC<\/span>, a flat-bottomed, saucer-style lamp was developed.<\/p>\n<p>In the third century <span>BC<\/span> the more elaborate wheel-made, covered Greek style took precedence. These lamps were often simple in design, rounded, with a central hole for the oil and one in the small spout for the wick.<\/p>\n<p>In the second century <span>BC<\/span> the wheel-made lamp was replaced by a molded ceramic lamp of finer design with a larger spout. Imported Egyptian lamps of this type have been found in southern Palestine. Multispouted lamps were probably used on festive occasions. From the same period comes the Hellenistic-influenced bronze lamp of a seated figure holding out a saucer lamp in his hands. At the end of the Hellenistic age the form of lamps deteriorated as the spouts became thick and squat.<\/p>\n<p>Small, round wheel-made lamps of simple design were prevalent in the time of Christ; this would be the type of lamp used by the woman searching the house for her gold coin (Lk 15:8). With wicks trimmed, the lamps of the foolish virgins would probably have lasted approximately five hours, from dark until about midnight (Mt 25:1-12).<\/p>\n<p>Jewish lamps were part of the religious symbolism of the home, probably dating back to the prohibition against lighting a fire on the Sabbath (Ex 35:3). References to light abound in Scripture. We read of the eye as a lamp (Mt 6:22-23; Lk 11:33-36) and of Christ as the Light of the World (Jn 8:12). We are warned to pay attention to teaching as to a light shining in the dark (Prv 6:23; 2 Pt 1:19). Both God and the spirit of man are symbolized as lamps (2 Sm 22:29; Prv 20:27), while in Proverbs 13:9 “lamp” is synonymous with the essence of life itself. Lamps, with or without stands, were also part of the Jewish ritual of death, mourning, and burial.<\/p>\n<p>The tabernacle housed an ornate golden lampstand, or menorah. On either side three branches came out from the main central stem, and seven lamps could be lighted in the flower-shaped holders. The menorah from the Jerusalem temple is represented in relief on the Arch of Titus in Rome. This particular seven-branched lampstand resembles the ten that were part of the furnishings of Solomon’s temple.<\/p>\n<p>The seven-branched lampstand has been a particular symbol of the Jewish faith from the time of its earliest appearance on a coin in the reign of Antigonus (40–37 <span>BC<\/span>) up to the present day.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Menorah.<\/p>","summary_ro":"LAMP, LAMPSTAND Israelite lamps developed from those in general use among the Canaanites in the second millennium BC. Their shape was similar to a shell or saucer with a lip. Lamps of stone, metal, and shells were used, although the majority were made of pottery. A multitude of clay lamps, fashioned in a variety of designs, have been excavated in Palestine. The clay bowl was fashioned first, and the rim was folded over to help contain the oil. A spout was pinched in place at one end, into whi...","summary_en":"LAMP, LAMPSTAND Israelite lamps developed from those in general use among the Canaanites in the second millennium BC. Their shape was similar to a shell or saucer with a lip. Lamps of stone, metal, and shells were used, although the majority were made of pottery. A multitude of clay lamps, fashioned in a variety of designs, have been excavated in Palestine. The clay bowl was fashioned first, and the rim was folded over to help contain the oil. A spout was pinched in place at one end, into whi...","source":"Articles\/L.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":45775,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:16","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:16","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:16<\/strong> Dividing the small band <em>into three groups<\/em> created the impression of a much larger force.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:16<\/strong> Dividing the small band <em>into three groups<\/em> created the impression of a much larger force.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:16 Dividing the small band into three groups created the impression of a much larger force.","summary_en":"7:16 Dividing the small band into three groups created the impression of a much larger force.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73401,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:16","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:16","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:16<\/strong> Dividing the small band <em>into three groups<\/em> created the impression of a much larger force.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:16<\/strong> Dividing the small band <em>into three groups<\/em> created the impression of a much larger force.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:16 Dividing the small band into three groups created the impression of a much larger force.","summary_en":"7:16 Dividing the small band into three groups created the impression of a much larger force.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":101027,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:16","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:16","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:16<\/strong> Dividing the small band <em>into three groups<\/em> created the impression of a much larger force.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:16<\/strong> Dividing the small band <em>into three groups<\/em> created the impression of a much larger force.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:16 Dividing the small band into three groups created the impression of a much larger force.","summary_en":"7:16 Dividing the small band into three groups created the impression of a much larger force.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128653,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:16","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:16","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:16<\/strong> Dividing the small band <em>into three groups<\/em> created the impression of a much larger force.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:16<\/strong> Dividing the small band <em>into three groups<\/em> created the impression of a much larger force.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:16 Dividing the small band into three groups created the impression of a much larger force.","summary_en":"7:16 Dividing the small band into three groups created the impression of a much larger force.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"17":[{"id":26542,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Music","title_en":"Music","content_ro":"<h3>MUSIC<\/h3>\n<p>A natural human expression that probably began with speech-singing and developed into songs, which were then accompanied by instruments. Music as we know it has become quite complex, a luxury and entertainment; music in antiquity, however, was a functional expression of daily life, work, and worship.<\/p>\n<p>The phrase “sing to the Lord,” common to the OT (Ex 15:21; 1 Chr 16:9; Pss 68:32; 96:1-2; Is 42:10; Jer 20:13), was not unique to the Jewish nation. All religions draw on the natural human impulse to sing. The injunction “sing to the Lord” was a signal for the people to pour out their praise in song.<\/p>\n<p>The Bible, however, is limited in its treatment of music in ancient Israel. Since there was no written musical notation, the primary record of songs sung by the Hebrews is the collection of texts, particularly the psalms, and a few enigmatic musical instructions. The biblical writers were writing a history not of their culture but of their relationship with God; hence, their comments about music are not critical. Also, the biblical documents cover a long span of history and are grouped according to category rather than in chronological order, thus making it difficult to order the development of musical style with precision. Finally, there is the problem of understanding the biblical descriptions of music and its performance. Only in this century have scholars been able to interpret the information provided in the Bible in terms of Eastern music systems.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Music in the Old Testament<\/p>\n<p>• Music in the Psalms<\/p>\n<p>• Music in the New Testament<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"MusicintheOldTestament\">Music in the Old Testament<\/p>\n<p>The first musician mentioned in the Bible is “Jubal, the first musician—the inventor of the harp and flute” (Gn 4:21, <span>nlt<\/span>). The importance of this description of a musician so early in history lies in the equality Jubal is given with his brothers Jabal, the herdsman, and Tubal-cain, the smith. Music making is recognized among the earliest professions of nomadic peoples. The name Jubal is believed to be a derivative from the Hebrew word for “ram.” The ram’s horn <em>(<\/em><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">shophar<\/span><em>)<\/em> was an early instrument of the Jewish people and was significant in signaling important events.<\/p>\n<p>For the most part, the music described in early biblical history was of a functional nature. Music gained special significance as it became an important part of temple worship. Many of the descriptions of music making in ancient Israel, before David’s time, are quite utilitarian. There are accounts of music at times of farewell (Gn 31:27), at times of rejoicing and feasting (Ex 32:17-18; Is 5:12; 24:8-9), at military victories (2 Chr 20:27-28), and for work (Nm 21:17, the song of the well diggers; Is 16:10; Jer 48:33). Most of this music was probably rather crude and primitive in nature, especially the music associated with military advances, which was meant to terrify the enemy (Jgs 7:17-20). The music and dancing that greeted Moses as he descended from the mountain was described as if it sounded like “war in the camp” (Ex 32:17-18).<\/p>\n<p>In the early history of the Jewish people, women played an important part in the performance of music. The image of women dancing and singing for joy accompanied by percussion instruments is repeated several times: Miriam led the women in a hymn of thanksgiving after the deliverance from the Red Sea (Ex 15); Jephthah’s daughter welcomed her father in his victory (Jgs 11:34); Deborah joined with Barak in singing a song of victory (Jgs 5); and women hailed David after his defeat of the Philistines (1 Sm 18:6-7). There is little mention of women as musicians following the establishment of the temple in Jerusalem, but there are a few allusions to the fact that women did participate in singing and dancing. The account of the return from exile in Babylon includes both male and female singers (Neh 7:67), confirming that women still took part in musical performance.<\/p>\n<p>As Jerusalem became the religious center of the Hebrew people (950–850 <span>BC<\/span>), the role of the professional musician became more important. The women’s songs became insignificant compared to the pomp and ceremony associated with the temple and the royal court. While the Levitical singers took most of the musical responsibility at the temple, the development of antiphonal singing allowed the people to join in on responses in the singing of psalms.<\/p>\n<h5>Musical Style and Use<\/h5>\n<p>The Jewish people seem to have been especially musical. Of course, they were influenced by other ancient cultures, but there is evidence that they were in demand as musicians by other peoples. According to an Assyrian document, King Hezekiah gave as tribute to King Sennacherib many male and female Jewish musicians. The Babylonians demanded that the captive Jews sing to them and entertain them (cf. Ps 137:3).<\/p>\n<p>Since the OT’s purpose was to narrate the relationship between the Jewish nation and God, most of the references to music deal with its function in worship. However, evidence reveals that there was also a large body of secular musical literature. There may have been guilds of poets and singers early in Jewish history. The kinds of songs recorded in the early part of the OT represent a folklike poetry. The song of thanksgiving to the Lord by Moses and the people of Israel after their escape at the Red Sea is a stirring national song. Many descriptions of the biblical writers reflect the spirit of bardic song. This would be logical, as these stories were meant to be passed on. Marching songs (2 Chr 20:27-28), and songs of triumph (Jgs 5) also indicate a secular body of music.<\/p>\n<h5>Music in Worship<\/h5>\n<p>The singers and musicians for the temple worship were chosen from the tribe of Levi. King David assembled the Levites for a census, and out of the total of 38,000 men over the age of 30, 4,000 were chosen as musicians. These 4,000 were subsequently given specific jobs. “David and the chiefs of the service also set apart for the service certain of the sons of Asaph, and of Heman, and of Jeduthun, who should prophesy with lyres, with harps, and with cymbals. . . . The number of them along with their brethren, who were trained in singing to the <span>Lord<\/span>, all who were skilful, was two hundred and eighty-eight” (1 Chr 25:1, 7, <span>rsv<\/span>). The singers were further divided into 24 groups of 12 singers, who rotated in participating in the weekday, Sabbath, and high holy day services.<\/p>\n<p>According to a later source, there were minimum and maximum numbers of singers and instrumentalists required at each service. The minimum number of singers was twelve, the maximum was unlimited. There had to be in attendance at least two harps but no more than six, at least two flutes but no more than twelve, a minimum of two trumpets with no maximum, and a minimum of nine lyres with no maximum. There was only one player with a pair of cymbals.<\/p>\n<p>A singer was admitted to the Levitical choir at the age of thirty following a five-year apprenticeship (1 Chr 23:3). Five years is a relatively short time considering the amount of material these singers had to memorize (for there was no notation) and the liturgical ritual they had to master; it is speculated that they actually were in training from childhood. The Levites lived in villages outside the city wall and may have been actively involved in the musical education of their children (Neh 12:29). The Levites performed other duties connected with the sacred service, but the singers were excused from all other duties because they were on duty day and night (1 Chr 9:33). Their skills were an important part of the temple worship, and they were able to devote their entire life to the development of their musical ability. A singer served in the choir for 20 years, from age 30 to 50, and the music was of a high quality due to strict discipline and continuous practice and performance.<\/p>\n<p>From the beginning of Jewish formal worship connected with the tabernacle, music and sound was important. In Exodus 28:34-35 the descriptions of Aaron’s robe include bells attached to the lower hem that sounded as he entered the Holy Place. The first liturgical music mentioned in the OT is found in 2 Samuel 6 in the descriptions of the transfer of the ark: David and the Israelites sang, played instruments, and danced to the glory of the Lord. This music bore little resemblance to the stately ceremony described later in Solomon’s temple. In 2 Chronicles 7:6, David is given recognition for inventing the musical instruments used in the temple. In the postexilic era Levitical singers are mentioned as the descendants of Asaph, the “singing master” appointed by David (Ezr 2:41; Neh 7:44; 11:22-23). From passages such as these, we have a definite indication that liturgical music and organization stemmed from David’s time.<\/p>\n<p>The ceremonies in the Jewish temple were organized around the sacrifice. Singing formed an integral part of the sacrificial service and was necessary to validate the sacrificial action. There were special musical settings for each sacrifice; thus the daily burnt, expiatory, and laudatory offerings and libations had individual liturgies. Particular psalms became associated with certain sacrifices as well as with certain days of the week. The psalm of the day was intoned as the high priest started to pour out the drink offering. The psalm was divided into three sections, each signaled by the blowing of the trumpets, on which signal the people would prostrate themselves. This is the only time the trumpets were used together with the other instruments in orchestral fashion on solemn occasions (2 Chr 5:12-13).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"MusicinthePsalms\">Music in the Psalms<\/p>\n<h5>Musical Psalm Titles<\/h5>\n<p>The collection of 150 lyric poems known as the book of Psalms contains the most information on music making in ancient Israel. The Psalter contains not only religious songs but also songs that have their roots in secular or popular songs, such as work songs, love songs, and wedding songs. The majority are songs of praise, thanksgiving, prayer, and repentance. There are also historic odes that relate great national events—for example, Psalm 30, “a song at the dedication of the temple,” and Psalm 137, which portrays the sufferings of the Jews in captivity.<\/p>\n<p>The psalms were an important part of all the services of the temple; the Psalter became the liturgical hymnal of the Israelites. Worship included an appointed psalm for each day of the week. On the first day of the week, Psalm 24 was sung in remembrance of the first day of creation, Psalm 48 was sung on the second day, Psalm 82 on the third, Psalm 94 on the fourth, Psalm 81 on the fifth, Psalm 93 on the sixth, and Psalm 92 on the Sabbath. After the sacrificial offerings, Psalm 105:1-5 was sung at the morning service and Psalm 96 at the evening service. The Hallel psalms (Pss 113–118, 120–136, 146–148) were sung during the offering of the paschal lamb at the Passover feast.<\/p>\n<p>While most of the liturgical music was performed by Levites, texts of the psalms suggest that there was also congregational participation. The forms of music found both in synagogal and ecclesiastical chant had their source in the forms of the poetic text of the psalms. The simplest is the plain psalmody sung by one person (e.g., Pss 3–5, 46). In responsorial psalmody the soloist is answered by the choir (e.g., Ps 67:1-2; the soloist sang verse 1 and the choir answered with verse 2). Antiphonal psalmody involves two groups singing alternately (e.g., Ps 103:20-22). The congregation would chant a refrain such as appears in Psalm 80: “Restore us, O God; let thy face shine, that we may be saved!” recurs throughout the psalm (<span>rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>Even though the synagogue had no altar for sacrifice, psalm singing retained an important place. After the Romans destroyed the temple, the worship heritage of the Jews could have been lost if the customs, including musical customs, had not become an integral part of synagogue worship.<\/p>\n<p>The most enigmatic part of the psalms is the headings that are not part of the poetic text. The first question is whether these should even be considered as superscripts. Greek, Latin, Hebrew, and other ancient languages were written in such a way that the text ran together without any break between chapters or paragraphs. This means that the verses, and even the division of the psalms themselves, were partially determined by copyists, chiefly the Masoretes. There is some question as to which psalms the extrapoetic texts actually belong with; they may actually be subscripts instead of superscripts. Sumerian and Babylonian poetry had information such as the name of the author, the musical instrument used for accompaniment, the tune, the purpose, and such listed at the end of the poem. Hence, some of the headings may actually be endings.<\/p>\n<p>The indications at the beginning of a psalm fall into three categories. They are either musical terms giving direction for the actual performance, musical cues designating the tune to which the psalm would be sung, or comments indicating the function of the psalm. These terms have been interpreted in various ways.<\/p>\n<p>Originally, these headings may have been marginal notes for the choir leaders. Realizing that these terms were not related to the psalm text proper, early biblical scribes may not have been overly careful with their placement in the text, which may explain some of the discrepancies among the early manuscripts—why certain words are left out in some and why terms assigned to only a few psalms may originally have been indicated on more of them.<\/p>\n<p>All but 50 of the psalms contain a proper name in the heading. These names possibly indicate the author; other commentators, interpreting the preposition appearing before the names to mean “for,” think the names are a dedication. Thus the title would be “A Psalm for David,” not “A Psalm of David.” This may be the case with the names of Asaph, Heman, Ethan, and especially the sons of Korah, where it would make better sense for the psalm to be written for rather than by the family. Seventy-three psalms have David’s name in the heading, hence the common reference to the Psalter as the Psalms of David. Twelve include the name of Asaph, eleven the children of Korah, two Solomon, and one each contains Moses, Heman, and Ethan.<\/p>\n<h5>Musical Terms in the Psalm Titles<\/h5>\n<p>Numerous musical terms are included in the superscriptions to cue the kind of instrumental accompaniment, mood, and style of performance for the psalm.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Alamoth<\/span> is one of the most controversial terms found in the psalm headings. It appears at the beginning of Psalm 46 and also in 1 Chronicles 15:20. One meaning for the Hebrew word is “maiden,” and musicologists interpret this as an instruction that the psalm should be sung in the range of the female singing voice. The reference in Chronicles is to harps in the range of women’s voices. This interpretation does not seem to fit Psalm 46, but if we look at the preceding psalm and read the term as a subscript, it becomes logical. Psalm 45 is a song of love, actually a nuptial ode; it would be natural for women to sing the second half (vv 10-17). While there is little mention of women singing in the temple, there is speculation that young boys in training may have sung along with the Levitical singers. Also this may be a case where the term appears only once in the modern text but may have been used more often in the original. Another possible meaning for <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Alamoth<\/span> is “flutes,” perhaps describing the kind of musical accompaniment for the performance of the psalm.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Gittith<\/span> is a term found in the superscriptions of Psalms 8, 81, and 84. It may be a musical cue, indicating a mood for the performance of these psalms, but a more common explanation is that it is a collective term for the stringed instruments that would have accompanied them.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Mahalath<\/span> has been left in its original Hebrew form by early translators and is found in the headings of Psalms 53 and 88. It may have roots in the Hebrew <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">mahaleh<\/span> “sickness” or <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">mahot<\/span> “dance,” though neither of these words can be related to the psalm texts. Another explanation is a musical one. <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Mahalath<\/span> may come from the word <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">halal<\/span> meaning “to pierce,” implying that the psalm was to be accompanied with pipes.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Maskil<\/span> (<span>kjv<\/span> “Maschil”) appears in the headings of 13 psalms (Pss 32, 42, 44–45, 52–55, 74, 78, 88–89, 142). The term is probably derived from the verb <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">sakal<\/span><em>,<\/em> “to have insight or comprehension,” but there is no agreement among commentators. By looking at the psalms themselves, their didactic nature and the structure of stanzas and refrains, musicologists conclude the term represents a song of praise, possibly sung by a soloist with participation by the choir.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Menazzeah<\/span> appears in the heading of 55 psalms. It appears 52 times in the first three books of Psalms (Pss 1–89), not at all in book four (Pss 90–106), and 3 times in book five (Pss 107–150). The most common modern translations are “to the Choirmaster” (<span>rsv<\/span>), “to the choir director” (<span>nasb<\/span>, <span>nlt<\/span>), “to the director of music” (<span>niv<\/span>), “to the chief Musician” (<span>kjv<\/span>, <span>nkjv<\/span>). The word is derived from the Hebrew verb <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">nazzah<\/span><em>,<\/em> appearing in 1 Chronicles 23:4 and Ezra 3:8-9 in the sense of “administering.” In 1 Chronicles 15:21 the word is found in relation to leading or directing song in the temple. <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Menazzeah<\/span> relates to the choirmaster and represents the singer chosen to lead the music who probably was involved in rehearsing and instructing. It is now assumed that <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">menazzeah<\/span> indicates the psalm was to be sung partially or entirely by a soloist. This is evidenced by the change in some texts from “I” where the soloist sang, to “we” where the choir or congregation sang. Psalm 5 is an example of a text divided for solo and choral singing: verses 1-3 solo; verses 4-6 choral; verses 7-8 solo; verses 9-10 choral; and verses 11-12 end the psalm with the combined soloist and choir.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Miktam<\/span> (<span>kjv<\/span> “Michtam”) is another term that has no clear musical meaning, due mainly to the fact that its etymology is unknown. It occurs in Psalms 16 and 56–60, all of which have a character of lamentation or supplication. In a musical sense, it probably meant that a certain well-known tune was to be selected as the melody of the psalm.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Mizmor<\/span> (Hebrew, meaning a song sung to instrumental accompaniment) is found nowhere else in the Bible; it is included in the superscriptions of 57 psalms. It probably indicated a song accompanied by melodic instruments as opposed to a dance song accompanied by rhythmic instruments.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Neginah<\/span> appears in the superscriptions of Psalms 4, 6, 54–55, 61, 67, and 76. The term <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">neginah<\/span> and its plural <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">neginoth<\/span> are found in Psalm 77:7, Lamentations 5:14, Isaiah 38:20, and Habakkuk 3:19. <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Neginah<\/span><em>,<\/em> from the Hebrew root <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">naggen<\/span><em>,<\/em> “to touch the strings,” instructs that stringed instruments accompany the singing.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Nehiloth<\/span> is found only in the introduction to Psalm 5 (<span>kjv<\/span>). The origin of the word is problematic. It could come from the verb <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">nahal<\/span><em>,<\/em> “to possess or inherit,” or more feasibly from <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">halal<\/span><em>,<\/em> meaning “to pierce.” The latter implies the idea of a pierced instrument (the flute or pipe) to be used for accompaniment.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Sheminith<\/span> appears in Psalms 6 and 12 and also in 1 Chronicles 15:21. The Hebrew word means literally “over the eighth.” Some scholars feel it had something to do with an octave, but the Hebrew musical language probably did not include a musical unit divided into eight parts. Other scholars interpret <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">sheminith<\/span> as meaning an eight-stringed instrument. A more logical interpretation comes from examining its use in 1 Chronicles. In 15:20 the instructions are for musicians to play the harps according to <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">alamoth<\/span> and in verse 21 to play the lyres according to <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">sheminith<\/span><em>.<\/em> Here the terms <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">alamoth<\/span> and <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">sheminith<\/span> seem to be used in opposition. If <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">alamoth<\/span> implies a register of the female voice, then <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">sheminith<\/span> would imply a lower register. Thus, it may have been an instruction to use a lower pitched instrument for accompaniment.<\/p>\n<h5>Psalm Varieties in the Titles<\/h5>\n<p>Some of the notes in the psalm headings are indications of the type or variety of psalm.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Hazkir<\/span> is found in the headings of Psalms 38 and 70. According to the Targum, this is an indication that the psalm was sung at the sacrificial rite called <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">askara<\/span> and is translated “for a memorial offering.”<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Lammed<\/span> appears in the superscription of Psalm 60 in the phrase <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">le-lammed<\/span><em>,<\/em> translated “to teach.” According to tradition, this was a psalm, though undoubtedly not the only one, taught to young people as part of their education. This is another example of a term that may have been omitted from other psalms in later versions of the Psalter.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Shiggaion<\/span> is in the heading of Psalm 7 and also in Habakkuk 3:1. The word probably comes from the Hebrew verb <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">shagah<\/span><em>,<\/em> “to wander,” but may also be connected with the Assyrian liturgical term <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">shigu<\/span><em>,<\/em> which represented a plaintive song in several stanzas. Biblical scholars have assumed <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">shiggaion<\/span><em>,<\/em> plural <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">shigionoth<\/span><em>,<\/em> was a lament or penitential song.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Shir<\/span> is the simplest word for “song” and was probably used in the headings at an early stage of the Psalter; it is usually found with <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">mizmor<\/span> (13 times). Fifteen psalms have this heading. It was probably the term for a specific type of praise song, usually performed by the choir.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Shir Hamaalot<\/span> and <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Shir Lamaalot<\/span> occur in the headings of Psalms 120–134, which are often referred to as the Psalms of Ascent (<span>kjv<\/span> “Psalms of Degrees”). Most explanations offered relate to the fact that the temple was situated on high ground. Often these 15 psalms are associated with the 15 steps leading from the Court of the Women to the Court of the Israelites. But most contemporary scholars believe the idea of “going up” referred to the pilgrims’ journey to Jerusalem to worship at the temple. These psalms are short, with popular appeal, making them appropriate for singing during the journey.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Shir Hanukkat Habayit<\/span> is found only in the heading of Psalm 30. This phrase tells that the psalm was to be used for the dedication or rededication of the house of God.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Shir-yedidot<\/span> appears only in Psalm 45. It refers to a love song that was probably sung at wedding ceremonies.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Tefillah<\/span> is a common term for “prayer” and appears in the headings of Psalms 17, 86, 90, 102, and 142, and also in Habakkuk 3:1. The word probably refers to a specific form of poetic prayer.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Selah<\/span> is one of the most frequently used, but most enigmatic, terms found in the book of Psalms. It occurs in 39 psalms, appearing a total of 71 times in the Psalter—67 times within the text and 4 times at the end of a psalm. It is most frequent in the first three books. In the first book <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">selah<\/span> appears in 9 psalms; in the second book, 17 psalms; in the third book, 11 psalms. In the fourth book it is not found at all and in the fifth book in only two psalms. Thirty-one of these psalms also include the term <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">menazzeah<\/span> in their superscriptions, which implies that they were sung by a soloist and choir. Most commonly, <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">selah<\/span> is interpreted as a signal for a break in the singing and possibly for an instrumental interlude. It never appears at the beginning of a psalm but only in the middle of the text or at the end. The regularity of its appearance within a psalm is not consistent, and in only a few instances do these divisions break the psalm into equal sections. Because of the random placement of the term, some scholars believe that, like the headings, <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">selah<\/span> was not always carefully copied into the text. It may have been a note appearing only in the texts of the musicians, which would explain this inconsistency. An explanation of <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">selah<\/span> is found in the Talmudic tradition: “Ben Azra clashed the cymbal and the Levites broke forth into singing. When they reached a break in the singing they blew upon the trumpets and the people prostrated themselves; at every break there was a blowing of the trumpet and at every blowing of the trumpet a prostration. This was the rite of the daily whole offering in the service of the House of our God.” <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Selah<\/span><em>,<\/em> then, would be an instruction for the musicians that the singing was to cease and the instrumentalists were to play.<\/p>\n<p>The term <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">higgaion selah<\/span> appears once, in Psalm 9:16. The word <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">higgaiaon<\/span> comes from the root <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">hagah<\/span><em>,<\/em> “to murmur, to growl, to produce a low sound.” This may have been an instruction for the interlude to be more subdued than a normal <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">selah<\/span><em>.<\/em><\/p>\n<h5>Ancient Melodies in the Titles<\/h5>\n<p>Many psalms contain headings that are not direct musical references but are cue words to suggest well-known tunes. They probably refer either to names or the first words of popular secular songs <em>(<\/em><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">makams<\/span><em>)<\/em> whose melodic patterns were used in singing the psalm. Many biblical scholars have tried to find hidden meaning in these headings, but most musicologists believe these are simply references or introductions to melodies.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Aijeleth Shahar<\/span><em>,<\/em> in Psalm 22 (<span>kjv<\/span>), is translated “according to The Hind of the Dawn” (<span>rsv<\/span>), and “To the tune of ‘The Doe of the Morning’ ” (<span>niv<\/span>), “To the tune ‘Doe of the Dawn’ ” (<span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Al-taschith<\/span><em>,<\/em> in Psalms 57–59 and 75 (<span>kjv<\/span>), is translated “To the tune ‘Do Not Destroy!’ ” (<span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Jonath-elem-rechokim<\/span><em>,<\/em> in Psalm 56 (<span>kjv<\/span>), is translated “according to The Dove on Far-off Terebinths” (<span>rsv<\/span>), and “To the tune ‘Dove on Distant Oaks’ ” (<span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Mahalath Leannoth<\/span><em>,<\/em> in Psalm 88, is translated “To the tune ‘The Suffering of Affliction’ ” (<span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Muthlabben<\/span><em>,<\/em> in Psalm 9, is translated “To the tune ‘Death of the Son’ ” (<span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Shoshannim<\/span><em>,<\/em> in Psalms 45 and 69 (<span>kjv<\/span>), is translated “To the tune ‘Lilies’ ” (<span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Shoshannim-Eduth<\/span><em>,<\/em> in Psalm 80 (<span>kjv<\/span>), is translated “To the tune ‘Lilies of the Covenant’ ” (<span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Shushan-eduth<\/span><em>,<\/em> in Psalm 60, is translated “To the tune ‘Lily of the Testimony’ ” (<span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>These melody types appear only in the first three books of the Psalter, and this may imply that these popular <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">makams<\/span> had fallen into disuse by the time the final books of the Psalter were written. Other <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">makam<\/span>-types had probably become popular, and the authors, realizing the relatively short life of a popular tune, did not include them in the headings of the Psalms but left the choice up to the performer.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"MusicintheNewTestament\">Music in the New Testament<\/p>\n<h5>First-Century Influences<\/h5>\n<h6>The Synagogue<\/h6>\n<p>By the time of Christ, the synagogue had become the chief place of worship for the Jewish people. It began as a place for study of the law but gradually became the center of worship for Jews unable to attend the temple. The liturgical service of the temple could not be duplicated in the synagogue as there was no sacrificial rite, and the music could not be exactly reproduced as there were no trained Levitical singers. Scholars do not agree about the amount of continuity between the music of the temple and the music of the synagogue, but there is evidence that certain musical practices did remain constant between the two places of worship.<\/p>\n<p>Information on the customs and rituals of the synagogue come from Talmudic writings. The musical elements of worship in the synagogue were the chanting of Scripture, psalmody, and spiritual songs. The choral singing of the temple was replaced by a single cantor. The cantor was a layman who, according to tradition, had to have the following qualifications: “He had to be well educated, gifted with a sweet voice, of humble personality, recognized by the community, conversant with Scripture and all the prayers; he must not be a rich man, for his prayers should come from his heart.” His most important job was the cantillation of the Law and the Prophets. A series of accents and punctuations, forerunners of actual musical notation, were indications for the cantor in the musical interpretation of the Scripture.<\/p>\n<p>Psalm singing was gradually transplanted from the temple to the synagogue, which in turn influenced the early Christian church. Gregorian psalm tones have their roots in Hebrew psalmody.<\/p>\n<h6>Greek and Roman Cultures<\/h6>\n<p>While both the temple and the synagogue were familiar to the early Christians (Acts 2:46-47; 3:1; 5:42; 9:20; 18:4; etc.), the Greek and Roman cultures also played a major part in shaping the young church. Hellenistic influences by the time of Christ had long been felt in the Middle East, and while it was strongly opposed by some Jewish leaders, the Greek arts had permeated Jewish culture. Greek philosophers considered music a cathartic force that could lead humans into metaphysical knowledge. This understanding led to the belief that music had a moral substance that could influence people to either good or evil. If this philosophy had totally encompassed Judeo-Christian thought, certainly Paul would have encouraged the use of music in the spread of the gospel. However, Paul’s omission of this theory implies that the Judeo-Christian world at that time had rejected the Greek ideal, at least in part.<\/p>\n<p>While the Jewish rabbis considered music an art form for the praise of God, and while the Greek philosophers thought of it as a powerful moral force in creation, the Romans considered music mainly as entertainment. The music of the Roman games was neither religious nor philosophic and, from the accounts of witnesses, it was not technically exceptional. In the Roman Empire musicians were given a lower status and looked on as mere entertainers. One reason the early church did not include instrumental music in their worship was in reaction to the debased secular use of instruments by the Romans.<\/p>\n<h5>In the New Testament Writings<\/h5>\n<p>One of the few mentions of instruments in the NT is the use of flutes at a wake (Mt 9:23). As in the OT, music is associated with feasting and merrymaking (e.g., the return of the prodigal son, Lk 15:25). Five passages mention music metaphorically (Mt 6:2; 11:17; Lk 7:32; 1 Cor 13:1; 14:7-8). The most well known of these is Paul’s celebration of love in 1 Corinthians 13. The denunciation of the gong and cymbals must be understood in light of the attitude of the early Christians toward the music of the Pharisees. Here the signal instruments of the temple were used to represent pompous display of religious pietism.<\/p>\n\n<p>Most references to music are found in the eschatological visions and prophetic passages scattered throughout the NT—most frequently in the book of Revelation (also Mt 24:31; 1 Cor 15:52; 1 Thes 4:16; Heb 12:19). Many of these descriptions have a direct association with musical references in the OT (e.g., the use of harps and trumpets and the singing of the Hallelujah). But the value of many of the passages in Revelation comes from their literary style. These doxological and psalmlike passages were probably spontaneous “spiritual songs” composed by the young church (e.g., Rv 5:9-10).<\/p>\n<p>The passages that mention religious or liturgical music are often more conceptual than literal. Two parallel passages describing the Last Supper (Mt 26:30; Mk 14:26) mention that Christ and his disciples sang a hymn. This is the only direct account of Jesus singing, but it is probable that when he read in the synagogue he did so in the accepted vocal style (Lk 4:16-20). There is much controversy surrounding the actual events at the Last Supper, but we can assume that the hymn sung was a traditional Jewish hymn, probably associated with the Passover.<\/p>\n<p>From the account in Acts 16:25 we know that Paul and Silas sang hymns while in jail. Paul gives instruction for music making in 1 Corinthians 14:15, 26 in terms of a balance between rationalism and emotion. And, as with all the gifts of the Spirit, Paul asks that singing be done for edification.<\/p>\n<p>In two similar passages (Eph 5:19; Col 3:16) Paul groups together three musical terms—psalms, hymns, and spiritual songs. The singing of psalms was an obvious carryover from the synagogue, and we can assume that the early Christian psalm singing followed the Jewish style. The term for “hymns” probably refers to poetic texts, possibly modeled after the psalms, but in praise of Christ. “Spiritual songs” may refer to a spontaneous, ecstatic form of musical prayer, possibly wordless (perhaps related to glossolalia), in a style that was popular in mystical Judaism. These outbursts of song were probably melismatic (sung on one tone) and are perhaps the forerunners of the later Alleluia chant.<\/p>\n<h5>Hymnody in the New Testament<\/h5>\n<p>It can be assumed that the early Christians composed hymns in praise of Christ. Logically, most of the hymns found in the NT are based on Hebrew poetic psalm forms, but there is Greek and Latin influence also. The hymns from the Gospel of Luke have become well-known canticles adopted by the church: the Magnificat (Lk 1:46-55), the Benedictus (1:68-79), the Gloria (2:14) and the Nunc Dimittis (2:29-32). While patterned after the psalms of the OT, these hymns are full of confidence in the salvation of Christ and in his imminent return. Other Christological hymns found in the NT include the prologue to the Gospel of John, Ephesians 2:14-16, Philippians 2:6-11, Colossians 1:15-20, 1 Timothy 3:16, Hebrews 1:3, and 1 Peter 3:18-22.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>MUSIC<\/h3>\n<p>A natural human expression that probably began with speech-singing and developed into songs, which were then accompanied by instruments. Music as we know it has become quite complex, a luxury and entertainment; music in antiquity, however, was a functional expression of daily life, work, and worship.<\/p>\n<p>The phrase “sing to the Lord,” common to the OT (Ex 15:21; 1 Chr 16:9; Pss 68:32; 96:1-2; Is 42:10; Jer 20:13), was not unique to the Jewish nation. All religions draw on the natural human impulse to sing. The injunction “sing to the Lord” was a signal for the people to pour out their praise in song.<\/p>\n<p>The Bible, however, is limited in its treatment of music in ancient Israel. Since there was no written musical notation, the primary record of songs sung by the Hebrews is the collection of texts, particularly the psalms, and a few enigmatic musical instructions. The biblical writers were writing a history not of their culture but of their relationship with God; hence, their comments about music are not critical. Also, the biblical documents cover a long span of history and are grouped according to category rather than in chronological order, thus making it difficult to order the development of musical style with precision. Finally, there is the problem of understanding the biblical descriptions of music and its performance. Only in this century have scholars been able to interpret the information provided in the Bible in terms of Eastern music systems.<\/p>\n<p>Preview<\/p>\n<p>• Music in the Old Testament<\/p>\n<p>• Music in the Psalms<\/p>\n<p>• Music in the New Testament<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"MusicintheOldTestament\">Music in the Old Testament<\/p>\n<p>The first musician mentioned in the Bible is “Jubal, the first musician—the inventor of the harp and flute” (Gn 4:21, <span>nlt<\/span>). The importance of this description of a musician so early in history lies in the equality Jubal is given with his brothers Jabal, the herdsman, and Tubal-cain, the smith. Music making is recognized among the earliest professions of nomadic peoples. The name Jubal is believed to be a derivative from the Hebrew word for “ram.” The ram’s horn <em>(<\/em><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">shophar<\/span><em>)<\/em> was an early instrument of the Jewish people and was significant in signaling important events.<\/p>\n<p>For the most part, the music described in early biblical history was of a functional nature. Music gained special significance as it became an important part of temple worship. Many of the descriptions of music making in ancient Israel, before David’s time, are quite utilitarian. There are accounts of music at times of farewell (Gn 31:27), at times of rejoicing and feasting (Ex 32:17-18; Is 5:12; 24:8-9), at military victories (2 Chr 20:27-28), and for work (Nm 21:17, the song of the well diggers; Is 16:10; Jer 48:33). Most of this music was probably rather crude and primitive in nature, especially the music associated with military advances, which was meant to terrify the enemy (Jgs 7:17-20). The music and dancing that greeted Moses as he descended from the mountain was described as if it sounded like “war in the camp” (Ex 32:17-18).<\/p>\n<p>In the early history of the Jewish people, women played an important part in the performance of music. The image of women dancing and singing for joy accompanied by percussion instruments is repeated several times: Miriam led the women in a hymn of thanksgiving after the deliverance from the Red Sea (Ex 15); Jephthah’s daughter welcomed her father in his victory (Jgs 11:34); Deborah joined with Barak in singing a song of victory (Jgs 5); and women hailed David after his defeat of the Philistines (1 Sm 18:6-7). There is little mention of women as musicians following the establishment of the temple in Jerusalem, but there are a few allusions to the fact that women did participate in singing and dancing. The account of the return from exile in Babylon includes both male and female singers (Neh 7:67), confirming that women still took part in musical performance.<\/p>\n<p>As Jerusalem became the religious center of the Hebrew people (950–850 <span>BC<\/span>), the role of the professional musician became more important. The women’s songs became insignificant compared to the pomp and ceremony associated with the temple and the royal court. While the Levitical singers took most of the musical responsibility at the temple, the development of antiphonal singing allowed the people to join in on responses in the singing of psalms.<\/p>\n<h5>Musical Style and Use<\/h5>\n<p>The Jewish people seem to have been especially musical. Of course, they were influenced by other ancient cultures, but there is evidence that they were in demand as musicians by other peoples. According to an Assyrian document, King Hezekiah gave as tribute to King Sennacherib many male and female Jewish musicians. The Babylonians demanded that the captive Jews sing to them and entertain them (cf. Ps 137:3).<\/p>\n<p>Since the OT’s purpose was to narrate the relationship between the Jewish nation and God, most of the references to music deal with its function in worship. However, evidence reveals that there was also a large body of secular musical literature. There may have been guilds of poets and singers early in Jewish history. The kinds of songs recorded in the early part of the OT represent a folklike poetry. The song of thanksgiving to the Lord by Moses and the people of Israel after their escape at the Red Sea is a stirring national song. Many descriptions of the biblical writers reflect the spirit of bardic song. This would be logical, as these stories were meant to be passed on. Marching songs (2 Chr 20:27-28), and songs of triumph (Jgs 5) also indicate a secular body of music.<\/p>\n<h5>Music in Worship<\/h5>\n<p>The singers and musicians for the temple worship were chosen from the tribe of Levi. King David assembled the Levites for a census, and out of the total of 38,000 men over the age of 30, 4,000 were chosen as musicians. These 4,000 were subsequently given specific jobs. “David and the chiefs of the service also set apart for the service certain of the sons of Asaph, and of Heman, and of Jeduthun, who should prophesy with lyres, with harps, and with cymbals. . . . The number of them along with their brethren, who were trained in singing to the <span>Lord<\/span>, all who were skilful, was two hundred and eighty-eight” (1 Chr 25:1, 7, <span>rsv<\/span>). The singers were further divided into 24 groups of 12 singers, who rotated in participating in the weekday, Sabbath, and high holy day services.<\/p>\n<p>According to a later source, there were minimum and maximum numbers of singers and instrumentalists required at each service. The minimum number of singers was twelve, the maximum was unlimited. There had to be in attendance at least two harps but no more than six, at least two flutes but no more than twelve, a minimum of two trumpets with no maximum, and a minimum of nine lyres with no maximum. There was only one player with a pair of cymbals.<\/p>\n<p>A singer was admitted to the Levitical choir at the age of thirty following a five-year apprenticeship (1 Chr 23:3). Five years is a relatively short time considering the amount of material these singers had to memorize (for there was no notation) and the liturgical ritual they had to master; it is speculated that they actually were in training from childhood. The Levites lived in villages outside the city wall and may have been actively involved in the musical education of their children (Neh 12:29). The Levites performed other duties connected with the sacred service, but the singers were excused from all other duties because they were on duty day and night (1 Chr 9:33). Their skills were an important part of the temple worship, and they were able to devote their entire life to the development of their musical ability. A singer served in the choir for 20 years, from age 30 to 50, and the music was of a high quality due to strict discipline and continuous practice and performance.<\/p>\n<p>From the beginning of Jewish formal worship connected with the tabernacle, music and sound was important. In Exodus 28:34-35 the descriptions of Aaron’s robe include bells attached to the lower hem that sounded as he entered the Holy Place. The first liturgical music mentioned in the OT is found in 2 Samuel 6 in the descriptions of the transfer of the ark: David and the Israelites sang, played instruments, and danced to the glory of the Lord. This music bore little resemblance to the stately ceremony described later in Solomon’s temple. In 2 Chronicles 7:6, David is given recognition for inventing the musical instruments used in the temple. In the postexilic era Levitical singers are mentioned as the descendants of Asaph, the “singing master” appointed by David (Ezr 2:41; Neh 7:44; 11:22-23). From passages such as these, we have a definite indication that liturgical music and organization stemmed from David’s time.<\/p>\n<p>The ceremonies in the Jewish temple were organized around the sacrifice. Singing formed an integral part of the sacrificial service and was necessary to validate the sacrificial action. There were special musical settings for each sacrifice; thus the daily burnt, expiatory, and laudatory offerings and libations had individual liturgies. Particular psalms became associated with certain sacrifices as well as with certain days of the week. The psalm of the day was intoned as the high priest started to pour out the drink offering. The psalm was divided into three sections, each signaled by the blowing of the trumpets, on which signal the people would prostrate themselves. This is the only time the trumpets were used together with the other instruments in orchestral fashion on solemn occasions (2 Chr 5:12-13).<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"MusicinthePsalms\">Music in the Psalms<\/p>\n<h5>Musical Psalm Titles<\/h5>\n<p>The collection of 150 lyric poems known as the book of Psalms contains the most information on music making in ancient Israel. The Psalter contains not only religious songs but also songs that have their roots in secular or popular songs, such as work songs, love songs, and wedding songs. The majority are songs of praise, thanksgiving, prayer, and repentance. There are also historic odes that relate great national events—for example, Psalm 30, “a song at the dedication of the temple,” and Psalm 137, which portrays the sufferings of the Jews in captivity.<\/p>\n<p>The psalms were an important part of all the services of the temple; the Psalter became the liturgical hymnal of the Israelites. Worship included an appointed psalm for each day of the week. On the first day of the week, Psalm 24 was sung in remembrance of the first day of creation, Psalm 48 was sung on the second day, Psalm 82 on the third, Psalm 94 on the fourth, Psalm 81 on the fifth, Psalm 93 on the sixth, and Psalm 92 on the Sabbath. After the sacrificial offerings, Psalm 105:1-5 was sung at the morning service and Psalm 96 at the evening service. The Hallel psalms (Pss 113–118, 120–136, 146–148) were sung during the offering of the paschal lamb at the Passover feast.<\/p>\n<p>While most of the liturgical music was performed by Levites, texts of the psalms suggest that there was also congregational participation. The forms of music found both in synagogal and ecclesiastical chant had their source in the forms of the poetic text of the psalms. The simplest is the plain psalmody sung by one person (e.g., Pss 3–5, 46). In responsorial psalmody the soloist is answered by the choir (e.g., Ps 67:1-2; the soloist sang verse 1 and the choir answered with verse 2). Antiphonal psalmody involves two groups singing alternately (e.g., Ps 103:20-22). The congregation would chant a refrain such as appears in Psalm 80: “Restore us, O God; let thy face shine, that we may be saved!” recurs throughout the psalm (<span>rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>Even though the synagogue had no altar for sacrifice, psalm singing retained an important place. After the Romans destroyed the temple, the worship heritage of the Jews could have been lost if the customs, including musical customs, had not become an integral part of synagogue worship.<\/p>\n<p>The most enigmatic part of the psalms is the headings that are not part of the poetic text. The first question is whether these should even be considered as superscripts. Greek, Latin, Hebrew, and other ancient languages were written in such a way that the text ran together without any break between chapters or paragraphs. This means that the verses, and even the division of the psalms themselves, were partially determined by copyists, chiefly the Masoretes. There is some question as to which psalms the extrapoetic texts actually belong with; they may actually be subscripts instead of superscripts. Sumerian and Babylonian poetry had information such as the name of the author, the musical instrument used for accompaniment, the tune, the purpose, and such listed at the end of the poem. Hence, some of the headings may actually be endings.<\/p>\n<p>The indications at the beginning of a psalm fall into three categories. They are either musical terms giving direction for the actual performance, musical cues designating the tune to which the psalm would be sung, or comments indicating the function of the psalm. These terms have been interpreted in various ways.<\/p>\n<p>Originally, these headings may have been marginal notes for the choir leaders. Realizing that these terms were not related to the psalm text proper, early biblical scribes may not have been overly careful with their placement in the text, which may explain some of the discrepancies among the early manuscripts—why certain words are left out in some and why terms assigned to only a few psalms may originally have been indicated on more of them.<\/p>\n<p>All but 50 of the psalms contain a proper name in the heading. These names possibly indicate the author; other commentators, interpreting the preposition appearing before the names to mean “for,” think the names are a dedication. Thus the title would be “A Psalm for David,” not “A Psalm of David.” This may be the case with the names of Asaph, Heman, Ethan, and especially the sons of Korah, where it would make better sense for the psalm to be written for rather than by the family. Seventy-three psalms have David’s name in the heading, hence the common reference to the Psalter as the Psalms of David. Twelve include the name of Asaph, eleven the children of Korah, two Solomon, and one each contains Moses, Heman, and Ethan.<\/p>\n<h5>Musical Terms in the Psalm Titles<\/h5>\n<p>Numerous musical terms are included in the superscriptions to cue the kind of instrumental accompaniment, mood, and style of performance for the psalm.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Alamoth<\/span> is one of the most controversial terms found in the psalm headings. It appears at the beginning of Psalm 46 and also in 1 Chronicles 15:20. One meaning for the Hebrew word is “maiden,” and musicologists interpret this as an instruction that the psalm should be sung in the range of the female singing voice. The reference in Chronicles is to harps in the range of women’s voices. This interpretation does not seem to fit Psalm 46, but if we look at the preceding psalm and read the term as a subscript, it becomes logical. Psalm 45 is a song of love, actually a nuptial ode; it would be natural for women to sing the second half (vv 10-17). While there is little mention of women singing in the temple, there is speculation that young boys in training may have sung along with the Levitical singers. Also this may be a case where the term appears only once in the modern text but may have been used more often in the original. Another possible meaning for <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Alamoth<\/span> is “flutes,” perhaps describing the kind of musical accompaniment for the performance of the psalm.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Gittith<\/span> is a term found in the superscriptions of Psalms 8, 81, and 84. It may be a musical cue, indicating a mood for the performance of these psalms, but a more common explanation is that it is a collective term for the stringed instruments that would have accompanied them.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Mahalath<\/span> has been left in its original Hebrew form by early translators and is found in the headings of Psalms 53 and 88. It may have roots in the Hebrew <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">mahaleh<\/span> “sickness” or <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">mahot<\/span> “dance,” though neither of these words can be related to the psalm texts. Another explanation is a musical one. <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Mahalath<\/span> may come from the word <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">halal<\/span> meaning “to pierce,” implying that the psalm was to be accompanied with pipes.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Maskil<\/span> (<span>kjv<\/span> “Maschil”) appears in the headings of 13 psalms (Pss 32, 42, 44–45, 52–55, 74, 78, 88–89, 142). The term is probably derived from the verb <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">sakal<\/span><em>,<\/em> “to have insight or comprehension,” but there is no agreement among commentators. By looking at the psalms themselves, their didactic nature and the structure of stanzas and refrains, musicologists conclude the term represents a song of praise, possibly sung by a soloist with participation by the choir.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Menazzeah<\/span> appears in the heading of 55 psalms. It appears 52 times in the first three books of Psalms (Pss 1–89), not at all in book four (Pss 90–106), and 3 times in book five (Pss 107–150). The most common modern translations are “to the Choirmaster” (<span>rsv<\/span>), “to the choir director” (<span>nasb<\/span>, <span>nlt<\/span>), “to the director of music” (<span>niv<\/span>), “to the chief Musician” (<span>kjv<\/span>, <span>nkjv<\/span>). The word is derived from the Hebrew verb <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">nazzah<\/span><em>,<\/em> appearing in 1 Chronicles 23:4 and Ezra 3:8-9 in the sense of “administering.” In 1 Chronicles 15:21 the word is found in relation to leading or directing song in the temple. <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Menazzeah<\/span> relates to the choirmaster and represents the singer chosen to lead the music who probably was involved in rehearsing and instructing. It is now assumed that <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">menazzeah<\/span> indicates the psalm was to be sung partially or entirely by a soloist. This is evidenced by the change in some texts from “I” where the soloist sang, to “we” where the choir or congregation sang. Psalm 5 is an example of a text divided for solo and choral singing: verses 1-3 solo; verses 4-6 choral; verses 7-8 solo; verses 9-10 choral; and verses 11-12 end the psalm with the combined soloist and choir.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Miktam<\/span> (<span>kjv<\/span> “Michtam”) is another term that has no clear musical meaning, due mainly to the fact that its etymology is unknown. It occurs in Psalms 16 and 56–60, all of which have a character of lamentation or supplication. In a musical sense, it probably meant that a certain well-known tune was to be selected as the melody of the psalm.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Mizmor<\/span> (Hebrew, meaning a song sung to instrumental accompaniment) is found nowhere else in the Bible; it is included in the superscriptions of 57 psalms. It probably indicated a song accompanied by melodic instruments as opposed to a dance song accompanied by rhythmic instruments.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Neginah<\/span> appears in the superscriptions of Psalms 4, 6, 54–55, 61, 67, and 76. The term <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">neginah<\/span> and its plural <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">neginoth<\/span> are found in Psalm 77:7, Lamentations 5:14, Isaiah 38:20, and Habakkuk 3:19. <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Neginah<\/span><em>,<\/em> from the Hebrew root <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">naggen<\/span><em>,<\/em> “to touch the strings,” instructs that stringed instruments accompany the singing.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Nehiloth<\/span> is found only in the introduction to Psalm 5 (<span>kjv<\/span>). The origin of the word is problematic. It could come from the verb <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">nahal<\/span><em>,<\/em> “to possess or inherit,” or more feasibly from <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">halal<\/span><em>,<\/em> meaning “to pierce.” The latter implies the idea of a pierced instrument (the flute or pipe) to be used for accompaniment.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Sheminith<\/span> appears in Psalms 6 and 12 and also in 1 Chronicles 15:21. The Hebrew word means literally “over the eighth.” Some scholars feel it had something to do with an octave, but the Hebrew musical language probably did not include a musical unit divided into eight parts. Other scholars interpret <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">sheminith<\/span> as meaning an eight-stringed instrument. A more logical interpretation comes from examining its use in 1 Chronicles. In 15:20 the instructions are for musicians to play the harps according to <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">alamoth<\/span> and in verse 21 to play the lyres according to <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">sheminith<\/span><em>.<\/em> Here the terms <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">alamoth<\/span> and <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">sheminith<\/span> seem to be used in opposition. If <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">alamoth<\/span> implies a register of the female voice, then <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">sheminith<\/span> would imply a lower register. Thus, it may have been an instruction to use a lower pitched instrument for accompaniment.<\/p>\n<h5>Psalm Varieties in the Titles<\/h5>\n<p>Some of the notes in the psalm headings are indications of the type or variety of psalm.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Hazkir<\/span> is found in the headings of Psalms 38 and 70. According to the Targum, this is an indication that the psalm was sung at the sacrificial rite called <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">askara<\/span> and is translated “for a memorial offering.”<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Lammed<\/span> appears in the superscription of Psalm 60 in the phrase <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">le-lammed<\/span><em>,<\/em> translated “to teach.” According to tradition, this was a psalm, though undoubtedly not the only one, taught to young people as part of their education. This is another example of a term that may have been omitted from other psalms in later versions of the Psalter.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Shiggaion<\/span> is in the heading of Psalm 7 and also in Habakkuk 3:1. The word probably comes from the Hebrew verb <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">shagah<\/span><em>,<\/em> “to wander,” but may also be connected with the Assyrian liturgical term <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">shigu<\/span><em>,<\/em> which represented a plaintive song in several stanzas. Biblical scholars have assumed <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">shiggaion<\/span><em>,<\/em> plural <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">shigionoth<\/span><em>,<\/em> was a lament or penitential song.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Shir<\/span> is the simplest word for “song” and was probably used in the headings at an early stage of the Psalter; it is usually found with <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">mizmor<\/span> (13 times). Fifteen psalms have this heading. It was probably the term for a specific type of praise song, usually performed by the choir.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Shir Hamaalot<\/span> and <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Shir Lamaalot<\/span> occur in the headings of Psalms 120–134, which are often referred to as the Psalms of Ascent (<span>kjv<\/span> “Psalms of Degrees”). Most explanations offered relate to the fact that the temple was situated on high ground. Often these 15 psalms are associated with the 15 steps leading from the Court of the Women to the Court of the Israelites. But most contemporary scholars believe the idea of “going up” referred to the pilgrims’ journey to Jerusalem to worship at the temple. These psalms are short, with popular appeal, making them appropriate for singing during the journey.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Shir Hanukkat Habayit<\/span> is found only in the heading of Psalm 30. This phrase tells that the psalm was to be used for the dedication or rededication of the house of God.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Shir-yedidot<\/span> appears only in Psalm 45. It refers to a love song that was probably sung at wedding ceremonies.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Tefillah<\/span> is a common term for “prayer” and appears in the headings of Psalms 17, 86, 90, 102, and 142, and also in Habakkuk 3:1. The word probably refers to a specific form of poetic prayer.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Selah<\/span> is one of the most frequently used, but most enigmatic, terms found in the book of Psalms. It occurs in 39 psalms, appearing a total of 71 times in the Psalter—67 times within the text and 4 times at the end of a psalm. It is most frequent in the first three books. In the first book <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">selah<\/span> appears in 9 psalms; in the second book, 17 psalms; in the third book, 11 psalms. In the fourth book it is not found at all and in the fifth book in only two psalms. Thirty-one of these psalms also include the term <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">menazzeah<\/span> in their superscriptions, which implies that they were sung by a soloist and choir. Most commonly, <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">selah<\/span> is interpreted as a signal for a break in the singing and possibly for an instrumental interlude. It never appears at the beginning of a psalm but only in the middle of the text or at the end. The regularity of its appearance within a psalm is not consistent, and in only a few instances do these divisions break the psalm into equal sections. Because of the random placement of the term, some scholars believe that, like the headings, <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">selah<\/span> was not always carefully copied into the text. It may have been a note appearing only in the texts of the musicians, which would explain this inconsistency. An explanation of <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">selah<\/span> is found in the Talmudic tradition: “Ben Azra clashed the cymbal and the Levites broke forth into singing. When they reached a break in the singing they blew upon the trumpets and the people prostrated themselves; at every break there was a blowing of the trumpet and at every blowing of the trumpet a prostration. This was the rite of the daily whole offering in the service of the House of our God.” <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Selah<\/span><em>,<\/em> then, would be an instruction for the musicians that the singing was to cease and the instrumentalists were to play.<\/p>\n<p>The term <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">higgaion selah<\/span> appears once, in Psalm 9:16. The word <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">higgaiaon<\/span> comes from the root <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">hagah<\/span><em>,<\/em> “to murmur, to growl, to produce a low sound.” This may have been an instruction for the interlude to be more subdued than a normal <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">selah<\/span><em>.<\/em><\/p>\n<h5>Ancient Melodies in the Titles<\/h5>\n<p>Many psalms contain headings that are not direct musical references but are cue words to suggest well-known tunes. They probably refer either to names or the first words of popular secular songs <em>(<\/em><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">makams<\/span><em>)<\/em> whose melodic patterns were used in singing the psalm. Many biblical scholars have tried to find hidden meaning in these headings, but most musicologists believe these are simply references or introductions to melodies.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Aijeleth Shahar<\/span><em>,<\/em> in Psalm 22 (<span>kjv<\/span>), is translated “according to The Hind of the Dawn” (<span>rsv<\/span>), and “To the tune of ‘The Doe of the Morning’ ” (<span>niv<\/span>), “To the tune ‘Doe of the Dawn’ ” (<span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Al-taschith<\/span><em>,<\/em> in Psalms 57–59 and 75 (<span>kjv<\/span>), is translated “To the tune ‘Do Not Destroy!’ ” (<span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Jonath-elem-rechokim<\/span><em>,<\/em> in Psalm 56 (<span>kjv<\/span>), is translated “according to The Dove on Far-off Terebinths” (<span>rsv<\/span>), and “To the tune ‘Dove on Distant Oaks’ ” (<span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Mahalath Leannoth<\/span><em>,<\/em> in Psalm 88, is translated “To the tune ‘The Suffering of Affliction’ ” (<span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Muthlabben<\/span><em>,<\/em> in Psalm 9, is translated “To the tune ‘Death of the Son’ ” (<span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Shoshannim<\/span><em>,<\/em> in Psalms 45 and 69 (<span>kjv<\/span>), is translated “To the tune ‘Lilies’ ” (<span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Shoshannim-Eduth<\/span><em>,<\/em> in Psalm 80 (<span>kjv<\/span>), is translated “To the tune ‘Lilies of the Covenant’ ” (<span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">Shushan-eduth<\/span><em>,<\/em> in Psalm 60, is translated “To the tune ‘Lily of the Testimony’ ” (<span>nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<p>These melody types appear only in the first three books of the Psalter, and this may imply that these popular <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">makams<\/span> had fallen into disuse by the time the final books of the Psalter were written. Other <span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">makam<\/span>-types had probably become popular, and the authors, realizing the relatively short life of a popular tune, did not include them in the headings of the Psalms but left the choice up to the performer.<\/p>\n<p class=\"h2\" id=\"MusicintheNewTestament\">Music in the New Testament<\/p>\n<h5>First-Century Influences<\/h5>\n<h6>The Synagogue<\/h6>\n<p>By the time of Christ, the synagogue had become the chief place of worship for the Jewish people. It began as a place for study of the law but gradually became the center of worship for Jews unable to attend the temple. The liturgical service of the temple could not be duplicated in the synagogue as there was no sacrificial rite, and the music could not be exactly reproduced as there were no trained Levitical singers. Scholars do not agree about the amount of continuity between the music of the temple and the music of the synagogue, but there is evidence that certain musical practices did remain constant between the two places of worship.<\/p>\n<p>Information on the customs and rituals of the synagogue come from Talmudic writings. The musical elements of worship in the synagogue were the chanting of Scripture, psalmody, and spiritual songs. The choral singing of the temple was replaced by a single cantor. The cantor was a layman who, according to tradition, had to have the following qualifications: “He had to be well educated, gifted with a sweet voice, of humble personality, recognized by the community, conversant with Scripture and all the prayers; he must not be a rich man, for his prayers should come from his heart.” His most important job was the cantillation of the Law and the Prophets. A series of accents and punctuations, forerunners of actual musical notation, were indications for the cantor in the musical interpretation of the Scripture.<\/p>\n<p>Psalm singing was gradually transplanted from the temple to the synagogue, which in turn influenced the early Christian church. Gregorian psalm tones have their roots in Hebrew psalmody.<\/p>\n<h6>Greek and Roman Cultures<\/h6>\n<p>While both the temple and the synagogue were familiar to the early Christians (Acts 2:46-47; 3:1; 5:42; 9:20; 18:4; etc.), the Greek and Roman cultures also played a major part in shaping the young church. Hellenistic influences by the time of Christ had long been felt in the Middle East, and while it was strongly opposed by some Jewish leaders, the Greek arts had permeated Jewish culture. Greek philosophers considered music a cathartic force that could lead humans into metaphysical knowledge. This understanding led to the belief that music had a moral substance that could influence people to either good or evil. If this philosophy had totally encompassed Judeo-Christian thought, certainly Paul would have encouraged the use of music in the spread of the gospel. However, Paul’s omission of this theory implies that the Judeo-Christian world at that time had rejected the Greek ideal, at least in part.<\/p>\n<p>While the Jewish rabbis considered music an art form for the praise of God, and while the Greek philosophers thought of it as a powerful moral force in creation, the Romans considered music mainly as entertainment. The music of the Roman games was neither religious nor philosophic and, from the accounts of witnesses, it was not technically exceptional. In the Roman Empire musicians were given a lower status and looked on as mere entertainers. One reason the early church did not include instrumental music in their worship was in reaction to the debased secular use of instruments by the Romans.<\/p>\n<h5>In the New Testament Writings<\/h5>\n<p>One of the few mentions of instruments in the NT is the use of flutes at a wake (Mt 9:23). As in the OT, music is associated with feasting and merrymaking (e.g., the return of the prodigal son, Lk 15:25). Five passages mention music metaphorically (Mt 6:2; 11:17; Lk 7:32; 1 Cor 13:1; 14:7-8). The most well known of these is Paul’s celebration of love in 1 Corinthians 13. The denunciation of the gong and cymbals must be understood in light of the attitude of the early Christians toward the music of the Pharisees. Here the signal instruments of the temple were used to represent pompous display of religious pietism.<\/p>\n\n<p>Most references to music are found in the eschatological visions and prophetic passages scattered throughout the NT—most frequently in the book of Revelation (also Mt 24:31; 1 Cor 15:52; 1 Thes 4:16; Heb 12:19). Many of these descriptions have a direct association with musical references in the OT (e.g., the use of harps and trumpets and the singing of the Hallelujah). But the value of many of the passages in Revelation comes from their literary style. These doxological and psalmlike passages were probably spontaneous “spiritual songs” composed by the young church (e.g., Rv 5:9-10).<\/p>\n<p>The passages that mention religious or liturgical music are often more conceptual than literal. Two parallel passages describing the Last Supper (Mt 26:30; Mk 14:26) mention that Christ and his disciples sang a hymn. This is the only direct account of Jesus singing, but it is probable that when he read in the synagogue he did so in the accepted vocal style (Lk 4:16-20). There is much controversy surrounding the actual events at the Last Supper, but we can assume that the hymn sung was a traditional Jewish hymn, probably associated with the Passover.<\/p>\n<p>From the account in Acts 16:25 we know that Paul and Silas sang hymns while in jail. Paul gives instruction for music making in 1 Corinthians 14:15, 26 in terms of a balance between rationalism and emotion. And, as with all the gifts of the Spirit, Paul asks that singing be done for edification.<\/p>\n<p>In two similar passages (Eph 5:19; Col 3:16) Paul groups together three musical terms—psalms, hymns, and spiritual songs. The singing of psalms was an obvious carryover from the synagogue, and we can assume that the early Christian psalm singing followed the Jewish style. The term for “hymns” probably refers to poetic texts, possibly modeled after the psalms, but in praise of Christ. “Spiritual songs” may refer to a spontaneous, ecstatic form of musical prayer, possibly wordless (perhaps related to glossolalia), in a style that was popular in mystical Judaism. These outbursts of song were probably melismatic (sung on one tone) and are perhaps the forerunners of the later Alleluia chant.<\/p>\n<h5>Hymnody in the New Testament<\/h5>\n<p>It can be assumed that the early Christians composed hymns in praise of Christ. Logically, most of the hymns found in the NT are based on Hebrew poetic psalm forms, but there is Greek and Latin influence also. The hymns from the Gospel of Luke have become well-known canticles adopted by the church: the Magnificat (Lk 1:46-55), the Benedictus (1:68-79), the Gloria (2:14) and the Nunc Dimittis (2:29-32). While patterned after the psalms of the OT, these hymns are full of confidence in the salvation of Christ and in his imminent return. Other Christological hymns found in the NT include the prologue to the Gospel of John, Ephesians 2:14-16, Philippians 2:6-11, Colossians 1:15-20, 1 Timothy 3:16, Hebrews 1:3, and 1 Peter 3:18-22.<\/p>","summary_ro":"MUSIC A natural human expression that probably began with speech-singing and developed into songs, which were then accompanied by instruments. Music as we know it has become quite complex, a luxury and entertainment; music in antiquity, however, was a functional expression of daily life, work, and worship. The phrase “sing to the Lord,” common to the OT (Ex 15:21; 1 Chr 16:9; Pss 68:32; 96:1-2; Is 42:10; Jer 20:13), was not unique to the Jewish nation. All religions draw on the natural human ...","summary_en":"MUSIC A natural human expression that probably began with speech-singing and developed into songs, which were then accompanied by instruments. Music as we know it has become quite complex, a luxury and entertainment; music in antiquity, however, was a functional expression of daily life, work, and worship. The phrase “sing to the Lord,” common to the OT (Ex 15:21; 1 Chr 16:9; Pss 68:32; 96:1-2; Is 42:10; Jer 20:13), was not unique to the Jewish nation. All religions draw on the natural human ...","source":"Articles\/M.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":45776,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:17","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:17","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:17-20<\/strong> Surprise and deception took the place of a massive army. The war cry, the sudden blast of 300 trumpets, and the torches bursting into light created the impression of a large force.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:17-20<\/strong> Surprise and deception took the place of a massive army. The war cry, the sudden blast of 300 trumpets, and the torches bursting into light created the impression of a large force.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:17-20 Surprise and deception took the place of a massive army. The war cry, the sudden blast of 300 trumpets, and the torches bursting into light created the impression of a large force.","summary_en":"7:17-20 Surprise and deception took the place of a massive army. The war cry, the sudden blast of 300 trumpets, and the torches bursting into light created the impression of a large force.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73402,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:17","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:17","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:17-20<\/strong> Surprise and deception took the place of a massive army. The war cry, the sudden blast of 300 trumpets, and the torches bursting into light created the impression of a large force.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:17-20<\/strong> Surprise and deception took the place of a massive army. The war cry, the sudden blast of 300 trumpets, and the torches bursting into light created the impression of a large force.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:17-20 Surprise and deception took the place of a massive army. The war cry, the sudden blast of 300 trumpets, and the torches bursting into light created the impression of a large force.","summary_en":"7:17-20 Surprise and deception took the place of a massive army. The war cry, the sudden blast of 300 trumpets, and the torches bursting into light created the impression of a large force.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":101028,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:17","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:17","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:17-20<\/strong> Surprise and deception took the place of a massive army. The war cry, the sudden blast of 300 trumpets, and the torches bursting into light created the impression of a large force.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:17-20<\/strong> Surprise and deception took the place of a massive army. The war cry, the sudden blast of 300 trumpets, and the torches bursting into light created the impression of a large force.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:17-20 Surprise and deception took the place of a massive army. The war cry, the sudden blast of 300 trumpets, and the torches bursting into light created the impression of a large force.","summary_en":"7:17-20 Surprise and deception took the place of a massive army. The war cry, the sudden blast of 300 trumpets, and the torches bursting into light created the impression of a large force.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128654,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:17","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:17","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:17-20<\/strong> Surprise and deception took the place of a massive army. The war cry, the sudden blast of 300 trumpets, and the torches bursting into light created the impression of a large force.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:17-20<\/strong> Surprise and deception took the place of a massive army. The war cry, the sudden blast of 300 trumpets, and the torches bursting into light created the impression of a large force.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:17-20 Surprise and deception took the place of a massive army. The war cry, the sudden blast of 300 trumpets, and the torches bursting into light created the impression of a large force.","summary_en":"7:17-20 Surprise and deception took the place of a massive army. The war cry, the sudden blast of 300 trumpets, and the torches bursting into light created the impression of a large force.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"19":[{"id":27557,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Night","title_en":"Night","content_ro":"<h3>NIGHT<\/h3>\n<p>Word in Scripture denoting that time of darkness from dusk until dawn when no light of the sun is visible. For example, Joseph took Mary and Jesus to Egypt by night (Mt 2:14). The shepherds were keeping watch over their flocks at night (Lk 2:8). Nicodemus came to see Jesus at night (Jn 3:2). An angel from the Lord came and opened the prison doors at night in order to let the disciples out (Acts 5:19).<\/p>\n<p>According to Genesis 1, the day-night cycle was instituted by God and “night” was the name given to the period of darkness (Gn 1:5). Later, God put the lights in the expanse of the heavens, appointing the sun to rule or dominate the day, and the moon, the lesser light, to dominate the night (vv 16-18). The covenant of the Lord is the basis of the regularity of the rotation of day and night.<\/p>\n<p>The night in OT times was apparently divided into three periods or “watches.” The latter name originated with the changing of the guard at these times. Gideon’s 300 men blew their trumpets and broke their pitchers at the beginning of the middle watch (Jgs 7:19). Although no references in the OT give the limits of these three periods, night was considered to begin at sunset, and consequently the periods may have been 6:00 to 10:00 <span>pm<\/span>, 10:00 <span>pm<\/span> to 2:00 <span>am<\/span>, and 2:00 to 6:00 <span>am<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>Later, according to the Roman calculation of time, night was divided into four watches. Some historians think they began at 9:30 <span>pm<\/span>, at midnight, at 2:30 <span>am<\/span>, and at 5:00 <span>am<\/span>. Others think that the nighttime period between 6:00 <span>pm<\/span> and 6:00 <span>am<\/span> was divided equally into four periods, the first beginning at 6:00 <span>pm<\/span>, the second at 9:00 <span>pm<\/span>, the third at midnight, and the fourth at 3:00 <span>am<\/span>. Mark 13:35 contains the popular designations for these four watches, namely late in the day (early evening), midnight, the cock-crowing, and early in the morning.<\/p>\n<p>Apparently, Matthew 14:25 and Mark 6:48 follow the Roman calculation when they locate Jesus’ walking on the water at about the fourth watch of the night.<\/p>\n<p>A specialized use of the word “night” along with the word “day” emphasizes the continuance of activity. For example, the man with an unclean spirit is said to have been in the mountains and in the tombs “night and day” (Mk 5:5). Paul refers to his having labored, working night and day, so as not to be a burden to the church (1 Thes 2:9). Later in the same book he refers to his continuous praying night and day (3:10).<\/p>\n<p>Along with this literal usage of the word “night,” there is also a figurative or metaphorical usage. In some references it refers to divine judgment (Am 5:8-9; Mi 3:6). Jesus uses “night” to refer to death (Jn 9:4). Once the night (death) comes, time for working is over.<\/p>\n<p>Paul compares this present age (soon to be over with) to the night that is almost gone (Rom 13:12). Again, Paul speaks of himself and his readers as children of the light and of the day, not the night and darkness (1 Thes 5:5). In this context he links night with separation from God, sin, intemperance, careless living, as well as spiritual blindness and ignorance, especially regarding the Lord’s return.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Day.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>NIGHT<\/h3>\n<p>Word in Scripture denoting that time of darkness from dusk until dawn when no light of the sun is visible. For example, Joseph took Mary and Jesus to Egypt by night (Mt 2:14). The shepherds were keeping watch over their flocks at night (Lk 2:8). Nicodemus came to see Jesus at night (Jn 3:2). An angel from the Lord came and opened the prison doors at night in order to let the disciples out (Acts 5:19).<\/p>\n<p>According to Genesis 1, the day-night cycle was instituted by God and “night” was the name given to the period of darkness (Gn 1:5). Later, God put the lights in the expanse of the heavens, appointing the sun to rule or dominate the day, and the moon, the lesser light, to dominate the night (vv 16-18). The covenant of the Lord is the basis of the regularity of the rotation of day and night.<\/p>\n<p>The night in OT times was apparently divided into three periods or “watches.” The latter name originated with the changing of the guard at these times. Gideon’s 300 men blew their trumpets and broke their pitchers at the beginning of the middle watch (Jgs 7:19). Although no references in the OT give the limits of these three periods, night was considered to begin at sunset, and consequently the periods may have been 6:00 to 10:00 <span>pm<\/span>, 10:00 <span>pm<\/span> to 2:00 <span>am<\/span>, and 2:00 to 6:00 <span>am<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>Later, according to the Roman calculation of time, night was divided into four watches. Some historians think they began at 9:30 <span>pm<\/span>, at midnight, at 2:30 <span>am<\/span>, and at 5:00 <span>am<\/span>. Others think that the nighttime period between 6:00 <span>pm<\/span> and 6:00 <span>am<\/span> was divided equally into four periods, the first beginning at 6:00 <span>pm<\/span>, the second at 9:00 <span>pm<\/span>, the third at midnight, and the fourth at 3:00 <span>am<\/span>. Mark 13:35 contains the popular designations for these four watches, namely late in the day (early evening), midnight, the cock-crowing, and early in the morning.<\/p>\n<p>Apparently, Matthew 14:25 and Mark 6:48 follow the Roman calculation when they locate Jesus’ walking on the water at about the fourth watch of the night.<\/p>\n<p>A specialized use of the word “night” along with the word “day” emphasizes the continuance of activity. For example, the man with an unclean spirit is said to have been in the mountains and in the tombs “night and day” (Mk 5:5). Paul refers to his having labored, working night and day, so as not to be a burden to the church (1 Thes 2:9). Later in the same book he refers to his continuous praying night and day (3:10).<\/p>\n<p>Along with this literal usage of the word “night,” there is also a figurative or metaphorical usage. In some references it refers to divine judgment (Am 5:8-9; Mi 3:6). Jesus uses “night” to refer to death (Jn 9:4). Once the night (death) comes, time for working is over.<\/p>\n<p>Paul compares this present age (soon to be over with) to the night that is almost gone (Rom 13:12). Again, Paul speaks of himself and his readers as children of the light and of the day, not the night and darkness (1 Thes 5:5). In this context he links night with separation from God, sin, intemperance, careless living, as well as spiritual blindness and ignorance, especially regarding the Lord’s return.<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Day.<\/p>","summary_ro":"NIGHT Word in Scripture denoting that time of darkness from dusk until dawn when no light of the sun is visible. For example, Joseph took Mary and Jesus to Egypt by night (Mt 2:14). The shepherds were keeping watch over their flocks at night (Lk 2:8). Nicodemus came to see Jesus at night (Jn 3:2). An angel from the Lord came and opened the prison doors at night in order to let the disciples out (Acts 5:19). According to Genesis 1, the day-night cycle was instituted by God and “night” was the ...","summary_en":"NIGHT Word in Scripture denoting that time of darkness from dusk until dawn when no light of the sun is visible. For example, Joseph took Mary and Jesus to Egypt by night (Mt 2:14). The shepherds were keeping watch over their flocks at night (Lk 2:8). Nicodemus came to see Jesus at night (Jn 3:2). An angel from the Lord came and opened the prison doors at night in order to let the disciples out (Acts 5:19). According to Genesis 1, the day-night cycle was instituted by God and “night” was the ...","source":"Articles\/N.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":38195,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Watch","title_en":"Watch","content_ro":"<h3>WATCH<\/h3>\n<p>Time unit for the division of the night in both the OT and NT. During the OT period, the night was divided into three military watches. The beginning or evening watch ran from sunset to roughly 10:00 <span>pm<\/span> (Lam 2:19); the middle or night watch was from 10:00 <span>pm<\/span> to 2:00 <span>am<\/span> (Jgs 7:19); and the morning watch was from approximately 2:00 <span>am<\/span> until sunrise (Ex 14:24; 1 Sm 11:11). During the Roman period, the number of watches was increased from three to four. These were either described by number (first, second, etc.) or as evening, midnight, cock-crowing, and morning (Mt 14:25; Mk 6:48). The respective watches ended at roughly 9:00 <span>pm<\/span>, midnight, 3:00 <span>am<\/span>, and 6:00 <span>am<\/span>. <em>See<\/em> Night.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>WATCH<\/h3>\n<p>Time unit for the division of the night in both the OT and NT. During the OT period, the night was divided into three military watches. The beginning or evening watch ran from sunset to roughly 10:00 <span>pm<\/span> (Lam 2:19); the middle or night watch was from 10:00 <span>pm<\/span> to 2:00 <span>am<\/span> (Jgs 7:19); and the morning watch was from approximately 2:00 <span>am<\/span> until sunrise (Ex 14:24; 1 Sm 11:11). During the Roman period, the number of watches was increased from three to four. These were either described by number (first, second, etc.) or as evening, midnight, cock-crowing, and morning (Mt 14:25; Mk 6:48). The respective watches ended at roughly 9:00 <span>pm<\/span>, midnight, 3:00 <span>am<\/span>, and 6:00 <span>am<\/span>. <em>See<\/em> Night.<\/p>","summary_ro":"WATCH Time unit for the division of the night in both the OT and NT. During the OT period, the night was divided into three military watches. The beginning or evening watch ran from sunset to roughly 10:00 pm (Lam 2:19); the middle or night watch was from 10:00 pm to 2:00 am (Jgs 7:19); and the morning watch was from approximately 2:00 am until sunrise (Ex 14:24; 1 Sm 11:11). During the Roman period, the number of watches was increased from three to four. These were either described by number...","summary_en":"WATCH Time unit for the division of the night in both the OT and NT. During the OT period, the night was divided into three military watches. The beginning or evening watch ran from sunset to roughly 10:00 pm (Lam 2:19); the middle or night watch was from 10:00 pm to 2:00 am (Jgs 7:19); and the morning watch was from approximately 2:00 am until sunrise (Ex 14:24; 1 Sm 11:11). During the Roman period, the number of watches was increased from three to four. These were either described by number...","source":"Articles\/W.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"20":[{"id":13815,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Gideon","title_en":"Gideon","content_ro":"<h3>GIDEON<\/h3>\n<p>Judge of Israel, son of Joash, of the clan of Abiezer and the tribe of Manasseh. Of the 12 judges of Israel, more verses are devoted to Gideon than any other—Samson running a close second. The narrative in which he is the central character antedates the Christian era by roughly 11 centuries.<\/p>\n<p>Following seven years of cruel oppression by the Midianites, Israel cried out to the Lord for relief (Jgs 6:6). An unknown prophet informs the Israelites that their miserable conditions stem from their forgetting to give exclusive devotion to the one true God. God sends his angel to Gideon. A touch of humor earmarks the angel’s greeting, for the “mighty warrior” (v 12) is threshing wheat secretly for fear of the Midianites. Yet God addresses Gideon in realization of what his mighty power is able to accomplish in him (vv 14-16, 34). Conscious of his own weakness and the formidable task before him, Gideon is an ideal vehicle for God’s tremendous work of deliverance (cf. 1 Cor 1:27; 2 Cor 12:10).<\/p>\n\n<p>Gideon’s first task is to tear down his father’s altar to Baal and the adjacent one to Asherah, Baal’s female consort (cf. Is 42:8). Knowing that the people would resist such an act, Gideon and his servants destroy these images of debased Canaanite religion at night. The following day the men of Ophrah confront Gideon and seek his life in retaliation for the act. Joash pleads the cause of his son, inviting Baal, if he indeed is deity, to contend for himself. Out of this confrontation the name Jerubbaal (“let Baal contend”) is ascribed to Gideon (Jgs 6:32).<\/p>\n<p>Yet Gideon is a man of inconstant faith, and his desire of further assurance is not rebuked as God graciously and patiently accedes to his requests concerning the dew and the fleece (Jgs 6:36-40). Subsequently Gideon is informed that mere numbers will not assure victory. Moreover, there must be no doubt whatever as to the true source of Israel’s liberation (7:2). From 32,000, Gideon’s troops are trimmed down to only 300 by an unusual method of reduction (vv 3-7). A secret reconnaissance mission to the outskirts of the oppositions’ camp enables Gideon to receive further strengthening as he and his servant Purah overhear a Midianite soldier reveal his dream indicating Israel’s imminent victory (vv 13-14). In response to this additional encouragement, he worships the Lord (Jgs 7:15; cf. 6:24).<\/p>\n<p>Divided into three companies, Gideon’s army stations itself at night outside the Midianite stronghold. At Gideon’s signal each man blows a trumpet (made from an animal’s horn) and smashes an empty jar containing a torch, shouting, “A sword for the <span>Lord<\/span> and for Gideon!” (Jgs 7:20). The effect of the clamor is overwhelming. Thinking themselves outnumbered, the confused and disheartened Midianites flee eastward across the Jordan. In hot pursuit, Gideon’s men are joined by Israelites from Naphtali, Asher, and Manasseh, who follow the enemy into the Transjordan area. The men of Ephraim, whose efforts are now called upon for the first time, capture and kill two of the Midianite leaders. Angry with Gideon for failing to enlist their services earlier, the Ephraimites are nonetheless appeased by Gideon’s tactful response to their queries (8:1-3).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s unselfishness shines in response to the people’s desire to make him king, but he declines (Jgs 8:22-23). He does, however, receive an immense personal fortune from the spoils of war (vv 24-26). The unfortunate conclusion of Gideon’s story relates to his making an ephod from the gold won in battle. Perhaps a garment patterned after the high priest’s or a freestanding image, the object ensnares the people, and they worship it at Ophrah (v 27). In 2 Samuel 11:21 Gideon’s alternate name, Jerubbaal, becomes Jerubbesheth, “Baal” being replaced with the Hebrew word for “shame” <em>(<\/em><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">besheth<\/span><em>).<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Gideon has been singled out in the Letter to the Hebrews as a hero of the faith whose trust in God brought glory to the Lord (Heb 11:32, <span>kjv<\/span> “Gedeon”). As far back as the time of Isaiah, “the day of Midian” had become proverbial for deliverance accomplished by the hand of God apart from human strength (Is 9:4).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Judges, Book of.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>GIDEON<\/h3>\n<p>Judge of Israel, son of Joash, of the clan of Abiezer and the tribe of Manasseh. Of the 12 judges of Israel, more verses are devoted to Gideon than any other—Samson running a close second. The narrative in which he is the central character antedates the Christian era by roughly 11 centuries.<\/p>\n<p>Following seven years of cruel oppression by the Midianites, Israel cried out to the Lord for relief (Jgs 6:6). An unknown prophet informs the Israelites that their miserable conditions stem from their forgetting to give exclusive devotion to the one true God. God sends his angel to Gideon. A touch of humor earmarks the angel’s greeting, for the “mighty warrior” (v 12) is threshing wheat secretly for fear of the Midianites. Yet God addresses Gideon in realization of what his mighty power is able to accomplish in him (vv 14-16, 34). Conscious of his own weakness and the formidable task before him, Gideon is an ideal vehicle for God’s tremendous work of deliverance (cf. 1 Cor 1:27; 2 Cor 12:10).<\/p>\n\n<p>Gideon’s first task is to tear down his father’s altar to Baal and the adjacent one to Asherah, Baal’s female consort (cf. Is 42:8). Knowing that the people would resist such an act, Gideon and his servants destroy these images of debased Canaanite religion at night. The following day the men of Ophrah confront Gideon and seek his life in retaliation for the act. Joash pleads the cause of his son, inviting Baal, if he indeed is deity, to contend for himself. Out of this confrontation the name Jerubbaal (“let Baal contend”) is ascribed to Gideon (Jgs 6:32).<\/p>\n<p>Yet Gideon is a man of inconstant faith, and his desire of further assurance is not rebuked as God graciously and patiently accedes to his requests concerning the dew and the fleece (Jgs 6:36-40). Subsequently Gideon is informed that mere numbers will not assure victory. Moreover, there must be no doubt whatever as to the true source of Israel’s liberation (7:2). From 32,000, Gideon’s troops are trimmed down to only 300 by an unusual method of reduction (vv 3-7). A secret reconnaissance mission to the outskirts of the oppositions’ camp enables Gideon to receive further strengthening as he and his servant Purah overhear a Midianite soldier reveal his dream indicating Israel’s imminent victory (vv 13-14). In response to this additional encouragement, he worships the Lord (Jgs 7:15; cf. 6:24).<\/p>\n<p>Divided into three companies, Gideon’s army stations itself at night outside the Midianite stronghold. At Gideon’s signal each man blows a trumpet (made from an animal’s horn) and smashes an empty jar containing a torch, shouting, “A sword for the <span>Lord<\/span> and for Gideon!” (Jgs 7:20). The effect of the clamor is overwhelming. Thinking themselves outnumbered, the confused and disheartened Midianites flee eastward across the Jordan. In hot pursuit, Gideon’s men are joined by Israelites from Naphtali, Asher, and Manasseh, who follow the enemy into the Transjordan area. The men of Ephraim, whose efforts are now called upon for the first time, capture and kill two of the Midianite leaders. Angry with Gideon for failing to enlist their services earlier, the Ephraimites are nonetheless appeased by Gideon’s tactful response to their queries (8:1-3).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon’s unselfishness shines in response to the people’s desire to make him king, but he declines (Jgs 8:22-23). He does, however, receive an immense personal fortune from the spoils of war (vv 24-26). The unfortunate conclusion of Gideon’s story relates to his making an ephod from the gold won in battle. Perhaps a garment patterned after the high priest’s or a freestanding image, the object ensnares the people, and they worship it at Ophrah (v 27). In 2 Samuel 11:21 Gideon’s alternate name, Jerubbaal, becomes Jerubbesheth, “Baal” being replaced with the Hebrew word for “shame” <em>(<\/em><span class=\"hebrew\" lang=\"he\">besheth<\/span><em>).<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Gideon has been singled out in the Letter to the Hebrews as a hero of the faith whose trust in God brought glory to the Lord (Heb 11:32, <span>kjv<\/span> “Gedeon”). As far back as the time of Isaiah, “the day of Midian” had become proverbial for deliverance accomplished by the hand of God apart from human strength (Is 9:4).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Judges, Book of.<\/p>","summary_ro":"GIDEON Judge of Israel, son of Joash, of the clan of Abiezer and the tribe of Manasseh. Of the 12 judges of Israel, more verses are devoted to Gideon than any other—Samson running a close second. The narrative in which he is the central character antedates the Christian era by roughly 11 centuries. Following seven years of cruel oppression by the Midianites, Israel cried out to the Lord for relief (Jgs 6:6). An unknown prophet informs the Israelites that their miserable conditions stem from t...","summary_en":"GIDEON Judge of Israel, son of Joash, of the clan of Abiezer and the tribe of Manasseh. Of the 12 judges of Israel, more verses are devoted to Gideon than any other—Samson running a close second. The narrative in which he is the central character antedates the Christian era by roughly 11 centuries. Following seven years of cruel oppression by the Midianites, Israel cried out to the Lord for relief (Jgs 6:6). An unknown prophet informs the Israelites that their miserable conditions stem from t...","source":"Articles\/G.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"21":[{"id":45777,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:21","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:21","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:21<\/strong> The warriors <em>stood<\/em> in place while God fought the battle (cp. Exod 14:13; 1 Sam 12:16; Rev 19:11-16). • The Midianites’ camels (Judg 6:5) might have contributed to the <em>panic<\/em>. Camels usually provided a military advantage, but in this situation they would have been a liability. They had probably been hobbled for the night, and camels themselves are subject to panic.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:21<\/strong> The warriors <em>stood<\/em> in place while God fought the battle (cp. Exod 14:13; 1 Sam 12:16; Rev 19:11-16). • The Midianites’ camels (Judg 6:5) might have contributed to the <em>panic<\/em>. Camels usually provided a military advantage, but in this situation they would have been a liability. They had probably been hobbled for the night, and camels themselves are subject to panic.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:21 The warriors stood in place while God fought the battle (cp. Exod 14:13; 1 Sam 12:16; Rev 19:11-16). • The Midianites’ camels (Judg 6:5) might have contributed to the panic. Camels usually provided a military advantage, but in this situation they would have been a liability. They had probably been hobbled for the night, and camels themselves are subject to panic.","summary_en":"7:21 The warriors stood in place while God fought the battle (cp. Exod 14:13; 1 Sam 12:16; Rev 19:11-16). • The Midianites’ camels (Judg 6:5) might have contributed to the panic. Camels usually provided a military advantage, but in this situation they would have been a liability. They had probably been hobbled for the night, and camels themselves are subject to panic.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73403,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:21","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:21","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:21<\/strong> The warriors <em>stood<\/em> in place while God fought the battle (cp. Exod 14:13; 1 Sam 12:16; Rev 19:11-16). • The Midianites’ camels (Judg 6:5) might have contributed to the <em>panic<\/em>. Camels usually provided a military advantage, but in this situation they would have been a liability. They had probably been hobbled for the night, and camels themselves are subject to panic.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:21<\/strong> The warriors <em>stood<\/em> in place while God fought the battle (cp. Exod 14:13; 1 Sam 12:16; Rev 19:11-16). • The Midianites’ camels (Judg 6:5) might have contributed to the <em>panic<\/em>. Camels usually provided a military advantage, but in this situation they would have been a liability. They had probably been hobbled for the night, and camels themselves are subject to panic.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:21 The warriors stood in place while God fought the battle (cp. Exod 14:13; 1 Sam 12:16; Rev 19:11-16). • The Midianites’ camels (Judg 6:5) might have contributed to the panic. Camels usually provided a military advantage, but in this situation they would have been a liability. They had probably been hobbled for the night, and camels themselves are subject to panic.","summary_en":"7:21 The warriors stood in place while God fought the battle (cp. Exod 14:13; 1 Sam 12:16; Rev 19:11-16). • The Midianites’ camels (Judg 6:5) might have contributed to the panic. Camels usually provided a military advantage, but in this situation they would have been a liability. They had probably been hobbled for the night, and camels themselves are subject to panic.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":101029,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:21","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:21","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:21<\/strong> The warriors <em>stood<\/em> in place while God fought the battle (cp. Exod 14:13; 1 Sam 12:16; Rev 19:11-16). • The Midianites’ camels (Judg 6:5) might have contributed to the <em>panic<\/em>. Camels usually provided a military advantage, but in this situation they would have been a liability. They had probably been hobbled for the night, and camels themselves are subject to panic.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:21<\/strong> The warriors <em>stood<\/em> in place while God fought the battle (cp. Exod 14:13; 1 Sam 12:16; Rev 19:11-16). • The Midianites’ camels (Judg 6:5) might have contributed to the <em>panic<\/em>. Camels usually provided a military advantage, but in this situation they would have been a liability. They had probably been hobbled for the night, and camels themselves are subject to panic.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:21 The warriors stood in place while God fought the battle (cp. Exod 14:13; 1 Sam 12:16; Rev 19:11-16). • The Midianites’ camels (Judg 6:5) might have contributed to the panic. Camels usually provided a military advantage, but in this situation they would have been a liability. They had probably been hobbled for the night, and camels themselves are subject to panic.","summary_en":"7:21 The warriors stood in place while God fought the battle (cp. Exod 14:13; 1 Sam 12:16; Rev 19:11-16). • The Midianites’ camels (Judg 6:5) might have contributed to the panic. Camels usually provided a military advantage, but in this situation they would have been a liability. They had probably been hobbled for the night, and camels themselves are subject to panic.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128655,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:21","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:21","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:21<\/strong> The warriors <em>stood<\/em> in place while God fought the battle (cp. Exod 14:13; 1 Sam 12:16; Rev 19:11-16). • The Midianites’ camels (Judg 6:5) might have contributed to the <em>panic<\/em>. Camels usually provided a military advantage, but in this situation they would have been a liability. They had probably been hobbled for the night, and camels themselves are subject to panic.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:21<\/strong> The warriors <em>stood<\/em> in place while God fought the battle (cp. Exod 14:13; 1 Sam 12:16; Rev 19:11-16). • The Midianites’ camels (Judg 6:5) might have contributed to the <em>panic<\/em>. Camels usually provided a military advantage, but in this situation they would have been a liability. They had probably been hobbled for the night, and camels themselves are subject to panic.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:21 The warriors stood in place while God fought the battle (cp. Exod 14:13; 1 Sam 12:16; Rev 19:11-16). • The Midianites’ camels (Judg 6:5) might have contributed to the panic. Camels usually provided a military advantage, but in this situation they would have been a liability. They had probably been hobbled for the night, and camels themselves are subject to panic.","summary_en":"7:21 The warriors stood in place while God fought the battle (cp. Exod 14:13; 1 Sam 12:16; Rev 19:11-16). • The Midianites’ camels (Judg 6:5) might have contributed to the panic. Camels usually provided a military advantage, but in this situation they would have been a liability. They had probably been hobbled for the night, and camels themselves are subject to panic.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"22":[{"id":104,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Abel-Meholah","title_en":"Abel-Meholah","content_ro":"<h3>ABEL-MEHOLAH<\/h3>\n<p>Birthplace of the prophet Elisha (1 Kgs 19:16). Here Elijah found Elisha plowing and threw his coat over Elisha’s shoulders, symbolizing God’s call to Elisha to become a prophet (1 Kgs 19:19-21). The town is earlier mentioned as one place to which the Midianites fled from Gideon’s 300 warriors (Jgs 7:22). It is also mentioned in a list of administrative districts set up by King Solomon (1 Kgs 4:12). The most likely modern identification is Khirbet Tell el-Hilu.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>ABEL-MEHOLAH<\/h3>\n<p>Birthplace of the prophet Elisha (1 Kgs 19:16). Here Elijah found Elisha plowing and threw his coat over Elisha’s shoulders, symbolizing God’s call to Elisha to become a prophet (1 Kgs 19:19-21). The town is earlier mentioned as one place to which the Midianites fled from Gideon’s 300 warriors (Jgs 7:22). It is also mentioned in a list of administrative districts set up by King Solomon (1 Kgs 4:12). The most likely modern identification is Khirbet Tell el-Hilu.<\/p>","summary_ro":"ABEL-MEHOLAH Birthplace of the prophet Elisha (1 Kgs 19:16). Here Elijah found Elisha plowing and threw his coat over Elisha’s shoulders, symbolizing God’s call to Elisha to become a prophet (1 Kgs 19:19-21). The town is earlier mentioned as one place to which the Midianites fled from Gideon’s 300 warriors (Jgs 7:22). It is also mentioned in a list of administrative districts set up by King Solomon (1 Kgs 4:12). The most likely modern identification is Khirbet Tell el-Hilu.","summary_en":"ABEL-MEHOLAH Birthplace of the prophet Elisha (1 Kgs 19:16). Here Elijah found Elisha plowing and threw his coat over Elisha’s shoulders, symbolizing God’s call to Elisha to become a prophet (1 Kgs 19:19-21). The town is earlier mentioned as one place to which the Midianites fled from Gideon’s 300 warriors (Jgs 7:22). It is also mentioned in a list of administrative districts set up by King Solomon (1 Kgs 4:12). The most likely modern identification is Khirbet Tell el-Hilu.","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":4574,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Beth-Shittah","title_en":"Beth-Shittah","content_ro":"<h3>BETH-SHITTAH<\/h3>\n<p>Town between the Jordan River and the valley of Jezreel to which the Midianites fled when defeated by Gideon (Jgs 7:22).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>BETH-SHITTAH<\/h3>\n<p>Town between the Jordan River and the valley of Jezreel to which the Midianites fled when defeated by Gideon (Jgs 7:22).<\/p>","summary_ro":"BETH-SHITTAH Town between the Jordan River and the valley of Jezreel to which the Midianites fled when defeated by Gideon (Jgs 7:22).","summary_en":"BETH-SHITTAH Town between the Jordan River and the valley of Jezreel to which the Midianites fled when defeated by Gideon (Jgs 7:22).","source":"Articles\/B.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":36582,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Tabbath","title_en":"Tabbath","content_ro":"<h3>TABBATH<\/h3>\n<p>Town on the outskirts of Abel-meholah on the east side of the Jordan River in the hill country of Gilead, to which Gideon and his small army chased the fleeing Midianites (Jgs 7:22).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>TABBATH<\/h3>\n<p>Town on the outskirts of Abel-meholah on the east side of the Jordan River in the hill country of Gilead, to which Gideon and his small army chased the fleeing Midianites (Jgs 7:22).<\/p>","summary_ro":"TABBATH Town on the outskirts of Abel-meholah on the east side of the Jordan River in the hill country of Gilead, to which Gideon and his small army chased the fleeing Midianites (Jgs 7:22).","summary_en":"TABBATH Town on the outskirts of Abel-meholah on the east side of the Jordan River in the hill country of Gilead, to which Gideon and his small army chased the fleeing Midianites (Jgs 7:22).","source":"Articles\/T.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":39261,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Zererah","title_en":"Zererah","content_ro":"<h3>ZERERAH<\/h3>\n<p>City mentioned in connection with Gideon’s defeat of the Midianites (Jgs 7:22); perhaps also identifiable with Zarethan.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>ZERERAH<\/h3>\n<p>City mentioned in connection with Gideon’s defeat of the Midianites (Jgs 7:22); perhaps also identifiable with Zarethan.<\/p>","summary_ro":"ZERERAH City mentioned in connection with Gideon’s defeat of the Midianites (Jgs 7:22); perhaps also identifiable with Zarethan.","summary_en":"ZERERAH City mentioned in connection with Gideon’s defeat of the Midianites (Jgs 7:22); perhaps also identifiable with Zarethan.","source":"Articles\/Z.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":45778,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:22","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:22","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:22<\/strong> The fugitives fled in a southeasterly direction, past Beth-shan and toward the fords of the Jordan, trying to reach more friendly and favorable surroundings.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:22<\/strong> The fugitives fled in a southeasterly direction, past Beth-shan and toward the fords of the Jordan, trying to reach more friendly and favorable surroundings.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:22 The fugitives fled in a southeasterly direction, past Beth-shan and toward the fords of the Jordan, trying to reach more friendly and favorable surroundings.","summary_en":"7:22 The fugitives fled in a southeasterly direction, past Beth-shan and toward the fords of the Jordan, trying to reach more friendly and favorable surroundings.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73404,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:22","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:22","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:22<\/strong> The fugitives fled in a southeasterly direction, past Beth-shan and toward the fords of the Jordan, trying to reach more friendly and favorable surroundings.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:22<\/strong> The fugitives fled in a southeasterly direction, past Beth-shan and toward the fords of the Jordan, trying to reach more friendly and favorable surroundings.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:22 The fugitives fled in a southeasterly direction, past Beth-shan and toward the fords of the Jordan, trying to reach more friendly and favorable surroundings.","summary_en":"7:22 The fugitives fled in a southeasterly direction, past Beth-shan and toward the fords of the Jordan, trying to reach more friendly and favorable surroundings.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":101030,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:22","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:22","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:22<\/strong> The fugitives fled in a southeasterly direction, past Beth-shan and toward the fords of the Jordan, trying to reach more friendly and favorable surroundings.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:22<\/strong> The fugitives fled in a southeasterly direction, past Beth-shan and toward the fords of the Jordan, trying to reach more friendly and favorable surroundings.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:22 The fugitives fled in a southeasterly direction, past Beth-shan and toward the fords of the Jordan, trying to reach more friendly and favorable surroundings.","summary_en":"7:22 The fugitives fled in a southeasterly direction, past Beth-shan and toward the fords of the Jordan, trying to reach more friendly and favorable surroundings.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128656,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:22","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:22","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:22<\/strong> The fugitives fled in a southeasterly direction, past Beth-shan and toward the fords of the Jordan, trying to reach more friendly and favorable surroundings.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:22<\/strong> The fugitives fled in a southeasterly direction, past Beth-shan and toward the fords of the Jordan, trying to reach more friendly and favorable surroundings.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:22 The fugitives fled in a southeasterly direction, past Beth-shan and toward the fords of the Jordan, trying to reach more friendly and favorable surroundings.","summary_en":"7:22 The fugitives fled in a southeasterly direction, past Beth-shan and toward the fords of the Jordan, trying to reach more friendly and favorable surroundings.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"23":[{"id":2956,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Asher (Tribe)","title_en":"Asher (Tribe)","content_ro":"<h3>ASHER (T<span>ribe<\/span>)<\/h3>\n<p>Israelite tribe that inhabited the fertile coastal territory when the Promised Land was divided for settlement. Asher’s allotment stretched north of Mt Carmel to a point slightly above the city of Sidon. The eastern boundary ran along the western slopes of the hills of Galilee (Jos 19:24-34). The tribes of Zebulun and Naphtali were Asher’s eastern neighbors. Due south, the Carmel mountain range was a natural barrier between Asher and the tribe of Manasseh. The land of Asher was agriculturally rich and is still known for its olive groves. Economically, the people of Asher joined in maritime trade with the Phoenicians of the city of Tyre.<\/p>\n<p>As a tribe, Asher fluctuated in size. From the few who entered Egypt with their father, Jacob, the tribe grew to 41,500 adult warriors at Mt Sinai (Nm 1:40-41). At the second census in the wilderness the tribe numbered 53,400 soldiers (Nm 26:47). At the time of King David the number varied from 26,000 to 40,000 warriors (1 Chr 7:40; 12:36). Asher was never more than fifth in size among the tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>The tribe joined the rest of Israel in rejecting the optimistic reports of Caleb and Joshua about the land of Canaan (Nm 13:30–14:10). As a result, that generation perished in the wilderness after 40 years of wandering (Nm 14:22-25).<\/p>\n<p>At the close of the northern campaign in the Promised Land, Joshua gave the remaining seven tribes their own territory (Jos 18:2). The fifth partition went to Asher’s descendants. Earlier, Ahihud had been chosen by God to distribute land within the territory given to Asher’s tribe (Nm 34:16, 27). Certain Levites, descendants of Gershom, were allocated cities within its borders (Jos 21:6, 30; 1 Chr 6:62, 74).<\/p>\n<p>Like all the Israelite tribes, Asher was never able to possess all of its inheritance. Failure to drive out the inhabitants of Acco, Sidon, Ahlab, Achzib, Helbah, Aphik, and Rehob subjected the tribe to the degradations of pagan culture (Jgs 1:31). The “unpossessed” territory of the Sidonians and the Phoenicians stretched along the coastal region for 200 miles (322 kilometers). Thus “the Asherites dwelt among the Canaanites, the inhabitants of the land; for they did not drive them out” (Jgs 1:32, <span>rsv<\/span>). It is possible that Asher’s tribe, having become a partner in the enterprises of the successful Phoenicians, lost all desire to expel them from their cities.<\/p>\n<p>After the death of the Israelite judge Ehud, Israel fell into the hands of Jabin, king of Canaan. When the judge Deborah stirred up Barak to marshal Israel’s forces for battle, God gave their army a great victory and liberated them from their oppressor (Jgs 4). After the victory Deborah complained that “Asher sat unmoved at the seashore, remaining in his harbors” (Jgs 5:17, <span>nlt<\/span>). Eventually, through amalgamation, the tribe succumbed to Phoenician religious and cultural influences. Foreign invasion and pagan inroads were its downfall.<\/p>\n<p>Little is said in the Bible of the tribe’s leadership. At the time of the exodus, when the nation was organized at Mt Sinai, Pagiel the son of Ochran became tribal chief (Nm 1:13; 2:27; 7:72; 10:26). But the Bible is silent from then on about Asher’s leaders. None of the judges of Israel came from Asher, and in King David’s day the tribes of Asher and Gad were omitted from the list of the nation’s chief officers (1 Chr 27:16-22).<\/p>\n<p>Nevertheless, there are some bright spots in Asher’s tribal history. The tribe answered the call of Gideon to drive out the Midianite enemy (Jgs 6:1-8, 35; 7:23). They rallied with the rest of the tribes of Israel to defend Saul, their first king (1 Sm 11:7). Later, 40,000 Asherites sided with David to give him Saul’s kingdom (1 Chr 12:23-36). After the fall of Samaria in 722 <span>BC<\/span>, a small remnant came to Jerusalem to observe the first Passover feast in many years (2 Chr 30:5), when King Hezekiah (715–686 <span>BC<\/span>) invited all the tribes to assemble for the Passover (2 Chr 30:10-11).<\/p>\n<p>In the NT one of Asher’s descendants is mentioned, an 84-year-old widow named Anna, a prophetess. She described Jesus as “the redemption of Jerusalem” from the time of his dedication to the Lord in the temple (Lk 2:36-38).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Israel, History of.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>ASHER (T<span>ribe<\/span>)<\/h3>\n<p>Israelite tribe that inhabited the fertile coastal territory when the Promised Land was divided for settlement. Asher’s allotment stretched north of Mt Carmel to a point slightly above the city of Sidon. The eastern boundary ran along the western slopes of the hills of Galilee (Jos 19:24-34). The tribes of Zebulun and Naphtali were Asher’s eastern neighbors. Due south, the Carmel mountain range was a natural barrier between Asher and the tribe of Manasseh. The land of Asher was agriculturally rich and is still known for its olive groves. Economically, the people of Asher joined in maritime trade with the Phoenicians of the city of Tyre.<\/p>\n<p>As a tribe, Asher fluctuated in size. From the few who entered Egypt with their father, Jacob, the tribe grew to 41,500 adult warriors at Mt Sinai (Nm 1:40-41). At the second census in the wilderness the tribe numbered 53,400 soldiers (Nm 26:47). At the time of King David the number varied from 26,000 to 40,000 warriors (1 Chr 7:40; 12:36). Asher was never more than fifth in size among the tribes of Israel.<\/p>\n<p>The tribe joined the rest of Israel in rejecting the optimistic reports of Caleb and Joshua about the land of Canaan (Nm 13:30–14:10). As a result, that generation perished in the wilderness after 40 years of wandering (Nm 14:22-25).<\/p>\n<p>At the close of the northern campaign in the Promised Land, Joshua gave the remaining seven tribes their own territory (Jos 18:2). The fifth partition went to Asher’s descendants. Earlier, Ahihud had been chosen by God to distribute land within the territory given to Asher’s tribe (Nm 34:16, 27). Certain Levites, descendants of Gershom, were allocated cities within its borders (Jos 21:6, 30; 1 Chr 6:62, 74).<\/p>\n<p>Like all the Israelite tribes, Asher was never able to possess all of its inheritance. Failure to drive out the inhabitants of Acco, Sidon, Ahlab, Achzib, Helbah, Aphik, and Rehob subjected the tribe to the degradations of pagan culture (Jgs 1:31). The “unpossessed” territory of the Sidonians and the Phoenicians stretched along the coastal region for 200 miles (322 kilometers). Thus “the Asherites dwelt among the Canaanites, the inhabitants of the land; for they did not drive them out” (Jgs 1:32, <span>rsv<\/span>). It is possible that Asher’s tribe, having become a partner in the enterprises of the successful Phoenicians, lost all desire to expel them from their cities.<\/p>\n<p>After the death of the Israelite judge Ehud, Israel fell into the hands of Jabin, king of Canaan. When the judge Deborah stirred up Barak to marshal Israel’s forces for battle, God gave their army a great victory and liberated them from their oppressor (Jgs 4). After the victory Deborah complained that “Asher sat unmoved at the seashore, remaining in his harbors” (Jgs 5:17, <span>nlt<\/span>). Eventually, through amalgamation, the tribe succumbed to Phoenician religious and cultural influences. Foreign invasion and pagan inroads were its downfall.<\/p>\n<p>Little is said in the Bible of the tribe’s leadership. At the time of the exodus, when the nation was organized at Mt Sinai, Pagiel the son of Ochran became tribal chief (Nm 1:13; 2:27; 7:72; 10:26). But the Bible is silent from then on about Asher’s leaders. None of the judges of Israel came from Asher, and in King David’s day the tribes of Asher and Gad were omitted from the list of the nation’s chief officers (1 Chr 27:16-22).<\/p>\n<p>Nevertheless, there are some bright spots in Asher’s tribal history. The tribe answered the call of Gideon to drive out the Midianite enemy (Jgs 6:1-8, 35; 7:23). They rallied with the rest of the tribes of Israel to defend Saul, their first king (1 Sm 11:7). Later, 40,000 Asherites sided with David to give him Saul’s kingdom (1 Chr 12:23-36). After the fall of Samaria in 722 <span>BC<\/span>, a small remnant came to Jerusalem to observe the first Passover feast in many years (2 Chr 30:5), when King Hezekiah (715–686 <span>BC<\/span>) invited all the tribes to assemble for the Passover (2 Chr 30:10-11).<\/p>\n<p>In the NT one of Asher’s descendants is mentioned, an 84-year-old widow named Anna, a prophetess. She described Jesus as “the redemption of Jerusalem” from the time of his dedication to the Lord in the temple (Lk 2:36-38).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Israel, History of.<\/p>","summary_ro":"ASHER (Tribe) Israelite tribe that inhabited the fertile coastal territory when the Promised Land was divided for settlement. Asher’s allotment stretched north of Mt Carmel to a point slightly above the city of Sidon. The eastern boundary ran along the western slopes of the hills of Galilee (Jos 19:24-34). The tribes of Zebulun and Naphtali were Asher’s eastern neighbors. Due south, the Carmel mountain range was a natural barrier between Asher and the tribe of Manasseh. The land of Asher was ...","summary_en":"ASHER (Tribe) Israelite tribe that inhabited the fertile coastal territory when the Promised Land was divided for settlement. Asher’s allotment stretched north of Mt Carmel to a point slightly above the city of Sidon. The eastern boundary ran along the western slopes of the hills of Galilee (Jos 19:24-34). The tribes of Zebulun and Naphtali were Asher’s eastern neighbors. Due south, the Carmel mountain range was a natural barrier between Asher and the tribe of Manasseh. The land of Asher was ...","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"24":[{"id":4420,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Beth-Barah","title_en":"Beth-Barah","content_ro":"<h3>BETH-BARAH<\/h3>\n<p>Place where warriors of Ephraim’s tribe under Gideon tried to block the retreat of the Midianites over the Jordan River (Jgs 7:24).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>BETH-BARAH<\/h3>\n<p>Place where warriors of Ephraim’s tribe under Gideon tried to block the retreat of the Midianites over the Jordan River (Jgs 7:24).<\/p>","summary_ro":"BETH-BARAH Place where warriors of Ephraim’s tribe under Gideon tried to block the retreat of the Midianites over the Jordan River (Jgs 7:24).","summary_en":"BETH-BARAH Place where warriors of Ephraim’s tribe under Gideon tried to block the retreat of the Midianites over the Jordan River (Jgs 7:24).","source":"Articles\/B.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":38964,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Zebah and Zalmunna","title_en":"Zebah and Zalmunna","content_ro":"<h3>ZEBAH AND ZALMUNNA<\/h3>\n<p>Two Midianite kings who slaughtered Gideon’s brothers at Tabor. Gideon subsequently killed them in order to avenge his brothers’ deaths (Jgs 8:18-21).<\/p>\n<p>During Gideon’s day, Midianite camel raiders annually made forays into Israelite territory at harvesttime, stealing crops and livestock (Jgs 6:3). So complete were their raids that nothing was left in Israel, including crops, sheep, oxen, or donkeys.<\/p>\n<p>In this state of affairs God called Gideon to deliver Israel (Jgs 6:16). His well-known victory over Midian near Mt Moreh was an important step toward realization of this divine commission (7:1-23). In the operations following the battle, Ephraimite warriors captured and assassinated two Midianite leaders named Zeeb and Oreb (7:24–8:3).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon determined to capture Zebah and Zalmunna, the kings of the Midianite forces. In tracking them down, he crossed the Jordan River and traveled more than 100 miles (160.9 kilometers) from the site of the original battle. Along the way, two successive towns, Succoth and Penuel, refused to help Gideon and his men, doubtless fearing reprisal from the Midianite raiders should Gideon fail to defeat them.<\/p>\n<p>Gideon routed the remaining Midianite warriors and captured Zebah and Zalmunna (Jgs 8:12). Because Zebah and Zalmunna had killed his brothers, Gideon killed the two Midianite kings (vv 19-21). Psalm 83:11 indicates that Zebah, Zalmunna, and the Midianites were the enemies not merely of Israel but also of God.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>ZEBAH AND ZALMUNNA<\/h3>\n<p>Two Midianite kings who slaughtered Gideon’s brothers at Tabor. Gideon subsequently killed them in order to avenge his brothers’ deaths (Jgs 8:18-21).<\/p>\n<p>During Gideon’s day, Midianite camel raiders annually made forays into Israelite territory at harvesttime, stealing crops and livestock (Jgs 6:3). So complete were their raids that nothing was left in Israel, including crops, sheep, oxen, or donkeys.<\/p>\n<p>In this state of affairs God called Gideon to deliver Israel (Jgs 6:16). His well-known victory over Midian near Mt Moreh was an important step toward realization of this divine commission (7:1-23). In the operations following the battle, Ephraimite warriors captured and assassinated two Midianite leaders named Zeeb and Oreb (7:24–8:3).<\/p>\n<p>Gideon determined to capture Zebah and Zalmunna, the kings of the Midianite forces. In tracking them down, he crossed the Jordan River and traveled more than 100 miles (160.9 kilometers) from the site of the original battle. Along the way, two successive towns, Succoth and Penuel, refused to help Gideon and his men, doubtless fearing reprisal from the Midianite raiders should Gideon fail to defeat them.<\/p>\n<p>Gideon routed the remaining Midianite warriors and captured Zebah and Zalmunna (Jgs 8:12). Because Zebah and Zalmunna had killed his brothers, Gideon killed the two Midianite kings (vv 19-21). Psalm 83:11 indicates that Zebah, Zalmunna, and the Midianites were the enemies not merely of Israel but also of God.<\/p>","summary_ro":"ZEBAH AND ZALMUNNA Two Midianite kings who slaughtered Gideon’s brothers at Tabor. Gideon subsequently killed them in order to avenge his brothers’ deaths (Jgs 8:18-21). During Gideon’s day, Midianite camel raiders annually made forays into Israelite territory at harvesttime, stealing crops and livestock (Jgs 6:3). So complete were their raids that nothing was left in Israel, including crops, sheep, oxen, or donkeys. In this state of affairs God called Gideon to deliver Israel (Jgs 6:16). His...","summary_en":"ZEBAH AND ZALMUNNA Two Midianite kings who slaughtered Gideon’s brothers at Tabor. Gideon subsequently killed them in order to avenge his brothers’ deaths (Jgs 8:18-21). During Gideon’s day, Midianite camel raiders annually made forays into Israelite territory at harvesttime, stealing crops and livestock (Jgs 6:3). So complete were their raids that nothing was left in Israel, including crops, sheep, oxen, or donkeys. In this state of affairs God called Gideon to deliver Israel (Jgs 6:16). His...","source":"Articles\/Z.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":45779,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:24","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:24","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:24<\/strong> The <em>shallow crossings of the Jordan<\/em> were key to cutting off the escape of an army (cp. 3:28; 12:4-6).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:24<\/strong> The <em>shallow crossings of the Jordan<\/em> were key to cutting off the escape of an army (cp. 3:28; 12:4-6).<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:24 The shallow crossings of the Jordan were key to cutting off the escape of an army (cp. 3:28; 12:4-6).","summary_en":"7:24 The shallow crossings of the Jordan were key to cutting off the escape of an army (cp. 3:28; 12:4-6).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73405,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:24","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:24","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:24<\/strong> The <em>shallow crossings of the Jordan<\/em> were key to cutting off the escape of an army (cp. 3:28; 12:4-6).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:24<\/strong> The <em>shallow crossings of the Jordan<\/em> were key to cutting off the escape of an army (cp. 3:28; 12:4-6).<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:24 The shallow crossings of the Jordan were key to cutting off the escape of an army (cp. 3:28; 12:4-6).","summary_en":"7:24 The shallow crossings of the Jordan were key to cutting off the escape of an army (cp. 3:28; 12:4-6).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":101031,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:24","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:24","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:24<\/strong> The <em>shallow crossings of the Jordan<\/em> were key to cutting off the escape of an army (cp. 3:28; 12:4-6).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:24<\/strong> The <em>shallow crossings of the Jordan<\/em> were key to cutting off the escape of an army (cp. 3:28; 12:4-6).<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:24 The shallow crossings of the Jordan were key to cutting off the escape of an army (cp. 3:28; 12:4-6).","summary_en":"7:24 The shallow crossings of the Jordan were key to cutting off the escape of an army (cp. 3:28; 12:4-6).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128657,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:24","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:24","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:24<\/strong> The <em>shallow crossings of the Jordan<\/em> were key to cutting off the escape of an army (cp. 3:28; 12:4-6).<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:24<\/strong> The <em>shallow crossings of the Jordan<\/em> were key to cutting off the escape of an army (cp. 3:28; 12:4-6).<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:24 The shallow crossings of the Jordan were key to cutting off the escape of an army (cp. 3:28; 12:4-6).","summary_en":"7:24 The shallow crossings of the Jordan were key to cutting off the escape of an army (cp. 3:28; 12:4-6).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"25":[{"id":28590,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Oreb","title_en":"Oreb","content_ro":"<h3>OREB<\/h3>\n<p>One of two Midianite chieftains (the other being Zeeb) put to death by men from Ephraim’s tribe (Jgs 7:25). The occasion for this execution was Gideon’s surprise attack on the Midianite encampment at the hill of Moreh in the valley of Jezreel. The Midianites’ line of retreat eastward required them to recross the Jordan River. Gideon sent word to the Ephraimites to seize the fording places on the river to prevent the Midianites from escaping. The Ephraimites, following the orders, intercepted a contingent of fleeing Midianites, including the prominent leaders Oreb and Zeeb. They beheaded these two leaders and sent their heads as a war prize to Gideon, who was then pursuing the Midianites on the east side of the Jordan (8:3).<\/p>\n<p>During Israel’s later history, the deaths of Oreb and Zeeb were recognized as a great triumph of God over the enemies of his people. The psalmist implores God to overthrow the nobles among Israel’s current enemies just as he did the Midianite chieftains (Ps 83:11). The Lord, speaking through his prophet Isaiah, pledged that the Assyrians would be overthrown like the slaughter of Midian at the rock of Oreb (Is 9:4; 10:26), implying that the earlier victory amounted to more than the capture of two leaders; it was an important and strategic defeat of the Midianite invasion force.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>OREB<\/h3>\n<p>One of two Midianite chieftains (the other being Zeeb) put to death by men from Ephraim’s tribe (Jgs 7:25). The occasion for this execution was Gideon’s surprise attack on the Midianite encampment at the hill of Moreh in the valley of Jezreel. The Midianites’ line of retreat eastward required them to recross the Jordan River. Gideon sent word to the Ephraimites to seize the fording places on the river to prevent the Midianites from escaping. The Ephraimites, following the orders, intercepted a contingent of fleeing Midianites, including the prominent leaders Oreb and Zeeb. They beheaded these two leaders and sent their heads as a war prize to Gideon, who was then pursuing the Midianites on the east side of the Jordan (8:3).<\/p>\n<p>During Israel’s later history, the deaths of Oreb and Zeeb were recognized as a great triumph of God over the enemies of his people. The psalmist implores God to overthrow the nobles among Israel’s current enemies just as he did the Midianite chieftains (Ps 83:11). The Lord, speaking through his prophet Isaiah, pledged that the Assyrians would be overthrown like the slaughter of Midian at the rock of Oreb (Is 9:4; 10:26), implying that the earlier victory amounted to more than the capture of two leaders; it was an important and strategic defeat of the Midianite invasion force.<\/p>","summary_ro":"OREB One of two Midianite chieftains (the other being Zeeb) put to death by men from Ephraim’s tribe (Jgs 7:25). The occasion for this execution was Gideon’s surprise attack on the Midianite encampment at the hill of Moreh in the valley of Jezreel. The Midianites’ line of retreat eastward required them to recross the Jordan River. Gideon sent word to the Ephraimites to seize the fording places on the river to prevent the Midianites from escaping. The Ephraimites, following the orders, interce...","summary_en":"OREB One of two Midianite chieftains (the other being Zeeb) put to death by men from Ephraim’s tribe (Jgs 7:25). The occasion for this execution was Gideon’s surprise attack on the Midianite encampment at the hill of Moreh in the valley of Jezreel. The Midianites’ line of retreat eastward required them to recross the Jordan River. Gideon sent word to the Ephraimites to seize the fording places on the river to prevent the Midianites from escaping. The Ephraimites, following the orders, interce...","source":"Articles\/O.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":28595,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Rock of Oreb","title_en":"Rock of Oreb","content_ro":"<h3>OREB, Rock of<\/h3>\n<p>Place where the Ephraimites killed the Midianite chieftain Oreb (Jgs 7:25; Is 10:26). <em>See<\/em> Oreb.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>OREB, Rock of<\/h3>\n<p>Place where the Ephraimites killed the Midianite chieftain Oreb (Jgs 7:25; Is 10:26). <em>See<\/em> Oreb.<\/p>","summary_ro":"OREB, Rock of Place where the Ephraimites killed the Midianite chieftain Oreb (Jgs 7:25; Is 10:26). See Oreb.","summary_en":"OREB, Rock of Place where the Ephraimites killed the Midianite chieftain Oreb (Jgs 7:25; Is 10:26). See Oreb.","source":"Articles\/O.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":38465,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Winepress","title_en":"Winepress","content_ro":"<h3>WINEPRESS<\/h3>\n<p>A sunken area (Jgs 6:11) into which the grape harvest was thrown and then trodden with bare feet, amid shouts of joy and traditional vintage work songs (Jer 48:33; cf. Is 65:8). The red juice flowed through spouts into jars. Full winepresses meant prosperity; deserted ones spoke of destitution. The common winepress was a natural landmark (Jgs 7:25; Zec 14:10); a privately owned one indicated the special care and efficiency of the vineyard’s owner (Is 5:2; Mt 21:33).<\/p>\n<p>Grape treading provided a dramatic metaphor for the ruthless trampling by invading armies (Lam 1:15). This vivid metaphor of battle is mingled with divine judgment (Is 63:1-6) and anticipates the Lord’s final judgment, spoken of as “the winepress of the wrath of God” (Rv 14:18-20).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Vines, Vineyard; Wine.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>WINEPRESS<\/h3>\n<p>A sunken area (Jgs 6:11) into which the grape harvest was thrown and then trodden with bare feet, amid shouts of joy and traditional vintage work songs (Jer 48:33; cf. Is 65:8). The red juice flowed through spouts into jars. Full winepresses meant prosperity; deserted ones spoke of destitution. The common winepress was a natural landmark (Jgs 7:25; Zec 14:10); a privately owned one indicated the special care and efficiency of the vineyard’s owner (Is 5:2; Mt 21:33).<\/p>\n<p>Grape treading provided a dramatic metaphor for the ruthless trampling by invading armies (Lam 1:15). This vivid metaphor of battle is mingled with divine judgment (Is 63:1-6) and anticipates the Lord’s final judgment, spoken of as “the winepress of the wrath of God” (Rv 14:18-20).<\/p>\n<p><em>See also<\/em> Vines, Vineyard; Wine.<\/p>","summary_ro":"WINEPRESS A sunken area (Jgs 6:11) into which the grape harvest was thrown and then trodden with bare feet, amid shouts of joy and traditional vintage work songs (Jer 48:33; cf. Is 65:8). The red juice flowed through spouts into jars. Full winepresses meant prosperity; deserted ones spoke of destitution. The common winepress was a natural landmark (Jgs 7:25; Zec 14:10); a privately owned one indicated the special care and efficiency of the vineyard’s owner (Is 5:2; Mt 21:33). Grape treading p...","summary_en":"WINEPRESS A sunken area (Jgs 6:11) into which the grape harvest was thrown and then trodden with bare feet, amid shouts of joy and traditional vintage work songs (Jer 48:33; cf. Is 65:8). The red juice flowed through spouts into jars. Full winepresses meant prosperity; deserted ones spoke of destitution. The common winepress was a natural landmark (Jgs 7:25; Zec 14:10); a privately owned one indicated the special care and efficiency of the vineyard’s owner (Is 5:2; Mt 21:33). Grape treading p...","source":"Articles\/W.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":39149,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Zeeb","title_en":"Zeeb","content_ro":"<h3>ZEEB<\/h3>\n<p>One of two Midianite princes executed by Gideon’s army (Jgs 7:25).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>ZEEB<\/h3>\n<p>One of two Midianite princes executed by Gideon’s army (Jgs 7:25).<\/p>","summary_ro":"ZEEB One of two Midianite princes executed by Gideon’s army (Jgs 7:25).","summary_en":"ZEEB One of two Midianite princes executed by Gideon’s army (Jgs 7:25).","source":"Articles\/Z.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":45780,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:25","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:25","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:25<\/strong> <em>Oreb<\/em> (“raven”) and <em>Zeeb<\/em> (“wolf”) were military leaders, in contrast to Zebah and Zalmunna, who were kings (8:5). This capture was commemorated in the subsequent names of the rock and winepress where they were captured.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:25<\/strong> <em>Oreb<\/em> (“raven”) and <em>Zeeb<\/em> (“wolf”) were military leaders, in contrast to Zebah and Zalmunna, who were kings (8:5). This capture was commemorated in the subsequent names of the rock and winepress where they were captured.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:25 Oreb (“raven”) and Zeeb (“wolf”) were military leaders, in contrast to Zebah and Zalmunna, who were kings (8:5). This capture was commemorated in the subsequent names of the rock and winepress where they were captured.","summary_en":"7:25 Oreb (“raven”) and Zeeb (“wolf”) were military leaders, in contrast to Zebah and Zalmunna, who were kings (8:5). This capture was commemorated in the subsequent names of the rock and winepress where they were captured.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":73406,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:25","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:25","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:25<\/strong> <em>Oreb<\/em> (“raven”) and <em>Zeeb<\/em> (“wolf”) were military leaders, in contrast to Zebah and Zalmunna, who were kings (8:5). This capture was commemorated in the subsequent names of the rock and winepress where they were captured.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:25<\/strong> <em>Oreb<\/em> (“raven”) and <em>Zeeb<\/em> (“wolf”) were military leaders, in contrast to Zebah and Zalmunna, who were kings (8:5). This capture was commemorated in the subsequent names of the rock and winepress where they were captured.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:25 Oreb (“raven”) and Zeeb (“wolf”) were military leaders, in contrast to Zebah and Zalmunna, who were kings (8:5). This capture was commemorated in the subsequent names of the rock and winepress where they were captured.","summary_en":"7:25 Oreb (“raven”) and Zeeb (“wolf”) were military leaders, in contrast to Zebah and Zalmunna, who were kings (8:5). This capture was commemorated in the subsequent names of the rock and winepress where they were captured.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":101032,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:25","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:25","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:25<\/strong> <em>Oreb<\/em> (“raven”) and <em>Zeeb<\/em> (“wolf”) were military leaders, in contrast to Zebah and Zalmunna, who were kings (8:5). This capture was commemorated in the subsequent names of the rock and winepress where they were captured.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:25<\/strong> <em>Oreb<\/em> (“raven”) and <em>Zeeb<\/em> (“wolf”) were military leaders, in contrast to Zebah and Zalmunna, who were kings (8:5). This capture was commemorated in the subsequent names of the rock and winepress where they were captured.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:25 Oreb (“raven”) and Zeeb (“wolf”) were military leaders, in contrast to Zebah and Zalmunna, who were kings (8:5). This capture was commemorated in the subsequent names of the rock and winepress where they were captured.","summary_en":"7:25 Oreb (“raven”) and Zeeb (“wolf”) were military leaders, in contrast to Zebah and Zalmunna, who were kings (8:5). This capture was commemorated in the subsequent names of the rock and winepress where they were captured.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":128658,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Judecătorii 7:25","title_en":"Study Note: Judecătorii 7:25","content_ro":"<p><strong>7:25<\/strong> <em>Oreb<\/em> (“raven”) and <em>Zeeb<\/em> (“wolf”) were military leaders, in contrast to Zebah and Zalmunna, who were kings (8:5). This capture was commemorated in the subsequent names of the rock and winepress where they were captured.<\/p>","content_en":"<p><strong>7:25<\/strong> <em>Oreb<\/em> (“raven”) and <em>Zeeb<\/em> (“wolf”) were military leaders, in contrast to Zebah and Zalmunna, who were kings (8:5). This capture was commemorated in the subsequent names of the rock and winepress where they were captured.<\/p>","summary_ro":"7:25 Oreb (“raven”) and Zeeb (“wolf”) were military leaders, in contrast to Zebah and Zalmunna, who were kings (8:5). This capture was commemorated in the subsequent names of the rock and winepress where they were captured.","summary_en":"7:25 Oreb (“raven”) and Zeeb (“wolf”) were military leaders, in contrast to Zebah and Zalmunna, who were kings (8:5). This capture was commemorated in the subsequent names of the rock and winepress where they were captured.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}]},"labels":{"article":"Articol","map":"Hartă","chart":"Diagramă","textbox":"Notă explicativă","picture":"Imagine","profile":"Profil","study_note":"Notă de studiu","theme_note":"Temă biblică"},"icons":{"article":"📖","map":"🗺️","chart":"📊","textbox":"💡","picture":"🖼️","profile":"👤","study_note":"📝","theme_note":"🎯"},"typeColors":{"article":"#d4af37","map":"#2d7d46","chart":"#3b82f6","textbox":"#8b5cf6","picture":"#ec4899","profile":"#f59e0b","study_note":"#06b6d4","theme_note":"#ef4444"}}
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