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Romani 16

¹ Vă dau în grijă pe Fivi, sora noastră, care este diaconiţă (Sau: slujitoare.) a Bisericii din Chencrea;

² s-o primiţi în Domnul, într-un chip vrednic de sfinţi, şi s-o ajutaţi în orice ar avea trebuinţă de voi; căci şi ea s-a arătat de ajutor multora şi îndeosebi mie.

³ Spuneţi sănătate Priscilei şi lui Acuila, tovarăşii mei de lucru în Hristos Isus,

⁴ cari şi-au pus capul în joc, ca să-mi scape viaţa. Le mulţămesc nu numai eu, dar şi toate Bisericile ieşite dintre Neamuri. -

⁵ Spuneţi sănătate şi Bisericii care se adună în casa lor. -Spuneţi sănătate lui Epenet, prea iubitul meu, care a fost cel dintâi rod al Asiei pentru Hristos.

⁶ Spuneţi sănătate Mariei, care s-a ostenit mult pentru voi. -

⁷ Spuneţi sănătate lui Andronic şi lui Iunia, rudele mele şi tovarăşii mei de temniţă, cari sânt cu vază între apostoli. Ei au venit la Hristos mai înainte de mine chiar. -

⁸ Spuneţi sănătate lui Ampliat, prea iubitul meu în Domnul. -

⁹ Spuneţi sănătate lui Urban, tovarăşul nostru de lucru în Hristos, şi lui Stache, prea iubitul meu. -

¹⁰ Spuneţi sănătate lui Apele, încercatul slujitor al lui Hristos. -Spuneţi sănătate celor din casa lui Aristobul. -

¹¹ Spuneţi sănătate lui Ierodion, ruda mea. -Spuneţi sănătate celor din casa lui Narcis, cari sânt ai Domnului. -

¹² Spuneţi sănătate Trifenei şi Trifosei, cari se ostenesc pentru Domnul. -Spuneţi sănătate Persidei prea iubite, care s-a ostenit mult pentru Domnul. -

¹³ Spuneţi sănătate lui Ruf, cel ales în Domnul, şi mamei lui, care s-a arătat şi mama mea. -

¹⁴ Spuneţi sănătate lui Asincrit, lui Flegon, lui Hermes, lui Patroba, lui Herma, şi fraţilor cari sânt împreună cu ei. -

¹⁵ Spuneţi sănătate lui Filolog şi Iuliei, lui Nereu şi surorii lui, lui Olimpa, şi tuturor sfinţilor cari sânt împreună cu ei. -

¹⁶ Spuneţi-vă sănătate unii altora cu o sărutare sfântă. Toate Bisericile lui Hristos vă trimet Sănătate.

¹⁷ Vă îndemn, fraţilor, să vă feriţi de ceice fac desbinări şi tulburare împotriva învăţăturii, pe care aţi primit-o. Depărtaţi-vă de ei.

¹⁸ Căci astfel de oameni nu slujesc lui Hristos, Domnul nostru, ci pântecelui lor; şi, prin vorbiri dulci şi amăgitoare, ei înşală inimile celor lesne crezători.

¹⁹ Cât despre voi, ascultarea voastră este cunoscută de toţi. Mă bucur dar de voi, şi doresc să fiţi înţelepţi în ce priveşte binele, şi proşti în ce priveşte răul.

²⁰ Dumnezeul păcii va zdrobi în curând pe Satana supt picioarele voastre. Harul Domnului nostru Isus Hristos să fie cu voi! Amin.

²¹ Timotei, tovarăşul meu de lucru, vă trimete sănătate; tot aşa şi Luciu, Iason şi Sosipater, rudele mele. -

²² Vă trimet sănătate în Domnul eu, Terţiu, care am scris epistola aceasta. -

²³ Gaiu, gazda mea şi a întregei Biserici, vă trimete sănătate. -Erast, vistiernicul cetăţii, vă trimete sănătate; tot aşa şi fratele Cuart.

²⁴ Harul Domnului nostru Isus Hristos să fie cu voi cu toţi! Amin.

²⁵ Iar Aceluia care poate să vă întărească, după Evanghelia mea şi propovăduirea lui Isus Hristos, -potrivit cu descoperirea tainei, care a fost ţinută ascunsă timp de veacuri,

²⁶ dar a fost arătată acum prin scrierile proorocilor, şi, prin porunca Dumnezeului celui vecinic, a fost adusă la cunoştinţa tuturor Neamurilor, ca să asculte de credinţă, -

²⁷ a lui Dumnezeu, care singur este înţelept, să fie slava, prin Isus Hristos, în vecii vecilor! Amin

{"verseMap":{"1":[{"id":42715,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"The Roman Church","title_en":"The Roman Church","content_ro":"<h3>The Roman Church<\/h3>\nThe details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Peter founded the Roman church or that he was present in Rome by the time Paul wrote to the Roman Christians around AD<\/span> 57; otherwise, Paul would certainly have greeted him. Consequently, Paul wrote this letter to help ensure that the Roman church had apostolic involvement in their faith. He never wrote to the churches of Judea, founded by the other apostles, but only to churches that either he had founded (e.g., Corinth, Galatia) or to those that had no direct apostolic involvement (e.g., Colosse, Rome).<\/p>\nIn time, the Jewish Christians in Rome would have been pushed out of the synagogues by the non-Christian Jews, as happened elsewhere. By the time Paul wrote to the Roman church, they were meeting as separate house churches in private homes (Rom 16:5, 10-11, 15). There were no centralized edifices, and it is uncertain whether the whole body of believers in Rome met together.<\/p>\nWhen Claudius expelled the Jews from Rome (around AD<\/span> 49), the Jewish Christians were also forced to leave, among whom were Priscilla and Aquila (Acts 18:2). In the absence of the Jews, the Roman church would have become Gentile in character. When the Jews returned (probably shortly after the death of Claudius in AD<\/span> 54), there were no doubt questions—if not conflicts—among the Jewish and Gentile Christians. Paul may have written Romans to settle such controversies among this mixed group of Jews and Gentiles worshiping Christ in the same city.<\/p>\nAs is evident from Romans 16, Paul already had many friends in the Roman church. In the spring of AD<\/span> 60, roughly two years after writing Romans, Paul had the opportunity to go to Rome—a desire he had repeatedly expressed (Acts 19:21; Rom 1:13-15). He spent two years there under house arrest awaiting his first trial before Nero, “boldly proclaiming the Kingdom of God and teaching about the Lord Jesus Christ” (Acts 28:30-31).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 28:15-31; Rom 1:13-15; 16:1-16<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Roman Church<\/h3>\nThe details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Peter founded the Roman church or that he was present in Rome by the time Paul wrote to the Roman Christians around AD<\/span> 57; otherwise, Paul would certainly have greeted him. Consequently, Paul wrote this letter to help ensure that the Roman church had apostolic involvement in their faith. He never wrote to the churches of Judea, founded by the other apostles, but only to churches that either he had founded (e.g., Corinth, Galatia) or to those that had no direct apostolic involvement (e.g., Colosse, Rome).<\/p>\nIn time, the Jewish Christians in Rome would have been pushed out of the synagogues by the non-Christian Jews, as happened elsewhere. By the time Paul wrote to the Roman church, they were meeting as separate house churches in private homes (Rom 16:5, 10-11, 15). There were no centralized edifices, and it is uncertain whether the whole body of believers in Rome met together.<\/p>\nWhen Claudius expelled the Jews from Rome (around AD<\/span> 49), the Jewish Christians were also forced to leave, among whom were Priscilla and Aquila (Acts 18:2). In the absence of the Jews, the Roman church would have become Gentile in character. When the Jews returned (probably shortly after the death of Claudius in AD<\/span> 54), there were no doubt questions—if not conflicts—among the Jewish and Gentile Christians. Paul may have written Romans to settle such controversies among this mixed group of Jews and Gentiles worshiping Christ in the same city.<\/p>\nAs is evident from Romans 16, Paul already had many friends in the Roman church. In the spring of AD<\/span> 60, roughly two years after writing Romans, Paul had the opportunity to go to Rome—a desire he had repeatedly expressed (Acts 19:21; Rom 1:13-15). He spent two years there under house arrest awaiting his first trial before Nero, “boldly proclaiming the Kingdom of God and teaching about the Lord Jesus Christ” (Acts 28:30-31).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 28:15-31; Rom 1:13-15; 16:1-16<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Roman Church The details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Pete...","summary_en":"The Roman Church The details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Pete...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":70341,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"The Roman Church","title_en":"The Roman Church","content_ro":"<h3>The Roman Church<\/h3>\nThe details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Peter founded the Roman church or that he was present in Rome by the time Paul wrote to the Roman Christians around AD<\/span> 57; otherwise, Paul would certainly have greeted him. Consequently, Paul wrote this letter to help ensure that the Roman church had apostolic involvement in their faith. He never wrote to the churches of Judea, founded by the other apostles, but only to churches that either he had founded (e.g., Corinth, Galatia) or to those that had no direct apostolic involvement (e.g., Colosse, Rome).<\/p>\nIn time, the Jewish Christians in Rome would have been pushed out of the synagogues by the non-Christian Jews, as happened elsewhere. By the time Paul wrote to the Roman church, they were meeting as separate house churches in private homes (Rom 16:5, 10-11, 15). There were no centralized edifices, and it is uncertain whether the whole body of believers in Rome met together.<\/p>\nWhen Claudius expelled the Jews from Rome (around AD<\/span> 49), the Jewish Christians were also forced to leave, among whom were Priscilla and Aquila (Acts 18:2). In the absence of the Jews, the Roman church would have become Gentile in character. When the Jews returned (probably shortly after the death of Claudius in AD<\/span> 54), there were no doubt questions—if not conflicts—among the Jewish and Gentile Christians. Paul may have written Romans to settle such controversies among this mixed group of Jews and Gentiles worshiping Christ in the same city.<\/p>\nAs is evident from Romans 16, Paul already had many friends in the Roman church. In the spring of AD<\/span> 60, roughly two years after writing Romans, Paul had the opportunity to go to Rome—a desire he had repeatedly expressed (Acts 19:21; Rom 1:13-15). He spent two years there under house arrest awaiting his first trial before Nero, “boldly proclaiming the Kingdom of God and teaching about the Lord Jesus Christ” (Acts 28:30-31).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 28:15-31; Rom 1:13-15; 16:1-16<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Roman Church<\/h3>\nThe details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Peter founded the Roman church or that he was present in Rome by the time Paul wrote to the Roman Christians around AD<\/span> 57; otherwise, Paul would certainly have greeted him. Consequently, Paul wrote this letter to help ensure that the Roman church had apostolic involvement in their faith. He never wrote to the churches of Judea, founded by the other apostles, but only to churches that either he had founded (e.g., Corinth, Galatia) or to those that had no direct apostolic involvement (e.g., Colosse, Rome).<\/p>\nIn time, the Jewish Christians in Rome would have been pushed out of the synagogues by the non-Christian Jews, as happened elsewhere. By the time Paul wrote to the Roman church, they were meeting as separate house churches in private homes (Rom 16:5, 10-11, 15). There were no centralized edifices, and it is uncertain whether the whole body of believers in Rome met together.<\/p>\nWhen Claudius expelled the Jews from Rome (around AD<\/span> 49), the Jewish Christians were also forced to leave, among whom were Priscilla and Aquila (Acts 18:2). In the absence of the Jews, the Roman church would have become Gentile in character. When the Jews returned (probably shortly after the death of Claudius in AD<\/span> 54), there were no doubt questions—if not conflicts—among the Jewish and Gentile Christians. Paul may have written Romans to settle such controversies among this mixed group of Jews and Gentiles worshiping Christ in the same city.<\/p>\nAs is evident from Romans 16, Paul already had many friends in the Roman church. In the spring of AD<\/span> 60, roughly two years after writing Romans, Paul had the opportunity to go to Rome—a desire he had repeatedly expressed (Acts 19:21; Rom 1:13-15). He spent two years there under house arrest awaiting his first trial before Nero, “boldly proclaiming the Kingdom of God and teaching about the Lord Jesus Christ” (Acts 28:30-31).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 28:15-31; Rom 1:13-15; 16:1-16<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Roman Church The details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Pete...","summary_en":"The Roman Church The details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Pete...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":97967,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"The Roman Church","title_en":"The Roman Church","content_ro":"<h3>The Roman Church<\/h3>\nThe details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Peter founded the Roman church or that he was present in Rome by the time Paul wrote to the Roman Christians around AD<\/span> 57; otherwise, Paul would certainly have greeted him. Consequently, Paul wrote this letter to help ensure that the Roman church had apostolic involvement in their faith. He never wrote to the churches of Judea, founded by the other apostles, but only to churches that either he had founded (e.g., Corinth, Galatia) or to those that had no direct apostolic involvement (e.g., Colosse, Rome).<\/p>\nIn time, the Jewish Christians in Rome would have been pushed out of the synagogues by the non-Christian Jews, as happened elsewhere. By the time Paul wrote to the Roman church, they were meeting as separate house churches in private homes (Rom 16:5, 10-11, 15). There were no centralized edifices, and it is uncertain whether the whole body of believers in Rome met together.<\/p>\nWhen Claudius expelled the Jews from Rome (around AD<\/span> 49), the Jewish Christians were also forced to leave, among whom were Priscilla and Aquila (Acts 18:2). In the absence of the Jews, the Roman church would have become Gentile in character. When the Jews returned (probably shortly after the death of Claudius in AD<\/span> 54), there were no doubt questions—if not conflicts—among the Jewish and Gentile Christians. Paul may have written Romans to settle such controversies among this mixed group of Jews and Gentiles worshiping Christ in the same city.<\/p>\nAs is evident from Romans 16, Paul already had many friends in the Roman church. In the spring of AD<\/span> 60, roughly two years after writing Romans, Paul had the opportunity to go to Rome—a desire he had repeatedly expressed (Acts 19:21; Rom 1:13-15). He spent two years there under house arrest awaiting his first trial before Nero, “boldly proclaiming the Kingdom of God and teaching about the Lord Jesus Christ” (Acts 28:30-31).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 28:15-31; Rom 1:13-15; 16:1-16<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Roman Church<\/h3>\nThe details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Peter founded the Roman church or that he was present in Rome by the time Paul wrote to the Roman Christians around AD<\/span> 57; otherwise, Paul would certainly have greeted him. Consequently, Paul wrote this letter to help ensure that the Roman church had apostolic involvement in their faith. He never wrote to the churches of Judea, founded by the other apostles, but only to churches that either he had founded (e.g., Corinth, Galatia) or to those that had no direct apostolic involvement (e.g., Colosse, Rome).<\/p>\nIn time, the Jewish Christians in Rome would have been pushed out of the synagogues by the non-Christian Jews, as happened elsewhere. By the time Paul wrote to the Roman church, they were meeting as separate house churches in private homes (Rom 16:5, 10-11, 15). There were no centralized edifices, and it is uncertain whether the whole body of believers in Rome met together.<\/p>\nWhen Claudius expelled the Jews from Rome (around AD<\/span> 49), the Jewish Christians were also forced to leave, among whom were Priscilla and Aquila (Acts 18:2). In the absence of the Jews, the Roman church would have become Gentile in character. When the Jews returned (probably shortly after the death of Claudius in AD<\/span> 54), there were no doubt questions—if not conflicts—among the Jewish and Gentile Christians. Paul may have written Romans to settle such controversies among this mixed group of Jews and Gentiles worshiping Christ in the same city.<\/p>\nAs is evident from Romans 16, Paul already had many friends in the Roman church. In the spring of AD<\/span> 60, roughly two years after writing Romans, Paul had the opportunity to go to Rome—a desire he had repeatedly expressed (Acts 19:21; Rom 1:13-15). He spent two years there under house arrest awaiting his first trial before Nero, “boldly proclaiming the Kingdom of God and teaching about the Lord Jesus Christ” (Acts 28:30-31).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 28:15-31; Rom 1:13-15; 16:1-16<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Roman Church The details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Pete...","summary_en":"The Roman Church The details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Pete...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":125593,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"The Roman Church","title_en":"The Roman Church","content_ro":"<h3>The Roman Church<\/h3>\nThe details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Peter founded the Roman church or that he was present in Rome by the time Paul wrote to the Roman Christians around AD<\/span> 57; otherwise, Paul would certainly have greeted him. Consequently, Paul wrote this letter to help ensure that the Roman church had apostolic involvement in their faith. He never wrote to the churches of Judea, founded by the other apostles, but only to churches that either he had founded (e.g., Corinth, Galatia) or to those that had no direct apostolic involvement (e.g., Colosse, Rome).<\/p>\nIn time, the Jewish Christians in Rome would have been pushed out of the synagogues by the non-Christian Jews, as happened elsewhere. By the time Paul wrote to the Roman church, they were meeting as separate house churches in private homes (Rom 16:5, 10-11, 15). There were no centralized edifices, and it is uncertain whether the whole body of believers in Rome met together.<\/p>\nWhen Claudius expelled the Jews from Rome (around AD<\/span> 49), the Jewish Christians were also forced to leave, among whom were Priscilla and Aquila (Acts 18:2). In the absence of the Jews, the Roman church would have become Gentile in character. When the Jews returned (probably shortly after the death of Claudius in AD<\/span> 54), there were no doubt questions—if not conflicts—among the Jewish and Gentile Christians. Paul may have written Romans to settle such controversies among this mixed group of Jews and Gentiles worshiping Christ in the same city.<\/p>\nAs is evident from Romans 16, Paul already had many friends in the Roman church. In the spring of AD<\/span> 60, roughly two years after writing Romans, Paul had the opportunity to go to Rome—a desire he had repeatedly expressed (Acts 19:21; Rom 1:13-15). He spent two years there under house arrest awaiting his first trial before Nero, “boldly proclaiming the Kingdom of God and teaching about the Lord Jesus Christ” (Acts 28:30-31).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 28:15-31; Rom 1:13-15; 16:1-16<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Roman Church<\/h3>\nThe details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Peter founded the Roman church or that he was present in Rome by the time Paul wrote to the Roman Christians around AD<\/span> 57; otherwise, Paul would certainly have greeted him. Consequently, Paul wrote this letter to help ensure that the Roman church had apostolic involvement in their faith. He never wrote to the churches of Judea, founded by the other apostles, but only to churches that either he had founded (e.g., Corinth, Galatia) or to those that had no direct apostolic involvement (e.g., Colosse, Rome).<\/p>\nIn time, the Jewish Christians in Rome would have been pushed out of the synagogues by the non-Christian Jews, as happened elsewhere. By the time Paul wrote to the Roman church, they were meeting as separate house churches in private homes (Rom 16:5, 10-11, 15). There were no centralized edifices, and it is uncertain whether the whole body of believers in Rome met together.<\/p>\nWhen Claudius expelled the Jews from Rome (around AD<\/span> 49), the Jewish Christians were also forced to leave, among whom were Priscilla and Aquila (Acts 18:2). In the absence of the Jews, the Roman church would have become Gentile in character. When the Jews returned (probably shortly after the death of Claudius in AD<\/span> 54), there were no doubt questions—if not conflicts—among the Jewish and Gentile Christians. Paul may have written Romans to settle such controversies among this mixed group of Jews and Gentiles worshiping Christ in the same city.<\/p>\nAs is evident from Romans 16, Paul already had many friends in the Roman church. In the spring of AD<\/span> 60, roughly two years after writing Romans, Paul had the opportunity to go to Rome—a desire he had repeatedly expressed (Acts 19:21; Rom 1:13-15). He spent two years there under house arrest awaiting his first trial before Nero, “boldly proclaiming the Kingdom of God and teaching about the Lord Jesus Christ” (Acts 28:30-31).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 28:15-31; Rom 1:13-15; 16:1-16<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Roman Church The details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Pete...","summary_en":"The Roman Church The details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Pete...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":5919,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Household*, Caesar’s","title_en":"Household*, Caesar’s","content_ro":"<h3>CAESAR’S HOUSEHOLD*<\/h3>\nTerm referring to imperial servants, both slave and free, in Rome and in the provinces of the Roman Empire. The apostle Paul closed his letter to the Philippian Christians with greetings from those “of Caesar’s household” (4:22, rsv<\/span>). The imperial household staff numbered in the hundreds, and the positions carried a certain amount of social importance.<\/p>\nAccording to the Martyrdom of Paul, written in the second century, when Paul arrived at Rome, he was greeted by people “from Caesar’s household.” He put himself in communication with the local Jewish leaders and preached and taught unhindered (Acts 28:17, 31). Some men and women were convinced and believed (Acts 28:23-24), no doubt including some in Caesar’s household. The message even spread to the whole Praetorian Guard (Phil 1:13). Some scholars trace certain believers mentioned in Romans 16 to members of the imperial household.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Caesars, The.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>CAESAR’S HOUSEHOLD*<\/h3>\nTerm referring to imperial servants, both slave and free, in Rome and in the provinces of the Roman Empire. The apostle Paul closed his letter to the Philippian Christians with greetings from those “of Caesar’s household” (4:22, rsv<\/span>). The imperial household staff numbered in the hundreds, and the positions carried a certain amount of social importance.<\/p>\nAccording to the Martyrdom of Paul, written in the second century, when Paul arrived at Rome, he was greeted by people “from Caesar’s household.” He put himself in communication with the local Jewish leaders and preached and taught unhindered (Acts 28:17, 31). Some men and women were convinced and believed (Acts 28:23-24), no doubt including some in Caesar’s household. The message even spread to the whole Praetorian Guard (Phil 1:13). Some scholars trace certain believers mentioned in Romans 16 to members of the imperial household.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Caesars, The.<\/p>","summary_ro":"CAESAR’S HOUSEHOLD* Term referring to imperial servants, both slave and free, in Rome and in the provinces of the Roman Empire. The apostle Paul closed his letter to the Philippian Christians with greetings from those “of Caesar’s household” (4:22, rsv). The imperial household staff numbered in the hundreds, and the positions carried a certain amount of social importance. According to the Martyrdom of Paul, written in the second century, when Paul arrived at Rome, he was greeted by people “fr...","summary_en":"CAESAR’S HOUSEHOLD* Term referring to imperial servants, both slave and free, in Rome and in the provinces of the Roman Empire. The apostle Paul closed his letter to the Philippian Christians with greetings from those “of Caesar’s household” (4:22, rsv). The imperial household staff numbered in the hundreds, and the positions carried a certain amount of social importance. According to the Martyrdom of Paul, written in the second century, when Paul arrived at Rome, he was greeted by people “fr...","source":"Articles\/C.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":6137,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Cenchrea, Cenchreae*","title_en":"Cenchrea, Cenchreae*","content_ro":"<h3>CENCHREA, CENCHREAE*<\/h3>\nSeaport city that served the maritime needs of the larger city of Corinth, about eight miles (12.9 kilometers) to the west. Cenchrea is known as early as the fifth century BC<\/span> in connection with an Athenian attack on Corinth. Before the Corinthian Canal was cut through the isthmus, traffic to Europe from Asia often passed from Cenchrea through Corinth to Lechaion.<\/p>\n\nExcavations begun in 1963 have located the harbor mole (breakwater), warehouse remains dating to the early first century, and a large second-century stone building. A fourth-century church testifies to the influence of Christianity in the city. Portions of the ancient road leading southeast from the Cenchrean Gate in Corinth may still be seen among the ruins of that city’s agora<\/span> (marketplace).<\/p>\nCenchrea is mentioned twice in the NT. The apostle Paul took an oath requiring the cutting of his hair before leaving Cenchrea during his third missionary journey (Acts 18:18). In his letter to the church in Rome, Paul commended Phoebe, a deaconess of the church in Cenchrea, well known for her Christian service (Rom 16:1).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>CENCHREA, CENCHREAE*<\/h3>\nSeaport city that served the maritime needs of the larger city of Corinth, about eight miles (12.9 kilometers) to the west. Cenchrea is known as early as the fifth century BC<\/span> in connection with an Athenian attack on Corinth. Before the Corinthian Canal was cut through the isthmus, traffic to Europe from Asia often passed from Cenchrea through Corinth to Lechaion.<\/p>\n\nExcavations begun in 1963 have located the harbor mole (breakwater), warehouse remains dating to the early first century, and a large second-century stone building. A fourth-century church testifies to the influence of Christianity in the city. Portions of the ancient road leading southeast from the Cenchrean Gate in Corinth may still be seen among the ruins of that city’s agora<\/span> (marketplace).<\/p>\nCenchrea is mentioned twice in the NT. The apostle Paul took an oath requiring the cutting of his hair before leaving Cenchrea during his third missionary journey (Acts 18:18). In his letter to the church in Rome, Paul commended Phoebe, a deaconess of the church in Cenchrea, well known for her Christian service (Rom 16:1).<\/p>","summary_ro":"CENCHREA, CENCHREAE* Seaport city that served the maritime needs of the larger city of Corinth, about eight miles (12.9 kilometers) to the west. Cenchrea is known as early as the fifth century BC in connection with an Athenian attack on Corinth. Before the Corinthian Canal was cut through the isthmus, traffic to Europe from Asia often passed from Cenchrea through Corinth to Lechaion. Excavations begun in 1963 have located the harbor mole (breakwater), warehouse remains dating to the early fir...","summary_en":"CENCHREA, CENCHREAE* Seaport city that served the maritime needs of the larger city of Corinth, about eight miles (12.9 kilometers) to the west. Cenchrea is known as early as the fifth century BC in connection with an Athenian attack on Corinth. Before the Corinthian Canal was cut through the isthmus, traffic to Europe from Asia often passed from Cenchrea through Corinth to Lechaion. Excavations begun in 1963 have located the harbor mole (breakwater), warehouse remains dating to the early fir...","source":"Articles\/C.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":6615,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Church Meetings","title_en":"Church Meetings","content_ro":"<h3>CHURCH MEETINGS<\/h3>\nThe assembling together of the believers. In the NT, the Greek word ekklesia<\/span> (usually translated “church”) is used primarily in two ways: (1) to describe a meeting or an assembly, and (2) to designate the people who participate in such assembling together—whether they are actually assembled or not. The NT contains a few places that speak of a secular Greek assembly (Acts 19:32, 41); every other instance speaks of a Christian assembly. Sometimes the word ekklesia<\/span> is used to designate the actual meeting together of Christians. This is certainly what Paul intended in 1 Corinthians 14:19, 28, and 35, in that the expression en ekklesia<\/span> must mean “in a meeting” and not “in the church.” To translate this phrase “in the church” (as is done in most modern English versions) is misleading, for most readers will think it means “in the church building.” The NT never once names the place of assembly a “church.” Aside from the few instances where the word clearly means the actual meeting together of believers, ekklesia<\/span> most often is used as a descriptor for the believers who constitute a local church (such as the church in Corinth, the church in Philippi, and the church in Colosse) or all the believers (past, present, and future) who constitute the universal church, the complete body of Christ.<\/p>\nWhen reading the NT, Christians need to be aware of the various ways in which the word ekklesia<\/span> (“church”) is used. On the most basic level, the ekklesia<\/span> is any gathering of believers. On another level, the ekklesia<\/span> is an organized local entity—comprised of all the believers in any given locality, under one pluralistic eldership. On another level, the ekklesia<\/span> is the universal church whose constituents are all the believers who have ever been, are now existing, and will ever be. The word ekklesia<\/span> was used by the NT writers with these various aspects of meaning, though, at times, it is not possible to differentiate one from the other. Nevertheless, students of the NT could avoid some confusion if they used discrimination in their exegesis of the text. Some interpreters have taught that the smallest unit of the church is the local church, but the NT writers sometimes used the word “church” to indicate a small home gathering. Other interpreters confuse the local church with the universal church. But some things in the NT are addressed to a local church that do not necessarily apply to the whole church, and some great things are spoken of the universal church that could never be attained by any particular local group. The things Paul said about the church in the Epistle to the Ephesians (which was written as an encyclical for several churches and not just for the church in Ephesus) could never be attained by a local church. For example, what local church could attain to the fullness of the stature of Christ?<\/p>\nThere is much to be said about how interpreters have confused the local church with the universal church, but this article is devoted to clearing up the confusion about what constitutes the smallest unit of the church—the local church, or what could be called the house church or home gathering.<\/p>\nThe NT seems to present the fact that a particular local church (i.e., a church comprising all the believers in a given locality under one eldership) could and did have several ekklesiai<\/span>—“meetings” or “assemblies” (carried on in homes of the local Christians). Thus, the smallest unit to comprise a “church” was one of these home meetings. However, there is no indication in the NT that each of these home meetings had its own eldership or was a distinct entity separate from the other gatherings (<\/em>ekklesiai<\/span>)<\/em> in the same locality. According to Acts 14:23 and Titus 1:5, elders were appointed for every local church (compare the expressions “appointed elders in every church” and “appoint elders in every city”)—not for every house church. Nevertheless, it appears that every local church of some size had several such ekklesiai<\/span> (“meetings”) going on within that locality.<\/p>\nThe church in Jerusalem must have had several home meetings (see Acts 2:46; 5:42; 8:3; 12:5, 12), as did the church in Rome (see Rom 16:3-5, 14-15 and comments below). A small local church may have had only one home gathering—as was probably the case with the church at Colosse (see Phlm 1:2 and comments below), but this would have been impossible for large local churches like those in Jerusalem, Rome, and Ephesus, in which there must have been several “house churches” (see 1 Cor 16:19-20 [1 Cor was written from Ephesus] and comments below). An examination of the passages that deal with the issue of the “house church” should affirm this. These passages are Romans 16:3-5, 14-15; 1 Corinthians 16:19-20; Colossians 4:15-16; and Philemon 1:1-2 (all quoted from the rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\n<h4>Romans 16:3-5, 14-15<\/h4>\nIn the last chapter of Romans, Paul asked the believers in Rome, to whom he had written this epistle, to greet Priscilla and Aquila and the church that met in their home (16:3-5). The entire church in Rome could not have met in Priscilla and Aquila’s home, for the church was much too large to have assembled in a single home. Rather, the church in Priscilla and Aquila’s home must have been one among several such “house churches” in Rome. The following discussion should substantiate this position.<\/p>\nPaul’s Epistle to the Romans was addressed to “all God’s beloved in Rome” (1:7), not to “the church in Rome.” At the time of writing, Paul had not been to Rome—nor had any other apostle. The church was probably started there by Jewish Romans who had been converted during their visit to Jerusalem during Pentecost (Acts 2:10) and then returned to Rome. Since the church had not been started by an apostle, it could have been that there were no “ordained” elders in the church at Rome and that there were several gatherings of believers in various parts of Rome and its suburbs. Paul knew some of the saints in Rome (whom he addressed by name in the last chapter) and thus addressed an epistle to all the saints in that locality, instead of to the church in that locality—which was his usual practice (see 1 Cor 1:1; 2 Cor 1:1; 1 Thes 1:1; 2 Thes 1:1). Nonetheless, “all the saints in Rome” would comprise “the church in Rome” (cf. Phil 1:1, in which Paul addressed his epistle to all the saints in Philippi).<\/p>\nIn the final chapter of Romans, Paul asks all the believers in Rome (which equals the “local” church in Rome) to greet the church in Priscilla and Aquila’s house. Later in the chapter, Paul asks the church to greet Asyncritus, Phlegon, Hermas, Patrobas, Hermes, and the brothers with them; and then again he asks the church to greet Philologus, Julia, Nereus and his sister, Olympas, and all the saints with them (16:14-15). Evidently, Paul was identifying two other groups of believers who must have met together. (And perhaps Paul was referring to two more groups in 16:10-11, which in the Greek could mean the ones of Aristobulus’s and Narcissus’s households<\/em> or the ones of their fellowships.<\/em>) It seems that the church in Rome, like the church in Jerusalem and Ephesus, had several home ekklesiai<\/span> (meetings).<\/p>\nThe Epistle to the Romans was written around AD<\/span> 58. The Neronian persecution began around AD<\/span> 64. Secular historians such as Tacitus tell us that a vast multitude (ingens multitudo)<\/em> of Christians were tortured and killed during this persecution (Annals<\/em> 15.44). Seutonius (in his book Nero,<\/em> ch 16) said that the rapid increase of the Christians in Rome had made them unpopular. Indeed, at the time Paul penned the Epistle to the Romans he said their faith was known throughout the world (1:8), which indicates that the church in Rome had already made an impact on the Mediterranean world. When Paul came to Rome three years later (AD<\/span> 61), he came to a city that had a large church there already. From Romans 15:23, we know that the church had been in existence for many years even before Paul wrote his epistle to them. In short, the church in Rome was a large church around the time Paul wrote his epistle to them. The entire church could not have met in the home of Aquila and Priscilla, who would have had only a modest-sized dwelling (for they were tentmakers). Besides, Paul greeted over 25 individuals by name in chapter 16—and he had not yet even been to Rome!<\/p>\nThere must have been several ekklesiai<\/span> in Rome, i.e., several home churches all unified as the one local church in Rome. For example, the Christians in Rome apparently worshiped in numerous homes such as Priscilla and Aquila’s. Other churches in homes are mentioned in Colossians 4:15 and Philemon 1:2. Groups of Christians met in houses of prominent believers or in other available rooms (cf. Mt 26:16; Acts 12:12; 1 Cor 16:19; Col 4:15; Phlm 1:2). The church in Priscilla and Aquila’s house is the first of five groups of believers in Paul’s list, but the only one referred to definitely as a church (see Rom 16:5, 10-11, 14-15). Priscilla and Aquila opened their home for Christian meetings. The church mentioned there was obviously only a part of the total number of Christians in Rome. Verses 10-11 and 14-15 seem to refer to two other household churches in Rome. Apparently, there were at least three churches there, and probably more. Each house church could not have been a separate entity with a separate church government; rather, each house church must have been simply one home meeting of some of the saints in the one local church at Rome.<\/p>\n<h4>1 Corinthians 16:19-20<\/h4>\nIn this passage we again see Aquila and Priscilla and again discover that a church met in their house. According to Romans, their house church was, of course, in Rome. According to 1 Corinthians (written from Ephesus), their house church was in Ephesus. Many scholars think Aquila and Priscilla left Rome around AD<\/span> 49 at the time of Claudius’s edict expelling Jews from Rome. They very well could have already been Christians at this time. According to Acts 18, they joined Paul in Corinth (where they all worked together in their craft of tentmaking) and then went on with him to Ephesus, during the time (around AD<\/span> 51) the church in Ephesus was first established. Paul continued on with his second missionary journey, while Aquila and Priscilla remained in Ephesus. No doubt, the early church there first met in their home. Paul returned to Ephesus a few years later and remained there for two years (around AD<\/span> 53–54). During this time, Paul’s proclamation of the gospel went out from Ephesus (as a center) to all of Asia Minor (see Acts 19:8-10). As this was going on, the church in Ephesus grew (see vv 18-20).<\/p>\nIt was during these years that Paul wrote to the Corinthians, in which he sent greetings from the churches in Asia, from Aquila and Priscilla—and the church in their house, and from all the brothers (1 Cor 16:19-20). In giving this kind of greeting, it seems that Paul was sending greetings from (1) all the churches in Asia Minor, (2) the church in Ephesus (equivalent to “all the brothers”), and (3) those believers who gathered with Aquila and Priscilla in their home. It would be hard to imagine that all the saints in Ephesus met at Aquila and Priscilla’s home. The church probably began that way, but as it grew, so did the number of home meetings. From other portions of the NT (specifically 1 Timothy, which was written around AD<\/span> 64 by Paul to Timothy while Timothy was leading the church in Ephesus), we discover that there must have been several home meetings in Ephesus because there were so many saints there (see 1 Timothy 5–6, which reveal that there must have been a large number of saints in Ephesus—young men, young women, older men, widows, and so forth). At any rate, several saints must have hosted an ekklesia<\/span>,<\/em> a meeting, in their home. (Aquila and Priscilla left Ephesus around AD<\/span> 56\/57 and returned to Rome, where again they hosted a church in their home. Others in Ephesus would have to open their homes.) But each such ekklesia<\/span> did not have its own eldership; rather, all of the church in Ephesus was under one eldership—headed up by Timothy, Paul’s coworker.<\/p>\n<h4>Colossians 4:15-16<\/h4>\nIn this portion, we again read about a church existing in the home of one called Nymphas. In his final remarks to the church in Colosse, Paul asked the saints in Colosse to send his greetings to (1) the brothers that are in Laodicea, (2) Nymphas in particular, and (3) the church in Nymphas’s house. According to the structure of Colossians 4:15, it seems evident that the first greeting included all the believers in Laodicea (a neighboring church to Colosse), who would comprise the entire church in Laodicea (called “the church of the Laodiceans” in Col 4:16), and that the second and third greetings were to a specific individual (Nymphas) in the church in Laodicea and a church meeting in Nymphas’s house. This church meeting in Nymphas’s house would probably be one of several home meetings—all part of the one local church in Laodicea.<\/p>\nThere is a textual problem in this passage that could have some effect on the interpretation of it. Some manuscripts read “his house”; others read “her house”; still others read “their house.” Because it cannot be determined from the Greek text whether Nymphas was male or female, various scribes used different pronouns before “house.” Between the readings “her” and “his,” it is far more likely that the pronoun “her” was changed to “his” than vice versa. Some scholars say that “their” refers to “the brothers” at Laodicea. But that does not make sense if we understand that “the brothers in Laodicea” is equal to the church in Laodicea. How could the church in Laodicea have the church in their house? Other scholars indicate that the Greek word for “their” (<\/em>auton<\/span>)<\/em> refers to the ones with Nymphas—i.e., the members of his household. Whether the reading was “her house” or “their house,” a particular group of believers within the church of Laodicea met there. Their meeting could legitimately be called an ekklesia<\/span>—an assembling together.<\/p>\n<h4>Philemon 1:1-2<\/h4>\nThis is the last time in the NT we read about a church in a particular home. Paul wrote a short epistle to Philemon, an elder of the church in Colosse, on behalf of Onesimus, Philemon’s runaway slave converted by Paul to Christ. In his introduction to this short epistle, Paul sends his greetings to Philemon, Apphia, Archippus, and the church in Philemon’s house. It is important to note that Paul did not send greetings to all the saints in Colosse and then to the church in Philemon’s house (as is the pattern in 1 Cor 16:19-20 and Col 4:15); instead, he just sent greetings to Philemon and to the church in his house. Therefore, we can assume that the entire church in Colosse must have met at Philemon’s house.<\/p>\n<h4>Worship in the Home Meetings and Church Meetings<\/h4>\nWhen the church first began in Jerusalem, the believers met in homes for fellowship and worship. Acts 2:42-47 tells us that the early Christians met in homes to hear the apostles’ teachings and to celebrate Communion (which is called “the breaking of bread”). During such gatherings, the Christians often shared meals with one another in what was called a love feast (2 Pt 2:13; Jude 1:12). At these meetings, the Christians recited Scripture, sang hymns and psalms, and joyfully praised the Lord (see Eph 5:18-20; Col 3:16-17). Christians also gathered together in homes to pray (Acts 12:12) and read the Word.<\/p>\nSmall groups of believers met in homes for worship quite regularly; in a city where there were several such ekklesiai<\/span>,<\/em> all the believers would gather together for special occasions. Scripture tells us that all the believers would come together to hear an epistle from the apostles read out loud (see Acts 15:30; Col 4:16), and we can surmise from the NT record that all the Christians in a city met together once a week on Sunday, which was called the Lord’s Day. First Corinthians provides several insights about how the early Christians worshiped together when all the believers in one city met together. We know that 1 Corinthians pertains to this larger gathering because in 11:20 Paul spoke of all the believers coming together in one place and in 14:23 he spoke of the whole church coming together in one place.<\/p>\nPaul used this epistle to correct the Corinthians’ behavior in the celebration of the Lord’s Supper (1 Cor 11:17-34) and in the exercising of spiritual gifts during church meetings (ch 14). Paul’s adjustments reveal his perceptions of a model Christian meeting, and his preceptions were probably developed from actual experience in other church meetings. Paul urged the Corinthians to celebrate the Lord’s Supper together in a manner that reflected Jesus’ institution of that meal. They were to remember the Lord and his death for them, and they were to partake of the bread and wine with all seriousness. At the same time, they were to be conscious of the fact that they were members of the same body of Christ—joined to one another, and also to Christ.<\/p>\nAccording to Paul’s presentation in chapter 14, this “body consciousness” should be evident in the way the believers worshiped together. One’s personal experience and liberty should not hinder the coordination of the body in worshiping God corporately. Thus, when the believers exercised their spiritual gifts—whether it be prophesying, speaking in tongues, providing interpretations of the tongues, or teaching—it should be done in good order and for the edification of the congregation, not personal edification. When all the church assembled together to worship God, it should be a display of spiritual unity.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Church.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>CHURCH MEETINGS<\/h3>\nThe assembling together of the believers. In the NT, the Greek word ekklesia<\/span> (usually translated “church”) is used primarily in two ways: (1) to describe a meeting or an assembly, and (2) to designate the people who participate in such assembling together—whether they are actually assembled or not. The NT contains a few places that speak of a secular Greek assembly (Acts 19:32, 41); every other instance speaks of a Christian assembly. Sometimes the word ekklesia<\/span> is used to designate the actual meeting together of Christians. This is certainly what Paul intended in 1 Corinthians 14:19, 28, and 35, in that the expression en ekklesia<\/span> must mean “in a meeting” and not “in the church.” To translate this phrase “in the church” (as is done in most modern English versions) is misleading, for most readers will think it means “in the church building.” The NT never once names the place of assembly a “church.” Aside from the few instances where the word clearly means the actual meeting together of believers, ekklesia<\/span> most often is used as a descriptor for the believers who constitute a local church (such as the church in Corinth, the church in Philippi, and the church in Colosse) or all the believers (past, present, and future) who constitute the universal church, the complete body of Christ.<\/p>\nWhen reading the NT, Christians need to be aware of the various ways in which the word ekklesia<\/span> (“church”) is used. On the most basic level, the ekklesia<\/span> is any gathering of believers. On another level, the ekklesia<\/span> is an organized local entity—comprised of all the believers in any given locality, under one pluralistic eldership. On another level, the ekklesia<\/span> is the universal church whose constituents are all the believers who have ever been, are now existing, and will ever be. The word ekklesia<\/span> was used by the NT writers with these various aspects of meaning, though, at times, it is not possible to differentiate one from the other. Nevertheless, students of the NT could avoid some confusion if they used discrimination in their exegesis of the text. Some interpreters have taught that the smallest unit of the church is the local church, but the NT writers sometimes used the word “church” to indicate a small home gathering. Other interpreters confuse the local church with the universal church. But some things in the NT are addressed to a local church that do not necessarily apply to the whole church, and some great things are spoken of the universal church that could never be attained by any particular local group. The things Paul said about the church in the Epistle to the Ephesians (which was written as an encyclical for several churches and not just for the church in Ephesus) could never be attained by a local church. For example, what local church could attain to the fullness of the stature of Christ?<\/p>\nThere is much to be said about how interpreters have confused the local church with the universal church, but this article is devoted to clearing up the confusion about what constitutes the smallest unit of the church—the local church, or what could be called the house church or home gathering.<\/p>\nThe NT seems to present the fact that a particular local church (i.e., a church comprising all the believers in a given locality under one eldership) could and did have several ekklesiai<\/span>—“meetings” or “assemblies” (carried on in homes of the local Christians). Thus, the smallest unit to comprise a “church” was one of these home meetings. However, there is no indication in the NT that each of these home meetings had its own eldership or was a distinct entity separate from the other gatherings (<\/em>ekklesiai<\/span>)<\/em> in the same locality. According to Acts 14:23 and Titus 1:5, elders were appointed for every local church (compare the expressions “appointed elders in every church” and “appoint elders in every city”)—not for every house church. Nevertheless, it appears that every local church of some size had several such ekklesiai<\/span> (“meetings”) going on within that locality.<\/p>\nThe church in Jerusalem must have had several home meetings (see Acts 2:46; 5:42; 8:3; 12:5, 12), as did the church in Rome (see Rom 16:3-5, 14-15 and comments below). A small local church may have had only one home gathering—as was probably the case with the church at Colosse (see Phlm 1:2 and comments below), but this would have been impossible for large local churches like those in Jerusalem, Rome, and Ephesus, in which there must have been several “house churches” (see 1 Cor 16:19-20 [1 Cor was written from Ephesus] and comments below). An examination of the passages that deal with the issue of the “house church” should affirm this. These passages are Romans 16:3-5, 14-15; 1 Corinthians 16:19-20; Colossians 4:15-16; and Philemon 1:1-2 (all quoted from the rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\n<h4>Romans 16:3-5, 14-15<\/h4>\nIn the last chapter of Romans, Paul asked the believers in Rome, to whom he had written this epistle, to greet Priscilla and Aquila and the church that met in their home (16:3-5). The entire church in Rome could not have met in Priscilla and Aquila’s home, for the church was much too large to have assembled in a single home. Rather, the church in Priscilla and Aquila’s home must have been one among several such “house churches” in Rome. The following discussion should substantiate this position.<\/p>\nPaul’s Epistle to the Romans was addressed to “all God’s beloved in Rome” (1:7), not to “the church in Rome.” At the time of writing, Paul had not been to Rome—nor had any other apostle. The church was probably started there by Jewish Romans who had been converted during their visit to Jerusalem during Pentecost (Acts 2:10) and then returned to Rome. Since the church had not been started by an apostle, it could have been that there were no “ordained” elders in the church at Rome and that there were several gatherings of believers in various parts of Rome and its suburbs. Paul knew some of the saints in Rome (whom he addressed by name in the last chapter) and thus addressed an epistle to all the saints in that locality, instead of to the church in that locality—which was his usual practice (see 1 Cor 1:1; 2 Cor 1:1; 1 Thes 1:1; 2 Thes 1:1). Nonetheless, “all the saints in Rome” would comprise “the church in Rome” (cf. Phil 1:1, in which Paul addressed his epistle to all the saints in Philippi).<\/p>\nIn the final chapter of Romans, Paul asks all the believers in Rome (which equals the “local” church in Rome) to greet the church in Priscilla and Aquila’s house. Later in the chapter, Paul asks the church to greet Asyncritus, Phlegon, Hermas, Patrobas, Hermes, and the brothers with them; and then again he asks the church to greet Philologus, Julia, Nereus and his sister, Olympas, and all the saints with them (16:14-15). Evidently, Paul was identifying two other groups of believers who must have met together. (And perhaps Paul was referring to two more groups in 16:10-11, which in the Greek could mean the ones of Aristobulus’s and Narcissus’s households<\/em> or the ones of their fellowships.<\/em>) It seems that the church in Rome, like the church in Jerusalem and Ephesus, had several home ekklesiai<\/span> (meetings).<\/p>\nThe Epistle to the Romans was written around AD<\/span> 58. The Neronian persecution began around AD<\/span> 64. Secular historians such as Tacitus tell us that a vast multitude (ingens multitudo)<\/em> of Christians were tortured and killed during this persecution (Annals<\/em> 15.44). Seutonius (in his book Nero,<\/em> ch 16) said that the rapid increase of the Christians in Rome had made them unpopular. Indeed, at the time Paul penned the Epistle to the Romans he said their faith was known throughout the world (1:8), which indicates that the church in Rome had already made an impact on the Mediterranean world. When Paul came to Rome three years later (AD<\/span> 61), he came to a city that had a large church there already. From Romans 15:23, we know that the church had been in existence for many years even before Paul wrote his epistle to them. In short, the church in Rome was a large church around the time Paul wrote his epistle to them. The entire church could not have met in the home of Aquila and Priscilla, who would have had only a modest-sized dwelling (for they were tentmakers). Besides, Paul greeted over 25 individuals by name in chapter 16—and he had not yet even been to Rome!<\/p>\nThere must have been several ekklesiai<\/span> in Rome, i.e., several home churches all unified as the one local church in Rome. For example, the Christians in Rome apparently worshiped in numerous homes such as Priscilla and Aquila’s. Other churches in homes are mentioned in Colossians 4:15 and Philemon 1:2. Groups of Christians met in houses of prominent believers or in other available rooms (cf. Mt 26:16; Acts 12:12; 1 Cor 16:19; Col 4:15; Phlm 1:2). The church in Priscilla and Aquila’s house is the first of five groups of believers in Paul’s list, but the only one referred to definitely as a church (see Rom 16:5, 10-11, 14-15). Priscilla and Aquila opened their home for Christian meetings. The church mentioned there was obviously only a part of the total number of Christians in Rome. Verses 10-11 and 14-15 seem to refer to two other household churches in Rome. Apparently, there were at least three churches there, and probably more. Each house church could not have been a separate entity with a separate church government; rather, each house church must have been simply one home meeting of some of the saints in the one local church at Rome.<\/p>\n<h4>1 Corinthians 16:19-20<\/h4>\nIn this passage we again see Aquila and Priscilla and again discover that a church met in their house. According to Romans, their house church was, of course, in Rome. According to 1 Corinthians (written from Ephesus), their house church was in Ephesus. Many scholars think Aquila and Priscilla left Rome around AD<\/span> 49 at the time of Claudius’s edict expelling Jews from Rome. They very well could have already been Christians at this time. According to Acts 18, they joined Paul in Corinth (where they all worked together in their craft of tentmaking) and then went on with him to Ephesus, during the time (around AD<\/span> 51) the church in Ephesus was first established. Paul continued on with his second missionary journey, while Aquila and Priscilla remained in Ephesus. No doubt, the early church there first met in their home. Paul returned to Ephesus a few years later and remained there for two years (around AD<\/span> 53–54). During this time, Paul’s proclamation of the gospel went out from Ephesus (as a center) to all of Asia Minor (see Acts 19:8-10). As this was going on, the church in Ephesus grew (see vv 18-20).<\/p>\nIt was during these years that Paul wrote to the Corinthians, in which he sent greetings from the churches in Asia, from Aquila and Priscilla—and the church in their house, and from all the brothers (1 Cor 16:19-20). In giving this kind of greeting, it seems that Paul was sending greetings from (1) all the churches in Asia Minor, (2) the church in Ephesus (equivalent to “all the brothers”), and (3) those believers who gathered with Aquila and Priscilla in their home. It would be hard to imagine that all the saints in Ephesus met at Aquila and Priscilla’s home. The church probably began that way, but as it grew, so did the number of home meetings. From other portions of the NT (specifically 1 Timothy, which was written around AD<\/span> 64 by Paul to Timothy while Timothy was leading the church in Ephesus), we discover that there must have been several home meetings in Ephesus because there were so many saints there (see 1 Timothy 5–6, which reveal that there must have been a large number of saints in Ephesus—young men, young women, older men, widows, and so forth). At any rate, several saints must have hosted an ekklesia<\/span>,<\/em> a meeting, in their home. (Aquila and Priscilla left Ephesus around AD<\/span> 56\/57 and returned to Rome, where again they hosted a church in their home. Others in Ephesus would have to open their homes.) But each such ekklesia<\/span> did not have its own eldership; rather, all of the church in Ephesus was under one eldership—headed up by Timothy, Paul’s coworker.<\/p>\n<h4>Colossians 4:15-16<\/h4>\nIn this portion, we again read about a church existing in the home of one called Nymphas. In his final remarks to the church in Colosse, Paul asked the saints in Colosse to send his greetings to (1) the brothers that are in Laodicea, (2) Nymphas in particular, and (3) the church in Nymphas’s house. According to the structure of Colossians 4:15, it seems evident that the first greeting included all the believers in Laodicea (a neighboring church to Colosse), who would comprise the entire church in Laodicea (called “the church of the Laodiceans” in Col 4:16), and that the second and third greetings were to a specific individual (Nymphas) in the church in Laodicea and a church meeting in Nymphas’s house. This church meeting in Nymphas’s house would probably be one of several home meetings—all part of the one local church in Laodicea.<\/p>\nThere is a textual problem in this passage that could have some effect on the interpretation of it. Some manuscripts read “his house”; others read “her house”; still others read “their house.” Because it cannot be determined from the Greek text whether Nymphas was male or female, various scribes used different pronouns before “house.” Between the readings “her” and “his,” it is far more likely that the pronoun “her” was changed to “his” than vice versa. Some scholars say that “their” refers to “the brothers” at Laodicea. But that does not make sense if we understand that “the brothers in Laodicea” is equal to the church in Laodicea. How could the church in Laodicea have the church in their house? Other scholars indicate that the Greek word for “their” (<\/em>auton<\/span>)<\/em> refers to the ones with Nymphas—i.e., the members of his household. Whether the reading was “her house” or “their house,” a particular group of believers within the church of Laodicea met there. Their meeting could legitimately be called an ekklesia<\/span>—an assembling together.<\/p>\n<h4>Philemon 1:1-2<\/h4>\nThis is the last time in the NT we read about a church in a particular home. Paul wrote a short epistle to Philemon, an elder of the church in Colosse, on behalf of Onesimus, Philemon’s runaway slave converted by Paul to Christ. In his introduction to this short epistle, Paul sends his greetings to Philemon, Apphia, Archippus, and the church in Philemon’s house. It is important to note that Paul did not send greetings to all the saints in Colosse and then to the church in Philemon’s house (as is the pattern in 1 Cor 16:19-20 and Col 4:15); instead, he just sent greetings to Philemon and to the church in his house. Therefore, we can assume that the entire church in Colosse must have met at Philemon’s house.<\/p>\n<h4>Worship in the Home Meetings and Church Meetings<\/h4>\nWhen the church first began in Jerusalem, the believers met in homes for fellowship and worship. Acts 2:42-47 tells us that the early Christians met in homes to hear the apostles’ teachings and to celebrate Communion (which is called “the breaking of bread”). During such gatherings, the Christians often shared meals with one another in what was called a love feast (2 Pt 2:13; Jude 1:12). At these meetings, the Christians recited Scripture, sang hymns and psalms, and joyfully praised the Lord (see Eph 5:18-20; Col 3:16-17). Christians also gathered together in homes to pray (Acts 12:12) and read the Word.<\/p>\nSmall groups of believers met in homes for worship quite regularly; in a city where there were several such ekklesiai<\/span>,<\/em> all the believers would gather together for special occasions. Scripture tells us that all the believers would come together to hear an epistle from the apostles read out loud (see Acts 15:30; Col 4:16), and we can surmise from the NT record that all the Christians in a city met together once a week on Sunday, which was called the Lord’s Day. First Corinthians provides several insights about how the early Christians worshiped together when all the believers in one city met together. We know that 1 Corinthians pertains to this larger gathering because in 11:20 Paul spoke of all the believers coming together in one place and in 14:23 he spoke of the whole church coming together in one place.<\/p>\nPaul used this epistle to correct the Corinthians’ behavior in the celebration of the Lord’s Supper (1 Cor 11:17-34) and in the exercising of spiritual gifts during church meetings (ch 14). Paul’s adjustments reveal his perceptions of a model Christian meeting, and his preceptions were probably developed from actual experience in other church meetings. Paul urged the Corinthians to celebrate the Lord’s Supper together in a manner that reflected Jesus’ institution of that meal. They were to remember the Lord and his death for them, and they were to partake of the bread and wine with all seriousness. At the same time, they were to be conscious of the fact that they were members of the same body of Christ—joined to one another, and also to Christ.<\/p>\nAccording to Paul’s presentation in chapter 14, this “body consciousness” should be evident in the way the believers worshiped together. One’s personal experience and liberty should not hinder the coordination of the body in worshiping God corporately. Thus, when the believers exercised their spiritual gifts—whether it be prophesying, speaking in tongues, providing interpretations of the tongues, or teaching—it should be done in good order and for the edification of the congregation, not personal edification. When all the church assembled together to worship God, it should be a display of spiritual unity.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Church.<\/p>","summary_ro":"CHURCH MEETINGS The assembling together of the believers. In the NT, the Greek word ekklesia (usually translated “church”) is used primarily in two ways: (1) to describe a meeting or an assembly, and (2) to designate the people who participate in such assembling together—whether they are actually assembled or not. The NT contains a few places that speak of a secular Greek assembly (Acts 19:32, 41); every other instance speaks of a Christian assembly. Sometimes the word ekklesia is used to des...","summary_en":"CHURCH MEETINGS The assembling together of the believers. In the NT, the Greek word ekklesia (usually translated “church”) is used primarily in two ways: (1) to describe a meeting or an assembly, and (2) to designate the people who participate in such assembling together—whether they are actually assembled or not. The NT contains a few places that speak of a secular Greek assembly (Acts 19:32, 41); every other instance speaks of a Christian assembly. Sometimes the word ekklesia is used to des...","source":"Articles\/C.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":8915,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Deacon, Deaconess*","title_en":"Deacon, Deaconess*","content_ro":"<h3>DEACON, DEACONESS*<\/h3>\nTerms designating an officer in a local church, derived from a Greek word meaning “servant” or “minister.” The term “diaconate” is used for the office itself or for the collective body of deacons and deaconesses. As with many other biblical words used today in a technical sense, the words “deacon” and “deaconess” began as popular, nontechnical terms. Both in secular first-century AD<\/span> Greek culture and in the NT, they described a variety of services.<\/p>\nOrigins of the Concept<\/p>\n<h5>Greek Usage<\/h5>\nReferences have been found in extrabiblical writings where the Greek word “deacon” meant “waiter,” “servant,” “steward,” or “messenger.” In at least two instances it indicated a baker and a cook. In religious usage the word described various attendants in pagan temples. Ancient documents show “deacons” presiding at the dedication of a statue to the Greek god Hermes. Serapis and Isis, Egyptian deities, were served by a college of “deacons” presided over by a priest.<\/p>\n<h5>General New Testament Usage<\/h5>\nThe same word was used by biblical writers in a general sense to describe various ministries or services. Not until later in the development of the apostolic church was the term applied to a distinct body of church officers. Among its general usages, “deacon” refers to a waiter at meals (Jn 2:5, 9), a king’s attendant (Mt 22:13), a servant of Satan (2 Cor 11:15), a servant of God (6:4), a servant of Christ (11:23), a servant of the church (Col 1:24-25), and a political ruler (Rom 13:4).<\/p>\nThe NT presents servanthood in the sense of ministry or service as a mark of the whole church—that is, as normative for all disciples (Mt 20:26-28; Lk 22:26-27). Jesus’ teaching on the final judgment equates ministry with feeding the hungry, welcoming strangers, clothing the naked, and visiting the sick and imprisoned (Mt 25:31-46). The entire NT emphasizes compassionate care for individuals’ physical and spiritual needs as well as the giving of oneself to meeting those needs. Such service is ultimately a ministry to Christ himself (v 45).<\/p>\n<h5>Origin of the Office<\/h5>\nThere is little question that before the end of the first century the general term for service or ministry became a kind of title for a position or office in the church. That development evidently went through several stages.<\/p>\nSome biblical scholars emphasize a relationship between the hazzan<\/em> of the Jewish synagogue and the Christian office of deacon. The hazzan<\/em> opened and closed the synagogue doors, kept it clean, and handed out the books for reading. It was probably to such a person that Jesus handed the scroll of Isaiah after finishing his reading (Lk 4:20).<\/p>\nOther NT scholars give considerable attention to the choosing of the seven (Acts 6:1-6); they see that action as a historical forerunner of a more developed structure (Phil 1:1; 1 Tm 3:8-13—the two specific references to an “office” of deacon). Luke devoted considerable attention in Acts to the selection of a new set of church leaders. Overworked with a variety of responsibilities, the 12 apostles proposed a division of labor to ensure care for the Hellenist (Greek-speaking) widows in the church’s daily distribution of food and alms. Seven men of good repute, full of the Spirit and of wisdom (Acts 6:3), subsequently became prominent in the Jerusalem congregation, doing works of charity and caring for physical needs.<\/p>\nSome scholars caution that the diaconate should not be exclusively linked with charitable works, since the Greek word used in Acts 6:2 is related to the word translated “ministry of the word” in verse 4. Those chosen to oversee the care for physical needs were people of spiritual stature. Stephen, for instance, “full of grace and power, did great wonders and signs” (6:8, rsv<\/span>). Philip, appointed as one of the seven in Acts 6, “preached good news about the kingdom of God and the name of Jesus Christ” (8:12). Philip also baptized (v 38) and is referred to as an evangelist (21:8).<\/p>\nDeacons in the Early Church<\/p>\nThose who cite Acts 6 as a preliminary stage of the office of deacon refer to the spread of the practice from the church in Jerusalem to the gentile congregations sprouting elsewhere. Many churches probably took the appointing of “the Jerusalem seven” as a pattern to follow, some even adopting the number seven. In a letter of the third-century pope Cornelius, for example, the church of Rome was said to have maintained seven for the number of deacons.<\/p>\nBy the time the church of Philippi received its instructions from the apostle Paul (c. AD<\/span> 62) and Timothy had Paul’s first letter in hand, “deacon” had become a technical term referring to a specific office in the churches. In Philippians 1:1 Paul addressed the church in general and then added “with bishops and deacons.” Some interpreters consider that to be a clear establishment of two distinct groups within the larger church body, though no further description is given. Possibly the deacons of that congregation were responsible for collecting and then dispatching the offerings referred to (Phil 4:14-18).<\/p>\nIn 1 Timothy 3:8-13 instructions are given about qualifications for the office of deacon. Although that is the most detailed treatment of the subject in the NT, it is actually quite sketchy. Most of the qualifications, dealing with personal character and behavior, are similar to those for a bishop. For instance, a deacon is to be truthful, monogamous, “not addicted to much wine,” and a responsible parent. Verse 11, requiring that “the women likewise must be serious, not slanderers, but temperate, faithful in all things” (rsv<\/span>), may refer not to deacons’ wives but to deaconesses, as several translations note (niv<\/span>, neb<\/span>). In any event, it is clear that women participated in the work of the diaconate.<\/p>\nIn contrast to the office of bishop (1 Tm 3:2), deacons are not described as providing teaching or hospitality. In fact, no mention is made of any functional qualifications to clarify deacons’ or deaconesses’ roles in the early church. The character qualifications listed are appropriate for those with monetary and administrative responsibilities (as Acts 6:1-6 suggests). Timothy is told that good deacons will not go unrewarded; not only will their faith increase, but also their good standing among those whom they serve (1 Tm 3:13).<\/p>\nThe NT writings indicate that to be chosen as a deacon or deaconess is a high compliment and affirmation. Named as “deacons” were Timothy (1 Thes 3:2; 1 Tm 4:6), Tychicus (Col 4:7), Epaphras (1:7), Paul (1 Cor 3:5)—and even Christ (Rom 15:8, “servant”). Biblical “deaconing” is not characterized by power and prominence but by service to others. In imitation of Jesus’ life, the deacon or deaconess followed the servant pattern. The Christian diaconate thus contrasted sharply with the prevailing Greek thought of service, which was considered unworthy of the dignity of free men. (The Greek philosopher Plato wrote, “How can man be happy when he has to serve someone?”)<\/p>\nThe office of deacon differed from the office of elder, which was adapted from a definite Jewish pattern in the OT (see Nm 11:16-17; Dt 29:10). The diaconate, on the other hand, developed from the strong, personal, historical example of Jesus, the servant who compassionately met concrete human needs.<\/p>\nAs the office of deacon became more firmly established, its duties could be defined as those of pastoral care. The poor and the sick received their service not only physically but also with instruction and consolation. The homes of church members became familiar territory to a deacon or deaconess. A pattern of visitation was established to discover and then meet the needs of the church body at large. Although that included the administration of funds, it went far beyond it. Those who served as deacons and deaconesses undoubtedly became symbols of loving care for the church in general.<\/p>\nWhere the office of deacon fits into the larger pattern of church order within the NT is difficult to determine because of the obvious variety present during the formative years. Some church historians conclude that as ecclesiastical structure developed, elders provided congregational leadership. Deacons assisted them, especially in social services and pastoral care. The late first and early second centuries witnessed a distinctive threefold ministry of deacons, elders (presbyters), and bishops. Bishops or “overseers” began to exercise authority over areas or groups of churches.<\/p>\nDeaconess<\/p>\nWhere did women fit into the ministry of the early church? Paul’s inclusion of references to women in ministry is striking when compared with the role of women in general in the first century. He commended Phoebe for her service in the church at Cenchrea, using the word “deacon” to describe her (Rom 16:1). He praised her as a “helper” (v 2), a word that denotes leadership qualities (cf. Rom 12:8; 1 Tm 3:4-5). Some scholars have used that reference as an example of early development of the office of deaconess. Others have interpreted it in a nontechnical sense, meaning that Phoebe functioned in a generally serving role and thus was worthy of recognition at Rome. Whether “deacon” was used technically or descriptively, ministry for both women and men in the NT was patterned after the example of Jesus, who “came not to be served but to serve” (Mk 10:45). Because of the large number of female converts (Acts 5:14; 17:4), women functioned in such areas of ministry as visitation, instruction in discipleship, and assistance in baptism. Deaconesses are mentioned in third-century documents as administering baptism to female converts.<\/p>\nConsidering the rigid separation of the sexes in the Near East at that time, female participation in church ministry stands out in bold relief. A governor of Bithynia, Pliny the Younger (early second century), in his Correspondence with Trajan<\/em> verified women officeholders in the church. Pliny also mentioned two deaconesses who were martyred for the cause of Christ.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Bishop; Elder; Pastor; Presbyter.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>DEACON, DEACONESS*<\/h3>\nTerms designating an officer in a local church, derived from a Greek word meaning “servant” or “minister.” The term “diaconate” is used for the office itself or for the collective body of deacons and deaconesses. As with many other biblical words used today in a technical sense, the words “deacon” and “deaconess” began as popular, nontechnical terms. Both in secular first-century AD<\/span> Greek culture and in the NT, they described a variety of services.<\/p>\nOrigins of the Concept<\/p>\n<h5>Greek Usage<\/h5>\nReferences have been found in extrabiblical writings where the Greek word “deacon” meant “waiter,” “servant,” “steward,” or “messenger.” In at least two instances it indicated a baker and a cook. In religious usage the word described various attendants in pagan temples. Ancient documents show “deacons” presiding at the dedication of a statue to the Greek god Hermes. Serapis and Isis, Egyptian deities, were served by a college of “deacons” presided over by a priest.<\/p>\n<h5>General New Testament Usage<\/h5>\nThe same word was used by biblical writers in a general sense to describe various ministries or services. Not until later in the development of the apostolic church was the term applied to a distinct body of church officers. Among its general usages, “deacon” refers to a waiter at meals (Jn 2:5, 9), a king’s attendant (Mt 22:13), a servant of Satan (2 Cor 11:15), a servant of God (6:4), a servant of Christ (11:23), a servant of the church (Col 1:24-25), and a political ruler (Rom 13:4).<\/p>\nThe NT presents servanthood in the sense of ministry or service as a mark of the whole church—that is, as normative for all disciples (Mt 20:26-28; Lk 22:26-27). Jesus’ teaching on the final judgment equates ministry with feeding the hungry, welcoming strangers, clothing the naked, and visiting the sick and imprisoned (Mt 25:31-46). The entire NT emphasizes compassionate care for individuals’ physical and spiritual needs as well as the giving of oneself to meeting those needs. Such service is ultimately a ministry to Christ himself (v 45).<\/p>\n<h5>Origin of the Office<\/h5>\nThere is little question that before the end of the first century the general term for service or ministry became a kind of title for a position or office in the church. That development evidently went through several stages.<\/p>\nSome biblical scholars emphasize a relationship between the hazzan<\/em> of the Jewish synagogue and the Christian office of deacon. The hazzan<\/em> opened and closed the synagogue doors, kept it clean, and handed out the books for reading. It was probably to such a person that Jesus handed the scroll of Isaiah after finishing his reading (Lk 4:20).<\/p>\nOther NT scholars give considerable attention to the choosing of the seven (Acts 6:1-6); they see that action as a historical forerunner of a more developed structure (Phil 1:1; 1 Tm 3:8-13—the two specific references to an “office” of deacon). Luke devoted considerable attention in Acts to the selection of a new set of church leaders. Overworked with a variety of responsibilities, the 12 apostles proposed a division of labor to ensure care for the Hellenist (Greek-speaking) widows in the church’s daily distribution of food and alms. Seven men of good repute, full of the Spirit and of wisdom (Acts 6:3), subsequently became prominent in the Jerusalem congregation, doing works of charity and caring for physical needs.<\/p>\nSome scholars caution that the diaconate should not be exclusively linked with charitable works, since the Greek word used in Acts 6:2 is related to the word translated “ministry of the word” in verse 4. Those chosen to oversee the care for physical needs were people of spiritual stature. Stephen, for instance, “full of grace and power, did great wonders and signs” (6:8, rsv<\/span>). Philip, appointed as one of the seven in Acts 6, “preached good news about the kingdom of God and the name of Jesus Christ” (8:12). Philip also baptized (v 38) and is referred to as an evangelist (21:8).<\/p>\nDeacons in the Early Church<\/p>\nThose who cite Acts 6 as a preliminary stage of the office of deacon refer to the spread of the practice from the church in Jerusalem to the gentile congregations sprouting elsewhere. Many churches probably took the appointing of “the Jerusalem seven” as a pattern to follow, some even adopting the number seven. In a letter of the third-century pope Cornelius, for example, the church of Rome was said to have maintained seven for the number of deacons.<\/p>\nBy the time the church of Philippi received its instructions from the apostle Paul (c. AD<\/span> 62) and Timothy had Paul’s first letter in hand, “deacon” had become a technical term referring to a specific office in the churches. In Philippians 1:1 Paul addressed the church in general and then added “with bishops and deacons.” Some interpreters consider that to be a clear establishment of two distinct groups within the larger church body, though no further description is given. Possibly the deacons of that congregation were responsible for collecting and then dispatching the offerings referred to (Phil 4:14-18).<\/p>\nIn 1 Timothy 3:8-13 instructions are given about qualifications for the office of deacon. Although that is the most detailed treatment of the subject in the NT, it is actually quite sketchy. Most of the qualifications, dealing with personal character and behavior, are similar to those for a bishop. For instance, a deacon is to be truthful, monogamous, “not addicted to much wine,” and a responsible parent. Verse 11, requiring that “the women likewise must be serious, not slanderers, but temperate, faithful in all things” (rsv<\/span>), may refer not to deacons’ wives but to deaconesses, as several translations note (niv<\/span>, neb<\/span>). In any event, it is clear that women participated in the work of the diaconate.<\/p>\nIn contrast to the office of bishop (1 Tm 3:2), deacons are not described as providing teaching or hospitality. In fact, no mention is made of any functional qualifications to clarify deacons’ or deaconesses’ roles in the early church. The character qualifications listed are appropriate for those with monetary and administrative responsibilities (as Acts 6:1-6 suggests). Timothy is told that good deacons will not go unrewarded; not only will their faith increase, but also their good standing among those whom they serve (1 Tm 3:13).<\/p>\nThe NT writings indicate that to be chosen as a deacon or deaconess is a high compliment and affirmation. Named as “deacons” were Timothy (1 Thes 3:2; 1 Tm 4:6), Tychicus (Col 4:7), Epaphras (1:7), Paul (1 Cor 3:5)—and even Christ (Rom 15:8, “servant”). Biblical “deaconing” is not characterized by power and prominence but by service to others. In imitation of Jesus’ life, the deacon or deaconess followed the servant pattern. The Christian diaconate thus contrasted sharply with the prevailing Greek thought of service, which was considered unworthy of the dignity of free men. (The Greek philosopher Plato wrote, “How can man be happy when he has to serve someone?”)<\/p>\nThe office of deacon differed from the office of elder, which was adapted from a definite Jewish pattern in the OT (see Nm 11:16-17; Dt 29:10). The diaconate, on the other hand, developed from the strong, personal, historical example of Jesus, the servant who compassionately met concrete human needs.<\/p>\nAs the office of deacon became more firmly established, its duties could be defined as those of pastoral care. The poor and the sick received their service not only physically but also with instruction and consolation. The homes of church members became familiar territory to a deacon or deaconess. A pattern of visitation was established to discover and then meet the needs of the church body at large. Although that included the administration of funds, it went far beyond it. Those who served as deacons and deaconesses undoubtedly became symbols of loving care for the church in general.<\/p>\nWhere the office of deacon fits into the larger pattern of church order within the NT is difficult to determine because of the obvious variety present during the formative years. Some church historians conclude that as ecclesiastical structure developed, elders provided congregational leadership. Deacons assisted them, especially in social services and pastoral care. The late first and early second centuries witnessed a distinctive threefold ministry of deacons, elders (presbyters), and bishops. Bishops or “overseers” began to exercise authority over areas or groups of churches.<\/p>\nDeaconess<\/p>\nWhere did women fit into the ministry of the early church? Paul’s inclusion of references to women in ministry is striking when compared with the role of women in general in the first century. He commended Phoebe for her service in the church at Cenchrea, using the word “deacon” to describe her (Rom 16:1). He praised her as a “helper” (v 2), a word that denotes leadership qualities (cf. Rom 12:8; 1 Tm 3:4-5). Some scholars have used that reference as an example of early development of the office of deaconess. Others have interpreted it in a nontechnical sense, meaning that Phoebe functioned in a generally serving role and thus was worthy of recognition at Rome. Whether “deacon” was used technically or descriptively, ministry for both women and men in the NT was patterned after the example of Jesus, who “came not to be served but to serve” (Mk 10:45). Because of the large number of female converts (Acts 5:14; 17:4), women functioned in such areas of ministry as visitation, instruction in discipleship, and assistance in baptism. Deaconesses are mentioned in third-century documents as administering baptism to female converts.<\/p>\nConsidering the rigid separation of the sexes in the Near East at that time, female participation in church ministry stands out in bold relief. A governor of Bithynia, Pliny the Younger (early second century), in his Correspondence with Trajan<\/em> verified women officeholders in the church. Pliny also mentioned two deaconesses who were martyred for the cause of Christ.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Bishop; Elder; Pastor; Presbyter.<\/p>","summary_ro":"DEACON, DEACONESS* Terms designating an officer in a local church, derived from a Greek word meaning “servant” or “minister.” The term “diaconate” is used for the office itself or for the collective body of deacons and deaconesses. As with many other biblical words used today in a technical sense, the words “deacon” and “deaconess” began as popular, nontechnical terms. Both in secular first-century AD Greek culture and in the NT, they described a variety of services. Origins of the Concept Gr...","summary_en":"DEACON, DEACONESS* Terms designating an officer in a local church, derived from a Greek word meaning “servant” or “minister.” The term “diaconate” is used for the office itself or for the collective body of deacons and deaconesses. As with many other biblical words used today in a technical sense, the words “deacon” and “deaconess” began as popular, nontechnical terms. Both in secular first-century AD Greek culture and in the NT, they described a variety of services. Origins of the Concept Gr...","source":"Articles\/D.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":22619,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Latin","title_en":"Latin","content_ro":"<h3>LATIN<\/h3>\nOne of the primary languages of the Greco-Roman world. The supremacy of Rome, and the ramifications of its official relations with the people under its control, made the widespread use of Latin, Rome’s vernacular, inevitable. This led to a considerable Latin contribution to koine<\/em> (common) Greek. From the beginning of the Roman sway in Greece, Roman politics and commerce contributed a constantly increasing number of Latin words to Greek.<\/p>\n\nTraces of Latin in the NT are, therefore, not surprising. But Latin influence on NT Greek has left its mark mainly upon vocabulary, in the transliterated words and literally translated phrases. Latin was one of the three languages in which the inscription on the cross was written (Lk 23:38, kjv<\/span>; Jn 19:20). Only in these two passages does the term “Latin” occur in the NT. Latin was the language of Roman law and court procedure. Greek might be allowed, but only by favor of the court. This explains why the superscription was written in Latin as well as Greek and Aramaic. Every educated Roman would understand Greek, but Latin was used as the official and military, as well as legal, language. This is reflected in the NT where Latin judicial and military terms occur, along with the names of coins, articles of apparel, utensils, and so on. For example, Latin words are used for farthing, denarius, centurion, colony, guard or watch, legion, towel, parchment, palace, assassin, napkin, and superscription. In addition, over 40 Latin names of persons, titles, and places occur in the NT. Among the better known are Agrippa, Claudius, Caesar, Felix, and Cornelius. Romans 16 reveals that Latin proper names were common among Christians.<\/p>\nIn Mark’s Gospel more Latin words, apart from proper names, occur than in other NT documents. This is to be expected if the Gospel were indeed written in Rome, but this is by no means established. The occurrence of numerous Latin words in this shortest of the four Gospels is not necessarily evidence of its Roman origin, because they are usually terms that the Roman government would make familiar in all parts of the empire. Also, Latinisms found in Mark’s Gospel are found in the other three Gospels. For example, Matthew uses Latin words for mile, tribute, guard or watch, and to take counsel. Because of the close grammatical affinity between Latin and Greek, the influence of the former upon the grammar of the latter is more difficult to trace.<\/p>\nFor over 100 years after the founding of the Christian church, Greek dominated over Latin in Christian circles. The providential spread of common Greek made it possible for the church to use one Bible: the Greek OT. To freedmen and slaves, Latin was a foreign, and largely unknown, language. This explains why the earliest traces of a Latin translation of any part of the Scriptures are relatively late.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Bible, Versions of the (Ancient).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>LATIN<\/h3>\nOne of the primary languages of the Greco-Roman world. The supremacy of Rome, and the ramifications of its official relations with the people under its control, made the widespread use of Latin, Rome’s vernacular, inevitable. This led to a considerable Latin contribution to koine<\/em> (common) Greek. From the beginning of the Roman sway in Greece, Roman politics and commerce contributed a constantly increasing number of Latin words to Greek.<\/p>\n\nTraces of Latin in the NT are, therefore, not surprising. But Latin influence on NT Greek has left its mark mainly upon vocabulary, in the transliterated words and literally translated phrases. Latin was one of the three languages in which the inscription on the cross was written (Lk 23:38, kjv<\/span>; Jn 19:20). Only in these two passages does the term “Latin” occur in the NT. Latin was the language of Roman law and court procedure. Greek might be allowed, but only by favor of the court. This explains why the superscription was written in Latin as well as Greek and Aramaic. Every educated Roman would understand Greek, but Latin was used as the official and military, as well as legal, language. This is reflected in the NT where Latin judicial and military terms occur, along with the names of coins, articles of apparel, utensils, and so on. For example, Latin words are used for farthing, denarius, centurion, colony, guard or watch, legion, towel, parchment, palace, assassin, napkin, and superscription. In addition, over 40 Latin names of persons, titles, and places occur in the NT. Among the better known are Agrippa, Claudius, Caesar, Felix, and Cornelius. Romans 16 reveals that Latin proper names were common among Christians.<\/p>\nIn Mark’s Gospel more Latin words, apart from proper names, occur than in other NT documents. This is to be expected if the Gospel were indeed written in Rome, but this is by no means established. The occurrence of numerous Latin words in this shortest of the four Gospels is not necessarily evidence of its Roman origin, because they are usually terms that the Roman government would make familiar in all parts of the empire. Also, Latinisms found in Mark’s Gospel are found in the other three Gospels. For example, Matthew uses Latin words for mile, tribute, guard or watch, and to take counsel. Because of the close grammatical affinity between Latin and Greek, the influence of the former upon the grammar of the latter is more difficult to trace.<\/p>\nFor over 100 years after the founding of the Christian church, Greek dominated over Latin in Christian circles. The providential spread of common Greek made it possible for the church to use one Bible: the Greek OT. To freedmen and slaves, Latin was a foreign, and largely unknown, language. This explains why the earliest traces of a Latin translation of any part of the Scriptures are relatively late.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Bible, Versions of the (Ancient).<\/p>","summary_ro":"LATIN One of the primary languages of the Greco-Roman world. The supremacy of Rome, and the ramifications of its official relations with the people under its control, made the widespread use of Latin, Rome’s vernacular, inevitable. This led to a considerable Latin contribution to koine (common) Greek. From the beginning of the Roman sway in Greece, Roman politics and commerce contributed a constantly increasing number of Latin words to Greek. Traces of Latin in the NT are, therefore, not surp...","summary_en":"LATIN One of the primary languages of the Greco-Roman world. The supremacy of Rome, and the ramifications of its official relations with the people under its control, made the widespread use of Latin, Rome’s vernacular, inevitable. This led to a considerable Latin contribution to koine (common) Greek. From the beginning of the Roman sway in Greece, Roman politics and commerce contributed a constantly increasing number of Latin words to Greek. Traces of Latin in the NT are, therefore, not surp...","source":"Articles\/L.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":29259,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Paul, the Apostle","title_en":"Paul, the Apostle","content_ro":"<h3>PAUL, The Apostle<\/span><\/h3>\nProminent leader of the first-century church; apostle to the Gentiles; author of 13 NT epistles.<\/p>\nPreview<\/p>\n• Family and Cultural Background<\/p>\n• Education<\/p>\n• Saul the Persecutor<\/p>\n• Conversion and Calling<\/p>\n• Preparation for Ministry<\/p>\n• Sent Out from Antioch<\/p>\n• Traveling with Barnabas<\/p>\n• The Council of Jerusalem<\/p>\n• Further Travel<\/p>\n• Labor in the Gospel<\/p>\n• The Arrest in Jerusalem<\/p>\n• Voyage and Stay in Rome<\/p>\n• Final Years and Martyrdom<\/p>\nFamily and Cultural Background<\/p>\nPaul was born around AD<\/span> 10, a Jew in a family of Pharisees (Acts 23:6) of the tribe of Benjamin (Phil 3:5) in Tarsus of Cilicia (Acts 9:11; 21:39; 22:3), a center of commerce and learning that embraced the Hellenistic spirit and Roman politics. It was a city of which he could be proud (21:39). His parents named him Saul, perhaps after the first king of Israel, who was also a Benjaminite (1 Sm 11:15; Acts 13:21), but Acts 13:9 notes that he “was also called Paul.” He uses the Roman name Paul throughout his letters.<\/p>\nFrom religious parents Paul received knowledge of the Law and Prophets and the Hebrew and Aramaic languages (Acts 21:40; 22:2-3; 23:6; Gal 1:14; Phil 3:5-6). Tarsus, however, was not a Jewish city. Rather, it had a Greek character, being a place where the Greek language was spoken and Greek literature was cultivated. This accounts for Paul’s familiarity with Greek (Acts 21:37), the language of the streets and shops of Tarsus.<\/p>\nJews were brought to Tarsus, the capital of the Roman province of Cilicia, in 171 BC<\/span> to promote business in the region. At that time Paul’s ancestors were probably given Roman citizenship. Paul inherited from his father both Tarsisian and Roman citizenship, which would prove to be of great value to Paul in his later life as he traveled with the gospel throughout the Roman Empire (Acts 16:37; 22:25-29; 23:27). Paul may have had several brothers and sisters, but Acts 23:16 mentions only one sister, whose son performed a lifesaving act for his uncle.<\/p>\nPaul was a tent maker (Acts 18:3). He may have learned this trade from his father, or he may have selected it as a means of self-support, as was the custom of those in rabbinical training. Tarsus was well known for the goat’s-hair cloth called cilicium. It was the weaving of this cloth and the fashioning of it into tents, sails, awnings, and cloaks that gave Paul his economic independence during his apostolic ministry (Acts 18:3; 20:34; 28:30; 2 Cor 11:9; 1 Thes 2:9; 2 Thes 3:8).<\/p>\nEducation<\/p>\nAlthough born in Tarsus, Paul testified to the Jews in Jerusalem that he had been brought up in this city and studied under Gamaliel (Acts 22:3). It is not clear when Paul was first brought to Jerusalem, but it is likely that sometime between the ages of 13 and 20 he began his formal rabbinical studies. His teacher, Gamaliel, was the grandson of Hillel, founder of a Pharisaic school whose teachings run through the Talmudic writings to this day. This is the same Gamaliel whose wisdom persuaded the Sanhedrin to spare the lives of Peter and the apostles (5:33-40). No doubt, it was while studying under Gamaliel in Hillel’s school that Paul began to advance in Judaism beyond many Jews of his own age and became extremely zealous for the traditions of his fathers (Gal 1:14). Perhaps then also Paul began to experience the struggles with the law he would later describe in Romans 7.<\/p>\nWhile Paul was studying the Jewish law in Jerusalem, Jesus was working as a carpenter in Nazareth. Then Jesus gathered the disciples who would one day be Paul’s coworkers in the gospel, fulfilled his ministry, and accomplished redemption on the cross of Calvary (AD<\/span> 30). Christ’s resurrection gave birth to the church, which was baptized in the Holy Spirit at the Feast of Pentecost in Jerusalem.<\/p>\nSaul the Persecutor<\/p>\nShortly after these world-changing events, the members of certain synagogues in Jerusalem, including the Cilician synagogue, that of Paul’s native land (Acts 6:9), could not withstand the wisdom and spirit (v 10) of a member of the church in Jerusalem named Stephen (vv 5, 8). They accused him of blasphemy before the Sanhedrin (vv 11-15) and after his eloquent defense (7:1-53) dragged him out of the city, where he was stoned to death. He became the first Christian martyr. The record does not fully reveal the role Paul played in these proceedings, but we know that he was present and prominent because the witnesses against Stephen, who were required to throw the first stones in the execution, “laid their clothes at the feet of a young man called Saul [Paul]” (v 58, niv<\/span>).<\/p>\nAt Stephen’s trial, Paul heard Stephen’s historical method of defense, and he later used it himself at Antioch of Pisidia (Acts 13:16-41). He witnessed the man with the face of an angel (6:15), full of the Holy Spirit, looking above and proclaiming “the heavens opened, and the Son of man standing at the right hand of God” (7:56). Stephen’s death initiated the events that would culminate in Paul’s conversion and commission as the apostle to the Gentiles. But at that time Paul was a leader of the oppressors of the church. He breathed threats and murder against the disciples of the Lord (9:1); he persecuted the church of God and tried to destroy it (Gal 1:13) by imprisoning Christians, both male and female (Acts 22:4), in many cities.<\/p>\nConversion and Calling<\/p>\nPaul had obtained letters from the high priest in Jerusalem to the synagogues in Damascus authorizing him to arrest the believers there and bring them to Jerusalem for trial (Acts 9:1-2). Paul traveled to Damascus for this purpose. Then, on the outskirts of the city, came the event that was to transform this law-keeping persecutor of Jesus Christ and blasphemous destroyer of the infant church into the chief propagator of the gospel of grace and master builder of the church (1 Cor 3:10; 1 Tm 1:13). This was the occasion of Paul’s conversion (c. AD<\/span> 31–33). It was of such revolutionary and lasting importance that three detailed accounts of it are given in the book of Acts (Acts 9:1-19; 22:1-21; 26:1-23), and many references are given to it in Paul’s own writings (1 Cor 9:1; 15:8; Gal 1:15-16; Eph 3:3; Phil 3:12).<\/p>\nAt that time a light from heaven, brighter than the midday sun, shone around Paul and his traveling companions, and they fell to the ground (Acts 26:13-14). Only Paul, however, heard the voice of Jesus instruct him in his commission as a minister and witness to the Gentiles (vv 14-18). Temporarily blinded, Paul was led into Damascus (9:8). There, the disciple Ananias and the Christian community forgave Paul, baptized him, and helped him through the bewildering event of his conversion (vv 10-22). After a short time with the church there, Paul was threatened with death by the Jews to whom he preached Jesus (vv 20-22), but he was protected by the believers and ingeniously delivered from his persecutors (vv 23-25).<\/p>\nPreparation for Ministry<\/p>\nThen began a period of preparation, which lasted about 13 years. During this time, Paul first was in the desert of Arabia for three years. Here was his opportunity to pray and reflect on Stephen’s defense to the Sanhedrin, the momentous significance of his conversion, the vision he received of Jesus Christ, and the meaning of all this in the light of Jewish theology. Following this, Paul returned to Damascus and then visited Peter in Jerusalem for 15 days (Gal 1:17-18).<\/p>\nAt first, the disciples in Jerusalem were afraid of him because they did not believe he was a disciple of Jesus (Acts 9:26), but he was championed by Barnabas and thus accepted by the believers in Jerusalem (vv 27-28). While there, Paul may have heard the oral gospel, a summary of the words and deeds of Jesus, handed down to all converts. This would have included the institution of the Lord’s Supper (1 Cor 11:23-25), specific words of the Lord (Acts 20:35; 1 Cor 7:10; 9:14), the appearances of the resurrected Christ (1 Cor 15:3-8), and the spirit and character of Jesus (2 Cor 10:1; Phil 2:5-8). Paul also preached in Jerusalem, perhaps in the same synagogues in which he had heard Stephen. However, when his life was again threatened by the Jews, the believers sent him away to Tarsus (Acts 9:29-30; Gal 1:21).<\/p>\nThe end of Paul’s preparation came when Barnabas went to Tarsus to look for him and bring him to Antioch. By this time Paul had lived for 10 years in Cilicia. Since his conversion, before being sent to Tarsus, he had proclaimed Jesus (Acts 9:20), speaking boldly in the name of the Lord (v 27). There is no reason to think he did otherwise while living among the Gentiles in Cilicia. In fact, his work may have been so effective that he began to attract attention in Antioch. During these years, Paul probably underwent many of the sufferings mentioned in 2 Corinthians 11:24-26. Several scholars think that the ecstatic experience mentioned in 2 Corinthians 12:1-9, with its accompanying thorn in the flesh, also took place before he came to Antioch.<\/p>\nSent Out from Antioch<\/p>\nThe church in Antioch had its origins in the persecution fomented by Paul after the death of Stephen. Until they arrived in Antioch, the scattered believers had only spoken the word to Jews (Acts 11:19). It was here that the Gentiles first heard the Good News (v 20), and many became believers (v 21). It is fitting that Paul, the apostle to the Gentiles (Acts 22:21; Rom 11:13), who was as yet unknown by sight to the churches of Judea (Gal 1:22), should appear in Antioch to formally begin the ministry to which he was called (Acts 26:17-18).<\/p>\nBarnabas and Paul stayed with the church in Antioch for a year. Their work there was so blessed that a new name, Christian, was coined to distinguish the believers in Antioch from Gentiles and Jews (Acts 11:26). Hearing of a famine in Judea, the disciples in Antioch determined to send relief to the believers in Judea and did so by Barnabas and Paul (v 30). Such a gift displayed to the Jewish churches the potency of the gospel among the Gentiles. Their mission complete, Barnabas and Paul returned to Antioch with John Mark (12:25), Barnabas’s cousin (Col 4:10).<\/p>\nBeginning from the Day of Pentecost, the work in the gospel had been casual and incidental. Contacts were made in the homes, the marketplace, the streets, synagogues, highways, etc. (Acts 3:1; 5:12, 42; 8:26-29; 10:22). But in Antioch the Holy Spirit initiated a determined effort to evangelize a section of the Roman Empire (13:1-3). By the Holy Spirit’s instructions, the church separated Barnabas and Paul for this work. With the prayers and encouragement of this church, and with John Mark as their assistant, Barnabas and Paul, sent out by the Holy Spirit, sailed for Cyprus (v 4).<\/p>\n\nTraveling with Barnabas<\/p>\nArriving in Salamis, they preached in the synagogues as they traveled the length of the island to Paphos (Acts 13:5-6). There the Roman proconsul, Sergius Paulus, wanted to hear the word of God (v 7). A magician named Elymas Bar-Jesus tried to prevent the proconsul from believing in Jesus but was stricken with temporary blindness by Paul’s command (vv 8-11). This was the first manifestation in Paul of the signs of an apostle (2 Cor 12:12). From then on, the name Paul, not Saul, is used in Luke’s record of the Acts of the Apostles (Acts 13:9), and Paul replaced Barnabas as the leader of the party. So “Paul and his company” set sail from Paphos and arrived in Perga of Pamphylia (v 13). John Mark deserted them at Perga and returned to his home in Jerusalem (v 13). This caused discord (15:39), but Paul and Mark were later reconciled (Col 4:10; 2 Tm 4:11).<\/p>\nPaul’s travels with the gospel now continued through the Roman province of Asia, specifically in the southern portion of Galatia, the areas of Pamphylia, Pisidia, and Lycaonia. The coastal area where the party landed is a hot, malarial region. It is thought that Paul contracted malaria there and so traveled inland through the mountains to the 4,000-foot- (1,219.2-meter-) high tablelands. Such a journey would have been full of dangerous rivers and bandits (2 Cor 11:26), but Paul was well cared for by the Galatian highlanders when he arrived (Gal 4:13-15) and was rewarded with a warm reception to his message (Acts 13:48-49).<\/p>\nPaul and Barnabas were asked to speak at the synagogue of Antioch in Pisidia (Acts 13:15), and Paul delivered a discourse full of the characteristics of the gospel he would later record in his letters to the churches (vv 16-41). He was invited to speak the next week (v 42); nearly the whole city gathered together to hear the word of God (v 44). This stirred up jealousy in the Jews who opposed Paul’s words (v 45), causing the apostles’ dramatic turn to the Gentiles (vv 46-47). Many Gentiles in Antioch believed and spread the word throughout the region, but Paul and Barnabas were forced out and went to Iconium in Lycaonia (vv 48-51).<\/p>\nThe success in Antioch was duplicated in Iconium as was the Jews’ opposition (Acts 14:1), and the apostles fled from the threat of a stoning to Lystra and Derbe in Lycaonia (vv 5-6). In Lystra the signs of an apostle were again seen when Paul healed a man who had been crippled since birth (vv 8-10). The idolatrous citizens of the town, however, primed by the popular belief that Jupiter, accompanied by Mercury, had once visited their region, worshiped Paul and Barnabas as these deities (vv 11-13). Even the convincing words of Paul, whom they mistook for Mercury, hardly restrained the crowds from offering a sacrifice (vv 14-18).<\/p>\nIt was in Lystra that Paul was first given a taste of the same medicine he had once administered to Christians. The Jews stoned him, dragged him out of the city, and left him for dead (Acts 14:19). Timothy (16:1-3) may have been among the new disciples surrounding Paul as he lay outside the gate (14:20). Timothy was Paul’s son in the faith (1 Cor 4:17; 1 Tm 1:2), eyewitness to his suffering (2 Tm 3:10-11), faithful companion, and fellow worker (Acts 19:22; 20:4; Rom 16:21; 1 Thes 3:2). The next day Barnabas and Paul went on to Derbe (Acts 14:20).<\/p>\nAfter making many disciples in Derbe, the apostles retraced their steps through Lystra, Iconium, and Antioch of Pisidia, strengthening and encouraging the new believers and appointing elders in each church (Acts 14:21-23). Arriving again in Perga, they sailed back to Antioch of Syria, where they reported to the church the wonderful news that God had opened a door of faith for the Gentiles (vv 25-27).<\/p>\nThe Council of Jerusalem<\/p>\nThe Jews, who had dogged the steps of Paul and Barnabas throughout Galatia, followed on their heels to bewitch the Gentiles there, convincing them to desert the grace of Christ and submit to the Jewish law (Gal 1:6; 3:1). Shortly after the apostles’ return to Antioch, Judaizers came from Judea to Antioch, teaching salvation by the law (Acts 15:1). This began the war against the gospel of grace, which Paul preached.<\/p>\nThe church in Antioch sent Paul, Barnabas, and others to Jerusalem to settle the controversy of the law versus grace with the apostles and elders there (AD<\/span> 49, Acts 15:2). Along the way to Jerusalem they spread the news of the conversion of the Gentiles. This brought great joy to the believers (v 3). Such joy was not shared by some in Jerusalem, who in the first meeting of the council said that the Gentiles should be ordered to keep the law of Moses (v 5).<\/p>\nAfter this meeting, Paul and Barnabas met privately with Peter, John, and James (Gal 2:1-10) and explained the gospel they had been preaching to the Gentiles. These three leaders of the church in Jerusalem saw the grace that had been given to Paul to bring the gospel to the Gentiles and extended to him the “right hand of fellowship.” This private meeting seems to have decided the question of compliance to the Jewish law because in the next general meeting Peter said, “We believe that we shall be saved through the grace of the Lord Jesus” (Acts 15:11, rsv<\/span>), and James reached the decision that “we should not trouble those of the Gentiles who turn to God” (Acts 15:19, rsv<\/span>). This was a great victory for Paul and Barnabas, and the news was received with rejoicing by the church in Antioch (vv 30-35).<\/p>\nLater, Peter visited Antioch and freely associated with the Gentile believers as he had timidly done in Cornelius’s house (Acts 10:28). This continued until “certain men came from James.” Their presence brought fear to Peter, clouding the light of the gospel of grace, and causing him to separate himself from the Gentiles. Peter’s action influenced others, including Barnabas, to do the same (Gal 2:12-13). Paul rose to the challenge of this serious crisis, confronted Peter publicly, and charged him with Judaizing and hypocrisy (v 14). Paul won the battle and rescued Peter and Barnabas with eloquent words on justification by faith (vv 15-21), but the Judaizers had resumed their war. From this time on, they did not rest; rather, they tormented and persecuted Paul all over the world. But the apostle did not submit to them for a moment. He was engaged in the fight of his life, so that the truth of the gospel might remain with the Gentile believers (v 5).<\/p>\nFurther Travel<\/p>\nPaul wanted to visit the new believers and see how they were doing. So he proposed to Barnabas that they return to the cities where they had previously preached about Jesus (Acts 15:36). Barnabas wanted to take John Mark with them, but Paul would not take him since he had deserted them during their earlier journey (13:13). This sharp disagreement ended Barnabas’s association with Paul (15:37-39). Silas, a leader among the brothers in Jerusalem (v 22), accompanied Paul as he set out by land through Syria and Cilicia, strengthening the churches (vv 40-41).<\/p>\nBeginning from Derbe in Galatia, Paul and Silas revisited the churches Paul had established with Barnabas. While in Lystra, they were joined by Timothy (Acts 16:1-3). The apostles delivered to these young churches the letter drafted by the elders and apostles in Jerusalem concerning the observance of the law (15:23-29), thus strengthening and increasing them (16:4-5).<\/p>\nIt is likely that Ephesus, a major city in the Roman province of Asia, was the party’s main objective for the advancement of the gospel, but they were “forbidden by the Holy Spirit to speak the word in Asia” (Acts 16:6). Then they attempted to turn north and enter the region of Bithynia, “but the Spirit of Jesus did not allow them” (v 7). In this way they were forced by God to continue straight westward to Troas on the Aegean Sea, where Luke joined them (“we” in v 10), and Paul had a vision in which he was called out of Asia into Macedonia (vv 8-9). Paul and his party immediately crossed by boat into Europe (v 11) where they carried the gospel to Philippi, Thessalonica, Berea, Athens, and Corinth.<\/p>\nPhilippi was a Roman colony and military outpost where there were few Jews, so Paul went to a place by the river where the local Jews prayed. He spoke to some women there, notably Lydia, who believed and with her household was baptized (Acts 16:12-15), beginning the first church in Europe. Paul cast a spirit of divination out of a girl in Philippi, and as a result he and Silas were jailed (vv 16-24). The events of their night in jail made the jailer a believer in God (vv 25-34), and he and his family were added to the church in Philippi, which met in Lydia’s home (v 40). When Paul disclosed his Roman citizenship, he was released and was asked to leave the city (vv 35-39).<\/p>\nAt Thessalonica the Jews, aroused to jealousy by the success of Paul’s gospel message, raised a mob to search for the apostles. They complained to the city authorities that the people “who have turned the world upside down have come here also” and accused the apostles of “saying that there is another king [besides Caesar], Jesus” (Acts 17:5-7).<\/p>\nPaul and Silas quickly left Thessalonica by night and arrived in Berea, a city thereafter distinguished by its citizens who eagerly and thoughtfully received the gospel (Acts 17:10-12). The Thessalonian Jews did not rest but trailed Paul to Berea to incite the crowds. The believers then sent Paul away to Athens, while Silas and Timothy stayed behind (vv 13-15).<\/p>\nThe Athenians called Paul a babbler but let him air his views before the Areopagus. Paul’s speech there was alive with his broad knowledge. He alluded to Greco-Roman philosophy (Acts 17:27), poetry (v 28), sculpture (vv 25, 29), architecture (v 24), and religion while proclaiming the existence of an “unknown god” (v 23). But he was rudely cut short by scoffing and indifference when he mentioned the resurrection (v 32). Paul’s words delighted the minds of many but influenced the wills of few, so when he arrived in Corinth, he determined not to proclaim the mystery of God in lofty words of wisdom so that the believers’ faith would not rest on human wisdom but on the power of God (1 Cor 2:1-5).<\/p>\nIn Corinth Paul met Aquila and Priscilla (Acts 18:2-3), Roman Jews with whom he lived and worked as a tent maker and who would become prominent among the churches (Acts 18:26; Rom 16:3; 1 Cor 16:19; 2 Tm 4:19). He stayed in Corinth 18 months from AD<\/span> 50 to 51, raising up a church (Acts 18:11) on the strength of a vision from God (vv 9-10) and in spite of the attacks of the Jews (vv 12-17). Paul wrote the first and second letters to the Thessalonians from Corinth to establish the believers in a holy, industrious life (1 Thes 3:13; 5:23; 2 Thes 3:7-12) in hope of the second coming of Jesus Christ (1 Thes 4:15-18; 2 Thes 2:1ff.).<\/p>\nAccompanied by Priscilla and Aquila, Paul sailed from Corinth for Syria. He left his fellow workers in Ephesus, sailed to Caesarea, briefly visited Jerusalem, and returned to Antioch (Acts 18:18-22). Paul stayed in Antioch for awhile but did not remain absent from the field of his labors for long. Alone, he departed from Antioch, went from place to place in Galatia and Phrygia strengthening all the disciples, and eventually arrived in Ephesus (18:23; 19:1).<\/p>\nLabor in the Gospel<\/p>\nA Jew named Apollos had ministered in Ephesus prior to Paul’s arrival and had recently gone over to Corinth (Acts 18:24-28). There Apollos innocently became the cause of such discord (1 Cor 3:3-9) that he left and refused to return even at Paul’s request (16:12). Paul’s earlier visit to Ephesus (Acts 18:19-20), Apollos’s ministry, and the presence of Priscilla and Aquila had prepared Ephesus for the apostle’s preaching of the gospel of Christ.<\/p>\nPaul began his work in Ephesus by setting straight some ill-informed disciples of John the Baptist (Acts 19:1-7). He then spent three months preaching at the local synagogue until members of the congregation “spoke evil of the Way” (v 9). Paul then took the disciples and continued his arguments on the neutral ground of Tyrannus’s school (vv 8-9), where Jews and Greeks were free to come. He continued there for two years and “all the residents of Asia, both Jews and Greeks, heard the word of the Lord” (v 10).<\/p>\nThe work in Ephesus was a great success (Acts 19:10, 20, 26). Paul enjoyed an open door for effective work (1 Cor 16:9), bolstered by extraordinary miracles (Acts 19:11-17), a public burning of valuable books of sorcery (vv 18-19), and the assistance of friendly officials from the province of Asia (v 31). There were also many adversaries (1 Cor 15:32; 16:9), especially among the artisans associated with the temple of Diana. Paul’s ministry had hurt their trade to the extent that they were incited to riot (Acts 19:23-41). Paul had intended to stay in Ephesus until Pentecost (1 Cor 16:8), but this tumult seems to have hastened his departure (Acts 20:1).<\/p>\nDuring his stay in Ephesus, the household of Chloe sent word to Paul from Corinth that there were divisions in the church there (1 Cor 1:10-13). This report generated a flurry of letters and travels. Paul wrote a letter, which is now lost, to this church (5:9). The church in Corinth wrote a letter (7:1) and sent messengers to Paul (16:17), and Paul sent Timothy to them (4:17; 16:10). Paul then wrote 1 Corinthians (AD<\/span> 53) and sent it by Titus, who was to meet him in Troas to report the results (2 Cor 2:12-13).<\/p>\nAfter his hasty exit from Ephesus, Paul found an open door for the gospel in Troas, but he so longed to hear from Corinth that he pushed on into Macedonia (2 Cor 2:12-13). There he was finally comforted by Titus (7:5-7) and rejoiced at the news of the Corinthians’ repentance, earnestness, longing, and zeal (vv 8-16). From Macedonia Paul wrote 2 Corinthians (AD<\/span> 54), toured northwest to proclaim the good news of Christ in Illyricum (Rom 15:19), and then turned south for Achaia and his third visit to Corinth (Acts 19:21; 20:1-3; 2 Cor 13:1).<\/p>\nThe time and place from which Paul wrote his letter to the Galatians is a topic of controversy. Some date it before the council at Jerusalem, about AD<\/span> 45. Others say he wrote it from Corinth at this stage in his history. The latter opinion is the choice of this narrative.<\/p>\nA three-month winter stay in Corinth (AD<\/span> 55–56) produced the Letter to the Romans, which firmly set the benchmark of the gospel for all the ages. Paul had many personal friends in Rome (Rom 16) and had long intended to visit there (1:10-15). His plans were to deliver a collection from the Gentile churches to Jerusalem (Acts 20:35; Rom 15:25-26; 1 Cor 16:1) and then visit Rome (Acts 19:21) on his way to Spain (Rom 15:23-24).<\/p>\nThe Arrest in Jerusalem<\/p>\nPaul’s trip from Corinth to Jerusalem was marked by abundant warnings of the danger awaiting him in Jerusalem. The Judaizers’ acrimony toward Paul was common talk everywhere, but all alarms went unheeded (Acts 20:22-24, 38; 21:4, 10-15). However, the request for prayer in Romans 15:30-32 shows that Paul knew he might soon need a divine rescue from the unbelievers in Judea.<\/p>\nThe travelers, carrying the collection for Jerusalem, journeyed swiftly in order to reach Jerusalem by Pentecost (Acts 20:16). They proceeded by land from Achaia, through Macedonia, to Philippi in time for the Passover (spring AD<\/span> 56, v 6). Crossing by sea to Troas, they visited the believers there (vv 7-12) and then sailed through the archipelago of the eastern Aegean Sea to Miletus (vv 13-16). From Miletus, Paul sent for the elders of Ephesus, to whom he delivered an impassioned speech containing his own dire warnings for them (vv 17-38).<\/p>\nParting from them, Paul and his companions set sail to Cos, to Rhodes, and then to Patara, where they changed ships for Phoenicia (Acts 21:1-2). A straight course to Tyre brought them within sight of Cyprus, with its memories of Barnabas and Sergius Paulus (v 3). “Through the Spirit” the disciples in Tyre “told Paul not to go on to Jerusalem” (v 4), but he pressed on to Caesarea, where he and his company stayed with Philip, who had formerly served with the martyred Stephen (21:8; cf. 6:5). In Caesarea, Paul would not be persuaded by an especially dramatic prophecy of his coming arrest (21:10-14).<\/p>\nIn Jerusalem the apostolic band stayed with Mnason, an early disciple, and were warmly welcomed by the brothers there (Acts 21:15-17). James and the elders of the church praised God when they heard of the things he had done through Paul among the Gentiles (vv 18-20), and when they received the collection from the churches (24:17). They told Paul of his bad reputation among the thousands of Jewish believers in Jerusalem and urged him to set right the Judaizers’ misrepresentation that he encouraged Jewish Christians to forsake the Mosaic customs (21:21-24). Acts 21:25 shows the Jerusalem elders understood that the Gentiles were under no obligation to Moses; their concern was for Paul to demonstrate that Jewish believers were free to continue their traditional observances.<\/p>\nPaul had kept the Jewish feasts (Acts 20:6), as had Jesus and the early disciples in Jerusalem. He had also cut his hair in a vow at Cenchreae (18:18), so it was a small matter for him, a Jew, to ceremonially purify himself after becoming a Christian, especially if it would undermine the arguments of the Judaizers. To have refused the elders’ request would have lent credence to the Judaizers’ charge. The success of this plan is seen in that it was the Jews from Asia, visiting Jerusalem for the Pentecost feast of AD<\/span> 57, who stirred up trouble for Paul (21:27-29)—not the Judaizers from Jerusalem.<\/p>\nThe whole city was aroused by Paul’s persistent persecutors. A violent crowd dragged him out of the temple just as Stephen had once been hauled to his martyrdom. They tried to kill him, but he was rescued by Roman soldiers as the mob cried, “Away with him!”—just as they had done to Jesus (Acts 21:30-36). At this juncture the educational and cultural diversity of Paul’s life came to his rescue. As he was carried for safety to the Roman barracks, he spoke in Greek to the tribune, who had mistaken him for an Egyptian assassin (vv 37-38). Given permission to speak to the crowd, he did so in the Aramaic language then common in Israel (vv 39-40). The hushed crowd eagerly heard Paul’s defense until he uttered the word “Gentiles.” At this, the crowd resumed its threatening and violence, and Paul was brought into the barracks (22:1-24). There the Romans prepared to flog him, until Paul revealed that he was not only a Jew from Tarsus but also a freeborn Roman citizen. The tribune was afraid, since he had bound a Roman citizen. Wanting to know the charges against Paul, he brought him to the Sanhedrin (vv 25-30).<\/p>\nThis meeting of the Jewish judiciary was shortly reduced to dissension and violence. Paul resorted to tactics justifiable in such a war and hopelessly divided the Sanhedrin on the subject of the resurrection (Acts 23:1-9). Paul again was rescued, this time from the contending factions of the Jewish leadership, and taken to the barracks, where the Lord encouraged him, promising that he would go to Rome (AD<\/span> 56, vv 10-11).<\/p>\nIn the meantime 40 Jews entered into a murderous plot against Paul. They vowed not to eat or drink until they had killed the apostle (Acts 23:12-15). They almost succeeded, but with the help of the son of Paul’s sister (v 16), the conspiracy was exposed. For safety, Paul was taken from Jerusalem to Caesarea under guard of 470 soldiers and handed over to the custody of Felix the governor (vv 16-35). Inconclusive hearings before Felix (Acts 24), his successor, Festus (25:1-12), and King Agrippa (25:23–26:32) occupied Paul in his two years of imprisonment in Caesarea. Festus, wanting to please the Jews, suggested that Paul be returned to Jerusalem for trial, but Paul knew the murderous intent of his accusers and again utilized his Roman citizenship by making a dramatic appeal to Caesar (25:9-12).<\/p>\nVoyage and Stay in Rome<\/p>\nTo plead his case at Caesar’s court, Paul and his companions, Aristarchus and Luke, were taken on a perilous voyage (AD<\/span> 58, Acts 27:1–28:16). Their passage by ship from Caesarea to Rome is one of the most remarkable on record. Luke’s detailed account is a treasure of information on ancient ships, navigation, and seamanship. It is also a beautiful portrait of a heroic and dignified apostle Paul, the gospel’s ambassador in chains (Eph 6:20), who with the guidance and assurance of his God (Acts 27:23-26), led the 276 people on board to safety (v 37).<\/p>\nLuke traces the voyage stage by stage through every crisis, with a change of ship at Myra, delay at Fair Havens on Crete, and the shipwreck on Malta. Finally, in the spring of AD<\/span> 59, they arrived at Puteoli, Italy, and made their way to Rome, welcomed by the believers along the Appian Way (Acts 28:13-16).<\/p>\nLuke provided a peaceful denouement to the Acts, notwithstanding the fact that the apostle was an imperial prisoner of Caesar Nero. Paul lived by himself in his own house, chained to a Roman guard (Acts 28:16, 30). There he received the local Jewish leaders—to calm any misgivings they may have had about him and, at the same time, to convince them about Jesus. His efforts had mixed success (vv 17-28). During Paul’s two or more years in Rome, the Judaizers seem to have withdrawn, only to be replaced by the peril of Eastern Gnosticism. This is seen in Paul’s letters to the Philippians, Colossians, and Ephesians, and to Philemon, all written at this time. It is unlikely that Paul’s accusers appeared in Rome to bring formal charges before Caesar, so Paul was probably released in AD<\/span> 61.<\/p>\nFinal Years and Martyrdom<\/p>\nIt is here assumed that the Pastoral Letters (1 Timothy, 2 Timothy, and Titus) are truly Paul’s work. Only through them can the probable course of events in Paul’s final years be traced. Romans 15:28 shows that Paul intended to deliver the collection to Jerusalem and then to “set out by way of you [Rome] to Spain.” The arrest and imprisonment in Jerusalem not only destroyed these plans but also extracted five precious years from the prime of a most productive life. Although Clement of Rome implied that Paul did fulfill his desire to go to Spain (Clement to the Corinthians<\/em> 5), it is certain that the daily pressure of Paul’s anxious care for all the churches (2 Cor 11:28) did not abate.<\/p>\nIf Paul went to Spain, he may have been there when Rome was burned on July 19, AD<\/span> 64. Tradition says that Paul traveled as far as Britain, but there is no evidence to confirm this. Returning east, he left Titus in Crete (Ti 1:5) and traveled through Miletus, south of Ephesus, where he left Trophimus sick (2 Tm 4:20). Traveling toward Macedonia, Paul visited Timothy in Ephesus (1 Tm 1:3). On the way, Paul left his cloak and books with Carpus in Troas (2 Tm 4:13). This indicates that he intended to return there for his possessions. From Macedonia Paul wrote his loving yet apprehensive first letter to Timothy (AD<\/span> 62–64). He had decided to spend the winter in Nicopolis (Ti 3:12), northwest of Corinth on the Adriatic Sea, but was still in Macedonia when he wrote his letter to Titus. This letter is similar to 1 Timothy, yet with a somewhat harsher tone. In it is a final glimpse of the eloquent and zealous Apollos (Ti 3:13), who is still in association with Paul 10 or more years after his first appearance in Ephesus (Acts 18:24).<\/p>\nFrom here Paul’s path is obscure. He may have wintered in Nicopolis, but he did not return to Troas for his winter cloak (2 Tm 4:13). At some point he was arrested by the Romans, because he spent a winter in Rome’s Mamertine Prison, suffering from the cold in that rock cell before he wrote his second letter to Timothy (AD<\/span> 66–67). He may have been anticipating the coming winter when he requested that Timothy bring his cloak (vv 13, 21). It is possible that the charges against Paul were related to the burning of Rome; this is unknown. It was, however, now “illegal” to be a Christian since the “new religion” was no longer protected by Roman law as being part of Judaism (which was a legalized, recognized religion by Roman law).<\/p>\nIt was dangerous to be associated with Paul at this time. Many deserted him (2 Tm 4:16), including all his coworkers in Asia (1:15) and Demas, who loved the world (4:10). Only Luke, the physician and author of Luke and Acts, was with him when he wrote his second letter to Timothy (v 11). Faithful believers still in hiding in Rome were also in contact with the apostle (1:16; 4:19, 21). He told Timothy to come to him in Rome and bring Mark also (4:11). Apparently Timothy did come and was imprisoned (Heb 13:23). Paul’s request for the books and parchments (2 Tm 4:13) discloses that he was reading and studying the Scripture to the end.<\/p>\nThe apostle Paul had two hearings before Caesar Nero. At his first defense only the Lord stood by him (2 Tm 4:16). There he not only pleaded his own cause but also that of the gospel, still longing that all the Gentiles would hear its message. Perhaps no decision was made, and thus he was “rescued from the lion’s mouth” (v 17). Though he knew he would soon die, he was not afraid, but was assured that the Lord would give him a crown of righteousness on the last day (v 8). Finally, the apostle himself recorded his seminal encouragement to all believers: “The Lord be with your spirit. Grace be with you” (v 22, rsv<\/span>). After this, the Scripture is silent regarding Paul.<\/p>\nNothing is known of Paul’s second hearing but that it resulted in the sentence of capital punishment. History does not record Paul’s end. Nero died in the summer of AD<\/span> 68, so Paul was executed before that date. As a Roman citizen, he must have been spared the lingering torture that had recently been suffered by his fellow martyrs. Tradition says that he was decapitated by the sword of an imperial headsman on the Ostian Road just outside of Rome, and buried nearby. This fulfilled Paul’s desire “to depart and be with Christ, for that is far better” (Phil 1:23, rsv<\/span>).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>PAUL, The Apostle<\/span><\/h3>\nProminent leader of the first-century church; apostle to the Gentiles; author of 13 NT epistles.<\/p>\nPreview<\/p>\n• Family and Cultural Background<\/p>\n• Education<\/p>\n• Saul the Persecutor<\/p>\n• Conversion and Calling<\/p>\n• Preparation for Ministry<\/p>\n• Sent Out from Antioch<\/p>\n• Traveling with Barnabas<\/p>\n• The Council of Jerusalem<\/p>\n• Further Travel<\/p>\n• Labor in the Gospel<\/p>\n• The Arrest in Jerusalem<\/p>\n• Voyage and Stay in Rome<\/p>\n• Final Years and Martyrdom<\/p>\nFamily and Cultural Background<\/p>\nPaul was born around AD<\/span> 10, a Jew in a family of Pharisees (Acts 23:6) of the tribe of Benjamin (Phil 3:5) in Tarsus of Cilicia (Acts 9:11; 21:39; 22:3), a center of commerce and learning that embraced the Hellenistic spirit and Roman politics. It was a city of which he could be proud (21:39). His parents named him Saul, perhaps after the first king of Israel, who was also a Benjaminite (1 Sm 11:15; Acts 13:21), but Acts 13:9 notes that he “was also called Paul.” He uses the Roman name Paul throughout his letters.<\/p>\nFrom religious parents Paul received knowledge of the Law and Prophets and the Hebrew and Aramaic languages (Acts 21:40; 22:2-3; 23:6; Gal 1:14; Phil 3:5-6). Tarsus, however, was not a Jewish city. Rather, it had a Greek character, being a place where the Greek language was spoken and Greek literature was cultivated. This accounts for Paul’s familiarity with Greek (Acts 21:37), the language of the streets and shops of Tarsus.<\/p>\nJews were brought to Tarsus, the capital of the Roman province of Cilicia, in 171 BC<\/span> to promote business in the region. At that time Paul’s ancestors were probably given Roman citizenship. Paul inherited from his father both Tarsisian and Roman citizenship, which would prove to be of great value to Paul in his later life as he traveled with the gospel throughout the Roman Empire (Acts 16:37; 22:25-29; 23:27). Paul may have had several brothers and sisters, but Acts 23:16 mentions only one sister, whose son performed a lifesaving act for his uncle.<\/p>\nPaul was a tent maker (Acts 18:3). He may have learned this trade from his father, or he may have selected it as a means of self-support, as was the custom of those in rabbinical training. Tarsus was well known for the goat’s-hair cloth called cilicium. It was the weaving of this cloth and the fashioning of it into tents, sails, awnings, and cloaks that gave Paul his economic independence during his apostolic ministry (Acts 18:3; 20:34; 28:30; 2 Cor 11:9; 1 Thes 2:9; 2 Thes 3:8).<\/p>\nEducation<\/p>\nAlthough born in Tarsus, Paul testified to the Jews in Jerusalem that he had been brought up in this city and studied under Gamaliel (Acts 22:3). It is not clear when Paul was first brought to Jerusalem, but it is likely that sometime between the ages of 13 and 20 he began his formal rabbinical studies. His teacher, Gamaliel, was the grandson of Hillel, founder of a Pharisaic school whose teachings run through the Talmudic writings to this day. This is the same Gamaliel whose wisdom persuaded the Sanhedrin to spare the lives of Peter and the apostles (5:33-40). No doubt, it was while studying under Gamaliel in Hillel’s school that Paul began to advance in Judaism beyond many Jews of his own age and became extremely zealous for the traditions of his fathers (Gal 1:14). Perhaps then also Paul began to experience the struggles with the law he would later describe in Romans 7.<\/p>\nWhile Paul was studying the Jewish law in Jerusalem, Jesus was working as a carpenter in Nazareth. Then Jesus gathered the disciples who would one day be Paul’s coworkers in the gospel, fulfilled his ministry, and accomplished redemption on the cross of Calvary (AD<\/span> 30). Christ’s resurrection gave birth to the church, which was baptized in the Holy Spirit at the Feast of Pentecost in Jerusalem.<\/p>\nSaul the Persecutor<\/p>\nShortly after these world-changing events, the members of certain synagogues in Jerusalem, including the Cilician synagogue, that of Paul’s native land (Acts 6:9), could not withstand the wisdom and spirit (v 10) of a member of the church in Jerusalem named Stephen (vv 5, 8). They accused him of blasphemy before the Sanhedrin (vv 11-15) and after his eloquent defense (7:1-53) dragged him out of the city, where he was stoned to death. He became the first Christian martyr. The record does not fully reveal the role Paul played in these proceedings, but we know that he was present and prominent because the witnesses against Stephen, who were required to throw the first stones in the execution, “laid their clothes at the feet of a young man called Saul [Paul]” (v 58, niv<\/span>).<\/p>\nAt Stephen’s trial, Paul heard Stephen’s historical method of defense, and he later used it himself at Antioch of Pisidia (Acts 13:16-41). He witnessed the man with the face of an angel (6:15), full of the Holy Spirit, looking above and proclaiming “the heavens opened, and the Son of man standing at the right hand of God” (7:56). Stephen’s death initiated the events that would culminate in Paul’s conversion and commission as the apostle to the Gentiles. But at that time Paul was a leader of the oppressors of the church. He breathed threats and murder against the disciples of the Lord (9:1); he persecuted the church of God and tried to destroy it (Gal 1:13) by imprisoning Christians, both male and female (Acts 22:4), in many cities.<\/p>\nConversion and Calling<\/p>\nPaul had obtained letters from the high priest in Jerusalem to the synagogues in Damascus authorizing him to arrest the believers there and bring them to Jerusalem for trial (Acts 9:1-2). Paul traveled to Damascus for this purpose. Then, on the outskirts of the city, came the event that was to transform this law-keeping persecutor of Jesus Christ and blasphemous destroyer of the infant church into the chief propagator of the gospel of grace and master builder of the church (1 Cor 3:10; 1 Tm 1:13). This was the occasion of Paul’s conversion (c. AD<\/span> 31–33). It was of such revolutionary and lasting importance that three detailed accounts of it are given in the book of Acts (Acts 9:1-19; 22:1-21; 26:1-23), and many references are given to it in Paul’s own writings (1 Cor 9:1; 15:8; Gal 1:15-16; Eph 3:3; Phil 3:12).<\/p>\nAt that time a light from heaven, brighter than the midday sun, shone around Paul and his traveling companions, and they fell to the ground (Acts 26:13-14). Only Paul, however, heard the voice of Jesus instruct him in his commission as a minister and witness to the Gentiles (vv 14-18). Temporarily blinded, Paul was led into Damascus (9:8). There, the disciple Ananias and the Christian community forgave Paul, baptized him, and helped him through the bewildering event of his conversion (vv 10-22). After a short time with the church there, Paul was threatened with death by the Jews to whom he preached Jesus (vv 20-22), but he was protected by the believers and ingeniously delivered from his persecutors (vv 23-25).<\/p>\nPreparation for Ministry<\/p>\nThen began a period of preparation, which lasted about 13 years. During this time, Paul first was in the desert of Arabia for three years. Here was his opportunity to pray and reflect on Stephen’s defense to the Sanhedrin, the momentous significance of his conversion, the vision he received of Jesus Christ, and the meaning of all this in the light of Jewish theology. Following this, Paul returned to Damascus and then visited Peter in Jerusalem for 15 days (Gal 1:17-18).<\/p>\nAt first, the disciples in Jerusalem were afraid of him because they did not believe he was a disciple of Jesus (Acts 9:26), but he was championed by Barnabas and thus accepted by the believers in Jerusalem (vv 27-28). While there, Paul may have heard the oral gospel, a summary of the words and deeds of Jesus, handed down to all converts. This would have included the institution of the Lord’s Supper (1 Cor 11:23-25), specific words of the Lord (Acts 20:35; 1 Cor 7:10; 9:14), the appearances of the resurrected Christ (1 Cor 15:3-8), and the spirit and character of Jesus (2 Cor 10:1; Phil 2:5-8). Paul also preached in Jerusalem, perhaps in the same synagogues in which he had heard Stephen. However, when his life was again threatened by the Jews, the believers sent him away to Tarsus (Acts 9:29-30; Gal 1:21).<\/p>\nThe end of Paul’s preparation came when Barnabas went to Tarsus to look for him and bring him to Antioch. By this time Paul had lived for 10 years in Cilicia. Since his conversion, before being sent to Tarsus, he had proclaimed Jesus (Acts 9:20), speaking boldly in the name of the Lord (v 27). There is no reason to think he did otherwise while living among the Gentiles in Cilicia. In fact, his work may have been so effective that he began to attract attention in Antioch. During these years, Paul probably underwent many of the sufferings mentioned in 2 Corinthians 11:24-26. Several scholars think that the ecstatic experience mentioned in 2 Corinthians 12:1-9, with its accompanying thorn in the flesh, also took place before he came to Antioch.<\/p>\nSent Out from Antioch<\/p>\nThe church in Antioch had its origins in the persecution fomented by Paul after the death of Stephen. Until they arrived in Antioch, the scattered believers had only spoken the word to Jews (Acts 11:19). It was here that the Gentiles first heard the Good News (v 20), and many became believers (v 21). It is fitting that Paul, the apostle to the Gentiles (Acts 22:21; Rom 11:13), who was as yet unknown by sight to the churches of Judea (Gal 1:22), should appear in Antioch to formally begin the ministry to which he was called (Acts 26:17-18).<\/p>\nBarnabas and Paul stayed with the church in Antioch for a year. Their work there was so blessed that a new name, Christian, was coined to distinguish the believers in Antioch from Gentiles and Jews (Acts 11:26). Hearing of a famine in Judea, the disciples in Antioch determined to send relief to the believers in Judea and did so by Barnabas and Paul (v 30). Such a gift displayed to the Jewish churches the potency of the gospel among the Gentiles. Their mission complete, Barnabas and Paul returned to Antioch with John Mark (12:25), Barnabas’s cousin (Col 4:10).<\/p>\nBeginning from the Day of Pentecost, the work in the gospel had been casual and incidental. Contacts were made in the homes, the marketplace, the streets, synagogues, highways, etc. (Acts 3:1; 5:12, 42; 8:26-29; 10:22). But in Antioch the Holy Spirit initiated a determined effort to evangelize a section of the Roman Empire (13:1-3). By the Holy Spirit’s instructions, the church separated Barnabas and Paul for this work. With the prayers and encouragement of this church, and with John Mark as their assistant, Barnabas and Paul, sent out by the Holy Spirit, sailed for Cyprus (v 4).<\/p>\n\nTraveling with Barnabas<\/p>\nArriving in Salamis, they preached in the synagogues as they traveled the length of the island to Paphos (Acts 13:5-6). There the Roman proconsul, Sergius Paulus, wanted to hear the word of God (v 7). A magician named Elymas Bar-Jesus tried to prevent the proconsul from believing in Jesus but was stricken with temporary blindness by Paul’s command (vv 8-11). This was the first manifestation in Paul of the signs of an apostle (2 Cor 12:12). From then on, the name Paul, not Saul, is used in Luke’s record of the Acts of the Apostles (Acts 13:9), and Paul replaced Barnabas as the leader of the party. So “Paul and his company” set sail from Paphos and arrived in Perga of Pamphylia (v 13). John Mark deserted them at Perga and returned to his home in Jerusalem (v 13). This caused discord (15:39), but Paul and Mark were later reconciled (Col 4:10; 2 Tm 4:11).<\/p>\nPaul’s travels with the gospel now continued through the Roman province of Asia, specifically in the southern portion of Galatia, the areas of Pamphylia, Pisidia, and Lycaonia. The coastal area where the party landed is a hot, malarial region. It is thought that Paul contracted malaria there and so traveled inland through the mountains to the 4,000-foot- (1,219.2-meter-) high tablelands. Such a journey would have been full of dangerous rivers and bandits (2 Cor 11:26), but Paul was well cared for by the Galatian highlanders when he arrived (Gal 4:13-15) and was rewarded with a warm reception to his message (Acts 13:48-49).<\/p>\nPaul and Barnabas were asked to speak at the synagogue of Antioch in Pisidia (Acts 13:15), and Paul delivered a discourse full of the characteristics of the gospel he would later record in his letters to the churches (vv 16-41). He was invited to speak the next week (v 42); nearly the whole city gathered together to hear the word of God (v 44). This stirred up jealousy in the Jews who opposed Paul’s words (v 45), causing the apostles’ dramatic turn to the Gentiles (vv 46-47). Many Gentiles in Antioch believed and spread the word throughout the region, but Paul and Barnabas were forced out and went to Iconium in Lycaonia (vv 48-51).<\/p>\nThe success in Antioch was duplicated in Iconium as was the Jews’ opposition (Acts 14:1), and the apostles fled from the threat of a stoning to Lystra and Derbe in Lycaonia (vv 5-6). In Lystra the signs of an apostle were again seen when Paul healed a man who had been crippled since birth (vv 8-10). The idolatrous citizens of the town, however, primed by the popular belief that Jupiter, accompanied by Mercury, had once visited their region, worshiped Paul and Barnabas as these deities (vv 11-13). Even the convincing words of Paul, whom they mistook for Mercury, hardly restrained the crowds from offering a sacrifice (vv 14-18).<\/p>\nIt was in Lystra that Paul was first given a taste of the same medicine he had once administered to Christians. The Jews stoned him, dragged him out of the city, and left him for dead (Acts 14:19). Timothy (16:1-3) may have been among the new disciples surrounding Paul as he lay outside the gate (14:20). Timothy was Paul’s son in the faith (1 Cor 4:17; 1 Tm 1:2), eyewitness to his suffering (2 Tm 3:10-11), faithful companion, and fellow worker (Acts 19:22; 20:4; Rom 16:21; 1 Thes 3:2). The next day Barnabas and Paul went on to Derbe (Acts 14:20).<\/p>\nAfter making many disciples in Derbe, the apostles retraced their steps through Lystra, Iconium, and Antioch of Pisidia, strengthening and encouraging the new believers and appointing elders in each church (Acts 14:21-23). Arriving again in Perga, they sailed back to Antioch of Syria, where they reported to the church the wonderful news that God had opened a door of faith for the Gentiles (vv 25-27).<\/p>\nThe Council of Jerusalem<\/p>\nThe Jews, who had dogged the steps of Paul and Barnabas throughout Galatia, followed on their heels to bewitch the Gentiles there, convincing them to desert the grace of Christ and submit to the Jewish law (Gal 1:6; 3:1). Shortly after the apostles’ return to Antioch, Judaizers came from Judea to Antioch, teaching salvation by the law (Acts 15:1). This began the war against the gospel of grace, which Paul preached.<\/p>\nThe church in Antioch sent Paul, Barnabas, and others to Jerusalem to settle the controversy of the law versus grace with the apostles and elders there (AD<\/span> 49, Acts 15:2). Along the way to Jerusalem they spread the news of the conversion of the Gentiles. This brought great joy to the believers (v 3). Such joy was not shared by some in Jerusalem, who in the first meeting of the council said that the Gentiles should be ordered to keep the law of Moses (v 5).<\/p>\nAfter this meeting, Paul and Barnabas met privately with Peter, John, and James (Gal 2:1-10) and explained the gospel they had been preaching to the Gentiles. These three leaders of the church in Jerusalem saw the grace that had been given to Paul to bring the gospel to the Gentiles and extended to him the “right hand of fellowship.” This private meeting seems to have decided the question of compliance to the Jewish law because in the next general meeting Peter said, “We believe that we shall be saved through the grace of the Lord Jesus” (Acts 15:11, rsv<\/span>), and James reached the decision that “we should not trouble those of the Gentiles who turn to God” (Acts 15:19, rsv<\/span>). This was a great victory for Paul and Barnabas, and the news was received with rejoicing by the church in Antioch (vv 30-35).<\/p>\nLater, Peter visited Antioch and freely associated with the Gentile believers as he had timidly done in Cornelius’s house (Acts 10:28). This continued until “certain men came from James.” Their presence brought fear to Peter, clouding the light of the gospel of grace, and causing him to separate himself from the Gentiles. Peter’s action influenced others, including Barnabas, to do the same (Gal 2:12-13). Paul rose to the challenge of this serious crisis, confronted Peter publicly, and charged him with Judaizing and hypocrisy (v 14). Paul won the battle and rescued Peter and Barnabas with eloquent words on justification by faith (vv 15-21), but the Judaizers had resumed their war. From this time on, they did not rest; rather, they tormented and persecuted Paul all over the world. But the apostle did not submit to them for a moment. He was engaged in the fight of his life, so that the truth of the gospel might remain with the Gentile believers (v 5).<\/p>\nFurther Travel<\/p>\nPaul wanted to visit the new believers and see how they were doing. So he proposed to Barnabas that they return to the cities where they had previously preached about Jesus (Acts 15:36). Barnabas wanted to take John Mark with them, but Paul would not take him since he had deserted them during their earlier journey (13:13). This sharp disagreement ended Barnabas’s association with Paul (15:37-39). Silas, a leader among the brothers in Jerusalem (v 22), accompanied Paul as he set out by land through Syria and Cilicia, strengthening the churches (vv 40-41).<\/p>\nBeginning from Derbe in Galatia, Paul and Silas revisited the churches Paul had established with Barnabas. While in Lystra, they were joined by Timothy (Acts 16:1-3). The apostles delivered to these young churches the letter drafted by the elders and apostles in Jerusalem concerning the observance of the law (15:23-29), thus strengthening and increasing them (16:4-5).<\/p>\nIt is likely that Ephesus, a major city in the Roman province of Asia, was the party’s main objective for the advancement of the gospel, but they were “forbidden by the Holy Spirit to speak the word in Asia” (Acts 16:6). Then they attempted to turn north and enter the region of Bithynia, “but the Spirit of Jesus did not allow them” (v 7). In this way they were forced by God to continue straight westward to Troas on the Aegean Sea, where Luke joined them (“we” in v 10), and Paul had a vision in which he was called out of Asia into Macedonia (vv 8-9). Paul and his party immediately crossed by boat into Europe (v 11) where they carried the gospel to Philippi, Thessalonica, Berea, Athens, and Corinth.<\/p>\nPhilippi was a Roman colony and military outpost where there were few Jews, so Paul went to a place by the river where the local Jews prayed. He spoke to some women there, notably Lydia, who believed and with her household was baptized (Acts 16:12-15), beginning the first church in Europe. Paul cast a spirit of divination out of a girl in Philippi, and as a result he and Silas were jailed (vv 16-24). The events of their night in jail made the jailer a believer in God (vv 25-34), and he and his family were added to the church in Philippi, which met in Lydia’s home (v 40). When Paul disclosed his Roman citizenship, he was released and was asked to leave the city (vv 35-39).<\/p>\nAt Thessalonica the Jews, aroused to jealousy by the success of Paul’s gospel message, raised a mob to search for the apostles. They complained to the city authorities that the people “who have turned the world upside down have come here also” and accused the apostles of “saying that there is another king [besides Caesar], Jesus” (Acts 17:5-7).<\/p>\nPaul and Silas quickly left Thessalonica by night and arrived in Berea, a city thereafter distinguished by its citizens who eagerly and thoughtfully received the gospel (Acts 17:10-12). The Thessalonian Jews did not rest but trailed Paul to Berea to incite the crowds. The believers then sent Paul away to Athens, while Silas and Timothy stayed behind (vv 13-15).<\/p>\nThe Athenians called Paul a babbler but let him air his views before the Areopagus. Paul’s speech there was alive with his broad knowledge. He alluded to Greco-Roman philosophy (Acts 17:27), poetry (v 28), sculpture (vv 25, 29), architecture (v 24), and religion while proclaiming the existence of an “unknown god” (v 23). But he was rudely cut short by scoffing and indifference when he mentioned the resurrection (v 32). Paul’s words delighted the minds of many but influenced the wills of few, so when he arrived in Corinth, he determined not to proclaim the mystery of God in lofty words of wisdom so that the believers’ faith would not rest on human wisdom but on the power of God (1 Cor 2:1-5).<\/p>\nIn Corinth Paul met Aquila and Priscilla (Acts 18:2-3), Roman Jews with whom he lived and worked as a tent maker and who would become prominent among the churches (Acts 18:26; Rom 16:3; 1 Cor 16:19; 2 Tm 4:19). He stayed in Corinth 18 months from AD<\/span> 50 to 51, raising up a church (Acts 18:11) on the strength of a vision from God (vv 9-10) and in spite of the attacks of the Jews (vv 12-17). Paul wrote the first and second letters to the Thessalonians from Corinth to establish the believers in a holy, industrious life (1 Thes 3:13; 5:23; 2 Thes 3:7-12) in hope of the second coming of Jesus Christ (1 Thes 4:15-18; 2 Thes 2:1ff.).<\/p>\nAccompanied by Priscilla and Aquila, Paul sailed from Corinth for Syria. He left his fellow workers in Ephesus, sailed to Caesarea, briefly visited Jerusalem, and returned to Antioch (Acts 18:18-22). Paul stayed in Antioch for awhile but did not remain absent from the field of his labors for long. Alone, he departed from Antioch, went from place to place in Galatia and Phrygia strengthening all the disciples, and eventually arrived in Ephesus (18:23; 19:1).<\/p>\nLabor in the Gospel<\/p>\nA Jew named Apollos had ministered in Ephesus prior to Paul’s arrival and had recently gone over to Corinth (Acts 18:24-28). There Apollos innocently became the cause of such discord (1 Cor 3:3-9) that he left and refused to return even at Paul’s request (16:12). Paul’s earlier visit to Ephesus (Acts 18:19-20), Apollos’s ministry, and the presence of Priscilla and Aquila had prepared Ephesus for the apostle’s preaching of the gospel of Christ.<\/p>\nPaul began his work in Ephesus by setting straight some ill-informed disciples of John the Baptist (Acts 19:1-7). He then spent three months preaching at the local synagogue until members of the congregation “spoke evil of the Way” (v 9). Paul then took the disciples and continued his arguments on the neutral ground of Tyrannus’s school (vv 8-9), where Jews and Greeks were free to come. He continued there for two years and “all the residents of Asia, both Jews and Greeks, heard the word of the Lord” (v 10).<\/p>\nThe work in Ephesus was a great success (Acts 19:10, 20, 26). Paul enjoyed an open door for effective work (1 Cor 16:9), bolstered by extraordinary miracles (Acts 19:11-17), a public burning of valuable books of sorcery (vv 18-19), and the assistance of friendly officials from the province of Asia (v 31). There were also many adversaries (1 Cor 15:32; 16:9), especially among the artisans associated with the temple of Diana. Paul’s ministry had hurt their trade to the extent that they were incited to riot (Acts 19:23-41). Paul had intended to stay in Ephesus until Pentecost (1 Cor 16:8), but this tumult seems to have hastened his departure (Acts 20:1).<\/p>\nDuring his stay in Ephesus, the household of Chloe sent word to Paul from Corinth that there were divisions in the church there (1 Cor 1:10-13). This report generated a flurry of letters and travels. Paul wrote a letter, which is now lost, to this church (5:9). The church in Corinth wrote a letter (7:1) and sent messengers to Paul (16:17), and Paul sent Timothy to them (4:17; 16:10). Paul then wrote 1 Corinthians (AD<\/span> 53) and sent it by Titus, who was to meet him in Troas to report the results (2 Cor 2:12-13).<\/p>\nAfter his hasty exit from Ephesus, Paul found an open door for the gospel in Troas, but he so longed to hear from Corinth that he pushed on into Macedonia (2 Cor 2:12-13). There he was finally comforted by Titus (7:5-7) and rejoiced at the news of the Corinthians’ repentance, earnestness, longing, and zeal (vv 8-16). From Macedonia Paul wrote 2 Corinthians (AD<\/span> 54), toured northwest to proclaim the good news of Christ in Illyricum (Rom 15:19), and then turned south for Achaia and his third visit to Corinth (Acts 19:21; 20:1-3; 2 Cor 13:1).<\/p>\nThe time and place from which Paul wrote his letter to the Galatians is a topic of controversy. Some date it before the council at Jerusalem, about AD<\/span> 45. Others say he wrote it from Corinth at this stage in his history. The latter opinion is the choice of this narrative.<\/p>\nA three-month winter stay in Corinth (AD<\/span> 55–56) produced the Letter to the Romans, which firmly set the benchmark of the gospel for all the ages. Paul had many personal friends in Rome (Rom 16) and had long intended to visit there (1:10-15). His plans were to deliver a collection from the Gentile churches to Jerusalem (Acts 20:35; Rom 15:25-26; 1 Cor 16:1) and then visit Rome (Acts 19:21) on his way to Spain (Rom 15:23-24).<\/p>\nThe Arrest in Jerusalem<\/p>\nPaul’s trip from Corinth to Jerusalem was marked by abundant warnings of the danger awaiting him in Jerusalem. The Judaizers’ acrimony toward Paul was common talk everywhere, but all alarms went unheeded (Acts 20:22-24, 38; 21:4, 10-15). However, the request for prayer in Romans 15:30-32 shows that Paul knew he might soon need a divine rescue from the unbelievers in Judea.<\/p>\nThe travelers, carrying the collection for Jerusalem, journeyed swiftly in order to reach Jerusalem by Pentecost (Acts 20:16). They proceeded by land from Achaia, through Macedonia, to Philippi in time for the Passover (spring AD<\/span> 56, v 6). Crossing by sea to Troas, they visited the believers there (vv 7-12) and then sailed through the archipelago of the eastern Aegean Sea to Miletus (vv 13-16). From Miletus, Paul sent for the elders of Ephesus, to whom he delivered an impassioned speech containing his own dire warnings for them (vv 17-38).<\/p>\nParting from them, Paul and his companions set sail to Cos, to Rhodes, and then to Patara, where they changed ships for Phoenicia (Acts 21:1-2). A straight course to Tyre brought them within sight of Cyprus, with its memories of Barnabas and Sergius Paulus (v 3). “Through the Spirit” the disciples in Tyre “told Paul not to go on to Jerusalem” (v 4), but he pressed on to Caesarea, where he and his company stayed with Philip, who had formerly served with the martyred Stephen (21:8; cf. 6:5). In Caesarea, Paul would not be persuaded by an especially dramatic prophecy of his coming arrest (21:10-14).<\/p>\nIn Jerusalem the apostolic band stayed with Mnason, an early disciple, and were warmly welcomed by the brothers there (Acts 21:15-17). James and the elders of the church praised God when they heard of the things he had done through Paul among the Gentiles (vv 18-20), and when they received the collection from the churches (24:17). They told Paul of his bad reputation among the thousands of Jewish believers in Jerusalem and urged him to set right the Judaizers’ misrepresentation that he encouraged Jewish Christians to forsake the Mosaic customs (21:21-24). Acts 21:25 shows the Jerusalem elders understood that the Gentiles were under no obligation to Moses; their concern was for Paul to demonstrate that Jewish believers were free to continue their traditional observances.<\/p>\nPaul had kept the Jewish feasts (Acts 20:6), as had Jesus and the early disciples in Jerusalem. He had also cut his hair in a vow at Cenchreae (18:18), so it was a small matter for him, a Jew, to ceremonially purify himself after becoming a Christian, especially if it would undermine the arguments of the Judaizers. To have refused the elders’ request would have lent credence to the Judaizers’ charge. The success of this plan is seen in that it was the Jews from Asia, visiting Jerusalem for the Pentecost feast of AD<\/span> 57, who stirred up trouble for Paul (21:27-29)—not the Judaizers from Jerusalem.<\/p>\nThe whole city was aroused by Paul’s persistent persecutors. A violent crowd dragged him out of the temple just as Stephen had once been hauled to his martyrdom. They tried to kill him, but he was rescued by Roman soldiers as the mob cried, “Away with him!”—just as they had done to Jesus (Acts 21:30-36). At this juncture the educational and cultural diversity of Paul’s life came to his rescue. As he was carried for safety to the Roman barracks, he spoke in Greek to the tribune, who had mistaken him for an Egyptian assassin (vv 37-38). Given permission to speak to the crowd, he did so in the Aramaic language then common in Israel (vv 39-40). The hushed crowd eagerly heard Paul’s defense until he uttered the word “Gentiles.” At this, the crowd resumed its threatening and violence, and Paul was brought into the barracks (22:1-24). There the Romans prepared to flog him, until Paul revealed that he was not only a Jew from Tarsus but also a freeborn Roman citizen. The tribune was afraid, since he had bound a Roman citizen. Wanting to know the charges against Paul, he brought him to the Sanhedrin (vv 25-30).<\/p>\nThis meeting of the Jewish judiciary was shortly reduced to dissension and violence. Paul resorted to tactics justifiable in such a war and hopelessly divided the Sanhedrin on the subject of the resurrection (Acts 23:1-9). Paul again was rescued, this time from the contending factions of the Jewish leadership, and taken to the barracks, where the Lord encouraged him, promising that he would go to Rome (AD<\/span> 56, vv 10-11).<\/p>\nIn the meantime 40 Jews entered into a murderous plot against Paul. They vowed not to eat or drink until they had killed the apostle (Acts 23:12-15). They almost succeeded, but with the help of the son of Paul’s sister (v 16), the conspiracy was exposed. For safety, Paul was taken from Jerusalem to Caesarea under guard of 470 soldiers and handed over to the custody of Felix the governor (vv 16-35). Inconclusive hearings before Felix (Acts 24), his successor, Festus (25:1-12), and King Agrippa (25:23–26:32) occupied Paul in his two years of imprisonment in Caesarea. Festus, wanting to please the Jews, suggested that Paul be returned to Jerusalem for trial, but Paul knew the murderous intent of his accusers and again utilized his Roman citizenship by making a dramatic appeal to Caesar (25:9-12).<\/p>\nVoyage and Stay in Rome<\/p>\nTo plead his case at Caesar’s court, Paul and his companions, Aristarchus and Luke, were taken on a perilous voyage (AD<\/span> 58, Acts 27:1–28:16). Their passage by ship from Caesarea to Rome is one of the most remarkable on record. Luke’s detailed account is a treasure of information on ancient ships, navigation, and seamanship. It is also a beautiful portrait of a heroic and dignified apostle Paul, the gospel’s ambassador in chains (Eph 6:20), who with the guidance and assurance of his God (Acts 27:23-26), led the 276 people on board to safety (v 37).<\/p>\nLuke traces the voyage stage by stage through every crisis, with a change of ship at Myra, delay at Fair Havens on Crete, and the shipwreck on Malta. Finally, in the spring of AD<\/span> 59, they arrived at Puteoli, Italy, and made their way to Rome, welcomed by the believers along the Appian Way (Acts 28:13-16).<\/p>\nLuke provided a peaceful denouement to the Acts, notwithstanding the fact that the apostle was an imperial prisoner of Caesar Nero. Paul lived by himself in his own house, chained to a Roman guard (Acts 28:16, 30). There he received the local Jewish leaders—to calm any misgivings they may have had about him and, at the same time, to convince them about Jesus. His efforts had mixed success (vv 17-28). During Paul’s two or more years in Rome, the Judaizers seem to have withdrawn, only to be replaced by the peril of Eastern Gnosticism. This is seen in Paul’s letters to the Philippians, Colossians, and Ephesians, and to Philemon, all written at this time. It is unlikely that Paul’s accusers appeared in Rome to bring formal charges before Caesar, so Paul was probably released in AD<\/span> 61.<\/p>\nFinal Years and Martyrdom<\/p>\nIt is here assumed that the Pastoral Letters (1 Timothy, 2 Timothy, and Titus) are truly Paul’s work. Only through them can the probable course of events in Paul’s final years be traced. Romans 15:28 shows that Paul intended to deliver the collection to Jerusalem and then to “set out by way of you [Rome] to Spain.” The arrest and imprisonment in Jerusalem not only destroyed these plans but also extracted five precious years from the prime of a most productive life. Although Clement of Rome implied that Paul did fulfill his desire to go to Spain (Clement to the Corinthians<\/em> 5), it is certain that the daily pressure of Paul’s anxious care for all the churches (2 Cor 11:28) did not abate.<\/p>\nIf Paul went to Spain, he may have been there when Rome was burned on July 19, AD<\/span> 64. Tradition says that Paul traveled as far as Britain, but there is no evidence to confirm this. Returning east, he left Titus in Crete (Ti 1:5) and traveled through Miletus, south of Ephesus, where he left Trophimus sick (2 Tm 4:20). Traveling toward Macedonia, Paul visited Timothy in Ephesus (1 Tm 1:3). On the way, Paul left his cloak and books with Carpus in Troas (2 Tm 4:13). This indicates that he intended to return there for his possessions. From Macedonia Paul wrote his loving yet apprehensive first letter to Timothy (AD<\/span> 62–64). He had decided to spend the winter in Nicopolis (Ti 3:12), northwest of Corinth on the Adriatic Sea, but was still in Macedonia when he wrote his letter to Titus. This letter is similar to 1 Timothy, yet with a somewhat harsher tone. In it is a final glimpse of the eloquent and zealous Apollos (Ti 3:13), who is still in association with Paul 10 or more years after his first appearance in Ephesus (Acts 18:24).<\/p>\nFrom here Paul’s path is obscure. He may have wintered in Nicopolis, but he did not return to Troas for his winter cloak (2 Tm 4:13). At some point he was arrested by the Romans, because he spent a winter in Rome’s Mamertine Prison, suffering from the cold in that rock cell before he wrote his second letter to Timothy (AD<\/span> 66–67). He may have been anticipating the coming winter when he requested that Timothy bring his cloak (vv 13, 21). It is possible that the charges against Paul were related to the burning of Rome; this is unknown. It was, however, now “illegal” to be a Christian since the “new religion” was no longer protected by Roman law as being part of Judaism (which was a legalized, recognized religion by Roman law).<\/p>\nIt was dangerous to be associated with Paul at this time. Many deserted him (2 Tm 4:16), including all his coworkers in Asia (1:15) and Demas, who loved the world (4:10). Only Luke, the physician and author of Luke and Acts, was with him when he wrote his second letter to Timothy (v 11). Faithful believers still in hiding in Rome were also in contact with the apostle (1:16; 4:19, 21). He told Timothy to come to him in Rome and bring Mark also (4:11). Apparently Timothy did come and was imprisoned (Heb 13:23). Paul’s request for the books and parchments (2 Tm 4:13) discloses that he was reading and studying the Scripture to the end.<\/p>\nThe apostle Paul had two hearings before Caesar Nero. At his first defense only the Lord stood by him (2 Tm 4:16). There he not only pleaded his own cause but also that of the gospel, still longing that all the Gentiles would hear its message. Perhaps no decision was made, and thus he was “rescued from the lion’s mouth” (v 17). Though he knew he would soon die, he was not afraid, but was assured that the Lord would give him a crown of righteousness on the last day (v 8). Finally, the apostle himself recorded his seminal encouragement to all believers: “The Lord be with your spirit. Grace be with you” (v 22, rsv<\/span>). After this, the Scripture is silent regarding Paul.<\/p>\nNothing is known of Paul’s second hearing but that it resulted in the sentence of capital punishment. History does not record Paul’s end. Nero died in the summer of AD<\/span> 68, so Paul was executed before that date. As a Roman citizen, he must have been spared the lingering torture that had recently been suffered by his fellow martyrs. Tradition says that he was decapitated by the sword of an imperial headsman on the Ostian Road just outside of Rome, and buried nearby. This fulfilled Paul’s desire “to depart and be with Christ, for that is far better” (Phil 1:23, rsv<\/span>).<\/p>","summary_ro":"PAUL, The Apostle Prominent leader of the first-century church; apostle to the Gentiles; author of 13 NT epistles. Preview • Family and Cultural Background • Education • Saul the Persecutor • Conversion and Calling • Preparation for Ministry • Sent Out from Antioch • Traveling with Barnabas • The Council of Jerusalem • Further Travel • Labor in the Gospel • The Arrest in Jerusalem • Voyage and Stay in Rome • Final Years and Martyrdom Family and Cultural Background Paul was born around AD 10, ...","summary_en":"PAUL, The Apostle Prominent leader of the first-century church; apostle to the Gentiles; author of 13 NT epistles. Preview • Family and Cultural Background • Education • Saul the Persecutor • Conversion and Calling • Preparation for Ministry • Sent Out from Antioch • Traveling with Barnabas • The Council of Jerusalem • Further Travel • Labor in the Gospel • The Arrest in Jerusalem • Voyage and Stay in Rome • Final Years and Martyrdom Family and Cultural Background Paul was born around AD 10, ...","source":"Articles\/P.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":30146,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Phebe*","title_en":"Phebe*","content_ro":"<h3>PHEBE*<\/h3>\nKJV spelling of Phoebe, a Christian woman, in Romans 16:1. See<\/em> Phoebe.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>PHEBE*<\/h3>\nKJV spelling of Phoebe, a Christian woman, in Romans 16:1. See<\/em> Phoebe.<\/p>","summary_ro":"PHEBE* KJV spelling of Phoebe, a Christian woman, in Romans 16:1. See Phoebe.","summary_en":"PHEBE* KJV spelling of Phoebe, a Christian woman, in Romans 16:1. See Phoebe.","source":"Articles\/P.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":30342,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Phoebe","title_en":"Phoebe","content_ro":"<h3>PHOEBE<\/h3>\nChristian woman of the church at Cenchrea, the eastern port for the city of Corinth. In Romans 16:1-2, Paul commended Phoebe to the recipients of the letter on the basis of her valuable service to other Christians. He asked that they give her whatever assistance she needed.<\/p>\nThe term “deacon” is applied to Phoebe. It probably designates an official position in the church, as in Philippians 1:1, although it may mean “minister” in the same sense that Paul uses it elsewhere of himself and others (1 Cor 3:5; 2 Cor 3:6; 6:4).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>PHOEBE<\/h3>\nChristian woman of the church at Cenchrea, the eastern port for the city of Corinth. In Romans 16:1-2, Paul commended Phoebe to the recipients of the letter on the basis of her valuable service to other Christians. He asked that they give her whatever assistance she needed.<\/p>\nThe term “deacon” is applied to Phoebe. It probably designates an official position in the church, as in Philippians 1:1, although it may mean “minister” in the same sense that Paul uses it elsewhere of himself and others (1 Cor 3:5; 2 Cor 3:6; 6:4).<\/p>","summary_ro":"PHOEBE Christian woman of the church at Cenchrea, the eastern port for the city of Corinth. In Romans 16:1-2, Paul commended Phoebe to the recipients of the letter on the basis of her valuable service to other Christians. He asked that they give her whatever assistance she needed. The term “deacon” is applied to Phoebe. It probably designates an official position in the church, as in Philippians 1:1, although it may mean “minister” in the same sense that Paul uses it elsewhere of himself and ...","summary_en":"PHOEBE Christian woman of the church at Cenchrea, the eastern port for the city of Corinth. In Romans 16:1-2, Paul commended Phoebe to the recipients of the letter on the basis of her valuable service to other Christians. He asked that they give her whatever assistance she needed. The term “deacon” is applied to Phoebe. It probably designates an official position in the church, as in Philippians 1:1, although it may mean “minister” in the same sense that Paul uses it elsewhere of himself and ...","source":"Articles\/P.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":33207,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Letter to the Romans","title_en":"Letter to the Romans","content_ro":"<h3>ROMANS, Letter to the<\/h3>\nPreview<\/p>\n• Author<\/p>\n• Date, Origin, and Destination<\/p>\n• Background<\/p>\n• Audience<\/p>\n• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n• Content<\/p>\nAuthor<\/p>\nWritten in the first person (Rom 1:5, 10, etc.), this epistle was authored by the apostle Paul. (The first words of the first verse are “Paul, a slave of Christ Jesus, called an apostle.”) The actual transcription of the letter, however, was done by Tertius (16:22), who acted as Paul’s amanuensis (secretary). The letter’s authenticity has never been disputed by reputable scholarship, liberal or conservative, and Romans stands at the head of virtually every ancient list or collection of Pauline letters.<\/p>\nDate, Origin, and Destination<\/p>\nThe destination of the letter is stated to be Rome (1:7). That Paul was in Corinth at the time of the writing seems clear from his reference to Erastus in 16:23 as the treasurer of the city. An inscription in the stone pavement beside the large theater in Corinth states that it was laid by Erastus, the city treasurer, in appreciation for his election. This could hardly be coincidental. Erastus evidently remained in Corinth, because it is mentioned as his home (2 Tm 4:20). Furthermore, Paul refers to Gaius as his host at the time he wrote Romans (Rom 16:23), probably the same Gaius who lived in Corinth (1 Cor 1:14). Finally, Phoebe, likely the carrier of this epistle, was a deaconess of the church at Cenchrea, the eastern port of Corinth (Rom 16:1).<\/p>\nFrom the epistle itself we can determine when Paul wrote it. Romans 15:23-28 indicates that Paul was just about ready to make his visit to Jerusalem with a contribution for its Christian poor from the churches of Macedonia and Achaia, after which his purpose was to visit Rome on his way to Spain (15:23-28). He carried this contribution with him from Corinth, at the close of his third visit to that city, which lasted three months (Acts 20:2, 23; 24:17). On this occasion certain persons accompanied him from Corinth, whose names are given by the historian of Acts (20:4), and four of these are expressly mentioned in this epistle as being with the apostle when he wrote it—Timothy, Sosipater, Gaius, and Erastus (Rom 16:21, 23). Paul’s visit to Jerusalem is usually dated around AD<\/span> 57–58. As such, the Epistle to the Romans was written around the same time.<\/p>\nBackground<\/p>\nIn a previous visit to Corinth, during his second missionary journey, Paul established the church there and remained in the city for 18 months (Acts 18:1, 11). His arrival coincided with the arrival of Priscilla and Aquila, who had recently come from Rome. At the end of his 18-month stay, Paul was brought before the newly appointed proconsul, Gallio (Acts 18:12), whose arrival can be dated from the Gallio inscription found at Delphi to the spring of AD<\/span> 51. Thus, Paul arrived in Corinth in the winter of AD<\/span> 49.<\/p>\nLeaving the city, he returned to Antioch, gave a report on his work, and set out on his last journey to collect the contribution for Jerusalem from the Gentile churches (Rom 15:25-29), for which he had previously prepared (1 Cor 16:1; 2 Cor 9:5). Continued problems in Corinth (1 Cor 1:11; 7:1) necessitated his return to the city (Acts 20:3), at which time he wrote Romans. It is clear from the last two chapters of the letter that he planned to take the contribution to Jerusalem almost immediately and from there go on to Rome (Rom 15:23-24). The occasion for the letter, therefore, is to alert the Romans to his coming so that they can assist him in his journey to Spain (15:24, 28). Rome was the only church, other than Colosse, which Paul did not establish. His letter, consequently, does not reflect awareness of specific problems in the membership there.<\/p>\nAudience<\/p>\nThe Roman church at this time was composed of both Jewish and Gentile believers. The church was probably started by Jewish believers who were at Jerusalem on the Day of Pentecost (Acts 2:10) and were among the 3,000 converts. Evidently, some of these took the gospel back with them to Rome. Probably some of the believers addressed in the salutations of the epistle were Christians already of long standing, if not among the earliest converts to the Christian faith. Thus, it is not improbable that up to the time of the apostle’s arrival, the Christian community at Rome had been dependent upon its own members for the increase of its numbers, aided perhaps by occasional visits from preachers.<\/p>\n\nEvidently, the gospel had gone out to Gentiles, because there were Gentiles in the church, as is evidenced by Paul’s remarks throughout the letter. In fact, it is clear that the apostle wrote to them expressly as to a Gentile church (Rom 1:13, 15; 15:15-16). Perhaps the major constituency of the Gentiles were “God-fearers” (see Acts 10:2).<\/p>\nPurpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\nOf all the epistles of Paul, this is the most elaborate and, at the same time, the most glowing. It has just as much in common with a theological treatise as with a personal, heartfelt epistle. The major theme running throughout the book is that both Jew and Gentile have fallen short of God’s glory and stand in need of salvation (Rom 3:21-31). God’s righteousness has not been revealed only to the Jew—because God is not God only to the Jews but to the Gentiles as well, since there is only one God (3:29). He will justify the Jews on the basis of the saving work of Christ at Calvary, and the Gentiles on the basis of that same act of faithfulness to Abraham’s promise (v 30). Their common faith gives them access to this grace (5:2). The gospel is thus to the Jew first and also to the Greek (1:16).<\/p>\nOnce a person believes, that person is justified before God (chs 1–3). This new relationship with God provides the believer with a new life in Christ and makes him or her a part of God’s people (chs 4–8). This is the deepest and most difficult part of the whole epistle; it carries us directly to the eternal springs of grace, sovereign love, and the inscrutable purposes of God. After this, we are told about the calling of the Gentiles, the preservation of a faithful Jewish remnant amidst the general unbelief and the fall of the nation, and the ultimate recovery of all Israel to constitute, with the Gentiles in the latter day, one universal church of God upon earth (chs 9–11). The remainder of the epistle is devoted to the practical application (in church life) of the truths previously revealed (chs 12–15). And then the epistle concludes with Paul’s heartfelt salutations to several different believers in Rome (ch 16).<\/p>\nContent<\/p>\n<h5>Overview<\/h5>\nThe thematic statement of the first eight chapters of the letter is set forth in 1:17: “It is through faith that a righteous person has life” (nlt<\/span>). This quotation from Habakkuk 2:4 sets Paul’s teaching on faith over against that of the OT on works. Thus, he affirms the fact that his teaching on faith is not new but is squarely rooted in the OT prophets. What was new was that the Gentiles would be fellow citizens with the Jews on the basis of faith in Christ (Eph 3:5-6). They would not have to become proselytes to Judaism in order to be acceptable to God, as some Jewish Christians demanded (Acts 15:1). This was the mystery of which Paul spoke in Ephesians (Eph 3:6).<\/p>\nThe first part of the epistle dwells on the theme that righteousness is attained by faith. The first three chapters demonstrate that Jew and Gentile are under sin and that the redemption of Christ is applicable to both (Rom 3:21-22). The fourth chapter demonstrates that Abraham is the father of Gentiles as well as Jews, because he is the spiritual father of believing Israel just as he is of believing Gentiles. Then, in chapters 5–8, Paul deals with the latter part of the theme of how a justifed person lives<\/em> by faith. Whether Jew or Gentile, the person who accepts the righteous acts of God on Calvary through Christ will live free from the wrath of God (ch 5), the power of sin (ch 6), the enslaving power of the law (ch 7), and the power of death (ch 8).<\/p>\nIn chapters 9–11, Paul discusses the nation of Israel “according to the flesh” (physical Jews) in relation to the future purpose of God, concluding that God has not cast off his people who were Israelites descended from Abraham (11:1-2). He can regraft them back into the tree from which they have been cut off, if they will accept Jesus as their Messiah (v 23).<\/p>\nThen in his closing section, he discusses the implications of the first 11 chapters for everyday Christian living (chs 12–16), closing the book with a reminder of the importance of the “offering of the Gentiles” through his own ministry (ch 15).<\/p>\n<h5>In Detail<\/h5>\nIn the first chapter Paul argues that the pagan Gentile world was in a state of rebellion against God, and the wrath of God had been revealed against their ungodliness (1:18). Even though God had given sufficient revelation of his existence to them in the world of nature, they had nevertheless become polytheistic and idolatrous, with all the accompanying moral degradations (vv 20-23). Thus, three times Paul emphasizes that God gave them up to their lusts (v 24), to dishonorable passions (v 26), and to a base mind and improper conduct (v 28). The meaning is that he passed over their sins (3:25), overlooked their spiritual ignorance of his true existence (Acts 17:30), and did not put a stop to such idolatry (7:42).<\/p>\nThe Jews fared little better because, even though they had received the law of Moses containing a revelation of the will of God for their nation, they had not kept the law (2:17-29). Even the Gentiles had those among them who did by nature the things contained in the law and were acceptable because their consciences were pure (vv 14-15). For a Jew, keeping the law was insufficient unless he did so as a spiritual conviction, not as a mere legal requirement (v 29). God-fearing Gentiles who kept the essence of the law were a model for condemning the Jews who did not (vv 14, 27). However, the faithlessness of the chosen nation did not nullify the faithfulness of God to the fulfillment of the promise to Abraham (3:3). Although the Jew had every advantage over the Gentile, he was no better off because both had given themselves over to the power of sin (vv 1, 9). The situation now was that “all have sinned [both Jew and Gentile] and fall short of the glory of God” (v 23, rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\nGod had therefore made Christ the Redeemer for the sins of the world (3:21-31). The righteousness of God had been manifested apart from the law, through the “faith of Christ” (v 22; i.e., the faithfulness of Christ to the promise) and was available to the Gentile as well as Jew on the basis of personal faith. If this righteousness were available only through keeping the commandments of the law, as good and holy as it was (7:12), then God was a God of Jews only and not of Gentiles, because the law was given to the Jews (3:29). But God is also the God of the Gentiles and justifies the Jew on the basis of Christ’s faithfulness, and the Gentile on the basis of that same faithful act. Christ died for all who believe in him (v 22). Thus God’s righteousness was manifested through Christ’s faithfulness (vv 3, 22) and provides the basis of salvation for everyone who believes (5:9).<\/p>\nSeveral times in the fourth chapter Paul insists that Abraham was the father of the Jews and of the Gentiles (vv 11-12, 16-18). Christ’s faithfulness to the promise to Abraham that all nations (Gentiles) would be blessed through his seed (the descendants of Isaac) enabled Abraham to become the father of all nations, that is, of all who believe (v 11).<\/p>\nHaving laid this broad theological base, Paul then argues that the impact of this justification or righteousness is that all believers experience salvation from the wrath of God and thereby experience peace (5:1, 9). Sin entered the world through the first transgression and passed to all people (v 12). Justification, however, was brought by the second Adam, Christ, who gives salvation to those who believe and receive the abundance of his grace (vv 16-18).<\/p>\nThe function of the law was not to save the Jew. It was added because of transgressions (Gal 3:19); it served to intensify the awareness of sin, present in all people, to the point of transgression of the law (Rom 5:20). Sin used the law to deceive and destroy those who tried to keep it (7:11). Paul had known what it was to covet before he knew the law, but when he became subject to the dictates and penalties of the law at age 12 or 13, the commandment against covetousness became even more demanding and destroyed him (7:11). After the law was known, the penalty for its disobedience was fully applicable. Sin had been intensified because it became a transgression of the law. This very fact caused the need for greater grace, because where sin abounded, grace abounded all the more (5:20). But it would be a gross perversion of what it means to live free from wrath, law, sin, and death to argue that one should therefore continue in sin that grace may abound (6:1). Paul argues that those who have been justified and saved by Christ have died to the power of sin, which no longer has enslaving power (vv 2, 6). The key thought here is that sin (i.e., Satan—sin personified) cannot exercise dominion over the believer (vv 9, 14); it cannot reign over him (v 12) and make him its slave (vv 17, 20).<\/p>\nIn addition to being liberated from God’s anger, the law, and sin, those who have been justified by faith have been freed from death, and God will give life to their mortal bodies through his Spirit (8:2, 11). If they live according to the flesh, they will die; but if they live by the Spirit, they will enjoy a liberating life (vv 6-13). Not even death will be able to separate them from the love of Christ (v 38). The Spirit leads them and helps in their human infirmity, praying and interceding for them just as Christ does (vv 14, 26, 34).<\/p>\nPaul does not discuss the pragmatic application of these theological principles until chapter 12. In between, he deals with the issue of how and why the Jews could have rejected the Messiah. How is it that they, of all people on earth, with the history of God’s personal involvement with them, could have rejected the Promised One? Chapters 9–11 focus on this important question.<\/p>\nPaul’s answer is fourfold. First, it was God’s purpose by election. He chose Israel, knowing what would happen in the future. These were physical Jews, Israelites, who enjoyed all the special relationships to God that an elect people could experience: sonship, glory, covenants, the law, worship, the promises, the patriarchs, and Christ (9:1-5). God had elected them just as he had chosen Jacob over Esau before either was born, just as he had hardened the heart of Pharaoh, just as the potter molds the clay into the vessel he desires (9:6-26). It had nothing to do with their character or inherent worth; it was strictly a matter of God’s purpose for them. There is no injustice on God’s part in making this choice, because it was necessary in order for God to show his power through them so that his name might be proclaimed in all the earth. He had chosen Israel to serve his purposes just as he had chosen Pharaoh and Jacob and Moses; their salvation was a matter of faith (Heb 11). After all, only a remnant of Israel ever really believed (Rom 9:27-29).<\/p>\nSecond, Paul argues that Israel, in rejecting the Messiah and his gospel, is following a precedent that appears repeatedly throughout history (9:30–10:21). The Jews did not seek righteousness by faith, and thus never found it. They based their righteousness on the law and thus stumbled over their own Messiah (9:30-33).<\/p>\nThird, he argues that since a “remnant” of Israel has already believed the gospel, it is a clear indication that Israel as a whole will yet do so (11:1-16, 26). So, even though he says that God has rejected Israel, he argues that God has not rejected them finally and irrevocably. He has broken them off the cultivated branch of the Abrahamic promise, but he has not rejected his people. The elect (remnant) obtained what it sought, but the rest were hardened for a period of time until they could be provoked to jealousy by the Gentiles’ inclusion into the kingdom. So Israel’s alienation is not necessarily final.<\/p>\nFourth, Paul argues that since Israel’s rejection has been such a blessing for the inclusion of the Gentiles, the scenario of their conversion in large numbers would be like a resurrection from the dead. This argument runs throughout the rest of the chapter (11:17-36). The Gentiles should not be haughty, because Israel stumbled so as to make their inclusion possible (vv 17-19). Israel did not stumble just so they could fall (v 11); their fall was a blessing to Gentiles and was a part of the purpose of God. And God, who broke them off for their unbelief, will be able to regraft them back into the tree from which they were cut off, if they do not persist in their unbelief.<\/p>\nChapters 12–16 deal with the pragmatic implications of Paul’s impressive arguments. Thus the chapter begins with “I appeal to you therefore . . .” (12:1). What follows is a lengthy list of Christian virtues and responsibilities. Paul frequently includes advice in his letters so as to assist the young converts in their transition from paganism into the Judeo-Christian ethical and moral value system. He often even modifies some behavior patterns among Jewish converts. Chapter 13 discusses the important relationship that should exist between Christians in the capital city of the Roman Empire and their government officials. They should recognize that civil government is, as such, ordained by God and has a right to exist even if those who hold the offices are corrupt. They are God’s servants to execute judgment on the disobedient (13:4). Chapter 14 encourages Christians enjoying freedom in Christ to live without influencing others to violate their own consciences in various matters, such as eating meat. Nor should those with weaker consciences try to restrict others who have found this precious freedom. Mutual love and respect is the mark of a true disciple of Christ. Chapter 15 contains Paul’s travel plans and his understanding of his role as a priestly minister to Gentiles, offering their conversion to God symbolically on the altar at Jerusalem in the form of a large collection of money taken up among the Gentile churches. Chapter 16 closes typically with greetings and commendations from various individuals. Twenty-seven people are greeted by name.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Paul, The Apostle.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>ROMANS, Letter to the<\/h3>\nPreview<\/p>\n• Author<\/p>\n• Date, Origin, and Destination<\/p>\n• Background<\/p>\n• Audience<\/p>\n• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n• Content<\/p>\nAuthor<\/p>\nWritten in the first person (Rom 1:5, 10, etc.), this epistle was authored by the apostle Paul. (The first words of the first verse are “Paul, a slave of Christ Jesus, called an apostle.”) The actual transcription of the letter, however, was done by Tertius (16:22), who acted as Paul’s amanuensis (secretary). The letter’s authenticity has never been disputed by reputable scholarship, liberal or conservative, and Romans stands at the head of virtually every ancient list or collection of Pauline letters.<\/p>\nDate, Origin, and Destination<\/p>\nThe destination of the letter is stated to be Rome (1:7). That Paul was in Corinth at the time of the writing seems clear from his reference to Erastus in 16:23 as the treasurer of the city. An inscription in the stone pavement beside the large theater in Corinth states that it was laid by Erastus, the city treasurer, in appreciation for his election. This could hardly be coincidental. Erastus evidently remained in Corinth, because it is mentioned as his home (2 Tm 4:20). Furthermore, Paul refers to Gaius as his host at the time he wrote Romans (Rom 16:23), probably the same Gaius who lived in Corinth (1 Cor 1:14). Finally, Phoebe, likely the carrier of this epistle, was a deaconess of the church at Cenchrea, the eastern port of Corinth (Rom 16:1).<\/p>\nFrom the epistle itself we can determine when Paul wrote it. Romans 15:23-28 indicates that Paul was just about ready to make his visit to Jerusalem with a contribution for its Christian poor from the churches of Macedonia and Achaia, after which his purpose was to visit Rome on his way to Spain (15:23-28). He carried this contribution with him from Corinth, at the close of his third visit to that city, which lasted three months (Acts 20:2, 23; 24:17). On this occasion certain persons accompanied him from Corinth, whose names are given by the historian of Acts (20:4), and four of these are expressly mentioned in this epistle as being with the apostle when he wrote it—Timothy, Sosipater, Gaius, and Erastus (Rom 16:21, 23). Paul’s visit to Jerusalem is usually dated around AD<\/span> 57–58. As such, the Epistle to the Romans was written around the same time.<\/p>\nBackground<\/p>\nIn a previous visit to Corinth, during his second missionary journey, Paul established the church there and remained in the city for 18 months (Acts 18:1, 11). His arrival coincided with the arrival of Priscilla and Aquila, who had recently come from Rome. At the end of his 18-month stay, Paul was brought before the newly appointed proconsul, Gallio (Acts 18:12), whose arrival can be dated from the Gallio inscription found at Delphi to the spring of AD<\/span> 51. Thus, Paul arrived in Corinth in the winter of AD<\/span> 49.<\/p>\nLeaving the city, he returned to Antioch, gave a report on his work, and set out on his last journey to collect the contribution for Jerusalem from the Gentile churches (Rom 15:25-29), for which he had previously prepared (1 Cor 16:1; 2 Cor 9:5). Continued problems in Corinth (1 Cor 1:11; 7:1) necessitated his return to the city (Acts 20:3), at which time he wrote Romans. It is clear from the last two chapters of the letter that he planned to take the contribution to Jerusalem almost immediately and from there go on to Rome (Rom 15:23-24). The occasion for the letter, therefore, is to alert the Romans to his coming so that they can assist him in his journey to Spain (15:24, 28). Rome was the only church, other than Colosse, which Paul did not establish. His letter, consequently, does not reflect awareness of specific problems in the membership there.<\/p>\nAudience<\/p>\nThe Roman church at this time was composed of both Jewish and Gentile believers. The church was probably started by Jewish believers who were at Jerusalem on the Day of Pentecost (Acts 2:10) and were among the 3,000 converts. Evidently, some of these took the gospel back with them to Rome. Probably some of the believers addressed in the salutations of the epistle were Christians already of long standing, if not among the earliest converts to the Christian faith. Thus, it is not improbable that up to the time of the apostle’s arrival, the Christian community at Rome had been dependent upon its own members for the increase of its numbers, aided perhaps by occasional visits from preachers.<\/p>\n\nEvidently, the gospel had gone out to Gentiles, because there were Gentiles in the church, as is evidenced by Paul’s remarks throughout the letter. In fact, it is clear that the apostle wrote to them expressly as to a Gentile church (Rom 1:13, 15; 15:15-16). Perhaps the major constituency of the Gentiles were “God-fearers” (see Acts 10:2).<\/p>\nPurpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\nOf all the epistles of Paul, this is the most elaborate and, at the same time, the most glowing. It has just as much in common with a theological treatise as with a personal, heartfelt epistle. The major theme running throughout the book is that both Jew and Gentile have fallen short of God’s glory and stand in need of salvation (Rom 3:21-31). God’s righteousness has not been revealed only to the Jew—because God is not God only to the Jews but to the Gentiles as well, since there is only one God (3:29). He will justify the Jews on the basis of the saving work of Christ at Calvary, and the Gentiles on the basis of that same act of faithfulness to Abraham’s promise (v 30). Their common faith gives them access to this grace (5:2). The gospel is thus to the Jew first and also to the Greek (1:16).<\/p>\nOnce a person believes, that person is justified before God (chs 1–3). This new relationship with God provides the believer with a new life in Christ and makes him or her a part of God’s people (chs 4–8). This is the deepest and most difficult part of the whole epistle; it carries us directly to the eternal springs of grace, sovereign love, and the inscrutable purposes of God. After this, we are told about the calling of the Gentiles, the preservation of a faithful Jewish remnant amidst the general unbelief and the fall of the nation, and the ultimate recovery of all Israel to constitute, with the Gentiles in the latter day, one universal church of God upon earth (chs 9–11). The remainder of the epistle is devoted to the practical application (in church life) of the truths previously revealed (chs 12–15). And then the epistle concludes with Paul’s heartfelt salutations to several different believers in Rome (ch 16).<\/p>\nContent<\/p>\n<h5>Overview<\/h5>\nThe thematic statement of the first eight chapters of the letter is set forth in 1:17: “It is through faith that a righteous person has life” (nlt<\/span>). This quotation from Habakkuk 2:4 sets Paul’s teaching on faith over against that of the OT on works. Thus, he affirms the fact that his teaching on faith is not new but is squarely rooted in the OT prophets. What was new was that the Gentiles would be fellow citizens with the Jews on the basis of faith in Christ (Eph 3:5-6). They would not have to become proselytes to Judaism in order to be acceptable to God, as some Jewish Christians demanded (Acts 15:1). This was the mystery of which Paul spoke in Ephesians (Eph 3:6).<\/p>\nThe first part of the epistle dwells on the theme that righteousness is attained by faith. The first three chapters demonstrate that Jew and Gentile are under sin and that the redemption of Christ is applicable to both (Rom 3:21-22). The fourth chapter demonstrates that Abraham is the father of Gentiles as well as Jews, because he is the spiritual father of believing Israel just as he is of believing Gentiles. Then, in chapters 5–8, Paul deals with the latter part of the theme of how a justifed person lives<\/em> by faith. Whether Jew or Gentile, the person who accepts the righteous acts of God on Calvary through Christ will live free from the wrath of God (ch 5), the power of sin (ch 6), the enslaving power of the law (ch 7), and the power of death (ch 8).<\/p>\nIn chapters 9–11, Paul discusses the nation of Israel “according to the flesh” (physical Jews) in relation to the future purpose of God, concluding that God has not cast off his people who were Israelites descended from Abraham (11:1-2). He can regraft them back into the tree from which they have been cut off, if they will accept Jesus as their Messiah (v 23).<\/p>\nThen in his closing section, he discusses the implications of the first 11 chapters for everyday Christian living (chs 12–16), closing the book with a reminder of the importance of the “offering of the Gentiles” through his own ministry (ch 15).<\/p>\n<h5>In Detail<\/h5>\nIn the first chapter Paul argues that the pagan Gentile world was in a state of rebellion against God, and the wrath of God had been revealed against their ungodliness (1:18). Even though God had given sufficient revelation of his existence to them in the world of nature, they had nevertheless become polytheistic and idolatrous, with all the accompanying moral degradations (vv 20-23). Thus, three times Paul emphasizes that God gave them up to their lusts (v 24), to dishonorable passions (v 26), and to a base mind and improper conduct (v 28). The meaning is that he passed over their sins (3:25), overlooked their spiritual ignorance of his true existence (Acts 17:30), and did not put a stop to such idolatry (7:42).<\/p>\nThe Jews fared little better because, even though they had received the law of Moses containing a revelation of the will of God for their nation, they had not kept the law (2:17-29). Even the Gentiles had those among them who did by nature the things contained in the law and were acceptable because their consciences were pure (vv 14-15). For a Jew, keeping the law was insufficient unless he did so as a spiritual conviction, not as a mere legal requirement (v 29). God-fearing Gentiles who kept the essence of the law were a model for condemning the Jews who did not (vv 14, 27). However, the faithlessness of the chosen nation did not nullify the faithfulness of God to the fulfillment of the promise to Abraham (3:3). Although the Jew had every advantage over the Gentile, he was no better off because both had given themselves over to the power of sin (vv 1, 9). The situation now was that “all have sinned [both Jew and Gentile] and fall short of the glory of God” (v 23, rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\nGod had therefore made Christ the Redeemer for the sins of the world (3:21-31). The righteousness of God had been manifested apart from the law, through the “faith of Christ” (v 22; i.e., the faithfulness of Christ to the promise) and was available to the Gentile as well as Jew on the basis of personal faith. If this righteousness were available only through keeping the commandments of the law, as good and holy as it was (7:12), then God was a God of Jews only and not of Gentiles, because the law was given to the Jews (3:29). But God is also the God of the Gentiles and justifies the Jew on the basis of Christ’s faithfulness, and the Gentile on the basis of that same faithful act. Christ died for all who believe in him (v 22). Thus God’s righteousness was manifested through Christ’s faithfulness (vv 3, 22) and provides the basis of salvation for everyone who believes (5:9).<\/p>\nSeveral times in the fourth chapter Paul insists that Abraham was the father of the Jews and of the Gentiles (vv 11-12, 16-18). Christ’s faithfulness to the promise to Abraham that all nations (Gentiles) would be blessed through his seed (the descendants of Isaac) enabled Abraham to become the father of all nations, that is, of all who believe (v 11).<\/p>\nHaving laid this broad theological base, Paul then argues that the impact of this justification or righteousness is that all believers experience salvation from the wrath of God and thereby experience peace (5:1, 9). Sin entered the world through the first transgression and passed to all people (v 12). Justification, however, was brought by the second Adam, Christ, who gives salvation to those who believe and receive the abundance of his grace (vv 16-18).<\/p>\nThe function of the law was not to save the Jew. It was added because of transgressions (Gal 3:19); it served to intensify the awareness of sin, present in all people, to the point of transgression of the law (Rom 5:20). Sin used the law to deceive and destroy those who tried to keep it (7:11). Paul had known what it was to covet before he knew the law, but when he became subject to the dictates and penalties of the law at age 12 or 13, the commandment against covetousness became even more demanding and destroyed him (7:11). After the law was known, the penalty for its disobedience was fully applicable. Sin had been intensified because it became a transgression of the law. This very fact caused the need for greater grace, because where sin abounded, grace abounded all the more (5:20). But it would be a gross perversion of what it means to live free from wrath, law, sin, and death to argue that one should therefore continue in sin that grace may abound (6:1). Paul argues that those who have been justified and saved by Christ have died to the power of sin, which no longer has enslaving power (vv 2, 6). The key thought here is that sin (i.e., Satan—sin personified) cannot exercise dominion over the believer (vv 9, 14); it cannot reign over him (v 12) and make him its slave (vv 17, 20).<\/p>\nIn addition to being liberated from God’s anger, the law, and sin, those who have been justified by faith have been freed from death, and God will give life to their mortal bodies through his Spirit (8:2, 11). If they live according to the flesh, they will die; but if they live by the Spirit, they will enjoy a liberating life (vv 6-13). Not even death will be able to separate them from the love of Christ (v 38). The Spirit leads them and helps in their human infirmity, praying and interceding for them just as Christ does (vv 14, 26, 34).<\/p>\nPaul does not discuss the pragmatic application of these theological principles until chapter 12. In between, he deals with the issue of how and why the Jews could have rejected the Messiah. How is it that they, of all people on earth, with the history of God’s personal involvement with them, could have rejected the Promised One? Chapters 9–11 focus on this important question.<\/p>\nPaul’s answer is fourfold. First, it was God’s purpose by election. He chose Israel, knowing what would happen in the future. These were physical Jews, Israelites, who enjoyed all the special relationships to God that an elect people could experience: sonship, glory, covenants, the law, worship, the promises, the patriarchs, and Christ (9:1-5). God had elected them just as he had chosen Jacob over Esau before either was born, just as he had hardened the heart of Pharaoh, just as the potter molds the clay into the vessel he desires (9:6-26). It had nothing to do with their character or inherent worth; it was strictly a matter of God’s purpose for them. There is no injustice on God’s part in making this choice, because it was necessary in order for God to show his power through them so that his name might be proclaimed in all the earth. He had chosen Israel to serve his purposes just as he had chosen Pharaoh and Jacob and Moses; their salvation was a matter of faith (Heb 11). After all, only a remnant of Israel ever really believed (Rom 9:27-29).<\/p>\nSecond, Paul argues that Israel, in rejecting the Messiah and his gospel, is following a precedent that appears repeatedly throughout history (9:30–10:21). The Jews did not seek righteousness by faith, and thus never found it. They based their righteousness on the law and thus stumbled over their own Messiah (9:30-33).<\/p>\nThird, he argues that since a “remnant” of Israel has already believed the gospel, it is a clear indication that Israel as a whole will yet do so (11:1-16, 26). So, even though he says that God has rejected Israel, he argues that God has not rejected them finally and irrevocably. He has broken them off the cultivated branch of the Abrahamic promise, but he has not rejected his people. The elect (remnant) obtained what it sought, but the rest were hardened for a period of time until they could be provoked to jealousy by the Gentiles’ inclusion into the kingdom. So Israel’s alienation is not necessarily final.<\/p>\nFourth, Paul argues that since Israel’s rejection has been such a blessing for the inclusion of the Gentiles, the scenario of their conversion in large numbers would be like a resurrection from the dead. This argument runs throughout the rest of the chapter (11:17-36). The Gentiles should not be haughty, because Israel stumbled so as to make their inclusion possible (vv 17-19). Israel did not stumble just so they could fall (v 11); their fall was a blessing to Gentiles and was a part of the purpose of God. And God, who broke them off for their unbelief, will be able to regraft them back into the tree from which they were cut off, if they do not persist in their unbelief.<\/p>\nChapters 12–16 deal with the pragmatic implications of Paul’s impressive arguments. Thus the chapter begins with “I appeal to you therefore . . .” (12:1). What follows is a lengthy list of Christian virtues and responsibilities. Paul frequently includes advice in his letters so as to assist the young converts in their transition from paganism into the Judeo-Christian ethical and moral value system. He often even modifies some behavior patterns among Jewish converts. Chapter 13 discusses the important relationship that should exist between Christians in the capital city of the Roman Empire and their government officials. They should recognize that civil government is, as such, ordained by God and has a right to exist even if those who hold the offices are corrupt. They are God’s servants to execute judgment on the disobedient (13:4). Chapter 14 encourages Christians enjoying freedom in Christ to live without influencing others to violate their own consciences in various matters, such as eating meat. Nor should those with weaker consciences try to restrict others who have found this precious freedom. Mutual love and respect is the mark of a true disciple of Christ. Chapter 15 contains Paul’s travel plans and his understanding of his role as a priestly minister to Gentiles, offering their conversion to God symbolically on the altar at Jerusalem in the form of a large collection of money taken up among the Gentile churches. Chapter 16 closes typically with greetings and commendations from various individuals. Twenty-seven people are greeted by name.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Paul, The Apostle.<\/p>","summary_ro":"ROMANS, Letter to the Preview • Author • Date, Origin, and Destination • Background • Audience • Purpose and Theological Teaching • Content Author Written in the first person (Rom 1:5, 10, etc.), this epistle was authored by the apostle Paul. (The first words of the first verse are “Paul, a slave of Christ Jesus, called an apostle.”) The actual transcription of the letter, however, was done by Tertius (16:22), who acted as Paul’s amanuensis (secretary). The letter’s authenticity has never bee...","summary_en":"ROMANS, Letter to the Preview • Author • Date, Origin, and Destination • Background • Audience • Purpose and Theological Teaching • Content Author Written in the first person (Rom 1:5, 10, etc.), this epistle was authored by the apostle Paul. (The first words of the first verse are “Paul, a slave of Christ Jesus, called an apostle.”) The actual transcription of the letter, however, was done by Tertius (16:22), who acted as Paul’s amanuensis (secretary). The letter’s authenticity has never bee...","source":"Articles\/R.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":33318,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"City of Rome","title_en":"City of Rome","content_ro":"<h3>ROME, City of<\/h3>\nCity in Italy founded, according to tradition, in 753 BC<\/span> on seven hills about 15 miles (24.1 kilometers) from the mouth of the Tiber River. It was of no biblical interest until NT times. There are nine explicit references to the city in the NT (Acts 2:10; 18:2; 19:21; 23:11; 28:14, 16; Rom 1:7, 15; 2 Tm 1:17), but Paul’s sojourn there and his letter to the Roman Christians, written probably from Corinth around AD<\/span> 57 and 58, make the imperial city of considerable interest to Bible readers.<\/p>\nHistory<\/p>\nIn the second millennium BC<\/span>, Indo-European migrants moved into Europe and settled in the Italian peninsula. One group settled around the mouth of the Tiber River. A vigorous and more cultured group, the Etruscans from Asia Minor, occupied central Italy. At the time of Rome’s emergence in the eighth century BC<\/span>, the population of the Italian peninsula was mixed. The Latin-speaking enclave, which settled toward the mouth of the Tiber, were agriculturalists. The scattered groups formed leagues and communities to defend themselves against raiders. They built stockades on the hills to protect families and flocks while fighting off the raiders. From such beginnings Rome emerged as a dominant center with its focal point in the area of the seven hills (the Palatine, the Capitoline, the Aventine, the Caelian, the Esquiline, the Viminal, and the Quirinal). Traditionally these hills were considered to be seven in number; in fact, there are more than seven, although some are simply flat-topped spurs. The Tiber River winds in a large S-curve between the hills. At one point it divided to form an island where it was shallow enough to ford. The town that grew up there was linked by roads, north to the Etruscans, south to the Greek trading cities, west to the coast, and inland to the tribal areas on the highlands. Knowledge of early Rome is based largely on archaeological evidence from the remains of the simple forts and numerous burial sites in the area.<\/p>\nRome developed politically in a remarkable fashion over the next 1,000 years. The loose association of the original chieftains, who comprised the earliest “senate,” gave place to domination by Etruscan kings who seem to have trained the people in discipline and obedience. They constructed numerous works, draining the forum area and making it a social, commercial, industrial, and political center. They built a temple for Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva on the Capitoline Hill as a common shrine for all the people. When the kings became autocratic, the Latin population rebelled and expelled the kings.<\/p>\nThe republic was established in 510 BC<\/span>. This establishment marked the beginning of Rome’s remarkable expansion to the dimensions of a world empire. The population, which was now spread out over the hills and valleys, despite their tribal differences, united and solved political problems without bloodshed. Strictly speaking, the term “republican” should not be understood in any modern sense as indicating a kind of democracy. Rather, the ancient families (patricians) dominated the senate and constituted an oligarchy. This arrangement was useful for Rome at that time. The small city-state soon broke out of its confined area, overcame the Etruscans, and dominated the Greek cities to the south. The Romans then looked farther afield. In 273 BC<\/span> they made a treaty with the Ptolemies of Egypt. Before long, they expanded into North Africa, overcame the Carthaginians, pressed on into Spain, and developed ambitions to occupy the Middle East as well. Rome’s many conquests brought enormous wealth.<\/p>\nWith geographical expansion came social changes in Italy. During the second century BC<\/span>, rich landowners bought out the small independent farmers, who subsequently drifted into Rome, landless and unemployed. Huge, overcrowded tenement houses appeared, which constituted creeping slums. Alongside this squalor there was evidence of vast wealth from Rome’s conquests in distant lands. In the capital, many fine buildings appeared. Pompey, who subdued and organized the East, did much to adorn the great capital.<\/p>\nThe next stage in Rome’s political development came when the senate, the governing body of the republic, proved unable to control its more radical and violent members. As their political ambitions increased, aspiring leaders sought to gain popular support by granting privileges to the people without the concurrence of the senate. Civil strife broke out and plagued the last century of the republic. Military victories beyond Rome gave power to the generals. In the civil wars that followed, constitutional questions were decided by the power of the sword. Marius, Sulla, Pompey, Crassus, Julius Caesar, Antony, and Octavian were the real political forces in the land.<\/p>\n\nBy 27 BC<\/span>, Octavian emerged supreme and was given the title Augustus. Theoretically, a dual government existed between the senate and Augustus (the emperor), but a weak senate allowed the emperor to become the virtual ruler. As a result, Roman peace (pax Romana<\/em>) reigned at home and abroad until well into the second century AD<\/span>. The emperors of the first century AD<\/span> cover the period of the life of Jesus and of the emerging church, and several are mentioned in the NT: Augustus (Lk 2:1), Tiberius (Lk 3:1), Claudius (Acts 11:28; 18:2), and Nero, who is referred to without being explicitly named (Acts 25:10-12; 27:24; 2 Tm 4:16-17).<\/p>\nThe city of Rome was the capital of the empire and the home of the emperor, senators, administrators, military personnel, and priests. Augustus, the first of the emperors whose leadership and diplomatic endeavors gave peace to Rome after two civil wars and a century of strife, gave attention to the restoration and adornment of the city. He boasted that he found Rome built of brick and left it built of marble. His efforts at restoring Rome’s ancient religions led to the building of many temples. On the Palatine hill, Augustus united several houses already there into a palace for his own residence. A new and sumptuous temple of Apollo, surrounded by colonnades in which the emperor housed a large library, was erected near the palace. The palace itself overlooked an imposing group of new marble buildings in the valley below: a basilica business hall, a senate house, a temple of “the divine Julius,” a marble speaker’s platform, two impressive new forums, the forum of Caesar, and the forum of Augustus. Later emperors added to this splendor. Beyond the central forum area, the palaces of Tiberius and Caligula, various baths, arches, and theaters, the Circus Maximus, and the Circus Nero were built. The whole was enclosed by a wall built outside the old rampart of Servius. Several aqueducts brought water into the city, and significant roads from north, south, east, and west converged on the central city area.<\/p>\nRome’s Military Presence in Palestine<\/p>\nWith the military intervention of Pompey in the internal affairs of Judea in 63 BC<\/span>, Rome established its presence in Palestine. The census ordered by Augustus Caesar, affecting the eastern provinces as well as the rest of the Roman world (Lk 2:1-2), was a vivid reminder. Roman military presence is amply reflected on the pages of the Gospels and Acts (e.g., Mk 15:16; Lk 3:14; 7:1-8; Acts 5:37).<\/p>\nIn the NT period, service in the legions was open to all Roman citizens. A professional volunteer army had replaced a conscripted militia. The permanent standing army was made up of legions recruited from the ranks of citizens. The legions were commanded by experienced officers of the rank of consul. Auxiliary forces were raised outside Italy, the inducement for enlistment being Roman citizenship for a soldier and his descendants after 25 years of service.<\/p>\nIn the provinces supreme military command lay with the provincial governor or prefect. In Judea at the time of Jesus’ public ministry, Pontius Pilate was designated “prefect of Judea” in a Latin inscription found in Caesarea in 1961. At the official center for administration of Judea, Caesarea Maritima, one or more legions at the disposal of the governor would be garrisoned. On special occasions, particularly at the great Jewish festivals, when riots and disorders could be anticipated, the provincial governor would take up residence in Jerusalem some 60 miles (96.5 kilometers) to the south, accompanied by a substantial contingent of troops (cf. Lk 13:1).<\/p>\nAugustus established a standing army large enough to defend and pacify the empire. In 15 BC<\/span> there were 28 legions, each composed of some 5,000 foot soldiers plus a mounted bodyguard of 128 men. After three legions were destroyed in uprisings by fierce Germanic tribes in AD<\/span> 9, the number remained at 25 for some time. That suggests a standing army of about 125,000 legionaries in the first century.<\/p>\nAugustus was also responsible for establishing a permanent auxiliary army, almost the same size as the legionary army. The auxiliary forces, recruited from provincials who had not yet received Roman citizenship, included both cavalry and infantry. The cavalry was organized in squadrons, the infantry in cohorts of 1,000 under command of a military tribune (Acts 21:31-33). When the apostle Paul was in Jerusalem, the tribune was Claudius Lysias, a man of Greek birth whose purchased Roman citizenship made possible his elevation to commander of an auxiliary cohort (22:28; 23:26). To send Paul from Jerusalem to Caesarea, Claudius could delegate a military escort of 200 soldiers commanded by two centurions, plus 70 mounted guards (23:23), without dangerously weakening the strength of the fortress garrison.<\/p>\nA cohort was made up of either ten or five “centuries,” units consisting of 100 men under the command of a centurion whose duties resembled those of a modern army captain. Cornelius (Acts 10:1) was a Roman centurion assigned to one of the auxiliary cohorts in Judea. There is inscriptional evidence for the presence of his unit, “the Second Italian Cohort of Roman Citizens,” in Syria about AD<\/span> 69. Paul was sent to Rome in the custody of another centurion, Julius, who belonged to the Augustan or imperial cohort (27:1). The term Augustan was a title of honor sometimes bestowed on auxiliary troops. Julius was evidently a legionary centurion assigned to the corps of officer-couriers who maintained a communication service between the emperor and his provincial armies. He had a detachment of soldiers under his command on the voyage to Rome (v 3) and on arrival handed his prisoners over to the commander of the courier corps (28:16). Probably all of the Roman centurions mentioned in the Gospels or Acts (Mt 8:5; Mk 15:39; Lk 7:2) were officers assigned to an auxiliary cohort.<\/p>\nChristians in Rome<\/p>\nIt was to this magnificent city that Paul came under escort in March AD<\/span> 59. He found that the Christian church had already been established there. Indeed, he had already communicated with the Christians in his letter to the Romans early in 57. There was a considerable Jewish colony in Rome in the first century AD<\/span>, descended from the large number of Jewish slaves brought to the city by Pompey after the capture of Jerusalem in 63 BC<\/span>. The emperor Claudius expelled Jews from Rome in AD<\/span> 49, possibly when Jesus was proclaimed as Messiah in the synagogue. Who the preachers were is not known, but they were probably Christian travelers and traders. Paul’s Letter to the Romans was his exposition to the Gentile churches that had come into existence independently of him. His first known contact with the people of Rome was when he met Aquila and Priscilla at Corinth (Acts 18:2). This couple was expelled from Rome in the time of Claudius. Later, Paul hoped to visit Rome (Acts 19:21) on his way to Spain (Rom 15:24). In his salutation he mentioned a considerable circle of Christians in Rome (ch 16). The references to households in several places (vv 5, 10, 11, 14, 15) suggest that these were house churches of the Roman Christian church. During his captivity, Paul was a prisoner of Roman authorities, but he was able to meet the local leaders of the Jews, explain his experiences to them, and expound the gospel to them in person (Acts 28:16-31).<\/p>\nIn the book of Revelation, Rome is given a sinister significance. By the end of the first century AD<\/span>, Rome had already drunk the “blood of the martyrs of Jesus” (Rv 17:6), a reference to early martyrs.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Caesars, The; Romans, Letter to the.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>ROME, City of<\/h3>\nCity in Italy founded, according to tradition, in 753 BC<\/span> on seven hills about 15 miles (24.1 kilometers) from the mouth of the Tiber River. It was of no biblical interest until NT times. There are nine explicit references to the city in the NT (Acts 2:10; 18:2; 19:21; 23:11; 28:14, 16; Rom 1:7, 15; 2 Tm 1:17), but Paul’s sojourn there and his letter to the Roman Christians, written probably from Corinth around AD<\/span> 57 and 58, make the imperial city of considerable interest to Bible readers.<\/p>\nHistory<\/p>\nIn the second millennium BC<\/span>, Indo-European migrants moved into Europe and settled in the Italian peninsula. One group settled around the mouth of the Tiber River. A vigorous and more cultured group, the Etruscans from Asia Minor, occupied central Italy. At the time of Rome’s emergence in the eighth century BC<\/span>, the population of the Italian peninsula was mixed. The Latin-speaking enclave, which settled toward the mouth of the Tiber, were agriculturalists. The scattered groups formed leagues and communities to defend themselves against raiders. They built stockades on the hills to protect families and flocks while fighting off the raiders. From such beginnings Rome emerged as a dominant center with its focal point in the area of the seven hills (the Palatine, the Capitoline, the Aventine, the Caelian, the Esquiline, the Viminal, and the Quirinal). Traditionally these hills were considered to be seven in number; in fact, there are more than seven, although some are simply flat-topped spurs. The Tiber River winds in a large S-curve between the hills. At one point it divided to form an island where it was shallow enough to ford. The town that grew up there was linked by roads, north to the Etruscans, south to the Greek trading cities, west to the coast, and inland to the tribal areas on the highlands. Knowledge of early Rome is based largely on archaeological evidence from the remains of the simple forts and numerous burial sites in the area.<\/p>\nRome developed politically in a remarkable fashion over the next 1,000 years. The loose association of the original chieftains, who comprised the earliest “senate,” gave place to domination by Etruscan kings who seem to have trained the people in discipline and obedience. They constructed numerous works, draining the forum area and making it a social, commercial, industrial, and political center. They built a temple for Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva on the Capitoline Hill as a common shrine for all the people. When the kings became autocratic, the Latin population rebelled and expelled the kings.<\/p>\nThe republic was established in 510 BC<\/span>. This establishment marked the beginning of Rome’s remarkable expansion to the dimensions of a world empire. The population, which was now spread out over the hills and valleys, despite their tribal differences, united and solved political problems without bloodshed. Strictly speaking, the term “republican” should not be understood in any modern sense as indicating a kind of democracy. Rather, the ancient families (patricians) dominated the senate and constituted an oligarchy. This arrangement was useful for Rome at that time. The small city-state soon broke out of its confined area, overcame the Etruscans, and dominated the Greek cities to the south. The Romans then looked farther afield. In 273 BC<\/span> they made a treaty with the Ptolemies of Egypt. Before long, they expanded into North Africa, overcame the Carthaginians, pressed on into Spain, and developed ambitions to occupy the Middle East as well. Rome’s many conquests brought enormous wealth.<\/p>\nWith geographical expansion came social changes in Italy. During the second century BC<\/span>, rich landowners bought out the small independent farmers, who subsequently drifted into Rome, landless and unemployed. Huge, overcrowded tenement houses appeared, which constituted creeping slums. Alongside this squalor there was evidence of vast wealth from Rome’s conquests in distant lands. In the capital, many fine buildings appeared. Pompey, who subdued and organized the East, did much to adorn the great capital.<\/p>\nThe next stage in Rome’s political development came when the senate, the governing body of the republic, proved unable to control its more radical and violent members. As their political ambitions increased, aspiring leaders sought to gain popular support by granting privileges to the people without the concurrence of the senate. Civil strife broke out and plagued the last century of the republic. Military victories beyond Rome gave power to the generals. In the civil wars that followed, constitutional questions were decided by the power of the sword. Marius, Sulla, Pompey, Crassus, Julius Caesar, Antony, and Octavian were the real political forces in the land.<\/p>\n\nBy 27 BC<\/span>, Octavian emerged supreme and was given the title Augustus. Theoretically, a dual government existed between the senate and Augustus (the emperor), but a weak senate allowed the emperor to become the virtual ruler. As a result, Roman peace (pax Romana<\/em>) reigned at home and abroad until well into the second century AD<\/span>. The emperors of the first century AD<\/span> cover the period of the life of Jesus and of the emerging church, and several are mentioned in the NT: Augustus (Lk 2:1), Tiberius (Lk 3:1), Claudius (Acts 11:28; 18:2), and Nero, who is referred to without being explicitly named (Acts 25:10-12; 27:24; 2 Tm 4:16-17).<\/p>\nThe city of Rome was the capital of the empire and the home of the emperor, senators, administrators, military personnel, and priests. Augustus, the first of the emperors whose leadership and diplomatic endeavors gave peace to Rome after two civil wars and a century of strife, gave attention to the restoration and adornment of the city. He boasted that he found Rome built of brick and left it built of marble. His efforts at restoring Rome’s ancient religions led to the building of many temples. On the Palatine hill, Augustus united several houses already there into a palace for his own residence. A new and sumptuous temple of Apollo, surrounded by colonnades in which the emperor housed a large library, was erected near the palace. The palace itself overlooked an imposing group of new marble buildings in the valley below: a basilica business hall, a senate house, a temple of “the divine Julius,” a marble speaker’s platform, two impressive new forums, the forum of Caesar, and the forum of Augustus. Later emperors added to this splendor. Beyond the central forum area, the palaces of Tiberius and Caligula, various baths, arches, and theaters, the Circus Maximus, and the Circus Nero were built. The whole was enclosed by a wall built outside the old rampart of Servius. Several aqueducts brought water into the city, and significant roads from north, south, east, and west converged on the central city area.<\/p>\nRome’s Military Presence in Palestine<\/p>\nWith the military intervention of Pompey in the internal affairs of Judea in 63 BC<\/span>, Rome established its presence in Palestine. The census ordered by Augustus Caesar, affecting the eastern provinces as well as the rest of the Roman world (Lk 2:1-2), was a vivid reminder. Roman military presence is amply reflected on the pages of the Gospels and Acts (e.g., Mk 15:16; Lk 3:14; 7:1-8; Acts 5:37).<\/p>\nIn the NT period, service in the legions was open to all Roman citizens. A professional volunteer army had replaced a conscripted militia. The permanent standing army was made up of legions recruited from the ranks of citizens. The legions were commanded by experienced officers of the rank of consul. Auxiliary forces were raised outside Italy, the inducement for enlistment being Roman citizenship for a soldier and his descendants after 25 years of service.<\/p>\nIn the provinces supreme military command lay with the provincial governor or prefect. In Judea at the time of Jesus’ public ministry, Pontius Pilate was designated “prefect of Judea” in a Latin inscription found in Caesarea in 1961. At the official center for administration of Judea, Caesarea Maritima, one or more legions at the disposal of the governor would be garrisoned. On special occasions, particularly at the great Jewish festivals, when riots and disorders could be anticipated, the provincial governor would take up residence in Jerusalem some 60 miles (96.5 kilometers) to the south, accompanied by a substantial contingent of troops (cf. Lk 13:1).<\/p>\nAugustus established a standing army large enough to defend and pacify the empire. In 15 BC<\/span> there were 28 legions, each composed of some 5,000 foot soldiers plus a mounted bodyguard of 128 men. After three legions were destroyed in uprisings by fierce Germanic tribes in AD<\/span> 9, the number remained at 25 for some time. That suggests a standing army of about 125,000 legionaries in the first century.<\/p>\nAugustus was also responsible for establishing a permanent auxiliary army, almost the same size as the legionary army. The auxiliary forces, recruited from provincials who had not yet received Roman citizenship, included both cavalry and infantry. The cavalry was organized in squadrons, the infantry in cohorts of 1,000 under command of a military tribune (Acts 21:31-33). When the apostle Paul was in Jerusalem, the tribune was Claudius Lysias, a man of Greek birth whose purchased Roman citizenship made possible his elevation to commander of an auxiliary cohort (22:28; 23:26). To send Paul from Jerusalem to Caesarea, Claudius could delegate a military escort of 200 soldiers commanded by two centurions, plus 70 mounted guards (23:23), without dangerously weakening the strength of the fortress garrison.<\/p>\nA cohort was made up of either ten or five “centuries,” units consisting of 100 men under the command of a centurion whose duties resembled those of a modern army captain. Cornelius (Acts 10:1) was a Roman centurion assigned to one of the auxiliary cohorts in Judea. There is inscriptional evidence for the presence of his unit, “the Second Italian Cohort of Roman Citizens,” in Syria about AD<\/span> 69. Paul was sent to Rome in the custody of another centurion, Julius, who belonged to the Augustan or imperial cohort (27:1). The term Augustan was a title of honor sometimes bestowed on auxiliary troops. Julius was evidently a legionary centurion assigned to the corps of officer-couriers who maintained a communication service between the emperor and his provincial armies. He had a detachment of soldiers under his command on the voyage to Rome (v 3) and on arrival handed his prisoners over to the commander of the courier corps (28:16). Probably all of the Roman centurions mentioned in the Gospels or Acts (Mt 8:5; Mk 15:39; Lk 7:2) were officers assigned to an auxiliary cohort.<\/p>\nChristians in Rome<\/p>\nIt was to this magnificent city that Paul came under escort in March AD<\/span> 59. He found that the Christian church had already been established there. Indeed, he had already communicated with the Christians in his letter to the Romans early in 57. There was a considerable Jewish colony in Rome in the first century AD<\/span>, descended from the large number of Jewish slaves brought to the city by Pompey after the capture of Jerusalem in 63 BC<\/span>. The emperor Claudius expelled Jews from Rome in AD<\/span> 49, possibly when Jesus was proclaimed as Messiah in the synagogue. Who the preachers were is not known, but they were probably Christian travelers and traders. Paul’s Letter to the Romans was his exposition to the Gentile churches that had come into existence independently of him. His first known contact with the people of Rome was when he met Aquila and Priscilla at Corinth (Acts 18:2). This couple was expelled from Rome in the time of Claudius. Later, Paul hoped to visit Rome (Acts 19:21) on his way to Spain (Rom 15:24). In his salutation he mentioned a considerable circle of Christians in Rome (ch 16). The references to households in several places (vv 5, 10, 11, 14, 15) suggest that these were house churches of the Roman Christian church. During his captivity, Paul was a prisoner of Roman authorities, but he was able to meet the local leaders of the Jews, explain his experiences to them, and expound the gospel to them in person (Acts 28:16-31).<\/p>\nIn the book of Revelation, Rome is given a sinister significance. By the end of the first century AD<\/span>, Rome had already drunk the “blood of the martyrs of Jesus” (Rv 17:6), a reference to early martyrs.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Caesars, The; Romans, Letter to the.<\/p>","summary_ro":"ROME, City of City in Italy founded, according to tradition, in 753 BC on seven hills about 15 miles (24.1 kilometers) from the mouth of the Tiber River. It was of no biblical interest until NT times. There are nine explicit references to the city in the NT (Acts 2:10; 18:2; 19:21; 23:11; 28:14, 16; Rom 1:7, 15; 2 Tm 1:17), but Paul’s sojourn there and his letter to the Roman Christians, written probably from Corinth around AD 57 and 58, make the imperial city of considerable interest to Bibl...","summary_en":"ROME, City of City in Italy founded, according to tradition, in 753 BC on seven hills about 15 miles (24.1 kilometers) from the mouth of the Tiber River. It was of no biblical interest until NT times. There are nine explicit references to the city in the NT (Acts 2:10; 18:2; 19:21; 23:11; 28:14, 16; Rom 1:7, 15; 2 Tm 1:17), but Paul’s sojourn there and his letter to the Roman Christians, written probably from Corinth around AD 57 and 58, make the imperial city of considerable interest to Bibl...","source":"Articles\/R.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":57429,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:1","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:1","content_ro":"16:1-16<\/strong> Paul here commended and greeted twenty-seven Roman Christians, ten of whom were women. Women played important roles in the early church. • Paul had never been to Rome, which has led to some speculation as to how he knew so many people there. One theory is that ch 16 was actually part of another letter that Paul sent to Ephesus. However, we have no good manuscript evidence for a separate letter (cp. study note on 15:33). Perhaps the answer is that Paul was able to greet so many people in Rome because he had encountered them during their travels away from Rome (see Romans Book Introduction, “Setting”).<\/p>","content_en":"16:1-16<\/strong> Paul here commended and greeted twenty-seven Roman Christians, ten of whom were women. Women played important roles in the early church. • Paul had never been to Rome, which has led to some speculation as to how he knew so many people there. One theory is that ch 16 was actually part of another letter that Paul sent to Ephesus. However, we have no good manuscript evidence for a separate letter (cp. study note on 15:33). Perhaps the answer is that Paul was able to greet so many people in Rome because he had encountered them during their travels away from Rome (see Romans Book Introduction, “Setting”).<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:1-16 Paul here commended and greeted twenty-seven Roman Christians, ten of whom were women. Women played important roles in the early church. • Paul had never been to Rome, which has led to some speculation as to how he knew so many people there. One theory is that ch 16 was actually part of another letter that Paul sent to Ephesus. However, we have no good manuscript evidence for a separate letter (cp. study note on 15:33). Perhaps the answer is that Paul was able to greet so many people ...","summary_en":"16:1-16 Paul here commended and greeted twenty-seven Roman Christians, ten of whom were women. Women played important roles in the early church. • Paul had never been to Rome, which has led to some speculation as to how he knew so many people there. One theory is that ch 16 was actually part of another letter that Paul sent to Ephesus. However, we have no good manuscript evidence for a separate letter (cp. study note on 15:33). Perhaps the answer is that Paul was able to greet so many people ...","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":57430,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:1","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:1","content_ro":"16:1<\/strong> A deacon<\/em> (Greek diakonos<\/span>,<\/em> “servant”) refers both to a Christian who is recognized as a servant of Christ and specifically to someone who holds the office of deacon in a particular church (see Phil 1:1; 1 Tim 3:8-12; cp. Acts 6:1-6). • Cenchrea<\/em> was located about five miles from Corinth and functioned as its port. Paul might have been writing this letter to the Romans from Corinth on a winter-long stop there near the end of his third missionary journey (see Acts 20:2-3).<\/p>","content_en":"16:1<\/strong> A deacon<\/em> (Greek diakonos<\/span>,<\/em> “servant”) refers both to a Christian who is recognized as a servant of Christ and specifically to someone who holds the office of deacon in a particular church (see Phil 1:1; 1 Tim 3:8-12; cp. Acts 6:1-6). • Cenchrea<\/em> was located about five miles from Corinth and functioned as its port. Paul might have been writing this letter to the Romans from Corinth on a winter-long stop there near the end of his third missionary journey (see Acts 20:2-3).<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:1 A deacon (Greek diakonos, “servant”) refers both to a Christian who is recognized as a servant of Christ and specifically to someone who holds the office of deacon in a particular church (see Phil 1:1; 1 Tim 3:8-12; cp. Acts 6:1-6). • Cenchrea was located about five miles from Corinth and functioned as its port. Paul might have been writing this letter to the Romans from Corinth on a winter-long stop there near the end of his third missionary journey (see Acts 20:2-3).","summary_en":"16:1 A deacon (Greek diakonos, “servant”) refers both to a Christian who is recognized as a servant of Christ and specifically to someone who holds the office of deacon in a particular church (see Phil 1:1; 1 Tim 3:8-12; cp. Acts 6:1-6). • Cenchrea was located about five miles from Corinth and functioned as its port. Paul might have been writing this letter to the Romans from Corinth on a winter-long stop there near the end of his third missionary journey (see Acts 20:2-3).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":85055,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:1","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:1","content_ro":"16:1-16<\/strong> Paul here commended and greeted twenty-seven Roman Christians, ten of whom were women. Women played important roles in the early church. • Paul had never been to Rome, which has led to some speculation as to how he knew so many people there. One theory is that ch 16 was actually part of another letter that Paul sent to Ephesus. However, we have no good manuscript evidence for a separate letter (cp. study note on 15:33). Perhaps the answer is that Paul was able to greet so many people in Rome because he had encountered them during their travels away from Rome (see Romans Book Introduction, “Setting”).<\/p>","content_en":"16:1-16<\/strong> Paul here commended and greeted twenty-seven Roman Christians, ten of whom were women. Women played important roles in the early church. • Paul had never been to Rome, which has led to some speculation as to how he knew so many people there. One theory is that ch 16 was actually part of another letter that Paul sent to Ephesus. However, we have no good manuscript evidence for a separate letter (cp. study note on 15:33). Perhaps the answer is that Paul was able to greet so many people in Rome because he had encountered them during their travels away from Rome (see Romans Book Introduction, “Setting”).<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:1-16 Paul here commended and greeted twenty-seven Roman Christians, ten of whom were women. Women played important roles in the early church. • Paul had never been to Rome, which has led to some speculation as to how he knew so many people there. One theory is that ch 16 was actually part of another letter that Paul sent to Ephesus. However, we have no good manuscript evidence for a separate letter (cp. study note on 15:33). Perhaps the answer is that Paul was able to greet so many people ...","summary_en":"16:1-16 Paul here commended and greeted twenty-seven Roman Christians, ten of whom were women. Women played important roles in the early church. • Paul had never been to Rome, which has led to some speculation as to how he knew so many people there. One theory is that ch 16 was actually part of another letter that Paul sent to Ephesus. However, we have no good manuscript evidence for a separate letter (cp. study note on 15:33). Perhaps the answer is that Paul was able to greet so many people ...","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":85056,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:1","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:1","content_ro":"16:1<\/strong> A deacon<\/em> (Greek diakonos<\/span>,<\/em> “servant”) refers both to a Christian who is recognized as a servant of Christ and specifically to someone who holds the office of deacon in a particular church (see Phil 1:1; 1 Tim 3:8-12; cp. Acts 6:1-6). • Cenchrea<\/em> was located about five miles from Corinth and functioned as its port. Paul might have been writing this letter to the Romans from Corinth on a winter-long stop there near the end of his third missionary journey (see Acts 20:2-3).<\/p>","content_en":"16:1<\/strong> A deacon<\/em> (Greek diakonos<\/span>,<\/em> “servant”) refers both to a Christian who is recognized as a servant of Christ and specifically to someone who holds the office of deacon in a particular church (see Phil 1:1; 1 Tim 3:8-12; cp. Acts 6:1-6). • Cenchrea<\/em> was located about five miles from Corinth and functioned as its port. Paul might have been writing this letter to the Romans from Corinth on a winter-long stop there near the end of his third missionary journey (see Acts 20:2-3).<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:1 A deacon (Greek diakonos, “servant”) refers both to a Christian who is recognized as a servant of Christ and specifically to someone who holds the office of deacon in a particular church (see Phil 1:1; 1 Tim 3:8-12; cp. Acts 6:1-6). • Cenchrea was located about five miles from Corinth and functioned as its port. Paul might have been writing this letter to the Romans from Corinth on a winter-long stop there near the end of his third missionary journey (see Acts 20:2-3).","summary_en":"16:1 A deacon (Greek diakonos, “servant”) refers both to a Christian who is recognized as a servant of Christ and specifically to someone who holds the office of deacon in a particular church (see Phil 1:1; 1 Tim 3:8-12; cp. Acts 6:1-6). • Cenchrea was located about five miles from Corinth and functioned as its port. Paul might have been writing this letter to the Romans from Corinth on a winter-long stop there near the end of his third missionary journey (see Acts 20:2-3).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":112681,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:1","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:1","content_ro":"16:1-16<\/strong> Paul here commended and greeted twenty-seven Roman Christians, ten of whom were women. Women played important roles in the early church. • Paul had never been to Rome, which has led to some speculation as to how he knew so many people there. One theory is that ch 16 was actually part of another letter that Paul sent to Ephesus. However, we have no good manuscript evidence for a separate letter (cp. study note on 15:33). Perhaps the answer is that Paul was able to greet so many people in Rome because he had encountered them during their travels away from Rome (see Romans Book Introduction, “Setting”).<\/p>","content_en":"16:1-16<\/strong> Paul here commended and greeted twenty-seven Roman Christians, ten of whom were women. Women played important roles in the early church. • Paul had never been to Rome, which has led to some speculation as to how he knew so many people there. One theory is that ch 16 was actually part of another letter that Paul sent to Ephesus. However, we have no good manuscript evidence for a separate letter (cp. study note on 15:33). Perhaps the answer is that Paul was able to greet so many people in Rome because he had encountered them during their travels away from Rome (see Romans Book Introduction, “Setting”).<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:1-16 Paul here commended and greeted twenty-seven Roman Christians, ten of whom were women. Women played important roles in the early church. • Paul had never been to Rome, which has led to some speculation as to how he knew so many people there. One theory is that ch 16 was actually part of another letter that Paul sent to Ephesus. However, we have no good manuscript evidence for a separate letter (cp. study note on 15:33). Perhaps the answer is that Paul was able to greet so many people ...","summary_en":"16:1-16 Paul here commended and greeted twenty-seven Roman Christians, ten of whom were women. Women played important roles in the early church. • Paul had never been to Rome, which has led to some speculation as to how he knew so many people there. One theory is that ch 16 was actually part of another letter that Paul sent to Ephesus. However, we have no good manuscript evidence for a separate letter (cp. study note on 15:33). Perhaps the answer is that Paul was able to greet so many people ...","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":112682,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:1","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:1","content_ro":"16:1<\/strong> A deacon<\/em> (Greek diakonos<\/span>,<\/em> “servant”) refers both to a Christian who is recognized as a servant of Christ and specifically to someone who holds the office of deacon in a particular church (see Phil 1:1; 1 Tim 3:8-12; cp. Acts 6:1-6). • Cenchrea<\/em> was located about five miles from Corinth and functioned as its port. Paul might have been writing this letter to the Romans from Corinth on a winter-long stop there near the end of his third missionary journey (see Acts 20:2-3).<\/p>","content_en":"16:1<\/strong> A deacon<\/em> (Greek diakonos<\/span>,<\/em> “servant”) refers both to a Christian who is recognized as a servant of Christ and specifically to someone who holds the office of deacon in a particular church (see Phil 1:1; 1 Tim 3:8-12; cp. Acts 6:1-6). • Cenchrea<\/em> was located about five miles from Corinth and functioned as its port. Paul might have been writing this letter to the Romans from Corinth on a winter-long stop there near the end of his third missionary journey (see Acts 20:2-3).<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:1 A deacon (Greek diakonos, “servant”) refers both to a Christian who is recognized as a servant of Christ and specifically to someone who holds the office of deacon in a particular church (see Phil 1:1; 1 Tim 3:8-12; cp. Acts 6:1-6). • Cenchrea was located about five miles from Corinth and functioned as its port. Paul might have been writing this letter to the Romans from Corinth on a winter-long stop there near the end of his third missionary journey (see Acts 20:2-3).","summary_en":"16:1 A deacon (Greek diakonos, “servant”) refers both to a Christian who is recognized as a servant of Christ and specifically to someone who holds the office of deacon in a particular church (see Phil 1:1; 1 Tim 3:8-12; cp. Acts 6:1-6). • Cenchrea was located about five miles from Corinth and functioned as its port. Paul might have been writing this letter to the Romans from Corinth on a winter-long stop there near the end of his third missionary journey (see Acts 20:2-3).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":140307,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:1","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:1","content_ro":"16:1-16<\/strong> Paul here commended and greeted twenty-seven Roman Christians, ten of whom were women. Women played important roles in the early church. • Paul had never been to Rome, which has led to some speculation as to how he knew so many people there. One theory is that ch 16 was actually part of another letter that Paul sent to Ephesus. However, we have no good manuscript evidence for a separate letter (cp. study note on 15:33). Perhaps the answer is that Paul was able to greet so many people in Rome because he had encountered them during their travels away from Rome (see Romans Book Introduction, “Setting”).<\/p>","content_en":"16:1-16<\/strong> Paul here commended and greeted twenty-seven Roman Christians, ten of whom were women. Women played important roles in the early church. • Paul had never been to Rome, which has led to some speculation as to how he knew so many people there. One theory is that ch 16 was actually part of another letter that Paul sent to Ephesus. However, we have no good manuscript evidence for a separate letter (cp. study note on 15:33). Perhaps the answer is that Paul was able to greet so many people in Rome because he had encountered them during their travels away from Rome (see Romans Book Introduction, “Setting”).<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:1-16 Paul here commended and greeted twenty-seven Roman Christians, ten of whom were women. Women played important roles in the early church. • Paul had never been to Rome, which has led to some speculation as to how he knew so many people there. One theory is that ch 16 was actually part of another letter that Paul sent to Ephesus. However, we have no good manuscript evidence for a separate letter (cp. study note on 15:33). Perhaps the answer is that Paul was able to greet so many people ...","summary_en":"16:1-16 Paul here commended and greeted twenty-seven Roman Christians, ten of whom were women. Women played important roles in the early church. • Paul had never been to Rome, which has led to some speculation as to how he knew so many people there. One theory is that ch 16 was actually part of another letter that Paul sent to Ephesus. However, we have no good manuscript evidence for a separate letter (cp. study note on 15:33). Perhaps the answer is that Paul was able to greet so many people ...","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":140308,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:1","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:1","content_ro":"16:1<\/strong> A deacon<\/em> (Greek diakonos<\/span>,<\/em> “servant”) refers both to a Christian who is recognized as a servant of Christ and specifically to someone who holds the office of deacon in a particular church (see Phil 1:1; 1 Tim 3:8-12; cp. Acts 6:1-6). • Cenchrea<\/em> was located about five miles from Corinth and functioned as its port. Paul might have been writing this letter to the Romans from Corinth on a winter-long stop there near the end of his third missionary journey (see Acts 20:2-3).<\/p>","content_en":"16:1<\/strong> A deacon<\/em> (Greek diakonos<\/span>,<\/em> “servant”) refers both to a Christian who is recognized as a servant of Christ and specifically to someone who holds the office of deacon in a particular church (see Phil 1:1; 1 Tim 3:8-12; cp. Acts 6:1-6). • Cenchrea<\/em> was located about five miles from Corinth and functioned as its port. Paul might have been writing this letter to the Romans from Corinth on a winter-long stop there near the end of his third missionary journey (see Acts 20:2-3).<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:1 A deacon (Greek diakonos, “servant”) refers both to a Christian who is recognized as a servant of Christ and specifically to someone who holds the office of deacon in a particular church (see Phil 1:1; 1 Tim 3:8-12; cp. Acts 6:1-6). • Cenchrea was located about five miles from Corinth and functioned as its port. Paul might have been writing this letter to the Romans from Corinth on a winter-long stop there near the end of his third missionary journey (see Acts 20:2-3).","summary_en":"16:1 A deacon (Greek diakonos, “servant”) refers both to a Christian who is recognized as a servant of Christ and specifically to someone who holds the office of deacon in a particular church (see Phil 1:1; 1 Tim 3:8-12; cp. Acts 6:1-6). • Cenchrea was located about five miles from Corinth and functioned as its port. Paul might have been writing this letter to the Romans from Corinth on a winter-long stop there near the end of his third missionary journey (see Acts 20:2-3).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":67500,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"Women’s Roles in the New Testament Church","title_en":"Women’s Roles in the New Testament Church","content_ro":"<h3>Women’s Roles in the New Testament Church<\/h3>\nPaul’s words in 1 Timothy regarding women’s roles in the church were intended to correct what was happening in Ephesus, but the extent to which this passage applies to other situations is a subject of discussion. The possible understandings include the following three:<\/p>\nUniversal Interpretation.<\/em> Galatians 3:28 (“There is no longer . . . male and female”) does not negate creational gender distinctions and roles. Even if Galatians 3:28 represents the ideal of equality in God’s eternal Kingdom, gender roles should still be ordered as outlined in 1 Timothy 2:11-15 for as long as this creation continues. By way of comparison, Matthew 22:30 discusses the status of marriage in the new creation—it differs from the structure of this creation outlined in Genesis 2:23-24, and it applies to the present life only in a special and limited sense (see 1 Tim 4:3-5; Matt 19:11-12; 1 Cor 7:29-35). The structure of the new creation will be fully realized in the coming age, and it is not the ideal for the present time. Therefore, Christian women in all times and places must recognize their role in the created order of God. They must not teach men or exercise authority over men in the church (see also 1 Cor 11:2-16; 14:34-35).<\/p>\nPolemical Interpretation.<\/em> Paul was addressing a particular situation created by the false teaching within the Ephesian church (see 1 Tim 1:18-20; 4:1-5; cp. 2 Tim 3:6-9). Evidence suggests that this teaching was disturbing family relationships (see 1 Tim 4:3; Titus 1:11). It is possible that Ephesian women, caught up in the local heresy, were abusing Genesis 1–3 in their teaching. They might have been asserting female domination in the final resurrection (which, according to some of the Ephesians, had already occurred; 2 Tim 2:18) and accentuated Adam’s blame for the Fall. Paul corrects their misreadings by alluding to the biblical text, but his point is not to make a universal statement about the status of women in the church. His concern is merely to silence the false teachers in Ephesus, including the women among them. First Timothy 2:11-15 entails a rebuke with loss of privilege specifically for those false teachers.<\/p>\nCultural Interpretation.<\/em> Paul’s argument was not necessarily directed to a local problem in Ephesus, but it presupposes a strongly patriarchal society, both in concern for public decorum (women in their place, showing proper honor to men) and in handling Genesis 2:7, 22. This shows that Christians must respect cultural norms insofar as possible in their evangelistic mission (1 Cor 9:19-23). In addition, most women in that society had limited training as teachers. Their society, in contrast to many twenty-first-century societies, usually educated women poorly. Because of that culture’s patriarchal structure, women would not normally have qualified as teachers and leaders. First Timothy 2:11-15, therefore, reflects the notion that properly qualified people should lead and teach. At the same time, there are examples in Paul’s writings and in the early church of women participating in various facets of ministry (e.g., Acts 18:26; Rom 16:1-7; 1 Cor 11:5). This leads to questions about the universal applicability of Paul’s statements on women in the church.<\/p>\nChristians continue to discuss these complex issues. Many Christians today subscribe to a complementarian viewpoint, affirming distinct gender roles in the church, while many others take an egalitarian position, supporting the notion that men and women share equal roles in the church. All Christians affirm, however, the equality of men and women with respect to their identity as beloved children of God (see Galatians 3:26-28).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nGen 2:23-24; Acts 18:26; Rom 16:1-7; 1 Cor 11:2-16; 14:34-35; Gal 3:28; 1 Tim 2:11-15<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Women’s Roles in the New Testament Church<\/h3>\nPaul’s words in 1 Timothy regarding women’s roles in the church were intended to correct what was happening in Ephesus, but the extent to which this passage applies to other situations is a subject of discussion. The possible understandings include the following three:<\/p>\nUniversal Interpretation.<\/em> Galatians 3:28 (“There is no longer . . . male and female”) does not negate creational gender distinctions and roles. Even if Galatians 3:28 represents the ideal of equality in God’s eternal Kingdom, gender roles should still be ordered as outlined in 1 Timothy 2:11-15 for as long as this creation continues. By way of comparison, Matthew 22:30 discusses the status of marriage in the new creation—it differs from the structure of this creation outlined in Genesis 2:23-24, and it applies to the present life only in a special and limited sense (see 1 Tim 4:3-5; Matt 19:11-12; 1 Cor 7:29-35). The structure of the new creation will be fully realized in the coming age, and it is not the ideal for the present time. Therefore, Christian women in all times and places must recognize their role in the created order of God. They must not teach men or exercise authority over men in the church (see also 1 Cor 11:2-16; 14:34-35).<\/p>\nPolemical Interpretation.<\/em> Paul was addressing a particular situation created by the false teaching within the Ephesian church (see 1 Tim 1:18-20; 4:1-5; cp. 2 Tim 3:6-9). Evidence suggests that this teaching was disturbing family relationships (see 1 Tim 4:3; Titus 1:11). It is possible that Ephesian women, caught up in the local heresy, were abusing Genesis 1–3 in their teaching. They might have been asserting female domination in the final resurrection (which, according to some of the Ephesians, had already occurred; 2 Tim 2:18) and accentuated Adam’s blame for the Fall. Paul corrects their misreadings by alluding to the biblical text, but his point is not to make a universal statement about the status of women in the church. His concern is merely to silence the false teachers in Ephesus, including the women among them. First Timothy 2:11-15 entails a rebuke with loss of privilege specifically for those false teachers.<\/p>\nCultural Interpretation.<\/em> Paul’s argument was not necessarily directed to a local problem in Ephesus, but it presupposes a strongly patriarchal society, both in concern for public decorum (women in their place, showing proper honor to men) and in handling Genesis 2:7, 22. This shows that Christians must respect cultural norms insofar as possible in their evangelistic mission (1 Cor 9:19-23). In addition, most women in that society had limited training as teachers. Their society, in contrast to many twenty-first-century societies, usually educated women poorly. Because of that culture’s patriarchal structure, women would not normally have qualified as teachers and leaders. First Timothy 2:11-15, therefore, reflects the notion that properly qualified people should lead and teach. At the same time, there are examples in Paul’s writings and in the early church of women participating in various facets of ministry (e.g., Acts 18:26; Rom 16:1-7; 1 Cor 11:5). This leads to questions about the universal applicability of Paul’s statements on women in the church.<\/p>\nChristians continue to discuss these complex issues. Many Christians today subscribe to a complementarian viewpoint, affirming distinct gender roles in the church, while many others take an egalitarian position, supporting the notion that men and women share equal roles in the church. All Christians affirm, however, the equality of men and women with respect to their identity as beloved children of God (see Galatians 3:26-28).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nGen 2:23-24; Acts 18:26; Rom 16:1-7; 1 Cor 11:2-16; 14:34-35; Gal 3:28; 1 Tim 2:11-15<\/p>","summary_ro":"Women’s Roles in the New Testament Church Paul’s words in 1 Timothy regarding women’s roles in the church were intended to correct what was happening in Ephesus, but the extent to which this passage applies to other situations is a subject of discussion. The possible understandings include the following three: Universal Interpretation. Galatians 3:28 (“There is no longer . . . male and female”) does not negate creational gender distinctions and roles. Even if Galatians 3:28 represents the ide...","summary_en":"Women’s Roles in the New Testament Church Paul’s words in 1 Timothy regarding women’s roles in the church were intended to correct what was happening in Ephesus, but the extent to which this passage applies to other situations is a subject of discussion. The possible understandings include the following three: Universal Interpretation. Galatians 3:28 (“There is no longer . . . male and female”) does not negate creational gender distinctions and roles. Even if Galatians 3:28 represents the ide...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":95126,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"Women’s Roles in the New Testament Church","title_en":"Women’s Roles in the New Testament Church","content_ro":"<h3>Women’s Roles in the New Testament Church<\/h3>\nPaul’s words in 1 Timothy regarding women’s roles in the church were intended to correct what was happening in Ephesus, but the extent to which this passage applies to other situations is a subject of discussion. The possible understandings include the following three:<\/p>\nUniversal Interpretation.<\/em> Galatians 3:28 (“There is no longer . . . male and female”) does not negate creational gender distinctions and roles. Even if Galatians 3:28 represents the ideal of equality in God’s eternal Kingdom, gender roles should still be ordered as outlined in 1 Timothy 2:11-15 for as long as this creation continues. By way of comparison, Matthew 22:30 discusses the status of marriage in the new creation—it differs from the structure of this creation outlined in Genesis 2:23-24, and it applies to the present life only in a special and limited sense (see 1 Tim 4:3-5; Matt 19:11-12; 1 Cor 7:29-35). The structure of the new creation will be fully realized in the coming age, and it is not the ideal for the present time. Therefore, Christian women in all times and places must recognize their role in the created order of God. They must not teach men or exercise authority over men in the church (see also 1 Cor 11:2-16; 14:34-35).<\/p>\nPolemical Interpretation.<\/em> Paul was addressing a particular situation created by the false teaching within the Ephesian church (see 1 Tim 1:18-20; 4:1-5; cp. 2 Tim 3:6-9). Evidence suggests that this teaching was disturbing family relationships (see 1 Tim 4:3; Titus 1:11). It is possible that Ephesian women, caught up in the local heresy, were abusing Genesis 1–3 in their teaching. They might have been asserting female domination in the final resurrection (which, according to some of the Ephesians, had already occurred; 2 Tim 2:18) and accentuated Adam’s blame for the Fall. Paul corrects their misreadings by alluding to the biblical text, but his point is not to make a universal statement about the status of women in the church. His concern is merely to silence the false teachers in Ephesus, including the women among them. First Timothy 2:11-15 entails a rebuke with loss of privilege specifically for those false teachers.<\/p>\nCultural Interpretation.<\/em> Paul’s argument was not necessarily directed to a local problem in Ephesus, but it presupposes a strongly patriarchal society, both in concern for public decorum (women in their place, showing proper honor to men) and in handling Genesis 2:7, 22. This shows that Christians must respect cultural norms insofar as possible in their evangelistic mission (1 Cor 9:19-23). In addition, most women in that society had limited training as teachers. Their society, in contrast to many twenty-first-century societies, usually educated women poorly. Because of that culture’s patriarchal structure, women would not normally have qualified as teachers and leaders. First Timothy 2:11-15, therefore, reflects the notion that properly qualified people should lead and teach. At the same time, there are examples in Paul’s writings and in the early church of women participating in various facets of ministry (e.g., Acts 18:26; Rom 16:1-7; 1 Cor 11:5). This leads to questions about the universal applicability of Paul’s statements on women in the church.<\/p>\nChristians continue to discuss these complex issues. Many Christians today subscribe to a complementarian viewpoint, affirming distinct gender roles in the church, while many others take an egalitarian position, supporting the notion that men and women share equal roles in the church. All Christians affirm, however, the equality of men and women with respect to their identity as beloved children of God (see Galatians 3:26-28).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nGen 2:23-24; Acts 18:26; Rom 16:1-7; 1 Cor 11:2-16; 14:34-35; Gal 3:28; 1 Tim 2:11-15<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Women’s Roles in the New Testament Church<\/h3>\nPaul’s words in 1 Timothy regarding women’s roles in the church were intended to correct what was happening in Ephesus, but the extent to which this passage applies to other situations is a subject of discussion. The possible understandings include the following three:<\/p>\nUniversal Interpretation.<\/em> Galatians 3:28 (“There is no longer . . . male and female”) does not negate creational gender distinctions and roles. Even if Galatians 3:28 represents the ideal of equality in God’s eternal Kingdom, gender roles should still be ordered as outlined in 1 Timothy 2:11-15 for as long as this creation continues. By way of comparison, Matthew 22:30 discusses the status of marriage in the new creation—it differs from the structure of this creation outlined in Genesis 2:23-24, and it applies to the present life only in a special and limited sense (see 1 Tim 4:3-5; Matt 19:11-12; 1 Cor 7:29-35). The structure of the new creation will be fully realized in the coming age, and it is not the ideal for the present time. Therefore, Christian women in all times and places must recognize their role in the created order of God. They must not teach men or exercise authority over men in the church (see also 1 Cor 11:2-16; 14:34-35).<\/p>\nPolemical Interpretation.<\/em> Paul was addressing a particular situation created by the false teaching within the Ephesian church (see 1 Tim 1:18-20; 4:1-5; cp. 2 Tim 3:6-9). Evidence suggests that this teaching was disturbing family relationships (see 1 Tim 4:3; Titus 1:11). It is possible that Ephesian women, caught up in the local heresy, were abusing Genesis 1–3 in their teaching. They might have been asserting female domination in the final resurrection (which, according to some of the Ephesians, had already occurred; 2 Tim 2:18) and accentuated Adam’s blame for the Fall. Paul corrects their misreadings by alluding to the biblical text, but his point is not to make a universal statement about the status of women in the church. His concern is merely to silence the false teachers in Ephesus, including the women among them. First Timothy 2:11-15 entails a rebuke with loss of privilege specifically for those false teachers.<\/p>\nCultural Interpretation.<\/em> Paul’s argument was not necessarily directed to a local problem in Ephesus, but it presupposes a strongly patriarchal society, both in concern for public decorum (women in their place, showing proper honor to men) and in handling Genesis 2:7, 22. This shows that Christians must respect cultural norms insofar as possible in their evangelistic mission (1 Cor 9:19-23). In addition, most women in that society had limited training as teachers. Their society, in contrast to many twenty-first-century societies, usually educated women poorly. Because of that culture’s patriarchal structure, women would not normally have qualified as teachers and leaders. First Timothy 2:11-15, therefore, reflects the notion that properly qualified people should lead and teach. At the same time, there are examples in Paul’s writings and in the early church of women participating in various facets of ministry (e.g., Acts 18:26; Rom 16:1-7; 1 Cor 11:5). This leads to questions about the universal applicability of Paul’s statements on women in the church.<\/p>\nChristians continue to discuss these complex issues. Many Christians today subscribe to a complementarian viewpoint, affirming distinct gender roles in the church, while many others take an egalitarian position, supporting the notion that men and women share equal roles in the church. All Christians affirm, however, the equality of men and women with respect to their identity as beloved children of God (see Galatians 3:26-28).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nGen 2:23-24; Acts 18:26; Rom 16:1-7; 1 Cor 11:2-16; 14:34-35; Gal 3:28; 1 Tim 2:11-15<\/p>","summary_ro":"Women’s Roles in the New Testament Church Paul’s words in 1 Timothy regarding women’s roles in the church were intended to correct what was happening in Ephesus, but the extent to which this passage applies to other situations is a subject of discussion. The possible understandings include the following three: Universal Interpretation. Galatians 3:28 (“There is no longer . . . male and female”) does not negate creational gender distinctions and roles. Even if Galatians 3:28 represents the ide...","summary_en":"Women’s Roles in the New Testament Church Paul’s words in 1 Timothy regarding women’s roles in the church were intended to correct what was happening in Ephesus, but the extent to which this passage applies to other situations is a subject of discussion. The possible understandings include the following three: Universal Interpretation. Galatians 3:28 (“There is no longer . . . male and female”) does not negate creational gender distinctions and roles. Even if Galatians 3:28 represents the ide...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":122752,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"Women’s Roles in the New Testament Church","title_en":"Women’s Roles in the New Testament Church","content_ro":"<h3>Women’s Roles in the New Testament Church<\/h3>\nPaul’s words in 1 Timothy regarding women’s roles in the church were intended to correct what was happening in Ephesus, but the extent to which this passage applies to other situations is a subject of discussion. The possible understandings include the following three:<\/p>\nUniversal Interpretation.<\/em> Galatians 3:28 (“There is no longer . . . male and female”) does not negate creational gender distinctions and roles. Even if Galatians 3:28 represents the ideal of equality in God’s eternal Kingdom, gender roles should still be ordered as outlined in 1 Timothy 2:11-15 for as long as this creation continues. By way of comparison, Matthew 22:30 discusses the status of marriage in the new creation—it differs from the structure of this creation outlined in Genesis 2:23-24, and it applies to the present life only in a special and limited sense (see 1 Tim 4:3-5; Matt 19:11-12; 1 Cor 7:29-35). The structure of the new creation will be fully realized in the coming age, and it is not the ideal for the present time. Therefore, Christian women in all times and places must recognize their role in the created order of God. They must not teach men or exercise authority over men in the church (see also 1 Cor 11:2-16; 14:34-35).<\/p>\nPolemical Interpretation.<\/em> Paul was addressing a particular situation created by the false teaching within the Ephesian church (see 1 Tim 1:18-20; 4:1-5; cp. 2 Tim 3:6-9). Evidence suggests that this teaching was disturbing family relationships (see 1 Tim 4:3; Titus 1:11). It is possible that Ephesian women, caught up in the local heresy, were abusing Genesis 1–3 in their teaching. They might have been asserting female domination in the final resurrection (which, according to some of the Ephesians, had already occurred; 2 Tim 2:18) and accentuated Adam’s blame for the Fall. Paul corrects their misreadings by alluding to the biblical text, but his point is not to make a universal statement about the status of women in the church. His concern is merely to silence the false teachers in Ephesus, including the women among them. First Timothy 2:11-15 entails a rebuke with loss of privilege specifically for those false teachers.<\/p>\nCultural Interpretation.<\/em> Paul’s argument was not necessarily directed to a local problem in Ephesus, but it presupposes a strongly patriarchal society, both in concern for public decorum (women in their place, showing proper honor to men) and in handling Genesis 2:7, 22. This shows that Christians must respect cultural norms insofar as possible in their evangelistic mission (1 Cor 9:19-23). In addition, most women in that society had limited training as teachers. Their society, in contrast to many twenty-first-century societies, usually educated women poorly. Because of that culture’s patriarchal structure, women would not normally have qualified as teachers and leaders. First Timothy 2:11-15, therefore, reflects the notion that properly qualified people should lead and teach. At the same time, there are examples in Paul’s writings and in the early church of women participating in various facets of ministry (e.g., Acts 18:26; Rom 16:1-7; 1 Cor 11:5). This leads to questions about the universal applicability of Paul’s statements on women in the church.<\/p>\nChristians continue to discuss these complex issues. Many Christians today subscribe to a complementarian viewpoint, affirming distinct gender roles in the church, while many others take an egalitarian position, supporting the notion that men and women share equal roles in the church. All Christians affirm, however, the equality of men and women with respect to their identity as beloved children of God (see Galatians 3:26-28).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nGen 2:23-24; Acts 18:26; Rom 16:1-7; 1 Cor 11:2-16; 14:34-35; Gal 3:28; 1 Tim 2:11-15<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Women’s Roles in the New Testament Church<\/h3>\nPaul’s words in 1 Timothy regarding women’s roles in the church were intended to correct what was happening in Ephesus, but the extent to which this passage applies to other situations is a subject of discussion. The possible understandings include the following three:<\/p>\nUniversal Interpretation.<\/em> Galatians 3:28 (“There is no longer . . . male and female”) does not negate creational gender distinctions and roles. Even if Galatians 3:28 represents the ideal of equality in God’s eternal Kingdom, gender roles should still be ordered as outlined in 1 Timothy 2:11-15 for as long as this creation continues. By way of comparison, Matthew 22:30 discusses the status of marriage in the new creation—it differs from the structure of this creation outlined in Genesis 2:23-24, and it applies to the present life only in a special and limited sense (see 1 Tim 4:3-5; Matt 19:11-12; 1 Cor 7:29-35). The structure of the new creation will be fully realized in the coming age, and it is not the ideal for the present time. Therefore, Christian women in all times and places must recognize their role in the created order of God. They must not teach men or exercise authority over men in the church (see also 1 Cor 11:2-16; 14:34-35).<\/p>\nPolemical Interpretation.<\/em> Paul was addressing a particular situation created by the false teaching within the Ephesian church (see 1 Tim 1:18-20; 4:1-5; cp. 2 Tim 3:6-9). Evidence suggests that this teaching was disturbing family relationships (see 1 Tim 4:3; Titus 1:11). It is possible that Ephesian women, caught up in the local heresy, were abusing Genesis 1–3 in their teaching. They might have been asserting female domination in the final resurrection (which, according to some of the Ephesians, had already occurred; 2 Tim 2:18) and accentuated Adam’s blame for the Fall. Paul corrects their misreadings by alluding to the biblical text, but his point is not to make a universal statement about the status of women in the church. His concern is merely to silence the false teachers in Ephesus, including the women among them. First Timothy 2:11-15 entails a rebuke with loss of privilege specifically for those false teachers.<\/p>\nCultural Interpretation.<\/em> Paul’s argument was not necessarily directed to a local problem in Ephesus, but it presupposes a strongly patriarchal society, both in concern for public decorum (women in their place, showing proper honor to men) and in handling Genesis 2:7, 22. This shows that Christians must respect cultural norms insofar as possible in their evangelistic mission (1 Cor 9:19-23). In addition, most women in that society had limited training as teachers. Their society, in contrast to many twenty-first-century societies, usually educated women poorly. Because of that culture’s patriarchal structure, women would not normally have qualified as teachers and leaders. First Timothy 2:11-15, therefore, reflects the notion that properly qualified people should lead and teach. At the same time, there are examples in Paul’s writings and in the early church of women participating in various facets of ministry (e.g., Acts 18:26; Rom 16:1-7; 1 Cor 11:5). This leads to questions about the universal applicability of Paul’s statements on women in the church.<\/p>\nChristians continue to discuss these complex issues. Many Christians today subscribe to a complementarian viewpoint, affirming distinct gender roles in the church, while many others take an egalitarian position, supporting the notion that men and women share equal roles in the church. All Christians affirm, however, the equality of men and women with respect to their identity as beloved children of God (see Galatians 3:26-28).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nGen 2:23-24; Acts 18:26; Rom 16:1-7; 1 Cor 11:2-16; 14:34-35; Gal 3:28; 1 Tim 2:11-15<\/p>","summary_ro":"Women’s Roles in the New Testament Church Paul’s words in 1 Timothy regarding women’s roles in the church were intended to correct what was happening in Ephesus, but the extent to which this passage applies to other situations is a subject of discussion. The possible understandings include the following three: Universal Interpretation. Galatians 3:28 (“There is no longer . . . male and female”) does not negate creational gender distinctions and roles. Even if Galatians 3:28 represents the ide...","summary_en":"Women’s Roles in the New Testament Church Paul’s words in 1 Timothy regarding women’s roles in the church were intended to correct what was happening in Ephesus, but the extent to which this passage applies to other situations is a subject of discussion. The possible understandings include the following three: Universal Interpretation. Galatians 3:28 (“There is no longer . . . male and female”) does not negate creational gender distinctions and roles. Even if Galatians 3:28 represents the ide...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":150378,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"Women’s Roles in the New Testament Church","title_en":"Women’s Roles in the New Testament Church","content_ro":"<h3>Women’s Roles in the New Testament Church<\/h3>\nPaul’s words in 1 Timothy regarding women’s roles in the church were intended to correct what was happening in Ephesus, but the extent to which this passage applies to other situations is a subject of discussion. The possible understandings include the following three:<\/p>\nUniversal Interpretation.<\/em> Galatians 3:28 (“There is no longer . . . male and female”) does not negate creational gender distinctions and roles. Even if Galatians 3:28 represents the ideal of equality in God’s eternal Kingdom, gender roles should still be ordered as outlined in 1 Timothy 2:11-15 for as long as this creation continues. By way of comparison, Matthew 22:30 discusses the status of marriage in the new creation—it differs from the structure of this creation outlined in Genesis 2:23-24, and it applies to the present life only in a special and limited sense (see 1 Tim 4:3-5; Matt 19:11-12; 1 Cor 7:29-35). The structure of the new creation will be fully realized in the coming age, and it is not the ideal for the present time. Therefore, Christian women in all times and places must recognize their role in the created order of God. They must not teach men or exercise authority over men in the church (see also 1 Cor 11:2-16; 14:34-35).<\/p>\nPolemical Interpretation.<\/em> Paul was addressing a particular situation created by the false teaching within the Ephesian church (see 1 Tim 1:18-20; 4:1-5; cp. 2 Tim 3:6-9). Evidence suggests that this teaching was disturbing family relationships (see 1 Tim 4:3; Titus 1:11). It is possible that Ephesian women, caught up in the local heresy, were abusing Genesis 1–3 in their teaching. They might have been asserting female domination in the final resurrection (which, according to some of the Ephesians, had already occurred; 2 Tim 2:18) and accentuated Adam’s blame for the Fall. Paul corrects their misreadings by alluding to the biblical text, but his point is not to make a universal statement about the status of women in the church. His concern is merely to silence the false teachers in Ephesus, including the women among them. First Timothy 2:11-15 entails a rebuke with loss of privilege specifically for those false teachers.<\/p>\nCultural Interpretation.<\/em> Paul’s argument was not necessarily directed to a local problem in Ephesus, but it presupposes a strongly patriarchal society, both in concern for public decorum (women in their place, showing proper honor to men) and in handling Genesis 2:7, 22. This shows that Christians must respect cultural norms insofar as possible in their evangelistic mission (1 Cor 9:19-23). In addition, most women in that society had limited training as teachers. Their society, in contrast to many twenty-first-century societies, usually educated women poorly. Because of that culture’s patriarchal structure, women would not normally have qualified as teachers and leaders. First Timothy 2:11-15, therefore, reflects the notion that properly qualified people should lead and teach. At the same time, there are examples in Paul’s writings and in the early church of women participating in various facets of ministry (e.g., Acts 18:26; Rom 16:1-7; 1 Cor 11:5). This leads to questions about the universal applicability of Paul’s statements on women in the church.<\/p>\nChristians continue to discuss these complex issues. Many Christians today subscribe to a complementarian viewpoint, affirming distinct gender roles in the church, while many others take an egalitarian position, supporting the notion that men and women share equal roles in the church. All Christians affirm, however, the equality of men and women with respect to their identity as beloved children of God (see Galatians 3:26-28).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nGen 2:23-24; Acts 18:26; Rom 16:1-7; 1 Cor 11:2-16; 14:34-35; Gal 3:28; 1 Tim 2:11-15<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Women’s Roles in the New Testament Church<\/h3>\nPaul’s words in 1 Timothy regarding women’s roles in the church were intended to correct what was happening in Ephesus, but the extent to which this passage applies to other situations is a subject of discussion. The possible understandings include the following three:<\/p>\nUniversal Interpretation.<\/em> Galatians 3:28 (“There is no longer . . . male and female”) does not negate creational gender distinctions and roles. Even if Galatians 3:28 represents the ideal of equality in God’s eternal Kingdom, gender roles should still be ordered as outlined in 1 Timothy 2:11-15 for as long as this creation continues. By way of comparison, Matthew 22:30 discusses the status of marriage in the new creation—it differs from the structure of this creation outlined in Genesis 2:23-24, and it applies to the present life only in a special and limited sense (see 1 Tim 4:3-5; Matt 19:11-12; 1 Cor 7:29-35). The structure of the new creation will be fully realized in the coming age, and it is not the ideal for the present time. Therefore, Christian women in all times and places must recognize their role in the created order of God. They must not teach men or exercise authority over men in the church (see also 1 Cor 11:2-16; 14:34-35).<\/p>\nPolemical Interpretation.<\/em> Paul was addressing a particular situation created by the false teaching within the Ephesian church (see 1 Tim 1:18-20; 4:1-5; cp. 2 Tim 3:6-9). Evidence suggests that this teaching was disturbing family relationships (see 1 Tim 4:3; Titus 1:11). It is possible that Ephesian women, caught up in the local heresy, were abusing Genesis 1–3 in their teaching. They might have been asserting female domination in the final resurrection (which, according to some of the Ephesians, had already occurred; 2 Tim 2:18) and accentuated Adam’s blame for the Fall. Paul corrects their misreadings by alluding to the biblical text, but his point is not to make a universal statement about the status of women in the church. His concern is merely to silence the false teachers in Ephesus, including the women among them. First Timothy 2:11-15 entails a rebuke with loss of privilege specifically for those false teachers.<\/p>\nCultural Interpretation.<\/em> Paul’s argument was not necessarily directed to a local problem in Ephesus, but it presupposes a strongly patriarchal society, both in concern for public decorum (women in their place, showing proper honor to men) and in handling Genesis 2:7, 22. This shows that Christians must respect cultural norms insofar as possible in their evangelistic mission (1 Cor 9:19-23). In addition, most women in that society had limited training as teachers. Their society, in contrast to many twenty-first-century societies, usually educated women poorly. Because of that culture’s patriarchal structure, women would not normally have qualified as teachers and leaders. First Timothy 2:11-15, therefore, reflects the notion that properly qualified people should lead and teach. At the same time, there are examples in Paul’s writings and in the early church of women participating in various facets of ministry (e.g., Acts 18:26; Rom 16:1-7; 1 Cor 11:5). This leads to questions about the universal applicability of Paul’s statements on women in the church.<\/p>\nChristians continue to discuss these complex issues. Many Christians today subscribe to a complementarian viewpoint, affirming distinct gender roles in the church, while many others take an egalitarian position, supporting the notion that men and women share equal roles in the church. All Christians affirm, however, the equality of men and women with respect to their identity as beloved children of God (see Galatians 3:26-28).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nGen 2:23-24; Acts 18:26; Rom 16:1-7; 1 Cor 11:2-16; 14:34-35; Gal 3:28; 1 Tim 2:11-15<\/p>","summary_ro":"Women’s Roles in the New Testament Church Paul’s words in 1 Timothy regarding women’s roles in the church were intended to correct what was happening in Ephesus, but the extent to which this passage applies to other situations is a subject of discussion. The possible understandings include the following three: Universal Interpretation. Galatians 3:28 (“There is no longer . . . male and female”) does not negate creational gender distinctions and roles. Even if Galatians 3:28 represents the ide...","summary_en":"Women’s Roles in the New Testament Church Paul’s words in 1 Timothy regarding women’s roles in the church were intended to correct what was happening in Ephesus, but the extent to which this passage applies to other situations is a subject of discussion. The possible understandings include the following three: Universal Interpretation. Galatians 3:28 (“There is no longer . . . male and female”) does not negate creational gender distinctions and roles. Even if Galatians 3:28 represents the ide...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"2":[{"id":8916,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Deacon, Deaconess*","title_en":"Deacon, Deaconess*","content_ro":"<h3>DEACON, DEACONESS*<\/h3>\nTerms designating an officer in a local church, derived from a Greek word meaning “servant” or “minister.” The term “diaconate” is used for the office itself or for the collective body of deacons and deaconesses. As with many other biblical words used today in a technical sense, the words “deacon” and “deaconess” began as popular, nontechnical terms. Both in secular first-century AD<\/span> Greek culture and in the NT, they described a variety of services.<\/p>\nOrigins of the Concept<\/p>\n<h5>Greek Usage<\/h5>\nReferences have been found in extrabiblical writings where the Greek word “deacon” meant “waiter,” “servant,” “steward,” or “messenger.” In at least two instances it indicated a baker and a cook. In religious usage the word described various attendants in pagan temples. Ancient documents show “deacons” presiding at the dedication of a statue to the Greek god Hermes. Serapis and Isis, Egyptian deities, were served by a college of “deacons” presided over by a priest.<\/p>\n<h5>General New Testament Usage<\/h5>\nThe same word was used by biblical writers in a general sense to describe various ministries or services. Not until later in the development of the apostolic church was the term applied to a distinct body of church officers. Among its general usages, “deacon” refers to a waiter at meals (Jn 2:5, 9), a king’s attendant (Mt 22:13), a servant of Satan (2 Cor 11:15), a servant of God (6:4), a servant of Christ (11:23), a servant of the church (Col 1:24-25), and a political ruler (Rom 13:4).<\/p>\nThe NT presents servanthood in the sense of ministry or service as a mark of the whole church—that is, as normative for all disciples (Mt 20:26-28; Lk 22:26-27). Jesus’ teaching on the final judgment equates ministry with feeding the hungry, welcoming strangers, clothing the naked, and visiting the sick and imprisoned (Mt 25:31-46). The entire NT emphasizes compassionate care for individuals’ physical and spiritual needs as well as the giving of oneself to meeting those needs. Such service is ultimately a ministry to Christ himself (v 45).<\/p>\n<h5>Origin of the Office<\/h5>\nThere is little question that before the end of the first century the general term for service or ministry became a kind of title for a position or office in the church. That development evidently went through several stages.<\/p>\nSome biblical scholars emphasize a relationship between the hazzan<\/em> of the Jewish synagogue and the Christian office of deacon. The hazzan<\/em> opened and closed the synagogue doors, kept it clean, and handed out the books for reading. It was probably to such a person that Jesus handed the scroll of Isaiah after finishing his reading (Lk 4:20).<\/p>\nOther NT scholars give considerable attention to the choosing of the seven (Acts 6:1-6); they see that action as a historical forerunner of a more developed structure (Phil 1:1; 1 Tm 3:8-13—the two specific references to an “office” of deacon). Luke devoted considerable attention in Acts to the selection of a new set of church leaders. Overworked with a variety of responsibilities, the 12 apostles proposed a division of labor to ensure care for the Hellenist (Greek-speaking) widows in the church’s daily distribution of food and alms. Seven men of good repute, full of the Spirit and of wisdom (Acts 6:3), subsequently became prominent in the Jerusalem congregation, doing works of charity and caring for physical needs.<\/p>\nSome scholars caution that the diaconate should not be exclusively linked with charitable works, since the Greek word used in Acts 6:2 is related to the word translated “ministry of the word” in verse 4. Those chosen to oversee the care for physical needs were people of spiritual stature. Stephen, for instance, “full of grace and power, did great wonders and signs” (6:8, rsv<\/span>). Philip, appointed as one of the seven in Acts 6, “preached good news about the kingdom of God and the name of Jesus Christ” (8:12). Philip also baptized (v 38) and is referred to as an evangelist (21:8).<\/p>\nDeacons in the Early Church<\/p>\nThose who cite Acts 6 as a preliminary stage of the office of deacon refer to the spread of the practice from the church in Jerusalem to the gentile congregations sprouting elsewhere. Many churches probably took the appointing of “the Jerusalem seven” as a pattern to follow, some even adopting the number seven. In a letter of the third-century pope Cornelius, for example, the church of Rome was said to have maintained seven for the number of deacons.<\/p>\nBy the time the church of Philippi received its instructions from the apostle Paul (c. AD<\/span> 62) and Timothy had Paul’s first letter in hand, “deacon” had become a technical term referring to a specific office in the churches. In Philippians 1:1 Paul addressed the church in general and then added “with bishops and deacons.” Some interpreters consider that to be a clear establishment of two distinct groups within the larger church body, though no further description is given. Possibly the deacons of that congregation were responsible for collecting and then dispatching the offerings referred to (Phil 4:14-18).<\/p>\nIn 1 Timothy 3:8-13 instructions are given about qualifications for the office of deacon. Although that is the most detailed treatment of the subject in the NT, it is actually quite sketchy. Most of the qualifications, dealing with personal character and behavior, are similar to those for a bishop. For instance, a deacon is to be truthful, monogamous, “not addicted to much wine,” and a responsible parent. Verse 11, requiring that “the women likewise must be serious, not slanderers, but temperate, faithful in all things” (rsv<\/span>), may refer not to deacons’ wives but to deaconesses, as several translations note (niv<\/span>, neb<\/span>). In any event, it is clear that women participated in the work of the diaconate.<\/p>\nIn contrast to the office of bishop (1 Tm 3:2), deacons are not described as providing teaching or hospitality. In fact, no mention is made of any functional qualifications to clarify deacons’ or deaconesses’ roles in the early church. The character qualifications listed are appropriate for those with monetary and administrative responsibilities (as Acts 6:1-6 suggests). Timothy is told that good deacons will not go unrewarded; not only will their faith increase, but also their good standing among those whom they serve (1 Tm 3:13).<\/p>\nThe NT writings indicate that to be chosen as a deacon or deaconess is a high compliment and affirmation. Named as “deacons” were Timothy (1 Thes 3:2; 1 Tm 4:6), Tychicus (Col 4:7), Epaphras (1:7), Paul (1 Cor 3:5)—and even Christ (Rom 15:8, “servant”). Biblical “deaconing” is not characterized by power and prominence but by service to others. In imitation of Jesus’ life, the deacon or deaconess followed the servant pattern. The Christian diaconate thus contrasted sharply with the prevailing Greek thought of service, which was considered unworthy of the dignity of free men. (The Greek philosopher Plato wrote, “How can man be happy when he has to serve someone?”)<\/p>\nThe office of deacon differed from the office of elder, which was adapted from a definite Jewish pattern in the OT (see Nm 11:16-17; Dt 29:10). The diaconate, on the other hand, developed from the strong, personal, historical example of Jesus, the servant who compassionately met concrete human needs.<\/p>\nAs the office of deacon became more firmly established, its duties could be defined as those of pastoral care. The poor and the sick received their service not only physically but also with instruction and consolation. The homes of church members became familiar territory to a deacon or deaconess. A pattern of visitation was established to discover and then meet the needs of the church body at large. Although that included the administration of funds, it went far beyond it. Those who served as deacons and deaconesses undoubtedly became symbols of loving care for the church in general.<\/p>\nWhere the office of deacon fits into the larger pattern of church order within the NT is difficult to determine because of the obvious variety present during the formative years. Some church historians conclude that as ecclesiastical structure developed, elders provided congregational leadership. Deacons assisted them, especially in social services and pastoral care. The late first and early second centuries witnessed a distinctive threefold ministry of deacons, elders (presbyters), and bishops. Bishops or “overseers” began to exercise authority over areas or groups of churches.<\/p>\nDeaconess<\/p>\nWhere did women fit into the ministry of the early church? Paul’s inclusion of references to women in ministry is striking when compared with the role of women in general in the first century. He commended Phoebe for her service in the church at Cenchrea, using the word “deacon” to describe her (Rom 16:1). He praised her as a “helper” (v 2), a word that denotes leadership qualities (cf. Rom 12:8; 1 Tm 3:4-5). Some scholars have used that reference as an example of early development of the office of deaconess. Others have interpreted it in a nontechnical sense, meaning that Phoebe functioned in a generally serving role and thus was worthy of recognition at Rome. Whether “deacon” was used technically or descriptively, ministry for both women and men in the NT was patterned after the example of Jesus, who “came not to be served but to serve” (Mk 10:45). Because of the large number of female converts (Acts 5:14; 17:4), women functioned in such areas of ministry as visitation, instruction in discipleship, and assistance in baptism. Deaconesses are mentioned in third-century documents as administering baptism to female converts.<\/p>\nConsidering the rigid separation of the sexes in the Near East at that time, female participation in church ministry stands out in bold relief. A governor of Bithynia, Pliny the Younger (early second century), in his Correspondence with Trajan<\/em> verified women officeholders in the church. Pliny also mentioned two deaconesses who were martyred for the cause of Christ.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Bishop; Elder; Pastor; Presbyter.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>DEACON, DEACONESS*<\/h3>\nTerms designating an officer in a local church, derived from a Greek word meaning “servant” or “minister.” The term “diaconate” is used for the office itself or for the collective body of deacons and deaconesses. As with many other biblical words used today in a technical sense, the words “deacon” and “deaconess” began as popular, nontechnical terms. Both in secular first-century AD<\/span> Greek culture and in the NT, they described a variety of services.<\/p>\nOrigins of the Concept<\/p>\n<h5>Greek Usage<\/h5>\nReferences have been found in extrabiblical writings where the Greek word “deacon” meant “waiter,” “servant,” “steward,” or “messenger.” In at least two instances it indicated a baker and a cook. In religious usage the word described various attendants in pagan temples. Ancient documents show “deacons” presiding at the dedication of a statue to the Greek god Hermes. Serapis and Isis, Egyptian deities, were served by a college of “deacons” presided over by a priest.<\/p>\n<h5>General New Testament Usage<\/h5>\nThe same word was used by biblical writers in a general sense to describe various ministries or services. Not until later in the development of the apostolic church was the term applied to a distinct body of church officers. Among its general usages, “deacon” refers to a waiter at meals (Jn 2:5, 9), a king’s attendant (Mt 22:13), a servant of Satan (2 Cor 11:15), a servant of God (6:4), a servant of Christ (11:23), a servant of the church (Col 1:24-25), and a political ruler (Rom 13:4).<\/p>\nThe NT presents servanthood in the sense of ministry or service as a mark of the whole church—that is, as normative for all disciples (Mt 20:26-28; Lk 22:26-27). Jesus’ teaching on the final judgment equates ministry with feeding the hungry, welcoming strangers, clothing the naked, and visiting the sick and imprisoned (Mt 25:31-46). The entire NT emphasizes compassionate care for individuals’ physical and spiritual needs as well as the giving of oneself to meeting those needs. Such service is ultimately a ministry to Christ himself (v 45).<\/p>\n<h5>Origin of the Office<\/h5>\nThere is little question that before the end of the first century the general term for service or ministry became a kind of title for a position or office in the church. That development evidently went through several stages.<\/p>\nSome biblical scholars emphasize a relationship between the hazzan<\/em> of the Jewish synagogue and the Christian office of deacon. The hazzan<\/em> opened and closed the synagogue doors, kept it clean, and handed out the books for reading. It was probably to such a person that Jesus handed the scroll of Isaiah after finishing his reading (Lk 4:20).<\/p>\nOther NT scholars give considerable attention to the choosing of the seven (Acts 6:1-6); they see that action as a historical forerunner of a more developed structure (Phil 1:1; 1 Tm 3:8-13—the two specific references to an “office” of deacon). Luke devoted considerable attention in Acts to the selection of a new set of church leaders. Overworked with a variety of responsibilities, the 12 apostles proposed a division of labor to ensure care for the Hellenist (Greek-speaking) widows in the church’s daily distribution of food and alms. Seven men of good repute, full of the Spirit and of wisdom (Acts 6:3), subsequently became prominent in the Jerusalem congregation, doing works of charity and caring for physical needs.<\/p>\nSome scholars caution that the diaconate should not be exclusively linked with charitable works, since the Greek word used in Acts 6:2 is related to the word translated “ministry of the word” in verse 4. Those chosen to oversee the care for physical needs were people of spiritual stature. Stephen, for instance, “full of grace and power, did great wonders and signs” (6:8, rsv<\/span>). Philip, appointed as one of the seven in Acts 6, “preached good news about the kingdom of God and the name of Jesus Christ” (8:12). Philip also baptized (v 38) and is referred to as an evangelist (21:8).<\/p>\nDeacons in the Early Church<\/p>\nThose who cite Acts 6 as a preliminary stage of the office of deacon refer to the spread of the practice from the church in Jerusalem to the gentile congregations sprouting elsewhere. Many churches probably took the appointing of “the Jerusalem seven” as a pattern to follow, some even adopting the number seven. In a letter of the third-century pope Cornelius, for example, the church of Rome was said to have maintained seven for the number of deacons.<\/p>\nBy the time the church of Philippi received its instructions from the apostle Paul (c. AD<\/span> 62) and Timothy had Paul’s first letter in hand, “deacon” had become a technical term referring to a specific office in the churches. In Philippians 1:1 Paul addressed the church in general and then added “with bishops and deacons.” Some interpreters consider that to be a clear establishment of two distinct groups within the larger church body, though no further description is given. Possibly the deacons of that congregation were responsible for collecting and then dispatching the offerings referred to (Phil 4:14-18).<\/p>\nIn 1 Timothy 3:8-13 instructions are given about qualifications for the office of deacon. Although that is the most detailed treatment of the subject in the NT, it is actually quite sketchy. Most of the qualifications, dealing with personal character and behavior, are similar to those for a bishop. For instance, a deacon is to be truthful, monogamous, “not addicted to much wine,” and a responsible parent. Verse 11, requiring that “the women likewise must be serious, not slanderers, but temperate, faithful in all things” (rsv<\/span>), may refer not to deacons’ wives but to deaconesses, as several translations note (niv<\/span>, neb<\/span>). In any event, it is clear that women participated in the work of the diaconate.<\/p>\nIn contrast to the office of bishop (1 Tm 3:2), deacons are not described as providing teaching or hospitality. In fact, no mention is made of any functional qualifications to clarify deacons’ or deaconesses’ roles in the early church. The character qualifications listed are appropriate for those with monetary and administrative responsibilities (as Acts 6:1-6 suggests). Timothy is told that good deacons will not go unrewarded; not only will their faith increase, but also their good standing among those whom they serve (1 Tm 3:13).<\/p>\nThe NT writings indicate that to be chosen as a deacon or deaconess is a high compliment and affirmation. Named as “deacons” were Timothy (1 Thes 3:2; 1 Tm 4:6), Tychicus (Col 4:7), Epaphras (1:7), Paul (1 Cor 3:5)—and even Christ (Rom 15:8, “servant”). Biblical “deaconing” is not characterized by power and prominence but by service to others. In imitation of Jesus’ life, the deacon or deaconess followed the servant pattern. The Christian diaconate thus contrasted sharply with the prevailing Greek thought of service, which was considered unworthy of the dignity of free men. (The Greek philosopher Plato wrote, “How can man be happy when he has to serve someone?”)<\/p>\nThe office of deacon differed from the office of elder, which was adapted from a definite Jewish pattern in the OT (see Nm 11:16-17; Dt 29:10). The diaconate, on the other hand, developed from the strong, personal, historical example of Jesus, the servant who compassionately met concrete human needs.<\/p>\nAs the office of deacon became more firmly established, its duties could be defined as those of pastoral care. The poor and the sick received their service not only physically but also with instruction and consolation. The homes of church members became familiar territory to a deacon or deaconess. A pattern of visitation was established to discover and then meet the needs of the church body at large. Although that included the administration of funds, it went far beyond it. Those who served as deacons and deaconesses undoubtedly became symbols of loving care for the church in general.<\/p>\nWhere the office of deacon fits into the larger pattern of church order within the NT is difficult to determine because of the obvious variety present during the formative years. Some church historians conclude that as ecclesiastical structure developed, elders provided congregational leadership. Deacons assisted them, especially in social services and pastoral care. The late first and early second centuries witnessed a distinctive threefold ministry of deacons, elders (presbyters), and bishops. Bishops or “overseers” began to exercise authority over areas or groups of churches.<\/p>\nDeaconess<\/p>\nWhere did women fit into the ministry of the early church? Paul’s inclusion of references to women in ministry is striking when compared with the role of women in general in the first century. He commended Phoebe for her service in the church at Cenchrea, using the word “deacon” to describe her (Rom 16:1). He praised her as a “helper” (v 2), a word that denotes leadership qualities (cf. Rom 12:8; 1 Tm 3:4-5). Some scholars have used that reference as an example of early development of the office of deaconess. Others have interpreted it in a nontechnical sense, meaning that Phoebe functioned in a generally serving role and thus was worthy of recognition at Rome. Whether “deacon” was used technically or descriptively, ministry for both women and men in the NT was patterned after the example of Jesus, who “came not to be served but to serve” (Mk 10:45). Because of the large number of female converts (Acts 5:14; 17:4), women functioned in such areas of ministry as visitation, instruction in discipleship, and assistance in baptism. Deaconesses are mentioned in third-century documents as administering baptism to female converts.<\/p>\nConsidering the rigid separation of the sexes in the Near East at that time, female participation in church ministry stands out in bold relief. A governor of Bithynia, Pliny the Younger (early second century), in his Correspondence with Trajan<\/em> verified women officeholders in the church. Pliny also mentioned two deaconesses who were martyred for the cause of Christ.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Bishop; Elder; Pastor; Presbyter.<\/p>","summary_ro":"DEACON, DEACONESS* Terms designating an officer in a local church, derived from a Greek word meaning “servant” or “minister.” The term “diaconate” is used for the office itself or for the collective body of deacons and deaconesses. As with many other biblical words used today in a technical sense, the words “deacon” and “deaconess” began as popular, nontechnical terms. Both in secular first-century AD Greek culture and in the NT, they described a variety of services. Origins of the Concept Gr...","summary_en":"DEACON, DEACONESS* Terms designating an officer in a local church, derived from a Greek word meaning “servant” or “minister.” The term “diaconate” is used for the office itself or for the collective body of deacons and deaconesses. As with many other biblical words used today in a technical sense, the words “deacon” and “deaconess” began as popular, nontechnical terms. Both in secular first-century AD Greek culture and in the NT, they described a variety of services. Origins of the Concept Gr...","source":"Articles\/D.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":33528,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Saints","title_en":"Saints","content_ro":"<h3>SAINTS<\/h3>\nName for believers meaning “holy ones” (which is the rendering in some modern versions—see nlt<\/span>). The OT believers were called to be “holy,” or consecrated to God (Ex 22:31; Lv 11:44). In the NT, “saints” became the apostle Paul’s favorite name for Christians (Rom 1:7; 8:27; 12:13; 15:25-26, 31; 16:2, 15; plus 31 other places in Paul’s letters). The name is also used 14 times in the book of Revelation. Other NT writers used it occasionally (Heb 6:10; 13:24; Jude 1:3). The name indicates that Christians are expected to be holy (Heb 12:10; Rv 22:11) because they have been consecrated to God as a holy priesthood and have rejected the ways of the world (1 Pt 1:15-16; 2:5, 9). More than that, they are the people of the coming age, who will reign with God over the earth and over angels.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>SAINTS<\/h3>\nName for believers meaning “holy ones” (which is the rendering in some modern versions—see nlt<\/span>). The OT believers were called to be “holy,” or consecrated to God (Ex 22:31; Lv 11:44). In the NT, “saints” became the apostle Paul’s favorite name for Christians (Rom 1:7; 8:27; 12:13; 15:25-26, 31; 16:2, 15; plus 31 other places in Paul’s letters). The name is also used 14 times in the book of Revelation. Other NT writers used it occasionally (Heb 6:10; 13:24; Jude 1:3). The name indicates that Christians are expected to be holy (Heb 12:10; Rv 22:11) because they have been consecrated to God as a holy priesthood and have rejected the ways of the world (1 Pt 1:15-16; 2:5, 9). More than that, they are the people of the coming age, who will reign with God over the earth and over angels.<\/p>","summary_ro":"SAINTS Name for believers meaning “holy ones” (which is the rendering in some modern versions—see nlt). The OT believers were called to be “holy,” or consecrated to God (Ex 22:31; Lv 11:44). In the NT, “saints” became the apostle Paul’s favorite name for Christians (Rom 1:7; 8:27; 12:13; 15:25-26, 31; 16:2, 15; plus 31 other places in Paul’s letters). The name is also used 14 times in the book of Revelation. Other NT writers used it occasionally (Heb 6:10; 13:24; Jude 1:3). The name indicates...","summary_en":"SAINTS Name for believers meaning “holy ones” (which is the rendering in some modern versions—see nlt). The OT believers were called to be “holy,” or consecrated to God (Ex 22:31; Lv 11:44). In the NT, “saints” became the apostle Paul’s favorite name for Christians (Rom 1:7; 8:27; 12:13; 15:25-26, 31; 16:2, 15; plus 31 other places in Paul’s letters). The name is also used 14 times in the book of Revelation. Other NT writers used it occasionally (Heb 6:10; 13:24; Jude 1:3). The name indicates...","source":"Articles\/S.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":57431,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:2","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:2","content_ro":"16:2<\/strong> she has been helpful to many:<\/em> This phrase indicates the ancient role of the patron, a wealthy person who used influence and money to help people and causes. Phoebe was apparently a woman of wealth and influence who used her resources to help missionaries such as Paul.<\/p>","content_en":"16:2<\/strong> she has been helpful to many:<\/em> This phrase indicates the ancient role of the patron, a wealthy person who used influence and money to help people and causes. Phoebe was apparently a woman of wealth and influence who used her resources to help missionaries such as Paul.<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:2 she has been helpful to many: This phrase indicates the ancient role of the patron, a wealthy person who used influence and money to help people and causes. Phoebe was apparently a woman of wealth and influence who used her resources to help missionaries such as Paul.","summary_en":"16:2 she has been helpful to many: This phrase indicates the ancient role of the patron, a wealthy person who used influence and money to help people and causes. Phoebe was apparently a woman of wealth and influence who used her resources to help missionaries such as Paul.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":85057,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:2","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:2","content_ro":"16:2<\/strong> she has been helpful to many:<\/em> This phrase indicates the ancient role of the patron, a wealthy person who used influence and money to help people and causes. Phoebe was apparently a woman of wealth and influence who used her resources to help missionaries such as Paul.<\/p>","content_en":"16:2<\/strong> she has been helpful to many:<\/em> This phrase indicates the ancient role of the patron, a wealthy person who used influence and money to help people and causes. Phoebe was apparently a woman of wealth and influence who used her resources to help missionaries such as Paul.<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:2 she has been helpful to many: This phrase indicates the ancient role of the patron, a wealthy person who used influence and money to help people and causes. Phoebe was apparently a woman of wealth and influence who used her resources to help missionaries such as Paul.","summary_en":"16:2 she has been helpful to many: This phrase indicates the ancient role of the patron, a wealthy person who used influence and money to help people and causes. Phoebe was apparently a woman of wealth and influence who used her resources to help missionaries such as Paul.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":112683,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:2","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:2","content_ro":"16:2<\/strong> she has been helpful to many:<\/em> This phrase indicates the ancient role of the patron, a wealthy person who used influence and money to help people and causes. Phoebe was apparently a woman of wealth and influence who used her resources to help missionaries such as Paul.<\/p>","content_en":"16:2<\/strong> she has been helpful to many:<\/em> This phrase indicates the ancient role of the patron, a wealthy person who used influence and money to help people and causes. Phoebe was apparently a woman of wealth and influence who used her resources to help missionaries such as Paul.<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:2 she has been helpful to many: This phrase indicates the ancient role of the patron, a wealthy person who used influence and money to help people and causes. Phoebe was apparently a woman of wealth and influence who used her resources to help missionaries such as Paul.","summary_en":"16:2 she has been helpful to many: This phrase indicates the ancient role of the patron, a wealthy person who used influence and money to help people and causes. Phoebe was apparently a woman of wealth and influence who used her resources to help missionaries such as Paul.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":140309,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:2","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:2","content_ro":"16:2<\/strong> she has been helpful to many:<\/em> This phrase indicates the ancient role of the patron, a wealthy person who used influence and money to help people and causes. Phoebe was apparently a woman of wealth and influence who used her resources to help missionaries such as Paul.<\/p>","content_en":"16:2<\/strong> she has been helpful to many:<\/em> This phrase indicates the ancient role of the patron, a wealthy person who used influence and money to help people and causes. Phoebe was apparently a woman of wealth and influence who used her resources to help missionaries such as Paul.<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:2 she has been helpful to many: This phrase indicates the ancient role of the patron, a wealthy person who used influence and money to help people and causes. Phoebe was apparently a woman of wealth and influence who used her resources to help missionaries such as Paul.","summary_en":"16:2 she has been helpful to many: This phrase indicates the ancient role of the patron, a wealthy person who used influence and money to help people and causes. Phoebe was apparently a woman of wealth and influence who used her resources to help missionaries such as Paul.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"3":[{"id":42681,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Priscilla and Aquila","title_en":"Priscilla and Aquila","content_ro":"<h3>Priscilla and Aquila<\/h3>\nPriscilla and Aquila were a Christian couple with whom Paul lived and worked during his early days in Corinth. They were later active in Christian ministry and instrumental in bringing Apollos to a true understanding of Christ. They made a habit of opening their home in hospitality to other Christians.<\/p>\nPaul first met Priscilla and Aquila in Corinth, where they had recently arrived as a result of Claudius Caesar’s deportation of all Jews from Rome (AD<\/span> 49). Paul became acquainted with them and, because they were tentmakers (or possibly leatherworkers) like he was, Paul lived and worked with them during his first year and a half in Corinth (AD<\/span> 50–52; 18:1-3).<\/p>\nWhen Paul left Corinth, he took Priscilla and Aquila with him and left them in Ephesus (18:18-19) while he returned to Jerusalem and Antioch. Later, when Apollos came through Ephesus, enthusiastically preaching about Jesus in the synagogues, Priscilla and Aquila took him aside and explained to him more fully the truth of Christ. As a result of their training, Apollos went on to become a powerful evangelist and Christian apologist (18:24-28).<\/p>\nLater, Paul speaks of their home as a meeting place for Christians in Ephesus, and he sends their greeting with his own to the church in Corinth (1 Cor 16:19; cp. 2 Tim 4:19). Still later, it seems they returned to Rome (presumably after the relaxation of Claudius’s edict), for they are the first of many to whom Paul sends his greetings when he writes to the church in Rome (Rom 16:3-5). Here, too, their home became a meeting place. It is clear that Paul felt a close bond of friendship with them and that he regarded their work for Christ highly—he speaks of them as “my coworkers in the ministry of Christ,” and he refers to a time when they even risked their lives for him.<\/p>\nPriscilla and Aquila are examples of early Christians who, in the course of their daily work, were bold in bearing witness to Christ and active in ministering to his people—in this case, as a married couple dedicated to the service of Christ. The fact that Priscilla’s name often occurs first (which was unusual for the time) might say something about the strong role she played in the couple’s witness and ministry.<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 18:1-3, 18-19, 24-28; Rom 16:3-5; 1 Cor 16:19; 2 Tim 4:19<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Priscilla and Aquila<\/h3>\nPriscilla and Aquila were a Christian couple with whom Paul lived and worked during his early days in Corinth. They were later active in Christian ministry and instrumental in bringing Apollos to a true understanding of Christ. They made a habit of opening their home in hospitality to other Christians.<\/p>\nPaul first met Priscilla and Aquila in Corinth, where they had recently arrived as a result of Claudius Caesar’s deportation of all Jews from Rome (AD<\/span> 49). Paul became acquainted with them and, because they were tentmakers (or possibly leatherworkers) like he was, Paul lived and worked with them during his first year and a half in Corinth (AD<\/span> 50–52; 18:1-3).<\/p>\nWhen Paul left Corinth, he took Priscilla and Aquila with him and left them in Ephesus (18:18-19) while he returned to Jerusalem and Antioch. Later, when Apollos came through Ephesus, enthusiastically preaching about Jesus in the synagogues, Priscilla and Aquila took him aside and explained to him more fully the truth of Christ. As a result of their training, Apollos went on to become a powerful evangelist and Christian apologist (18:24-28).<\/p>\nLater, Paul speaks of their home as a meeting place for Christians in Ephesus, and he sends their greeting with his own to the church in Corinth (1 Cor 16:19; cp. 2 Tim 4:19). Still later, it seems they returned to Rome (presumably after the relaxation of Claudius’s edict), for they are the first of many to whom Paul sends his greetings when he writes to the church in Rome (Rom 16:3-5). Here, too, their home became a meeting place. It is clear that Paul felt a close bond of friendship with them and that he regarded their work for Christ highly—he speaks of them as “my coworkers in the ministry of Christ,” and he refers to a time when they even risked their lives for him.<\/p>\nPriscilla and Aquila are examples of early Christians who, in the course of their daily work, were bold in bearing witness to Christ and active in ministering to his people—in this case, as a married couple dedicated to the service of Christ. The fact that Priscilla’s name often occurs first (which was unusual for the time) might say something about the strong role she played in the couple’s witness and ministry.<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 18:1-3, 18-19, 24-28; Rom 16:3-5; 1 Cor 16:19; 2 Tim 4:19<\/p>","summary_ro":"Priscilla and Aquila Priscilla and Aquila were a Christian couple with whom Paul lived and worked during his early days in Corinth. They were later active in Christian ministry and instrumental in bringing Apollos to a true understanding of Christ. They made a habit of opening their home in hospitality to other Christians. Paul first met Priscilla and Aquila in Corinth, where they had recently arrived as a result of Claudius Caesar’s deportation of all Jews from Rome (AD 49). Paul became acqu...","summary_en":"Priscilla and Aquila Priscilla and Aquila were a Christian couple with whom Paul lived and worked during his early days in Corinth. They were later active in Christian ministry and instrumental in bringing Apollos to a true understanding of Christ. They made a habit of opening their home in hospitality to other Christians. Paul first met Priscilla and Aquila in Corinth, where they had recently arrived as a result of Claudius Caesar’s deportation of all Jews from Rome (AD 49). Paul became acqu...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":70307,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Priscilla and Aquila","title_en":"Priscilla and Aquila","content_ro":"<h3>Priscilla and Aquila<\/h3>\nPriscilla and Aquila were a Christian couple with whom Paul lived and worked during his early days in Corinth. They were later active in Christian ministry and instrumental in bringing Apollos to a true understanding of Christ. They made a habit of opening their home in hospitality to other Christians.<\/p>\nPaul first met Priscilla and Aquila in Corinth, where they had recently arrived as a result of Claudius Caesar’s deportation of all Jews from Rome (AD<\/span> 49). Paul became acquainted with them and, because they were tentmakers (or possibly leatherworkers) like he was, Paul lived and worked with them during his first year and a half in Corinth (AD<\/span> 50–52; 18:1-3).<\/p>\nWhen Paul left Corinth, he took Priscilla and Aquila with him and left them in Ephesus (18:18-19) while he returned to Jerusalem and Antioch. Later, when Apollos came through Ephesus, enthusiastically preaching about Jesus in the synagogues, Priscilla and Aquila took him aside and explained to him more fully the truth of Christ. As a result of their training, Apollos went on to become a powerful evangelist and Christian apologist (18:24-28).<\/p>\nLater, Paul speaks of their home as a meeting place for Christians in Ephesus, and he sends their greeting with his own to the church in Corinth (1 Cor 16:19; cp. 2 Tim 4:19). Still later, it seems they returned to Rome (presumably after the relaxation of Claudius’s edict), for they are the first of many to whom Paul sends his greetings when he writes to the church in Rome (Rom 16:3-5). Here, too, their home became a meeting place. It is clear that Paul felt a close bond of friendship with them and that he regarded their work for Christ highly—he speaks of them as “my coworkers in the ministry of Christ,” and he refers to a time when they even risked their lives for him.<\/p>\nPriscilla and Aquila are examples of early Christians who, in the course of their daily work, were bold in bearing witness to Christ and active in ministering to his people—in this case, as a married couple dedicated to the service of Christ. The fact that Priscilla’s name often occurs first (which was unusual for the time) might say something about the strong role she played in the couple’s witness and ministry.<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 18:1-3, 18-19, 24-28; Rom 16:3-5; 1 Cor 16:19; 2 Tim 4:19<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Priscilla and Aquila<\/h3>\nPriscilla and Aquila were a Christian couple with whom Paul lived and worked during his early days in Corinth. They were later active in Christian ministry and instrumental in bringing Apollos to a true understanding of Christ. They made a habit of opening their home in hospitality to other Christians.<\/p>\nPaul first met Priscilla and Aquila in Corinth, where they had recently arrived as a result of Claudius Caesar’s deportation of all Jews from Rome (AD<\/span> 49). Paul became acquainted with them and, because they were tentmakers (or possibly leatherworkers) like he was, Paul lived and worked with them during his first year and a half in Corinth (AD<\/span> 50–52; 18:1-3).<\/p>\nWhen Paul left Corinth, he took Priscilla and Aquila with him and left them in Ephesus (18:18-19) while he returned to Jerusalem and Antioch. Later, when Apollos came through Ephesus, enthusiastically preaching about Jesus in the synagogues, Priscilla and Aquila took him aside and explained to him more fully the truth of Christ. As a result of their training, Apollos went on to become a powerful evangelist and Christian apologist (18:24-28).<\/p>\nLater, Paul speaks of their home as a meeting place for Christians in Ephesus, and he sends their greeting with his own to the church in Corinth (1 Cor 16:19; cp. 2 Tim 4:19). Still later, it seems they returned to Rome (presumably after the relaxation of Claudius’s edict), for they are the first of many to whom Paul sends his greetings when he writes to the church in Rome (Rom 16:3-5). Here, too, their home became a meeting place. It is clear that Paul felt a close bond of friendship with them and that he regarded their work for Christ highly—he speaks of them as “my coworkers in the ministry of Christ,” and he refers to a time when they even risked their lives for him.<\/p>\nPriscilla and Aquila are examples of early Christians who, in the course of their daily work, were bold in bearing witness to Christ and active in ministering to his people—in this case, as a married couple dedicated to the service of Christ. The fact that Priscilla’s name often occurs first (which was unusual for the time) might say something about the strong role she played in the couple’s witness and ministry.<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 18:1-3, 18-19, 24-28; Rom 16:3-5; 1 Cor 16:19; 2 Tim 4:19<\/p>","summary_ro":"Priscilla and Aquila Priscilla and Aquila were a Christian couple with whom Paul lived and worked during his early days in Corinth. They were later active in Christian ministry and instrumental in bringing Apollos to a true understanding of Christ. They made a habit of opening their home in hospitality to other Christians. Paul first met Priscilla and Aquila in Corinth, where they had recently arrived as a result of Claudius Caesar’s deportation of all Jews from Rome (AD 49). Paul became acqu...","summary_en":"Priscilla and Aquila Priscilla and Aquila were a Christian couple with whom Paul lived and worked during his early days in Corinth. They were later active in Christian ministry and instrumental in bringing Apollos to a true understanding of Christ. They made a habit of opening their home in hospitality to other Christians. Paul first met Priscilla and Aquila in Corinth, where they had recently arrived as a result of Claudius Caesar’s deportation of all Jews from Rome (AD 49). Paul became acqu...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":97933,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Priscilla and Aquila","title_en":"Priscilla and Aquila","content_ro":"<h3>Priscilla and Aquila<\/h3>\nPriscilla and Aquila were a Christian couple with whom Paul lived and worked during his early days in Corinth. They were later active in Christian ministry and instrumental in bringing Apollos to a true understanding of Christ. They made a habit of opening their home in hospitality to other Christians.<\/p>\nPaul first met Priscilla and Aquila in Corinth, where they had recently arrived as a result of Claudius Caesar’s deportation of all Jews from Rome (AD<\/span> 49). Paul became acquainted with them and, because they were tentmakers (or possibly leatherworkers) like he was, Paul lived and worked with them during his first year and a half in Corinth (AD<\/span> 50–52; 18:1-3).<\/p>\nWhen Paul left Corinth, he took Priscilla and Aquila with him and left them in Ephesus (18:18-19) while he returned to Jerusalem and Antioch. Later, when Apollos came through Ephesus, enthusiastically preaching about Jesus in the synagogues, Priscilla and Aquila took him aside and explained to him more fully the truth of Christ. As a result of their training, Apollos went on to become a powerful evangelist and Christian apologist (18:24-28).<\/p>\nLater, Paul speaks of their home as a meeting place for Christians in Ephesus, and he sends their greeting with his own to the church in Corinth (1 Cor 16:19; cp. 2 Tim 4:19). Still later, it seems they returned to Rome (presumably after the relaxation of Claudius’s edict), for they are the first of many to whom Paul sends his greetings when he writes to the church in Rome (Rom 16:3-5). Here, too, their home became a meeting place. It is clear that Paul felt a close bond of friendship with them and that he regarded their work for Christ highly—he speaks of them as “my coworkers in the ministry of Christ,” and he refers to a time when they even risked their lives for him.<\/p>\nPriscilla and Aquila are examples of early Christians who, in the course of their daily work, were bold in bearing witness to Christ and active in ministering to his people—in this case, as a married couple dedicated to the service of Christ. The fact that Priscilla’s name often occurs first (which was unusual for the time) might say something about the strong role she played in the couple’s witness and ministry.<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 18:1-3, 18-19, 24-28; Rom 16:3-5; 1 Cor 16:19; 2 Tim 4:19<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Priscilla and Aquila<\/h3>\nPriscilla and Aquila were a Christian couple with whom Paul lived and worked during his early days in Corinth. They were later active in Christian ministry and instrumental in bringing Apollos to a true understanding of Christ. They made a habit of opening their home in hospitality to other Christians.<\/p>\nPaul first met Priscilla and Aquila in Corinth, where they had recently arrived as a result of Claudius Caesar’s deportation of all Jews from Rome (AD<\/span> 49). Paul became acquainted with them and, because they were tentmakers (or possibly leatherworkers) like he was, Paul lived and worked with them during his first year and a half in Corinth (AD<\/span> 50–52; 18:1-3).<\/p>\nWhen Paul left Corinth, he took Priscilla and Aquila with him and left them in Ephesus (18:18-19) while he returned to Jerusalem and Antioch. Later, when Apollos came through Ephesus, enthusiastically preaching about Jesus in the synagogues, Priscilla and Aquila took him aside and explained to him more fully the truth of Christ. As a result of their training, Apollos went on to become a powerful evangelist and Christian apologist (18:24-28).<\/p>\nLater, Paul speaks of their home as a meeting place for Christians in Ephesus, and he sends their greeting with his own to the church in Corinth (1 Cor 16:19; cp. 2 Tim 4:19). Still later, it seems they returned to Rome (presumably after the relaxation of Claudius’s edict), for they are the first of many to whom Paul sends his greetings when he writes to the church in Rome (Rom 16:3-5). Here, too, their home became a meeting place. It is clear that Paul felt a close bond of friendship with them and that he regarded their work for Christ highly—he speaks of them as “my coworkers in the ministry of Christ,” and he refers to a time when they even risked their lives for him.<\/p>\nPriscilla and Aquila are examples of early Christians who, in the course of their daily work, were bold in bearing witness to Christ and active in ministering to his people—in this case, as a married couple dedicated to the service of Christ. The fact that Priscilla’s name often occurs first (which was unusual for the time) might say something about the strong role she played in the couple’s witness and ministry.<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 18:1-3, 18-19, 24-28; Rom 16:3-5; 1 Cor 16:19; 2 Tim 4:19<\/p>","summary_ro":"Priscilla and Aquila Priscilla and Aquila were a Christian couple with whom Paul lived and worked during his early days in Corinth. They were later active in Christian ministry and instrumental in bringing Apollos to a true understanding of Christ. They made a habit of opening their home in hospitality to other Christians. Paul first met Priscilla and Aquila in Corinth, where they had recently arrived as a result of Claudius Caesar’s deportation of all Jews from Rome (AD 49). Paul became acqu...","summary_en":"Priscilla and Aquila Priscilla and Aquila were a Christian couple with whom Paul lived and worked during his early days in Corinth. They were later active in Christian ministry and instrumental in bringing Apollos to a true understanding of Christ. They made a habit of opening their home in hospitality to other Christians. Paul first met Priscilla and Aquila in Corinth, where they had recently arrived as a result of Claudius Caesar’s deportation of all Jews from Rome (AD 49). Paul became acqu...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":125559,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Priscilla and Aquila","title_en":"Priscilla and Aquila","content_ro":"<h3>Priscilla and Aquila<\/h3>\nPriscilla and Aquila were a Christian couple with whom Paul lived and worked during his early days in Corinth. They were later active in Christian ministry and instrumental in bringing Apollos to a true understanding of Christ. They made a habit of opening their home in hospitality to other Christians.<\/p>\nPaul first met Priscilla and Aquila in Corinth, where they had recently arrived as a result of Claudius Caesar’s deportation of all Jews from Rome (AD<\/span> 49). Paul became acquainted with them and, because they were tentmakers (or possibly leatherworkers) like he was, Paul lived and worked with them during his first year and a half in Corinth (AD<\/span> 50–52; 18:1-3).<\/p>\nWhen Paul left Corinth, he took Priscilla and Aquila with him and left them in Ephesus (18:18-19) while he returned to Jerusalem and Antioch. Later, when Apollos came through Ephesus, enthusiastically preaching about Jesus in the synagogues, Priscilla and Aquila took him aside and explained to him more fully the truth of Christ. As a result of their training, Apollos went on to become a powerful evangelist and Christian apologist (18:24-28).<\/p>\nLater, Paul speaks of their home as a meeting place for Christians in Ephesus, and he sends their greeting with his own to the church in Corinth (1 Cor 16:19; cp. 2 Tim 4:19). Still later, it seems they returned to Rome (presumably after the relaxation of Claudius’s edict), for they are the first of many to whom Paul sends his greetings when he writes to the church in Rome (Rom 16:3-5). Here, too, their home became a meeting place. It is clear that Paul felt a close bond of friendship with them and that he regarded their work for Christ highly—he speaks of them as “my coworkers in the ministry of Christ,” and he refers to a time when they even risked their lives for him.<\/p>\nPriscilla and Aquila are examples of early Christians who, in the course of their daily work, were bold in bearing witness to Christ and active in ministering to his people—in this case, as a married couple dedicated to the service of Christ. The fact that Priscilla’s name often occurs first (which was unusual for the time) might say something about the strong role she played in the couple’s witness and ministry.<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 18:1-3, 18-19, 24-28; Rom 16:3-5; 1 Cor 16:19; 2 Tim 4:19<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Priscilla and Aquila<\/h3>\nPriscilla and Aquila were a Christian couple with whom Paul lived and worked during his early days in Corinth. They were later active in Christian ministry and instrumental in bringing Apollos to a true understanding of Christ. They made a habit of opening their home in hospitality to other Christians.<\/p>\nPaul first met Priscilla and Aquila in Corinth, where they had recently arrived as a result of Claudius Caesar’s deportation of all Jews from Rome (AD<\/span> 49). Paul became acquainted with them and, because they were tentmakers (or possibly leatherworkers) like he was, Paul lived and worked with them during his first year and a half in Corinth (AD<\/span> 50–52; 18:1-3).<\/p>\nWhen Paul left Corinth, he took Priscilla and Aquila with him and left them in Ephesus (18:18-19) while he returned to Jerusalem and Antioch. Later, when Apollos came through Ephesus, enthusiastically preaching about Jesus in the synagogues, Priscilla and Aquila took him aside and explained to him more fully the truth of Christ. As a result of their training, Apollos went on to become a powerful evangelist and Christian apologist (18:24-28).<\/p>\nLater, Paul speaks of their home as a meeting place for Christians in Ephesus, and he sends their greeting with his own to the church in Corinth (1 Cor 16:19; cp. 2 Tim 4:19). Still later, it seems they returned to Rome (presumably after the relaxation of Claudius’s edict), for they are the first of many to whom Paul sends his greetings when he writes to the church in Rome (Rom 16:3-5). Here, too, their home became a meeting place. It is clear that Paul felt a close bond of friendship with them and that he regarded their work for Christ highly—he speaks of them as “my coworkers in the ministry of Christ,” and he refers to a time when they even risked their lives for him.<\/p>\nPriscilla and Aquila are examples of early Christians who, in the course of their daily work, were bold in bearing witness to Christ and active in ministering to his people—in this case, as a married couple dedicated to the service of Christ. The fact that Priscilla’s name often occurs first (which was unusual for the time) might say something about the strong role she played in the couple’s witness and ministry.<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 18:1-3, 18-19, 24-28; Rom 16:3-5; 1 Cor 16:19; 2 Tim 4:19<\/p>","summary_ro":"Priscilla and Aquila Priscilla and Aquila were a Christian couple with whom Paul lived and worked during his early days in Corinth. They were later active in Christian ministry and instrumental in bringing Apollos to a true understanding of Christ. They made a habit of opening their home in hospitality to other Christians. Paul first met Priscilla and Aquila in Corinth, where they had recently arrived as a result of Claudius Caesar’s deportation of all Jews from Rome (AD 49). Paul became acqu...","summary_en":"Priscilla and Aquila Priscilla and Aquila were a Christian couple with whom Paul lived and worked during his early days in Corinth. They were later active in Christian ministry and instrumental in bringing Apollos to a true understanding of Christ. They made a habit of opening their home in hospitality to other Christians. Paul first met Priscilla and Aquila in Corinth, where they had recently arrived as a result of Claudius Caesar’s deportation of all Jews from Rome (AD 49). Paul became acqu...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":2326,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Apocrypha*","title_en":"Apocrypha*","content_ro":"<h3>APOCRYPHA*<\/h3>\nBooks excluded from the canon of Scripture.<\/p>\nPreview<\/p>\n• Introduction<\/p>\n• Apocryphal Gospels<\/p>\n• Apocryphal Acts<\/p>\n• Apocryphal Epistles<\/p>\n• Apocalyptic Apocrypha<\/p>\n• Specific Titles of Apocryphal Writings<\/p>\nIntroduction<\/p>\nThe writings of the Old and New Testaments tended to attract certain additional compositions in the form of books, parts of books, letters, “gospels,” apocalypses, and so on. Most of the authors wrote anonymously, but some presented their writings to the public under the name of a familiar OT figure or member of the Christian church. Several of these compositions formed a small but important part of the great body of Jewish literature that emerged during the period between the Old and New Testaments. Much of it was the result of religious and political ferment, for the Jews felt their faith and their very existence threatened, first by the pagan influences of Hellenistic Greek culture, then by the oppression of invading Roman forces.<\/p>\n\nMost of the apocryphal books are also pseudepigrapha—that is, they are books ascribed to a pseudonymous author. In other words, the main characteristic of these writings is the fictitious claim that the author of the book was a biblical person (Enoch, Abraham, Moses, Solomon, Bartholomew, Thomas, etc.) or that the revelation contained in the book was originally given to a biblical character (Adam and Eve, Isaiah). Generally, the pseudepigrapha show a strong interest in the apocalyptic: the creation of the world, the future of Israel and the nations, the glory of God and his angels, the messianic kingdom, and life after death. Many of the pseudepigrapha are Jewish writings that were never accepted by the Jewish or Christian communities. They were written about the time of the Apocrypha (c. 200 BC<\/span>–AD<\/span> 110), but by the nature of the contents of the pseudepigrapha, they were only recognized by certain groups. Since some of these books approximated counterparts in the canonical Scriptures, there is no doubt that in some circles their authority and inspiration were regarded as similar to that of the scriptural compositions venerated by the Jews and later by Christians.<\/p>\nOther religious writings from that period made no claim to be scriptural. Such compositions preserved the familiar traditions of both Judaism and primitive Christianity, although on occasion they enriched or embellished them by means of legends and unhistorical narratives. Because very few books of any kind were in circulation at that time, the Palestinians tended to read whatever literary material came into their possession. Although the Torah, or law of Moses, had always been recognized as the standard of theological orthodoxy for the Jews, narratives of endurance under persecution or accounts of the way that the enemies of God’s people received their just reward had an obvious attraction for those under the pressures of a pagan society.<\/p>\nIn the same way, although the Gospels and Epistles—along with the OT—comprised the basic canon or approved list of Scriptures for Christians, many additional narratives claimed the attention of Christ’s early followers. Those compositions often dealt with the supposed activities of Jesus and his followers, as well as with martyrdoms, revelations, and spiritual teachings. Some works contained material that was not only unhistorical but downright bizarre, but others reflected the spirit of Christ and the apostolic teachings to a certain extent. For the early Christians, as also for the Jews, the establishment of a formal canon of scriptural writings must have been prompted in part by a necessity to separate the record of revealed truth from other written forms of religious tradition as well as from actual heresy.<\/p>\nWritings that failed to gain acceptance into the OT and NT canons were described in the writings of some early Christian scholars by the term “apocrypha.” The Greek word means “hidden things,” and when applied to books it described those works that religious authorities wished to be concealed from the reading public. The reason was that such books were thought to contain mysterious or secret lore, meaningful only to the initiate and therefore unsuitable for the ordinary reader. But the word “apocrypha” was also applied in a less complimentary sense to works that deserved to be concealed. Such works contained harmful doctrines or false teachings calculated to unsettle or pervert rather than edify those who read them. The suppression of undesirable writings was comparatively easy at a time when only a few copies of any book were in circulation at a given time.<\/p>\nBy the end of the first century AD<\/span>, a clear distinction was being made in Jewish circles between writings that were suitable for use by the general public and esoteric works that were to be restricted to the knowledgeable and the initiated. Thus in 2 Esdras 14:1-6, the writer tells how Ezra was supposedly instructed by God to publish openly certain writings (among them the Torah), and keep others secret (that is, apocalyptic traditions dealing with the coming end of the age). In 2 Esdras 14:42-46 reference is made to 70 books, evidently noncanonical material, written after the 24 books of the Hebrew Canon.<\/p>\nUse of the term “apocrypha” to mean “noncanonical” goes back to the fifth century AD<\/span>, when Jerome urged that the books found in the Septuagint and in the Latin Bibles that did not occur in the canon of the Hebrew OT writings should be treated as apocryphal. They were not to be disregarded entirely, since they were part of the great contemporary outpouring of Jewish national literature. At the same time, they should not be used as sources for Christian doctrine but at best for supplementary reading of an uplifting or inspirational nature.<\/p>\nProtestant theologians generally have followed the tradition established by Jerome, regarding the OT apocrypha as the excess of the Septuagint canon over the Hebrew Scriptures. When the Hebrew Bible began to be translated into Greek in Egypt during the reign of Ptolemy II (285–246 BC<\/span>), the scholars concerned included a number of books that, while remaining outside the generally accepted list of Hebrew canonical writings, still had a bearing upon Jewish history and society. That procedure reflected contemporary attitudes in Palestine, where many people did not attempt to separate canonical writings from other forms of religious literature. The decision made by Jewish authorities about what to regard as canonical Scripture naturally had a bearing on what would constitute OT apocrypha.<\/p>\nTextual evidence represented by certain manuscripts and fragments from the Dead Sea caves makes it reasonably certain that the last of the canonical Hebrew writings had been completed several decades before the time Alexander the Great (356–323 BC<\/span>) began his conquests in the Near East. The process by which those compositions came to be accepted as canonical was more protracted, however. Only when they had been circulated, read, and assessed favorably by comparison with the spirituality of the Torah were they accorded general canonicity. Hence the distinction between the canonical and apocryphal writings came as much through usage and general consent on the part of orthodox Judaism as through any other manner. Earlier scholars suggested that the so-called Council of Jamnia, held in Palestine about AD<\/span> 100, was responsible for drawing up a list of OT books suitable for use by the faithful. However, subsequent studies have thrown considerable doubt upon the historicity of such a council, at the same time showing that the Jewish authorities of that period considered their noncanonical writings to be more of an obstacle than a help to devotion.<\/p>\nThe books the Jews regarded as being specifically outside the Canon, and therefore apocryphal, are as follows: 1 Esdras; 2 Esdras; Tobit; Judith; the additions to Esther; the Wisdom of Solomon; Ecclesiasticus; Baruch; the Letter of Jeremiah; the additions to the book of Daniel (the Prayer of Azariah and the Song of the Three Young Men, Susanna, Bel and the Dragon); the Prayer of Manasseh; 1 Maccabees; and 2 Maccabees. Several Septuagint manuscripts included some pseudohistorical material under the titles of 3 and 4 Maccabees. Therefore, even the Apocrypha varied somewhat in content, depending upon the manuscript tradition being followed. Among early Christian scholars there was also some difference of opinion about the precise limits of canonical Hebrew Scripture, and hence of apocryphal material. A serious break with Hebrew and rabbinic tradition came with the writings of Augustine, who advanced the view that the books of the Apocrypha were of equal authority with the other writings of the canonical Hebrew and Christian Scriptures. A few dissenting voices were raised in support of Jerome’s position, but the views of Augustine were embraced by the Council of Trent (1546) and became official Roman Catholic teaching.<\/p>\nThe Roman Catholic Church includes the following works as part of the Deuterocanonical Scriptures: Tobit; Judith; the additions to Esther; the Wisdom of Solomon; Ecclesiasticus, or the Wisdom of Jesus ben Sirach; Baruch; the additions to the book of Daniel (the Prayer of Azariah and the Song of the Three Young Men, Susanna, Bel and the Dragon); 1 Maccabees; and 2 Maccabees. (Articles on each of these are interspersed throughout this dictionary.)<\/p>\nChristians of the NT period were already familiar with Jewish apocryphal works, including the apocalyptic speculations found in 2 Esdras. Therefore, it was hardly surprising that a similar body of literature should grow up around their own Scriptures when they began to be composed and circulated. NT apocrypha, however, like its OT counterpart, could be considered only in relationship to an established canon of scriptural writings. Since the earliest catalog of NT writings, the Muratorian Canon, was not compiled until about AD<\/span> 200, a considerable period of time elapsed before an official church statement could appear on what was to be considered NT apocrypha. In the meantime, a large assortment of materials of a predominantly religious nature appeared, purporting to be orthodox in nature and dealing with various aspects of historic Christianity. As events turned out, this apocryphal literature defeated the purposes it was intended to serve.<\/p>\nApocryphal Gospels<\/p>\nOne major class of apocrypha are the apocryphal gospels. These writings preserved stories about Christ and some teachings, but being mostly fanciful in nature they never became canonical. There are three broad classes:<\/p>\n1. A type similar to the synoptic Gospels, represented by the Gospel of Peter and the Gospel of the Egyptians, as well as papyrus fragments including Oxyrhynchus 840 and Papyrus Egerton 2. Other papyrus collections of sayings show affinities with the canonical Gospels.<\/p>\n<li>2. Gospels that disseminated Gnosticism, a second-century AD<\/span> heresy stressing philosophical knowledge (<\/em>gnosis<\/span>)<\/em> of the cosmos and man. They are often in the form of dialogues between Jesus and his disciples, such as the Coptic Gospel of Thomas, the Apocryphon of John, the Wisdom of Jesus Christ, and the Dialogue of the Redeemer. In this category also come those “gospels” attributed to the Twelve as a group, such as the Memoirs of the Apostles.<\/li>\n<li>3. Infancy gospels, purporting to supply otherwise unknown information of a legendary nature about Christ’s earliest years. Passion gospels also come into this category. These narratives were written to satisfy curiosity about Christ’s birth and childhood or to embellish the canonical accounts of his crucifixion and resurrection.<\/li>\nBecause of the scarcity of information about such matters as the childhood, adolescence, and early manhood of Jesus, the “infancy” gospels purport to supply the reader with what was meant to pass for historical fact. Much of the material, however, was entirely within the realm of fantasy and could never have been accepted as fact by any intelligent reader. For example, in the Gospel of Thomas the five-year-old Jesus is accused of breaking the Sabbath by making sparrows of clay beside a stream. When his father Joseph investigates the situation, Jesus claps his hands and the clay birds come to life and fly away chirping.<\/p>\n“Passion” gospels were written to embellish the canonical accounts of Christ’s crucifixion and resurrection. As supplements to Christian teaching, many of the apocryphal writings seemed to be proclaiming ideas that were actually outside the scope of NT doctrine. Attempts to fill in the “hidden years” of Christ’s life had no foundation whatever in the traditions of the Gospels. Works dealing with the last state of unbelievers were embellished in a manner that went far beyond anything stated in the NT. In some notable instances, as in the writings of various Gnostic sects, the authors set out deliberately to propagate heretical teachings they had accepted under the authority of some apostolic figure. The Gospel of Thomas, recovered around 1945 from Nag Hammadi (Chenoboskion) near the Nile River, is an example of an attempt to perpetuate curious sayings and dogmas by attributing them to Jesus, so that they would receive wide currency and acceptance.<\/p>\nApocryphal Acts<\/p>\nThere are also some apocryphal acts, which are purported to be accounts of apostolic achievements not recorded in Scripture. Such “acts” are the source of much tradition, such as Peter’s being crucified upside down and Thomas’s mission to India. The reliability of the traditions is questionable because the writings contain clearly unorthodox material. Yet small fragments of accurate information may be embedded in this mass of largely fictitious literature.<\/p>\nBecause of their often heretical character, the church consistently reacted against such books, sometimes even demanding that they be burned (for example, at the Nicene Council of 787). The Acts of John pictured Jesus talking to John on the Mt of Olives during the crucifixion, explaining that it was only a spectacle. In the Acts of Thomas, Jesus appeared in the form of Thomas, exhorting a newly married couple to dedicate themselves to virginity. Sexual abstinence was a dominant theme, reflecting Platonic ideas, which disparaged the physical body.<\/p>\nMany scholars date the earliest work, the Acts of John, before AD<\/span> 150. The major Acts (of John, Paul, Peter, Andrew, and Thomas) were probably written during the second and third centuries. These gave rise to other “acts” that were primarily miracle stories, written more to entertain than to teach.<\/p>\nApocryphal Epistles<\/p>\nA host of apocryphal works are classified as epistles. These generally pseudonymous works originated from many widely separated periods of time. Many other apocryphal works are apocalyptic in nature. These works are supplemented by material such as the Apostolic Constitutions and Canons. Added to these are the Gnostic compositions found at Nag Hammadi, which include works purporting to represent the teachings of Christ as well as “secret” instructions compiled by the Gnostic writers and a few apocryphal compositions.<\/p>\nApocalyptic Apocrypha<\/p>\nAnother group could be called apocalyptic apocrypha. The term “apocalypse” means “disclosure” or “revelation,” a term that was generally applied to Christian literature that resembled the Revelation of John, which designates itself an apocalypse in Revelation 1:1. The practice of writing under the name of an illustrious figure of the past, or pseudonymity, was a characteristic device used by most unknown authors of Jewish and Christian apocalypses (the Revelation of John is a striking exception). Jewish apocalypses were attributed to such ancient worthies as Adam, Enoch, Abraham, Moses, Ezra, and others. Similarly, Christian apocalypses written in the second century AD<\/span> and later were ascribed to such important early Christian figures as Peter, Thomas, James and others.<\/p>\nIn NT times there emerged in Judaism certain circles that developed an apocalyptic view of history. They provided such writings as the five parts of 1 Enoch, the Assumption of Moses, 2 Esdras, and the Apocalypse of Baruch. These books are of importance to NT study, for they provide a bridge between the OT and the NT concepts of the kingdom of God.<\/p>\nThe apocalypses were written to answer the problems of theodicy (the justice of God). After the days of Ezra, the law assumed a more important role in the life of the people than before. In prophetic times Israel again and again apostatized from the law and worshiped foreign gods. The primary message of the prophets was to challenge Israel to get right with God and to turn in repentance to keep the law. After Ezra and throughout NT times, Israel was obedient to the law as never before. The Jews abhorred idolatry and faithfully worshiped God. Still the kingdom did not come. Instead came the fearful persecution in the Maccabean times by Antiochus IV Epiphanes, the worldly rule of the Hasmoneans, Pompey and Roman hegemony, and in AD<\/span> 66–70, the siege and destruction of Jerusalem. Where was God? Why did he not deliver his faithful people? Why did the kingdom not come? The apocalypses were written to answer questions like these.<\/p>\nOne of the most important elements in apocalyptic religion is an explicit dualism, expressed as “this age” and “the age to come.” The prophets contrasted the present time with the future when the kingdom of God would be established. The apocalyptists radicalized this contrast. Twice we find fragments of this idiom in 1 Enoch. We meet the fully developed idiom in 2 Esdras and the Apocalypse of Baruch (late first century AD<\/span>). “The Most High has made not one age but two” (2 Esd 7:50); “the day of judgment shall be the end of this age and the beginning of the immortal age that is to come” (2 Esd 7:113); “this age the Most High has made for many but the age to come for few” (2 Esd 8:1; see also Apoc Bar 14:13; 15:7; Pirke Aboth<\/em> 4:1, 21-22; 6:4-7). Furthermore, the transition from this age to the age to come can be accomplished only by a cosmic act of God. In the apocryphal Assumption of Moses there is no messianic personage; it is God alone who comes to redeem Israel. In the Similitudes of Enoch the transition is accomplished with the coming of a heavenly, preexistent Son of Man. In 2 Esdras we find a conflation of the concepts of Davidic Messiah and the Son of Man.<\/p>\nApocalyptic differs from OT prophetic religion in that it is pessimistic about the present age. It would be wrong to describe the apocalypses as ultimately pessimistic, for their basic message is that in due time God will intervene and save his people. But for the present, as long as this age lasts, he has removed himself from intervening in Israel’s affairs. The present age is under the power of evil angelic and demonic forces and is irretrievably evil. God has abandoned this age to evil; salvation can be expected only in the age to come.<\/p>\nThe apocalyptists lost completely the tension between history and eschatology. They no longer expected any deliverance in this age. God had, in fact, become the God of the future, not of the present.<\/p>\nIn the dream-visions of Enoch (1 Enoch 83–90), God faithfully guided Israel throughout its history. Then God withdrew his personal leadership, forsook the temple, and surrendered his people to be torn and devoured. God “remained unmoved, though he saw it, and rejoiced that they were devoured and swallowed and robbed, and left them to be devoured in the hand of all the beasts” (1 Enoch 89:58). After the Babylonian captivity God was conceived to be inactive in history. History was surrendered to evil. All salvation was thrust into the future.<\/p>\nComparative studies have shown that the NT apocryphal writings preserve at best a series of debased traditions about the founder and teachings of early Christianity. At worst, the narratives are entirely devoid of historical value and in some respects are totally alien to NT spirituality. Even where they seem to support a tradition current in some part of the early church, the evidence they present is inferior to what can often be had from other sources. Sometimes the compositions are so trivial and inconsequential that it is difficult to account for their survival. Certain apocryphal writings did in fact become lost and are now known only in the form of quotations in larger works.<\/p>\nNevertheless, the NT apocryphal compositions are important in indicating what was attractive to the ordinary people of the day. For them an element of the romantic seemed necessary to supplement the body of received spiritual truth. Certain of the stories recounted were vivid and imaginative, and others, such as the apocalypses, provided a form of escapism from harsh temporal realities. No matter what their nature, the NT apocryphal writings exerted an influence out of all proportion to their fundamental worth.<\/p>\nSpecific Titles of Apocryphal Writings<\/p>\nAbdias, Apostolic History of<\/p>\nCollection of material drawn from canonical and apocryphal writings concerning the lives of the apostles, including Paul. Abdias, an early bishop of Babylon, was supposedly the author of this history that more probably was collated from a variety of sources in the sixth century AD<\/span> in France. This apocryphal “acts,” divided into 10 books, originally circulated in Greek as individual volumes that were collected into one when a Latin version was made. The content is generally regarded as folklore or legend but is of some value where no other source is available.<\/p>\nAbdias, a contemporary of the apostles, may have seen Christ and supposedly traveled extensively with Simon and Jude. There is no historical basis for considering Abdias as the author of the Hebrew text, or for believing that his disciple Eutropius translated it into Greek or that Africanus translated the Greek into Latin—although the preface to the Latin version makes those claims.<\/p>\nAbgarus, Letters of Christ and<\/p>\nApocryphal work comprising two short letters, one supposedly written by the Syrian king Abgar (Abgarus), the other supposedly a reply from Jesus. Eusebius claimed to have found the material in the archives of Abgar at Edessa and translated it from Syrian to Greek together with an account of the exploits of the disciple Thaddaeus.<\/p>\nAccording to the legend, Abgar, suffering from a severe disease, hears of the miracles of Jesus and sends a messenger with a letter asking Jesus to come heal him. At the same time he offers Jesus sanctuary from the dangerous opposition of the Jews in Jerusalem. In a written reply (later altered to an oral one to comply with the tradition that no writings of Jesus existed), Jesus declines the offer of sanctuary but promises that after his ascension he will comply with Abgar’s request for healing by sending a disciple to him. Thaddaeus, one of the Twelve, is dispatched to Edessa, the king is healed, and the community converts to Christianity. In a slightly different version in the Doctrina Addaei (about AD<\/span> 400), an oral reply is given, and the messenger returns with a portrait of Jesus that is displayed prominently in Abgar’s palace.<\/p>\nThe legend is essentially similar to that described in the Greek Acts of Thaddaeus (fifth or sixth century AD<\/span>), except that in the latter Ananias returns with a handkerchief on which is a miraculous imprint of the face of Christ.<\/p>\nAbraham, Apocalypse of<\/p>\nJewish document existing in old Slavonic texts that go back through Greek to a Hebrew or Aramaic original.<\/p>\nThe Apocalypse of Abraham begins with Abraham turning from idolatry. Incorporating old rabbinical traditions of Abraham’s youth, it describes his awakening to the call of God and his awareness that God was one and was holy. An angel named Jahoel, whose functions and powers are lifted from rabbinical lore, takes Abraham to the seventh heaven where he is shown things past and things yet to be. He sees the temptation of Adam and Eve through sexual sin, and the murder of Cain. Azazel, an evil being, plays Satan’s role. These details probably reflect a tradition that Abraham was the author of the first documents of the Bible. The revelation then turns to the future and shows the destruction of the temple, plagues upon the heathen, and the coming of the Messiah. It is probable that the composite document took final form in the last generation of the first century AD<\/span>.<\/p>\nTrue to his character as revealed in Genesis, Abraham raises the question of evil and why God tolerates the rebellious Azazel. He receives the answer that evil has its origin in the free will of man. This apocalypse shows how faithful Jews struggled to understand the problem of evil during a time of great suffering in Judaism. It also illustrates the curious “doctrine of angels” of that period. Both Gnostic and Christian editing of the text has been noted by some scholars.<\/p>\nAbraham, Testament of<\/p>\nJewish apocryphal writing describing the death of Abraham. In the testament, when the angel Michael comes to take Abraham’s soul, Abraham refuses to die. Reluctant to insist on the old man’s death, Michael accedes to his request to see all creation before he dies. The angel transports Abraham by chariot into the heavens so that he can observe mankind. Abraham is so shocked at the perfidy of humanity that he curses the sinners, who die immediately. He then observes the judgment of a soul, and although angels take part in the trial he notes that the presiding judge is Abel. The merits and demerits of the soul seem equally balanced, but because of the intervention of Abraham, the judgment is favorable. Abraham then realizes the severity of his cursing of sinners, but the angel informs him that the premature death of those whom he had cursed was the means of atonement for their sins.<\/p>\nAfter his return to earth, Abraham again refuses to die. Death appears in all his horror and kills 7,000 servants of Abraham (who are subsequently raised to life), but the aged saint still will not die. Finally, Death grasps Abraham’s hand and the angels lift his spirit to the heavens.<\/p>\nThe account is found in several Greek manuscripts, the oldest perhaps dating from the 13th century AD<\/span>, as well as in Slavonic, Romanian, Arabic, Ethiopic, and Coptic. The original language was probably Hebrew, from the first century AD<\/span>, with the work possibly translated into Greek by a Christian. The testament also exists in a shorter version in which God comes to lift up the soul of Abraham during a dream. There is no attempt in the work to make a theological statement, but the portrayal of the angel Michael and of Death are typical of Jewish thought of the first century.<\/p>\nActs, Apocryphal<\/p>\nWritings purported to be accounts of apostolic achievements not recorded in Scripture.<\/p>\nActs of Pilate<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Pilate, Acts of (below).<\/p>\nAdam, Apocalypse of<\/p>\nOne of the best examples of Gnostic apocalyptic literature. In 1946, a farm worker discovered a number of ancient texts in a cave about 6 miles (10 kilometers) north of the Egyptian city of Nag Hammadi. The discovery included 13 codexes (predecessors of bound books) of Christian and non-Christian origin. The discovery was not immediately disclosed, so it was not until 1958 that a French scholar, Jean Doresse, revealed the existence of the Apocalypse of Adam to the public. The apocalypse is written in Coptic and stands as the last of five works in Codex V.<\/p>\nAlthough the author’s true identity is unknown, the subtitle spuriously attributes the book to Adam or Seth: “An Apocalypse that Adam revealed to his son Seth in the seven hundredth year.” Seth was often cast in the role of transmitter of truth by the writers of Gnostic literature (for example, the Gospel of the Egyptians, the Paraphrase of Shem).<\/p>\nThe earliest existing copy of the Apocalypse of Adam is dated around AD<\/span> 300 to 350, although it may have been written long before. Its frequent Gnostic references, its dependence on Jewish history, and its allusions to baptism have led some scholars to postulate an origin in the Jewish baptist sects of the first and second centuries. Parallels also exist between this work and third-century Manichean (a brand of Gnosticism) literature.<\/p>\nThe Apocalypse of Adam is of great importance to students of Christian origins. For many years scholars have debated whether the Gnostic religion was a heretical outgrowth of Christianity or whether it was a movement of independent origins. Some scholars have argued that the Apocalypse of Adam is an example of an early, independent Gnosticism. If this proves to be the case the debate will certainly be simplified.<\/p>\nIn addition to its introduction and conclusion, the Apocalypse of Adam may be divided into three parts: Adam’s summary of significant past events, predictions of attempts to eliminate mankind by the evil creator-god, and predictions about the coming of the Enlightener who will show his people the way to the true God.<\/p>\nThe apocalypse opens with Adam, supposedly on his deathbed, revealing the future secrets of the Gnostic people to Seth. These have been mystically communicated to him by three angelic beings. Adam bemoans his condition of perpetual slavery to the evil creator-god, brought about by the fall and mankind’s subsequent loss of gnosis<\/span> (knowledge). Typical of Gnostic literature, a sharp distinction is drawn between the evil creator-god who rules the earth and the true God of the universe, knowledge of whom brings authentic life. Adam predicts that the creator-god will jealously attempt to destroy mankind by a flood (the story of Noah) and by fire (the story of Sodom and Gomorrah) and thus keep mankind from knowledge of the true God. These attempts, however, will be foiled by the intervention of angelic beings sent from the God of truth. Finally, the true God will send the Enlightener who will teach gnosis<\/span> to mankind so that they might know him. The creator-god will try to defeat the Enlightener but will be able to harm only his physical body. With the message of the Enlightener prevailing, mankind will turn from the creator-god and seek the true God through gnosis<\/span>.<\/em><\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Gnosticism.<\/p>\nAdam, Apocryphal Books of<\/p>\nAccount of the life and death of Adam and Eve recorded in Latin, and in a Greek version known as the Apocalypse of Moses. Other minor versions of early Christian origin also exist. Like other apocryphal writings, the work is fanciful and of unknown authorship.<\/p>\nAccording to the Latin account, after their expulsion from Paradise Adam and Eve are hungry and unable to find food for seven days. In desperation a penitent Eve, assuming responsibility for tasting the forbidden fruit, suggests that Adam kill her. He refuses, and after a search they survive by eating animals’ food. Adam suggests that as a penance they should stand fasting in the river up to their necks for 40 days, he in the Tigris, she in the Jordan. After 18 days Satan comes to Eve in the guise of an angel, tells her that the Lord has accepted her penance, and persuades her to leave the river. Coming to the Tigris where Adam is, Eve realizes that it was Satan who had spoken to her. Satan then explains that the reason for his fall was his refusal to worship man, a lower being.<\/p>\nThe archangel Michael is then sent to Adam with seeds so that he can learn to till the land. In a dream Eve sees Cain kill Abel, and in an attempt to prevent the murder by separating the brothers, Cain is made a farmer and Abel a shepherd. Subsequently a third son, Seth, is born. Adam receives a message from God that he is to die because he has obeyed the word of his wife rather than the instructions of God. When Adam is later in pain and close to death, he explains to Seth that Satan had tempted Eve to eat the forbidden fruit and that she in turn had persuaded him to taste it. Seth and Eve journey to the gates of Paradise to plead with God for Adam’s life. On the way Seth is attacked and bitten by a snake. At Paradise, Michael explains to them that Adam must die. Seth observes the burial of Adam and Abel.<\/p>\nBefore Eve’s death the following week, she asks Seth to make a record of the lives of his parents on tablets of stone and clay, so that if the Lord shows his anger with the world by water, the clay will be dissolved and the stone remain; if by fire, the stone will be broken up and the clay baked hard. Eve also warns Seth to mourn for six days only and not on the Sabbath.<\/p>\nThe text of the Greek version is similar to that of the Latin, except that the Greek version includes a description of Adam’s resurrection (added later to the Latin) and a detailed account by Eve of her temptation and fall. The burial of Adam and the initial refusal of the earth to accept the body of the slain Abel are also elaborately described in the Greek account. Both versions are probably derived from Hebrew originals dating from the first century AD<\/span>.<\/p>\nAhikar, Book of<\/p>\nNear Eastern folktale from the sixth or seventh century BC<\/span> showing the reward of ingratitude. According to the story, Ahikar, secretary of Sennacherib, king of Assyria, was renowned for his wisdom. Childless even though he had 60 wives, Ahikar adopted his sister’s son, Nadan, and reared him to be his successor in Sennacherib’s court. Ahikar diligently educated his adopted son, who nevertheless turned out to be bad and even forged documents to have his benefactor condemned to death. Ahikar was spared through his friendship with the executioner and was concealed until the wrath of the king cooled. Later, when Sennacherib had occasion to wish for his wisdom, Ahikar was brought on the scene, long-haired, disheveled, and with fingernails like eagles’ claws. Once again in the king’s favor, Ahikar sternly rebuked his unscrupulous nephew. In response to Ahikar’s rebuke, Nadan’s body swelled up and his stomach burst open.<\/p>\nAhikar’s story has interesting parallels with OT wisdom books and also with some of the parables of Jesus. References to Ahikar occur in the apocryphal book of Tobit, in the Greek philosopher Democritus, in the apocalyptic Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, as well as in the Koran. The story, originally in Aramaic, also survives in Syriac, Arabic, Armenian, Ethiopic, and Greek, though with considerable variations in the versions.<\/p>\nAkhmim Fragment<\/p>\nDocument found in a tomb in Akhmim in Egypt and containing the apocryphal Gospel of Peter. See<\/em> Peter, Preaching of (below).<\/p>\nAllogenes Supreme<\/p>\nGnostic work (“The Most High Stranger”), discovered in 1946 in an urn near Nag Hammadi (Egypt). The Neoplatonist historian Porphyry, as well as later Syriac Christian writings against heresy, mentioned the works of Allogenes (whose name means “foreigner” or “stranger”). Allogenes Supreme, a Gnostic “apocalypse” written in Coptic, contains an account of the creation of the higher world, exalting Barbelo, the celestial mother. The existing copy was made during the fourth century, but the original may date back to the second century.<\/p>\nAndrew, Acts of<\/p>\nApocryphal work describing purported miracles and the martyrdom in Greece of the apostle Andrew, Peter’s brother. Its theme is the virtue of turning away from materialism and the transitory values of the world to an asceticism associated with dedication of life to God. The earliest fragment available is in the Vatican. The original probably dated from the second century AD<\/span> and was probably long, verbose, and tedious. Feeling that it had merit, Gregory of Tours in the sixth century wrote a concise account of the miracles of Andrew from an original, now lost. The account of the martyrdom of Andrew probably circulated separately.<\/p>\nAmong the many miracles Gregory recorded was one concerning Exoos, a noble youth from Thessalonica, who, having heard of Andrew’s preaching and miracles, comes to him at Philippi, is converted, and remains with him. Finding bribery useless and refusing to listen to Andrew, the youth’s parents set fire to the house where the Christians are staying. As the flames roar, Exoos prays that the Lord will extinguish the fire and sprinkles it with water. Thereupon the flames die out. The parents and the crowd, claiming that the youth is now a sorcerer, climb ladders to enter the house and kill the inhabitants, but God blinds the intruders. Although it is night, a light shines out from the house, sight is restored to those who have been blinded, and all except the youth’s parents are converted. The parents die soon afterward, and Exoos remains with Andrew, spending his inheritance on the poor. Returning to Thessalonica, Exoos heals a man who has been paralyzed for 23 years, and subsequently Exoos and Andrew perform further miracles and preach to the people.<\/p>\nIn Patrae the maidservant of Maximilla, wife of the proconsul Aegeates, comes to Andrew and implores him to heal her mistress, whose fever is so severe that her husband is standing at her bedside threatening to kill himself with a sword the moment she dies. Telling the proconsul to put up his sword, Andrew takes Maximilla’s hand and the fever leaves her. Ordering food for her, Andrew then refuses Aegeates’ offer of 100 pieces of silver. After performing many miracles in the city, Andrew receives a message from Maximilla to come and heal the slave of the proconsul’s brother, Stratocles. The apostle restores the boy to health, and his master believes.<\/p>\nMaximilla, to the fury of her husband, spends considerable time listening to the preaching of Andrew and is also converted. She then refuses to sleep with her husband and one night even substitutes a servant for herself. Details of subsequent events are found in the account of the martyrdom. Aegeates, in anger, holds Andrew responsible for his wife’s alienation and has him arrested. After preaching from prison, Andrew is taken to be crucified by the seashore. When the Christian Stratocles sees Andrew being manhandled by the soldiers, he fights his way through, and he and Andrew walk together to the place of crucifixion. Aegeates, fearing his brother, orders the soldiers not to interfere. At the seashore the soldiers follow the proconsul’s command that Andrew be tied, not nailed, to the cross so that his death will be lingering and he will be eaten by dogs. After two days he is still speaking to people from the cross, and many come to Aegeates demanding Andrew’s release. Arriving at the scene, the proconsul sees that Andrew is indeed alive, and Aegeates approaches the apostle to release him. Andrew demands that he be allowed to die and meet his Lord. As they watch, Andrew dies and the onlookers weep as Maximilla and Stratocles take down his body from the cross. Maximilla remains apart from her husband and continues as a Christian.<\/p>\nAndrew, Story of<\/p>\nLegendary fragment existing only in the Coptic language. In the legend coming from the late second century AD<\/span>, a woman kills her child in the desert and gives the remains to a dog. She flees when the apostle Andrew and Philemon approach, but the dog tells what happened. Andrew prays and the child, being vomited forth, is restored to life and laughs and cries.<\/p>\nAndrew and Matthias, Acts of<\/p>\nLengthy document of highly questionable authenticity, probably dating from the late second century AD<\/span>. This book was one of many apocryphal “acts” intended to supplement the NT book of Acts by providing more information about the apostles. The fourth-century church historian Eusebius described this work and others like it as heretical, absurd, and spurious.<\/p>\nIn this story, the apostles cast lots to determine where each should go. Matthias (Matthew in some versions) is sent to the country of the man-eaters, where he soon requires rescue from a cannibal feast. The Lord then sends Andrew to save him. Andrew arrives in time to do so, and Matthias is then carried off by a cloud. Now alone, Andrew is arrested and tortured, being dragged through the city that he nearly destroys by calling forth water from a statue. Eventually, impressed by Andrew’s miracles, the people repent and release him. Andrew next draws a plan for a church, has it built, baptizes the people, and gives them the ordinances of the Lord.<\/p>\nAndrew and Paul, Acts of<\/p>\nFragmentary apocryphal story, existing only in Coptic fragments, about the arrival of the apostles Andrew and Paul by sea at a city. In the story, Paul, instructing Andrew to rescue him, visits the underworld. There he meets Judas, who explains that he worshiped Satan after Jesus had pardoned him for the betrayal. Andrew rescues Paul, who returns carrying a piece of wood. Although Andrew is asked to heal a child, some Jews are skeptical and the city gates remain closed to the apostles. Paul strikes the gates with his piece of wood, and the gates are swallowed up into the earth. Astonished at the miracle, 27,000 Jews are converted.<\/p>\nApostles, Epistle of the<\/p>\nLetter purporting to come from the 11 apostles to the churches “of the east and the west, of the north and the south, declaring and imparting to you that which concerns our Lord Jesus Christ.” Some believe that the epistle was written in Asia Minor about AD<\/span> 160; others think that it originated in Egypt. It is probably to be dated near the middle of the second century. In existence are a mutilated Coptic manuscript of the fourth or fifth century, a complete version in Ethiopic, and a fragment in Latin. The epistle was unknown until the discovery in 1895 of the Coptic manuscript.<\/p>\nAfter an introduction there is a declaration that “our Lord and Redeemer Jesus Christ is God the Son of God who was sent of God the Lord of the whole world.” Then follows a summary of a number of incidents from the Gospels, including a negative statement of the Golden Rule: “Love your enemies, and what you would not that man do to you, that do to no man.” Chapter 24 introduces the subject of the resurrection followed by a series of questions by the disciples with answers by Jesus. A prophecy of the conversion of Paul appears in chapter 31. In chapter 43 the five wise virgins are identified as “Faith and Love and Grace and Peace and Hope”; the names of the foolish are “Knowledge, Understanding (Perception), Obedience, Patience, and Compassion.” The question-and-answer format of a substantial part of the work is reminiscent of the style of some of the texts found in the Gnostic library at Nag Hammadi, especially the Apocryphon of John. However, warnings that Cerinthus and Simon (ch 7) are “enemies of our Lord Jesus Christ” make it clear that this is not a Gnostic document. The epistle contains numerous evidences of orthodox influence, along with clear indications of a departure from apostolic Christianity.<\/p>\nApostles, Gospel of the Twelve<\/p>\nOne of a large number of heretical “gospels” circulating in the earliest centuries of the Christian church along with the Gospels of Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John. The Gospel of the Twelve Apostles was first mentioned by name in comments on Luke 1:1 by the Christian theologian Origen (c. AD<\/span> 185–254). Some scholars think it may have been the same as the Gospel of the Ebionites, quoted in a few early Christian writings. Nothing is known directly of the Gospel of the Twelve Apostles.<\/p>\nArabic Gospel of the Infancy<\/p>\nOne of several “gospels of the infancy” found in the apocryphal NT. This one from about the fifth century contains an account of the birth of Jesus, including the visits of the shepherds and the magi, the flight into Egypt, and miracles performed by Jesus as a boy. Details of the early period of Jesus’ life are given, about which the canonical Gospels (Matthew, Mark, Luke, John) say nothing. An interesting facet of the miracle stories is the role in many of them of Mary, the mother of Jesus, in contrast to the record of the miracles in the canonical Gospels. The Arabic Gospel may have been written in Syriac and translated into Arabic. Some of its stories are also found in the Koran and other Islamic writings. Study of this apocryphal gospel reveals its sharp contrast with the canonical accounts, but it also indicates how much this and similar writings had to do with the growing veneration of the virgin Mary.<\/p>\nArabic History of Joseph the Carpenter<\/p>\nFourth-century AD<\/span> account of the life and death of Joseph—with information supposedly supplied by Jesus. According to this account, Joseph the carpenter becomes a widower after fathering four sons and two daughters (ch 2). He is entrusted with the care of Mary in his 90th year (ch 14). Thus, according to this account, the brothers and sisters of Jesus are Joseph’s children by a previous marriage. Joseph is said to have died at the age of 111 years. The document, which exists in both Arabic and Coptic versions, contains the statement that Mary “must look for the same end of life as other mortals” (ch 18). Hence, it has been dated as earlier than the fifth century, when the idea of the “assumption of Mary into heaven” was being promoted.<\/p>\nAristeas, Letter of<\/p>\nEarly account of the relationships between Judaism and Hellenism in Egypt during the period when the Hebrew OT was translated into Greek (the Septuagint). The author, Aristeas, who identifies himself as an Alexandrian court attendant under Ptolemy Philadelphus II (ruled 283–247 BC<\/span>), purports to give information about the translation procedures. The most probable date for the Letter of Aristeas (estimates vary from 200 BC<\/span> to AD<\/span> 50) is the end of the second century BC<\/span>.<\/p>\nAs part of his massive library project, King Ptolemy shows interest in the Jewish law. Aristeas uses the occasion to request the emancipation with remuneration of all Jewish slaves in the kingdom and King Ptolemy accedes to the request. The king asks that the high priest in Jerusalem select translators for the project. There follows a lengthy description of gifts sent to Eleazar, the high priest, with special emphasis upon an exquisite table. And then Aristeas describes the temple, the priests, the vestments of the high priest, and the defense system for the temple, followed by a brief description of Palestine and its environs.<\/p>\nIn the next section, the high priest talks with Aristeas and the translators before their departure to Alexandria. A summary of his speech includes a careful defense of the law from a philosophical viewpoint. The king gives a lavish banquet for the 72 translators (6 from each tribe) when they arrive in Alexandria. Each translator gives a brilliant answer to the king’s specific questions at the seven successive nights of celebration. The name of each translator and his question and answer are recorded. Then the work is completed on the island of Pharos in 72 days and is praised by the Alexandrian Jews and the king. The translators are dismissed with lavish gifts.<\/p>\nIn the epilogue, the author claims to have been an eyewitness to the events and maintains that his report is accurate. This is not believed by modern scholars. Its embellished and legendary quality was recognized in the fifth century BC<\/span>. Aristeas’s discussion of the translation procedure was obviously a convenient literary frame on which to hang a defense of Judaism to the heathen world. Religious liberalism and loyalty to basic Jewish beliefs were skillfully combined to plead for political toleration for the Jews. Many specifics of the Letter of Aristeas are questionable, but its basic picture of how the Septuagint translation came to be made is credible. See<\/em> the discussion of the Septuagint in Bible, Versions of the (Ancient).<\/p>\nArmenian Gospel of the Infancy<\/p>\nLegendary account of the infancy and boyhood of Jesus Christ, one of many apocryphal gospels intended to supplement the four NT Gospels by providing more details about Jesus’ early life. It was probably translated into Armenian from a Syriac original. Nestorian missionaries reportedly brought an “infancy gospel” into Armenia about AD<\/span> 590, but evidently not the Armenian Gospel in its present form.<\/p>\nSources for the Armenian Gospel included two books containing legendary material about Christ’s infancy, the Protevangelium of James and the Infancy Gospel of Thomas. The Armenian Gospel amplifies the material of these two texts considerably, making many novel additions to the life of Jesus. For example, Joseph searches for a midwife and meets Eve, who has come to witness the fulfillment of the promised Redeemer-seed (Gn 3:15). Later the magi bring the testament Adam gave to Seth. Jesus, accused of causing a child’s death, is cleared when the child is raised from the dead.<\/p>\nAscension of Isaiah<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Isaiah, Ascension of (below).<\/p>\nAscents of James<\/p>\nSee<\/em> James, Ascents of (below).<\/p>\nAsenath, Prayer of<\/p>\nJewish story about the wife of Joseph when he was in Egypt (Gn 41:45) and known by several titles—The Life and Confession of Asenath, The Book of Joseph and Asenath, and variations of the above. It was apparently very popular in the early and medieval Christian church. Latin, Syriac, Slavonic, Rumanian, and Ethiopic versions, in addition to 40 Armenian copies, have been found.<\/p>\nModern scholars tend to see the source of the novel in the Hellenistic Judaism prevalent in Egypt from 100 BC<\/span> to AD<\/span> 100. Asenath seems to serve as a model for any proselyte to Judaism. If that understanding is correct, the story gives valuable insight into the less legalistic attitudes of a sector of pre-Christian Judaism. Repentant realization of the hopelessness of one’s sinful condition and casting oneself upon the mercies of God play a large part in the story.<\/p>\nThe original was probably written in Greek and is divided into two major parts. Part I deals with Asenath’s pampered life prior to meeting Joseph, his initial rejection of her because of her idolatry, and her consequent repentance in ashes. Asenath calls upon God in prayer, and he sends an angel to her to announce her forgiveness and to say that her name is now written in the Book of Life. Joseph returns and marvels at Asenath’s new beauty, rejoicing at her conversion. With Pharaoh’s blessing they are married the next day.<\/p>\nPart II describes the period when Joseph’s father, Jacob, and his family have come to Egypt. Desiring Asenath, the elder son of Pharaoh tempts Joseph’s brothers Dan and Gad to help him kidnap her. The plan is foiled by Joseph’s other brothers, who then wish to kill Dan and Gad, but Asenath pleads successfully for their lives. Pharaoh leaves the crown to Joseph, who rules 40 years and then returns the reign to Pharaoh’s younger son.<\/p>\nAsher, Testament of<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs (below).<\/p>\nAssumption of Moses<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Moses, Assumption of (below).<\/p>\nBarnabas, Acts of<\/p>\nDocument of one of several distinct cycles of tradition about Barnabas, the apostle Paul’s companion, this one linking him with Cyprus. This work, whose full title is The Journeyings and Martyrdom of Saint Barnabas the Apostle, was probably composed in Cyprus at the end of the fifth or the beginning of the sixth century AD<\/span>.<\/p>\nThe book purports to be a first-person account written by John Mark. He claims to have left the apostles in Perga (cf. Acts 13:13) so he could sail to the West but was prevented. When he tried to rejoin them in Antioch, Paul prohibited him. Consequently, after some dispute, John Mark and Barnabas sailed for Cyprus. After preaching and healing many people, Barnabas encountered his old adversary, Bar-Jesus, who finally stirred up the Jews to capture him. Leading Barnabas out of the city of Salamis, they circled around him and burned him alive. John Mark and some other believers escaped with his ashes and buried them in a cave along with scriptures Barnabas had received from Matthew. John Mark then left for Alexandria to minister there.<\/p>\nBarnabas, Epistle of<\/p>\nThis anonymous letter addresses a question commonly asked throughout the early church: What should Christianity’s relationship be to Judaism? Clement of Alexandria quoted from this document frequently and ascribed it to “Barnabas, who himself also preached with the apostle [Paul].” Jerome believed the same. But the writer does not claim to be Barnabas, and the earliest claims of authorship come only from Alexandrian church leaders. The literary and interpretive style is entirely Alexandrian, so it is assumed that the epistle was written in Alexandria.<\/p>\nThe author of this epistle unequivocally denies any connection between Judaism and the gospel of Jesus Christ. At the same time, he does not say that the OT opposes the NT; rather, he sees Christianity everywhere in the Law and the Prophets. He holds that all the Judaistic rites and ceremonies are mystical pointers to Christ and that an evil angel has blinded the Jews from understanding this.<\/p>\nThe epistle mentions the destruction of Jerusalem, so it was not written before AD<\/span> 70. There was a second devastation of Jerusalem in AD<\/span> 132 that ended the revolt of Bar-Kochba. This defeat would have served the author’s purposes so well that he would surely have referred to it if he were writing after the event. Many scholars suggest that the letter was composed around 130, since this was a period of strong Jewish nationalism. This nationalism would have pressured many Jewish Christians to return to Judaism, and so the author of the Epistle of Barnabas wrote to defend Christianity against Judaism.<\/p>\nThe Epistle of Barnabas is composed of two parts. The first section (chs 1–17) contains allegorical interpretations of the OT. These highly spiritual and mystical interpretations are intended to oppose Jewish legalism and explain how the OT prophesied of Jesus Christ. The author concedes that righteous people, such as Moses, David, and the prophets, understood the true meaning of Mosaic law, but he contends that the rest of the nation of Israel had misconstrued God’s covenant. Therefore, the Jews lost their claim to the covenant’s blessings, which were transferred to the Christians instead. This allegorical style of interpretation was very popular among Alexandrian church leaders. The NT epistle of Hebrews also makes use of this type of interpretation. The author of the Epistle of Barnabas often quotes from the Septuagint, though the quotes are somewhat loosely recited.<\/p>\nA Latin version of the first section was all that was known of the Epistle of Barnabas until the discovery of Codex Sinaiticus in 1859. This codex contained the first known Greek version of the Epistle of Barnabas, which was appended to the books of the NT along with The Shepherd and the Didache. The Greek version contains a second section that begins, “Now let us pass on to quite a different sort of instruction.” This section contains moral precepts that contrast the way of darkness with the way of light, much of which seems to be transcribed from the “Two Ways” of the Didache. It has little connection with the first section. This has led many scholars to conclude that the second section was added by another writer at some later date.<\/p>\nBarnabas, Gospel of<\/p>\nLong Italian work actually written in the fourth century by a proselyte to Islam. He probably sought to capitalize on the mysterious mention of such a gospel in the Gelasian Decree, written not later than the sixth century AD<\/span>. To date, no other evidence of an authentic gospel by Barnabas has been uncovered, a fact that has led many scholars to doubt whether it ever existed.<\/p>\nBartholomew, Acts of<\/p>\nEarly Christian novel purporting to describe the last days and death of the apostle Bartholomew. The work is also known as The Martyrdom of the Holy and Glorious Apostle Bartholomew. It may date back to the fifth or sixth century AD<\/span> and was evidently well received, for copies exist in Latin, Greek, Armenian, and Ethiopic.<\/p>\nIn the Acts, Bartholomew goes to India, takes up residence in a pagan temple, and causes its false oracle to cease. Bartholomew then heals a demoniac, thus drawing the attention of King Polymius. Bartholomew also heals the king’s demon-possessed daughter. Next, he casts the false god out of the temple. After this display of power, many believe the gospel. The king’s brother, however, is enraged and has Bartholomew beaten and beheaded. His rash action is soon punished, for he is strangled to death by a demon. The good King Polymius becomes bishop and serves 20 years.<\/p>\nBartholomew, Apocalypse of<\/p>\nFragmentary Coptic texts that have some similarities to the apocryphal Gospel of Bartholomew. A few scholars have felt that two works were represented in these fragments, a gospel and also an apocalypse. Though this hypothesis has been generally abandoned, references to the debatable Apocalypse of Bartholomew still appear.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Bartholomew, Gospel of (below).<\/p>\nBartholomew, Book of the Resurrection of Christ by<\/p>\nApocryphal work existing only in Coptic and probably dating from the fifth or sixth century AD<\/span>. Like many similar writings of doubtful authenticity, it claims to supplement the accounts of Jesus found in the biblical Gospels. The book was supposedly addressed by Bartholomew to his son, Thaddaeus, who was warned in it not to let this book “come into the hand of any man who is an unbeliever and a heretic.” The book can hardly be regarded as a narrative; its aim is obviously the glorification of Bartholomew, who sees things that are hidden from others. The text contains many breaks; contradictions abound and a disregard of history is evident. Two different persons bury the body of Jesus: Joseph and Philogenes, father of a boy healed by Jesus. Mary, the mother of Jesus, is confused with Mary Magdalene. In the account of the Last Supper the author goes far beyond biblical statements about the bread and wine: “His Body was on the Table about which they were assembled; and they divided it. They saw the blood of Jesus pouring out as living blood down into the cup.” Imaginative details also embellish the account of the resurrection. Christ, for example, brings Adam back with him from hades. The story of doubting Thomas has been greatly amplified.<\/p>\nThe most complete text of the Book of the Resurrection is in the British Museum in London. Several other fragments exist, probably from an earlier version.<\/p>\nBartholomew, Gospel of<\/p>\nOne of many apocryphal gospels appearing after the second century under the name of some illustrious figure. The early church was aware not only of the existence of these writings but also of their fictitious character. In the fourth century the church historian Eusebius described them as heretical, spurious, absurd, and impious. Later a Gospel of Bartholomew was mentioned by name, along with several other Gnostic gospels, in the prologue of Jerome’s commentary on Matthew’s Gospel. However, there is no evidence that Jerome had seen such a book or that it actually existed.<\/p>\nA work called Questions of Bartholomew does exist in Greek, Latin, and Slavonic texts—the Greek dating possibly from the fifth or sixth century. Its text has Bartholomew asking Jesus where he went after the Crucifixion and Jesus telling him that he went into hades. Later Bartholomew is pictured as asking Mary to tell how she conceived the incomprehensible or bore him that cannot be carried. Mary warns him that if she began to tell them, fire would come forth from her mouth and consume all the world, but the apostle persists. As she tells the story of the angelic visitation and the Annunciation, fire comes from her mouth. The world is about to come to an end, but Jesus intervenes and places his hand over Mary’s mouth. The apostles also ask to see the bottomless pit and “the things which are in the heavens.” Bartholomew is shown the adversary of men, Beliar, restrained by 660 angels and bound with fiery chains. When Bartholomew treads upon his neck, Beliar explains that he had first been called Satanael and later Satan, describes the creation of the angels, and tells how he fell and how he was able to deceive Eve. Finally, Bartholomew is said to have asked Jesus about the greatest sin. Jesus replies that to say anything evil against a faithful worshiper of God is to sin against the Holy Spirit.<\/p>\nBaruch, Apocalypse of<\/p>\nTwo different pseudepigraphal works.<\/p>\n1. Pseudepigraphal Jewish document of 87 chapters, written in Hebrew and translated into Greek and from Greek into Syriac. Only a few lines of the Hebrew original still exist, quoted in rabbinic writings. The Syriac manuscript dates from the sixth or seventh century AD and is the only complete text. It shows evidence of multiple authorship and dependence on the book of 2 Esdras in the Apocrypha. Similarity of many expressions to those in the NT suggests that the original may have been composed in the last half of the first century or the first half of the second century.<\/p>\nThe text is in seven sections of unequal length containing both prose and poetic material. The subjects dealt with are the Messiah and his future kingdom, Israel’s past woes, and the destruction of Jerusalem by the Babylonians. Theological questions such as sin and suffering, free will, the number of people to be saved by the Messiah, and the resurrection of the righteous are not always treated consistently within the text. Some passages paint an optimistic picture of Israel’s future; others are deeply pessimistic. In general the world is a scene of corruption for which no remedy exists. A new and spiritual world is at hand: “Whatever is now is nothing, but that which shall be is very great. For everything that is corruptible shall pass away, and everything that dies shall depart and all the present time, which is defiled with evils.” The alternating optimism and pessimism may reflect the changing fortunes of Judaism in the first and second centuries AD<\/span> or simply the outlook of the different authors. The message of hope is directed to those who keep the law of Moses: “For the righteous justly hope for the end, and without fear depart from this habitation, because they have with Thee a store of works preserved in treasuries.”<\/p>\nThe final section of the book is identified as “the epistle which Baruch, the son of Neriah, sent to the nine and a half tribes.” It was sent by being “bound to the neck of the eagle,” probably meaning that it was intended for the Jews scattered outside Palestine (the Diaspora).<\/p>\nBaruch was the prophet Jeremiah’s companion and secretary (Jer 36:4-8). His name was attached to a number of apocryphal and pseudepigraphal writings composed long after his death. The Syriac Apocalypse of Baruch is also called 2 Baruch to distinguish it clearly from the book of Baruch (1 Baruch) in the Apocrypha.<\/p>\n<li>2. Pseudepigraphal document of 17 chapters, also called the Greek Apocalypse of Baruch or 3 Baruch. It is preserved in Greek, Ethiopic, Armenian, and Slavonic manuscripts. It was first published in Venice in 1609 and then in 1868, although its existence was suggested by the early Christian theologian Origen. Like 2 Baruch, this apocalypse seems to be a composite document of the second century AD<\/span> but in contrast is a Christian document intended to warn unconverted Jews and to encourage Christians to be patient in dealing with them.<\/li>\nBasilides, Gospel of<\/p>\nPolemic commentary on the Gospels by a second-century Gnostic. Basilides’s writings remain only as allusions and fragments in later works by several church fathers. Basilides taught in Alexandria during the reign of the Roman emperor Hadrian (AD<\/span> 117–138). His teacher, Glaucias, claimed to be a firsthand interpreter of the apostle Peter. Basilides asserted that his Gnostic scheme emerged from Peter’s views on the relationship between God and Christ. He described God paradoxically as a nonexistent Being who “generated” three Sonships. Through successive ascents and enlightenments, the gospel of the supreme God (the Gospel of Light) eventually descended upon Jesus.<\/p>\nOrigen stated that “Basilides dared to write a gospel According to Basilides.” Clement of Alexandria and the writer of a fourth-century fragment, Acta Archelai, thought that Origen referred to an apocryphal gospel, the teaching of which was deduced from Irenaeus’s account. Today, more in line with Hippolytus’s understanding of Basilides, this work is regarded as merely a commentary on the Gospels. Basilides was probably not responsible for the magical rites and libertinism of the Basilidians, a Gnostic sect led by his son Isidore and continuing in Egypt to the end of the century.<\/p>\nBenjamin, Testament of<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs (below).<\/p>\nBirth of Mary<\/p>\nAn early Gnostic writing. “The Gnostics have a book which they call the Birth (or Descent) of Mary, in which are horrible and deadly things.” So said the fourth-century bishop Ephiphanius in describing the Birth of Mary, a work that has not survived. The Birth of Mary claimed to reveal what Zechariah, father of John the Baptist, saw in the temple—namely, the Jewish god in the form of an ass. That Jews and Christians worshiped an ass-god was commonly held by their critics in those days. This blasphemous work should not be confused with the Gospel of the Birth of Mary, a fanciful but relatively harmless account of Mary’s birth, early life, and marriage to Joseph.<\/p>\n\nBirth of Mary, Gospel of the<\/p>\nCollection of legends purporting to tell Mary’s story from birth to King Herod’s slaughter of the children in Bethlehem. The earliest such manuscript is called Book of the Nativity of Mary or Gospel of James because it claimed to be written by James, half brother of Jesus. It was written by AD<\/span> 150, since Justin, an early Christian writer, named it in his Dialogues<\/em> (165). It was rediscovered for the West by Postel, who translated it from Greek into Latin (Protevangelium Jacobi,<\/em> 1552). Before it was lost, two major Latin revisions of it had been produced: Pseudo-Matthew and the Gospel of the Nativity of Mary, compiled around the sixth and ninth centuries respectively. These revisions amplified the Book of the Nativity of Mary with more fanciful legends and were the basis for the Golden Legends of James of Voragine (1230–1298), which in turn became instrumental in fostering veneration of Mary.<\/p>\nAccording to the Book of the Nativity of Mary, Mary is born to rich, barren parents (Joachim and Anna) through angelic response to their prayers. They dedicate Mary to the Lord. At six months Mary walks seven steps, so Anna makes her bedroom a sanctuary, allowing nothing unclean to enter, and vows that Mary will walk again only in the temple. At age three Mary is placed in the temple and receives food from an angel. On Mary’s twelfth birthday the high priest asks God what to do and is told to marry her to a widower. Elderly Joseph is chosen when a dove springs from his rod. Months later, Mary “gives birth” to Jesus in Bethlehem’s cave, through a light so bright that none can see; the light gradually withdraws and the Child appears at Mary’s breast. The Book of the Nativity of Mary closes with the magi and Herod’s slaughter of infants. Mary saves Jesus by wrapping him in swaddling clothes and laying him in a manger.<\/p>\nRecently another Greek fragment, this one from the Gospel of Mary, was found (see photo). The fragment is too little to tell us much about the content of this gospel.<\/p>\nBook of the Cock<\/p>\nApocryphal story preserved by the church of Ethiopia and still read there on the Thursday before Easter. According to the Book of the Cock, on the night of the Last Supper, Akrosina, wife of Simon the Pharisee, presents Jesus with a nicely prepared cock for dinner. After Judas leaves the room, Jesus touches the cock and it comes to life. He instructs it to follow Judas and to report his dealings. The cock returns and tells about the forthcoming betrayal, mentioning Paul of Tarsus as one of those involved. The disciples weep. Jesus sends the cock to the sky for a thousand years.<\/p>\nA similar story exists as a fragment in Sahidic Coptic. In the Coptic version the resurrection of the cock is a symbol of the resurrection of Christ.<\/p>\nCoptic Lives of the Virgin<\/p>\nApocryphal works concerning Mary, the mother of Jesus, in the Egyptian language of Coptic. See<\/em> Virgin, Life of the (below).<\/p>\nCorinthians, Third<\/p>\nApocryphal correspondence purporting to be between the apostle Paul and the Corinthian church. Written during the second century and known as 3 Corinthians, the work consists of three parts: an epistle allegedly from Stephanus of Corinth to Paul concerning two false apostles, Simon and Cleobius; a brief narrative telling of its delivery; and Paul’s reply and refutation of the false doctrine. The sequence of letters was originally part of the Acts of Paul, a longer apocryphal document, but circulated on its own as well—it even found its way into the text of the Armenian Bible. It pretends to explain the reference in 2 Corinthians 2:4 to a letter written in great distress.<\/p>\nAccording to an early church father, Tertullian (On Baptism),<\/em> the author of 3 Corinthians was a presbyter (church leader) of Asia who forged it out of love for Paul shortly after AD<\/span> 160. That presbyter’s removal from office indicates the stern attitude of the early Christians toward the writing of documents falsely claiming apostolic origin.<\/p>\nDan, Testament of<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs (below).<\/p>\nDialogue of the Redeemer<\/p>\nChristian Gnostic document, also called the Dialogue of the Savior. The document was found in the ancient Nag Hammadi Library at the modern city of Nag Hammadi (Upper Egypt) in 1946. The Dialogue is a fictitious account of a conversation between Jesus and some of his disciples in which they discuss questions about the universe, humanity, the end times, and salvation. The manuscript is in poor condition. Its authorship and origin are unknown, though it was possibly written in Egypt during the second or third centuries AD<\/span>.<\/p>\nDiscourse of Theodosius<\/p>\nCoptic Boharic version of the Assumption of the Virgin and a main source for the Coptic form of that legend. See<\/em> Virgin, Assumption of the (below).<\/p>\nDoctrina Addaei<\/p>\nExpanded Syriac form of the Epistles of Christ and Abgarus, written about AD<\/span> 400. The Doctrina Addaei tells a story about the contacts between Abgar (Abgarus), king of Edessa, and Jesus Christ. King Abgar, suffering from an unspecified ailment, is said to have sent a messenger to Jesus bearing the king’s written request for healing along with an offer of sanctuary for Jesus in his kingdom. Jesus responds orally, promising to send one of his followers to Abgar after his own ascension to heaven. Abgar’s envoy also takes back a self-portrait of Jesus that becomes the pride of Edessa. Later Addai visits the kingdom, heals Abgar, and establishes Christianity there. See<\/em> Abgarus, Letters of Christ and (above).<\/p>\nEbionites, Gospel of the<\/p>\nGospel quoted by one early Christian writer, Epiphanius (fourth century), in a work against heresies. The Gospel of the Ebionites is possibly the same as the apocryphal Gospel of the Hebrews, although some scholars associate it with the Gospel of the Nazarenes. The Ebionites were vegetarians; Epiphanius’s citations stress the vegetarian diets of John the Baptist and Jesus.<\/p>\nEgyptians, Gospel of the<\/p>\nTwo apocryphal works with the same name.<\/p>\n1. Apocryphal second-century AD<\/span> Greek writing, mentioned by the early church writers, Clement and Origen. Used in Egypt, the composition seems to have contained and propagated Gnostic teachings, especially those advocated in Syria by Simon and Menander. According to these Gnostics, marriage, eating meat, and procreation were evil. Clement may have quoted from this writing to refute the beliefs of the Encratites, who broadly agreed with the Syrian Gnostics on those matters. The Gnostics’ depreciation of women was reflected in the quotations Clement used.<\/p>\n<li>2. Composition discovered in 1946 at Chenoboskion (Egypt) in the Nag Hammadi collection of Gnostic writing. The principal title of the work, described in the colophon as “Gospel of the Egyptians” was “Sacred Book of the Great Invisible Spirit.” This work dealt with emanations from “the primal spirit of the cosmos” and perhaps was a product of the Barbelo Gnostic sect.<\/li>\nEldad and Medad, Book of<\/p>\nPre-Christian pseudepigraphic composition containing the alleged prophecies of Eldad and Medad, two persons appointed as elders by Moses (Nm 11:26). Since the nature of their prophecy was not specified, it gave rise to a lost work that is quoted in the Shepherd of Hermas as follows: “The Lord is near to them who return to Him, as it is written in Eldad and Medad who prophesied to the people in the wilderness” (Vision II, ch 3). That is the only source of information concerning the lost book.<\/p>\nEugnostos, Letter of<\/p>\nGnostic work. Found near the modern city of Nag Hammadi, the Letter of Eugnostos was written in Coptic by a teacher to his disciple. Both author and date of composition are unknown. An early example of non-Christian Gnostic writing, it perhaps served as the basis for a Christian Gnostic composition, “The Wisdom of Jesus Christ.”<\/p>\nThe Letter of Eugnostos attempts to prove the existence of an invisible spiritual realm. It also stresses God’s remoteness from humanity.<\/p>\nEve, Gospel of<\/p>\nGnostic and apocalyptic writings, known solely through a citation by Epiphanius, a late fourth-century metropolitan of Cyprus. Epiphanius quoted the Gospel of Eve in a biting refutation of Gnostic and Origenistic teachings. Evidently a cult had formed around Eve as if her name implied revelation because the serpent had spoken to her in the Garden of Eden. Epiphanius’s quotation from the Gospel of Eve roughly translates: “I stood on a high mountain and saw a giant and a feeble man, and I heard a voice like thunder. ‘Come near me and listen,’ and he spoke to me saying, ‘I am you and you are me. Wherever you are, there I am. I am spread through all things, and any place you are able to retire into or take shelter in me; and, taking shelter in me, you take shelter in yourself.’ ”<\/p>\nEzekiel, Apocryphal<\/p>\nNoncanonical book of Ezekiel mentioned by Josephus, first-century Jewish historian. An apocryphal Ezekiel is cited in five early Christian writings and a recent archaeological discovery. Bishop Epiphanius (fourth century) cited an Ezekiel parable, in proof of the resurrection of the interdependent soul and body, about a blind man and a lame man collaborating to rob an orchard. Clement of Rome, writing to the Corinthians (AD 90?), and Clement of Alexandria in two of his writings (AD<\/span> 200?) have noncanonical Ezekiel quotations. An Ezekiel apocryphon is mentioned in the pseudo-Athanasian canon (purporting to list canonical books of the Bible) and is named in the stichometry (prose written in rhythmic phrases) of Nicephorus, Patriarch of Constantinople (AD<\/span> 806–815). In 1940 Campbell Bonner published Greek papyrus fragments that confirm the existence of an apocryphal Ezekiel.<\/p>\nEzra, Fourth Book of<\/p>\nAlternate name for the apocryphal book 2 Esdras. See<\/em> Esdras, Second Book of.<\/p>\nGad, Testament of<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs (below).<\/p>\nGenesis Apocryphon<\/p>\nName given to one of the seven large Dead Sea Scrolls recovered from the first Qumran cave in 1947. With three others it came into the possession of the Syrian archbishop of Jerusalem but could not be unrolled and photographed because it was badly preserved, having not been kept in an earthen jar like the others. Some small pieces were detached, however, and certain words on them indicated that it might be an apocryphal Aramaic work connected with the patriarch Enoch. Further scraps spoke of Lamech, however, thus the scroll was tentatively named for that ancient person.<\/p>\nEventually it was unrolled and found to be not only damaged but incomplete; the beginning and the end were missing. The inner portion had been best preserved, but considerable damage had been done to the text by the ink it had been written with. The scroll not only dealt with Enoch and Lamech but with other persons mentioned in the book of Genesis. It proved to be an Aramaic form of parts of Genesis dealing with the patriarchs, but it included legends and other materials presented in memoir style, not found in the Hebrew Bible. That style was popular among pious Jews at the beginning of the Christian era, thus its original has been dated to the first century BC<\/span>. The Qumran copy was probably made between 50 BC<\/span> and AD<\/span> 70.<\/p>\nThe literary characteristics of the scroll have presented some classification problems. Free expansion and inclusion of nonbiblical material led certain scholars to call the scroll a “targum” or commentary-expansion of the Genesis text. Others have regarded it as a “midrash” or sermonic account of the Hebrew narrative. The scroll contains both elements and is best regarded as an independent recounting of certain Genesis stories, enriched by the inclusion of imaginative material such as a description of the beauty of the patriarch Abraham’s wife Sarah; dreams; and accounts of plagues and journeys.<\/p>\nThe Aramaic Apocryphon somewhat antedates the one used in Palestine in the time of Christ. It contains some Hebraisms but is mostly written in good Aramaic, much of which parallels biblical Aramaic. The language of the scroll, however, is later than the period of old Aramaic (tenth to eighth centuries BC<\/span>) or official Aramaic (Assyrian and Persian periods), as the presence of certain grammatical forms indicate. Most scholars have described the language as middle Aramaic and have placed it between the Aramaic of Daniel and later western Aramaic. Those scholars generally assign a second-century BC<\/span> date to Daniel, but that conclusion needs to be modified because the Qumran material shows that no canonical work was composed later than about 350 BC<\/span>. On any evidence, the Aramaic of Daniel is earlier than that of the Apocryphon and seems to fit properly into the period when official Aramaic was the dominant form of the language. The Genesis Apocryphon presents no valid reasons for dating the Aramaic of Daniel or Ezra later than the sixth to fifth centuries BC<\/span>.<\/p>\nGospel of Thomas<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Thomas, Gospel of (below).<\/p>\nIsaiah, Ascension of<\/p>\nPseudepigraphal apocalyptic work widely known to the early Christians; also known as the Martyrdom of Isaiah, the Testament of Hezekiah, and the Vision of Isaiah. It was rediscovered when an Ethiopic version of part of the text was published in 1819. The full Ethiopic version is the only complete version in existence. A partial Latin text published in 1832 had actually been published in Venice over three centuries before. Slavonic and Coptic versions also exist. All may be traced back to two Greek versions of the third, fifth, and sixth centuries.<\/p>\nIt is not clear whether the original was a single composition or even whether the authorship was Christian or Jewish with later Christian editing. The final form may date from the latter part of the second century. It was known to Ambrose, Jerome, Origen, Tertullian, and possibly to Justyn Martyr. The contents fall under three heads:<\/p>\n1. The Martyrdom of Isaiah. This material consists of prophetic utterances, including the prophet’s prediction of his own death at the hands of King Manasseh of Judah. The document deals with the dark apostasy of the king, who, indwelt by Satan and following Beliar, leads his people into all manner of sin. Jerusalem, whose fall is prophesied, is called “Sodom” and its princes “Gomorrah.” In the form of a midrash (devotional sermon), this section dwells on Isaiah’s firm rejection of compromise or recantation. Isaiah’s martyrdom by being “sawn in two” is the portion with which the church fathers seem to have been familiar.<\/p>\n<li>2. The Testament of Hezekiah. This section is apocalyptic, a vision Isaiah passes on to his king. It speaks of the descent of “the Beloved,” a title used in this document for the Messiah. The vision covers the Messiah’s incarnation, life, death, resurrection, and ascension, then turns to the early history of the church and the apostasy that precedes the second coming of the Lord. The Antichrist is revealed as Beliar or Satan, who assumes human form and kills his mother (no doubt directed at the Roman emperor Nero, who murdered his mother, Agrippina). The whole section is based on Daniel and the biblical Apocalypse and was also influenced by Gnosticism. The conclusion of the vision (the Beloved’s victory, the two resurrections, and the final judgment) very closely parallels the consummation of all things in the NT book of Revelation.<\/li>\n<li>3. The Vision of Isaiah. This section resembles #2 even linguistically but shows more Gnostic influence: Isaiah is lifted to the dwelling place of the Trinity, the seventh heaven, and shown many mysteries of Christ. Because of this vision Manasseh kills the prophet. Gnostic doctrine, as propagated by Cerinthus at the end of the first century, is evident. Jesus, earthly born, becomes the host of the Christ, who leaves his earthly tenement at the Crucifixion.<\/li>\nHistorically, the value of the Ascension of Isaiah is to show the welter of conflicting opinion which, claiming authority and inspiration, besieged the minds of the early Christians.<\/p>\nIsaiah, Martyrdom of<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Isaiah, Ascension of (above).<\/p>\nIssachar, Testament of<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs (below).<\/p>\nJames, Apocalypse of<\/p>\nThere were two Gnostic apocalypses of James (designated “first” and “second”). The first, covering over 20 pages of text, purports to be a revelation given by the Lord, some of it before the Crucifixion and some after it, to James, his brother, who was also know as James the righteous. The two documents referred to as the Apocalypse of James are in Codex V of the Nag Hammadi literature discovered in 1945 in Egypt just west of the Nile River opposite the city of Chenoboskion and are distinct from the Apocryphon of James, which is included in NT apocryphal writings. The second apocalypse composed of 20 pages of Coptic text is purportedly a speech delivered by James the Just on the fifth step of the temple and contains many references to or echoes of canonical Scriptures. The work ends with the multitude casting James down from the temple and stoning him in a manner reminiscent of the martyrdom of Stephen.<\/p>\nJames, Ascents of<\/p>\nLost book mentioned only by Epiphanius (bishop of the Greek island of Salamis) in his fourth-century work Refutation of All the Heresies.<\/em> According to Epiphanius, the Ascents of James was used by the Ebionites, a rigidly ascetic sect of Jewish Christians. The book represented James, Jesus’ brother, as having spoken against the temple and sacrifices. It declared the apostle Paul to be a Greek who went to Jerusalem, sought to marry the high priest’s daughter, and to that end became a proselyte and was circumcised. When he did not win the young woman, he inveighed against the Sabbath, the Law, and circumcision.<\/p>\nIn a commentary on Galatians (1865), J. B. Lightfoot suggested that the book’s title referred to James’s ascents up the temple steps, from which he addressed the people. Lightfoot also suggested that James’s death was the grand climax of the ascents. According to a quote from the early Christian writer Hegesippus (as recorded in Eusebius’s Ecclesiastical History<\/em>), James was cast down to his death from the pinnacle of the temple.<\/p>\nJames, Protevangelium of<\/p>\nThis is an apocryphal “gospel” that tells of the token marriage and pregnancy of Mary and of Jesus’ birth, childhood, and adolescent years. This apocryphal writing was discovered in the 16th century by Guillaume Postel.<\/p>\nJob, Testament of<\/p>\nApocalyptic literature bearing resemblance to the biblical book of Job. The book was probably written in Greek in the second century AD<\/span>. Since it is devoid of Christian thought, it was likely written by a Jew.<\/p>\nIn chapters 1–45, Job is the speaker. He comes to understand that a nearby temple has been desecrated by there having been offered in it sacrifices to Satan. When Job destroys it, Satan threatens him. Job’s friends come to console him but their speeches are greatly abbreviated. Elihu is represented as Satan’s mouthpiece and earns God’s displeasure. But Job sacrifices for all three friends. He remarries and has seven sons and three daughters, who inherit his wealth. Chapters 46–51, in which Job’s brother is the speaker, conclude the narrative.<\/p>\nJohn the Baptist, Life of<\/p>\nA legendary account supposedly written by Serapion dealing with the early life of John the Baptist and especially with the death of his mother, Elizabeth. While Jesus was living with his parents in Egypt, Elizabeth dies on the same day as Herod the Great dies. John, who is but a small boy, does not know how to bury her. The clouds bring Jesus, Mary, and Salome who wash the body. The grave is dug by Michael and Gabriel, who also bring the souls of Zacharias and Simeon. John is then left to grow up in the desert under the care of the angels, while the clouds lift Jesus and Mary to Nazareth where they live.<\/p>\nJohn the Evangelist, Book of<\/p>\nThis writing was used most extensively by the Albigenses and was commonly regarded as stemming from the Bogomiles before them. It was written in the form of questions and answers propounded to have come from the apostle John while he leaned upon the breast of Jesus at the Last Supper. This pattern of questions and answers is found in other early Gnostic writings, especially the Gospel of Bartholomew.<\/p>\nThe writing contains Gnostic theology. It portrays a world created by Satan and not by God. Christ was not born of Mary but was an angel sent forth to the earth. He “entered in by the ear and came forth by the ear” of Mary. John the Baptist was sent by Satan, and his disciples (the Roman Catholic Church) are not the disciples of Christ. Baptism and apparently the Lord’s Supper are valueless.<\/p>\nThe writing is preserved only in Latin and in its present form is not earlier than the 12th century. A convenient English translation may be found in M. R. James, The Apocryphal NT<\/em> (1924).<\/p>\nJoseph, Prayer of<\/p>\nJewish apocalyptic work. The Prayer of Joseph won the commendation of Origen, an early church scholar, as a document “not to be despised.” Origen’s quotations provide almost the only surviving information about the work, so that its total content and significance are unclear. An ancient list of OT apocryphal and canonical writings puts the Prayer of Joseph third and mentions its length as 1,100 verses. Origen’s quotations concern mainly Joseph’s father, Jacob. Jacob exists in the form of an angel, bearing Jacob’s given name Israel. He is the speaker in the quoted fragments and foretells the fate of humankind. He describes how he met Uriel on a journey to Mesopotamia and how Uriel wrestled with him, claiming to be the greatest of the angels. The apocalyptic poet had in mind the story of Jacob’s mysterious wrestling at Jabbok (Gn 32:22-29) and passages such as Daniel 10:13. Because Jacob claims to be “the first born of all living beings” and therefore the chief of all angels, Uriel challenges him.<\/p>\nJoseph, Testament of<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs (below).<\/p>\nJoseph the Carpenter, History of<\/p>\nDocument glorifying Jesus’ earthly father and promoting a cult of Joseph. Words in chapter 18 of the History of Joseph support a fourth-century date for it. There Jesus tells his mother, “You, too, must look for the same end of life as other mortals.” By the fifth century the doctrine of the “Assumption of the Virgin” was widely held.<\/p>\nThe document, derived from the Protevangelium of James, was contaminated by both Gnosticism and other religious beliefs of Egypt, the country in which it was written. It is extant in Coptic and Arabic and also in a fourth-century translation of the Coptic text.<\/p>\nThe History of Joseph the Carpenter claims to give an account of Joseph’s life and his model death at the age of 111. The story is allegedly told by Jesus to his disciples on the Mt of Olives. Joseph, a carpenter (Mt 13:55), is a widower well advanced in years when he marries Mary, who is only 12. (He had six children by an earlier marriage.) Joseph is buried according to the rites of the Egyptian Osiris cult after Jesus pronounces a eulogy.<\/p>\nJubilees, Book of<\/p>\nJubilees is a pseudepigraphal work from the last half of the second century BC<\/span> during the Maccabean period. It is an invaluable source for understanding the environment in the age prior to the launching of the Christian church. Jubilees stands with the Book of Enoch and the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs as the most important Hebrew or Aramaic literature of the time. Like these it was translated into Greek and used by the church fathers. Most probably, Jubilees was written in Hebrew since it purported a Mosaic authorship and since its nationalistic Maccabean environment would demand it. Fragments of 10 manuscripts in Hebrew found at Qumran support the thesis that it was originally in that language.<\/p>\nThe work is referred to by later Greek writers following Hebrew sources as “Jubilees” and “the little (lesser) Genesis.” It is also entitled “The Apocalypse of Moses” and the “Testament of Moses.” In revised forms it has been called “The Book of Adam’s Daughters” and “The Life of Adam.”<\/p>\nComplete, fifty-chapter manuscripts exist in six Ethiopian texts of which the texts of the fifth and sixth centuries are best. The Latin text is valuable but partial and only a few fragments of the Greek version remain. The Hebrew fragments found at Qumran are of special importance since they are from the period of original writing. The Bibliotheque Nationale has “Ethiopien 51” and “Ethiopien 160.” The British Museum has Kufale,<\/em> or Liber Jubilaeorum,<\/em> and Enoch<\/em>.<\/em><\/p>\nThe author of Jubilees claims a direct revelational source for the teaching that he espouses. God had spoken to Moses in the Pentateuch in the “lesser law” in this “little book of Genesis.” At Sinai God communicated to Moses by the “Angel of the Presence” saying to the angel, “Write for Moses from the beginning of creation until my sanctuary has been built among them for all eternity” (1:27). This is supplementary to the “first law” (6:22).<\/p>\nFollowing a brief introduction Jubilees follows the text of Genesis and Exodus to 14:31. This midrashic treatment of the Pentateuchal material attempts to show that the patriarchy adhered to the law even prior to Moses. The author’s aim is to strengthen classical Judaism in the face of the serious intrusions of Hellenistic culture among Jewish peoples. In doing this the author does not hesitate in adding and subtracting from Pentateuchal history. The patriarchs are adorned in every way. Anything that showed their weaknesses and sins was removed and legendary content inserted to glorify these fathers. The patriarchs are the fountainheads of culture. Enoch invented writing; Noah, medicine; Abraham, plowing.<\/p>\nAppealing to Leviticus 25:8-12, the work emphasizes the importance of the number seven. History from Adam to Moses is arranged according to cycles of seven. This manner of compartmentalizing history into jubilee periods was revealed to Moses at Sinai and so has divine sanction and in fact is mandated. The philosophy of history that springs from this sees God acting sovereignly and uniquely in Israel in distinction to his relationship with the gentile world. The other nations are ruled by angels but not Israel, which is directly in God’s charge (Jubilees 15:31ff.).<\/p>\nThe polemic that Jubilees mounts against the lunar calendar (6:36-38) and its acceptance of the solar calendar is but another facet of the drive for a deep reform that will cleanse Israel. Israel is to be separated to God in every way with no intermingling in marriage or sitting at the table with Gentiles. There is a surprising stringency demanded in Sabbath keeping (50:1-13). The penalty of death is levied against those who travel, buy or sell, draw water, bear burdens, snare creatures, or have marital relations on the Sabbath. These go far beyond the biblical requirements and belong to that milieu that produced the Qumran community and the Essenes.<\/p>\nThe apocalyptic declaration of the Angel of Presence contains a clear but limited eschatological truth. Jubilees does contain the expectation of an immediate establishment of the messianic age. The entire emphasis, however, is such that ethical and cultural purposes are preeminent.<\/p>\nJudah, Testament of<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs (below).<\/p>\nJudas Iscariot, Gospel of<\/p>\nVery old Gnostic writing probably produced by the Cainite sect. As it is not preserved for us today, we know it only through quotations in the writings of early Christians, especially Irenaeus. Thus, it must have been written before the middle of the second century AD<\/span>. It probably contained a body of secret doctrine purportedly revealed by Judas Iscariot, summarizing the truth of superior and perfect knowledge supposedly revealed to this sect of the Gnostics. The gospel sets forth the “mystery of the betrayal,” explaining how Judas through his treachery made the salvation of all mankind possible. This was accomplished by his forestalling the destruction of the truth proclaimed by Christ or by his thwarting the designs of the evil powers, the Archons, who wished to prevent the crucifixion of Christ because they knew it would destroy their evil power.<\/p>\nLentulus, Epistle of<\/p>\nLentulus, ostensibly a predecessor of Pontius Pilate, is said to have prepared a report to the Roman Senate known as the Letter (or Epistle) of Lentulus. In it he included a detailed description of Jesus: “tall and handsome, his countenance inspiring reverence along with love and fear, his hair dark, shining, curling, parted in the middle, his face with a delicate rudiness. . . .” The authenticity of the letter is extremely doubtful.<\/p>\nLevi, Testament of<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs (below).<\/p>\nLives of Adam and Eve<\/p>\nA general title given to a noncanonical writing extant in Greek and Latin. The book is Jewish in nature, though there is a Christian flavor that causes most scholars to date the original work to the beginning of the Christian era. The content of the book is an expansion on the biblical story of Adam and Eve.<\/p>\nThe Greek version begins with the expulsion from Eden. In a dream, Eve sees the murder of Abel. After Adam had fallen ill Seth and Eve went to obtain oil from the tree of life. Michael the archangel met Seth and told him that Adam would die. Upon his death, he was ultimately taken to the third heaven. Seth witnessed how the angels interred his father and received instructions on how to bury his mother, who died a week after Adam.<\/p>\nThe Latin version gives additional information. After the expulsion from the Garden, Eve asked Adam to kill her but instead of that he suggested they both do an act of penitence. Adam went to stand in the Jordan for 40 days and Eve went to stand in the water of the Euphrates for 37 days. While there, she was again tempted by Satan, who was disguised as an angel of light but was eventually exposed by Adam. Satan now explained the reason for his hostility toward them: when the angels were commanded to worship the Lord, he refused to do obeisance to God and was consequently cast out of heaven.<\/p>\nMatthew, Martyrdom of<\/p>\nLoosely organized tale of Matthew’s martyrdom that borrows heavily from the “Acts of Andrew and Matthias” and assumes that Matthias was in fact Matthew. The document represents the low literary and theological impulse of the later apocryphal texts.<\/p>\nThe story begins when Matthew is commissioned by Jesus to plant a staff in Myrna, the city of man-eaters. Matthew does so, after exorcising the demon Asmodeus from the king’s wife and family. The staff becomes a tree overnight, Matthew preaches to the people, and they “become humanized.” But Asmodeus seeks revenge by directing the king to burn Matthew. The fire consumes golden idols and many soldiers, then turns into a dragon and chases the king, who begs Matthew for help. But Matthew dies.<\/p>\nA somewhat repentant but not yet converted king places the body of Matthew in an iron casket and sinks it secretly in the sea. The next day Matthew appears on the sea in the presence of two shining men and a “beautiful” child. The king is finally converted, baptized, and accepted into the church. Matthew appears to confer on the king his own name and to ordain him a priest and his family, deacons and deaconesses. Then Matthew ascends to heaven with two angels.<\/p>\nMedad, Book of Eldad and<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Eldad and Medad, Book of (above).<\/p>\nMoses, Assumption of<\/p>\nA Jewish legend that Moses was taken bodily into heaven without dying. Probably written between AD<\/span> 7 and 30, it may be a combination of two earlier works, and appears to borrow heavily from the book of Deuteronomy. The work was likely produced to provide a miraculous ending to Moses’ outstanding earthly life, attributing to him an experience similar to Elijah’s. But this Jewish legend is contrary to the OT account of Moses’ death (Dt 32:48-50; 34:5-7).<\/p>\n<h6>The Lost Assumption of Moses<\/h6>\nThree facts indicate that there once was an apocryphal book that contained the legend of the assumption of Moses: (1) early lists of apocryphal works mention a work by this title; (2) several church fathers refer to it; and (3) a few fragments in Greek have survived.<\/p>\nThe following items appeared in the work. God commissioned the archangel Michael to bury Moses’ body. Satan opposed Moses’ burial because he claimed authority over all matter and because Moses was a murderer. Michael countered Satan’s claims and charged him with tempting Eve in Eden. Joshua and Caleb then watched Moses’ assumption occur in a strange way. As they watched, they saw Moses’ dead body buried in the mountain, but they also saw Moses himself in the company of the angels. In effect Moses’ body died, but Moses himself did not.<\/p>\nThough often stated that Jude (v 9) was quoted from the Assumption of Moses, this is impossible to prove, simply because the relevant portions of that work have not survived. The most one can say is that several church fathers, including Clement of Alexandria (d. AD<\/span> 215) and Origen (c. 185–254), suggested that the Assumption of Moses was the source for the account in Jude 1:9. They had both works. We have only Jude, so we cannot check their conclusions. The matter is further complicated because there is another work (see next section) now called the Assumption of Moses. People often suppose that Jude 1:9 is a citation from that book. It is not.<\/p>\n<h6>The Extant Assumption of Moses<\/h6>\nThis work, perhaps written during Jesus’ lifetime, purports to be a description of Moses’ predictions to Joshua of the destiny of the nation of Israel. It is similar to other apocryphal, nonhistorical writings that were written under the names of great Jewish leaders.<\/p>\nIt was discovered quite by chance in 1861, in the Ambrosian Library in Milan, Italy. The manuscript, dated to the fifth century AD<\/span>, is a very poor copy of a Latin translation, perhaps derived from a Greek translation of a Hebrew original. The beginning and the ending are lost. There are numerous spelling mistakes, and there is no space between words. Not surprisingly, scholars have long disputed the reading, interpretation, and translation even of whole verses.<\/p>\nThe opening three lines have not survived, so the original title has been lost. When discovered, the work was assumed to be the long-lost Assumption of Moses, but this identification is now widely doubted. Even though the book is still called by this title, it is far more likely to be either the Testament of Moses (which is also mentioned, along with the Assumption of Moses, in early lists of apocryphal works) or a composite work resulting from the combination of the Testament and the Assumption into one work.<\/p>\nThere is only one reference to Moses’ assumption in the book, and it comes in connection with a mention of his death (10:12). Because the ending of the book is also lost, it is impossible to know the contents of the conclusion or to tell whether this one remaining reference to Moses’ assumption is original or whether it has been added by a scribe by mistake or by an editor combining two different works. It is clear, however, that the author of the surviving section believed that Moses expected to die (1:15; 10:12-14) and that Joshua assumed that he would (11:4-8).<\/p>\nThe work begins midsentence (three lines are missing) and dates Moses’ following speech to 2,500 years after Creation (1:2-5). Expecting to die, Moses summons Joshua, encourages him, and tells him that God created the world for his people (the Israelites), who will repent before the consummation at the end of the days (1:6-18).<\/p>\nThen Moses foretells Israel’s future. The people will inherit the land (Canaan) and be ruled by local magistrates, chiefs (judges?), and kings (2:1-3). The kingdom will divide, and the people will turn to idolatry (2:4-9). A king from the east (Nebuchadnezzar) will take two tribes into captivity for about 77 years, where they will recall Moses’ warnings (3:1-14; cf. Jer 25:11-12; Dt 28:15-68; 30:15-20). Someone (Daniel) will pray for deliverance (cf. Dn 9:4-19), and God will persuade a king (Cyrus) to send the exiles home (4:1-6; cf. Is 45:1-6; Ezr 1:1-4). Some exiles will return to their appointed place (Jerusalem) and rewall it but be unable to offer [proper] sacrifices (4:7-8; contrast Ezr 3:1-7). Others will remain in exile but will increase in population (4:9). This concludes the OT period and begins the intertestamental period (c. 400 to 1 BC<\/span>).<\/p>\nThe widespread apostasy of the Seleucid period (c. 201–267 BC<\/span>) is described, with special reference to priests and judges (4:1-6). The Maccabees, who gained and maintained political independence from Syria (in 164 BC<\/span>) are not mentioned. Instead, the focus is on the kings (the Hasmoneans) who made themselves high priests (6:1). Next will come an insolent king (Herod the Great, 37–4 BC<\/span>), who will rule ruthlessly (6:2-7). Then a powerful king of the West will conquer the people, take some captive, crucify others, and burn part of the temple (6:8-9).<\/p>\nFrom this point on, the author, having reached his own period, had to guess at the future, so the predictions that he put in Moses’ mouth are general or obscure and often unfulfilled. The next rulers (Sadducees?) would be impious, treacherous, gluttons, deceitful, and worried about ritual uncleanness while living in luxury at the expense of the poor (7:1-10). An unprecedented time of wrath would follow, when a great king would persecute the Jews, torturing, imprisoning, and even crucifying them for practicing circumcision (8:1-5). During this persecution, one man, Taxo, a Levite with seven sons, would remain faithful to God and die rather than adopt Greek customs (8:1-7).<\/p>\nThe next section (10:1-10), an apocalyptic poem (ten stanzas, each with three lines), is the only apocalyptic section of the book. The Lord’s kingdom will appear, Satan will be no more, and the chief angel (Michael) will avenge Israel (10:1-2). “The Heavenly One will arise from His royal throne,” and there will be miraculous signs on the earth and in the sky; even the ocean will drain away (10:3-6). The Most High, the Eternal God, will appear and punish the Gentiles, destroying their idols (10:7). But Israel will be happy and exalted, rejoicing at seeing her enemies in Gehenna (hell) and thankfully praising her Creator (10:8-10). With Moses’ mention of his death and some consoling words for Joshua, the composition ends in an incomplete form.<\/p>\nThe book must have been written after Herod died and Varus had subdued a rebellion in Judea (4 BC<\/span>) and before the temple was destroyed (AD<\/span> 70). The book predicts that Herod’s sons will not rule as long as Herod himself did (34 years, 37–4 BC<\/span>). This prediction may be based on the fact that one son, Archelaus, was deposed after a 10-year reign (4 BC<\/span>–AD<\/span> 6). If so, the book was written after AD<\/span> 6. But two other sons (Philip and Antipas) actually ruled longer than their father. For the author not to know this requires that the book must have been written within 34 years of Herod’s death—in other words, before AD<\/span> 30. Therefore, the book was probably written sometime between AD<\/span> 6 and 30. This also means that the book reflects Jewish thinking during Jesus’ lifetime.<\/p>\nThe author was evidently a Palestinian Jew, but it is doubtful whether he was a member of any known major sect of the times. He hates Roman rule (8:1–10:10) without advocating revolt, as the Zealots and their predecessors did. His interest in the temple (2:8-9; 5:3; 6:9; 8:5) is not typical of an Essene. He condemns the Sadducean lifestyle (7:3-10). And his use of apocalyptic writing (10:1-10) is thought to have been unusual for a Pharisee.<\/p>\nNaphtali, Testament of<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs (below).<\/p>\nNicodemus, Gospel of<\/p>\nAlternate title for the apocryphal work Acts of Pilate. See<\/em> Pilate, Acts of (below).<\/p>\nNoah, Book of<\/p>\nAllusion to the writing of Noah is made in the book of Jubilees where it is said “Noah wrote down all things in a book as we instructed him concerning every kind of medicine. Thus the evil spirits were precluded from (hurting) the sons of Noah” (10:13; see also 21:10). The book of Noah borrows heavily from the book of Enoch (see chs 6–11, 54–55, 60, 65–69, 106–110). The other sections relate to the Noachic flood and subjects about which Noah could be presumed to have knowledge. Unfortunately no separate manuscript of the book of Noah is known to be extant.<\/p>\nOdes of Solomon<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Solomon, Psalms of (below).<\/p>\nPatriarchs, Testaments of the Twelve<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs (below).<\/p>\nPaul, Acts of<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Paul and Thecla, Acts of (below).<\/p>\nPaul, Acts of Andrew and<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Andrew and Paul, Acts of (above).<\/p>\nPaul and Thecla, Acts of<\/p>\nThe Acts of Paul and Thecla is one section of an apocryphal work known as the Acts of Paul. It was apparently written in the latter half of the second century AD<\/span> by a church elder who lived in Asia. According to Tertullian (On Baptism<\/em> 17.19-21), the motive for the writing was “love of Paul,” but the presbyter was removed from office for producing this document. It is not clear whether the reason for his deposition was that he made a false claim to apostolic authorship, or whether it was that the viewpoints expressed in the document were considered heretical.<\/p>\nThe story reads like a folktale. Paul arrives in Iconium after fleeing from Antioch. He is met by Onesiphorus, who welcomes Paul into his home. A group of people gather there to hear Paul’s message. Beside the window of a neighboring house, Thecla is seated. She cannot see Paul, but she listens intently to his message. Her mother, Thecleia, exclaims, “My daughter, like a spider, is bound by his words to the window, seized by a new craving and a terrible passion.” Paul is teaching that in order to “see God,” a person must live a life of abstinence from sexual activity.<\/p>\nThecla is engaged to be married, but she is so impressed with Paul’s teaching that she determines she will break her engagement to Thamyris. Thamyris, in distress, appeals to the governor of the city, who arrests and imprisons Paul. Thecla bribes the jailer with bracelets and a silver mirror and enters Paul’s cell. Again she is transfixed by his teaching. At the trial, Thecla is adamant in her refusal to marry Thamyris. Paul is banned from the city; Thecla is condemned to be burned to death. Miraculously her life is spared, and she is reunited with Paul and travels with him to Antioch.<\/p>\nIn Antioch, Thecla rebuffs the advances of a nobleman, Alexander, and for a second time is condemned to death. But the wild beasts who are to devour her in the public arena instead lick her feet and protect her. When she throws herself into a water cistern to effect her baptism, she is again spared death—a lightning flash kills the fish lurking in the water, and they float lifeless to the surface. Queen Tryphaena, who has befriended Thecla, faints with shock as repeated attempts are made to take Thecla’s life. Seeing this, Alexander finally begs the governor to set Thecla free.<\/p>\nFree once more, Thecla seeks Paul. She disguises herself as a man by putting on male attire. Arriving in Myra, she finds Paul and announces to him that she is returning to Iconium. Paul commands her to “teach the word of God.” After teaching for a while in Iconium, Thecla travels on to Seleucia.<\/p>\nThe remainder of Thecla’s life is not well documented. Some manuscripts record that Thecla, being afraid of the people of Seleucia, withdrew to a mountain and resided in a cave. There she lived an ascetic life, taught certain women who came to her, and carried out a ministry of healing. Later she departed to Rome, seeking Paul. Paul, however, was already dead. When Thecla herself died, at 90 years of age, she was buried not far from the tomb of her beloved master.<\/p>\nAlthough this work is considered apocryphal and is excluded from the NT canon, there are some early writers who held it in high regard. The Acts of Paul, of which this document forms a part, is mentioned by Origen and by Hippolytus with respect. Eusebius was of the opinion that the document was spurious, but he distinguished it from inferior heretical works. There are two instances where details of information have found their way from the Acts of Paul into early manuscripts of canonical books (2 Tm 3:11; 4:19). It is probable that the viewpoints indicated in this document reflected popular religious traditions widely held in the second century AD<\/span>.<\/p>\nTertullian, however, argues that the document is quite out of harmony with Paul’s attitudes as expressed in the canonical material. In particular, he objects to the role assumed by a woman in the Acts of Paul and Thecla. Paul, Tertullian says, would never have permitted a woman to teach and to baptize (On Baptism<\/em> 17.21-23). The Acts of Paul and Thecla does differ from the Pauline stance, but not in the way indicated by Tertullian. The document depicts Paul as a proponent of the encratite viewpoint, teaching that celibacy is necessary for salvation. The canonical Paul taught that salvation is attained through faith alone, and that celibacy is a matter of special calling and certainly not the norm for every Christian (1 Cor 7:1-7). The Acts of Paul and Thecla suggests that a woman must assume male attire and must abstain from marriage if she is to exercise a leadership role. The canonical Paul instructed that a woman in a leadership position should dress as a woman (1 Cor 11:4-6), and he affirmed the ministerial function of married women (Rom 16:3). The Acts of Paul and Thecla emulates a woman whose motivating power was personal devotion to the apostle. The canonical writings suggest that Paul strongly discouraged such a show of personal allegiance to himself (1 Cor 1:12-17). Christ alone was to be the motivating influence in Christian service.<\/p>\nThe Acts of Paul and Thecla provides us with a unique description of the physical appearance of Paul: “a man small of stature, with a bald head and crooked legs, in good state of body, with eyebrows meeting and nose somewhat hooked, full of friendliness; for now he appeared like a man, and now he had the face of an angel.” This description is probably not reliable in any historical sense; more likely it pictures a typical Jew of the period. But because there is no other description preserved in early documents, this one has formed the basis for the many portraits of Paul that have come down through the centuries.<\/p>\nPaul, Apocalypse of<\/p>\nThis document, which originated in the late fourth century AD<\/span>, pretends to be a written account of some of the experiences that the apostle Paul had when he was caught up to the third heaven, or paradise, according to 2 Corinthians 12:2-4. The fact that Paul did not describe what he saw or heard during that revelatory vision excited the imagination of some unknown fourth-century Christian. Since the author describes with relish the tortures in hell experienced by a presbyter, bishop, and deacon (chs 34–36) and elsewhere approves of the devotion and piety of monks and nuns (chs 7–9) and of those who are virgins or chaste (ch 22), it is safe to conclude that he was a monk who disapproved of the insincere and hypocritical religiosity of his contemporaries, both laymen and clergy.<\/p>\nThis book, originally written in Greek, survives in relatively complete form in Latin. A partial indication of the great popularity of this piece of religious fiction is the fact that it was translated into Ethiopic, Coptic, and Syriac as well as Latin.<\/p>\nThe book is loosely structured in seven sections. The work begins with a short introductory section that attempts to explain why the book was unknown from the first to the fourth century (chs 1–2): during the consulate of (emperor) Theodosius Augustus the Younger and Cynegius (the document can thus be dated to AD<\/span> 388), a respectable but nameless person received a revelation through an angel. The man happened to be living in Tarsus in a house once occupied by St Paul himself. The angel told the man to break up the foundations and publish whatever he found. After being pummeled by the angel for disobedience, he finally broke the foundations only to discover a marble box that he immediately delivered to the emperor. The emperor opened the box and found the original version of the Apocalypse of Paul (which he copies) and a pair of shoes used by Paul on his missionary journeys. The substance of the mysterious document then follows.<\/p>\nIn chapters 3–6, Paul is said to have received a message from God announcing how all creation is subject to God with the exception of man himself. Chapters 7–10 relate how the guardian angels of each man and woman report every morning and evening to God concerning the deeds of those in their charge. Some are very good, while others are exceedingly wicked. In chapters 11–18, Paul is taken up in the Holy Spirit to the third heaven and asks to see the souls of the righteous and sinners as they leave the world. The angel accompanying Paul shows him a righteous man leaving the world, an ungodly man, and the soul of one who thought himself righteous but in fact was not.<\/p>\nChapters 19–30 describe Paul being lifted up to the third heaven (cf. 2 Cor 12:2-4), where he saw a golden gate flanked by golden pillars upon which were mounted golden tablets containing the names of the righteous. Upon entering paradise he was greeted by Enoch and Elijah and shown things that he could not reveal to others (ch 21; cf. 2 Cor 12:4). From there he was taken to the second heaven and then to the firmament encircled by Ocean (ch 21). There he saw the milk white waters of Lake Acherusia where the city of Christ was located. He was brought to the city in a golden boat while 3,000 angels sang a hymn. At the river of honey he met Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and other prophets (ch 25); at the river of milk he saw the infants slain by Herod (ch 26); at the river of wine he met Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, Lot, and Job (ch 27); at the river of oil he met those completely dedicated to God (ch 28). At the center of the city, by a great altar, David sang the hallelujah to God.<\/p>\nPaul’s tour of hell is described in chapters 31–44; it is a place of sorrow and distress in which flows a river boiling with fire. In the river, some of the damned were immersed to the knees, others to the navel or lips, depending on the severity of their sins (ch 31). Chapters 34–36 describe the tortures of a presbyter, bishop, and deacon. Throughout this section the most ghastly tortures imaginable are described in detail with great relish. Finally, in chapter 44, Christ decrees that for Paul’s sake there will be no torture on Sundays henceforth.<\/p>\nPaul’s angelic travel guide then escorts him to paradise (chs 45–51), where the righteous of all ages are anxious to meet him. He meets the Virgin Mary (ch 46), Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob as well as the 12 sons of Jacob (ch 47), Moses, who weeps for the unconverted Jews (ch 48), Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel, each of whom describes his martyrdom, Lot and Job (ch 49), Noah (ch 50), Elijah, Elisha, Zechariah and his son, John the Baptist, and Adam (ch 51). The document either ended here or, in alternate versions, with Paul’s miraculous trip to the Mt of Olives where he and the other disciples received the divine commission.<\/p>\nThe document is filled with contradictions and inconsistencies and many of the translated versions do not agree with each other in all details. The chief importance of the document is in terms of its glimpses into the thinking of late fourth-century Christianity.<\/p>\nPaul, Passion of<\/p>\nA revised Latin version of the apocryphal Martyrdom of Paul, which was part of a larger body of texts called the Acts of Paul. The original Martyrdom is the story of Paul’s resuscitation of Patroclus, Nero’s cupbearer, who had fallen from a window and died during one of Paul’s sermons. Patroclus confesses his new loyalty to Christ before the stunned Nero, who moves quickly to round up all such “soldiers of the great king (Christ).” Paul is included in the purge. The Passion elaborates on the story to include a passage about Seneca’s admiration for Paul and his writings, portions of which Seneca allegedly read to Nero. Also, Paul on the way to his death borrows a kerchief from Plautilla, promising to return it. When the returning soldiers mock her, she shows them the bloodied kerchief.<\/p>\nPaul, Passion of Peter and<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Peter and Paul, Passion of (below).<\/p>\nPearl, Hymn of the<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Thomas, Acts of (below).<\/p>\nPeter and Paul, Passion of<\/p>\nThis writing comes to us in two forms, both of which are considered to have been written by Marcellus and date from the fifth century. The first form is essentially like the Acts of Peter and Paul. It lays emphasis upon Paul’s journey to Rome. The second gives more attention to the men’s residence in Rome with emphasis upon their stay in the home of a relative of Pontius Pilate. Both emphasize the close relationship between Peter and Paul and their continued and successful opposition to Simon Magus, who claims to be the Christ. Their death sentences are included in the writings but with only a brief account of their martyrdoms.<\/p>\nPeter, Gospel of<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Akhmim Fragment (above).<\/p>\nPeter, Preaching of<\/p>\nThis document, which has survived only in fragments, appears to have been written early in the second century AD<\/span> in Egypt. While the title does not explicitly claim Petrine authorship, it was understood by Clement of Alexandria (late second century AD<\/span>) to have been an authentic composition by the apostle Peter (Stromata<\/em> 2.15.68). The majority of the fragments of the Preaching of Peter are preserved in the form of brief quotations in the writings of Clement of Alexandria.<\/p>\nThe fourth-century church historian Eusebius of Caesarea observed that the Preaching of Peter had not been accepted by any ancient authorities (Historia Ecclesiastica<\/em> 3.3.1-4), though he was probably not aware of its acceptance by Clement. Even though only fragments of the document have survived, they are important in that they reveal a transitional stage in the history of early Christian literature. During the first century, Christian literature, including all of the NT, was written for the consumption of other Christians. During the second century, Christian writers began to feel the need to defend their faith against the criticisms of their pagan and Jewish opponents. A new kind of Christian literature, the apology (meaning “defense”), began to appear in the early second century with the writings of the earliest Christian apologists Quadratus and Aristides. The Preaching of Peter represents a transition from the kind of apologetic writing found in the Acts of the Apostles, the sermons that that book contains, and the writings of the early apologists.<\/p>\nSince Clement quotes randomly from the Preaching of Peter, it is not possible to determine the order in which any of the quotations appeared in the original composition. Some of the major emphases of the document will appear from the following summaries of the quotations of Clement. Peter, according to Clement, called the Lord both “Law and Word” in the “Preaching” (Stromata<\/em> 1.29.182; 2.15.68). Mankind must recognize that one<\/em> God created the beginning of all things and has the power to bring all things to an end (Stromata<\/em> 6.5.39-41). The pagans, whom the author of the Preaching of Peter opposed, held that the universe was uncreated and eternal. God, the author contends, is invisible, incomprehensible, needs nothing, is inconceivable, everlasting, imperishable, and uncreated. This God must not be worshiped in the manner of the Greeks, for they have foolishly fashioned images of ordinary materials and worship them as gods. Further, they take animals that should be used for food and sacrifice them to these idols. The worship of the Jews should not be emulated either, for they revere angels, archangels, months, and the moon. If any of the nation of Israel should repent, they will find forgiveness (Stromata<\/em> 6.5.43). In one place the Preaching of Peter narrates how the Lord sent disciples to preach the gospel throughout the world after the resurrection (Stromata<\/em> 6.6.48), though the precise connection between this narrative and the preceding apologetic statements is not clear. It may be that the document began with a special version of the great commission. Elsewhere the document states that the OT prophets speak of Christ, sometimes in parables and enigmas, yet at other times very clearly and directly (Stromata<\/em> 6.15.128). In fact, the major events of the life of Christ, his coming, torture, crucifixion, death, resurrection, and ascension into heaven were predicted in detail by the prophets.<\/p>\nThe importance of the surviving fragments of the Preaching of Peter lies in the way in which they reveal how early second-century Christianity turned from a defensive to an offensive position in its proclamation of the gospel.<\/p>\nPeter, Slavonic Acts of<\/p>\nAn account of the later travels of Peter and his subsequent death in Rome preserved for us only in the Slavonic language. According to this account, a child (Jesus) comes to Peter and bids him to go to Rome. The angel Michael is captain of the ship taking them to Rome. After their arrival in Rome, Peter tells the child to catch some fish, whereupon he catches 12,000 in one hour. Then the child is sold to a Roman noble, Aravistus, for 50 pieces of gold. The child silences his teachers. After a vision of angels, the entire household is baptized. Nero arrests Peter, whereupon the child rebukes him. Many dead are raised, but the child sends them back to their graves to await the resurrection by Michael. Peter is crucified head downward. When the child reveals he is Jesus, the nails fall from Peter’s body, he prays for the forgiveness of his executioners, and then he dies. Such apocryphal versions of the acts of early church leaders are characteristically filled with fanciful acts of the apostles and their contact with the Christ.<\/p>\nPeter’s Letter to Philip<\/p>\nThis letter is part of the Christian Gnostic material discovered in 1947 at Nag Hammadi. It probably dates from the late second or early third century. The letter takes its name from a segment at the beginning of the tractate in which Peter claims to have sent the material to Philip. The letter is written in a dialogue form common in Gnostic literature. The body of the writing consists of a series of questions that are asked by the apostles of the risen Lord and the answers given by him. The questions provide a basis for the exposition of Gnostic philosophy about the structure of the world revealed by the Divine Light. That Light is the Christ, who is the heavenly Redeemer.<\/p>\nPilate, Acts of<\/p>\nThis document is an apocryphal passion gospel that reached its present form by the middle of the fourth century AD<\/span>. The first Christian writer to refer to the Acts of Pilate was Epiphanius, an ecclesiastical heresy hunter, who wrote a lengthy denunciation of various heresies in AD<\/span> 375, in which he definitely mentioned the Acts of Pilate (Heresies<\/em> 50.1). Much earlier, Justin Martyr had referred to Pilate’s report to Tiberius regarding the trial of Jesus (I Apology<\/em> 35; 48), but he does not seem to be referring to the Acts of Pilate. Toward the end of the second century AD<\/span>, a generation after Justin, Tertullian referred to an account sent from Pilate to the emperor Tiberius, yet this cannot be the Acts of Pilate, since Jesus supposedly performed many miracles before the procurator. Although it is not improbable that an earlier version of the Acts of Pilate antedated the fourth century, the present version must be dated to the middle of that century. The original language of the Acts of Pilate was Greek, and translations of it were made into Latin, Coptic, and Armenian. Eusebius, the fourth-century church historian and bishop of Caesarea, condemns what he regarded as a blasphemous account of Pilate, apparently a pagan document calculated to defame Christ (Historia Ecclesiastica,<\/em> 1.9.3; 9.5.1). The Christian Acts of Pilate was probably composed to counter the pagan document.<\/p>\nThe Acts of Pilate is a composite document consisting of two main parts. The first part (chs 1–16) purports to be a translation from Hebrew to Greek of an account written by Nicodemus about the events surrounding the passion of Jesus. The second part (chs 17–27), also called “Christ’s Descent into Hell,” vividly describes Christ’s descent into hades to liberate the righteous dead (an imaginative expansion of 1 Pt 3:19 which was itself transformed in the Apostles’ Creed into the phrase “he descended into hell”). After the 14th century AD<\/span>, the whole composition was commonly designated as the Gospel of Nicodemus because of the prominent place that character played in the document.<\/p>\nIn the prologue to the Acts of Pilate, a Roman soldier named Ananias claims to have found the Acts of Pilate in Hebrew and to have translated it into Greek in the 18th year of the reign of Emperor Flavius Theodosius (AD<\/span> 425). A quotation of the entire document follows: In the 15th year of Tiberius Caesar (AD<\/span> 29), Nicodemus wrote an account of the events that surrounded the passion, death, and resurrection of Jesus. The Jewish high priests accused Jesus of various religious crimes to Pilate and asked that he be tried. Though unwilling, Pilate sent for Jesus anyway, though in a most gracious manner. When Jesus arrived, the Roman standards bowed to him of their own accords (ch 1). In chapter 2 the Jewish charges against Jesus included: (1) that he was born of fornication, (2) that his birth meant the death of the children of Bethlehem, and (3) that Joseph and Mary fled to Egypt because they counted for nothing among the people of Israel. The charge of fornication was immediately refuted by 12 pious Jews who had witnessed the betrothal of Mary and Joseph. An interview between Pilate and Jesus (modeled after Jn 18:33-38) follows in chapter 3. The Jews charge Jesus with blaspheming God, and Pilate reluctantly turns Jesus over to them (ch 4). Nicodemus then stands up in the Jewish council and urges them to let Jesus go, for if he is not of God his movement will fail (cf. Acts 5:38-39), but the Jews oppose him (ch 5). Then three Jews healed by Jesus testify in his behalf (ch 6), followed by Bernice, the woman healed of the issue of blood (ch 7). The crowd proclaims Jesus a prophet (ch 8). When Pilate offers to release a prisoner, the Jews ask for Barabbas, and Pilate then washes his hands of the matter and has Jesus scourged and crucified with the two criminals, Dysmas and Gestas (ch 9). Jesus is mocked by the crowds, while one criminal (Gestas) is rebuked by the other (ch 10). Jesus’ death is accompanied by a darkening of the sun, which the Jews regard as a normal eclipse (ch 11). Joseph of Arimathea is then seized by the Jews and imprisoned; when they come to execute him he has vanished (ch 12). The guards report the appearance of the angel at the tomb, but are bribed by the Jews to keep silence (ch 12). Three Jews then come from Galilee: Phineas, a priest; Adas, a teacher; and Angaeus, a Levite. They report that they have witnessed the great commission and ascension of Jesus on Mt Malich (ch 14). Nicodemus suggests that the surrounding mountains be checked to see if some spirit has not taken Jesus up only to dash him on the rocks; the Jews find nothing except Joseph of Arimathea in his hometown (ch 15). Joseph is summoned to testify before the council and reveals how the risen Jesus had appeared to him when he was imprisoned and set him free (ch 15). The council decides, after hearing other witnesses, that if Jesus is still remembered after 50 years, the stories must be true (ch 16).<\/p>\nThe second document begins with an account of Joseph speaking to the council. Two brothers, he claims, had been raised at the same time as Jesus. The council summons them to give their stories (ch 17). While in hades, the brothers claimed, a great light appeared and Abraham and Isaiah became overjoyed (ch 18). Satan thought that Jesus could be restrained in hades (ch 20); but when the King of Glory arrived, the gates were broken down. Satan was handed over to the angels to be bound (ch 22) and was rebuked by hades for causing the ruin of his kingdom (ch 23). The King of Glory (Christ) then led Adam and the rest of the righteous dead out of hades (ch 24) and to paradise (ch 25), where even the repentant criminal was seen (ch 26). The two brothers claim that they have been sent by the angel Michael to preach the resurrection of Jesus to all mankind.<\/p>\nThe Acts of Pilate is a pastiche (collection) of quotations and allusions from the four canonical Gospels, mingled with imaginative and even fantastic additions. It is basically an apologetic document that attempts to defend the truth of the resurrection of Jesus against the counterclaims of pagan and Jewish adversaries. Unfortunately, it has an anti-Semitic tone that was to characterize Christian dramatizations of the events of Passion Week from the fourth century through the end of the Middle Ages.<\/p>\nPistis Sophia<\/p>\nA fourth-century Coptic manuscript (Codex Askewanus) that represents one of the chief Gnostic works extant today. The work, containing four chapters, derives its name from the heroine, Sophia, though only the first half of the work refers to her. This portion relates how Jesus, during the first 11 years after his resurrection, returned to teach his disciples the highest mystery of all: the Treasury of the Light. Jesus returned to the Mt of Olives where he is caught up through the aeons and on his journey comes to the thirteenth aeon where he finds Sophia. She is in sorrow because she has caught a glimpse of the Treasury of the Light but is deceived by Authades (the self-willed), who flashes a false brightness before her, causing her to fall into the hands of the powers of matter. She maintains her hope and faith, however, and after 12 prayers is delivered from Authades and chaos by Jesus who reinstates her at the lower limit of the thirteenth aeon.<\/p>\nThe work is in dialogue form—with Jesus answering questions asked by his disciples. The theme is thoroughly Gnostic in its view of salvation that comes by a hidden doctrine that brings illumination.<\/p>\nProtevangelium of James<\/p>\nSee<\/em> James, Protevangelium of (above).<\/p>\nPsalms of Solomon<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Solomon, Psalms of (below).<\/p>\nResurrection of Christ by Bartholomew, Book of the<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Bartholomew, Book of the Resurrection of Christ by (above).<\/p>\nReuben, Testament of<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs (below).<\/p>\nSibylline Oracles<\/p>\nA pseudepigraphal writing comprising originally 15 books, 12 of which are extant in late Greek manuscripts. The word sibyl<\/em> is of Greek origin. It claimed to be an oracle of the gods and generally contained a message of a coming catastrophic event. Some Jews adopted and used this mode of writing for propagation purposes.<\/p>\nThe sibyls came from the beginning of the Maccabean period (165 BC<\/span>) and cover a period up to shortly after the destruction of the second temple (AD<\/span> 76). The authors, presumably writing in Alexandria, Egypt, stressed the unity and sovereignty of God. God controlled all events, whereas pagan deities were useless, unable to do anything. “But God is one, most exalted of all, who has made the heaven, the sun, the stars and the moon. . . . He has constituted man as the Divinely appointed ruler of all. You men . . . be ashamed of making gods” (book 2). God controls the history of the nations. The sibyls outline the history of 10 generations from the Assyrian kingdom to the destruction of the second temple and the great earthquake (book 4.47ff.). The third book also contains a section on the devastation and troubles to be experienced before the great judgment. It includes two messianic passages wherein the Messiah introduces an era of peace and prosperity for the faithful: “He will raise up his kingdom for all ages over men. . . . For nothing but peace shall come upon the land of the good” (lines 767, 780). The eternal state is to be reserved for the faithful who will be raised from the dead in a bodily form: “But all who are godly shall live again on earth, when God gives breath and life and grace to them the godly” (book 4.187-190), whereas the ungodly are to be thrown into hell, “And all who have sinned with deeds of impiety a heap of earth shall cover again, and murky Tartarus and the black recesses of hell” (lines 183-186).<\/p>\nThe express purpose of the authors of the sibyls was to demonstrate the reasonableness of the Jewish faith by casting their message in the form of the sibyl, introduced by the Greeks and appreciated by the Romans. In their emphasis on the God of Israel and their opposition to paganism, they nevertheless stand in the stream of the apocalyptic, the unveiling of God’s secrets of past and future. The sibyl as divine oracle was, thus, used as a literary form in order to convey a message to the non-Jewish world.<\/p>\nSilvanus, Teachings of<\/p>\nLiterary work of the Gnostics, attributed to Silvanus, the companion of Peter and Paul. It was discovered at Chenoboskion in Upper Egypt in 1946.<\/p>\nSimeon, Testament of<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs (below).<\/p>\nSlavonic Acts of Peter<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Peter, Slavonic Acts of (above).<\/p>\nSolomon, Psalms of<\/p>\nThe Psalms of Solomon are a collection of 18 songs attributed to Solomon. They are considered pseudepigrapha. The psalms were probably written by one author, who lived during the middle of the first century BC<\/span> and wrote in Hebrew. The theological perspective of the author is Pharisaic in its views of the law, judgment, and the future of Israel. The Psalms of Solomon are derived from the canonical book of Psalms in their form and phraseology. One of the similarities in the form and phraseology is the emphasis on the antithesis between the righteous and the wicked. The wicked are the Gentiles who defile the holy things of the Lord (2:3) and apostate Jews who have fallen into sin (3:11, 13).<\/p>\nThe character of the sinner is that of the fool, as opposed to the wise man (cf. Wisdom Literature). The fool has no concern for the Lord (4:1); his speech and deeds betray his unrighteousness (4:2ff.). He is known by his lies, judgment of others, false oaths, his immorality, lawlessness, and selfish ambitions at the cost of others (cf. 12). The righteous are the wise, who fear the Lord (4:26). He is not dismayed by bad dreams or perilous times (6:4-5). He is provoked with zeal for the Lord’s righteousness, as he witnesses the desecration of the temple and the law (8:28). The Lord’s love of him is expressed in discipline, and he responds to the Lord’s rebuke with repentance for his sins. The author compares the righteous to the tree of life in Paradise. They are stable and will not be uprooted (14:2ff.). The wicked, on the other hand, will not be remembered in this life, and God will deal righteously with them by casting them into “Sheol and darkness and destruction” (14:6; 15:10).<\/p>\nThe author views God as the King who mightily rules over the nations (2:34ff.) with readiness to judge his enemies and the enemies of the righteous (2:38ff.; 4:9) and to vindicate the righteous (2:39). As the Lord’s care is demonstrated in his sustenance of nature (5:11-12), in his raising up kings, rulers, and nations (5:13), the author assures the reader that his care extends particularly to the poor and those who call upon him (5:2-3, 13). He is the hope of the righteous (8:37).<\/p>\nIn view of the foregoing belief in the righteous kingship of God and in his protection of the righteous, the psalms abound in the conviction that evil will be overcome by God’s intervention on behalf of the righteous. The particular context in which these psalms originated was Pompey’s entrance into Jerusalem and his desecration of the temple (63 BC<\/span>), and it was hoped that at the death of Pompey (48 BC<\/span>, cf. 2:30ff.) the messianic era might be introduced. Therefore, the author reminds God of the covenant made with David (17:5) and asks God’s forgiveness for Israel’s sins in the past. Israel has suffered gentile invasions and control as the result of God’s judgment (17:6). Since Pompey had died, the author prayed for the restoration of the theocracy under a Davidic king—“Behold, O Lord, and raise up unto them their king, the son of David. All the time in the which Thou seest, O God, that he may reign over Israel Thy servant” (17:23). By means of the Davidic Messiah the land will be purged of sinners, godless nations, and the righteous will be sanctified. The messianic rule extends only over the righteous remnant, who when restored to the land, will be divided into the 12 tribes; the Davidic Messiah will rule over the tribes and the other nations “in the wisdom of his righteousness” (17:29-31). The sojourner and the gentile nations will not share in the glory of the kingdom. Rather, their position will be that of servitude.<\/p>\nThe hope of the glorious future of Israel is the apocalyptic element in the psalms. They arose in a historical context, but they anticipate a radically new future. The psalmist pronounced a benediction on all those who would witness God’s judgment on the nations, the restoration of Israel, and the introduction of the messianic kingdom: “Blessed be they that shall be in those days, in that they shall see the good fortune of Israel which God shall bring to pass in the gathering together of the tribes. May the Lord hasten His mercy upon Israel! The Lord Himself is our king for ever and ever” (17:50-51).<\/p>\nSolomon, Testament of<\/p>\nThe Testament of Solomon is a second-century BC<\/span> pseudepigraphal writing. The writing claims that Solomon was the writer of the testament. It is extant in Semitic manuscripts, and in some Greek texts.<\/p>\nThe material is basically Christian with emphasis on the cross and the virgin birth but also contains Jewish material as well. The testament recounts how Solomon, by means of a ring given to him by the archangel Michael, is able to subdue and use the skills of demons to build his temple. After completing the temple, however, Solomon is led into idolatry on account of his lust for a Shunammite girl. His fall was taken by the author of the testament as an occasion to warn the readers of the power and shapes of the demons and the angels having power over them. The work is written in the form of a testament in order to let Solomon reflect (on his deathbed) how he succeeded and failed as a legacy to Israel.<\/p>\nTestaments of the Twelve Patriarchs<\/p>\nPart of the Jewish pseudepigrapha. This particular composition is called a “testament” because it represents the deathbed speeches of each of the sons of Jacob. The testaments start with Reuben’s speech to his sons and ends with Benjamin’s testament to his heirs. Each patriarch is represented as gathering his sons around him and relating the important events of his life. During the speech the patriarch warns against particular vices and attitudes and recommends certain virtues. The advice and warnings of each patriarch often include insight and predictions concerning sin and salvation for his children. The account of the patriarch’s life serves as a guide for the future of his descendants. At the end of the speech, each patriarch dies and is buried at Hebron.<\/p>\nIt would appear that the concept of “testament” finds its orientation in Joshua 23–24, where Joshua summons the elders, heads, judges, and officers of Israel (Jos 23:2; 24:1) and gives them a charge before his death. First Kings 2:1-12 portrays David giving Solomon deathbed advice to walk in God’s ways. The speeches of the patriarchs find further scriptural reference in Genesis chapter 49, where Jacob calls his sons together to hear about their future. At the end of the speech Jacob dies (Gn 49:33).<\/p>\nThe present textual form (Slavonic, Armenian, and Greek versions) probably came about sometime during the second or third century AD<\/span>. However, much of the material would appear to go back to the second or third century BC<\/span>. The general scholarly consensus is that an original text in a Semitic language (either Hebrew or Aramaic) was composed by an author or authors sometime in the third or second century before the common era. At some later period, Christian sections were added to the original text. For examples of the Christian sections see Testament of Simeon 6:7; Testament of Levi 10:2; Testament of Dan 6:9; Testament of Naphtali 4:5; Testament of Asher 7:3-4; Testament of Joseph 19:11; Testament of Benjamin 3:8; 9:2-4. It would appear that the testaments may have been reworked by a Jewish writer(s) and by other Christian writers over the centuries. Thus we have a Jewish document from about the third century before the common era that has undergone both Jewish and Christian redactions over a long period of time. These testaments became quite popular in the tenth century, with special interest being displayed in the prophecies of the patriarchs and their secret knowledge.<\/p>\nThe following is a summary of each of the testaments of the patriarchs. The excerpts are based on R. H. Charles’s Pseudepigrapha,<\/em> pp 282-367.<\/p>\n<h6>Reuben<\/h6>\nThe testament of Reuben is very much influenced by an overwhelming memory of defiling his father’s bed. This refers to Reuben taking his father’s concubine Bilhah while she was in a drunken stupor. Reuben has very strong opinions regarding what he considers to be negative attributes of women, and he warns his sons to be guarded in their relationship with women. His comments on women probably reflect the ill feelings that existed between himself and Jacob in regard to Bilhah. Reuben predicts that in the future his sons would be jealous of the sons of Levi but they would not be able to overthrow them. He admonishes his descendants to have respect and love for one another and to do truth to their neighbors. Reuben is buried at Hebron.<\/p>\n<h6>Simeon<\/h6>\nThe patriarch Simeon is presented as a strong warrior type. Reflecting the biblical account of Joseph being sold into slavery (Gn 37:25-28), Simeon testifies that he wanted to kill Joseph rather than sell him into slavery. As punishment for this attitude, God withered his right hand for seven days. Simeon warns his sons against envy, deceit, and fornication. He predicts that they will attempt to harm the sons of Levi but prophesies that the sons of Levi will remain superior. Simeon looked forward to a blissful era (6:4-7a), when the “Most High” would be blessed. Verse 7b is a Christian interpolation, “Because God has taken a body and eaten with men and saved men.” He admonishes his sons to obey the sons of Levi and Judah, for it would be from them that their salvation would be accomplished. He predicts that a high priest would come from Levi and a king would descend from the lines of Judah. Simeon concludes his testament by predicting that all Gentiles (an interpolation) and Israel would be saved.<\/p>\n<h6>Levi<\/h6>\nLevi’s deathbed testament is in the form of dreams that he relates to his sons. He predicts that from his descendants and those of Judah the Lord would “appear among men” to save every race of men (2:11). The descendants of Levi would be “as the sun to all the seed of Israel” (4:3b) and in one dream it is shown that the blessings of the priesthood would come to his sons (8:2-3). Levi predicts that a king would arise in Judah; this king would establish a new priesthood that ministers to both Jews and Gentiles. The tenth chapter has a Christian interpolation that because of ungodliness and transgression, the sons of Levi would wrong “the Savior of the world, Christ” (10:2) and that for this they would be scattered throughout the world. Chapter 13 has a number of wisdom themes with emphasis on the need to follow and obey the law. Chapter 16 introduces an eschatological prediction that the sons of Levi would go astray for 70 weeks. The following chapter gives a detailed account of the 70 weeks in which there would be a priesthood for each jubilee. The first priesthood would be great, and the priest’s relationship to God would be such that God would be addressed as father. The second priesthood would “be conceived in the sorrow of beloved ones” (17:3), but this priesthood will be glorified by all. The following five priesthoods would be characterized by sorrow, pain, hatred, and darkness. However, a new priesthood would eventually arise and peace will be brought to all the earth (18:4); sin shall come to an end (18:9), for this new priesthood shall have a spirit of understanding and sanctification resting upon him. The testament closes with an admonition to choose either the law of the Lord or the work of Beliar (variant of Belial). The sons pledge themselves to the law, and following Levi’s death they bury him at Hebron.<\/p>\n<h6>Judah<\/h6>\nAt the beginning of the testament by Judah he tells his descendants that he had been promised by his father that he would be king. “And it came to pass, when I became a man, that my father blessed me, saying, You shall be a king, prospering in all things” (1:6). Judah reminisces about his early youth and his ability to conquer wild animals. He obeyed the commandments and did not give in to lust. He predicted that his descendants would fall into wickedness because of the love of money and the enticement of beautiful women (ch 17). In chapter 21 Judah predicts that the Lord would give the kingship to his descendants and the priesthood to the sons of Levi. Chapter 24 includes a Christian messianic redaction. It is predicted that from the star of Jacob one will arise that will be without sin and from it a rod of righteousness will grow to the Gentiles (24:6). The testament concludes with eschatological hope for the future when “they who are poor for the Lord’s sake shall be made rich and they who are put to death for the Lord’s sake shall awake to life” (25:4). Judah dies and is buried at Hebron.<\/p>\n<h6>Issachar<\/h6>\nThe last words of this patriarch are somewhat unique in that Issachar is depicted as being “upright” and without transgression (unlike many of his brothers). He predicts that the priesthood will come from Levi and the kingship will arise from the lineage of Judah. In chapter 6 Issachar predicts that his children will “cleave” after Beliar. If they recognize the mercy of God and follow Issachar’s exemplary life, “every spirit of Beliar will flee from them.” His final request is that he be buried at Hebron with his fathers.<\/p>\n<h6>Zebulun<\/h6>\nThe patriarch Zebulun begins his testament by characterizing himself as a “good gift” to his parents. He, like Issachar, indicates that he is not conscious of sinning “except in thought” (and if he has any iniquity it is only the sin of ignorance). Zebulun claims that he did not support the actions taken against Joseph, and he would have told his father about Joseph’s plight except that the other brothers agreed that if “anyone should declare the secret, he should be slain” (1:6). In 1:7 he declares that if it were not for him the other brothers would have killed Joseph. The brothers were so suspicious of Zebulun that they watched him until Joseph was sold. Verse 5:3 has a familiar theme that is found in the NT and in the rabbis: “Have compassion in your hearts, my children, because even as a man does to his neighbor, even so will the Lord do to him.” Zebulun believes that this lesson is demonstrated in practical terms. The sons of the other brothers were sickened and died on account of the action taken against Joseph (“because they showed no mercy in their hearts,” 5:5). The sons of Zebulun were preserved without sickness. He continues his wisdom teaching (8:3) by declaring that in the degree that a man has compassion upon his neighbor the Lord in the same degree will have mercy on him. Zebulun predicts the division between the northern and southern kingdoms and the eventual conquest of these kingdoms by the Gentiles. However, the people will repent and the Lord will bring them back to “the land” and Jerusalem (9:8). In chapter 10 Zebulun predicts that after his death he will “arise as a ruler in the midst of his sons” (10:2), and he promises reward for those who keep the laws and punishment for the ungodly. Zebulun dies at the end of his testament and is buried at Hebron.<\/p>\n<h6>Dan<\/h6>\nThe patriarch Dan laments his jealousy of Joseph and indicates that he was controlled by the spirit of Beliar. He reveals that he wanted to kill Joseph so that he could have the love of his father. Dan warns against the spirits of lying and anger, and he exhorts his descendants to love truth and long-suffering. He admonishes them to keep the commandments and “love the Lord through all your life and one another with a true heart” (5:3). Dan predicts that his sons will “in the last days” depart from the Lord and thus provoke the anger of the sons of Levi. They also will fight against the sons of Judah. His sons will not win against the sons of Levi and Judah because an angel of the Lord will guide them. Dan is represented as having read in the book of Enoch (a favorite reference for the patriarchs) that Satan and all the spirits of wickedness and pride will cause the sons of Levi, Judah, and Dan to sin. They will be taken into captivity where they will receive the plagues of Egypt and all the evils of the Gentiles. However, when they return to the Lord they will receive mercy and be given peace. The prediction is such that there would be one who would arise from the tribe of Judah and Levi who is called “the salvation of the Lord.” It would appear that the “one arising” would make war against Beliar and execute an “everlasting vengeance” against their enemies (5:10). Dan’s final warning is to beware of Satan and his spirits and to draw near to God and the angel “that intercedes for you” (6:2). The last section admonishes Dan’s sons to pass on to their children all that they have heard so that “the savior of the Gentiles may receive” them. There follows a Christian polemic about the savior being true, long-suffering, meek, and lowly (6:9). When Dan dies, he is buried near Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob.<\/p>\n<h6>Naphtali<\/h6>\nNaphtali is said to be 130 years old when he gives his last words. He is depicted as being in good health, but the morning after a feast realizes that he is going to die. Thus he gathers his sons about him. Naphtali has a very strong sense of order that contributes to the makeup and actions of man as well as the universe. He views the “Gentile problem” as their forsaking the Lord and changing their order so that they obeyed the “stocks and stones.” The change of order was the problem at Sodom and it also caused the Flood.<\/p>\nNaphtali reads from the book of Enoch that his sons will depart from the Lord and walk “according to all lawlessness of the Gentiles” (4:1). He predicts that his descendants will be taken captive because of their sins and afterward a “few” will return to the Lord and he will bring them back to their land. After their return to the land, Naphtali predicts that his sons will forget the Lord and “become ungodly” with the result that they will be scattered all over the earth. They will remain in this state until the compassion of the Lord comes and a man working righteousness and mercy comes to them. Naphtali recounts two dreams that he had in his 40th year. In the first dream he saw the sun and moon stand still. Isaac told his grandsons to run and take hold of the sun and moon, each according to his strength. Levi took hold of the sun, and Judah seized the moon. Both of them were lifted up with the sun and moon. There appeared a bull in the dream with two great horns and eagle wings. The other sons attempted to seize this bull but could not. However, Joseph came and took hold of the bull and ascended “up with him on high” (5:7).<\/p>\nThere follows a prediction that the 12 tribes of Israel would be taken into captivity by the Assyrians, Medes, Persians, Chaldeans, and Syrians. The other dream saw a ship sailing on the sea of Jamnia without sailors or pilot. Written on the ship was the inscription “The ship of Jacob” (6:2). Jacob and his sons were on the ship, and when a storm arose Jacob departed from their presence. Eventually the ship breaks up from the pounding of the sea, and while Joseph sails off in a little boat the rest of the brothers are divided among nine planks with Levi and Judah sharing a plank. It would appear that by the prayers of Levi all the brothers eventually land safely on the shore. When Naphtali relates these dreams to his father, Jacob responds that all these things must be fulfilled.<\/p>\nNaphtali admonished his sons to be united to Levi and Judah for through them “shall salvation arise to Israel” (8:2). Also through Levi and Judah the righteous of the Gentiles shall be gathered. Naphtali died and was buried at Hebron.<\/p>\n<h6>Gad<\/h6>\nThe patriarch Gad is represented as hating Joseph because Joseph had told his father that Gad and some of the other brothers were eating from the best of the flocks while tending them. During his testament Gad confesses his sin of hatred to his sons and warns them against harboring hatred because it only brings anguish: “For as love would quicken even the dead and would call back them that are condemned to die, so hatred would slay the living and those that had sinned venially it would not suffer to live” (4:6).<\/p>\nRepentance is understood to give knowledge to the soul and leads the mind to salvation. Gad encourages his sons to honor the lineage of Levi and Judah, for therein is found the salvation of Israel. He predicts that his sons will walk in all wickedness and corruption and ends on a somewhat pessimistic note by asking to be buried near his fathers. Gad is buried at Hebron.<\/p>\n<h6>Asher<\/h6>\nAsher is very conscious of good and evil spirits and the choice that man has to make between these two possibilities. Asher predicts that his descendants will act ungodly and not give heed to the law of God. Thus they will be delivered into the hands of their enemies and they will be scattered. They will exist in such a state until the “Most High” visits the earth “coming Himself [as man with men eating and drinking] . . . he shall save Israel and all the Gentiles” (7:3-4). This Christian interpolation is followed by a declaration that the Lord will gather them because of his mercy and for the sake of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. When Asher dies, he is buried at Hebron.<\/p>\n<h6>Joseph<\/h6>\nJoseph calls himself the “beloved of Israel,” (1:2) and although he has seen envy and death, he did not go astray. During his testament he tells of his ordeal of being sold into slavery. The verses in chapter one are set in parallelism with the first half of the verse telling the plight of Joseph and the second half exalting the security of the Lord: “I was sold into slavery, and the Lord of all made me free: I was taken into captivity, and his strong hand succoured me. I was beset with hunger and the Lord himself nourished me” (1:5). Joseph details his experiences in Egypt with eight chapters being given to the temptations of the Egyptian woman. However, Joseph resisted her advances and the Lord rewarded him for his convictions. He admonishes his sons to have the fear of the Lord in all their works because whoever does the law of the Lord will be loved by him. This is the key to his success. Joseph encourages his children to do well to anyone who would do evil to them and pray for their enemies. He gives his attitude toward his brothers as an example of such a virtue.<\/p>\nJoseph admonishes his sons to observe the commandments of the Lord and honor Levi and Judah for “the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, who saves all the Gentiles and Israel” (19:11) shall arise from them. He predicts the enslavement in Egypt but also the eventual deliverance. He directs his sons to take his bones with them when they leave Egypt, and the testament indicates that Joseph was buried at Hebron.<\/p>\n<h6>Benjamin<\/h6>\nThe last patriarch gives his testament when he is 125 years old. He encourages his children to love the Lord and keep his commandments. He urges them to follow the goodness of Joseph, for he did not want his brothers’ actions against him to be counted as sin. Benjamin predicts that in Joseph shall the prophecy be fulfilled “concerning the Lamb of God and Savior of the world, and that a blameless one shall be delivered up for lawless men, and a sinless one shall die for ungodly men in the blood of the covenant, for the salvation of the Gentiles and of Israel and shall destroy Beliar and his servants” (3:8). One can immediately see how the Christian interpolation would find easy access for a polemic in this testament. Joseph is depicted as suffering in innocence and without remorse. Likewise the Christian messiah would suffer and die for ungodly men.<\/p>\nBenjamin believes that there are evildoers among his sons; from his reading of the book of Enoch he predicts that they will commit “fornication with the fornication of Sodom” and only a few will survive (9:1). There would appear to be a remnant from each tribe as the 12 tribes and the Gentiles will gather at the last temple. Their salvation will be a result of the “Most High” sending his only “begotten prophet” (9:2), and he will be lifted up upon a tree and the veil of the temple shall be rent and the Spirit of God shall be passed on to the Gentiles. Benjamin admonishes his sons that if they walk in holiness according to the commandments of the Lord, all of Israel will be gathered to the Lord. When Benjamin dies, he is buried at Hebron.<\/p>\nFrom the brief account of each patriarch, it is apparent that the testaments were subject to both Jewish and Christian redaction and go beyond mere interpolation. The text reflects such characteristics as two messiahs, a double love commandment, ethical and theological teachings, as well as universal salvation. However, it is most difficult to place these features within a particular time period or even religion.<\/p>\nThaddeus, Acts of<\/p>\nA sixth-century version and extension of the fifth-century Syriac Doctrina Addaei, or Legend of Abgar. The Legend contains a purported exchange of letters between Abgar, king of Edessa (AD<\/span> 9–46), and Jesus. This exchange results in the sending of Thaddeus, one of Jesus’ apostles, to Edessa. While there, he performs numerous miracles including the healing of Abgar. The Acts has Abgar healed when Ananias, his messenger, returns prior to the arrival of Thaddeus. The Acts focuses on the activity of Thaddeus in establishing the church in Edessa.<\/p>\nThecla, Acts of Paul and<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Paul and Thecla, Acts of (above).<\/p>\nThomas, Acts of<\/p>\nThe Acts of Thomas is one of a cluster of acts of the apostles that have three common characteristics. They narrate the propagation of the gospel around the ancient world, promote the deeds and words of one of the apostles, and inevitably chronicle that apostle’s martyrdom. The oldest of these “acts narratives” are those of Paul, John, Andrew, Peter, and Thomas. Acts of Thomas, like the others, is a blend of Christian piety, the popular Hellenistic romances of the day, and Jewish haggadic-type moralistic teachings.<\/p>\nScholarly study of the Acts of Thomas suggests that it was probably written at the beginning of the third century. It was definitely written in Syriac first and probably by someone with strong tendencies toward the Gnostic heresy. It proved broadly popular among Gnostics, Manichees, and orthodox churches, so much so that it was quickly translated from the original Syriac into Arabic, Armenian, and several Greek translations. From these varied Greek versions, Coptic, Latin, and Ethiopic translations were made. Significant portions of the Coptic version were in turn retranslated back into Arabic, Ethiopic, and Greek, thus creating a most confusing textual tradition. Only one full early Syriac text survives, and it is considered less reliable than some of the extant Greek translations.<\/p>\nIn the critical English edition of the Acts of Thomas, that of A. F. J. Klijn published in 1962, the narrative is divided into the traditional acts (praxeis). There are 13 of these numbered in 170 sequential chapters that include the concluding martyrdom of the apostle. Various liturgical pieces, sermon fragments, and hymns are inserted, including two particularly famous hymns in the early church—that of the “Song of the Bride” in act 1 and that of the “Song of the Pearl” in act 9. The first six acts are not woven together by any particular theme, and they record that Thomas went on board ship to go to India (act 3), which would imply a south Indian ministry. Yet the text speaks of ministry to the north Indian king, Gundaphoro (act 4). However, acts 7 through 13 and the martyrdom are set in the south Indian kingdom of Mazdai and are obviously written by one hand. It is probable that the first six acts represent earlier materials placed into the whole by the writer of the last seven acts and the martyrdom. This document is the first-known mention of the traditions that Thomas ministered in India, was martyred there, and that his bones were returned to Edessa. Acts of Thomas is written, as are all the apocryphal acts of the apostles, on the assumption that the world was divided among the apostles for evangelization and that India fell to Thomas.<\/p>\nThomas is called Judas Thomas throughout these acts after the Syrian style of referring to that apostle. Thomas is spoken of as the twin of Jesus (the Didymus of the NT), as recipient of special divine revelations, and as being Jesus incarnate in the flesh again—in chapters 10, 11, 39, 47, and 48 of the Acts. Many historians think these are clear indications of Gnostic thought. Others think such ideas are expressions of Jesus’ adaptation to human perception and identification with his apostles—features often found in early Christian literature. There seems to be no question but that Gnostic or Manichee tendencies were gradually edited out of Greek and Latin texts by orthodox copyists.<\/p>\nOne quickly gets the feel for this narrative. The Acts of Thomas opens with Judas Thomas’s refusing to go to India. He is then sold as a slave—in parallel to Christ’s coming as a slave to redeem man. So Thomas reaches India as a carpenter (again the parallel with Jesus) and a builder of homes. He plays groomsman in a wedding at which miracles convince the flute player of Thomas’s role as apostle of God; so the king asks Thomas to pray for his daughter. Great stress is placed on purity in Thomas’s teaching, and this usually involves sexual abstinence as well. Finally, many are converted, including the king, and they form an assembly of believers in Sandaruk.<\/p>\nIn the second act the king, Gundophor, gives Thomas a large sum of money to build a palace. After surprising the king by tracing the palace on the ground in winter, Thomas builds him a palace in heaven by giving the money to the poor. The king imprisons and decides to kill Thomas for the supposed deception; but the king’s brother, Gad, dies and goes to heaven where he sees the palace and desires to buy it. Gad is then reunited with his body and tries to buy the palace from Gundophor, whereupon Gundophor learns that he cannot sell it, releases Thomas from prison, and advises Gad to arrange to have his own palace built in heaven. Thomas gives a great doxology (ch 25 of act 2), and the two brothers who have come to believe through all of this want to be baptized.<\/p>\nIn these miracle narratives and teachings, all the books of the NT seem to be echoed, though there are relatively few direct quotations. Favorite miracle passages such as Balaam’s talking donkey and Peter’s release from prison are reexperienced in Thomas’s life with vast embellishment. The talking ass enters a home and casts out a demon at Thomas’s command; Thomas causes great consternation by repeatedly passing in and out of the securely closed prison. Such miracles, sufferings, and conversions make up acts 3 through 13 and continue to the climax of Judas Thomas’s ministry. His martyrdom occurs (ch 168) at the hands of four soldiers with spears who have been ordered by the king of Mazdai to execute Thomas. He thereafter appears to his followers who have Thomas’s bones removed to Edessa. Meantime, the son of the king of Mazdai becomes sick unto death. Desperate, the king goes to Thomas’s tomb, thinking to get a relic to heal his son. Finding the body gone, he uses the very dust upon which Judas Thomas’s body rested, and his son is healed. Thereafter the king becomes a believer and joins the community of believers.<\/p>\nThomas, Gospel of<\/p>\nA noncanonical and heretical gospel of Gnostic origin that probably dates from the second or third century AD<\/span>. It is one of a large number of similar writings that flourished among early religious sects such as the Marcosians (a second-century group that built an elaborate sacramental system around numbers) and the Manicheans (a third-century dualistic heresy based on the primeval conflict between light and darkness). In fact, Cyril of Jerusalem, who died in AD<\/span> 386 says the Gospel of Thomas was written by “one of those wicked disciples of Mani” (the founder of Manichaeism). Along with the Protevangelium of James, it is one of the oldest and most widely known of the more than 50 apocryphal gospels that circulated within the churches during the period of their early growth and expansion.<\/p>\nThis Gospel of Thomas (sometimes referred to as an “infancy gospel”) should not be confused with the Coptic version that was unearthed in 1945 near Nag Hammadi in Upper Egypt. The latter is a collection of 114 “sayings of Jesus,” which shed a great deal of light on the influence of Gnosticism on Egyptian Christianity. They claim to be the “secret words” of Jesus transmitted by “Didymos Judas Thomas.” The Gospel of Thomas, with which this article deals, is composed of a series of childhood miracles of Jesus and is preserved for us in four versions—two in Greek (one quite a bit longer than the other), one in Latin, and one in Syriac.<\/p>\nThe Gospel of Thomas was apparently known as early as Hippolytus (AD<\/span> 155–235), who quotes it as saying, “He who seeks me will find me in children from seven years old; for there will I, who am hidden in the fourteenth aeon, be found.” Hippolytus claimed that it was used by the Naasenes (a Gnostic sect that worshiped the serpent) in support of their doctrine of the nature of the inward man. The quotation above is not found in the extant versions, but this is understandable because there is evidence from the Stichometry of Nicephorus (possibly fourth century) that an earlier version was over twice the length. The Gospel of Thomas was known both to Origen (c. AD<\/span> 185–254) and Eusebius (c. AD<\/span> 260–340). The latter classed it with the heretical writings and said it should be “rejected as altogether absurd and impious” (Historia Ecclesiastica<\/em> 3.25).<\/p>\nThe stories that make up the Gospel of Thomas emphasize the miraculous power and supernatural wisdom of the boy Jesus. Some scholars think they were originally fabricated by orthodox Christians in opposition to the Gnostic heresy that the “supernatural Christ” first came upon Jesus at the time of his baptism. It is much more likely, however, that they owe their origin to people’s curiosity about what the boy Jesus must have been like. Some of the tales may have come from pagan sources.<\/p>\nApart from three or four miracles, which could be classed as beneficial, the supernatural feats said to be performed by the boy Jesus were destructive. For example, when a certain child spoiled some pools made by Jesus, he was cursed by Jesus and totally withered up. Another boy who provoked Jesus by running into him “immediately . . . fell down and died.” A teacher who struck Jesus on the head was straightway cursed and fell to the ground. The French writer Renan referred to the Jesus of the Gospel of Thomas as “a vicious little guttersnipe.”<\/p>\nThroughout the gospel Jesus is presented as infinitely wise. He ridicules his teacher Zacchaeus saying, “You hypocrite, first, if you know it, teach the Alpha, and then we will believe you concerning the Beta.” After Zacchaeus berates himself for being so inferior to the one he intended to take as a disciple, Jesus laughs and announces, “I am come from above that I may curse them.” The text continues, “And no man after that dared to provoke him, lest he should curse him, and he should be maimed.”<\/p>\nOther miracles include making 12 live sparrows out of clay, smiting his accusers with blindness, raising a child from the dead, healing a foot cut in two by an ax, carrying water in a cloth garment, reaping an enormous harvest from one kernal of wheat, stretching a piece of wood to its proper length, and healing his brother James who had been bitten by a viper while gathering fagots (sticks to use as firewood). More miracles may be found in the longer Latin version.<\/p>\nIt comes as no surprise that the orthodox church has always rejected from its canon of sacred scripture the apocryphal Gospel of Thomas. It is, however, quoted in other later gospels of the same sort. For example, the Gospel of Pseudo-Matthew from chapter 18 on is based upon the Gospel of Thomas. Along with other apocryphal materials, it has exercised a significant influence on Christian art and literature, especially from the tenth century forward. For example, the account of Jesus making the 12 sparrows from clay shows up in the Koran.<\/p>\nTruth, Gospel of<\/p>\nAround 1945 a group of Egyptian peasant farmers near modern Nag Hammadi inadvertently dug into a grave of the ancient village known as Shenesit-Chenoboskion and unearthed a jar containing 13 books (9 of which were largely complete) and 15 fragments of works. This find was the library of an ancient Gnostic sect and contained all or parts of 51 different Gnostic writings—all but two of which had never come into modern scholars’ hands before. Now called the Nag Hammadi or Chenoboskion texts, these works were the first modern find of original Gnostic literature. All are Coptic translations of earlier Greek originals.<\/p>\nCodex I (titled the Jung Codex because it now is owned by the Jung Institute in Vienna) is unique among the 13 works because it is in Sub-Achimimic Coptic, while the rest of the works are in the more usual Sahidic Coptic. Codex I contains five works, two of which are the enormously controversial Gospel of Thomas and the Gospel of Truth.<\/p>\nThe Gospel of Truth has no heading but rather draws its title from the incipit (first line of the text); it has no author; it contains no addressee. In fact, it is not a gospel at all, but rather a treatise expressive of Valentinian Gnosticism at its very earliest stage. Because the Gnosticism expressed in the Gospel of Truth is lacking all later-Valentinian mythological development and because it is stated simply and in almost orthodox Christian thought forms, the majority of modern scholars credit it to Valentinus himself, though no final proof of this has been discovered as yet. If Valentinus himself did not write this document, then it had to be someone in the immediate circle of his initial disciples.<\/p>\nValentinus was born in Egypt around AD<\/span> 100 to 110. He received a thorough education at Alexandria, became a Christian, and taught first in Egypt before moving to Rome around AD<\/span> 136, where he stayed until 154 or 155. Tertullian, in his work against heresy, seems to imply that Valentinus was twice expelled from the Roman church; he states that Valentinus was a brilliant and eloquent man who had hopes of becoming a bishop in Rome at one time. Valentinus attracted able followers who later expanded his teachings almost beyond recognition. But when he left Rome sometime after 154 or 155, he had made a final break with orthodoxy and was teaching a form of Gnostic heresy the product of which was the Gospel of Truth, written by himself or someone of his immediate circle. There is a surviving statement that Valentinus taught subsequently in Cyprus, and then he vanishes into the mists of history.<\/p>\nIrenaeus said the Gospel of Truth is no gospel, for it is unlike the four Gospels (Against Heresies<\/em> 3.2.9). Irenaeus was certainly correct, for the work is not a narrative. Nor does the Gospel of Truth contain any story about Jesus, any place name of any type, any date, or any mention of any person other than Jesus, who is only mentioned five times.<\/p>\nMore than 60 times, this brief work uses the notions of knowledge or needing to know. This knowledge is born from within as the soul returns to itself, finding there what Deity deposited in it—or perhaps better, finding there the residue of Deity still entrapped within it. Thus whoever has Gnosis has simply taken what is his and can know where he or she comes from and for where he or she is bound. Christ’s role was to present the “Book of the Living” or the “Living Book.” “Book” is understood, not as the gospel proclamation of the life and teachings of Jesus, but rather as the primordial gospel or truth that existed before creation. It was error and ignorance that rebelled against the Savior and nailed him to the tree. Implied in this, though not explicitly stated, is the Gnostic understanding that it was also divine error and ignorance out of which matter emerged or was created. Salvation for living beings entrapped in this matter comes with return to unalloyed Deity. The path of this return is Gnosis (knowledge). The Pleroma, the fullness of the Deity, went out into the depths of matter in search of the elect among beings by way of Jesus and the cross.<\/p>\nWhile these traits of Gnosticism are clear, this gospel is much closer to orthodoxy than most Gnostic Chenoboskion writings because it mentions only one Son of God, not several emanations; it does not split Jesus into a physical Jesus and a divine Christ; and most strikingly, Sophia, the usual central character in the Gnostic cosmic drama, does not appear at all. It is for these reasons among others that the Gospel of Truth is placed very close to Valentinus’s break with orthodoxy.<\/p>\nThe Gospel of Truth has assumed some degree of importance in NT studies beyond that warranted by its heretical content because it everywhere assumes our full NT canon. By some scholars’ counts, there are no less than 83 places where the Gospel of Truth echoes NT canonical books—in spite of the fact it does not cite a single saying of Jesus directly. Most particularly, it relies heavily on the book of Revelation and the Epistle to the Hebrews.<\/p>\nVirgin, Assumption of the<\/p>\nA widely circulated legend dealing with the death and translation of the Virgin Mary. None of the many versions is earlier than the fourth century. Most go back to Egypt. In the Coptic versions, Jesus himself appears to Mary before the apostles depart on their missionary labors; Jesus announces her coming death and translation. In the other form an angel makes the announcement. Mary requests the presence of all the apostles, who are miraculously brought on the clouds. Mary is transfigured, and many healings result from contact with her dead body. She is transported to heaven by Jesus shortly after her death.<\/p>\nThis legend itself took on a new interest and importance when in 1950 “The Assumption of the Blessed Virgin” was made a part of official Roman Catholic dogma.<\/p>\nVirgin, Life of the<\/p>\nThere are a number of accounts of the early life and existence of the Virgin Mary. Most of them come to us through Coptic texts. They tell of the birth of Mary to Joachim (also called Cleopas) and Anna, who had been taunted by friends for having no children. Mary was born after a vision of a white dove. In some accounts Mary was dedicated to the Lord and then committed to the care of a man, Joseph. While she was in the house weaving on the veil of the temple, angels would come to minister to her. The annunciation by Gabriel is given at great length. The birth of Jesus is described in detail while Joseph is searching for a midwife, Salome. Other accounts go on to describe tender scenes between Mary and the child Jesus. In some of these versions, there is a reckless identification of the Virgin Mary with all of the other Marys of the Gospels.<\/p>\nZebulun, Testament of<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs (above).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>APOCRYPHA*<\/h3>\nBooks excluded from the canon of Scripture.<\/p>\nPreview<\/p>\n• Introduction<\/p>\n• Apocryphal Gospels<\/p>\n• Apocryphal Acts<\/p>\n• Apocryphal Epistles<\/p>\n• Apocalyptic Apocrypha<\/p>\n• Specific Titles of Apocryphal Writings<\/p>\nIntroduction<\/p>\nThe writings of the Old and New Testaments tended to attract certain additional compositions in the form of books, parts of books, letters, “gospels,” apocalypses, and so on. Most of the authors wrote anonymously, but some presented their writings to the public under the name of a familiar OT figure or member of the Christian church. Several of these compositions formed a small but important part of the great body of Jewish literature that emerged during the period between the Old and New Testaments. Much of it was the result of religious and political ferment, for the Jews felt their faith and their very existence threatened, first by the pagan influences of Hellenistic Greek culture, then by the oppression of invading Roman forces.<\/p>\n\nMost of the apocryphal books are also pseudepigrapha—that is, they are books ascribed to a pseudonymous author. In other words, the main characteristic of these writings is the fictitious claim that the author of the book was a biblical person (Enoch, Abraham, Moses, Solomon, Bartholomew, Thomas, etc.) or that the revelation contained in the book was originally given to a biblical character (Adam and Eve, Isaiah). Generally, the pseudepigrapha show a strong interest in the apocalyptic: the creation of the world, the future of Israel and the nations, the glory of God and his angels, the messianic kingdom, and life after death. Many of the pseudepigrapha are Jewish writings that were never accepted by the Jewish or Christian communities. They were written about the time of the Apocrypha (c. 200 BC<\/span>–AD<\/span> 110), but by the nature of the contents of the pseudepigrapha, they were only recognized by certain groups. Since some of these books approximated counterparts in the canonical Scriptures, there is no doubt that in some circles their authority and inspiration were regarded as similar to that of the scriptural compositions venerated by the Jews and later by Christians.<\/p>\nOther religious writings from that period made no claim to be scriptural. Such compositions preserved the familiar traditions of both Judaism and primitive Christianity, although on occasion they enriched or embellished them by means of legends and unhistorical narratives. Because very few books of any kind were in circulation at that time, the Palestinians tended to read whatever literary material came into their possession. Although the Torah, or law of Moses, had always been recognized as the standard of theological orthodoxy for the Jews, narratives of endurance under persecution or accounts of the way that the enemies of God’s people received their just reward had an obvious attraction for those under the pressures of a pagan society.<\/p>\nIn the same way, although the Gospels and Epistles—along with the OT—comprised the basic canon or approved list of Scriptures for Christians, many additional narratives claimed the attention of Christ’s early followers. Those compositions often dealt with the supposed activities of Jesus and his followers, as well as with martyrdoms, revelations, and spiritual teachings. Some works contained material that was not only unhistorical but downright bizarre, but others reflected the spirit of Christ and the apostolic teachings to a certain extent. For the early Christians, as also for the Jews, the establishment of a formal canon of scriptural writings must have been prompted in part by a necessity to separate the record of revealed truth from other written forms of religious tradition as well as from actual heresy.<\/p>\nWritings that failed to gain acceptance into the OT and NT canons were described in the writings of some early Christian scholars by the term “apocrypha.” The Greek word means “hidden things,” and when applied to books it described those works that religious authorities wished to be concealed from the reading public. The reason was that such books were thought to contain mysterious or secret lore, meaningful only to the initiate and therefore unsuitable for the ordinary reader. But the word “apocrypha” was also applied in a less complimentary sense to works that deserved to be concealed. Such works contained harmful doctrines or false teachings calculated to unsettle or pervert rather than edify those who read them. The suppression of undesirable writings was comparatively easy at a time when only a few copies of any book were in circulation at a given time.<\/p>\nBy the end of the first century AD<\/span>, a clear distinction was being made in Jewish circles between writings that were suitable for use by the general public and esoteric works that were to be restricted to the knowledgeable and the initiated. Thus in 2 Esdras 14:1-6, the writer tells how Ezra was supposedly instructed by God to publish openly certain writings (among them the Torah), and keep others secret (that is, apocalyptic traditions dealing with the coming end of the age). In 2 Esdras 14:42-46 reference is made to 70 books, evidently noncanonical material, written after the 24 books of the Hebrew Canon.<\/p>\nUse of the term “apocrypha” to mean “noncanonical” goes back to the fifth century AD<\/span>, when Jerome urged that the books found in the Septuagint and in the Latin Bibles that did not occur in the canon of the Hebrew OT writings should be treated as apocryphal. They were not to be disregarded entirely, since they were part of the great contemporary outpouring of Jewish national literature. At the same time, they should not be used as sources for Christian doctrine but at best for supplementary reading of an uplifting or inspirational nature.<\/p>\nProtestant theologians generally have followed the tradition established by Jerome, regarding the OT apocrypha as the excess of the Septuagint canon over the Hebrew Scriptures. When the Hebrew Bible began to be translated into Greek in Egypt during the reign of Ptolemy II (285–246 BC<\/span>), the scholars concerned included a number of books that, while remaining outside the generally accepted list of Hebrew canonical writings, still had a bearing upon Jewish history and society. That procedure reflected contemporary attitudes in Palestine, where many people did not attempt to separate canonical writings from other forms of religious literature. The decision made by Jewish authorities about what to regard as canonical Scripture naturally had a bearing on what would constitute OT apocrypha.<\/p>\nTextual evidence represented by certain manuscripts and fragments from the Dead Sea caves makes it reasonably certain that the last of the canonical Hebrew writings had been completed several decades before the time Alexander the Great (356–323 BC<\/span>) began his conquests in the Near East. The process by which those compositions came to be accepted as canonical was more protracted, however. Only when they had been circulated, read, and assessed favorably by comparison with the spirituality of the Torah were they accorded general canonicity. Hence the distinction between the canonical and apocryphal writings came as much through usage and general consent on the part of orthodox Judaism as through any other manner. Earlier scholars suggested that the so-called Council of Jamnia, held in Palestine about AD<\/span> 100, was responsible for drawing up a list of OT books suitable for use by the faithful. However, subsequent studies have thrown considerable doubt upon the historicity of such a council, at the same time showing that the Jewish authorities of that period considered their noncanonical writings to be more of an obstacle than a help to devotion.<\/p>\nThe books the Jews regarded as being specifically outside the Canon, and therefore apocryphal, are as follows: 1 Esdras; 2 Esdras; Tobit; Judith; the additions to Esther; the Wisdom of Solomon; Ecclesiasticus; Baruch; the Letter of Jeremiah; the additions to the book of Daniel (the Prayer of Azariah and the Song of the Three Young Men, Susanna, Bel and the Dragon); the Prayer of Manasseh; 1 Maccabees; and 2 Maccabees. Several Septuagint manuscripts included some pseudohistorical material under the titles of 3 and 4 Maccabees. Therefore, even the Apocrypha varied somewhat in content, depending upon the manuscript tradition being followed. Among early Christian scholars there was also some difference of opinion about the precise limits of canonical Hebrew Scripture, and hence of apocryphal material. A serious break with Hebrew and rabbinic tradition came with the writings of Augustine, who advanced the view that the books of the Apocrypha were of equal authority with the other writings of the canonical Hebrew and Christian Scriptures. A few dissenting voices were raised in support of Jerome’s position, but the views of Augustine were embraced by the Council of Trent (1546) and became official Roman Catholic teaching.<\/p>\nThe Roman Catholic Church includes the following works as part of the Deuterocanonical Scriptures: Tobit; Judith; the additions to Esther; the Wisdom of Solomon; Ecclesiasticus, or the Wisdom of Jesus ben Sirach; Baruch; the additions to the book of Daniel (the Prayer of Azariah and the Song of the Three Young Men, Susanna, Bel and the Dragon); 1 Maccabees; and 2 Maccabees. (Articles on each of these are interspersed throughout this dictionary.)<\/p>\nChristians of the NT period were already familiar with Jewish apocryphal works, including the apocalyptic speculations found in 2 Esdras. Therefore, it was hardly surprising that a similar body of literature should grow up around their own Scriptures when they began to be composed and circulated. NT apocrypha, however, like its OT counterpart, could be considered only in relationship to an established canon of scriptural writings. Since the earliest catalog of NT writings, the Muratorian Canon, was not compiled until about AD<\/span> 200, a considerable period of time elapsed before an official church statement could appear on what was to be considered NT apocrypha. In the meantime, a large assortment of materials of a predominantly religious nature appeared, purporting to be orthodox in nature and dealing with various aspects of historic Christianity. As events turned out, this apocryphal literature defeated the purposes it was intended to serve.<\/p>\nApocryphal Gospels<\/p>\nOne major class of apocrypha are the apocryphal gospels. These writings preserved stories about Christ and some teachings, but being mostly fanciful in nature they never became canonical. There are three broad classes:<\/p>\n1. A type similar to the synoptic Gospels, represented by the Gospel of Peter and the Gospel of the Egyptians, as well as papyrus fragments including Oxyrhynchus 840 and Papyrus Egerton 2. Other papyrus collections of sayings show affinities with the canonical Gospels.<\/p>\n<li>2. Gospels that disseminated Gnosticism, a second-century AD<\/span> heresy stressing philosophical knowledge (<\/em>gnosis<\/span>)<\/em> of the cosmos and man. They are often in the form of dialogues between Jesus and his disciples, such as the Coptic Gospel of Thomas, the Apocryphon of John, the Wisdom of Jesus Christ, and the Dialogue of the Redeemer. In this category also come those “gospels” attributed to the Twelve as a group, such as the Memoirs of the Apostles.<\/li>\n<li>3. Infancy gospels, purporting to supply otherwise unknown information of a legendary nature about Christ’s earliest years. Passion gospels also come into this category. These narratives were written to satisfy curiosity about Christ’s birth and childhood or to embellish the canonical accounts of his crucifixion and resurrection.<\/li>\nBecause of the scarcity of information about such matters as the childhood, adolescence, and early manhood of Jesus, the “infancy” gospels purport to supply the reader with what was meant to pass for historical fact. Much of the material, however, was entirely within the realm of fantasy and could never have been accepted as fact by any intelligent reader. For example, in the Gospel of Thomas the five-year-old Jesus is accused of breaking the Sabbath by making sparrows of clay beside a stream. When his father Joseph investigates the situation, Jesus claps his hands and the clay birds come to life and fly away chirping.<\/p>\n“Passion” gospels were written to embellish the canonical accounts of Christ’s crucifixion and resurrection. As supplements to Christian teaching, many of the apocryphal writings seemed to be proclaiming ideas that were actually outside the scope of NT doctrine. Attempts to fill in the “hidden years” of Christ’s life had no foundation whatever in the traditions of the Gospels. Works dealing with the last state of unbelievers were embellished in a manner that went far beyond anything stated in the NT. In some notable instances, as in the writings of various Gnostic sects, the authors set out deliberately to propagate heretical teachings they had accepted under the authority of some apostolic figure. The Gospel of Thomas, recovered around 1945 from Nag Hammadi (Chenoboskion) near the Nile River, is an example of an attempt to perpetuate curious sayings and dogmas by attributing them to Jesus, so that they would receive wide currency and acceptance.<\/p>\nApocryphal Acts<\/p>\nThere are also some apocryphal acts, which are purported to be accounts of apostolic achievements not recorded in Scripture. Such “acts” are the source of much tradition, such as Peter’s being crucified upside down and Thomas’s mission to India. The reliability of the traditions is questionable because the writings contain clearly unorthodox material. Yet small fragments of accurate information may be embedded in this mass of largely fictitious literature.<\/p>\nBecause of their often heretical character, the church consistently reacted against such books, sometimes even demanding that they be burned (for example, at the Nicene Council of 787). The Acts of John pictured Jesus talking to John on the Mt of Olives during the crucifixion, explaining that it was only a spectacle. In the Acts of Thomas, Jesus appeared in the form of Thomas, exhorting a newly married couple to dedicate themselves to virginity. Sexual abstinence was a dominant theme, reflecting Platonic ideas, which disparaged the physical body.<\/p>\nMany scholars date the earliest work, the Acts of John, before AD<\/span> 150. The major Acts (of John, Paul, Peter, Andrew, and Thomas) were probably written during the second and third centuries. These gave rise to other “acts” that were primarily miracle stories, written more to entertain than to teach.<\/p>\nApocryphal Epistles<\/p>\nA host of apocryphal works are classified as epistles. These generally pseudonymous works originated from many widely separated periods of time. Many other apocryphal works are apocalyptic in nature. These works are supplemented by material such as the Apostolic Constitutions and Canons. Added to these are the Gnostic compositions found at Nag Hammadi, which include works purporting to represent the teachings of Christ as well as “secret” instructions compiled by the Gnostic writers and a few apocryphal compositions.<\/p>\nApocalyptic Apocrypha<\/p>\nAnother group could be called apocalyptic apocrypha. The term “apocalypse” means “disclosure” or “revelation,” a term that was generally applied to Christian literature that resembled the Revelation of John, which designates itself an apocalypse in Revelation 1:1. The practice of writing under the name of an illustrious figure of the past, or pseudonymity, was a characteristic device used by most unknown authors of Jewish and Christian apocalypses (the Revelation of John is a striking exception). Jewish apocalypses were attributed to such ancient worthies as Adam, Enoch, Abraham, Moses, Ezra, and others. Similarly, Christian apocalypses written in the second century AD<\/span> and later were ascribed to such important early Christian figures as Peter, Thomas, James and others.<\/p>\nIn NT times there emerged in Judaism certain circles that developed an apocalyptic view of history. They provided such writings as the five parts of 1 Enoch, the Assumption of Moses, 2 Esdras, and the Apocalypse of Baruch. These books are of importance to NT study, for they provide a bridge between the OT and the NT concepts of the kingdom of God.<\/p>\nThe apocalypses were written to answer the problems of theodicy (the justice of God). After the days of Ezra, the law assumed a more important role in the life of the people than before. In prophetic times Israel again and again apostatized from the law and worshiped foreign gods. The primary message of the prophets was to challenge Israel to get right with God and to turn in repentance to keep the law. After Ezra and throughout NT times, Israel was obedient to the law as never before. The Jews abhorred idolatry and faithfully worshiped God. Still the kingdom did not come. Instead came the fearful persecution in the Maccabean times by Antiochus IV Epiphanes, the worldly rule of the Hasmoneans, Pompey and Roman hegemony, and in AD<\/span> 66–70, the siege and destruction of Jerusalem. Where was God? Why did he not deliver his faithful people? Why did the kingdom not come? The apocalypses were written to answer questions like these.<\/p>\nOne of the most important elements in apocalyptic religion is an explicit dualism, expressed as “this age” and “the age to come.” The prophets contrasted the present time with the future when the kingdom of God would be established. The apocalyptists radicalized this contrast. Twice we find fragments of this idiom in 1 Enoch. We meet the fully developed idiom in 2 Esdras and the Apocalypse of Baruch (late first century AD<\/span>). “The Most High has made not one age but two” (2 Esd 7:50); “the day of judgment shall be the end of this age and the beginning of the immortal age that is to come” (2 Esd 7:113); “this age the Most High has made for many but the age to come for few” (2 Esd 8:1; see also Apoc Bar 14:13; 15:7; Pirke Aboth<\/em> 4:1, 21-22; 6:4-7). Furthermore, the transition from this age to the age to come can be accomplished only by a cosmic act of God. In the apocryphal Assumption of Moses there is no messianic personage; it is God alone who comes to redeem Israel. In the Similitudes of Enoch the transition is accomplished with the coming of a heavenly, preexistent Son of Man. In 2 Esdras we find a conflation of the concepts of Davidic Messiah and the Son of Man.<\/p>\nApocalyptic differs from OT prophetic religion in that it is pessimistic about the present age. It would be wrong to describe the apocalypses as ultimately pessimistic, for their basic message is that in due time God will intervene and save his people. But for the present, as long as this age lasts, he has removed himself from intervening in Israel’s affairs. The present age is under the power of evil angelic and demonic forces and is irretrievably evil. God has abandoned this age to evil; salvation can be expected only in the age to come.<\/p>\nThe apocalyptists lost completely the tension between history and eschatology. They no longer expected any deliverance in this age. God had, in fact, become the God of the future, not of the present.<\/p>\nIn the dream-visions of Enoch (1 Enoch 83–90), God faithfully guided Israel throughout its history. Then God withdrew his personal leadership, forsook the temple, and surrendered his people to be torn and devoured. God “remained unmoved, though he saw it, and rejoiced that they were devoured and swallowed and robbed, and left them to be devoured in the hand of all the beasts” (1 Enoch 89:58). After the Babylonian captivity God was conceived to be inactive in history. History was surrendered to evil. All salvation was thrust into the future.<\/p>\nComparative studies have shown that the NT apocryphal writings preserve at best a series of debased traditions about the founder and teachings of early Christianity. At worst, the narratives are entirely devoid of historical value and in some respects are totally alien to NT spirituality. Even where they seem to support a tradition current in some part of the early church, the evidence they present is inferior to what can often be had from other sources. Sometimes the compositions are so trivial and inconsequential that it is difficult to account for their survival. Certain apocryphal writings did in fact become lost and are now known only in the form of quotations in larger works.<\/p>\nNevertheless, the NT apocryphal compositions are important in indicating what was attractive to the ordinary people of the day. For them an element of the romantic seemed necessary to supplement the body of received spiritual truth. Certain of the stories recounted were vivid and imaginative, and others, such as the apocalypses, provided a form of escapism from harsh temporal realities. No matter what their nature, the NT apocryphal writings exerted an influence out of all proportion to their fundamental worth.<\/p>\nSpecific Titles of Apocryphal Writings<\/p>\nAbdias, Apostolic History of<\/p>\nCollection of material drawn from canonical and apocryphal writings concerning the lives of the apostles, including Paul. Abdias, an early bishop of Babylon, was supposedly the author of this history that more probably was collated from a variety of sources in the sixth century AD<\/span> in France. This apocryphal “acts,” divided into 10 books, originally circulated in Greek as individual volumes that were collected into one when a Latin version was made. The content is generally regarded as folklore or legend but is of some value where no other source is available.<\/p>\nAbdias, a contemporary of the apostles, may have seen Christ and supposedly traveled extensively with Simon and Jude. There is no historical basis for considering Abdias as the author of the Hebrew text, or for believing that his disciple Eutropius translated it into Greek or that Africanus translated the Greek into Latin—although the preface to the Latin version makes those claims.<\/p>\nAbgarus, Letters of Christ and<\/p>\nApocryphal work comprising two short letters, one supposedly written by the Syrian king Abgar (Abgarus), the other supposedly a reply from Jesus. Eusebius claimed to have found the material in the archives of Abgar at Edessa and translated it from Syrian to Greek together with an account of the exploits of the disciple Thaddaeus.<\/p>\nAccording to the legend, Abgar, suffering from a severe disease, hears of the miracles of Jesus and sends a messenger with a letter asking Jesus to come heal him. At the same time he offers Jesus sanctuary from the dangerous opposition of the Jews in Jerusalem. In a written reply (later altered to an oral one to comply with the tradition that no writings of Jesus existed), Jesus declines the offer of sanctuary but promises that after his ascension he will comply with Abgar’s request for healing by sending a disciple to him. Thaddaeus, one of the Twelve, is dispatched to Edessa, the king is healed, and the community converts to Christianity. In a slightly different version in the Doctrina Addaei (about AD<\/span> 400), an oral reply is given, and the messenger returns with a portrait of Jesus that is displayed prominently in Abgar’s palace.<\/p>\nThe legend is essentially similar to that described in the Greek Acts of Thaddaeus (fifth or sixth century AD<\/span>), except that in the latter Ananias returns with a handkerchief on which is a miraculous imprint of the face of Christ.<\/p>\nAbraham, Apocalypse of<\/p>\nJewish document existing in old Slavonic texts that go back through Greek to a Hebrew or Aramaic original.<\/p>\nThe Apocalypse of Abraham begins with Abraham turning from idolatry. Incorporating old rabbinical traditions of Abraham’s youth, it describes his awakening to the call of God and his awareness that God was one and was holy. An angel named Jahoel, whose functions and powers are lifted from rabbinical lore, takes Abraham to the seventh heaven where he is shown things past and things yet to be. He sees the temptation of Adam and Eve through sexual sin, and the murder of Cain. Azazel, an evil being, plays Satan’s role. These details probably reflect a tradition that Abraham was the author of the first documents of the Bible. The revelation then turns to the future and shows the destruction of the temple, plagues upon the heathen, and the coming of the Messiah. It is probable that the composite document took final form in the last generation of the first century AD<\/span>.<\/p>\nTrue to his character as revealed in Genesis, Abraham raises the question of evil and why God tolerates the rebellious Azazel. He receives the answer that evil has its origin in the free will of man. This apocalypse shows how faithful Jews struggled to understand the problem of evil during a time of great suffering in Judaism. It also illustrates the curious “doctrine of angels” of that period. Both Gnostic and Christian editing of the text has been noted by some scholars.<\/p>\nAbraham, Testament of<\/p>\nJewish apocryphal writing describing the death of Abraham. In the testament, when the angel Michael comes to take Abraham’s soul, Abraham refuses to die. Reluctant to insist on the old man’s death, Michael accedes to his request to see all creation before he dies. The angel transports Abraham by chariot into the heavens so that he can observe mankind. Abraham is so shocked at the perfidy of humanity that he curses the sinners, who die immediately. He then observes the judgment of a soul, and although angels take part in the trial he notes that the presiding judge is Abel. The merits and demerits of the soul seem equally balanced, but because of the intervention of Abraham, the judgment is favorable. Abraham then realizes the severity of his cursing of sinners, but the angel informs him that the premature death of those whom he had cursed was the means of atonement for their sins.<\/p>\nAfter his return to earth, Abraham again refuses to die. Death appears in all his horror and kills 7,000 servants of Abraham (who are subsequently raised to life), but the aged saint still will not die. Finally, Death grasps Abraham’s hand and the angels lift his spirit to the heavens.<\/p>\nThe account is found in several Greek manuscripts, the oldest perhaps dating from the 13th century AD<\/span>, as well as in Slavonic, Romanian, Arabic, Ethiopic, and Coptic. The original language was probably Hebrew, from the first century AD<\/span>, with the work possibly translated into Greek by a Christian. The testament also exists in a shorter version in which God comes to lift up the soul of Abraham during a dream. There is no attempt in the work to make a theological statement, but the portrayal of the angel Michael and of Death are typical of Jewish thought of the first century.<\/p>\nActs, Apocryphal<\/p>\nWritings purported to be accounts of apostolic achievements not recorded in Scripture.<\/p>\nActs of Pilate<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Pilate, Acts of (below).<\/p>\nAdam, Apocalypse of<\/p>\nOne of the best examples of Gnostic apocalyptic literature. In 1946, a farm worker discovered a number of ancient texts in a cave about 6 miles (10 kilometers) north of the Egyptian city of Nag Hammadi. The discovery included 13 codexes (predecessors of bound books) of Christian and non-Christian origin. The discovery was not immediately disclosed, so it was not until 1958 that a French scholar, Jean Doresse, revealed the existence of the Apocalypse of Adam to the public. The apocalypse is written in Coptic and stands as the last of five works in Codex V.<\/p>\nAlthough the author’s true identity is unknown, the subtitle spuriously attributes the book to Adam or Seth: “An Apocalypse that Adam revealed to his son Seth in the seven hundredth year.” Seth was often cast in the role of transmitter of truth by the writers of Gnostic literature (for example, the Gospel of the Egyptians, the Paraphrase of Shem).<\/p>\nThe earliest existing copy of the Apocalypse of Adam is dated around AD<\/span> 300 to 350, although it may have been written long before. Its frequent Gnostic references, its dependence on Jewish history, and its allusions to baptism have led some scholars to postulate an origin in the Jewish baptist sects of the first and second centuries. Parallels also exist between this work and third-century Manichean (a brand of Gnosticism) literature.<\/p>\nThe Apocalypse of Adam is of great importance to students of Christian origins. For many years scholars have debated whether the Gnostic religion was a heretical outgrowth of Christianity or whether it was a movement of independent origins. Some scholars have argued that the Apocalypse of Adam is an example of an early, independent Gnosticism. If this proves to be the case the debate will certainly be simplified.<\/p>\nIn addition to its introduction and conclusion, the Apocalypse of Adam may be divided into three parts: Adam’s summary of significant past events, predictions of attempts to eliminate mankind by the evil creator-god, and predictions about the coming of the Enlightener who will show his people the way to the true God.<\/p>\nThe apocalypse opens with Adam, supposedly on his deathbed, revealing the future secrets of the Gnostic people to Seth. These have been mystically communicated to him by three angelic beings. Adam bemoans his condition of perpetual slavery to the evil creator-god, brought about by the fall and mankind’s subsequent loss of gnosis<\/span> (knowledge). Typical of Gnostic literature, a sharp distinction is drawn between the evil creator-god who rules the earth and the true God of the universe, knowledge of whom brings authentic life. Adam predicts that the creator-god will jealously attempt to destroy mankind by a flood (the story of Noah) and by fire (the story of Sodom and Gomorrah) and thus keep mankind from knowledge of the true God. These attempts, however, will be foiled by the intervention of angelic beings sent from the God of truth. Finally, the true God will send the Enlightener who will teach gnosis<\/span> to mankind so that they might know him. The creator-god will try to defeat the Enlightener but will be able to harm only his physical body. With the message of the Enlightener prevailing, mankind will turn from the creator-god and seek the true God through gnosis<\/span>.<\/em><\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Gnosticism.<\/p>\nAdam, Apocryphal Books of<\/p>\nAccount of the life and death of Adam and Eve recorded in Latin, and in a Greek version known as the Apocalypse of Moses. Other minor versions of early Christian origin also exist. Like other apocryphal writings, the work is fanciful and of unknown authorship.<\/p>\nAccording to the Latin account, after their expulsion from Paradise Adam and Eve are hungry and unable to find food for seven days. In desperation a penitent Eve, assuming responsibility for tasting the forbidden fruit, suggests that Adam kill her. He refuses, and after a search they survive by eating animals’ food. Adam suggests that as a penance they should stand fasting in the river up to their necks for 40 days, he in the Tigris, she in the Jordan. After 18 days Satan comes to Eve in the guise of an angel, tells her that the Lord has accepted her penance, and persuades her to leave the river. Coming to the Tigris where Adam is, Eve realizes that it was Satan who had spoken to her. Satan then explains that the reason for his fall was his refusal to worship man, a lower being.<\/p>\nThe archangel Michael is then sent to Adam with seeds so that he can learn to till the land. In a dream Eve sees Cain kill Abel, and in an attempt to prevent the murder by separating the brothers, Cain is made a farmer and Abel a shepherd. Subsequently a third son, Seth, is born. Adam receives a message from God that he is to die because he has obeyed the word of his wife rather than the instructions of God. When Adam is later in pain and close to death, he explains to Seth that Satan had tempted Eve to eat the forbidden fruit and that she in turn had persuaded him to taste it. Seth and Eve journey to the gates of Paradise to plead with God for Adam’s life. On the way Seth is attacked and bitten by a snake. At Paradise, Michael explains to them that Adam must die. Seth observes the burial of Adam and Abel.<\/p>\nBefore Eve’s death the following week, she asks Seth to make a record of the lives of his parents on tablets of stone and clay, so that if the Lord shows his anger with the world by water, the clay will be dissolved and the stone remain; if by fire, the stone will be broken up and the clay baked hard. Eve also warns Seth to mourn for six days only and not on the Sabbath.<\/p>\nThe text of the Greek version is similar to that of the Latin, except that the Greek version includes a description of Adam’s resurrection (added later to the Latin) and a detailed account by Eve of her temptation and fall. The burial of Adam and the initial refusal of the earth to accept the body of the slain Abel are also elaborately described in the Greek account. Both versions are probably derived from Hebrew originals dating from the first century AD<\/span>.<\/p>\nAhikar, Book of<\/p>\nNear Eastern folktale from the sixth or seventh century BC<\/span> showing the reward of ingratitude. According to the story, Ahikar, secretary of Sennacherib, king of Assyria, was renowned for his wisdom. Childless even though he had 60 wives, Ahikar adopted his sister’s son, Nadan, and reared him to be his successor in Sennacherib’s court. Ahikar diligently educated his adopted son, who nevertheless turned out to be bad and even forged documents to have his benefactor condemned to death. Ahikar was spared through his friendship with the executioner and was concealed until the wrath of the king cooled. Later, when Sennacherib had occasion to wish for his wisdom, Ahikar was brought on the scene, long-haired, disheveled, and with fingernails like eagles’ claws. Once again in the king’s favor, Ahikar sternly rebuked his unscrupulous nephew. In response to Ahikar’s rebuke, Nadan’s body swelled up and his stomach burst open.<\/p>\nAhikar’s story has interesting parallels with OT wisdom books and also with some of the parables of Jesus. References to Ahikar occur in the apocryphal book of Tobit, in the Greek philosopher Democritus, in the apocalyptic Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, as well as in the Koran. The story, originally in Aramaic, also survives in Syriac, Arabic, Armenian, Ethiopic, and Greek, though with considerable variations in the versions.<\/p>\nAkhmim Fragment<\/p>\nDocument found in a tomb in Akhmim in Egypt and containing the apocryphal Gospel of Peter. See<\/em> Peter, Preaching of (below).<\/p>\nAllogenes Supreme<\/p>\nGnostic work (“The Most High Stranger”), discovered in 1946 in an urn near Nag Hammadi (Egypt). The Neoplatonist historian Porphyry, as well as later Syriac Christian writings against heresy, mentioned the works of Allogenes (whose name means “foreigner” or “stranger”). Allogenes Supreme, a Gnostic “apocalypse” written in Coptic, contains an account of the creation of the higher world, exalting Barbelo, the celestial mother. The existing copy was made during the fourth century, but the original may date back to the second century.<\/p>\nAndrew, Acts of<\/p>\nApocryphal work describing purported miracles and the martyrdom in Greece of the apostle Andrew, Peter’s brother. Its theme is the virtue of turning away from materialism and the transitory values of the world to an asceticism associated with dedication of life to God. The earliest fragment available is in the Vatican. The original probably dated from the second century AD<\/span> and was probably long, verbose, and tedious. Feeling that it had merit, Gregory of Tours in the sixth century wrote a concise account of the miracles of Andrew from an original, now lost. The account of the martyrdom of Andrew probably circulated separately.<\/p>\nAmong the many miracles Gregory recorded was one concerning Exoos, a noble youth from Thessalonica, who, having heard of Andrew’s preaching and miracles, comes to him at Philippi, is converted, and remains with him. Finding bribery useless and refusing to listen to Andrew, the youth’s parents set fire to the house where the Christians are staying. As the flames roar, Exoos prays that the Lord will extinguish the fire and sprinkles it with water. Thereupon the flames die out. The parents and the crowd, claiming that the youth is now a sorcerer, climb ladders to enter the house and kill the inhabitants, but God blinds the intruders. Although it is night, a light shines out from the house, sight is restored to those who have been blinded, and all except the youth’s parents are converted. The parents die soon afterward, and Exoos remains with Andrew, spending his inheritance on the poor. Returning to Thessalonica, Exoos heals a man who has been paralyzed for 23 years, and subsequently Exoos and Andrew perform further miracles and preach to the people.<\/p>\nIn Patrae the maidservant of Maximilla, wife of the proconsul Aegeates, comes to Andrew and implores him to heal her mistress, whose fever is so severe that her husband is standing at her bedside threatening to kill himself with a sword the moment she dies. Telling the proconsul to put up his sword, Andrew takes Maximilla’s hand and the fever leaves her. Ordering food for her, Andrew then refuses Aegeates’ offer of 100 pieces of silver. After performing many miracles in the city, Andrew receives a message from Maximilla to come and heal the slave of the proconsul’s brother, Stratocles. The apostle restores the boy to health, and his master believes.<\/p>\nMaximilla, to the fury of her husband, spends considerable time listening to the preaching of Andrew and is also converted. She then refuses to sleep with her husband and one night even substitutes a servant for herself. Details of subsequent events are found in the account of the martyrdom. Aegeates, in anger, holds Andrew responsible for his wife’s alienation and has him arrested. After preaching from prison, Andrew is taken to be crucified by the seashore. When the Christian Stratocles sees Andrew being manhandled by the soldiers, he fights his way through, and he and Andrew walk together to the place of crucifixion. Aegeates, fearing his brother, orders the soldiers not to interfere. At the seashore the soldiers follow the proconsul’s command that Andrew be tied, not nailed, to the cross so that his death will be lingering and he will be eaten by dogs. After two days he is still speaking to people from the cross, and many come to Aegeates demanding Andrew’s release. Arriving at the scene, the proconsul sees that Andrew is indeed alive, and Aegeates approaches the apostle to release him. Andrew demands that he be allowed to die and meet his Lord. As they watch, Andrew dies and the onlookers weep as Maximilla and Stratocles take down his body from the cross. Maximilla remains apart from her husband and continues as a Christian.<\/p>\nAndrew, Story of<\/p>\nLegendary fragment existing only in the Coptic language. In the legend coming from the late second century AD<\/span>, a woman kills her child in the desert and gives the remains to a dog. She flees when the apostle Andrew and Philemon approach, but the dog tells what happened. Andrew prays and the child, being vomited forth, is restored to life and laughs and cries.<\/p>\nAndrew and Matthias, Acts of<\/p>\nLengthy document of highly questionable authenticity, probably dating from the late second century AD<\/span>. This book was one of many apocryphal “acts” intended to supplement the NT book of Acts by providing more information about the apostles. The fourth-century church historian Eusebius described this work and others like it as heretical, absurd, and spurious.<\/p>\nIn this story, the apostles cast lots to determine where each should go. Matthias (Matthew in some versions) is sent to the country of the man-eaters, where he soon requires rescue from a cannibal feast. The Lord then sends Andrew to save him. Andrew arrives in time to do so, and Matthias is then carried off by a cloud. Now alone, Andrew is arrested and tortured, being dragged through the city that he nearly destroys by calling forth water from a statue. Eventually, impressed by Andrew’s miracles, the people repent and release him. Andrew next draws a plan for a church, has it built, baptizes the people, and gives them the ordinances of the Lord.<\/p>\nAndrew and Paul, Acts of<\/p>\nFragmentary apocryphal story, existing only in Coptic fragments, about the arrival of the apostles Andrew and Paul by sea at a city. In the story, Paul, instructing Andrew to rescue him, visits the underworld. There he meets Judas, who explains that he worshiped Satan after Jesus had pardoned him for the betrayal. Andrew rescues Paul, who returns carrying a piece of wood. Although Andrew is asked to heal a child, some Jews are skeptical and the city gates remain closed to the apostles. Paul strikes the gates with his piece of wood, and the gates are swallowed up into the earth. Astonished at the miracle, 27,000 Jews are converted.<\/p>\nApostles, Epistle of the<\/p>\nLetter purporting to come from the 11 apostles to the churches “of the east and the west, of the north and the south, declaring and imparting to you that which concerns our Lord Jesus Christ.” Some believe that the epistle was written in Asia Minor about AD<\/span> 160; others think that it originated in Egypt. It is probably to be dated near the middle of the second century. In existence are a mutilated Coptic manuscript of the fourth or fifth century, a complete version in Ethiopic, and a fragment in Latin. The epistle was unknown until the discovery in 1895 of the Coptic manuscript.<\/p>\nAfter an introduction there is a declaration that “our Lord and Redeemer Jesus Christ is God the Son of God who was sent of God the Lord of the whole world.” Then follows a summary of a number of incidents from the Gospels, including a negative statement of the Golden Rule: “Love your enemies, and what you would not that man do to you, that do to no man.” Chapter 24 introduces the subject of the resurrection followed by a series of questions by the disciples with answers by Jesus. A prophecy of the conversion of Paul appears in chapter 31. In chapter 43 the five wise virgins are identified as “Faith and Love and Grace and Peace and Hope”; the names of the foolish are “Knowledge, Understanding (Perception), Obedience, Patience, and Compassion.” The question-and-answer format of a substantial part of the work is reminiscent of the style of some of the texts found in the Gnostic library at Nag Hammadi, especially the Apocryphon of John. However, warnings that Cerinthus and Simon (ch 7) are “enemies of our Lord Jesus Christ” make it clear that this is not a Gnostic document. The epistle contains numerous evidences of orthodox influence, along with clear indications of a departure from apostolic Christianity.<\/p>\nApostles, Gospel of the Twelve<\/p>\nOne of a large number of heretical “gospels” circulating in the earliest centuries of the Christian church along with the Gospels of Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John. The Gospel of the Twelve Apostles was first mentioned by name in comments on Luke 1:1 by the Christian theologian Origen (c. AD<\/span> 185–254). Some scholars think it may have been the same as the Gospel of the Ebionites, quoted in a few early Christian writings. Nothing is known directly of the Gospel of the Twelve Apostles.<\/p>\nArabic Gospel of the Infancy<\/p>\nOne of several “gospels of the infancy” found in the apocryphal NT. This one from about the fifth century contains an account of the birth of Jesus, including the visits of the shepherds and the magi, the flight into Egypt, and miracles performed by Jesus as a boy. Details of the early period of Jesus’ life are given, about which the canonical Gospels (Matthew, Mark, Luke, John) say nothing. An interesting facet of the miracle stories is the role in many of them of Mary, the mother of Jesus, in contrast to the record of the miracles in the canonical Gospels. The Arabic Gospel may have been written in Syriac and translated into Arabic. Some of its stories are also found in the Koran and other Islamic writings. Study of this apocryphal gospel reveals its sharp contrast with the canonical accounts, but it also indicates how much this and similar writings had to do with the growing veneration of the virgin Mary.<\/p>\nArabic History of Joseph the Carpenter<\/p>\nFourth-century AD<\/span> account of the life and death of Joseph—with information supposedly supplied by Jesus. According to this account, Joseph the carpenter becomes a widower after fathering four sons and two daughters (ch 2). He is entrusted with the care of Mary in his 90th year (ch 14). Thus, according to this account, the brothers and sisters of Jesus are Joseph’s children by a previous marriage. Joseph is said to have died at the age of 111 years. The document, which exists in both Arabic and Coptic versions, contains the statement that Mary “must look for the same end of life as other mortals” (ch 18). Hence, it has been dated as earlier than the fifth century, when the idea of the “assumption of Mary into heaven” was being promoted.<\/p>\nAristeas, Letter of<\/p>\nEarly account of the relationships between Judaism and Hellenism in Egypt during the period when the Hebrew OT was translated into Greek (the Septuagint). The author, Aristeas, who identifies himself as an Alexandrian court attendant under Ptolemy Philadelphus II (ruled 283–247 BC<\/span>), purports to give information about the translation procedures. The most probable date for the Letter of Aristeas (estimates vary from 200 BC<\/span> to AD<\/span> 50) is the end of the second century BC<\/span>.<\/p>\nAs part of his massive library project, King Ptolemy shows interest in the Jewish law. Aristeas uses the occasion to request the emancipation with remuneration of all Jewish slaves in the kingdom and King Ptolemy accedes to the request. The king asks that the high priest in Jerusalem select translators for the project. There follows a lengthy description of gifts sent to Eleazar, the high priest, with special emphasis upon an exquisite table. And then Aristeas describes the temple, the priests, the vestments of the high priest, and the defense system for the temple, followed by a brief description of Palestine and its environs.<\/p>\nIn the next section, the high priest talks with Aristeas and the translators before their departure to Alexandria. A summary of his speech includes a careful defense of the law from a philosophical viewpoint. The king gives a lavish banquet for the 72 translators (6 from each tribe) when they arrive in Alexandria. Each translator gives a brilliant answer to the king’s specific questions at the seven successive nights of celebration. The name of each translator and his question and answer are recorded. Then the work is completed on the island of Pharos in 72 days and is praised by the Alexandrian Jews and the king. The translators are dismissed with lavish gifts.<\/p>\nIn the epilogue, the author claims to have been an eyewitness to the events and maintains that his report is accurate. This is not believed by modern scholars. Its embellished and legendary quality was recognized in the fifth century BC<\/span>. Aristeas’s discussion of the translation procedure was obviously a convenient literary frame on which to hang a defense of Judaism to the heathen world. Religious liberalism and loyalty to basic Jewish beliefs were skillfully combined to plead for political toleration for the Jews. Many specifics of the Letter of Aristeas are questionable, but its basic picture of how the Septuagint translation came to be made is credible. See<\/em> the discussion of the Septuagint in Bible, Versions of the (Ancient).<\/p>\nArmenian Gospel of the Infancy<\/p>\nLegendary account of the infancy and boyhood of Jesus Christ, one of many apocryphal gospels intended to supplement the four NT Gospels by providing more details about Jesus’ early life. It was probably translated into Armenian from a Syriac original. Nestorian missionaries reportedly brought an “infancy gospel” into Armenia about AD<\/span> 590, but evidently not the Armenian Gospel in its present form.<\/p>\nSources for the Armenian Gospel included two books containing legendary material about Christ’s infancy, the Protevangelium of James and the Infancy Gospel of Thomas. The Armenian Gospel amplifies the material of these two texts considerably, making many novel additions to the life of Jesus. For example, Joseph searches for a midwife and meets Eve, who has come to witness the fulfillment of the promised Redeemer-seed (Gn 3:15). Later the magi bring the testament Adam gave to Seth. Jesus, accused of causing a child’s death, is cleared when the child is raised from the dead.<\/p>\nAscension of Isaiah<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Isaiah, Ascension of (below).<\/p>\nAscents of James<\/p>\nSee<\/em> James, Ascents of (below).<\/p>\nAsenath, Prayer of<\/p>\nJewish story about the wife of Joseph when he was in Egypt (Gn 41:45) and known by several titles—The Life and Confession of Asenath, The Book of Joseph and Asenath, and variations of the above. It was apparently very popular in the early and medieval Christian church. Latin, Syriac, Slavonic, Rumanian, and Ethiopic versions, in addition to 40 Armenian copies, have been found.<\/p>\nModern scholars tend to see the source of the novel in the Hellenistic Judaism prevalent in Egypt from 100 BC<\/span> to AD<\/span> 100. Asenath seems to serve as a model for any proselyte to Judaism. If that understanding is correct, the story gives valuable insight into the less legalistic attitudes of a sector of pre-Christian Judaism. Repentant realization of the hopelessness of one’s sinful condition and casting oneself upon the mercies of God play a large part in the story.<\/p>\nThe original was probably written in Greek and is divided into two major parts. Part I deals with Asenath’s pampered life prior to meeting Joseph, his initial rejection of her because of her idolatry, and her consequent repentance in ashes. Asenath calls upon God in prayer, and he sends an angel to her to announce her forgiveness and to say that her name is now written in the Book of Life. Joseph returns and marvels at Asenath’s new beauty, rejoicing at her conversion. With Pharaoh’s blessing they are married the next day.<\/p>\nPart II describes the period when Joseph’s father, Jacob, and his family have come to Egypt. Desiring Asenath, the elder son of Pharaoh tempts Joseph’s brothers Dan and Gad to help him kidnap her. The plan is foiled by Joseph’s other brothers, who then wish to kill Dan and Gad, but Asenath pleads successfully for their lives. Pharaoh leaves the crown to Joseph, who rules 40 years and then returns the reign to Pharaoh’s younger son.<\/p>\nAsher, Testament of<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs (below).<\/p>\nAssumption of Moses<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Moses, Assumption of (below).<\/p>\nBarnabas, Acts of<\/p>\nDocument of one of several distinct cycles of tradition about Barnabas, the apostle Paul’s companion, this one linking him with Cyprus. This work, whose full title is The Journeyings and Martyrdom of Saint Barnabas the Apostle, was probably composed in Cyprus at the end of the fifth or the beginning of the sixth century AD<\/span>.<\/p>\nThe book purports to be a first-person account written by John Mark. He claims to have left the apostles in Perga (cf. Acts 13:13) so he could sail to the West but was prevented. When he tried to rejoin them in Antioch, Paul prohibited him. Consequently, after some dispute, John Mark and Barnabas sailed for Cyprus. After preaching and healing many people, Barnabas encountered his old adversary, Bar-Jesus, who finally stirred up the Jews to capture him. Leading Barnabas out of the city of Salamis, they circled around him and burned him alive. John Mark and some other believers escaped with his ashes and buried them in a cave along with scriptures Barnabas had received from Matthew. John Mark then left for Alexandria to minister there.<\/p>\nBarnabas, Epistle of<\/p>\nThis anonymous letter addresses a question commonly asked throughout the early church: What should Christianity’s relationship be to Judaism? Clement of Alexandria quoted from this document frequently and ascribed it to “Barnabas, who himself also preached with the apostle [Paul].” Jerome believed the same. But the writer does not claim to be Barnabas, and the earliest claims of authorship come only from Alexandrian church leaders. The literary and interpretive style is entirely Alexandrian, so it is assumed that the epistle was written in Alexandria.<\/p>\nThe author of this epistle unequivocally denies any connection between Judaism and the gospel of Jesus Christ. At the same time, he does not say that the OT opposes the NT; rather, he sees Christianity everywhere in the Law and the Prophets. He holds that all the Judaistic rites and ceremonies are mystical pointers to Christ and that an evil angel has blinded the Jews from understanding this.<\/p>\nThe epistle mentions the destruction of Jerusalem, so it was not written before AD<\/span> 70. There was a second devastation of Jerusalem in AD<\/span> 132 that ended the revolt of Bar-Kochba. This defeat would have served the author’s purposes so well that he would surely have referred to it if he were writing after the event. Many scholars suggest that the letter was composed around 130, since this was a period of strong Jewish nationalism. This nationalism would have pressured many Jewish Christians to return to Judaism, and so the author of the Epistle of Barnabas wrote to defend Christianity against Judaism.<\/p>\nThe Epistle of Barnabas is composed of two parts. The first section (chs 1–17) contains allegorical interpretations of the OT. These highly spiritual and mystical interpretations are intended to oppose Jewish legalism and explain how the OT prophesied of Jesus Christ. The author concedes that righteous people, such as Moses, David, and the prophets, understood the true meaning of Mosaic law, but he contends that the rest of the nation of Israel had misconstrued God’s covenant. Therefore, the Jews lost their claim to the covenant’s blessings, which were transferred to the Christians instead. This allegorical style of interpretation was very popular among Alexandrian church leaders. The NT epistle of Hebrews also makes use of this type of interpretation. The author of the Epistle of Barnabas often quotes from the Septuagint, though the quotes are somewhat loosely recited.<\/p>\nA Latin version of the first section was all that was known of the Epistle of Barnabas until the discovery of Codex Sinaiticus in 1859. This codex contained the first known Greek version of the Epistle of Barnabas, which was appended to the books of the NT along with The Shepherd and the Didache. The Greek version contains a second section that begins, “Now let us pass on to quite a different sort of instruction.” This section contains moral precepts that contrast the way of darkness with the way of light, much of which seems to be transcribed from the “Two Ways” of the Didache. It has little connection with the first section. This has led many scholars to conclude that the second section was added by another writer at some later date.<\/p>\nBarnabas, Gospel of<\/p>\nLong Italian work actually written in the fourth century by a proselyte to Islam. He probably sought to capitalize on the mysterious mention of such a gospel in the Gelasian Decree, written not later than the sixth century AD<\/span>. To date, no other evidence of an authentic gospel by Barnabas has been uncovered, a fact that has led many scholars to doubt whether it ever existed.<\/p>\nBartholomew, Acts of<\/p>\nEarly Christian novel purporting to describe the last days and death of the apostle Bartholomew. The work is also known as The Martyrdom of the Holy and Glorious Apostle Bartholomew. It may date back to the fifth or sixth century AD<\/span> and was evidently well received, for copies exist in Latin, Greek, Armenian, and Ethiopic.<\/p>\nIn the Acts, Bartholomew goes to India, takes up residence in a pagan temple, and causes its false oracle to cease. Bartholomew then heals a demoniac, thus drawing the attention of King Polymius. Bartholomew also heals the king’s demon-possessed daughter. Next, he casts the false god out of the temple. After this display of power, many believe the gospel. The king’s brother, however, is enraged and has Bartholomew beaten and beheaded. His rash action is soon punished, for he is strangled to death by a demon. The good King Polymius becomes bishop and serves 20 years.<\/p>\nBartholomew, Apocalypse of<\/p>\nFragmentary Coptic texts that have some similarities to the apocryphal Gospel of Bartholomew. A few scholars have felt that two works were represented in these fragments, a gospel and also an apocalypse. Though this hypothesis has been generally abandoned, references to the debatable Apocalypse of Bartholomew still appear.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Bartholomew, Gospel of (below).<\/p>\nBartholomew, Book of the Resurrection of Christ by<\/p>\nApocryphal work existing only in Coptic and probably dating from the fifth or sixth century AD<\/span>. Like many similar writings of doubtful authenticity, it claims to supplement the accounts of Jesus found in the biblical Gospels. The book was supposedly addressed by Bartholomew to his son, Thaddaeus, who was warned in it not to let this book “come into the hand of any man who is an unbeliever and a heretic.” The book can hardly be regarded as a narrative; its aim is obviously the glorification of Bartholomew, who sees things that are hidden from others. The text contains many breaks; contradictions abound and a disregard of history is evident. Two different persons bury the body of Jesus: Joseph and Philogenes, father of a boy healed by Jesus. Mary, the mother of Jesus, is confused with Mary Magdalene. In the account of the Last Supper the author goes far beyond biblical statements about the bread and wine: “His Body was on the Table about which they were assembled; and they divided it. They saw the blood of Jesus pouring out as living blood down into the cup.” Imaginative details also embellish the account of the resurrection. Christ, for example, brings Adam back with him from hades. The story of doubting Thomas has been greatly amplified.<\/p>\nThe most complete text of the Book of the Resurrection is in the British Museum in London. Several other fragments exist, probably from an earlier version.<\/p>\nBartholomew, Gospel of<\/p>\nOne of many apocryphal gospels appearing after the second century under the name of some illustrious figure. The early church was aware not only of the existence of these writings but also of their fictitious character. In the fourth century the church historian Eusebius described them as heretical, spurious, absurd, and impious. Later a Gospel of Bartholomew was mentioned by name, along with several other Gnostic gospels, in the prologue of Jerome’s commentary on Matthew’s Gospel. However, there is no evidence that Jerome had seen such a book or that it actually existed.<\/p>\nA work called Questions of Bartholomew does exist in Greek, Latin, and Slavonic texts—the Greek dating possibly from the fifth or sixth century. Its text has Bartholomew asking Jesus where he went after the Crucifixion and Jesus telling him that he went into hades. Later Bartholomew is pictured as asking Mary to tell how she conceived the incomprehensible or bore him that cannot be carried. Mary warns him that if she began to tell them, fire would come forth from her mouth and consume all the world, but the apostle persists. As she tells the story of the angelic visitation and the Annunciation, fire comes from her mouth. The world is about to come to an end, but Jesus intervenes and places his hand over Mary’s mouth. The apostles also ask to see the bottomless pit and “the things which are in the heavens.” Bartholomew is shown the adversary of men, Beliar, restrained by 660 angels and bound with fiery chains. When Bartholomew treads upon his neck, Beliar explains that he had first been called Satanael and later Satan, describes the creation of the angels, and tells how he fell and how he was able to deceive Eve. Finally, Bartholomew is said to have asked Jesus about the greatest sin. Jesus replies that to say anything evil against a faithful worshiper of God is to sin against the Holy Spirit.<\/p>\nBaruch, Apocalypse of<\/p>\nTwo different pseudepigraphal works.<\/p>\n1. Pseudepigraphal Jewish document of 87 chapters, written in Hebrew and translated into Greek and from Greek into Syriac. Only a few lines of the Hebrew original still exist, quoted in rabbinic writings. The Syriac manuscript dates from the sixth or seventh century AD and is the only complete text. It shows evidence of multiple authorship and dependence on the book of 2 Esdras in the Apocrypha. Similarity of many expressions to those in the NT suggests that the original may have been composed in the last half of the first century or the first half of the second century.<\/p>\nThe text is in seven sections of unequal length containing both prose and poetic material. The subjects dealt with are the Messiah and his future kingdom, Israel’s past woes, and the destruction of Jerusalem by the Babylonians. Theological questions such as sin and suffering, free will, the number of people to be saved by the Messiah, and the resurrection of the righteous are not always treated consistently within the text. Some passages paint an optimistic picture of Israel’s future; others are deeply pessimistic. In general the world is a scene of corruption for which no remedy exists. A new and spiritual world is at hand: “Whatever is now is nothing, but that which shall be is very great. For everything that is corruptible shall pass away, and everything that dies shall depart and all the present time, which is defiled with evils.” The alternating optimism and pessimism may reflect the changing fortunes of Judaism in the first and second centuries AD<\/span> or simply the outlook of the different authors. The message of hope is directed to those who keep the law of Moses: “For the righteous justly hope for the end, and without fear depart from this habitation, because they have with Thee a store of works preserved in treasuries.”<\/p>\nThe final section of the book is identified as “the epistle which Baruch, the son of Neriah, sent to the nine and a half tribes.” It was sent by being “bound to the neck of the eagle,” probably meaning that it was intended for the Jews scattered outside Palestine (the Diaspora).<\/p>\nBaruch was the prophet Jeremiah’s companion and secretary (Jer 36:4-8). His name was attached to a number of apocryphal and pseudepigraphal writings composed long after his death. The Syriac Apocalypse of Baruch is also called 2 Baruch to distinguish it clearly from the book of Baruch (1 Baruch) in the Apocrypha.<\/p>\n<li>2. Pseudepigraphal document of 17 chapters, also called the Greek Apocalypse of Baruch or 3 Baruch. It is preserved in Greek, Ethiopic, Armenian, and Slavonic manuscripts. It was first published in Venice in 1609 and then in 1868, although its existence was suggested by the early Christian theologian Origen. Like 2 Baruch, this apocalypse seems to be a composite document of the second century AD<\/span> but in contrast is a Christian document intended to warn unconverted Jews and to encourage Christians to be patient in dealing with them.<\/li>\nBasilides, Gospel of<\/p>\nPolemic commentary on the Gospels by a second-century Gnostic. Basilides’s writings remain only as allusions and fragments in later works by several church fathers. Basilides taught in Alexandria during the reign of the Roman emperor Hadrian (AD<\/span> 117–138). His teacher, Glaucias, claimed to be a firsthand interpreter of the apostle Peter. Basilides asserted that his Gnostic scheme emerged from Peter’s views on the relationship between God and Christ. He described God paradoxically as a nonexistent Being who “generated” three Sonships. Through successive ascents and enlightenments, the gospel of the supreme God (the Gospel of Light) eventually descended upon Jesus.<\/p>\nOrigen stated that “Basilides dared to write a gospel According to Basilides.” Clement of Alexandria and the writer of a fourth-century fragment, Acta Archelai, thought that Origen referred to an apocryphal gospel, the teaching of which was deduced from Irenaeus’s account. Today, more in line with Hippolytus’s understanding of Basilides, this work is regarded as merely a commentary on the Gospels. Basilides was probably not responsible for the magical rites and libertinism of the Basilidians, a Gnostic sect led by his son Isidore and continuing in Egypt to the end of the century.<\/p>\nBenjamin, Testament of<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs (below).<\/p>\nBirth of Mary<\/p>\nAn early Gnostic writing. “The Gnostics have a book which they call the Birth (or Descent) of Mary, in which are horrible and deadly things.” So said the fourth-century bishop Ephiphanius in describing the Birth of Mary, a work that has not survived. The Birth of Mary claimed to reveal what Zechariah, father of John the Baptist, saw in the temple—namely, the Jewish god in the form of an ass. That Jews and Christians worshiped an ass-god was commonly held by their critics in those days. This blasphemous work should not be confused with the Gospel of the Birth of Mary, a fanciful but relatively harmless account of Mary’s birth, early life, and marriage to Joseph.<\/p>\n\nBirth of Mary, Gospel of the<\/p>\nCollection of legends purporting to tell Mary’s story from birth to King Herod’s slaughter of the children in Bethlehem. The earliest such manuscript is called Book of the Nativity of Mary or Gospel of James because it claimed to be written by James, half brother of Jesus. It was written by AD<\/span> 150, since Justin, an early Christian writer, named it in his Dialogues<\/em> (165). It was rediscovered for the West by Postel, who translated it from Greek into Latin (Protevangelium Jacobi,<\/em> 1552). Before it was lost, two major Latin revisions of it had been produced: Pseudo-Matthew and the Gospel of the Nativity of Mary, compiled around the sixth and ninth centuries respectively. These revisions amplified the Book of the Nativity of Mary with more fanciful legends and were the basis for the Golden Legends of James of Voragine (1230–1298), which in turn became instrumental in fostering veneration of Mary.<\/p>\nAccording to the Book of the Nativity of Mary, Mary is born to rich, barren parents (Joachim and Anna) through angelic response to their prayers. They dedicate Mary to the Lord. At six months Mary walks seven steps, so Anna makes her bedroom a sanctuary, allowing nothing unclean to enter, and vows that Mary will walk again only in the temple. At age three Mary is placed in the temple and receives food from an angel. On Mary’s twelfth birthday the high priest asks God what to do and is told to marry her to a widower. Elderly Joseph is chosen when a dove springs from his rod. Months later, Mary “gives birth” to Jesus in Bethlehem’s cave, through a light so bright that none can see; the light gradually withdraws and the Child appears at Mary’s breast. The Book of the Nativity of Mary closes with the magi and Herod’s slaughter of infants. Mary saves Jesus by wrapping him in swaddling clothes and laying him in a manger.<\/p>\nRecently another Greek fragment, this one from the Gospel of Mary, was found (see photo). The fragment is too little to tell us much about the content of this gospel.<\/p>\nBook of the Cock<\/p>\nApocryphal story preserved by the church of Ethiopia and still read there on the Thursday before Easter. According to the Book of the Cock, on the night of the Last Supper, Akrosina, wife of Simon the Pharisee, presents Jesus with a nicely prepared cock for dinner. After Judas leaves the room, Jesus touches the cock and it comes to life. He instructs it to follow Judas and to report his dealings. The cock returns and tells about the forthcoming betrayal, mentioning Paul of Tarsus as one of those involved. The disciples weep. Jesus sends the cock to the sky for a thousand years.<\/p>\nA similar story exists as a fragment in Sahidic Coptic. In the Coptic version the resurrection of the cock is a symbol of the resurrection of Christ.<\/p>\nCoptic Lives of the Virgin<\/p>\nApocryphal works concerning Mary, the mother of Jesus, in the Egyptian language of Coptic. See<\/em> Virgin, Life of the (below).<\/p>\nCorinthians, Third<\/p>\nApocryphal correspondence purporting to be between the apostle Paul and the Corinthian church. Written during the second century and known as 3 Corinthians, the work consists of three parts: an epistle allegedly from Stephanus of Corinth to Paul concerning two false apostles, Simon and Cleobius; a brief narrative telling of its delivery; and Paul’s reply and refutation of the false doctrine. The sequence of letters was originally part of the Acts of Paul, a longer apocryphal document, but circulated on its own as well—it even found its way into the text of the Armenian Bible. It pretends to explain the reference in 2 Corinthians 2:4 to a letter written in great distress.<\/p>\nAccording to an early church father, Tertullian (On Baptism),<\/em> the author of 3 Corinthians was a presbyter (church leader) of Asia who forged it out of love for Paul shortly after AD<\/span> 160. That presbyter’s removal from office indicates the stern attitude of the early Christians toward the writing of documents falsely claiming apostolic origin.<\/p>\nDan, Testament of<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs (below).<\/p>\nDialogue of the Redeemer<\/p>\nChristian Gnostic document, also called the Dialogue of the Savior. The document was found in the ancient Nag Hammadi Library at the modern city of Nag Hammadi (Upper Egypt) in 1946. The Dialogue is a fictitious account of a conversation between Jesus and some of his disciples in which they discuss questions about the universe, humanity, the end times, and salvation. The manuscript is in poor condition. Its authorship and origin are unknown, though it was possibly written in Egypt during the second or third centuries AD<\/span>.<\/p>\nDiscourse of Theodosius<\/p>\nCoptic Boharic version of the Assumption of the Virgin and a main source for the Coptic form of that legend. See<\/em> Virgin, Assumption of the (below).<\/p>\nDoctrina Addaei<\/p>\nExpanded Syriac form of the Epistles of Christ and Abgarus, written about AD<\/span> 400. The Doctrina Addaei tells a story about the contacts between Abgar (Abgarus), king of Edessa, and Jesus Christ. King Abgar, suffering from an unspecified ailment, is said to have sent a messenger to Jesus bearing the king’s written request for healing along with an offer of sanctuary for Jesus in his kingdom. Jesus responds orally, promising to send one of his followers to Abgar after his own ascension to heaven. Abgar’s envoy also takes back a self-portrait of Jesus that becomes the pride of Edessa. Later Addai visits the kingdom, heals Abgar, and establishes Christianity there. See<\/em> Abgarus, Letters of Christ and (above).<\/p>\nEbionites, Gospel of the<\/p>\nGospel quoted by one early Christian writer, Epiphanius (fourth century), in a work against heresies. The Gospel of the Ebionites is possibly the same as the apocryphal Gospel of the Hebrews, although some scholars associate it with the Gospel of the Nazarenes. The Ebionites were vegetarians; Epiphanius’s citations stress the vegetarian diets of John the Baptist and Jesus.<\/p>\nEgyptians, Gospel of the<\/p>\nTwo apocryphal works with the same name.<\/p>\n1. Apocryphal second-century AD<\/span> Greek writing, mentioned by the early church writers, Clement and Origen. Used in Egypt, the composition seems to have contained and propagated Gnostic teachings, especially those advocated in Syria by Simon and Menander. According to these Gnostics, marriage, eating meat, and procreation were evil. Clement may have quoted from this writing to refute the beliefs of the Encratites, who broadly agreed with the Syrian Gnostics on those matters. The Gnostics’ depreciation of women was reflected in the quotations Clement used.<\/p>\n<li>2. Composition discovered in 1946 at Chenoboskion (Egypt) in the Nag Hammadi collection of Gnostic writing. The principal title of the work, described in the colophon as “Gospel of the Egyptians” was “Sacred Book of the Great Invisible Spirit.” This work dealt with emanations from “the primal spirit of the cosmos” and perhaps was a product of the Barbelo Gnostic sect.<\/li>\nEldad and Medad, Book of<\/p>\nPre-Christian pseudepigraphic composition containing the alleged prophecies of Eldad and Medad, two persons appointed as elders by Moses (Nm 11:26). Since the nature of their prophecy was not specified, it gave rise to a lost work that is quoted in the Shepherd of Hermas as follows: “The Lord is near to them who return to Him, as it is written in Eldad and Medad who prophesied to the people in the wilderness” (Vision II, ch 3). That is the only source of information concerning the lost book.<\/p>\nEugnostos, Letter of<\/p>\nGnostic work. Found near the modern city of Nag Hammadi, the Letter of Eugnostos was written in Coptic by a teacher to his disciple. Both author and date of composition are unknown. An early example of non-Christian Gnostic writing, it perhaps served as the basis for a Christian Gnostic composition, “The Wisdom of Jesus Christ.”<\/p>\nThe Letter of Eugnostos attempts to prove the existence of an invisible spiritual realm. It also stresses God’s remoteness from humanity.<\/p>\nEve, Gospel of<\/p>\nGnostic and apocalyptic writings, known solely through a citation by Epiphanius, a late fourth-century metropolitan of Cyprus. Epiphanius quoted the Gospel of Eve in a biting refutation of Gnostic and Origenistic teachings. Evidently a cult had formed around Eve as if her name implied revelation because the serpent had spoken to her in the Garden of Eden. Epiphanius’s quotation from the Gospel of Eve roughly translates: “I stood on a high mountain and saw a giant and a feeble man, and I heard a voice like thunder. ‘Come near me and listen,’ and he spoke to me saying, ‘I am you and you are me. Wherever you are, there I am. I am spread through all things, and any place you are able to retire into or take shelter in me; and, taking shelter in me, you take shelter in yourself.’ ”<\/p>\nEzekiel, Apocryphal<\/p>\nNoncanonical book of Ezekiel mentioned by Josephus, first-century Jewish historian. An apocryphal Ezekiel is cited in five early Christian writings and a recent archaeological discovery. Bishop Epiphanius (fourth century) cited an Ezekiel parable, in proof of the resurrection of the interdependent soul and body, about a blind man and a lame man collaborating to rob an orchard. Clement of Rome, writing to the Corinthians (AD 90?), and Clement of Alexandria in two of his writings (AD<\/span> 200?) have noncanonical Ezekiel quotations. An Ezekiel apocryphon is mentioned in the pseudo-Athanasian canon (purporting to list canonical books of the Bible) and is named in the stichometry (prose written in rhythmic phrases) of Nicephorus, Patriarch of Constantinople (AD<\/span> 806–815). In 1940 Campbell Bonner published Greek papyrus fragments that confirm the existence of an apocryphal Ezekiel.<\/p>\nEzra, Fourth Book of<\/p>\nAlternate name for the apocryphal book 2 Esdras. See<\/em> Esdras, Second Book of.<\/p>\nGad, Testament of<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs (below).<\/p>\nGenesis Apocryphon<\/p>\nName given to one of the seven large Dead Sea Scrolls recovered from the first Qumran cave in 1947. With three others it came into the possession of the Syrian archbishop of Jerusalem but could not be unrolled and photographed because it was badly preserved, having not been kept in an earthen jar like the others. Some small pieces were detached, however, and certain words on them indicated that it might be an apocryphal Aramaic work connected with the patriarch Enoch. Further scraps spoke of Lamech, however, thus the scroll was tentatively named for that ancient person.<\/p>\nEventually it was unrolled and found to be not only damaged but incomplete; the beginning and the end were missing. The inner portion had been best preserved, but considerable damage had been done to the text by the ink it had been written with. The scroll not only dealt with Enoch and Lamech but with other persons mentioned in the book of Genesis. It proved to be an Aramaic form of parts of Genesis dealing with the patriarchs, but it included legends and other materials presented in memoir style, not found in the Hebrew Bible. That style was popular among pious Jews at the beginning of the Christian era, thus its original has been dated to the first century BC<\/span>. The Qumran copy was probably made between 50 BC<\/span> and AD<\/span> 70.<\/p>\nThe literary characteristics of the scroll have presented some classification problems. Free expansion and inclusion of nonbiblical material led certain scholars to call the scroll a “targum” or commentary-expansion of the Genesis text. Others have regarded it as a “midrash” or sermonic account of the Hebrew narrative. The scroll contains both elements and is best regarded as an independent recounting of certain Genesis stories, enriched by the inclusion of imaginative material such as a description of the beauty of the patriarch Abraham’s wife Sarah; dreams; and accounts of plagues and journeys.<\/p>\nThe Aramaic Apocryphon somewhat antedates the one used in Palestine in the time of Christ. It contains some Hebraisms but is mostly written in good Aramaic, much of which parallels biblical Aramaic. The language of the scroll, however, is later than the period of old Aramaic (tenth to eighth centuries BC<\/span>) or official Aramaic (Assyrian and Persian periods), as the presence of certain grammatical forms indicate. Most scholars have described the language as middle Aramaic and have placed it between the Aramaic of Daniel and later western Aramaic. Those scholars generally assign a second-century BC<\/span> date to Daniel, but that conclusion needs to be modified because the Qumran material shows that no canonical work was composed later than about 350 BC<\/span>. On any evidence, the Aramaic of Daniel is earlier than that of the Apocryphon and seems to fit properly into the period when official Aramaic was the dominant form of the language. The Genesis Apocryphon presents no valid reasons for dating the Aramaic of Daniel or Ezra later than the sixth to fifth centuries BC<\/span>.<\/p>\nGospel of Thomas<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Thomas, Gospel of (below).<\/p>\nIsaiah, Ascension of<\/p>\nPseudepigraphal apocalyptic work widely known to the early Christians; also known as the Martyrdom of Isaiah, the Testament of Hezekiah, and the Vision of Isaiah. It was rediscovered when an Ethiopic version of part of the text was published in 1819. The full Ethiopic version is the only complete version in existence. A partial Latin text published in 1832 had actually been published in Venice over three centuries before. Slavonic and Coptic versions also exist. All may be traced back to two Greek versions of the third, fifth, and sixth centuries.<\/p>\nIt is not clear whether the original was a single composition or even whether the authorship was Christian or Jewish with later Christian editing. The final form may date from the latter part of the second century. It was known to Ambrose, Jerome, Origen, Tertullian, and possibly to Justyn Martyr. The contents fall under three heads:<\/p>\n1. The Martyrdom of Isaiah. This material consists of prophetic utterances, including the prophet’s prediction of his own death at the hands of King Manasseh of Judah. The document deals with the dark apostasy of the king, who, indwelt by Satan and following Beliar, leads his people into all manner of sin. Jerusalem, whose fall is prophesied, is called “Sodom” and its princes “Gomorrah.” In the form of a midrash (devotional sermon), this section dwells on Isaiah’s firm rejection of compromise or recantation. Isaiah’s martyrdom by being “sawn in two” is the portion with which the church fathers seem to have been familiar.<\/p>\n<li>2. The Testament of Hezekiah. This section is apocalyptic, a vision Isaiah passes on to his king. It speaks of the descent of “the Beloved,” a title used in this document for the Messiah. The vision covers the Messiah’s incarnation, life, death, resurrection, and ascension, then turns to the early history of the church and the apostasy that precedes the second coming of the Lord. The Antichrist is revealed as Beliar or Satan, who assumes human form and kills his mother (no doubt directed at the Roman emperor Nero, who murdered his mother, Agrippina). The whole section is based on Daniel and the biblical Apocalypse and was also influenced by Gnosticism. The conclusion of the vision (the Beloved’s victory, the two resurrections, and the final judgment) very closely parallels the consummation of all things in the NT book of Revelation.<\/li>\n<li>3. The Vision of Isaiah. This section resembles #2 even linguistically but shows more Gnostic influence: Isaiah is lifted to the dwelling place of the Trinity, the seventh heaven, and shown many mysteries of Christ. Because of this vision Manasseh kills the prophet. Gnostic doctrine, as propagated by Cerinthus at the end of the first century, is evident. Jesus, earthly born, becomes the host of the Christ, who leaves his earthly tenement at the Crucifixion.<\/li>\nHistorically, the value of the Ascension of Isaiah is to show the welter of conflicting opinion which, claiming authority and inspiration, besieged the minds of the early Christians.<\/p>\nIsaiah, Martyrdom of<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Isaiah, Ascension of (above).<\/p>\nIssachar, Testament of<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs (below).<\/p>\nJames, Apocalypse of<\/p>\nThere were two Gnostic apocalypses of James (designated “first” and “second”). The first, covering over 20 pages of text, purports to be a revelation given by the Lord, some of it before the Crucifixion and some after it, to James, his brother, who was also know as James the righteous. The two documents referred to as the Apocalypse of James are in Codex V of the Nag Hammadi literature discovered in 1945 in Egypt just west of the Nile River opposite the city of Chenoboskion and are distinct from the Apocryphon of James, which is included in NT apocryphal writings. The second apocalypse composed of 20 pages of Coptic text is purportedly a speech delivered by James the Just on the fifth step of the temple and contains many references to or echoes of canonical Scriptures. The work ends with the multitude casting James down from the temple and stoning him in a manner reminiscent of the martyrdom of Stephen.<\/p>\nJames, Ascents of<\/p>\nLost book mentioned only by Epiphanius (bishop of the Greek island of Salamis) in his fourth-century work Refutation of All the Heresies.<\/em> According to Epiphanius, the Ascents of James was used by the Ebionites, a rigidly ascetic sect of Jewish Christians. The book represented James, Jesus’ brother, as having spoken against the temple and sacrifices. It declared the apostle Paul to be a Greek who went to Jerusalem, sought to marry the high priest’s daughter, and to that end became a proselyte and was circumcised. When he did not win the young woman, he inveighed against the Sabbath, the Law, and circumcision.<\/p>\nIn a commentary on Galatians (1865), J. B. Lightfoot suggested that the book’s title referred to James’s ascents up the temple steps, from which he addressed the people. Lightfoot also suggested that James’s death was the grand climax of the ascents. According to a quote from the early Christian writer Hegesippus (as recorded in Eusebius’s Ecclesiastical History<\/em>), James was cast down to his death from the pinnacle of the temple.<\/p>\nJames, Protevangelium of<\/p>\nThis is an apocryphal “gospel” that tells of the token marriage and pregnancy of Mary and of Jesus’ birth, childhood, and adolescent years. This apocryphal writing was discovered in the 16th century by Guillaume Postel.<\/p>\nJob, Testament of<\/p>\nApocalyptic literature bearing resemblance to the biblical book of Job. The book was probably written in Greek in the second century AD<\/span>. Since it is devoid of Christian thought, it was likely written by a Jew.<\/p>\nIn chapters 1–45, Job is the speaker. He comes to understand that a nearby temple has been desecrated by there having been offered in it sacrifices to Satan. When Job destroys it, Satan threatens him. Job’s friends come to console him but their speeches are greatly abbreviated. Elihu is represented as Satan’s mouthpiece and earns God’s displeasure. But Job sacrifices for all three friends. He remarries and has seven sons and three daughters, who inherit his wealth. Chapters 46–51, in which Job’s brother is the speaker, conclude the narrative.<\/p>\nJohn the Baptist, Life of<\/p>\nA legendary account supposedly written by Serapion dealing with the early life of John the Baptist and especially with the death of his mother, Elizabeth. While Jesus was living with his parents in Egypt, Elizabeth dies on the same day as Herod the Great dies. John, who is but a small boy, does not know how to bury her. The clouds bring Jesus, Mary, and Salome who wash the body. The grave is dug by Michael and Gabriel, who also bring the souls of Zacharias and Simeon. John is then left to grow up in the desert under the care of the angels, while the clouds lift Jesus and Mary to Nazareth where they live.<\/p>\nJohn the Evangelist, Book of<\/p>\nThis writing was used most extensively by the Albigenses and was commonly regarded as stemming from the Bogomiles before them. It was written in the form of questions and answers propounded to have come from the apostle John while he leaned upon the breast of Jesus at the Last Supper. This pattern of questions and answers is found in other early Gnostic writings, especially the Gospel of Bartholomew.<\/p>\nThe writing contains Gnostic theology. It portrays a world created by Satan and not by God. Christ was not born of Mary but was an angel sent forth to the earth. He “entered in by the ear and came forth by the ear” of Mary. John the Baptist was sent by Satan, and his disciples (the Roman Catholic Church) are not the disciples of Christ. Baptism and apparently the Lord’s Supper are valueless.<\/p>\nThe writing is preserved only in Latin and in its present form is not earlier than the 12th century. A convenient English translation may be found in M. R. James, The Apocryphal NT<\/em> (1924).<\/p>\nJoseph, Prayer of<\/p>\nJewish apocalyptic work. The Prayer of Joseph won the commendation of Origen, an early church scholar, as a document “not to be despised.” Origen’s quotations provide almost the only surviving information about the work, so that its total content and significance are unclear. An ancient list of OT apocryphal and canonical writings puts the Prayer of Joseph third and mentions its length as 1,100 verses. Origen’s quotations concern mainly Joseph’s father, Jacob. Jacob exists in the form of an angel, bearing Jacob’s given name Israel. He is the speaker in the quoted fragments and foretells the fate of humankind. He describes how he met Uriel on a journey to Mesopotamia and how Uriel wrestled with him, claiming to be the greatest of the angels. The apocalyptic poet had in mind the story of Jacob’s mysterious wrestling at Jabbok (Gn 32:22-29) and passages such as Daniel 10:13. Because Jacob claims to be “the first born of all living beings” and therefore the chief of all angels, Uriel challenges him.<\/p>\nJoseph, Testament of<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs (below).<\/p>\nJoseph the Carpenter, History of<\/p>\nDocument glorifying Jesus’ earthly father and promoting a cult of Joseph. Words in chapter 18 of the History of Joseph support a fourth-century date for it. There Jesus tells his mother, “You, too, must look for the same end of life as other mortals.” By the fifth century the doctrine of the “Assumption of the Virgin” was widely held.<\/p>\nThe document, derived from the Protevangelium of James, was contaminated by both Gnosticism and other religious beliefs of Egypt, the country in which it was written. It is extant in Coptic and Arabic and also in a fourth-century translation of the Coptic text.<\/p>\nThe History of Joseph the Carpenter claims to give an account of Joseph’s life and his model death at the age of 111. The story is allegedly told by Jesus to his disciples on the Mt of Olives. Joseph, a carpenter (Mt 13:55), is a widower well advanced in years when he marries Mary, who is only 12. (He had six children by an earlier marriage.) Joseph is buried according to the rites of the Egyptian Osiris cult after Jesus pronounces a eulogy.<\/p>\nJubilees, Book of<\/p>\nJubilees is a pseudepigraphal work from the last half of the second century BC<\/span> during the Maccabean period. It is an invaluable source for understanding the environment in the age prior to the launching of the Christian church. Jubilees stands with the Book of Enoch and the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs as the most important Hebrew or Aramaic literature of the time. Like these it was translated into Greek and used by the church fathers. Most probably, Jubilees was written in Hebrew since it purported a Mosaic authorship and since its nationalistic Maccabean environment would demand it. Fragments of 10 manuscripts in Hebrew found at Qumran support the thesis that it was originally in that language.<\/p>\nThe work is referred to by later Greek writers following Hebrew sources as “Jubilees” and “the little (lesser) Genesis.” It is also entitled “The Apocalypse of Moses” and the “Testament of Moses.” In revised forms it has been called “The Book of Adam’s Daughters” and “The Life of Adam.”<\/p>\nComplete, fifty-chapter manuscripts exist in six Ethiopian texts of which the texts of the fifth and sixth centuries are best. The Latin text is valuable but partial and only a few fragments of the Greek version remain. The Hebrew fragments found at Qumran are of special importance since they are from the period of original writing. The Bibliotheque Nationale has “Ethiopien 51” and “Ethiopien 160.” The British Museum has Kufale,<\/em> or Liber Jubilaeorum,<\/em> and Enoch<\/em>.<\/em><\/p>\nThe author of Jubilees claims a direct revelational source for the teaching that he espouses. God had spoken to Moses in the Pentateuch in the “lesser law” in this “little book of Genesis.” At Sinai God communicated to Moses by the “Angel of the Presence” saying to the angel, “Write for Moses from the beginning of creation until my sanctuary has been built among them for all eternity” (1:27). This is supplementary to the “first law” (6:22).<\/p>\nFollowing a brief introduction Jubilees follows the text of Genesis and Exodus to 14:31. This midrashic treatment of the Pentateuchal material attempts to show that the patriarchy adhered to the law even prior to Moses. The author’s aim is to strengthen classical Judaism in the face of the serious intrusions of Hellenistic culture among Jewish peoples. In doing this the author does not hesitate in adding and subtracting from Pentateuchal history. The patriarchs are adorned in every way. Anything that showed their weaknesses and sins was removed and legendary content inserted to glorify these fathers. The patriarchs are the fountainheads of culture. Enoch invented writing; Noah, medicine; Abraham, plowing.<\/p>\nAppealing to Leviticus 25:8-12, the work emphasizes the importance of the number seven. History from Adam to Moses is arranged according to cycles of seven. This manner of compartmentalizing history into jubilee periods was revealed to Moses at Sinai and so has divine sanction and in fact is mandated. The philosophy of history that springs from this sees God acting sovereignly and uniquely in Israel in distinction to his relationship with the gentile world. The other nations are ruled by angels but not Israel, which is directly in God’s charge (Jubilees 15:31ff.).<\/p>\nThe polemic that Jubilees mounts against the lunar calendar (6:36-38) and its acceptance of the solar calendar is but another facet of the drive for a deep reform that will cleanse Israel. Israel is to be separated to God in every way with no intermingling in marriage or sitting at the table with Gentiles. There is a surprising stringency demanded in Sabbath keeping (50:1-13). The penalty of death is levied against those who travel, buy or sell, draw water, bear burdens, snare creatures, or have marital relations on the Sabbath. These go far beyond the biblical requirements and belong to that milieu that produced the Qumran community and the Essenes.<\/p>\nThe apocalyptic declaration of the Angel of Presence contains a clear but limited eschatological truth. Jubilees does contain the expectation of an immediate establishment of the messianic age. The entire emphasis, however, is such that ethical and cultural purposes are preeminent.<\/p>\nJudah, Testament of<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs (below).<\/p>\nJudas Iscariot, Gospel of<\/p>\nVery old Gnostic writing probably produced by the Cainite sect. As it is not preserved for us today, we know it only through quotations in the writings of early Christians, especially Irenaeus. Thus, it must have been written before the middle of the second century AD<\/span>. It probably contained a body of secret doctrine purportedly revealed by Judas Iscariot, summarizing the truth of superior and perfect knowledge supposedly revealed to this sect of the Gnostics. The gospel sets forth the “mystery of the betrayal,” explaining how Judas through his treachery made the salvation of all mankind possible. This was accomplished by his forestalling the destruction of the truth proclaimed by Christ or by his thwarting the designs of the evil powers, the Archons, who wished to prevent the crucifixion of Christ because they knew it would destroy their evil power.<\/p>\nLentulus, Epistle of<\/p>\nLentulus, ostensibly a predecessor of Pontius Pilate, is said to have prepared a report to the Roman Senate known as the Letter (or Epistle) of Lentulus. In it he included a detailed description of Jesus: “tall and handsome, his countenance inspiring reverence along with love and fear, his hair dark, shining, curling, parted in the middle, his face with a delicate rudiness. . . .” The authenticity of the letter is extremely doubtful.<\/p>\nLevi, Testament of<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs (below).<\/p>\nLives of Adam and Eve<\/p>\nA general title given to a noncanonical writing extant in Greek and Latin. The book is Jewish in nature, though there is a Christian flavor that causes most scholars to date the original work to the beginning of the Christian era. The content of the book is an expansion on the biblical story of Adam and Eve.<\/p>\nThe Greek version begins with the expulsion from Eden. In a dream, Eve sees the murder of Abel. After Adam had fallen ill Seth and Eve went to obtain oil from the tree of life. Michael the archangel met Seth and told him that Adam would die. Upon his death, he was ultimately taken to the third heaven. Seth witnessed how the angels interred his father and received instructions on how to bury his mother, who died a week after Adam.<\/p>\nThe Latin version gives additional information. After the expulsion from the Garden, Eve asked Adam to kill her but instead of that he suggested they both do an act of penitence. Adam went to stand in the Jordan for 40 days and Eve went to stand in the water of the Euphrates for 37 days. While there, she was again tempted by Satan, who was disguised as an angel of light but was eventually exposed by Adam. Satan now explained the reason for his hostility toward them: when the angels were commanded to worship the Lord, he refused to do obeisance to God and was consequently cast out of heaven.<\/p>\nMatthew, Martyrdom of<\/p>\nLoosely organized tale of Matthew’s martyrdom that borrows heavily from the “Acts of Andrew and Matthias” and assumes that Matthias was in fact Matthew. The document represents the low literary and theological impulse of the later apocryphal texts.<\/p>\nThe story begins when Matthew is commissioned by Jesus to plant a staff in Myrna, the city of man-eaters. Matthew does so, after exorcising the demon Asmodeus from the king’s wife and family. The staff becomes a tree overnight, Matthew preaches to the people, and they “become humanized.” But Asmodeus seeks revenge by directing the king to burn Matthew. The fire consumes golden idols and many soldiers, then turns into a dragon and chases the king, who begs Matthew for help. But Matthew dies.<\/p>\nA somewhat repentant but not yet converted king places the body of Matthew in an iron casket and sinks it secretly in the sea. The next day Matthew appears on the sea in the presence of two shining men and a “beautiful” child. The king is finally converted, baptized, and accepted into the church. Matthew appears to confer on the king his own name and to ordain him a priest and his family, deacons and deaconesses. Then Matthew ascends to heaven with two angels.<\/p>\nMedad, Book of Eldad and<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Eldad and Medad, Book of (above).<\/p>\nMoses, Assumption of<\/p>\nA Jewish legend that Moses was taken bodily into heaven without dying. Probably written between AD<\/span> 7 and 30, it may be a combination of two earlier works, and appears to borrow heavily from the book of Deuteronomy. The work was likely produced to provide a miraculous ending to Moses’ outstanding earthly life, attributing to him an experience similar to Elijah’s. But this Jewish legend is contrary to the OT account of Moses’ death (Dt 32:48-50; 34:5-7).<\/p>\n<h6>The Lost Assumption of Moses<\/h6>\nThree facts indicate that there once was an apocryphal book that contained the legend of the assumption of Moses: (1) early lists of apocryphal works mention a work by this title; (2) several church fathers refer to it; and (3) a few fragments in Greek have survived.<\/p>\nThe following items appeared in the work. God commissioned the archangel Michael to bury Moses’ body. Satan opposed Moses’ burial because he claimed authority over all matter and because Moses was a murderer. Michael countered Satan’s claims and charged him with tempting Eve in Eden. Joshua and Caleb then watched Moses’ assumption occur in a strange way. As they watched, they saw Moses’ dead body buried in the mountain, but they also saw Moses himself in the company of the angels. In effect Moses’ body died, but Moses himself did not.<\/p>\nThough often stated that Jude (v 9) was quoted from the Assumption of Moses, this is impossible to prove, simply because the relevant portions of that work have not survived. The most one can say is that several church fathers, including Clement of Alexandria (d. AD<\/span> 215) and Origen (c. 185–254), suggested that the Assumption of Moses was the source for the account in Jude 1:9. They had both works. We have only Jude, so we cannot check their conclusions. The matter is further complicated because there is another work (see next section) now called the Assumption of Moses. People often suppose that Jude 1:9 is a citation from that book. It is not.<\/p>\n<h6>The Extant Assumption of Moses<\/h6>\nThis work, perhaps written during Jesus’ lifetime, purports to be a description of Moses’ predictions to Joshua of the destiny of the nation of Israel. It is similar to other apocryphal, nonhistorical writings that were written under the names of great Jewish leaders.<\/p>\nIt was discovered quite by chance in 1861, in the Ambrosian Library in Milan, Italy. The manuscript, dated to the fifth century AD<\/span>, is a very poor copy of a Latin translation, perhaps derived from a Greek translation of a Hebrew original. The beginning and the ending are lost. There are numerous spelling mistakes, and there is no space between words. Not surprisingly, scholars have long disputed the reading, interpretation, and translation even of whole verses.<\/p>\nThe opening three lines have not survived, so the original title has been lost. When discovered, the work was assumed to be the long-lost Assumption of Moses, but this identification is now widely doubted. Even though the book is still called by this title, it is far more likely to be either the Testament of Moses (which is also mentioned, along with the Assumption of Moses, in early lists of apocryphal works) or a composite work resulting from the combination of the Testament and the Assumption into one work.<\/p>\nThere is only one reference to Moses’ assumption in the book, and it comes in connection with a mention of his death (10:12). Because the ending of the book is also lost, it is impossible to know the contents of the conclusion or to tell whether this one remaining reference to Moses’ assumption is original or whether it has been added by a scribe by mistake or by an editor combining two different works. It is clear, however, that the author of the surviving section believed that Moses expected to die (1:15; 10:12-14) and that Joshua assumed that he would (11:4-8).<\/p>\nThe work begins midsentence (three lines are missing) and dates Moses’ following speech to 2,500 years after Creation (1:2-5). Expecting to die, Moses summons Joshua, encourages him, and tells him that God created the world for his people (the Israelites), who will repent before the consummation at the end of the days (1:6-18).<\/p>\nThen Moses foretells Israel’s future. The people will inherit the land (Canaan) and be ruled by local magistrates, chiefs (judges?), and kings (2:1-3). The kingdom will divide, and the people will turn to idolatry (2:4-9). A king from the east (Nebuchadnezzar) will take two tribes into captivity for about 77 years, where they will recall Moses’ warnings (3:1-14; cf. Jer 25:11-12; Dt 28:15-68; 30:15-20). Someone (Daniel) will pray for deliverance (cf. Dn 9:4-19), and God will persuade a king (Cyrus) to send the exiles home (4:1-6; cf. Is 45:1-6; Ezr 1:1-4). Some exiles will return to their appointed place (Jerusalem) and rewall it but be unable to offer [proper] sacrifices (4:7-8; contrast Ezr 3:1-7). Others will remain in exile but will increase in population (4:9). This concludes the OT period and begins the intertestamental period (c. 400 to 1 BC<\/span>).<\/p>\nThe widespread apostasy of the Seleucid period (c. 201–267 BC<\/span>) is described, with special reference to priests and judges (4:1-6). The Maccabees, who gained and maintained political independence from Syria (in 164 BC<\/span>) are not mentioned. Instead, the focus is on the kings (the Hasmoneans) who made themselves high priests (6:1). Next will come an insolent king (Herod the Great, 37–4 BC<\/span>), who will rule ruthlessly (6:2-7). Then a powerful king of the West will conquer the people, take some captive, crucify others, and burn part of the temple (6:8-9).<\/p>\nFrom this point on, the author, having reached his own period, had to guess at the future, so the predictions that he put in Moses’ mouth are general or obscure and often unfulfilled. The next rulers (Sadducees?) would be impious, treacherous, gluttons, deceitful, and worried about ritual uncleanness while living in luxury at the expense of the poor (7:1-10). An unprecedented time of wrath would follow, when a great king would persecute the Jews, torturing, imprisoning, and even crucifying them for practicing circumcision (8:1-5). During this persecution, one man, Taxo, a Levite with seven sons, would remain faithful to God and die rather than adopt Greek customs (8:1-7).<\/p>\nThe next section (10:1-10), an apocalyptic poem (ten stanzas, each with three lines), is the only apocalyptic section of the book. The Lord’s kingdom will appear, Satan will be no more, and the chief angel (Michael) will avenge Israel (10:1-2). “The Heavenly One will arise from His royal throne,” and there will be miraculous signs on the earth and in the sky; even the ocean will drain away (10:3-6). The Most High, the Eternal God, will appear and punish the Gentiles, destroying their idols (10:7). But Israel will be happy and exalted, rejoicing at seeing her enemies in Gehenna (hell) and thankfully praising her Creator (10:8-10). With Moses’ mention of his death and some consoling words for Joshua, the composition ends in an incomplete form.<\/p>\nThe book must have been written after Herod died and Varus had subdued a rebellion in Judea (4 BC<\/span>) and before the temple was destroyed (AD<\/span> 70). The book predicts that Herod’s sons will not rule as long as Herod himself did (34 years, 37–4 BC<\/span>). This prediction may be based on the fact that one son, Archelaus, was deposed after a 10-year reign (4 BC<\/span>–AD<\/span> 6). If so, the book was written after AD<\/span> 6. But two other sons (Philip and Antipas) actually ruled longer than their father. For the author not to know this requires that the book must have been written within 34 years of Herod’s death—in other words, before AD<\/span> 30. Therefore, the book was probably written sometime between AD<\/span> 6 and 30. This also means that the book reflects Jewish thinking during Jesus’ lifetime.<\/p>\nThe author was evidently a Palestinian Jew, but it is doubtful whether he was a member of any known major sect of the times. He hates Roman rule (8:1–10:10) without advocating revolt, as the Zealots and their predecessors did. His interest in the temple (2:8-9; 5:3; 6:9; 8:5) is not typical of an Essene. He condemns the Sadducean lifestyle (7:3-10). And his use of apocalyptic writing (10:1-10) is thought to have been unusual for a Pharisee.<\/p>\nNaphtali, Testament of<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs (below).<\/p>\nNicodemus, Gospel of<\/p>\nAlternate title for the apocryphal work Acts of Pilate. See<\/em> Pilate, Acts of (below).<\/p>\nNoah, Book of<\/p>\nAllusion to the writing of Noah is made in the book of Jubilees where it is said “Noah wrote down all things in a book as we instructed him concerning every kind of medicine. Thus the evil spirits were precluded from (hurting) the sons of Noah” (10:13; see also 21:10). The book of Noah borrows heavily from the book of Enoch (see chs 6–11, 54–55, 60, 65–69, 106–110). The other sections relate to the Noachic flood and subjects about which Noah could be presumed to have knowledge. Unfortunately no separate manuscript of the book of Noah is known to be extant.<\/p>\nOdes of Solomon<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Solomon, Psalms of (below).<\/p>\nPatriarchs, Testaments of the Twelve<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs (below).<\/p>\nPaul, Acts of<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Paul and Thecla, Acts of (below).<\/p>\nPaul, Acts of Andrew and<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Andrew and Paul, Acts of (above).<\/p>\nPaul and Thecla, Acts of<\/p>\nThe Acts of Paul and Thecla is one section of an apocryphal work known as the Acts of Paul. It was apparently written in the latter half of the second century AD<\/span> by a church elder who lived in Asia. According to Tertullian (On Baptism<\/em> 17.19-21), the motive for the writing was “love of Paul,” but the presbyter was removed from office for producing this document. It is not clear whether the reason for his deposition was that he made a false claim to apostolic authorship, or whether it was that the viewpoints expressed in the document were considered heretical.<\/p>\nThe story reads like a folktale. Paul arrives in Iconium after fleeing from Antioch. He is met by Onesiphorus, who welcomes Paul into his home. A group of people gather there to hear Paul’s message. Beside the window of a neighboring house, Thecla is seated. She cannot see Paul, but she listens intently to his message. Her mother, Thecleia, exclaims, “My daughter, like a spider, is bound by his words to the window, seized by a new craving and a terrible passion.” Paul is teaching that in order to “see God,” a person must live a life of abstinence from sexual activity.<\/p>\nThecla is engaged to be married, but she is so impressed with Paul’s teaching that she determines she will break her engagement to Thamyris. Thamyris, in distress, appeals to the governor of the city, who arrests and imprisons Paul. Thecla bribes the jailer with bracelets and a silver mirror and enters Paul’s cell. Again she is transfixed by his teaching. At the trial, Thecla is adamant in her refusal to marry Thamyris. Paul is banned from the city; Thecla is condemned to be burned to death. Miraculously her life is spared, and she is reunited with Paul and travels with him to Antioch.<\/p>\nIn Antioch, Thecla rebuffs the advances of a nobleman, Alexander, and for a second time is condemned to death. But the wild beasts who are to devour her in the public arena instead lick her feet and protect her. When she throws herself into a water cistern to effect her baptism, she is again spared death—a lightning flash kills the fish lurking in the water, and they float lifeless to the surface. Queen Tryphaena, who has befriended Thecla, faints with shock as repeated attempts are made to take Thecla’s life. Seeing this, Alexander finally begs the governor to set Thecla free.<\/p>\nFree once more, Thecla seeks Paul. She disguises herself as a man by putting on male attire. Arriving in Myra, she finds Paul and announces to him that she is returning to Iconium. Paul commands her to “teach the word of God.” After teaching for a while in Iconium, Thecla travels on to Seleucia.<\/p>\nThe remainder of Thecla’s life is not well documented. Some manuscripts record that Thecla, being afraid of the people of Seleucia, withdrew to a mountain and resided in a cave. There she lived an ascetic life, taught certain women who came to her, and carried out a ministry of healing. Later she departed to Rome, seeking Paul. Paul, however, was already dead. When Thecla herself died, at 90 years of age, she was buried not far from the tomb of her beloved master.<\/p>\nAlthough this work is considered apocryphal and is excluded from the NT canon, there are some early writers who held it in high regard. The Acts of Paul, of which this document forms a part, is mentioned by Origen and by Hippolytus with respect. Eusebius was of the opinion that the document was spurious, but he distinguished it from inferior heretical works. There are two instances where details of information have found their way from the Acts of Paul into early manuscripts of canonical books (2 Tm 3:11; 4:19). It is probable that the viewpoints indicated in this document reflected popular religious traditions widely held in the second century AD<\/span>.<\/p>\nTertullian, however, argues that the document is quite out of harmony with Paul’s attitudes as expressed in the canonical material. In particular, he objects to the role assumed by a woman in the Acts of Paul and Thecla. Paul, Tertullian says, would never have permitted a woman to teach and to baptize (On Baptism<\/em> 17.21-23). The Acts of Paul and Thecla does differ from the Pauline stance, but not in the way indicated by Tertullian. The document depicts Paul as a proponent of the encratite viewpoint, teaching that celibacy is necessary for salvation. The canonical Paul taught that salvation is attained through faith alone, and that celibacy is a matter of special calling and certainly not the norm for every Christian (1 Cor 7:1-7). The Acts of Paul and Thecla suggests that a woman must assume male attire and must abstain from marriage if she is to exercise a leadership role. The canonical Paul instructed that a woman in a leadership position should dress as a woman (1 Cor 11:4-6), and he affirmed the ministerial function of married women (Rom 16:3). The Acts of Paul and Thecla emulates a woman whose motivating power was personal devotion to the apostle. The canonical writings suggest that Paul strongly discouraged such a show of personal allegiance to himself (1 Cor 1:12-17). Christ alone was to be the motivating influence in Christian service.<\/p>\nThe Acts of Paul and Thecla provides us with a unique description of the physical appearance of Paul: “a man small of stature, with a bald head and crooked legs, in good state of body, with eyebrows meeting and nose somewhat hooked, full of friendliness; for now he appeared like a man, and now he had the face of an angel.” This description is probably not reliable in any historical sense; more likely it pictures a typical Jew of the period. But because there is no other description preserved in early documents, this one has formed the basis for the many portraits of Paul that have come down through the centuries.<\/p>\nPaul, Apocalypse of<\/p>\nThis document, which originated in the late fourth century AD<\/span>, pretends to be a written account of some of the experiences that the apostle Paul had when he was caught up to the third heaven, or paradise, according to 2 Corinthians 12:2-4. The fact that Paul did not describe what he saw or heard during that revelatory vision excited the imagination of some unknown fourth-century Christian. Since the author describes with relish the tortures in hell experienced by a presbyter, bishop, and deacon (chs 34–36) and elsewhere approves of the devotion and piety of monks and nuns (chs 7–9) and of those who are virgins or chaste (ch 22), it is safe to conclude that he was a monk who disapproved of the insincere and hypocritical religiosity of his contemporaries, both laymen and clergy.<\/p>\nThis book, originally written in Greek, survives in relatively complete form in Latin. A partial indication of the great popularity of this piece of religious fiction is the fact that it was translated into Ethiopic, Coptic, and Syriac as well as Latin.<\/p>\nThe book is loosely structured in seven sections. The work begins with a short introductory section that attempts to explain why the book was unknown from the first to the fourth century (chs 1–2): during the consulate of (emperor) Theodosius Augustus the Younger and Cynegius (the document can thus be dated to AD<\/span> 388), a respectable but nameless person received a revelation through an angel. The man happened to be living in Tarsus in a house once occupied by St Paul himself. The angel told the man to break up the foundations and publish whatever he found. After being pummeled by the angel for disobedience, he finally broke the foundations only to discover a marble box that he immediately delivered to the emperor. The emperor opened the box and found the original version of the Apocalypse of Paul (which he copies) and a pair of shoes used by Paul on his missionary journeys. The substance of the mysterious document then follows.<\/p>\nIn chapters 3–6, Paul is said to have received a message from God announcing how all creation is subject to God with the exception of man himself. Chapters 7–10 relate how the guardian angels of each man and woman report every morning and evening to God concerning the deeds of those in their charge. Some are very good, while others are exceedingly wicked. In chapters 11–18, Paul is taken up in the Holy Spirit to the third heaven and asks to see the souls of the righteous and sinners as they leave the world. The angel accompanying Paul shows him a righteous man leaving the world, an ungodly man, and the soul of one who thought himself righteous but in fact was not.<\/p>\nChapters 19–30 describe Paul being lifted up to the third heaven (cf. 2 Cor 12:2-4), where he saw a golden gate flanked by golden pillars upon which were mounted golden tablets containing the names of the righteous. Upon entering paradise he was greeted by Enoch and Elijah and shown things that he could not reveal to others (ch 21; cf. 2 Cor 12:4). From there he was taken to the second heaven and then to the firmament encircled by Ocean (ch 21). There he saw the milk white waters of Lake Acherusia where the city of Christ was located. He was brought to the city in a golden boat while 3,000 angels sang a hymn. At the river of honey he met Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and other prophets (ch 25); at the river of milk he saw the infants slain by Herod (ch 26); at the river of wine he met Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, Lot, and Job (ch 27); at the river of oil he met those completely dedicated to God (ch 28). At the center of the city, by a great altar, David sang the hallelujah to God.<\/p>\nPaul’s tour of hell is described in chapters 31–44; it is a place of sorrow and distress in which flows a river boiling with fire. In the river, some of the damned were immersed to the knees, others to the navel or lips, depending on the severity of their sins (ch 31). Chapters 34–36 describe the tortures of a presbyter, bishop, and deacon. Throughout this section the most ghastly tortures imaginable are described in detail with great relish. Finally, in chapter 44, Christ decrees that for Paul’s sake there will be no torture on Sundays henceforth.<\/p>\nPaul’s angelic travel guide then escorts him to paradise (chs 45–51), where the righteous of all ages are anxious to meet him. He meets the Virgin Mary (ch 46), Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob as well as the 12 sons of Jacob (ch 47), Moses, who weeps for the unconverted Jews (ch 48), Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel, each of whom describes his martyrdom, Lot and Job (ch 49), Noah (ch 50), Elijah, Elisha, Zechariah and his son, John the Baptist, and Adam (ch 51). The document either ended here or, in alternate versions, with Paul’s miraculous trip to the Mt of Olives where he and the other disciples received the divine commission.<\/p>\nThe document is filled with contradictions and inconsistencies and many of the translated versions do not agree with each other in all details. The chief importance of the document is in terms of its glimpses into the thinking of late fourth-century Christianity.<\/p>\nPaul, Passion of<\/p>\nA revised Latin version of the apocryphal Martyrdom of Paul, which was part of a larger body of texts called the Acts of Paul. The original Martyrdom is the story of Paul’s resuscitation of Patroclus, Nero’s cupbearer, who had fallen from a window and died during one of Paul’s sermons. Patroclus confesses his new loyalty to Christ before the stunned Nero, who moves quickly to round up all such “soldiers of the great king (Christ).” Paul is included in the purge. The Passion elaborates on the story to include a passage about Seneca’s admiration for Paul and his writings, portions of which Seneca allegedly read to Nero. Also, Paul on the way to his death borrows a kerchief from Plautilla, promising to return it. When the returning soldiers mock her, she shows them the bloodied kerchief.<\/p>\nPaul, Passion of Peter and<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Peter and Paul, Passion of (below).<\/p>\nPearl, Hymn of the<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Thomas, Acts of (below).<\/p>\nPeter and Paul, Passion of<\/p>\nThis writing comes to us in two forms, both of which are considered to have been written by Marcellus and date from the fifth century. The first form is essentially like the Acts of Peter and Paul. It lays emphasis upon Paul’s journey to Rome. The second gives more attention to the men’s residence in Rome with emphasis upon their stay in the home of a relative of Pontius Pilate. Both emphasize the close relationship between Peter and Paul and their continued and successful opposition to Simon Magus, who claims to be the Christ. Their death sentences are included in the writings but with only a brief account of their martyrdoms.<\/p>\nPeter, Gospel of<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Akhmim Fragment (above).<\/p>\nPeter, Preaching of<\/p>\nThis document, which has survived only in fragments, appears to have been written early in the second century AD<\/span> in Egypt. While the title does not explicitly claim Petrine authorship, it was understood by Clement of Alexandria (late second century AD<\/span>) to have been an authentic composition by the apostle Peter (Stromata<\/em> 2.15.68). The majority of the fragments of the Preaching of Peter are preserved in the form of brief quotations in the writings of Clement of Alexandria.<\/p>\nThe fourth-century church historian Eusebius of Caesarea observed that the Preaching of Peter had not been accepted by any ancient authorities (Historia Ecclesiastica<\/em> 3.3.1-4), though he was probably not aware of its acceptance by Clement. Even though only fragments of the document have survived, they are important in that they reveal a transitional stage in the history of early Christian literature. During the first century, Christian literature, including all of the NT, was written for the consumption of other Christians. During the second century, Christian writers began to feel the need to defend their faith against the criticisms of their pagan and Jewish opponents. A new kind of Christian literature, the apology (meaning “defense”), began to appear in the early second century with the writings of the earliest Christian apologists Quadratus and Aristides. The Preaching of Peter represents a transition from the kind of apologetic writing found in the Acts of the Apostles, the sermons that that book contains, and the writings of the early apologists.<\/p>\nSince Clement quotes randomly from the Preaching of Peter, it is not possible to determine the order in which any of the quotations appeared in the original composition. Some of the major emphases of the document will appear from the following summaries of the quotations of Clement. Peter, according to Clement, called the Lord both “Law and Word” in the “Preaching” (Stromata<\/em> 1.29.182; 2.15.68). Mankind must recognize that one<\/em> God created the beginning of all things and has the power to bring all things to an end (Stromata<\/em> 6.5.39-41). The pagans, whom the author of the Preaching of Peter opposed, held that the universe was uncreated and eternal. God, the author contends, is invisible, incomprehensible, needs nothing, is inconceivable, everlasting, imperishable, and uncreated. This God must not be worshiped in the manner of the Greeks, for they have foolishly fashioned images of ordinary materials and worship them as gods. Further, they take animals that should be used for food and sacrifice them to these idols. The worship of the Jews should not be emulated either, for they revere angels, archangels, months, and the moon. If any of the nation of Israel should repent, they will find forgiveness (Stromata<\/em> 6.5.43). In one place the Preaching of Peter narrates how the Lord sent disciples to preach the gospel throughout the world after the resurrection (Stromata<\/em> 6.6.48), though the precise connection between this narrative and the preceding apologetic statements is not clear. It may be that the document began with a special version of the great commission. Elsewhere the document states that the OT prophets speak of Christ, sometimes in parables and enigmas, yet at other times very clearly and directly (Stromata<\/em> 6.15.128). In fact, the major events of the life of Christ, his coming, torture, crucifixion, death, resurrection, and ascension into heaven were predicted in detail by the prophets.<\/p>\nThe importance of the surviving fragments of the Preaching of Peter lies in the way in which they reveal how early second-century Christianity turned from a defensive to an offensive position in its proclamation of the gospel.<\/p>\nPeter, Slavonic Acts of<\/p>\nAn account of the later travels of Peter and his subsequent death in Rome preserved for us only in the Slavonic language. According to this account, a child (Jesus) comes to Peter and bids him to go to Rome. The angel Michael is captain of the ship taking them to Rome. After their arrival in Rome, Peter tells the child to catch some fish, whereupon he catches 12,000 in one hour. Then the child is sold to a Roman noble, Aravistus, for 50 pieces of gold. The child silences his teachers. After a vision of angels, the entire household is baptized. Nero arrests Peter, whereupon the child rebukes him. Many dead are raised, but the child sends them back to their graves to await the resurrection by Michael. Peter is crucified head downward. When the child reveals he is Jesus, the nails fall from Peter’s body, he prays for the forgiveness of his executioners, and then he dies. Such apocryphal versions of the acts of early church leaders are characteristically filled with fanciful acts of the apostles and their contact with the Christ.<\/p>\nPeter’s Letter to Philip<\/p>\nThis letter is part of the Christian Gnostic material discovered in 1947 at Nag Hammadi. It probably dates from the late second or early third century. The letter takes its name from a segment at the beginning of the tractate in which Peter claims to have sent the material to Philip. The letter is written in a dialogue form common in Gnostic literature. The body of the writing consists of a series of questions that are asked by the apostles of the risen Lord and the answers given by him. The questions provide a basis for the exposition of Gnostic philosophy about the structure of the world revealed by the Divine Light. That Light is the Christ, who is the heavenly Redeemer.<\/p>\nPilate, Acts of<\/p>\nThis document is an apocryphal passion gospel that reached its present form by the middle of the fourth century AD<\/span>. The first Christian writer to refer to the Acts of Pilate was Epiphanius, an ecclesiastical heresy hunter, who wrote a lengthy denunciation of various heresies in AD<\/span> 375, in which he definitely mentioned the Acts of Pilate (Heresies<\/em> 50.1). Much earlier, Justin Martyr had referred to Pilate’s report to Tiberius regarding the trial of Jesus (I Apology<\/em> 35; 48), but he does not seem to be referring to the Acts of Pilate. Toward the end of the second century AD<\/span>, a generation after Justin, Tertullian referred to an account sent from Pilate to the emperor Tiberius, yet this cannot be the Acts of Pilate, since Jesus supposedly performed many miracles before the procurator. Although it is not improbable that an earlier version of the Acts of Pilate antedated the fourth century, the present version must be dated to the middle of that century. The original language of the Acts of Pilate was Greek, and translations of it were made into Latin, Coptic, and Armenian. Eusebius, the fourth-century church historian and bishop of Caesarea, condemns what he regarded as a blasphemous account of Pilate, apparently a pagan document calculated to defame Christ (Historia Ecclesiastica,<\/em> 1.9.3; 9.5.1). The Christian Acts of Pilate was probably composed to counter the pagan document.<\/p>\nThe Acts of Pilate is a composite document consisting of two main parts. The first part (chs 1–16) purports to be a translation from Hebrew to Greek of an account written by Nicodemus about the events surrounding the passion of Jesus. The second part (chs 17–27), also called “Christ’s Descent into Hell,” vividly describes Christ’s descent into hades to liberate the righteous dead (an imaginative expansion of 1 Pt 3:19 which was itself transformed in the Apostles’ Creed into the phrase “he descended into hell”). After the 14th century AD<\/span>, the whole composition was commonly designated as the Gospel of Nicodemus because of the prominent place that character played in the document.<\/p>\nIn the prologue to the Acts of Pilate, a Roman soldier named Ananias claims to have found the Acts of Pilate in Hebrew and to have translated it into Greek in the 18th year of the reign of Emperor Flavius Theodosius (AD<\/span> 425). A quotation of the entire document follows: In the 15th year of Tiberius Caesar (AD<\/span> 29), Nicodemus wrote an account of the events that surrounded the passion, death, and resurrection of Jesus. The Jewish high priests accused Jesus of various religious crimes to Pilate and asked that he be tried. Though unwilling, Pilate sent for Jesus anyway, though in a most gracious manner. When Jesus arrived, the Roman standards bowed to him of their own accords (ch 1). In chapter 2 the Jewish charges against Jesus included: (1) that he was born of fornication, (2) that his birth meant the death of the children of Bethlehem, and (3) that Joseph and Mary fled to Egypt because they counted for nothing among the people of Israel. The charge of fornication was immediately refuted by 12 pious Jews who had witnessed the betrothal of Mary and Joseph. An interview between Pilate and Jesus (modeled after Jn 18:33-38) follows in chapter 3. The Jews charge Jesus with blaspheming God, and Pilate reluctantly turns Jesus over to them (ch 4). Nicodemus then stands up in the Jewish council and urges them to let Jesus go, for if he is not of God his movement will fail (cf. Acts 5:38-39), but the Jews oppose him (ch 5). Then three Jews healed by Jesus testify in his behalf (ch 6), followed by Bernice, the woman healed of the issue of blood (ch 7). The crowd proclaims Jesus a prophet (ch 8). When Pilate offers to release a prisoner, the Jews ask for Barabbas, and Pilate then washes his hands of the matter and has Jesus scourged and crucified with the two criminals, Dysmas and Gestas (ch 9). Jesus is mocked by the crowds, while one criminal (Gestas) is rebuked by the other (ch 10). Jesus’ death is accompanied by a darkening of the sun, which the Jews regard as a normal eclipse (ch 11). Joseph of Arimathea is then seized by the Jews and imprisoned; when they come to execute him he has vanished (ch 12). The guards report the appearance of the angel at the tomb, but are bribed by the Jews to keep silence (ch 12). Three Jews then come from Galilee: Phineas, a priest; Adas, a teacher; and Angaeus, a Levite. They report that they have witnessed the great commission and ascension of Jesus on Mt Malich (ch 14). Nicodemus suggests that the surrounding mountains be checked to see if some spirit has not taken Jesus up only to dash him on the rocks; the Jews find nothing except Joseph of Arimathea in his hometown (ch 15). Joseph is summoned to testify before the council and reveals how the risen Jesus had appeared to him when he was imprisoned and set him free (ch 15). The council decides, after hearing other witnesses, that if Jesus is still remembered after 50 years, the stories must be true (ch 16).<\/p>\nThe second document begins with an account of Joseph speaking to the council. Two brothers, he claims, had been raised at the same time as Jesus. The council summons them to give their stories (ch 17). While in hades, the brothers claimed, a great light appeared and Abraham and Isaiah became overjoyed (ch 18). Satan thought that Jesus could be restrained in hades (ch 20); but when the King of Glory arrived, the gates were broken down. Satan was handed over to the angels to be bound (ch 22) and was rebuked by hades for causing the ruin of his kingdom (ch 23). The King of Glory (Christ) then led Adam and the rest of the righteous dead out of hades (ch 24) and to paradise (ch 25), where even the repentant criminal was seen (ch 26). The two brothers claim that they have been sent by the angel Michael to preach the resurrection of Jesus to all mankind.<\/p>\nThe Acts of Pilate is a pastiche (collection) of quotations and allusions from the four canonical Gospels, mingled with imaginative and even fantastic additions. It is basically an apologetic document that attempts to defend the truth of the resurrection of Jesus against the counterclaims of pagan and Jewish adversaries. Unfortunately, it has an anti-Semitic tone that was to characterize Christian dramatizations of the events of Passion Week from the fourth century through the end of the Middle Ages.<\/p>\nPistis Sophia<\/p>\nA fourth-century Coptic manuscript (Codex Askewanus) that represents one of the chief Gnostic works extant today. The work, containing four chapters, derives its name from the heroine, Sophia, though only the first half of the work refers to her. This portion relates how Jesus, during the first 11 years after his resurrection, returned to teach his disciples the highest mystery of all: the Treasury of the Light. Jesus returned to the Mt of Olives where he is caught up through the aeons and on his journey comes to the thirteenth aeon where he finds Sophia. She is in sorrow because she has caught a glimpse of the Treasury of the Light but is deceived by Authades (the self-willed), who flashes a false brightness before her, causing her to fall into the hands of the powers of matter. She maintains her hope and faith, however, and after 12 prayers is delivered from Authades and chaos by Jesus who reinstates her at the lower limit of the thirteenth aeon.<\/p>\nThe work is in dialogue form—with Jesus answering questions asked by his disciples. The theme is thoroughly Gnostic in its view of salvation that comes by a hidden doctrine that brings illumination.<\/p>\nProtevangelium of James<\/p>\nSee<\/em> James, Protevangelium of (above).<\/p>\nPsalms of Solomon<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Solomon, Psalms of (below).<\/p>\nResurrection of Christ by Bartholomew, Book of the<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Bartholomew, Book of the Resurrection of Christ by (above).<\/p>\nReuben, Testament of<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs (below).<\/p>\nSibylline Oracles<\/p>\nA pseudepigraphal writing comprising originally 15 books, 12 of which are extant in late Greek manuscripts. The word sibyl<\/em> is of Greek origin. It claimed to be an oracle of the gods and generally contained a message of a coming catastrophic event. Some Jews adopted and used this mode of writing for propagation purposes.<\/p>\nThe sibyls came from the beginning of the Maccabean period (165 BC<\/span>) and cover a period up to shortly after the destruction of the second temple (AD<\/span> 76). The authors, presumably writing in Alexandria, Egypt, stressed the unity and sovereignty of God. God controlled all events, whereas pagan deities were useless, unable to do anything. “But God is one, most exalted of all, who has made the heaven, the sun, the stars and the moon. . . . He has constituted man as the Divinely appointed ruler of all. You men . . . be ashamed of making gods” (book 2). God controls the history of the nations. The sibyls outline the history of 10 generations from the Assyrian kingdom to the destruction of the second temple and the great earthquake (book 4.47ff.). The third book also contains a section on the devastation and troubles to be experienced before the great judgment. It includes two messianic passages wherein the Messiah introduces an era of peace and prosperity for the faithful: “He will raise up his kingdom for all ages over men. . . . For nothing but peace shall come upon the land of the good” (lines 767, 780). The eternal state is to be reserved for the faithful who will be raised from the dead in a bodily form: “But all who are godly shall live again on earth, when God gives breath and life and grace to them the godly” (book 4.187-190), whereas the ungodly are to be thrown into hell, “And all who have sinned with deeds of impiety a heap of earth shall cover again, and murky Tartarus and the black recesses of hell” (lines 183-186).<\/p>\nThe express purpose of the authors of the sibyls was to demonstrate the reasonableness of the Jewish faith by casting their message in the form of the sibyl, introduced by the Greeks and appreciated by the Romans. In their emphasis on the God of Israel and their opposition to paganism, they nevertheless stand in the stream of the apocalyptic, the unveiling of God’s secrets of past and future. The sibyl as divine oracle was, thus, used as a literary form in order to convey a message to the non-Jewish world.<\/p>\nSilvanus, Teachings of<\/p>\nLiterary work of the Gnostics, attributed to Silvanus, the companion of Peter and Paul. It was discovered at Chenoboskion in Upper Egypt in 1946.<\/p>\nSimeon, Testament of<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs (below).<\/p>\nSlavonic Acts of Peter<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Peter, Slavonic Acts of (above).<\/p>\nSolomon, Psalms of<\/p>\nThe Psalms of Solomon are a collection of 18 songs attributed to Solomon. They are considered pseudepigrapha. The psalms were probably written by one author, who lived during the middle of the first century BC<\/span> and wrote in Hebrew. The theological perspective of the author is Pharisaic in its views of the law, judgment, and the future of Israel. The Psalms of Solomon are derived from the canonical book of Psalms in their form and phraseology. One of the similarities in the form and phraseology is the emphasis on the antithesis between the righteous and the wicked. The wicked are the Gentiles who defile the holy things of the Lord (2:3) and apostate Jews who have fallen into sin (3:11, 13).<\/p>\nThe character of the sinner is that of the fool, as opposed to the wise man (cf. Wisdom Literature). The fool has no concern for the Lord (4:1); his speech and deeds betray his unrighteousness (4:2ff.). He is known by his lies, judgment of others, false oaths, his immorality, lawlessness, and selfish ambitions at the cost of others (cf. 12). The righteous are the wise, who fear the Lord (4:26). He is not dismayed by bad dreams or perilous times (6:4-5). He is provoked with zeal for the Lord’s righteousness, as he witnesses the desecration of the temple and the law (8:28). The Lord’s love of him is expressed in discipline, and he responds to the Lord’s rebuke with repentance for his sins. The author compares the righteous to the tree of life in Paradise. They are stable and will not be uprooted (14:2ff.). The wicked, on the other hand, will not be remembered in this life, and God will deal righteously with them by casting them into “Sheol and darkness and destruction” (14:6; 15:10).<\/p>\nThe author views God as the King who mightily rules over the nations (2:34ff.) with readiness to judge his enemies and the enemies of the righteous (2:38ff.; 4:9) and to vindicate the righteous (2:39). As the Lord’s care is demonstrated in his sustenance of nature (5:11-12), in his raising up kings, rulers, and nations (5:13), the author assures the reader that his care extends particularly to the poor and those who call upon him (5:2-3, 13). He is the hope of the righteous (8:37).<\/p>\nIn view of the foregoing belief in the righteous kingship of God and in his protection of the righteous, the psalms abound in the conviction that evil will be overcome by God’s intervention on behalf of the righteous. The particular context in which these psalms originated was Pompey’s entrance into Jerusalem and his desecration of the temple (63 BC<\/span>), and it was hoped that at the death of Pompey (48 BC<\/span>, cf. 2:30ff.) the messianic era might be introduced. Therefore, the author reminds God of the covenant made with David (17:5) and asks God’s forgiveness for Israel’s sins in the past. Israel has suffered gentile invasions and control as the result of God’s judgment (17:6). Since Pompey had died, the author prayed for the restoration of the theocracy under a Davidic king—“Behold, O Lord, and raise up unto them their king, the son of David. All the time in the which Thou seest, O God, that he may reign over Israel Thy servant” (17:23). By means of the Davidic Messiah the land will be purged of sinners, godless nations, and the righteous will be sanctified. The messianic rule extends only over the righteous remnant, who when restored to the land, will be divided into the 12 tribes; the Davidic Messiah will rule over the tribes and the other nations “in the wisdom of his righteousness” (17:29-31). The sojourner and the gentile nations will not share in the glory of the kingdom. Rather, their position will be that of servitude.<\/p>\nThe hope of the glorious future of Israel is the apocalyptic element in the psalms. They arose in a historical context, but they anticipate a radically new future. The psalmist pronounced a benediction on all those who would witness God’s judgment on the nations, the restoration of Israel, and the introduction of the messianic kingdom: “Blessed be they that shall be in those days, in that they shall see the good fortune of Israel which God shall bring to pass in the gathering together of the tribes. May the Lord hasten His mercy upon Israel! The Lord Himself is our king for ever and ever” (17:50-51).<\/p>\nSolomon, Testament of<\/p>\nThe Testament of Solomon is a second-century BC<\/span> pseudepigraphal writing. The writing claims that Solomon was the writer of the testament. It is extant in Semitic manuscripts, and in some Greek texts.<\/p>\nThe material is basically Christian with emphasis on the cross and the virgin birth but also contains Jewish material as well. The testament recounts how Solomon, by means of a ring given to him by the archangel Michael, is able to subdue and use the skills of demons to build his temple. After completing the temple, however, Solomon is led into idolatry on account of his lust for a Shunammite girl. His fall was taken by the author of the testament as an occasion to warn the readers of the power and shapes of the demons and the angels having power over them. The work is written in the form of a testament in order to let Solomon reflect (on his deathbed) how he succeeded and failed as a legacy to Israel.<\/p>\nTestaments of the Twelve Patriarchs<\/p>\nPart of the Jewish pseudepigrapha. This particular composition is called a “testament” because it represents the deathbed speeches of each of the sons of Jacob. The testaments start with Reuben’s speech to his sons and ends with Benjamin’s testament to his heirs. Each patriarch is represented as gathering his sons around him and relating the important events of his life. During the speech the patriarch warns against particular vices and attitudes and recommends certain virtues. The advice and warnings of each patriarch often include insight and predictions concerning sin and salvation for his children. The account of the patriarch’s life serves as a guide for the future of his descendants. At the end of the speech, each patriarch dies and is buried at Hebron.<\/p>\nIt would appear that the concept of “testament” finds its orientation in Joshua 23–24, where Joshua summons the elders, heads, judges, and officers of Israel (Jos 23:2; 24:1) and gives them a charge before his death. First Kings 2:1-12 portrays David giving Solomon deathbed advice to walk in God’s ways. The speeches of the patriarchs find further scriptural reference in Genesis chapter 49, where Jacob calls his sons together to hear about their future. At the end of the speech Jacob dies (Gn 49:33).<\/p>\nThe present textual form (Slavonic, Armenian, and Greek versions) probably came about sometime during the second or third century AD<\/span>. However, much of the material would appear to go back to the second or third century BC<\/span>. The general scholarly consensus is that an original text in a Semitic language (either Hebrew or Aramaic) was composed by an author or authors sometime in the third or second century before the common era. At some later period, Christian sections were added to the original text. For examples of the Christian sections see Testament of Simeon 6:7; Testament of Levi 10:2; Testament of Dan 6:9; Testament of Naphtali 4:5; Testament of Asher 7:3-4; Testament of Joseph 19:11; Testament of Benjamin 3:8; 9:2-4. It would appear that the testaments may have been reworked by a Jewish writer(s) and by other Christian writers over the centuries. Thus we have a Jewish document from about the third century before the common era that has undergone both Jewish and Christian redactions over a long period of time. These testaments became quite popular in the tenth century, with special interest being displayed in the prophecies of the patriarchs and their secret knowledge.<\/p>\nThe following is a summary of each of the testaments of the patriarchs. The excerpts are based on R. H. Charles’s Pseudepigrapha,<\/em> pp 282-367.<\/p>\n<h6>Reuben<\/h6>\nThe testament of Reuben is very much influenced by an overwhelming memory of defiling his father’s bed. This refers to Reuben taking his father’s concubine Bilhah while she was in a drunken stupor. Reuben has very strong opinions regarding what he considers to be negative attributes of women, and he warns his sons to be guarded in their relationship with women. His comments on women probably reflect the ill feelings that existed between himself and Jacob in regard to Bilhah. Reuben predicts that in the future his sons would be jealous of the sons of Levi but they would not be able to overthrow them. He admonishes his descendants to have respect and love for one another and to do truth to their neighbors. Reuben is buried at Hebron.<\/p>\n<h6>Simeon<\/h6>\nThe patriarch Simeon is presented as a strong warrior type. Reflecting the biblical account of Joseph being sold into slavery (Gn 37:25-28), Simeon testifies that he wanted to kill Joseph rather than sell him into slavery. As punishment for this attitude, God withered his right hand for seven days. Simeon warns his sons against envy, deceit, and fornication. He predicts that they will attempt to harm the sons of Levi but prophesies that the sons of Levi will remain superior. Simeon looked forward to a blissful era (6:4-7a), when the “Most High” would be blessed. Verse 7b is a Christian interpolation, “Because God has taken a body and eaten with men and saved men.” He admonishes his sons to obey the sons of Levi and Judah, for it would be from them that their salvation would be accomplished. He predicts that a high priest would come from Levi and a king would descend from the lines of Judah. Simeon concludes his testament by predicting that all Gentiles (an interpolation) and Israel would be saved.<\/p>\n<h6>Levi<\/h6>\nLevi’s deathbed testament is in the form of dreams that he relates to his sons. He predicts that from his descendants and those of Judah the Lord would “appear among men” to save every race of men (2:11). The descendants of Levi would be “as the sun to all the seed of Israel” (4:3b) and in one dream it is shown that the blessings of the priesthood would come to his sons (8:2-3). Levi predicts that a king would arise in Judah; this king would establish a new priesthood that ministers to both Jews and Gentiles. The tenth chapter has a Christian interpolation that because of ungodliness and transgression, the sons of Levi would wrong “the Savior of the world, Christ” (10:2) and that for this they would be scattered throughout the world. Chapter 13 has a number of wisdom themes with emphasis on the need to follow and obey the law. Chapter 16 introduces an eschatological prediction that the sons of Levi would go astray for 70 weeks. The following chapter gives a detailed account of the 70 weeks in which there would be a priesthood for each jubilee. The first priesthood would be great, and the priest’s relationship to God would be such that God would be addressed as father. The second priesthood would “be conceived in the sorrow of beloved ones” (17:3), but this priesthood will be glorified by all. The following five priesthoods would be characterized by sorrow, pain, hatred, and darkness. However, a new priesthood would eventually arise and peace will be brought to all the earth (18:4); sin shall come to an end (18:9), for this new priesthood shall have a spirit of understanding and sanctification resting upon him. The testament closes with an admonition to choose either the law of the Lord or the work of Beliar (variant of Belial). The sons pledge themselves to the law, and following Levi’s death they bury him at Hebron.<\/p>\n<h6>Judah<\/h6>\nAt the beginning of the testament by Judah he tells his descendants that he had been promised by his father that he would be king. “And it came to pass, when I became a man, that my father blessed me, saying, You shall be a king, prospering in all things” (1:6). Judah reminisces about his early youth and his ability to conquer wild animals. He obeyed the commandments and did not give in to lust. He predicted that his descendants would fall into wickedness because of the love of money and the enticement of beautiful women (ch 17). In chapter 21 Judah predicts that the Lord would give the kingship to his descendants and the priesthood to the sons of Levi. Chapter 24 includes a Christian messianic redaction. It is predicted that from the star of Jacob one will arise that will be without sin and from it a rod of righteousness will grow to the Gentiles (24:6). The testament concludes with eschatological hope for the future when “they who are poor for the Lord’s sake shall be made rich and they who are put to death for the Lord’s sake shall awake to life” (25:4). Judah dies and is buried at Hebron.<\/p>\n<h6>Issachar<\/h6>\nThe last words of this patriarch are somewhat unique in that Issachar is depicted as being “upright” and without transgression (unlike many of his brothers). He predicts that the priesthood will come from Levi and the kingship will arise from the lineage of Judah. In chapter 6 Issachar predicts that his children will “cleave” after Beliar. If they recognize the mercy of God and follow Issachar’s exemplary life, “every spirit of Beliar will flee from them.” His final request is that he be buried at Hebron with his fathers.<\/p>\n<h6>Zebulun<\/h6>\nThe patriarch Zebulun begins his testament by characterizing himself as a “good gift” to his parents. He, like Issachar, indicates that he is not conscious of sinning “except in thought” (and if he has any iniquity it is only the sin of ignorance). Zebulun claims that he did not support the actions taken against Joseph, and he would have told his father about Joseph’s plight except that the other brothers agreed that if “anyone should declare the secret, he should be slain” (1:6). In 1:7 he declares that if it were not for him the other brothers would have killed Joseph. The brothers were so suspicious of Zebulun that they watched him until Joseph was sold. Verse 5:3 has a familiar theme that is found in the NT and in the rabbis: “Have compassion in your hearts, my children, because even as a man does to his neighbor, even so will the Lord do to him.” Zebulun believes that this lesson is demonstrated in practical terms. The sons of the other brothers were sickened and died on account of the action taken against Joseph (“because they showed no mercy in their hearts,” 5:5). The sons of Zebulun were preserved without sickness. He continues his wisdom teaching (8:3) by declaring that in the degree that a man has compassion upon his neighbor the Lord in the same degree will have mercy on him. Zebulun predicts the division between the northern and southern kingdoms and the eventual conquest of these kingdoms by the Gentiles. However, the people will repent and the Lord will bring them back to “the land” and Jerusalem (9:8). In chapter 10 Zebulun predicts that after his death he will “arise as a ruler in the midst of his sons” (10:2), and he promises reward for those who keep the laws and punishment for the ungodly. Zebulun dies at the end of his testament and is buried at Hebron.<\/p>\n<h6>Dan<\/h6>\nThe patriarch Dan laments his jealousy of Joseph and indicates that he was controlled by the spirit of Beliar. He reveals that he wanted to kill Joseph so that he could have the love of his father. Dan warns against the spirits of lying and anger, and he exhorts his descendants to love truth and long-suffering. He admonishes them to keep the commandments and “love the Lord through all your life and one another with a true heart” (5:3). Dan predicts that his sons will “in the last days” depart from the Lord and thus provoke the anger of the sons of Levi. They also will fight against the sons of Judah. His sons will not win against the sons of Levi and Judah because an angel of the Lord will guide them. Dan is represented as having read in the book of Enoch (a favorite reference for the patriarchs) that Satan and all the spirits of wickedness and pride will cause the sons of Levi, Judah, and Dan to sin. They will be taken into captivity where they will receive the plagues of Egypt and all the evils of the Gentiles. However, when they return to the Lord they will receive mercy and be given peace. The prediction is such that there would be one who would arise from the tribe of Judah and Levi who is called “the salvation of the Lord.” It would appear that the “one arising” would make war against Beliar and execute an “everlasting vengeance” against their enemies (5:10). Dan’s final warning is to beware of Satan and his spirits and to draw near to God and the angel “that intercedes for you” (6:2). The last section admonishes Dan’s sons to pass on to their children all that they have heard so that “the savior of the Gentiles may receive” them. There follows a Christian polemic about the savior being true, long-suffering, meek, and lowly (6:9). When Dan dies, he is buried near Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob.<\/p>\n<h6>Naphtali<\/h6>\nNaphtali is said to be 130 years old when he gives his last words. He is depicted as being in good health, but the morning after a feast realizes that he is going to die. Thus he gathers his sons about him. Naphtali has a very strong sense of order that contributes to the makeup and actions of man as well as the universe. He views the “Gentile problem” as their forsaking the Lord and changing their order so that they obeyed the “stocks and stones.” The change of order was the problem at Sodom and it also caused the Flood.<\/p>\nNaphtali reads from the book of Enoch that his sons will depart from the Lord and walk “according to all lawlessness of the Gentiles” (4:1). He predicts that his descendants will be taken captive because of their sins and afterward a “few” will return to the Lord and he will bring them back to their land. After their return to the land, Naphtali predicts that his sons will forget the Lord and “become ungodly” with the result that they will be scattered all over the earth. They will remain in this state until the compassion of the Lord comes and a man working righteousness and mercy comes to them. Naphtali recounts two dreams that he had in his 40th year. In the first dream he saw the sun and moon stand still. Isaac told his grandsons to run and take hold of the sun and moon, each according to his strength. Levi took hold of the sun, and Judah seized the moon. Both of them were lifted up with the sun and moon. There appeared a bull in the dream with two great horns and eagle wings. The other sons attempted to seize this bull but could not. However, Joseph came and took hold of the bull and ascended “up with him on high” (5:7).<\/p>\nThere follows a prediction that the 12 tribes of Israel would be taken into captivity by the Assyrians, Medes, Persians, Chaldeans, and Syrians. The other dream saw a ship sailing on the sea of Jamnia without sailors or pilot. Written on the ship was the inscription “The ship of Jacob” (6:2). Jacob and his sons were on the ship, and when a storm arose Jacob departed from their presence. Eventually the ship breaks up from the pounding of the sea, and while Joseph sails off in a little boat the rest of the brothers are divided among nine planks with Levi and Judah sharing a plank. It would appear that by the prayers of Levi all the brothers eventually land safely on the shore. When Naphtali relates these dreams to his father, Jacob responds that all these things must be fulfilled.<\/p>\nNaphtali admonished his sons to be united to Levi and Judah for through them “shall salvation arise to Israel” (8:2). Also through Levi and Judah the righteous of the Gentiles shall be gathered. Naphtali died and was buried at Hebron.<\/p>\n<h6>Gad<\/h6>\nThe patriarch Gad is represented as hating Joseph because Joseph had told his father that Gad and some of the other brothers were eating from the best of the flocks while tending them. During his testament Gad confesses his sin of hatred to his sons and warns them against harboring hatred because it only brings anguish: “For as love would quicken even the dead and would call back them that are condemned to die, so hatred would slay the living and those that had sinned venially it would not suffer to live” (4:6).<\/p>\nRepentance is understood to give knowledge to the soul and leads the mind to salvation. Gad encourages his sons to honor the lineage of Levi and Judah, for therein is found the salvation of Israel. He predicts that his sons will walk in all wickedness and corruption and ends on a somewhat pessimistic note by asking to be buried near his fathers. Gad is buried at Hebron.<\/p>\n<h6>Asher<\/h6>\nAsher is very conscious of good and evil spirits and the choice that man has to make between these two possibilities. Asher predicts that his descendants will act ungodly and not give heed to the law of God. Thus they will be delivered into the hands of their enemies and they will be scattered. They will exist in such a state until the “Most High” visits the earth “coming Himself [as man with men eating and drinking] . . . he shall save Israel and all the Gentiles” (7:3-4). This Christian interpolation is followed by a declaration that the Lord will gather them because of his mercy and for the sake of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. When Asher dies, he is buried at Hebron.<\/p>\n<h6>Joseph<\/h6>\nJoseph calls himself the “beloved of Israel,” (1:2) and although he has seen envy and death, he did not go astray. During his testament he tells of his ordeal of being sold into slavery. The verses in chapter one are set in parallelism with the first half of the verse telling the plight of Joseph and the second half exalting the security of the Lord: “I was sold into slavery, and the Lord of all made me free: I was taken into captivity, and his strong hand succoured me. I was beset with hunger and the Lord himself nourished me” (1:5). Joseph details his experiences in Egypt with eight chapters being given to the temptations of the Egyptian woman. However, Joseph resisted her advances and the Lord rewarded him for his convictions. He admonishes his sons to have the fear of the Lord in all their works because whoever does the law of the Lord will be loved by him. This is the key to his success. Joseph encourages his children to do well to anyone who would do evil to them and pray for their enemies. He gives his attitude toward his brothers as an example of such a virtue.<\/p>\nJoseph admonishes his sons to observe the commandments of the Lord and honor Levi and Judah for “the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, who saves all the Gentiles and Israel” (19:11) shall arise from them. He predicts the enslavement in Egypt but also the eventual deliverance. He directs his sons to take his bones with them when they leave Egypt, and the testament indicates that Joseph was buried at Hebron.<\/p>\n<h6>Benjamin<\/h6>\nThe last patriarch gives his testament when he is 125 years old. He encourages his children to love the Lord and keep his commandments. He urges them to follow the goodness of Joseph, for he did not want his brothers’ actions against him to be counted as sin. Benjamin predicts that in Joseph shall the prophecy be fulfilled “concerning the Lamb of God and Savior of the world, and that a blameless one shall be delivered up for lawless men, and a sinless one shall die for ungodly men in the blood of the covenant, for the salvation of the Gentiles and of Israel and shall destroy Beliar and his servants” (3:8). One can immediately see how the Christian interpolation would find easy access for a polemic in this testament. Joseph is depicted as suffering in innocence and without remorse. Likewise the Christian messiah would suffer and die for ungodly men.<\/p>\nBenjamin believes that there are evildoers among his sons; from his reading of the book of Enoch he predicts that they will commit “fornication with the fornication of Sodom” and only a few will survive (9:1). There would appear to be a remnant from each tribe as the 12 tribes and the Gentiles will gather at the last temple. Their salvation will be a result of the “Most High” sending his only “begotten prophet” (9:2), and he will be lifted up upon a tree and the veil of the temple shall be rent and the Spirit of God shall be passed on to the Gentiles. Benjamin admonishes his sons that if they walk in holiness according to the commandments of the Lord, all of Israel will be gathered to the Lord. When Benjamin dies, he is buried at Hebron.<\/p>\nFrom the brief account of each patriarch, it is apparent that the testaments were subject to both Jewish and Christian redaction and go beyond mere interpolation. The text reflects such characteristics as two messiahs, a double love commandment, ethical and theological teachings, as well as universal salvation. However, it is most difficult to place these features within a particular time period or even religion.<\/p>\nThaddeus, Acts of<\/p>\nA sixth-century version and extension of the fifth-century Syriac Doctrina Addaei, or Legend of Abgar. The Legend contains a purported exchange of letters between Abgar, king of Edessa (AD<\/span> 9–46), and Jesus. This exchange results in the sending of Thaddeus, one of Jesus’ apostles, to Edessa. While there, he performs numerous miracles including the healing of Abgar. The Acts has Abgar healed when Ananias, his messenger, returns prior to the arrival of Thaddeus. The Acts focuses on the activity of Thaddeus in establishing the church in Edessa.<\/p>\nThecla, Acts of Paul and<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Paul and Thecla, Acts of (above).<\/p>\nThomas, Acts of<\/p>\nThe Acts of Thomas is one of a cluster of acts of the apostles that have three common characteristics. They narrate the propagation of the gospel around the ancient world, promote the deeds and words of one of the apostles, and inevitably chronicle that apostle’s martyrdom. The oldest of these “acts narratives” are those of Paul, John, Andrew, Peter, and Thomas. Acts of Thomas, like the others, is a blend of Christian piety, the popular Hellenistic romances of the day, and Jewish haggadic-type moralistic teachings.<\/p>\nScholarly study of the Acts of Thomas suggests that it was probably written at the beginning of the third century. It was definitely written in Syriac first and probably by someone with strong tendencies toward the Gnostic heresy. It proved broadly popular among Gnostics, Manichees, and orthodox churches, so much so that it was quickly translated from the original Syriac into Arabic, Armenian, and several Greek translations. From these varied Greek versions, Coptic, Latin, and Ethiopic translations were made. Significant portions of the Coptic version were in turn retranslated back into Arabic, Ethiopic, and Greek, thus creating a most confusing textual tradition. Only one full early Syriac text survives, and it is considered less reliable than some of the extant Greek translations.<\/p>\nIn the critical English edition of the Acts of Thomas, that of A. F. J. Klijn published in 1962, the narrative is divided into the traditional acts (praxeis). There are 13 of these numbered in 170 sequential chapters that include the concluding martyrdom of the apostle. Various liturgical pieces, sermon fragments, and hymns are inserted, including two particularly famous hymns in the early church—that of the “Song of the Bride” in act 1 and that of the “Song of the Pearl” in act 9. The first six acts are not woven together by any particular theme, and they record that Thomas went on board ship to go to India (act 3), which would imply a south Indian ministry. Yet the text speaks of ministry to the north Indian king, Gundaphoro (act 4). However, acts 7 through 13 and the martyrdom are set in the south Indian kingdom of Mazdai and are obviously written by one hand. It is probable that the first six acts represent earlier materials placed into the whole by the writer of the last seven acts and the martyrdom. This document is the first-known mention of the traditions that Thomas ministered in India, was martyred there, and that his bones were returned to Edessa. Acts of Thomas is written, as are all the apocryphal acts of the apostles, on the assumption that the world was divided among the apostles for evangelization and that India fell to Thomas.<\/p>\nThomas is called Judas Thomas throughout these acts after the Syrian style of referring to that apostle. Thomas is spoken of as the twin of Jesus (the Didymus of the NT), as recipient of special divine revelations, and as being Jesus incarnate in the flesh again—in chapters 10, 11, 39, 47, and 48 of the Acts. Many historians think these are clear indications of Gnostic thought. Others think such ideas are expressions of Jesus’ adaptation to human perception and identification with his apostles—features often found in early Christian literature. There seems to be no question but that Gnostic or Manichee tendencies were gradually edited out of Greek and Latin texts by orthodox copyists.<\/p>\nOne quickly gets the feel for this narrative. The Acts of Thomas opens with Judas Thomas’s refusing to go to India. He is then sold as a slave—in parallel to Christ’s coming as a slave to redeem man. So Thomas reaches India as a carpenter (again the parallel with Jesus) and a builder of homes. He plays groomsman in a wedding at which miracles convince the flute player of Thomas’s role as apostle of God; so the king asks Thomas to pray for his daughter. Great stress is placed on purity in Thomas’s teaching, and this usually involves sexual abstinence as well. Finally, many are converted, including the king, and they form an assembly of believers in Sandaruk.<\/p>\nIn the second act the king, Gundophor, gives Thomas a large sum of money to build a palace. After surprising the king by tracing the palace on the ground in winter, Thomas builds him a palace in heaven by giving the money to the poor. The king imprisons and decides to kill Thomas for the supposed deception; but the king’s brother, Gad, dies and goes to heaven where he sees the palace and desires to buy it. Gad is then reunited with his body and tries to buy the palace from Gundophor, whereupon Gundophor learns that he cannot sell it, releases Thomas from prison, and advises Gad to arrange to have his own palace built in heaven. Thomas gives a great doxology (ch 25 of act 2), and the two brothers who have come to believe through all of this want to be baptized.<\/p>\nIn these miracle narratives and teachings, all the books of the NT seem to be echoed, though there are relatively few direct quotations. Favorite miracle passages such as Balaam’s talking donkey and Peter’s release from prison are reexperienced in Thomas’s life with vast embellishment. The talking ass enters a home and casts out a demon at Thomas’s command; Thomas causes great consternation by repeatedly passing in and out of the securely closed prison. Such miracles, sufferings, and conversions make up acts 3 through 13 and continue to the climax of Judas Thomas’s ministry. His martyrdom occurs (ch 168) at the hands of four soldiers with spears who have been ordered by the king of Mazdai to execute Thomas. He thereafter appears to his followers who have Thomas’s bones removed to Edessa. Meantime, the son of the king of Mazdai becomes sick unto death. Desperate, the king goes to Thomas’s tomb, thinking to get a relic to heal his son. Finding the body gone, he uses the very dust upon which Judas Thomas’s body rested, and his son is healed. Thereafter the king becomes a believer and joins the community of believers.<\/p>\nThomas, Gospel of<\/p>\nA noncanonical and heretical gospel of Gnostic origin that probably dates from the second or third century AD<\/span>. It is one of a large number of similar writings that flourished among early religious sects such as the Marcosians (a second-century group that built an elaborate sacramental system around numbers) and the Manicheans (a third-century dualistic heresy based on the primeval conflict between light and darkness). In fact, Cyril of Jerusalem, who died in AD<\/span> 386 says the Gospel of Thomas was written by “one of those wicked disciples of Mani” (the founder of Manichaeism). Along with the Protevangelium of James, it is one of the oldest and most widely known of the more than 50 apocryphal gospels that circulated within the churches during the period of their early growth and expansion.<\/p>\nThis Gospel of Thomas (sometimes referred to as an “infancy gospel”) should not be confused with the Coptic version that was unearthed in 1945 near Nag Hammadi in Upper Egypt. The latter is a collection of 114 “sayings of Jesus,” which shed a great deal of light on the influence of Gnosticism on Egyptian Christianity. They claim to be the “secret words” of Jesus transmitted by “Didymos Judas Thomas.” The Gospel of Thomas, with which this article deals, is composed of a series of childhood miracles of Jesus and is preserved for us in four versions—two in Greek (one quite a bit longer than the other), one in Latin, and one in Syriac.<\/p>\nThe Gospel of Thomas was apparently known as early as Hippolytus (AD<\/span> 155–235), who quotes it as saying, “He who seeks me will find me in children from seven years old; for there will I, who am hidden in the fourteenth aeon, be found.” Hippolytus claimed that it was used by the Naasenes (a Gnostic sect that worshiped the serpent) in support of their doctrine of the nature of the inward man. The quotation above is not found in the extant versions, but this is understandable because there is evidence from the Stichometry of Nicephorus (possibly fourth century) that an earlier version was over twice the length. The Gospel of Thomas was known both to Origen (c. AD<\/span> 185–254) and Eusebius (c. AD<\/span> 260–340). The latter classed it with the heretical writings and said it should be “rejected as altogether absurd and impious” (Historia Ecclesiastica<\/em> 3.25).<\/p>\nThe stories that make up the Gospel of Thomas emphasize the miraculous power and supernatural wisdom of the boy Jesus. Some scholars think they were originally fabricated by orthodox Christians in opposition to the Gnostic heresy that the “supernatural Christ” first came upon Jesus at the time of his baptism. It is much more likely, however, that they owe their origin to people’s curiosity about what the boy Jesus must have been like. Some of the tales may have come from pagan sources.<\/p>\nApart from three or four miracles, which could be classed as beneficial, the supernatural feats said to be performed by the boy Jesus were destructive. For example, when a certain child spoiled some pools made by Jesus, he was cursed by Jesus and totally withered up. Another boy who provoked Jesus by running into him “immediately . . . fell down and died.” A teacher who struck Jesus on the head was straightway cursed and fell to the ground. The French writer Renan referred to the Jesus of the Gospel of Thomas as “a vicious little guttersnipe.”<\/p>\nThroughout the gospel Jesus is presented as infinitely wise. He ridicules his teacher Zacchaeus saying, “You hypocrite, first, if you know it, teach the Alpha, and then we will believe you concerning the Beta.” After Zacchaeus berates himself for being so inferior to the one he intended to take as a disciple, Jesus laughs and announces, “I am come from above that I may curse them.” The text continues, “And no man after that dared to provoke him, lest he should curse him, and he should be maimed.”<\/p>\nOther miracles include making 12 live sparrows out of clay, smiting his accusers with blindness, raising a child from the dead, healing a foot cut in two by an ax, carrying water in a cloth garment, reaping an enormous harvest from one kernal of wheat, stretching a piece of wood to its proper length, and healing his brother James who had been bitten by a viper while gathering fagots (sticks to use as firewood). More miracles may be found in the longer Latin version.<\/p>\nIt comes as no surprise that the orthodox church has always rejected from its canon of sacred scripture the apocryphal Gospel of Thomas. It is, however, quoted in other later gospels of the same sort. For example, the Gospel of Pseudo-Matthew from chapter 18 on is based upon the Gospel of Thomas. Along with other apocryphal materials, it has exercised a significant influence on Christian art and literature, especially from the tenth century forward. For example, the account of Jesus making the 12 sparrows from clay shows up in the Koran.<\/p>\nTruth, Gospel of<\/p>\nAround 1945 a group of Egyptian peasant farmers near modern Nag Hammadi inadvertently dug into a grave of the ancient village known as Shenesit-Chenoboskion and unearthed a jar containing 13 books (9 of which were largely complete) and 15 fragments of works. This find was the library of an ancient Gnostic sect and contained all or parts of 51 different Gnostic writings—all but two of which had never come into modern scholars’ hands before. Now called the Nag Hammadi or Chenoboskion texts, these works were the first modern find of original Gnostic literature. All are Coptic translations of earlier Greek originals.<\/p>\nCodex I (titled the Jung Codex because it now is owned by the Jung Institute in Vienna) is unique among the 13 works because it is in Sub-Achimimic Coptic, while the rest of the works are in the more usual Sahidic Coptic. Codex I contains five works, two of which are the enormously controversial Gospel of Thomas and the Gospel of Truth.<\/p>\nThe Gospel of Truth has no heading but rather draws its title from the incipit (first line of the text); it has no author; it contains no addressee. In fact, it is not a gospel at all, but rather a treatise expressive of Valentinian Gnosticism at its very earliest stage. Because the Gnosticism expressed in the Gospel of Truth is lacking all later-Valentinian mythological development and because it is stated simply and in almost orthodox Christian thought forms, the majority of modern scholars credit it to Valentinus himself, though no final proof of this has been discovered as yet. If Valentinus himself did not write this document, then it had to be someone in the immediate circle of his initial disciples.<\/p>\nValentinus was born in Egypt around AD<\/span> 100 to 110. He received a thorough education at Alexandria, became a Christian, and taught first in Egypt before moving to Rome around AD<\/span> 136, where he stayed until 154 or 155. Tertullian, in his work against heresy, seems to imply that Valentinus was twice expelled from the Roman church; he states that Valentinus was a brilliant and eloquent man who had hopes of becoming a bishop in Rome at one time. Valentinus attracted able followers who later expanded his teachings almost beyond recognition. But when he left Rome sometime after 154 or 155, he had made a final break with orthodoxy and was teaching a form of Gnostic heresy the product of which was the Gospel of Truth, written by himself or someone of his immediate circle. There is a surviving statement that Valentinus taught subsequently in Cyprus, and then he vanishes into the mists of history.<\/p>\nIrenaeus said the Gospel of Truth is no gospel, for it is unlike the four Gospels (Against Heresies<\/em> 3.2.9). Irenaeus was certainly correct, for the work is not a narrative. Nor does the Gospel of Truth contain any story about Jesus, any place name of any type, any date, or any mention of any person other than Jesus, who is only mentioned five times.<\/p>\nMore than 60 times, this brief work uses the notions of knowledge or needing to know. This knowledge is born from within as the soul returns to itself, finding there what Deity deposited in it—or perhaps better, finding there the residue of Deity still entrapped within it. Thus whoever has Gnosis has simply taken what is his and can know where he or she comes from and for where he or she is bound. Christ’s role was to present the “Book of the Living” or the “Living Book.” “Book” is understood, not as the gospel proclamation of the life and teachings of Jesus, but rather as the primordial gospel or truth that existed before creation. It was error and ignorance that rebelled against the Savior and nailed him to the tree. Implied in this, though not explicitly stated, is the Gnostic understanding that it was also divine error and ignorance out of which matter emerged or was created. Salvation for living beings entrapped in this matter comes with return to unalloyed Deity. The path of this return is Gnosis (knowledge). The Pleroma, the fullness of the Deity, went out into the depths of matter in search of the elect among beings by way of Jesus and the cross.<\/p>\nWhile these traits of Gnosticism are clear, this gospel is much closer to orthodoxy than most Gnostic Chenoboskion writings because it mentions only one Son of God, not several emanations; it does not split Jesus into a physical Jesus and a divine Christ; and most strikingly, Sophia, the usual central character in the Gnostic cosmic drama, does not appear at all. It is for these reasons among others that the Gospel of Truth is placed very close to Valentinus’s break with orthodoxy.<\/p>\nThe Gospel of Truth has assumed some degree of importance in NT studies beyond that warranted by its heretical content because it everywhere assumes our full NT canon. By some scholars’ counts, there are no less than 83 places where the Gospel of Truth echoes NT canonical books—in spite of the fact it does not cite a single saying of Jesus directly. Most particularly, it relies heavily on the book of Revelation and the Epistle to the Hebrews.<\/p>\nVirgin, Assumption of the<\/p>\nA widely circulated legend dealing with the death and translation of the Virgin Mary. None of the many versions is earlier than the fourth century. Most go back to Egypt. In the Coptic versions, Jesus himself appears to Mary before the apostles depart on their missionary labors; Jesus announces her coming death and translation. In the other form an angel makes the announcement. Mary requests the presence of all the apostles, who are miraculously brought on the clouds. Mary is transfigured, and many healings result from contact with her dead body. She is transported to heaven by Jesus shortly after her death.<\/p>\nThis legend itself took on a new interest and importance when in 1950 “The Assumption of the Blessed Virgin” was made a part of official Roman Catholic dogma.<\/p>\nVirgin, Life of the<\/p>\nThere are a number of accounts of the early life and existence of the Virgin Mary. Most of them come to us through Coptic texts. They tell of the birth of Mary to Joachim (also called Cleopas) and Anna, who had been taunted by friends for having no children. Mary was born after a vision of a white dove. In some accounts Mary was dedicated to the Lord and then committed to the care of a man, Joseph. While she was in the house weaving on the veil of the temple, angels would come to minister to her. The annunciation by Gabriel is given at great length. The birth of Jesus is described in detail while Joseph is searching for a midwife, Salome. Other accounts go on to describe tender scenes between Mary and the child Jesus. In some of these versions, there is a reckless identification of the Virgin Mary with all of the other Marys of the Gospels.<\/p>\nZebulun, Testament of<\/p>\nSee<\/em> Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs (above).<\/p>","summary_ro":"APOCRYPHA* Books excluded from the canon of Scripture. Preview • Introduction • Apocryphal Gospels • Apocryphal Acts • Apocryphal Epistles • Apocalyptic Apocrypha • Specific Titles of Apocryphal Writings Introduction The writings of the Old and New Testaments tended to attract certain additional compositions in the form of books, parts of books, letters, “gospels,” apocalypses, and so on. Most of the authors wrote anonymously, but some presented their writings to the public under the name of ...","summary_en":"APOCRYPHA* Books excluded from the canon of Scripture. Preview • Introduction • Apocryphal Gospels • Apocryphal Acts • Apocryphal Epistles • Apocalyptic Apocrypha • Specific Titles of Apocryphal Writings Introduction The writings of the Old and New Testaments tended to attract certain additional compositions in the form of books, parts of books, letters, “gospels,” apocalypses, and so on. Most of the authors wrote anonymously, but some presented their writings to the public under the name of ...","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":2437,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Aquila","title_en":"Aquila","content_ro":"<h3>AQUILA<\/h3>\nHusband of Priscilla (Acts 18:2, 18, 26; Rom 16:3; 1 Cor 16:19; 2 Tm 4:19). See<\/em> Priscilla and Aquila.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>AQUILA<\/h3>\nHusband of Priscilla (Acts 18:2, 18, 26; Rom 16:3; 1 Cor 16:19; 2 Tm 4:19). See<\/em> Priscilla and Aquila.<\/p>","summary_ro":"AQUILA Husband of Priscilla (Acts 18:2, 18, 26; Rom 16:3; 1 Cor 16:19; 2 Tm 4:19). See Priscilla and Aquila.","summary_en":"AQUILA Husband of Priscilla (Acts 18:2, 18, 26; Rom 16:3; 1 Cor 16:19; 2 Tm 4:19). See Priscilla and Aquila.","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":6601,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Church Meetings","title_en":"Church Meetings","content_ro":"<h3>CHURCH MEETINGS<\/h3>\nThe assembling together of the believers. In the NT, the Greek word ekklesia<\/span> (usually translated “church”) is used primarily in two ways: (1) to describe a meeting or an assembly, and (2) to designate the people who participate in such assembling together—whether they are actually assembled or not. The NT contains a few places that speak of a secular Greek assembly (Acts 19:32, 41); every other instance speaks of a Christian assembly. Sometimes the word ekklesia<\/span> is used to designate the actual meeting together of Christians. This is certainly what Paul intended in 1 Corinthians 14:19, 28, and 35, in that the expression en ekklesia<\/span> must mean “in a meeting” and not “in the church.” To translate this phrase “in the church” (as is done in most modern English versions) is misleading, for most readers will think it means “in the church building.” The NT never once names the place of assembly a “church.” Aside from the few instances where the word clearly means the actual meeting together of believers, ekklesia<\/span> most often is used as a descriptor for the believers who constitute a local church (such as the church in Corinth, the church in Philippi, and the church in Colosse) or all the believers (past, present, and future) who constitute the universal church, the complete body of Christ.<\/p>\nWhen reading the NT, Christians need to be aware of the various ways in which the word ekklesia<\/span> (“church”) is used. On the most basic level, the ekklesia<\/span> is any gathering of believers. On another level, the ekklesia<\/span> is an organized local entity—comprised of all the believers in any given locality, under one pluralistic eldership. On another level, the ekklesia<\/span> is the universal church whose constituents are all the believers who have ever been, are now existing, and will ever be. The word ekklesia<\/span> was used by the NT writers with these various aspects of meaning, though, at times, it is not possible to differentiate one from the other. Nevertheless, students of the NT could avoid some confusion if they used discrimination in their exegesis of the text. Some interpreters have taught that the smallest unit of the church is the local church, but the NT writers sometimes used the word “church” to indicate a small home gathering. Other interpreters confuse the local church with the universal church. But some things in the NT are addressed to a local church that do not necessarily apply to the whole church, and some great things are spoken of the universal church that could never be attained by any particular local group. The things Paul said about the church in the Epistle to the Ephesians (which was written as an encyclical for several churches and not just for the church in Ephesus) could never be attained by a local church. For example, what local church could attain to the fullness of the stature of Christ?<\/p>\nThere is much to be said about how interpreters have confused the local church with the universal church, but this article is devoted to clearing up the confusion about what constitutes the smallest unit of the church—the local church, or what could be called the house church or home gathering.<\/p>\nThe NT seems to present the fact that a particular local church (i.e., a church comprising all the believers in a given locality under one eldership) could and did have several ekklesiai<\/span>—“meetings” or “assemblies” (carried on in homes of the local Christians). Thus, the smallest unit to comprise a “church” was one of these home meetings. However, there is no indication in the NT that each of these home meetings had its own eldership or was a distinct entity separate from the other gatherings (<\/em>ekklesiai<\/span>)<\/em> in the same locality. According to Acts 14:23 and Titus 1:5, elders were appointed for every local church (compare the expressions “appointed elders in every church” and “appoint elders in every city”)—not for every house church. Nevertheless, it appears that every local church of some size had several such ekklesiai<\/span> (“meetings”) going on within that locality.<\/p>\nThe church in Jerusalem must have had several home meetings (see Acts 2:46; 5:42; 8:3; 12:5, 12), as did the church in Rome (see Rom 16:3-5, 14-15 and comments below). A small local church may have had only one home gathering—as was probably the case with the church at Colosse (see Phlm 1:2 and comments below), but this would have been impossible for large local churches like those in Jerusalem, Rome, and Ephesus, in which there must have been several “house churches” (see 1 Cor 16:19-20 [1 Cor was written from Ephesus] and comments below). An examination of the passages that deal with the issue of the “house church” should affirm this. These passages are Romans 16:3-5, 14-15; 1 Corinthians 16:19-20; Colossians 4:15-16; and Philemon 1:1-2 (all quoted from the rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\n<h4>Romans 16:3-5, 14-15<\/h4>\nIn the last chapter of Romans, Paul asked the believers in Rome, to whom he had written this epistle, to greet Priscilla and Aquila and the church that met in their home (16:3-5). The entire church in Rome could not have met in Priscilla and Aquila’s home, for the church was much too large to have assembled in a single home. Rather, the church in Priscilla and Aquila’s home must have been one among several such “house churches” in Rome. The following discussion should substantiate this position.<\/p>\nPaul’s Epistle to the Romans was addressed to “all God’s beloved in Rome” (1:7), not to “the church in Rome.” At the time of writing, Paul had not been to Rome—nor had any other apostle. The church was probably started there by Jewish Romans who had been converted during their visit to Jerusalem during Pentecost (Acts 2:10) and then returned to Rome. Since the church had not been started by an apostle, it could have been that there were no “ordained” elders in the church at Rome and that there were several gatherings of believers in various parts of Rome and its suburbs. Paul knew some of the saints in Rome (whom he addressed by name in the last chapter) and thus addressed an epistle to all the saints in that locality, instead of to the church in that locality—which was his usual practice (see 1 Cor 1:1; 2 Cor 1:1; 1 Thes 1:1; 2 Thes 1:1). Nonetheless, “all the saints in Rome” would comprise “the church in Rome” (cf. Phil 1:1, in which Paul addressed his epistle to all the saints in Philippi).<\/p>\nIn the final chapter of Romans, Paul asks all the believers in Rome (which equals the “local” church in Rome) to greet the church in Priscilla and Aquila’s house. Later in the chapter, Paul asks the church to greet Asyncritus, Phlegon, Hermas, Patrobas, Hermes, and the brothers with them; and then again he asks the church to greet Philologus, Julia, Nereus and his sister, Olympas, and all the saints with them (16:14-15). Evidently, Paul was identifying two other groups of believers who must have met together. (And perhaps Paul was referring to two more groups in 16:10-11, which in the Greek could mean the ones of Aristobulus’s and Narcissus’s households<\/em> or the ones of their fellowships.<\/em>) It seems that the church in Rome, like the church in Jerusalem and Ephesus, had several home ekklesiai<\/span> (meetings).<\/p>\nThe Epistle to the Romans was written around AD<\/span> 58. The Neronian persecution began around AD<\/span> 64. Secular historians such as Tacitus tell us that a vast multitude (ingens multitudo)<\/em> of Christians were tortured and killed during this persecution (Annals<\/em> 15.44). Seutonius (in his book Nero,<\/em> ch 16) said that the rapid increase of the Christians in Rome had made them unpopular. Indeed, at the time Paul penned the Epistle to the Romans he said their faith was known throughout the world (1:8), which indicates that the church in Rome had already made an impact on the Mediterranean world. When Paul came to Rome three years later (AD<\/span> 61), he came to a city that had a large church there already. From Romans 15:23, we know that the church had been in existence for many years even before Paul wrote his epistle to them. In short, the church in Rome was a large church around the time Paul wrote his epistle to them. The entire church could not have met in the home of Aquila and Priscilla, who would have had only a modest-sized dwelling (for they were tentmakers). Besides, Paul greeted over 25 individuals by name in chapter 16—and he had not yet even been to Rome!<\/p>\nThere must have been several ekklesiai<\/span> in Rome, i.e., several home churches all unified as the one local church in Rome. For example, the Christians in Rome apparently worshiped in numerous homes such as Priscilla and Aquila’s. Other churches in homes are mentioned in Colossians 4:15 and Philemon 1:2. Groups of Christians met in houses of prominent believers or in other available rooms (cf. Mt 26:16; Acts 12:12; 1 Cor 16:19; Col 4:15; Phlm 1:2). The church in Priscilla and Aquila’s house is the first of five groups of believers in Paul’s list, but the only one referred to definitely as a church (see Rom 16:5, 10-11, 14-15). Priscilla and Aquila opened their home for Christian meetings. The church mentioned there was obviously only a part of the total number of Christians in Rome. Verses 10-11 and 14-15 seem to refer to two other household churches in Rome. Apparently, there were at least three churches there, and probably more. Each house church could not have been a separate entity with a separate church government; rather, each house church must have been simply one home meeting of some of the saints in the one local church at Rome.<\/p>\n<h4>1 Corinthians 16:19-20<\/h4>\nIn this passage we again see Aquila and Priscilla and again discover that a church met in their house. According to Romans, their house church was, of course, in Rome. According to 1 Corinthians (written from Ephesus), their house church was in Ephesus. Many scholars think Aquila and Priscilla left Rome around AD<\/span> 49 at the time of Claudius’s edict expelling Jews from Rome. They very well could have already been Christians at this time. According to Acts 18, they joined Paul in Corinth (where they all worked together in their craft of tentmaking) and then went on with him to Ephesus, during the time (around AD<\/span> 51) the church in Ephesus was first established. Paul continued on with his second missionary journey, while Aquila and Priscilla remained in Ephesus. No doubt, the early church there first met in their home. Paul returned to Ephesus a few years later and remained there for two years (around AD<\/span> 53–54). During this time, Paul’s proclamation of the gospel went out from Ephesus (as a center) to all of Asia Minor (see Acts 19:8-10). As this was going on, the church in Ephesus grew (see vv 18-20).<\/p>\nIt was during these years that Paul wrote to the Corinthians, in which he sent greetings from the churches in Asia, from Aquila and Priscilla—and the church in their house, and from all the brothers (1 Cor 16:19-20). In giving this kind of greeting, it seems that Paul was sending greetings from (1) all the churches in Asia Minor, (2) the church in Ephesus (equivalent to “all the brothers”), and (3) those believers who gathered with Aquila and Priscilla in their home. It would be hard to imagine that all the saints in Ephesus met at Aquila and Priscilla’s home. The church probably began that way, but as it grew, so did the number of home meetings. From other portions of the NT (specifically 1 Timothy, which was written around AD<\/span> 64 by Paul to Timothy while Timothy was leading the church in Ephesus), we discover that there must have been several home meetings in Ephesus because there were so many saints there (see 1 Timothy 5–6, which reveal that there must have been a large number of saints in Ephesus—young men, young women, older men, widows, and so forth). At any rate, several saints must have hosted an ekklesia<\/span>,<\/em> a meeting, in their home. (Aquila and Priscilla left Ephesus around AD<\/span> 56\/57 and returned to Rome, where again they hosted a church in their home. Others in Ephesus would have to open their homes.) But each such ekklesia<\/span> did not have its own eldership; rather, all of the church in Ephesus was under one eldership—headed up by Timothy, Paul’s coworker.<\/p>\n<h4>Colossians 4:15-16<\/h4>\nIn this portion, we again read about a church existing in the home of one called Nymphas. In his final remarks to the church in Colosse, Paul asked the saints in Colosse to send his greetings to (1) the brothers that are in Laodicea, (2) Nymphas in particular, and (3) the church in Nymphas’s house. According to the structure of Colossians 4:15, it seems evident that the first greeting included all the believers in Laodicea (a neighboring church to Colosse), who would comprise the entire church in Laodicea (called “the church of the Laodiceans” in Col 4:16), and that the second and third greetings were to a specific individual (Nymphas) in the church in Laodicea and a church meeting in Nymphas’s house. This church meeting in Nymphas’s house would probably be one of several home meetings—all part of the one local church in Laodicea.<\/p>\nThere is a textual problem in this passage that could have some effect on the interpretation of it. Some manuscripts read “his house”; others read “her house”; still others read “their house.” Because it cannot be determined from the Greek text whether Nymphas was male or female, various scribes used different pronouns before “house.” Between the readings “her” and “his,” it is far more likely that the pronoun “her” was changed to “his” than vice versa. Some scholars say that “their” refers to “the brothers” at Laodicea. But that does not make sense if we understand that “the brothers in Laodicea” is equal to the church in Laodicea. How could the church in Laodicea have the church in their house? Other scholars indicate that the Greek word for “their” (<\/em>auton<\/span>)<\/em> refers to the ones with Nymphas—i.e., the members of his household. Whether the reading was “her house” or “their house,” a particular group of believers within the church of Laodicea met there. Their meeting could legitimately be called an ekklesia<\/span>—an assembling together.<\/p>\n<h4>Philemon 1:1-2<\/h4>\nThis is the last time in the NT we read about a church in a particular home. Paul wrote a short epistle to Philemon, an elder of the church in Colosse, on behalf of Onesimus, Philemon’s runaway slave converted by Paul to Christ. In his introduction to this short epistle, Paul sends his greetings to Philemon, Apphia, Archippus, and the church in Philemon’s house. It is important to note that Paul did not send greetings to all the saints in Colosse and then to the church in Philemon’s house (as is the pattern in 1 Cor 16:19-20 and Col 4:15); instead, he just sent greetings to Philemon and to the church in his house. Therefore, we can assume that the entire church in Colosse must have met at Philemon’s house.<\/p>\n<h4>Worship in the Home Meetings and Church Meetings<\/h4>\nWhen the church first began in Jerusalem, the believers met in homes for fellowship and worship. Acts 2:42-47 tells us that the early Christians met in homes to hear the apostles’ teachings and to celebrate Communion (which is called “the breaking of bread”). During such gatherings, the Christians often shared meals with one another in what was called a love feast (2 Pt 2:13; Jude 1:12). At these meetings, the Christians recited Scripture, sang hymns and psalms, and joyfully praised the Lord (see Eph 5:18-20; Col 3:16-17). Christians also gathered together in homes to pray (Acts 12:12) and read the Word.<\/p>\nSmall groups of believers met in homes for worship quite regularly; in a city where there were several such ekklesiai<\/span>,<\/em> all the believers would gather together for special occasions. Scripture tells us that all the believers would come together to hear an epistle from the apostles read out loud (see Acts 15:30; Col 4:16), and we can surmise from the NT record that all the Christians in a city met together once a week on Sunday, which was called the Lord’s Day. First Corinthians provides several insights about how the early Christians worshiped together when all the believers in one city met together. We know that 1 Corinthians pertains to this larger gathering because in 11:20 Paul spoke of all the believers coming together in one place and in 14:23 he spoke of the whole church coming together in one place.<\/p>\nPaul used this epistle to correct the Corinthians’ behavior in the celebration of the Lord’s Supper (1 Cor 11:17-34) and in the exercising of spiritual gifts during church meetings (ch 14). Paul’s adjustments reveal his perceptions of a model Christian meeting, and his preceptions were probably developed from actual experience in other church meetings. Paul urged the Corinthians to celebrate the Lord’s Supper together in a manner that reflected Jesus’ institution of that meal. They were to remember the Lord and his death for them, and they were to partake of the bread and wine with all seriousness. At the same time, they were to be conscious of the fact that they were members of the same body of Christ—joined to one another, and also to Christ.<\/p>\nAccording to Paul’s presentation in chapter 14, this “body consciousness” should be evident in the way the believers worshiped together. One’s personal experience and liberty should not hinder the coordination of the body in worshiping God corporately. Thus, when the believers exercised their spiritual gifts—whether it be prophesying, speaking in tongues, providing interpretations of the tongues, or teaching—it should be done in good order and for the edification of the congregation, not personal edification. When all the church assembled together to worship God, it should be a display of spiritual unity.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Church.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>CHURCH MEETINGS<\/h3>\nThe assembling together of the believers. In the NT, the Greek word ekklesia<\/span> (usually translated “church”) is used primarily in two ways: (1) to describe a meeting or an assembly, and (2) to designate the people who participate in such assembling together—whether they are actually assembled or not. The NT contains a few places that speak of a secular Greek assembly (Acts 19:32, 41); every other instance speaks of a Christian assembly. Sometimes the word ekklesia<\/span> is used to designate the actual meeting together of Christians. This is certainly what Paul intended in 1 Corinthians 14:19, 28, and 35, in that the expression en ekklesia<\/span> must mean “in a meeting” and not “in the church.” To translate this phrase “in the church” (as is done in most modern English versions) is misleading, for most readers will think it means “in the church building.” The NT never once names the place of assembly a “church.” Aside from the few instances where the word clearly means the actual meeting together of believers, ekklesia<\/span> most often is used as a descriptor for the believers who constitute a local church (such as the church in Corinth, the church in Philippi, and the church in Colosse) or all the believers (past, present, and future) who constitute the universal church, the complete body of Christ.<\/p>\nWhen reading the NT, Christians need to be aware of the various ways in which the word ekklesia<\/span> (“church”) is used. On the most basic level, the ekklesia<\/span> is any gathering of believers. On another level, the ekklesia<\/span> is an organized local entity—comprised of all the believers in any given locality, under one pluralistic eldership. On another level, the ekklesia<\/span> is the universal church whose constituents are all the believers who have ever been, are now existing, and will ever be. The word ekklesia<\/span> was used by the NT writers with these various aspects of meaning, though, at times, it is not possible to differentiate one from the other. Nevertheless, students of the NT could avoid some confusion if they used discrimination in their exegesis of the text. Some interpreters have taught that the smallest unit of the church is the local church, but the NT writers sometimes used the word “church” to indicate a small home gathering. Other interpreters confuse the local church with the universal church. But some things in the NT are addressed to a local church that do not necessarily apply to the whole church, and some great things are spoken of the universal church that could never be attained by any particular local group. The things Paul said about the church in the Epistle to the Ephesians (which was written as an encyclical for several churches and not just for the church in Ephesus) could never be attained by a local church. For example, what local church could attain to the fullness of the stature of Christ?<\/p>\nThere is much to be said about how interpreters have confused the local church with the universal church, but this article is devoted to clearing up the confusion about what constitutes the smallest unit of the church—the local church, or what could be called the house church or home gathering.<\/p>\nThe NT seems to present the fact that a particular local church (i.e., a church comprising all the believers in a given locality under one eldership) could and did have several ekklesiai<\/span>—“meetings” or “assemblies” (carried on in homes of the local Christians). Thus, the smallest unit to comprise a “church” was one of these home meetings. However, there is no indication in the NT that each of these home meetings had its own eldership or was a distinct entity separate from the other gatherings (<\/em>ekklesiai<\/span>)<\/em> in the same locality. According to Acts 14:23 and Titus 1:5, elders were appointed for every local church (compare the expressions “appointed elders in every church” and “appoint elders in every city”)—not for every house church. Nevertheless, it appears that every local church of some size had several such ekklesiai<\/span> (“meetings”) going on within that locality.<\/p>\nThe church in Jerusalem must have had several home meetings (see Acts 2:46; 5:42; 8:3; 12:5, 12), as did the church in Rome (see Rom 16:3-5, 14-15 and comments below). A small local church may have had only one home gathering—as was probably the case with the church at Colosse (see Phlm 1:2 and comments below), but this would have been impossible for large local churches like those in Jerusalem, Rome, and Ephesus, in which there must have been several “house churches” (see 1 Cor 16:19-20 [1 Cor was written from Ephesus] and comments below). An examination of the passages that deal with the issue of the “house church” should affirm this. These passages are Romans 16:3-5, 14-15; 1 Corinthians 16:19-20; Colossians 4:15-16; and Philemon 1:1-2 (all quoted from the rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\n<h4>Romans 16:3-5, 14-15<\/h4>\nIn the last chapter of Romans, Paul asked the believers in Rome, to whom he had written this epistle, to greet Priscilla and Aquila and the church that met in their home (16:3-5). The entire church in Rome could not have met in Priscilla and Aquila’s home, for the church was much too large to have assembled in a single home. Rather, the church in Priscilla and Aquila’s home must have been one among several such “house churches” in Rome. The following discussion should substantiate this position.<\/p>\nPaul’s Epistle to the Romans was addressed to “all God’s beloved in Rome” (1:7), not to “the church in Rome.” At the time of writing, Paul had not been to Rome—nor had any other apostle. The church was probably started there by Jewish Romans who had been converted during their visit to Jerusalem during Pentecost (Acts 2:10) and then returned to Rome. Since the church had not been started by an apostle, it could have been that there were no “ordained” elders in the church at Rome and that there were several gatherings of believers in various parts of Rome and its suburbs. Paul knew some of the saints in Rome (whom he addressed by name in the last chapter) and thus addressed an epistle to all the saints in that locality, instead of to the church in that locality—which was his usual practice (see 1 Cor 1:1; 2 Cor 1:1; 1 Thes 1:1; 2 Thes 1:1). Nonetheless, “all the saints in Rome” would comprise “the church in Rome” (cf. Phil 1:1, in which Paul addressed his epistle to all the saints in Philippi).<\/p>\nIn the final chapter of Romans, Paul asks all the believers in Rome (which equals the “local” church in Rome) to greet the church in Priscilla and Aquila’s house. Later in the chapter, Paul asks the church to greet Asyncritus, Phlegon, Hermas, Patrobas, Hermes, and the brothers with them; and then again he asks the church to greet Philologus, Julia, Nereus and his sister, Olympas, and all the saints with them (16:14-15). Evidently, Paul was identifying two other groups of believers who must have met together. (And perhaps Paul was referring to two more groups in 16:10-11, which in the Greek could mean the ones of Aristobulus’s and Narcissus’s households<\/em> or the ones of their fellowships.<\/em>) It seems that the church in Rome, like the church in Jerusalem and Ephesus, had several home ekklesiai<\/span> (meetings).<\/p>\nThe Epistle to the Romans was written around AD<\/span> 58. The Neronian persecution began around AD<\/span> 64. Secular historians such as Tacitus tell us that a vast multitude (ingens multitudo)<\/em> of Christians were tortured and killed during this persecution (Annals<\/em> 15.44). Seutonius (in his book Nero,<\/em> ch 16) said that the rapid increase of the Christians in Rome had made them unpopular. Indeed, at the time Paul penned the Epistle to the Romans he said their faith was known throughout the world (1:8), which indicates that the church in Rome had already made an impact on the Mediterranean world. When Paul came to Rome three years later (AD<\/span> 61), he came to a city that had a large church there already. From Romans 15:23, we know that the church had been in existence for many years even before Paul wrote his epistle to them. In short, the church in Rome was a large church around the time Paul wrote his epistle to them. The entire church could not have met in the home of Aquila and Priscilla, who would have had only a modest-sized dwelling (for they were tentmakers). Besides, Paul greeted over 25 individuals by name in chapter 16—and he had not yet even been to Rome!<\/p>\nThere must have been several ekklesiai<\/span> in Rome, i.e., several home churches all unified as the one local church in Rome. For example, the Christians in Rome apparently worshiped in numerous homes such as Priscilla and Aquila’s. Other churches in homes are mentioned in Colossians 4:15 and Philemon 1:2. Groups of Christians met in houses of prominent believers or in other available rooms (cf. Mt 26:16; Acts 12:12; 1 Cor 16:19; Col 4:15; Phlm 1:2). The church in Priscilla and Aquila’s house is the first of five groups of believers in Paul’s list, but the only one referred to definitely as a church (see Rom 16:5, 10-11, 14-15). Priscilla and Aquila opened their home for Christian meetings. The church mentioned there was obviously only a part of the total number of Christians in Rome. Verses 10-11 and 14-15 seem to refer to two other household churches in Rome. Apparently, there were at least three churches there, and probably more. Each house church could not have been a separate entity with a separate church government; rather, each house church must have been simply one home meeting of some of the saints in the one local church at Rome.<\/p>\n<h4>1 Corinthians 16:19-20<\/h4>\nIn this passage we again see Aquila and Priscilla and again discover that a church met in their house. According to Romans, their house church was, of course, in Rome. According to 1 Corinthians (written from Ephesus), their house church was in Ephesus. Many scholars think Aquila and Priscilla left Rome around AD<\/span> 49 at the time of Claudius’s edict expelling Jews from Rome. They very well could have already been Christians at this time. According to Acts 18, they joined Paul in Corinth (where they all worked together in their craft of tentmaking) and then went on with him to Ephesus, during the time (around AD<\/span> 51) the church in Ephesus was first established. Paul continued on with his second missionary journey, while Aquila and Priscilla remained in Ephesus. No doubt, the early church there first met in their home. Paul returned to Ephesus a few years later and remained there for two years (around AD<\/span> 53–54). During this time, Paul’s proclamation of the gospel went out from Ephesus (as a center) to all of Asia Minor (see Acts 19:8-10). As this was going on, the church in Ephesus grew (see vv 18-20).<\/p>\nIt was during these years that Paul wrote to the Corinthians, in which he sent greetings from the churches in Asia, from Aquila and Priscilla—and the church in their house, and from all the brothers (1 Cor 16:19-20). In giving this kind of greeting, it seems that Paul was sending greetings from (1) all the churches in Asia Minor, (2) the church in Ephesus (equivalent to “all the brothers”), and (3) those believers who gathered with Aquila and Priscilla in their home. It would be hard to imagine that all the saints in Ephesus met at Aquila and Priscilla’s home. The church probably began that way, but as it grew, so did the number of home meetings. From other portions of the NT (specifically 1 Timothy, which was written around AD<\/span> 64 by Paul to Timothy while Timothy was leading the church in Ephesus), we discover that there must have been several home meetings in Ephesus because there were so many saints there (see 1 Timothy 5–6, which reveal that there must have been a large number of saints in Ephesus—young men, young women, older men, widows, and so forth). At any rate, several saints must have hosted an ekklesia<\/span>,<\/em> a meeting, in their home. (Aquila and Priscilla left Ephesus around AD<\/span> 56\/57 and returned to Rome, where again they hosted a church in their home. Others in Ephesus would have to open their homes.) But each such ekklesia<\/span> did not have its own eldership; rather, all of the church in Ephesus was under one eldership—headed up by Timothy, Paul’s coworker.<\/p>\n<h4>Colossians 4:15-16<\/h4>\nIn this portion, we again read about a church existing in the home of one called Nymphas. In his final remarks to the church in Colosse, Paul asked the saints in Colosse to send his greetings to (1) the brothers that are in Laodicea, (2) Nymphas in particular, and (3) the church in Nymphas’s house. According to the structure of Colossians 4:15, it seems evident that the first greeting included all the believers in Laodicea (a neighboring church to Colosse), who would comprise the entire church in Laodicea (called “the church of the Laodiceans” in Col 4:16), and that the second and third greetings were to a specific individual (Nymphas) in the church in Laodicea and a church meeting in Nymphas’s house. This church meeting in Nymphas’s house would probably be one of several home meetings—all part of the one local church in Laodicea.<\/p>\nThere is a textual problem in this passage that could have some effect on the interpretation of it. Some manuscripts read “his house”; others read “her house”; still others read “their house.” Because it cannot be determined from the Greek text whether Nymphas was male or female, various scribes used different pronouns before “house.” Between the readings “her” and “his,” it is far more likely that the pronoun “her” was changed to “his” than vice versa. Some scholars say that “their” refers to “the brothers” at Laodicea. But that does not make sense if we understand that “the brothers in Laodicea” is equal to the church in Laodicea. How could the church in Laodicea have the church in their house? Other scholars indicate that the Greek word for “their” (<\/em>auton<\/span>)<\/em> refers to the ones with Nymphas—i.e., the members of his household. Whether the reading was “her house” or “their house,” a particular group of believers within the church of Laodicea met there. Their meeting could legitimately be called an ekklesia<\/span>—an assembling together.<\/p>\n<h4>Philemon 1:1-2<\/h4>\nThis is the last time in the NT we read about a church in a particular home. Paul wrote a short epistle to Philemon, an elder of the church in Colosse, on behalf of Onesimus, Philemon’s runaway slave converted by Paul to Christ. In his introduction to this short epistle, Paul sends his greetings to Philemon, Apphia, Archippus, and the church in Philemon’s house. It is important to note that Paul did not send greetings to all the saints in Colosse and then to the church in Philemon’s house (as is the pattern in 1 Cor 16:19-20 and Col 4:15); instead, he just sent greetings to Philemon and to the church in his house. Therefore, we can assume that the entire church in Colosse must have met at Philemon’s house.<\/p>\n<h4>Worship in the Home Meetings and Church Meetings<\/h4>\nWhen the church first began in Jerusalem, the believers met in homes for fellowship and worship. Acts 2:42-47 tells us that the early Christians met in homes to hear the apostles’ teachings and to celebrate Communion (which is called “the breaking of bread”). During such gatherings, the Christians often shared meals with one another in what was called a love feast (2 Pt 2:13; Jude 1:12). At these meetings, the Christians recited Scripture, sang hymns and psalms, and joyfully praised the Lord (see Eph 5:18-20; Col 3:16-17). Christians also gathered together in homes to pray (Acts 12:12) and read the Word.<\/p>\nSmall groups of believers met in homes for worship quite regularly; in a city where there were several such ekklesiai<\/span>,<\/em> all the believers would gather together for special occasions. Scripture tells us that all the believers would come together to hear an epistle from the apostles read out loud (see Acts 15:30; Col 4:16), and we can surmise from the NT record that all the Christians in a city met together once a week on Sunday, which was called the Lord’s Day. First Corinthians provides several insights about how the early Christians worshiped together when all the believers in one city met together. We know that 1 Corinthians pertains to this larger gathering because in 11:20 Paul spoke of all the believers coming together in one place and in 14:23 he spoke of the whole church coming together in one place.<\/p>\nPaul used this epistle to correct the Corinthians’ behavior in the celebration of the Lord’s Supper (1 Cor 11:17-34) and in the exercising of spiritual gifts during church meetings (ch 14). Paul’s adjustments reveal his perceptions of a model Christian meeting, and his preceptions were probably developed from actual experience in other church meetings. Paul urged the Corinthians to celebrate the Lord’s Supper together in a manner that reflected Jesus’ institution of that meal. They were to remember the Lord and his death for them, and they were to partake of the bread and wine with all seriousness. At the same time, they were to be conscious of the fact that they were members of the same body of Christ—joined to one another, and also to Christ.<\/p>\nAccording to Paul’s presentation in chapter 14, this “body consciousness” should be evident in the way the believers worshiped together. One’s personal experience and liberty should not hinder the coordination of the body in worshiping God corporately. Thus, when the believers exercised their spiritual gifts—whether it be prophesying, speaking in tongues, providing interpretations of the tongues, or teaching—it should be done in good order and for the edification of the congregation, not personal edification. When all the church assembled together to worship God, it should be a display of spiritual unity.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Church.<\/p>","summary_ro":"CHURCH MEETINGS The assembling together of the believers. In the NT, the Greek word ekklesia (usually translated “church”) is used primarily in two ways: (1) to describe a meeting or an assembly, and (2) to designate the people who participate in such assembling together—whether they are actually assembled or not. The NT contains a few places that speak of a secular Greek assembly (Acts 19:32, 41); every other instance speaks of a Christian assembly. Sometimes the word ekklesia is used to des...","summary_en":"CHURCH MEETINGS The assembling together of the believers. In the NT, the Greek word ekklesia (usually translated “church”) is used primarily in two ways: (1) to describe a meeting or an assembly, and (2) to designate the people who participate in such assembling together—whether they are actually assembled or not. The NT contains a few places that speak of a secular Greek assembly (Acts 19:32, 41); every other instance speaks of a Christian assembly. Sometimes the word ekklesia is used to des...","source":"Articles\/C.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":10141,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Education","title_en":"Education","content_ro":"<h3>EDUCATION<\/h3>\nThe act or process of educating or being educated. The original purpose of Jewish education was to teach children to know and understand their special relationship with God, to teach them to serve him, and to educate them in holiness. Later Jewish education included character development and the history of God’s people (particularly through rehearsing his acts of deliverance). Because of that education, the Jews knew the Mosaic law and their own history, and so, during periods of subjection to foreign powers, they were able to maintain their national pride. In modern times they have reestablished themselves as a nation (1948).<\/p>\nPreview<\/p>\n• Education in the Home<\/p>\n• Religious Education<\/p>\n• Formal Education<\/p>\n• Literacy among the Jews<\/p>\n• Education in Surrounding Cultures<\/p>\nEducation in the Home<\/p>\nThe priority given to education stemmed from the value of children in the Jewish family. Children were a great joy and reward (Ps 127:3-5). Education in the home began soon after a child could talk, and certainly by the age of three. Parents taught prayers and songs, which children learned by repetition, just as children today learn nursery rhymes.<\/p>\nAt home, children became aware of certain religious items and symbols. They were encouraged to ask about the meaning of the annual Passover ritual (Ex 12:26), which served throughout Hebrew history as a fundamental means of instruction about the nature and significance of God’s power in human life. Children undoubtedly had questions about objects they encountered, whether sacred vessels, ornaments, or clothing used in the tabernacle or temple worship, or more mundane things of everyday life.<\/p>\nParental responsibility for education was clearly defined. A father was expected to give his son instruction in religion and in the history of the Hebrew people. He was also specifically required to teach his son a trade, often his own, since a boy without a trade was thought to have been trained for life as a thief. A father’s other responsibilities included finding his son a wife and teaching him to swim.<\/p>\nRabbis held that women could not study the Law because they were “of light mind.” Nonetheless, influential women in the Bible include Deborah (Jgs 4:4-5), Jael (vv 18-24), the wise woman of Tekoa (2 Sm 14:2-20), the wise woman of Abel (20:16-22), Lois, Eunice, and Priscilla (Acts 18:2; Rom 16:3; 1 Cor 16:19; 2 Tm 1:5).<\/p>\nThe Jewish mother played a considerable role in a child’s education, particularly in the earliest years. A mother was expected to assist in teaching her sons, but her major responsibility was to train her daughters. Since daughters were less highly esteemed than sons, a girl’s education took place entirely in the home. The mother was responsible for educating her daughters to be successful homemakers: obedient, capable, and virtuous wives. Girls learned the skills of cooking, spinning, weaving, dyeing, caring for children, and managing slaves. They learned how to grind grain and at times helped with the harvest. Occasionally they were expected to help guard the vineyard or, if they had no brothers, to help care for the flocks.<\/p>\nGirls probably learned music and dancing and were expected to have good manners and high moral standards. They were taught to read, and some learned to write and reckon weights and measures. In exceptional circumstances a girl might receive an advanced education privately at home from a tutor.<\/p>\nEven when education was entirely home-centered, it is probable that most wealthy and especially royal children were instructed by a tutor, following a tradition established by other Near Eastern peoples.<\/p>\nReligious Education<\/p>\nAt an early age children accompanied their parents to religious services. At the great festivals they were introduced to important episodes in Jewish history. The Jews, an agricultural people, believed that agricultural knowledge had been revealed by God and that tending the ground was a basic human responsibility. Like some other Near Eastern nations, they believed that the land belonged to God. They were merely tenants. If a crop failed, it was because God withheld rain, but he would do that only if the people were sinful.<\/p>\nThe celebrations of the Passover, Pentecost, and the Feast of Tabernacles were associated with the harvest. Throughout the biblical period, those festivals remained closely identified with the growing season. Such occasions became educational opportunities for children. They learned that the Passover commemorated the deliverance of their ancestors from slavery in Egypt. At Pentecost the Jewish people remembered God giving the law to Moses on Mt Sinai. The Feast of Tabernacles, with its green booths made from tree branches, commemorated God’s faithfulness to the Jews on their seemingly endless journey to the Promised Land.<\/p>\nAn example of a ceremony used as a teaching tool is the Passover ritual, which, of the three great festivals, was the least directly connected in origin with the harvest. That feast, which was immediately followed by a seven-day period known as the Feast of Unleavened Bread (Lv 23:6), was associated with the beginning of the barley harvest in April. (The exodus from Egypt had taken place at that time of year.)<\/p>\nIn the Passover ceremony the priest would take one of the first sheaves of the barley harvest and wave it before the Lord (Lv 23:9-11). Before that, the men would choose a barley field at random and bind some of the best sheaves, leaving them standing. The following evening three men would go out to that field with sickles and baskets to reap those specifically prepared sheaves. As onlookers (including the children) gathered to observe the ceremony, the reapers would ask the crowd certain traditional questions. Year by year the children saw that ritual and heard the answers. The barley was cut and taken to the temple court, where it was threshed and winnowed. Some of it was mixed with oil and incense and used as an offering. The remainder went to the priests.<\/p>\nFormal Education<\/p>\nJewish education during the biblical period helped Jews to know of the Law, study the history of the Jewish people, and become proficient in reading, writing, and a certain amount of arithmetic. To that, incidental information such as the medicinal value of certain herbs (see 1 Kgs 4:33) might sometimes be added.<\/p>\n<h5>Teachers<\/h5>\nPriests instructed the people in the knowledge of God. As officers of the synagogue, the Levites also performed a teaching role (cf. Dt 33:10; 2 Chr 35:3). Before the exile, the prophets assumed the role of instructors, teaching the historical heritage of the people and acting as critics of injustice and improper social behavior. Their responsibility was to interpret the law for contemporary society. By the fourth century BC<\/span>, the prophets’ role as instructors had passed to the scribes and to others designated as teachers.<\/p>\nIn the centuries before Christ, scribes not only transcribed and preserved the traditions in written form but were students and interpreters of the law. The scribes were known as “doctors of the law” (Lk 5:17, kjv<\/span>), lawyers (Mt 22:35), and rabbis (23:8). All higher education was in their hands, and they developed a complex system of instruction known as “the tradition of the elders” (15:2-6). Although the scribes needed leisure for their scholarly pursuits, they did not despise laborers. Most of them, in fact, practiced a trade as a means of support when necessary.<\/p>\nAlthough the scribes were influential in the time of Christ (Mt 23:1-2), they undoubtedly found, like the prophets before them, that their words were not always heeded. The scribes, who exercised an important influence over contemporary life and morals, were notable for their fierce opposition to Jesus (Mk 2:6) and to the early church (Acts 4:5; 6:12).<\/p>\nBy the NT era, the entire community was expected to establish and maintain elementary schools. The community was also responsible for financing the education of poor or orphaned children. Out of high regard for earlier priests, prophets, and scribes, and because of the eminent position given to education, teachers were highly esteemed by the Jewish people. Because God had given them the law, it was of greatest importance. One who worked as God’s servant expounding the law was therefore the most important person in the community. To be a teacher was life’s highest privilege and the most significant task a man could perform.<\/p>\nTeachers were expected to demonstrate exceptional character along with their academic qualifications. They were expected to keep children from having contact with anything harmful. They were not to show bitterness or give preference to one child over another. Rather than threatening, they were to explain right and wrong and the harmfulness of sin. Teachers were expected to keep promises to children lest the students grow accustomed to broken words and lies. Teachers were to be eventempered, never impatient or lacking in understanding, always prepared to repeat explanations. It was said that children should be treated like young heifers, with their burdens increased daily. Yet any teacher who was too severe was dismissed.<\/p>\n<h5>Subject Matter<\/h5>\nEarly education consisted of learning the law through listening and oral repetition, along with the study of the written text. The content of the law covered three main areas: ceremonial, civil, and criminal. Students needed to master these, preparing themselves to take responsibility for observing the law as adults.<\/p>\nThe Scriptures contained such a variety of writings that pupils learned about religion, history, law, morals, and manners, plus reading, writing, and arithmetic. They studied from great literature; along with the Law, they used the books of Psalms, Proverbs, and Ecclesiastes extensively as texts. The Dead Sea Scrolls have shown that some classical Hebrew was still being spoken in NT times. Students who commonly spoke Aramaic or Greek were faced with a difficult situation when learning the Hebrew of the OT. The problem was especially complex because the Hebrew was written without any vowel sounds. Those had to be memorized in association with the consonants of the text.<\/p>\nSince the ancient Hebrews were generally regarded as the most proficient musicians and singers in the Near East, it is probable that basic instruction in singing and playing instruments, such as the pipe and harp, was received at home. Although no Hebrew hymns have survived in musical form, temple singers would almost certainly have been familiar with the kind of music theory known among the Canaanites. (A musical text recovered from Ugarit [Ras Shamra] consisted of a ballad or a hymn inscribed on clay with curious musical symbols that long defied identification. Dating to perhaps 1800 BC<\/span>, that Canaanite text has been described as the “oldest sheet music in the world.”)<\/p>\nDuring the exile especially, great emphasis was placed on recording and preserving ancient customs and ceremonies in order to maintain the distinctiveness of Hebrew culture. The captives recognized the importance of keeping alive their national heritage and the Law during the years they were living in an alien culture.<\/p>\nThe synagogue developed during the exile as a place for the study of religion and for prayer, becoming the center of instruction in the Jewish faith. Previously, the temple at Jerusalem had been the only place for sacrifice. Because that ritual could not be performed in Babylon, it was natural for the synagogue to increase in importance in worship as well as in education.<\/p>\nThe exile brought about fundamental changes in Jewish life in areas other than the purely religious. Education received considerable stimulation from the Jewish exiles’ contact with the more sophisticated culture of the Babylonians. The Babylonian law code was a precise and well-established feature of life. Schools and libraries in Babylonia had been in existence for many centuries. Mesopotamian knowledge of medicine, astronomy, mathematics, architecture, and engineering was far superior to that of the Jews. In that intellectual environment the literature of the Jews took on new meaning; it was from that period that the books of Ezekiel and Daniel emerged.<\/p>\nIn the postexilic period, teaching was based extensively on Proverbs and the apocryphal books of Ecclesiasticus and the Wisdom of Solomon. From those works the Jews received practical training for a successful life. The scribes taught that wisdom came from God and that those who obeyed the commandments would bring joy and honor to others.<\/p>\nUnder Persian rule in the sixth century BC<\/span>, the Jews had been encouraged to return to Jerusalem and rebuild the temple. After 332 BC<\/span>, when Alexander the Great defeated the Persian king Darius, strong efforts were made to Hellenize the conquered peoples. The Greek language was introduced along with Greek religion, political procedures, and educational methods. The drive for Hellenization continued under the rule of the Ptolemies (a Macedonian family line that ruled Egypt) and the Seleucids (a Syrian dynasty). Coincident with the establishment of foreign rule came the dominance of the Jewish priesthood in Judean political matters. Greek influence was seen in the enriched aesthetic appreciation typical of certain Jewish rulers.<\/p>\nAlthough Greek philosophy and sports remained outside the realm of Jewish education, there was a noticeable decline in Jewish religious and moral standards in the Hellenistic period. Some Jews were eager to obtain advancement from the foreign masters by adopting the Greek culture. Others fought desperately to preserve their Jewish heritage. During Roman times, the foreign influence was again ignored by faithful Jews whenever possible.<\/p>\n<h5>Teaching Methods<\/h5>\nTeaching methods, developed from memorizing the Law, stressed the importance of retention and recollection. Children were taught to memorize as soon as they could talk, and they were trained to repeat the exact words so that no nuance of meaning would be altered. The alphabet was taught and memorized by being repeatedly written and drilled. Students copied and recopied passages from the written Law in precise, neat handwriting. Any piece of writing containing a mistake was considered dangerous, since it might imprint the wrong word or spelling on the learner’s mind. Reading aloud was recommended as an aid to memorization.<\/p>\nTo aid learning, each boy was also given a personal text beginning with the first letter of his name and ending with the last. As soon as he demonstrated his ability to read, he received a scroll that contained the first words of Deuteronomy 6:4: “Hear, O Israel: The Lord<\/span> our God is one Lord<\/span>” (rsv<\/span>). That was recited every morning and evening in postexilic times, along with the Hallel (or psalm of praise), the story of Creation, and the main part of the Law contained in Leviticus.<\/p>\nTeachings also came in the form of proverbs or parables, a device later used by Jesus (Mk 4:1-2). An open sharing of knowledge occurred in question-and-answer periods (for example, the visit of the 12-year-old Jesus to the temple in Jerusalem, Lk 2:46-47).<\/p>\nVery little information is available on education in the early Christian era. We know that Jesus could read and expound the Scriptures and was knowledgeable enough to discuss theology with the learned men in the temple. He probably learned at home and received the elementary education common to most Jewish boys at that period.<\/p>\n<h5>Discipline<\/h5>\nDiscipline, almost always an important element in education, was important to the ancient Hebrews. A system of reward and punishment was used in which corporal chastisement was normal. Punishment was considered to be an outward symbol of God’s love and concern for the instruction of his people (Ps 94:8-13), although the Jews as a people did not always learn from those corrections (Jer 5:3; Am 4:6-13). A child was thought to need “breaking” like a horse: “A horse that is untamed turns out to be stubborn, and a son unrestrained turns out to be wilful” (Ecclus 30:8, rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\n<h5>Adult Education<\/h5>\nWhen Ezra the scribe returned from Babylon with a copy of the Book of the Law, he taught it to the Levites and to the people. That material, together with the book of Proverbs and literature from the preexilic and exilic periods, became basic in Jewish education. In the postexilic period, priests traveled to the towns, addressing people in the synagogue on the Sabbath and in the square on market days, when a large crowd would be gathered. Some individuals may have extended their learning through discussion with the elders (cf. Ez 8:1).<\/p>\nFor those who continued their education, the next phase was probably instruction by scribes. The scribes, leaders of a Jewish sect called Pharisees, had developed Ezra’s principles into strict rules on tithing, ritual purity, and synagogue worship. As a young man, Saul of Tarsus came to Jerusalem to study with Gamaliel, an honored rabbi (Acts 22:3). At that time the curriculum was an advanced study of theological law, both written and oral, along with the rites and ceremonies of Jewish culture.<\/p>\n<h5>School Buildings<\/h5>\nBy NT times, some schools operated in special buildings and others in the teachers’ own houses, but most were attached to the synagogue. When a separate building was designed, it was considered inadvisable to construct it in a crowded area. In a large town the community was expected to provide two schools, especially if a river divided the town. A school did not operate in the heat of the day (between 10 am<\/span> and 3 pm<\/span>), and would meet only four hours a day in July and August. Class size was expected to be 25, with a teacher and an assistant for 40 students and two teachers for 50. At school the boys sat on the ground at the teacher’s feet and learned from the Scriptures. Thus, the school became known as the “House of the Book.”<\/p>\nLiteracy among the Jews<\/p>\nThe extent of literacy among Jews over the centuries is difficult to determine, but indications can be found from specific examples. The book of Joshua describes three men chosen from each tribe who had to prepare a written report about the land of Canaan (Jos 18:4-9). Later, Gideon captured a youth who was able to make a written list of the important men of the city (Jgs 8:14). Writing was probably a common skill since the Israelites were exhorted to use it frequently (Dt 6:9; 27:2-8). Simple mathematical terms could be written and understood by boys, and there are indications of familiarity with the geometrical relationship of a circle’s radius and circumference (the concept of pi; see 2 Chr 4:2). The development of cursive script implies widespread use of writing from at least the eighth century BC<\/span>. It is noteworthy that a synagogue service could be performed by any ten men in the congregation, which presupposes that there were more than 10 men in any synagogue who were literate enough to fulfill that duty.<\/p>\nWhen fears of Hellenism were strong and the existence of Judaism was threatened in the first century BC<\/span>, it was decreed that every Jewish boy should attend elementary school. Since such a system probably already existed, that decree merely made attendance compulsory for all males up to 16 or 17 years of age. No doubt the reason was that thorough knowledge and careful observance of the Law were vital to the survival of the Jewish heritage.<\/p>\nJoshua ben-Gamala (high priest AD<\/span> 63–65) is considered the founder of universal education. His instructions for setting up schools in towns and villages were precise, requiring attendance of boys from the age of six or seven years. The community was responsible for setting up a school and maintaining a teacher in any town where there were at least ten Jewish families. Fathers were required to see that their sons attended school. When a family lived in an isolated area, a teacher often lived with the family. Teachers were probably paid either by the family or from a community tax, although scribes were not paid directly for the instruction they gave. It is difficult to know if the goal of universal elementary education was attained.<\/p>\nEducation in Surrounding Cultures<\/p>\nThe theological emphasis of Hebrew education contrasted sharply with the aims of education in Greece and Rome. Those societies, however, were also concerned with developing a particular type of character.<\/p>\nIn Sparta the purpose of educational training was to develop young men to be fighters who would subject themselves to the welfare of the state. Character development was achieved by eliminating luxuries and by systematically disciplining mind and body through physical activity. Survival techniques encouraged resourcefulness and initiative. Girls received the same education, since it was considered important to develop women who could give birth to strong warriors.<\/p>\nIn Athens education was deemed essential to life. Because transmission of culture would enable boys to become perfect citizens, they were taught letters, music, morals and manners, mathematics, and gymnastics (development of a healthy body). Education was ideally a noble pursuit—a training of the mind, the birthright of every citizen—but in practice it was restricted to a small section of the aristocracy. The educated despised earning a living as a way of life suitable only for slaves. Women received no education. The teacher in elementary schools was a lowly individual.<\/p>\nRoman education prepared a boy mentally and physically for farm, battlefield, or wherever his services were required by the state. Education was a family responsibility—the boy learning first from his mother, then from his father. Basic reading, writing, arithmetic, language, structure, and debating skills were taught, sometimes by private tutors. When schools were developed, they seem to have been noisy, storefront activities operated by poorly paid teachers. Girls were taught housekeeping skills at home.<\/p>\nEgyptian boys attended the “House of the Books” for their studies and learned reading and elementary arithmetic. Writing in hieroglyphs on papyrus was the most difficult task. Like students in other cultures, boys were subject to corporal punishment. Egyptian teachers considered that “a boy’s ears are in his back,” following up that conviction with frequent use of a cane.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>EDUCATION<\/h3>\nThe act or process of educating or being educated. The original purpose of Jewish education was to teach children to know and understand their special relationship with God, to teach them to serve him, and to educate them in holiness. Later Jewish education included character development and the history of God’s people (particularly through rehearsing his acts of deliverance). Because of that education, the Jews knew the Mosaic law and their own history, and so, during periods of subjection to foreign powers, they were able to maintain their national pride. In modern times they have reestablished themselves as a nation (1948).<\/p>\nPreview<\/p>\n• Education in the Home<\/p>\n• Religious Education<\/p>\n• Formal Education<\/p>\n• Literacy among the Jews<\/p>\n• Education in Surrounding Cultures<\/p>\nEducation in the Home<\/p>\nThe priority given to education stemmed from the value of children in the Jewish family. Children were a great joy and reward (Ps 127:3-5). Education in the home began soon after a child could talk, and certainly by the age of three. Parents taught prayers and songs, which children learned by repetition, just as children today learn nursery rhymes.<\/p>\nAt home, children became aware of certain religious items and symbols. They were encouraged to ask about the meaning of the annual Passover ritual (Ex 12:26), which served throughout Hebrew history as a fundamental means of instruction about the nature and significance of God’s power in human life. Children undoubtedly had questions about objects they encountered, whether sacred vessels, ornaments, or clothing used in the tabernacle or temple worship, or more mundane things of everyday life.<\/p>\nParental responsibility for education was clearly defined. A father was expected to give his son instruction in religion and in the history of the Hebrew people. He was also specifically required to teach his son a trade, often his own, since a boy without a trade was thought to have been trained for life as a thief. A father’s other responsibilities included finding his son a wife and teaching him to swim.<\/p>\nRabbis held that women could not study the Law because they were “of light mind.” Nonetheless, influential women in the Bible include Deborah (Jgs 4:4-5), Jael (vv 18-24), the wise woman of Tekoa (2 Sm 14:2-20), the wise woman of Abel (20:16-22), Lois, Eunice, and Priscilla (Acts 18:2; Rom 16:3; 1 Cor 16:19; 2 Tm 1:5).<\/p>\nThe Jewish mother played a considerable role in a child’s education, particularly in the earliest years. A mother was expected to assist in teaching her sons, but her major responsibility was to train her daughters. Since daughters were less highly esteemed than sons, a girl’s education took place entirely in the home. The mother was responsible for educating her daughters to be successful homemakers: obedient, capable, and virtuous wives. Girls learned the skills of cooking, spinning, weaving, dyeing, caring for children, and managing slaves. They learned how to grind grain and at times helped with the harvest. Occasionally they were expected to help guard the vineyard or, if they had no brothers, to help care for the flocks.<\/p>\nGirls probably learned music and dancing and were expected to have good manners and high moral standards. They were taught to read, and some learned to write and reckon weights and measures. In exceptional circumstances a girl might receive an advanced education privately at home from a tutor.<\/p>\nEven when education was entirely home-centered, it is probable that most wealthy and especially royal children were instructed by a tutor, following a tradition established by other Near Eastern peoples.<\/p>\nReligious Education<\/p>\nAt an early age children accompanied their parents to religious services. At the great festivals they were introduced to important episodes in Jewish history. The Jews, an agricultural people, believed that agricultural knowledge had been revealed by God and that tending the ground was a basic human responsibility. Like some other Near Eastern nations, they believed that the land belonged to God. They were merely tenants. If a crop failed, it was because God withheld rain, but he would do that only if the people were sinful.<\/p>\nThe celebrations of the Passover, Pentecost, and the Feast of Tabernacles were associated with the harvest. Throughout the biblical period, those festivals remained closely identified with the growing season. Such occasions became educational opportunities for children. They learned that the Passover commemorated the deliverance of their ancestors from slavery in Egypt. At Pentecost the Jewish people remembered God giving the law to Moses on Mt Sinai. The Feast of Tabernacles, with its green booths made from tree branches, commemorated God’s faithfulness to the Jews on their seemingly endless journey to the Promised Land.<\/p>\nAn example of a ceremony used as a teaching tool is the Passover ritual, which, of the three great festivals, was the least directly connected in origin with the harvest. That feast, which was immediately followed by a seven-day period known as the Feast of Unleavened Bread (Lv 23:6), was associated with the beginning of the barley harvest in April. (The exodus from Egypt had taken place at that time of year.)<\/p>\nIn the Passover ceremony the priest would take one of the first sheaves of the barley harvest and wave it before the Lord (Lv 23:9-11). Before that, the men would choose a barley field at random and bind some of the best sheaves, leaving them standing. The following evening three men would go out to that field with sickles and baskets to reap those specifically prepared sheaves. As onlookers (including the children) gathered to observe the ceremony, the reapers would ask the crowd certain traditional questions. Year by year the children saw that ritual and heard the answers. The barley was cut and taken to the temple court, where it was threshed and winnowed. Some of it was mixed with oil and incense and used as an offering. The remainder went to the priests.<\/p>\nFormal Education<\/p>\nJewish education during the biblical period helped Jews to know of the Law, study the history of the Jewish people, and become proficient in reading, writing, and a certain amount of arithmetic. To that, incidental information such as the medicinal value of certain herbs (see 1 Kgs 4:33) might sometimes be added.<\/p>\n<h5>Teachers<\/h5>\nPriests instructed the people in the knowledge of God. As officers of the synagogue, the Levites also performed a teaching role (cf. Dt 33:10; 2 Chr 35:3). Before the exile, the prophets assumed the role of instructors, teaching the historical heritage of the people and acting as critics of injustice and improper social behavior. Their responsibility was to interpret the law for contemporary society. By the fourth century BC<\/span>, the prophets’ role as instructors had passed to the scribes and to others designated as teachers.<\/p>\nIn the centuries before Christ, scribes not only transcribed and preserved the traditions in written form but were students and interpreters of the law. The scribes were known as “doctors of the law” (Lk 5:17, kjv<\/span>), lawyers (Mt 22:35), and rabbis (23:8). All higher education was in their hands, and they developed a complex system of instruction known as “the tradition of the elders” (15:2-6). Although the scribes needed leisure for their scholarly pursuits, they did not despise laborers. Most of them, in fact, practiced a trade as a means of support when necessary.<\/p>\nAlthough the scribes were influential in the time of Christ (Mt 23:1-2), they undoubtedly found, like the prophets before them, that their words were not always heeded. The scribes, who exercised an important influence over contemporary life and morals, were notable for their fierce opposition to Jesus (Mk 2:6) and to the early church (Acts 4:5; 6:12).<\/p>\nBy the NT era, the entire community was expected to establish and maintain elementary schools. The community was also responsible for financing the education of poor or orphaned children. Out of high regard for earlier priests, prophets, and scribes, and because of the eminent position given to education, teachers were highly esteemed by the Jewish people. Because God had given them the law, it was of greatest importance. One who worked as God’s servant expounding the law was therefore the most important person in the community. To be a teacher was life’s highest privilege and the most significant task a man could perform.<\/p>\nTeachers were expected to demonstrate exceptional character along with their academic qualifications. They were expected to keep children from having contact with anything harmful. They were not to show bitterness or give preference to one child over another. Rather than threatening, they were to explain right and wrong and the harmfulness of sin. Teachers were expected to keep promises to children lest the students grow accustomed to broken words and lies. Teachers were to be eventempered, never impatient or lacking in understanding, always prepared to repeat explanations. It was said that children should be treated like young heifers, with their burdens increased daily. Yet any teacher who was too severe was dismissed.<\/p>\n<h5>Subject Matter<\/h5>\nEarly education consisted of learning the law through listening and oral repetition, along with the study of the written text. The content of the law covered three main areas: ceremonial, civil, and criminal. Students needed to master these, preparing themselves to take responsibility for observing the law as adults.<\/p>\nThe Scriptures contained such a variety of writings that pupils learned about religion, history, law, morals, and manners, plus reading, writing, and arithmetic. They studied from great literature; along with the Law, they used the books of Psalms, Proverbs, and Ecclesiastes extensively as texts. The Dead Sea Scrolls have shown that some classical Hebrew was still being spoken in NT times. Students who commonly spoke Aramaic or Greek were faced with a difficult situation when learning the Hebrew of the OT. The problem was especially complex because the Hebrew was written without any vowel sounds. Those had to be memorized in association with the consonants of the text.<\/p>\nSince the ancient Hebrews were generally regarded as the most proficient musicians and singers in the Near East, it is probable that basic instruction in singing and playing instruments, such as the pipe and harp, was received at home. Although no Hebrew hymns have survived in musical form, temple singers would almost certainly have been familiar with the kind of music theory known among the Canaanites. (A musical text recovered from Ugarit [Ras Shamra] consisted of a ballad or a hymn inscribed on clay with curious musical symbols that long defied identification. Dating to perhaps 1800 BC<\/span>, that Canaanite text has been described as the “oldest sheet music in the world.”)<\/p>\nDuring the exile especially, great emphasis was placed on recording and preserving ancient customs and ceremonies in order to maintain the distinctiveness of Hebrew culture. The captives recognized the importance of keeping alive their national heritage and the Law during the years they were living in an alien culture.<\/p>\nThe synagogue developed during the exile as a place for the study of religion and for prayer, becoming the center of instruction in the Jewish faith. Previously, the temple at Jerusalem had been the only place for sacrifice. Because that ritual could not be performed in Babylon, it was natural for the synagogue to increase in importance in worship as well as in education.<\/p>\nThe exile brought about fundamental changes in Jewish life in areas other than the purely religious. Education received considerable stimulation from the Jewish exiles’ contact with the more sophisticated culture of the Babylonians. The Babylonian law code was a precise and well-established feature of life. Schools and libraries in Babylonia had been in existence for many centuries. Mesopotamian knowledge of medicine, astronomy, mathematics, architecture, and engineering was far superior to that of the Jews. In that intellectual environment the literature of the Jews took on new meaning; it was from that period that the books of Ezekiel and Daniel emerged.<\/p>\nIn the postexilic period, teaching was based extensively on Proverbs and the apocryphal books of Ecclesiasticus and the Wisdom of Solomon. From those works the Jews received practical training for a successful life. The scribes taught that wisdom came from God and that those who obeyed the commandments would bring joy and honor to others.<\/p>\nUnder Persian rule in the sixth century BC<\/span>, the Jews had been encouraged to return to Jerusalem and rebuild the temple. After 332 BC<\/span>, when Alexander the Great defeated the Persian king Darius, strong efforts were made to Hellenize the conquered peoples. The Greek language was introduced along with Greek religion, political procedures, and educational methods. The drive for Hellenization continued under the rule of the Ptolemies (a Macedonian family line that ruled Egypt) and the Seleucids (a Syrian dynasty). Coincident with the establishment of foreign rule came the dominance of the Jewish priesthood in Judean political matters. Greek influence was seen in the enriched aesthetic appreciation typical of certain Jewish rulers.<\/p>\nAlthough Greek philosophy and sports remained outside the realm of Jewish education, there was a noticeable decline in Jewish religious and moral standards in the Hellenistic period. Some Jews were eager to obtain advancement from the foreign masters by adopting the Greek culture. Others fought desperately to preserve their Jewish heritage. During Roman times, the foreign influence was again ignored by faithful Jews whenever possible.<\/p>\n<h5>Teaching Methods<\/h5>\nTeaching methods, developed from memorizing the Law, stressed the importance of retention and recollection. Children were taught to memorize as soon as they could talk, and they were trained to repeat the exact words so that no nuance of meaning would be altered. The alphabet was taught and memorized by being repeatedly written and drilled. Students copied and recopied passages from the written Law in precise, neat handwriting. Any piece of writing containing a mistake was considered dangerous, since it might imprint the wrong word or spelling on the learner’s mind. Reading aloud was recommended as an aid to memorization.<\/p>\nTo aid learning, each boy was also given a personal text beginning with the first letter of his name and ending with the last. As soon as he demonstrated his ability to read, he received a scroll that contained the first words of Deuteronomy 6:4: “Hear, O Israel: The Lord<\/span> our God is one Lord<\/span>” (rsv<\/span>). That was recited every morning and evening in postexilic times, along with the Hallel (or psalm of praise), the story of Creation, and the main part of the Law contained in Leviticus.<\/p>\nTeachings also came in the form of proverbs or parables, a device later used by Jesus (Mk 4:1-2). An open sharing of knowledge occurred in question-and-answer periods (for example, the visit of the 12-year-old Jesus to the temple in Jerusalem, Lk 2:46-47).<\/p>\nVery little information is available on education in the early Christian era. We know that Jesus could read and expound the Scriptures and was knowledgeable enough to discuss theology with the learned men in the temple. He probably learned at home and received the elementary education common to most Jewish boys at that period.<\/p>\n<h5>Discipline<\/h5>\nDiscipline, almost always an important element in education, was important to the ancient Hebrews. A system of reward and punishment was used in which corporal chastisement was normal. Punishment was considered to be an outward symbol of God’s love and concern for the instruction of his people (Ps 94:8-13), although the Jews as a people did not always learn from those corrections (Jer 5:3; Am 4:6-13). A child was thought to need “breaking” like a horse: “A horse that is untamed turns out to be stubborn, and a son unrestrained turns out to be wilful” (Ecclus 30:8, rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\n<h5>Adult Education<\/h5>\nWhen Ezra the scribe returned from Babylon with a copy of the Book of the Law, he taught it to the Levites and to the people. That material, together with the book of Proverbs and literature from the preexilic and exilic periods, became basic in Jewish education. In the postexilic period, priests traveled to the towns, addressing people in the synagogue on the Sabbath and in the square on market days, when a large crowd would be gathered. Some individuals may have extended their learning through discussion with the elders (cf. Ez 8:1).<\/p>\nFor those who continued their education, the next phase was probably instruction by scribes. The scribes, leaders of a Jewish sect called Pharisees, had developed Ezra’s principles into strict rules on tithing, ritual purity, and synagogue worship. As a young man, Saul of Tarsus came to Jerusalem to study with Gamaliel, an honored rabbi (Acts 22:3). At that time the curriculum was an advanced study of theological law, both written and oral, along with the rites and ceremonies of Jewish culture.<\/p>\n<h5>School Buildings<\/h5>\nBy NT times, some schools operated in special buildings and others in the teachers’ own houses, but most were attached to the synagogue. When a separate building was designed, it was considered inadvisable to construct it in a crowded area. In a large town the community was expected to provide two schools, especially if a river divided the town. A school did not operate in the heat of the day (between 10 am<\/span> and 3 pm<\/span>), and would meet only four hours a day in July and August. Class size was expected to be 25, with a teacher and an assistant for 40 students and two teachers for 50. At school the boys sat on the ground at the teacher’s feet and learned from the Scriptures. Thus, the school became known as the “House of the Book.”<\/p>\nLiteracy among the Jews<\/p>\nThe extent of literacy among Jews over the centuries is difficult to determine, but indications can be found from specific examples. The book of Joshua describes three men chosen from each tribe who had to prepare a written report about the land of Canaan (Jos 18:4-9). Later, Gideon captured a youth who was able to make a written list of the important men of the city (Jgs 8:14). Writing was probably a common skill since the Israelites were exhorted to use it frequently (Dt 6:9; 27:2-8). Simple mathematical terms could be written and understood by boys, and there are indications of familiarity with the geometrical relationship of a circle’s radius and circumference (the concept of pi; see 2 Chr 4:2). The development of cursive script implies widespread use of writing from at least the eighth century BC<\/span>. It is noteworthy that a synagogue service could be performed by any ten men in the congregation, which presupposes that there were more than 10 men in any synagogue who were literate enough to fulfill that duty.<\/p>\nWhen fears of Hellenism were strong and the existence of Judaism was threatened in the first century BC<\/span>, it was decreed that every Jewish boy should attend elementary school. Since such a system probably already existed, that decree merely made attendance compulsory for all males up to 16 or 17 years of age. No doubt the reason was that thorough knowledge and careful observance of the Law were vital to the survival of the Jewish heritage.<\/p>\nJoshua ben-Gamala (high priest AD<\/span> 63–65) is considered the founder of universal education. His instructions for setting up schools in towns and villages were precise, requiring attendance of boys from the age of six or seven years. The community was responsible for setting up a school and maintaining a teacher in any town where there were at least ten Jewish families. Fathers were required to see that their sons attended school. When a family lived in an isolated area, a teacher often lived with the family. Teachers were probably paid either by the family or from a community tax, although scribes were not paid directly for the instruction they gave. It is difficult to know if the goal of universal elementary education was attained.<\/p>\nEducation in Surrounding Cultures<\/p>\nThe theological emphasis of Hebrew education contrasted sharply with the aims of education in Greece and Rome. Those societies, however, were also concerned with developing a particular type of character.<\/p>\nIn Sparta the purpose of educational training was to develop young men to be fighters who would subject themselves to the welfare of the state. Character development was achieved by eliminating luxuries and by systematically disciplining mind and body through physical activity. Survival techniques encouraged resourcefulness and initiative. Girls received the same education, since it was considered important to develop women who could give birth to strong warriors.<\/p>\nIn Athens education was deemed essential to life. Because transmission of culture would enable boys to become perfect citizens, they were taught letters, music, morals and manners, mathematics, and gymnastics (development of a healthy body). Education was ideally a noble pursuit—a training of the mind, the birthright of every citizen—but in practice it was restricted to a small section of the aristocracy. The educated despised earning a living as a way of life suitable only for slaves. Women received no education. The teacher in elementary schools was a lowly individual.<\/p>\nRoman education prepared a boy mentally and physically for farm, battlefield, or wherever his services were required by the state. Education was a family responsibility—the boy learning first from his mother, then from his father. Basic reading, writing, arithmetic, language, structure, and debating skills were taught, sometimes by private tutors. When schools were developed, they seem to have been noisy, storefront activities operated by poorly paid teachers. Girls were taught housekeeping skills at home.<\/p>\nEgyptian boys attended the “House of the Books” for their studies and learned reading and elementary arithmetic. Writing in hieroglyphs on papyrus was the most difficult task. Like students in other cultures, boys were subject to corporal punishment. Egyptian teachers considered that “a boy’s ears are in his back,” following up that conviction with frequent use of a cane.<\/p>","summary_ro":"EDUCATION The act or process of educating or being educated. The original purpose of Jewish education was to teach children to know and understand their special relationship with God, to teach them to serve him, and to educate them in holiness. Later Jewish education included character development and the history of God’s people (particularly through rehearsing his acts of deliverance). Because of that education, the Jews knew the Mosaic law and their own history, and so, during periods of su...","summary_en":"EDUCATION The act or process of educating or being educated. The original purpose of Jewish education was to teach children to know and understand their special relationship with God, to teach them to serve him, and to educate them in holiness. Later Jewish education included character development and the history of God’s people (particularly through rehearsing his acts of deliverance). Because of that education, the Jews knew the Mosaic law and their own history, and so, during periods of su...","source":"Articles\/E.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":29219,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Paul, the Apostle","title_en":"Paul, the Apostle","content_ro":"<h3>PAUL, The Apostle<\/span><\/h3>\nProminent leader of the first-century church; apostle to the Gentiles; author of 13 NT epistles.<\/p>\nPreview<\/p>\n• Family and Cultural Background<\/p>\n• Education<\/p>\n• Saul the Persecutor<\/p>\n• Conversion and Calling<\/p>\n• Preparation for Ministry<\/p>\n• Sent Out from Antioch<\/p>\n• Traveling with Barnabas<\/p>\n• The Council of Jerusalem<\/p>\n• Further Travel<\/p>\n• Labor in the Gospel<\/p>\n• The Arrest in Jerusalem<\/p>\n• Voyage and Stay in Rome<\/p>\n• Final Years and Martyrdom<\/p>\nFamily and Cultural Background<\/p>\nPaul was born around AD<\/span> 10, a Jew in a family of Pharisees (Acts 23:6) of the tribe of Benjamin (Phil 3:5) in Tarsus of Cilicia (Acts 9:11; 21:39; 22:3), a center of commerce and learning that embraced the Hellenistic spirit and Roman politics. It was a city of which he could be proud (21:39). His parents named him Saul, perhaps after the first king of Israel, who was also a Benjaminite (1 Sm 11:15; Acts 13:21), but Acts 13:9 notes that he “was also called Paul.” He uses the Roman name Paul throughout his letters.<\/p>\nFrom religious parents Paul received knowledge of the Law and Prophets and the Hebrew and Aramaic languages (Acts 21:40; 22:2-3; 23:6; Gal 1:14; Phil 3:5-6). Tarsus, however, was not a Jewish city. Rather, it had a Greek character, being a place where the Greek language was spoken and Greek literature was cultivated. This accounts for Paul’s familiarity with Greek (Acts 21:37), the language of the streets and shops of Tarsus.<\/p>\nJews were brought to Tarsus, the capital of the Roman province of Cilicia, in 171 BC<\/span> to promote business in the region. At that time Paul’s ancestors were probably given Roman citizenship. Paul inherited from his father both Tarsisian and Roman citizenship, which would prove to be of great value to Paul in his later life as he traveled with the gospel throughout the Roman Empire (Acts 16:37; 22:25-29; 23:27). Paul may have had several brothers and sisters, but Acts 23:16 mentions only one sister, whose son performed a lifesaving act for his uncle.<\/p>\nPaul was a tent maker (Acts 18:3). He may have learned this trade from his father, or he may have selected it as a means of self-support, as was the custom of those in rabbinical training. Tarsus was well known for the goat’s-hair cloth called cilicium. It was the weaving of this cloth and the fashioning of it into tents, sails, awnings, and cloaks that gave Paul his economic independence during his apostolic ministry (Acts 18:3; 20:34; 28:30; 2 Cor 11:9; 1 Thes 2:9; 2 Thes 3:8).<\/p>\nEducation<\/p>\nAlthough born in Tarsus, Paul testified to the Jews in Jerusalem that he had been brought up in this city and studied under Gamaliel (Acts 22:3). It is not clear when Paul was first brought to Jerusalem, but it is likely that sometime between the ages of 13 and 20 he began his formal rabbinical studies. His teacher, Gamaliel, was the grandson of Hillel, founder of a Pharisaic school whose teachings run through the Talmudic writings to this day. This is the same Gamaliel whose wisdom persuaded the Sanhedrin to spare the lives of Peter and the apostles (5:33-40). No doubt, it was while studying under Gamaliel in Hillel’s school that Paul began to advance in Judaism beyond many Jews of his own age and became extremely zealous for the traditions of his fathers (Gal 1:14). Perhaps then also Paul began to experience the struggles with the law he would later describe in Romans 7.<\/p>\nWhile Paul was studying the Jewish law in Jerusalem, Jesus was working as a carpenter in Nazareth. Then Jesus gathered the disciples who would one day be Paul’s coworkers in the gospel, fulfilled his ministry, and accomplished redemption on the cross of Calvary (AD<\/span> 30). Christ’s resurrection gave birth to the church, which was baptized in the Holy Spirit at the Feast of Pentecost in Jerusalem.<\/p>\nSaul the Persecutor<\/p>\nShortly after these world-changing events, the members of certain synagogues in Jerusalem, including the Cilician synagogue, that of Paul’s native land (Acts 6:9), could not withstand the wisdom and spirit (v 10) of a member of the church in Jerusalem named Stephen (vv 5, 8). They accused him of blasphemy before the Sanhedrin (vv 11-15) and after his eloquent defense (7:1-53) dragged him out of the city, where he was stoned to death. He became the first Christian martyr. The record does not fully reveal the role Paul played in these proceedings, but we know that he was present and prominent because the witnesses against Stephen, who were required to throw the first stones in the execution, “laid their clothes at the feet of a young man called Saul [Paul]” (v 58, niv<\/span>).<\/p>\nAt Stephen’s trial, Paul heard Stephen’s historical method of defense, and he later used it himself at Antioch of Pisidia (Acts 13:16-41). He witnessed the man with the face of an angel (6:15), full of the Holy Spirit, looking above and proclaiming “the heavens opened, and the Son of man standing at the right hand of God” (7:56). Stephen’s death initiated the events that would culminate in Paul’s conversion and commission as the apostle to the Gentiles. But at that time Paul was a leader of the oppressors of the church. He breathed threats and murder against the disciples of the Lord (9:1); he persecuted the church of God and tried to destroy it (Gal 1:13) by imprisoning Christians, both male and female (Acts 22:4), in many cities.<\/p>\nConversion and Calling<\/p>\nPaul had obtained letters from the high priest in Jerusalem to the synagogues in Damascus authorizing him to arrest the believers there and bring them to Jerusalem for trial (Acts 9:1-2). Paul traveled to Damascus for this purpose. Then, on the outskirts of the city, came the event that was to transform this law-keeping persecutor of Jesus Christ and blasphemous destroyer of the infant church into the chief propagator of the gospel of grace and master builder of the church (1 Cor 3:10; 1 Tm 1:13). This was the occasion of Paul’s conversion (c. AD<\/span> 31–33). It was of such revolutionary and lasting importance that three detailed accounts of it are given in the book of Acts (Acts 9:1-19; 22:1-21; 26:1-23), and many references are given to it in Paul’s own writings (1 Cor 9:1; 15:8; Gal 1:15-16; Eph 3:3; Phil 3:12).<\/p>\nAt that time a light from heaven, brighter than the midday sun, shone around Paul and his traveling companions, and they fell to the ground (Acts 26:13-14). Only Paul, however, heard the voice of Jesus instruct him in his commission as a minister and witness to the Gentiles (vv 14-18). Temporarily blinded, Paul was led into Damascus (9:8). There, the disciple Ananias and the Christian community forgave Paul, baptized him, and helped him through the bewildering event of his conversion (vv 10-22). After a short time with the church there, Paul was threatened with death by the Jews to whom he preached Jesus (vv 20-22), but he was protected by the believers and ingeniously delivered from his persecutors (vv 23-25).<\/p>\nPreparation for Ministry<\/p>\nThen began a period of preparation, which lasted about 13 years. During this time, Paul first was in the desert of Arabia for three years. Here was his opportunity to pray and reflect on Stephen’s defense to the Sanhedrin, the momentous significance of his conversion, the vision he received of Jesus Christ, and the meaning of all this in the light of Jewish theology. Following this, Paul returned to Damascus and then visited Peter in Jerusalem for 15 days (Gal 1:17-18).<\/p>\nAt first, the disciples in Jerusalem were afraid of him because they did not believe he was a disciple of Jesus (Acts 9:26), but he was championed by Barnabas and thus accepted by the believers in Jerusalem (vv 27-28). While there, Paul may have heard the oral gospel, a summary of the words and deeds of Jesus, handed down to all converts. This would have included the institution of the Lord’s Supper (1 Cor 11:23-25), specific words of the Lord (Acts 20:35; 1 Cor 7:10; 9:14), the appearances of the resurrected Christ (1 Cor 15:3-8), and the spirit and character of Jesus (2 Cor 10:1; Phil 2:5-8). Paul also preached in Jerusalem, perhaps in the same synagogues in which he had heard Stephen. However, when his life was again threatened by the Jews, the believers sent him away to Tarsus (Acts 9:29-30; Gal 1:21).<\/p>\nThe end of Paul’s preparation came when Barnabas went to Tarsus to look for him and bring him to Antioch. By this time Paul had lived for 10 years in Cilicia. Since his conversion, before being sent to Tarsus, he had proclaimed Jesus (Acts 9:20), speaking boldly in the name of the Lord (v 27). There is no reason to think he did otherwise while living among the Gentiles in Cilicia. In fact, his work may have been so effective that he began to attract attention in Antioch. During these years, Paul probably underwent many of the sufferings mentioned in 2 Corinthians 11:24-26. Several scholars think that the ecstatic experience mentioned in 2 Corinthians 12:1-9, with its accompanying thorn in the flesh, also took place before he came to Antioch.<\/p>\nSent Out from Antioch<\/p>\nThe church in Antioch had its origins in the persecution fomented by Paul after the death of Stephen. Until they arrived in Antioch, the scattered believers had only spoken the word to Jews (Acts 11:19). It was here that the Gentiles first heard the Good News (v 20), and many became believers (v 21). It is fitting that Paul, the apostle to the Gentiles (Acts 22:21; Rom 11:13), who was as yet unknown by sight to the churches of Judea (Gal 1:22), should appear in Antioch to formally begin the ministry to which he was called (Acts 26:17-18).<\/p>\nBarnabas and Paul stayed with the church in Antioch for a year. Their work there was so blessed that a new name, Christian, was coined to distinguish the believers in Antioch from Gentiles and Jews (Acts 11:26). Hearing of a famine in Judea, the disciples in Antioch determined to send relief to the believers in Judea and did so by Barnabas and Paul (v 30). Such a gift displayed to the Jewish churches the potency of the gospel among the Gentiles. Their mission complete, Barnabas and Paul returned to Antioch with John Mark (12:25), Barnabas’s cousin (Col 4:10).<\/p>\nBeginning from the Day of Pentecost, the work in the gospel had been casual and incidental. Contacts were made in the homes, the marketplace, the streets, synagogues, highways, etc. (Acts 3:1; 5:12, 42; 8:26-29; 10:22). But in Antioch the Holy Spirit initiated a determined effort to evangelize a section of the Roman Empire (13:1-3). By the Holy Spirit’s instructions, the church separated Barnabas and Paul for this work. With the prayers and encouragement of this church, and with John Mark as their assistant, Barnabas and Paul, sent out by the Holy Spirit, sailed for Cyprus (v 4).<\/p>\n\nTraveling with Barnabas<\/p>\nArriving in Salamis, they preached in the synagogues as they traveled the length of the island to Paphos (Acts 13:5-6). There the Roman proconsul, Sergius Paulus, wanted to hear the word of God (v 7). A magician named Elymas Bar-Jesus tried to prevent the proconsul from believing in Jesus but was stricken with temporary blindness by Paul’s command (vv 8-11). This was the first manifestation in Paul of the signs of an apostle (2 Cor 12:12). From then on, the name Paul, not Saul, is used in Luke’s record of the Acts of the Apostles (Acts 13:9), and Paul replaced Barnabas as the leader of the party. So “Paul and his company” set sail from Paphos and arrived in Perga of Pamphylia (v 13). John Mark deserted them at Perga and returned to his home in Jerusalem (v 13). This caused discord (15:39), but Paul and Mark were later reconciled (Col 4:10; 2 Tm 4:11).<\/p>\nPaul’s travels with the gospel now continued through the Roman province of Asia, specifically in the southern portion of Galatia, the areas of Pamphylia, Pisidia, and Lycaonia. The coastal area where the party landed is a hot, malarial region. It is thought that Paul contracted malaria there and so traveled inland through the mountains to the 4,000-foot- (1,219.2-meter-) high tablelands. Such a journey would have been full of dangerous rivers and bandits (2 Cor 11:26), but Paul was well cared for by the Galatian highlanders when he arrived (Gal 4:13-15) and was rewarded with a warm reception to his message (Acts 13:48-49).<\/p>\nPaul and Barnabas were asked to speak at the synagogue of Antioch in Pisidia (Acts 13:15), and Paul delivered a discourse full of the characteristics of the gospel he would later record in his letters to the churches (vv 16-41). He was invited to speak the next week (v 42); nearly the whole city gathered together to hear the word of God (v 44). This stirred up jealousy in the Jews who opposed Paul’s words (v 45), causing the apostles’ dramatic turn to the Gentiles (vv 46-47). Many Gentiles in Antioch believed and spread the word throughout the region, but Paul and Barnabas were forced out and went to Iconium in Lycaonia (vv 48-51).<\/p>\nThe success in Antioch was duplicated in Iconium as was the Jews’ opposition (Acts 14:1), and the apostles fled from the threat of a stoning to Lystra and Derbe in Lycaonia (vv 5-6). In Lystra the signs of an apostle were again seen when Paul healed a man who had been crippled since birth (vv 8-10). The idolatrous citizens of the town, however, primed by the popular belief that Jupiter, accompanied by Mercury, had once visited their region, worshiped Paul and Barnabas as these deities (vv 11-13). Even the convincing words of Paul, whom they mistook for Mercury, hardly restrained the crowds from offering a sacrifice (vv 14-18).<\/p>\nIt was in Lystra that Paul was first given a taste of the same medicine he had once administered to Christians. The Jews stoned him, dragged him out of the city, and left him for dead (Acts 14:19). Timothy (16:1-3) may have been among the new disciples surrounding Paul as he lay outside the gate (14:20). Timothy was Paul’s son in the faith (1 Cor 4:17; 1 Tm 1:2), eyewitness to his suffering (2 Tm 3:10-11), faithful companion, and fellow worker (Acts 19:22; 20:4; Rom 16:21; 1 Thes 3:2). The next day Barnabas and Paul went on to Derbe (Acts 14:20).<\/p>\nAfter making many disciples in Derbe, the apostles retraced their steps through Lystra, Iconium, and Antioch of Pisidia, strengthening and encouraging the new believers and appointing elders in each church (Acts 14:21-23). Arriving again in Perga, they sailed back to Antioch of Syria, where they reported to the church the wonderful news that God had opened a door of faith for the Gentiles (vv 25-27).<\/p>\nThe Council of Jerusalem<\/p>\nThe Jews, who had dogged the steps of Paul and Barnabas throughout Galatia, followed on their heels to bewitch the Gentiles there, convincing them to desert the grace of Christ and submit to the Jewish law (Gal 1:6; 3:1). Shortly after the apostles’ return to Antioch, Judaizers came from Judea to Antioch, teaching salvation by the law (Acts 15:1). This began the war against the gospel of grace, which Paul preached.<\/p>\nThe church in Antioch sent Paul, Barnabas, and others to Jerusalem to settle the controversy of the law versus grace with the apostles and elders there (AD<\/span> 49, Acts 15:2). Along the way to Jerusalem they spread the news of the conversion of the Gentiles. This brought great joy to the believers (v 3). Such joy was not shared by some in Jerusalem, who in the first meeting of the council said that the Gentiles should be ordered to keep the law of Moses (v 5).<\/p>\nAfter this meeting, Paul and Barnabas met privately with Peter, John, and James (Gal 2:1-10) and explained the gospel they had been preaching to the Gentiles. These three leaders of the church in Jerusalem saw the grace that had been given to Paul to bring the gospel to the Gentiles and extended to him the “right hand of fellowship.” This private meeting seems to have decided the question of compliance to the Jewish law because in the next general meeting Peter said, “We believe that we shall be saved through the grace of the Lord Jesus” (Acts 15:11, rsv<\/span>), and James reached the decision that “we should not trouble those of the Gentiles who turn to God” (Acts 15:19, rsv<\/span>). This was a great victory for Paul and Barnabas, and the news was received with rejoicing by the church in Antioch (vv 30-35).<\/p>\nLater, Peter visited Antioch and freely associated with the Gentile believers as he had timidly done in Cornelius’s house (Acts 10:28). This continued until “certain men came from James.” Their presence brought fear to Peter, clouding the light of the gospel of grace, and causing him to separate himself from the Gentiles. Peter’s action influenced others, including Barnabas, to do the same (Gal 2:12-13). Paul rose to the challenge of this serious crisis, confronted Peter publicly, and charged him with Judaizing and hypocrisy (v 14). Paul won the battle and rescued Peter and Barnabas with eloquent words on justification by faith (vv 15-21), but the Judaizers had resumed their war. From this time on, they did not rest; rather, they tormented and persecuted Paul all over the world. But the apostle did not submit to them for a moment. He was engaged in the fight of his life, so that the truth of the gospel might remain with the Gentile believers (v 5).<\/p>\nFurther Travel<\/p>\nPaul wanted to visit the new believers and see how they were doing. So he proposed to Barnabas that they return to the cities where they had previously preached about Jesus (Acts 15:36). Barnabas wanted to take John Mark with them, but Paul would not take him since he had deserted them during their earlier journey (13:13). This sharp disagreement ended Barnabas’s association with Paul (15:37-39). Silas, a leader among the brothers in Jerusalem (v 22), accompanied Paul as he set out by land through Syria and Cilicia, strengthening the churches (vv 40-41).<\/p>\nBeginning from Derbe in Galatia, Paul and Silas revisited the churches Paul had established with Barnabas. While in Lystra, they were joined by Timothy (Acts 16:1-3). The apostles delivered to these young churches the letter drafted by the elders and apostles in Jerusalem concerning the observance of the law (15:23-29), thus strengthening and increasing them (16:4-5).<\/p>\nIt is likely that Ephesus, a major city in the Roman province of Asia, was the party’s main objective for the advancement of the gospel, but they were “forbidden by the Holy Spirit to speak the word in Asia” (Acts 16:6). Then they attempted to turn north and enter the region of Bithynia, “but the Spirit of Jesus did not allow them” (v 7). In this way they were forced by God to continue straight westward to Troas on the Aegean Sea, where Luke joined them (“we” in v 10), and Paul had a vision in which he was called out of Asia into Macedonia (vv 8-9). Paul and his party immediately crossed by boat into Europe (v 11) where they carried the gospel to Philippi, Thessalonica, Berea, Athens, and Corinth.<\/p>\nPhilippi was a Roman colony and military outpost where there were few Jews, so Paul went to a place by the river where the local Jews prayed. He spoke to some women there, notably Lydia, who believed and with her household was baptized (Acts 16:12-15), beginning the first church in Europe. Paul cast a spirit of divination out of a girl in Philippi, and as a result he and Silas were jailed (vv 16-24). The events of their night in jail made the jailer a believer in God (vv 25-34), and he and his family were added to the church in Philippi, which met in Lydia’s home (v 40). When Paul disclosed his Roman citizenship, he was released and was asked to leave the city (vv 35-39).<\/p>\nAt Thessalonica the Jews, aroused to jealousy by the success of Paul’s gospel message, raised a mob to search for the apostles. They complained to the city authorities that the people “who have turned the world upside down have come here also” and accused the apostles of “saying that there is another king [besides Caesar], Jesus” (Acts 17:5-7).<\/p>\nPaul and Silas quickly left Thessalonica by night and arrived in Berea, a city thereafter distinguished by its citizens who eagerly and thoughtfully received the gospel (Acts 17:10-12). The Thessalonian Jews did not rest but trailed Paul to Berea to incite the crowds. The believers then sent Paul away to Athens, while Silas and Timothy stayed behind (vv 13-15).<\/p>\nThe Athenians called Paul a babbler but let him air his views before the Areopagus. Paul’s speech there was alive with his broad knowledge. He alluded to Greco-Roman philosophy (Acts 17:27), poetry (v 28), sculpture (vv 25, 29), architecture (v 24), and religion while proclaiming the existence of an “unknown god” (v 23). But he was rudely cut short by scoffing and indifference when he mentioned the resurrection (v 32). Paul’s words delighted the minds of many but influenced the wills of few, so when he arrived in Corinth, he determined not to proclaim the mystery of God in lofty words of wisdom so that the believers’ faith would not rest on human wisdom but on the power of God (1 Cor 2:1-5).<\/p>\nIn Corinth Paul met Aquila and Priscilla (Acts 18:2-3), Roman Jews with whom he lived and worked as a tent maker and who would become prominent among the churches (Acts 18:26; Rom 16:3; 1 Cor 16:19; 2 Tm 4:19). He stayed in Corinth 18 months from AD<\/span> 50 to 51, raising up a church (Acts 18:11) on the strength of a vision from God (vv 9-10) and in spite of the attacks of the Jews (vv 12-17). Paul wrote the first and second letters to the Thessalonians from Corinth to establish the believers in a holy, industrious life (1 Thes 3:13; 5:23; 2 Thes 3:7-12) in hope of the second coming of Jesus Christ (1 Thes 4:15-18; 2 Thes 2:1ff.).<\/p>\nAccompanied by Priscilla and Aquila, Paul sailed from Corinth for Syria. He left his fellow workers in Ephesus, sailed to Caesarea, briefly visited Jerusalem, and returned to Antioch (Acts 18:18-22). Paul stayed in Antioch for awhile but did not remain absent from the field of his labors for long. Alone, he departed from Antioch, went from place to place in Galatia and Phrygia strengthening all the disciples, and eventually arrived in Ephesus (18:23; 19:1).<\/p>\nLabor in the Gospel<\/p>\nA Jew named Apollos had ministered in Ephesus prior to Paul’s arrival and had recently gone over to Corinth (Acts 18:24-28). There Apollos innocently became the cause of such discord (1 Cor 3:3-9) that he left and refused to return even at Paul’s request (16:12). Paul’s earlier visit to Ephesus (Acts 18:19-20), Apollos’s ministry, and the presence of Priscilla and Aquila had prepared Ephesus for the apostle’s preaching of the gospel of Christ.<\/p>\nPaul began his work in Ephesus by setting straight some ill-informed disciples of John the Baptist (Acts 19:1-7). He then spent three months preaching at the local synagogue until members of the congregation “spoke evil of the Way” (v 9). Paul then took the disciples and continued his arguments on the neutral ground of Tyrannus’s school (vv 8-9), where Jews and Greeks were free to come. He continued there for two years and “all the residents of Asia, both Jews and Greeks, heard the word of the Lord” (v 10).<\/p>\nThe work in Ephesus was a great success (Acts 19:10, 20, 26). Paul enjoyed an open door for effective work (1 Cor 16:9), bolstered by extraordinary miracles (Acts 19:11-17), a public burning of valuable books of sorcery (vv 18-19), and the assistance of friendly officials from the province of Asia (v 31). There were also many adversaries (1 Cor 15:32; 16:9), especially among the artisans associated with the temple of Diana. Paul’s ministry had hurt their trade to the extent that they were incited to riot (Acts 19:23-41). Paul had intended to stay in Ephesus until Pentecost (1 Cor 16:8), but this tumult seems to have hastened his departure (Acts 20:1).<\/p>\nDuring his stay in Ephesus, the household of Chloe sent word to Paul from Corinth that there were divisions in the church there (1 Cor 1:10-13). This report generated a flurry of letters and travels. Paul wrote a letter, which is now lost, to this church (5:9). The church in Corinth wrote a letter (7:1) and sent messengers to Paul (16:17), and Paul sent Timothy to them (4:17; 16:10). Paul then wrote 1 Corinthians (AD<\/span> 53) and sent it by Titus, who was to meet him in Troas to report the results (2 Cor 2:12-13).<\/p>\nAfter his hasty exit from Ephesus, Paul found an open door for the gospel in Troas, but he so longed to hear from Corinth that he pushed on into Macedonia (2 Cor 2:12-13). There he was finally comforted by Titus (7:5-7) and rejoiced at the news of the Corinthians’ repentance, earnestness, longing, and zeal (vv 8-16). From Macedonia Paul wrote 2 Corinthians (AD<\/span> 54), toured northwest to proclaim the good news of Christ in Illyricum (Rom 15:19), and then turned south for Achaia and his third visit to Corinth (Acts 19:21; 20:1-3; 2 Cor 13:1).<\/p>\nThe time and place from which Paul wrote his letter to the Galatians is a topic of controversy. Some date it before the council at Jerusalem, about AD<\/span> 45. Others say he wrote it from Corinth at this stage in his history. The latter opinion is the choice of this narrative.<\/p>\nA three-month winter stay in Corinth (AD<\/span> 55–56) produced the Letter to the Romans, which firmly set the benchmark of the gospel for all the ages. Paul had many personal friends in Rome (Rom 16) and had long intended to visit there (1:10-15). His plans were to deliver a collection from the Gentile churches to Jerusalem (Acts 20:35; Rom 15:25-26; 1 Cor 16:1) and then visit Rome (Acts 19:21) on his way to Spain (Rom 15:23-24).<\/p>\nThe Arrest in Jerusalem<\/p>\nPaul’s trip from Corinth to Jerusalem was marked by abundant warnings of the danger awaiting him in Jerusalem. The Judaizers’ acrimony toward Paul was common talk everywhere, but all alarms went unheeded (Acts 20:22-24, 38; 21:4, 10-15). However, the request for prayer in Romans 15:30-32 shows that Paul knew he might soon need a divine rescue from the unbelievers in Judea.<\/p>\nThe travelers, carrying the collection for Jerusalem, journeyed swiftly in order to reach Jerusalem by Pentecost (Acts 20:16). They proceeded by land from Achaia, through Macedonia, to Philippi in time for the Passover (spring AD<\/span> 56, v 6). Crossing by sea to Troas, they visited the believers there (vv 7-12) and then sailed through the archipelago of the eastern Aegean Sea to Miletus (vv 13-16). From Miletus, Paul sent for the elders of Ephesus, to whom he delivered an impassioned speech containing his own dire warnings for them (vv 17-38).<\/p>\nParting from them, Paul and his companions set sail to Cos, to Rhodes, and then to Patara, where they changed ships for Phoenicia (Acts 21:1-2). A straight course to Tyre brought them within sight of Cyprus, with its memories of Barnabas and Sergius Paulus (v 3). “Through the Spirit” the disciples in Tyre “told Paul not to go on to Jerusalem” (v 4), but he pressed on to Caesarea, where he and his company stayed with Philip, who had formerly served with the martyred Stephen (21:8; cf. 6:5). In Caesarea, Paul would not be persuaded by an especially dramatic prophecy of his coming arrest (21:10-14).<\/p>\nIn Jerusalem the apostolic band stayed with Mnason, an early disciple, and were warmly welcomed by the brothers there (Acts 21:15-17). James and the elders of the church praised God when they heard of the things he had done through Paul among the Gentiles (vv 18-20), and when they received the collection from the churches (24:17). They told Paul of his bad reputation among the thousands of Jewish believers in Jerusalem and urged him to set right the Judaizers’ misrepresentation that he encouraged Jewish Christians to forsake the Mosaic customs (21:21-24). Acts 21:25 shows the Jerusalem elders understood that the Gentiles were under no obligation to Moses; their concern was for Paul to demonstrate that Jewish believers were free to continue their traditional observances.<\/p>\nPaul had kept the Jewish feasts (Acts 20:6), as had Jesus and the early disciples in Jerusalem. He had also cut his hair in a vow at Cenchreae (18:18), so it was a small matter for him, a Jew, to ceremonially purify himself after becoming a Christian, especially if it would undermine the arguments of the Judaizers. To have refused the elders’ request would have lent credence to the Judaizers’ charge. The success of this plan is seen in that it was the Jews from Asia, visiting Jerusalem for the Pentecost feast of AD<\/span> 57, who stirred up trouble for Paul (21:27-29)—not the Judaizers from Jerusalem.<\/p>\nThe whole city was aroused by Paul’s persistent persecutors. A violent crowd dragged him out of the temple just as Stephen had once been hauled to his martyrdom. They tried to kill him, but he was rescued by Roman soldiers as the mob cried, “Away with him!”—just as they had done to Jesus (Acts 21:30-36). At this juncture the educational and cultural diversity of Paul’s life came to his rescue. As he was carried for safety to the Roman barracks, he spoke in Greek to the tribune, who had mistaken him for an Egyptian assassin (vv 37-38). Given permission to speak to the crowd, he did so in the Aramaic language then common in Israel (vv 39-40). The hushed crowd eagerly heard Paul’s defense until he uttered the word “Gentiles.” At this, the crowd resumed its threatening and violence, and Paul was brought into the barracks (22:1-24). There the Romans prepared to flog him, until Paul revealed that he was not only a Jew from Tarsus but also a freeborn Roman citizen. The tribune was afraid, since he had bound a Roman citizen. Wanting to know the charges against Paul, he brought him to the Sanhedrin (vv 25-30).<\/p>\nThis meeting of the Jewish judiciary was shortly reduced to dissension and violence. Paul resorted to tactics justifiable in such a war and hopelessly divided the Sanhedrin on the subject of the resurrection (Acts 23:1-9). Paul again was rescued, this time from the contending factions of the Jewish leadership, and taken to the barracks, where the Lord encouraged him, promising that he would go to Rome (AD<\/span> 56, vv 10-11).<\/p>\nIn the meantime 40 Jews entered into a murderous plot against Paul. They vowed not to eat or drink until they had killed the apostle (Acts 23:12-15). They almost succeeded, but with the help of the son of Paul’s sister (v 16), the conspiracy was exposed. For safety, Paul was taken from Jerusalem to Caesarea under guard of 470 soldiers and handed over to the custody of Felix the governor (vv 16-35). Inconclusive hearings before Felix (Acts 24), his successor, Festus (25:1-12), and King Agrippa (25:23–26:32) occupied Paul in his two years of imprisonment in Caesarea. Festus, wanting to please the Jews, suggested that Paul be returned to Jerusalem for trial, but Paul knew the murderous intent of his accusers and again utilized his Roman citizenship by making a dramatic appeal to Caesar (25:9-12).<\/p>\nVoyage and Stay in Rome<\/p>\nTo plead his case at Caesar’s court, Paul and his companions, Aristarchus and Luke, were taken on a perilous voyage (AD<\/span> 58, Acts 27:1–28:16). Their passage by ship from Caesarea to Rome is one of the most remarkable on record. Luke’s detailed account is a treasure of information on ancient ships, navigation, and seamanship. It is also a beautiful portrait of a heroic and dignified apostle Paul, the gospel’s ambassador in chains (Eph 6:20), who with the guidance and assurance of his God (Acts 27:23-26), led the 276 people on board to safety (v 37).<\/p>\nLuke traces the voyage stage by stage through every crisis, with a change of ship at Myra, delay at Fair Havens on Crete, and the shipwreck on Malta. Finally, in the spring of AD<\/span> 59, they arrived at Puteoli, Italy, and made their way to Rome, welcomed by the believers along the Appian Way (Acts 28:13-16).<\/p>\nLuke provided a peaceful denouement to the Acts, notwithstanding the fact that the apostle was an imperial prisoner of Caesar Nero. Paul lived by himself in his own house, chained to a Roman guard (Acts 28:16, 30). There he received the local Jewish leaders—to calm any misgivings they may have had about him and, at the same time, to convince them about Jesus. His efforts had mixed success (vv 17-28). During Paul’s two or more years in Rome, the Judaizers seem to have withdrawn, only to be replaced by the peril of Eastern Gnosticism. This is seen in Paul’s letters to the Philippians, Colossians, and Ephesians, and to Philemon, all written at this time. It is unlikely that Paul’s accusers appeared in Rome to bring formal charges before Caesar, so Paul was probably released in AD<\/span> 61.<\/p>\nFinal Years and Martyrdom<\/p>\nIt is here assumed that the Pastoral Letters (1 Timothy, 2 Timothy, and Titus) are truly Paul’s work. Only through them can the probable course of events in Paul’s final years be traced. Romans 15:28 shows that Paul intended to deliver the collection to Jerusalem and then to “set out by way of you [Rome] to Spain.” The arrest and imprisonment in Jerusalem not only destroyed these plans but also extracted five precious years from the prime of a most productive life. Although Clement of Rome implied that Paul did fulfill his desire to go to Spain (Clement to the Corinthians<\/em> 5), it is certain that the daily pressure of Paul’s anxious care for all the churches (2 Cor 11:28) did not abate.<\/p>\nIf Paul went to Spain, he may have been there when Rome was burned on July 19, AD<\/span> 64. Tradition says that Paul traveled as far as Britain, but there is no evidence to confirm this. Returning east, he left Titus in Crete (Ti 1:5) and traveled through Miletus, south of Ephesus, where he left Trophimus sick (2 Tm 4:20). Traveling toward Macedonia, Paul visited Timothy in Ephesus (1 Tm 1:3). On the way, Paul left his cloak and books with Carpus in Troas (2 Tm 4:13). This indicates that he intended to return there for his possessions. From Macedonia Paul wrote his loving yet apprehensive first letter to Timothy (AD<\/span> 62–64). He had decided to spend the winter in Nicopolis (Ti 3:12), northwest of Corinth on the Adriatic Sea, but was still in Macedonia when he wrote his letter to Titus. This letter is similar to 1 Timothy, yet with a somewhat harsher tone. In it is a final glimpse of the eloquent and zealous Apollos (Ti 3:13), who is still in association with Paul 10 or more years after his first appearance in Ephesus (Acts 18:24).<\/p>\nFrom here Paul’s path is obscure. He may have wintered in Nicopolis, but he did not return to Troas for his winter cloak (2 Tm 4:13). At some point he was arrested by the Romans, because he spent a winter in Rome’s Mamertine Prison, suffering from the cold in that rock cell before he wrote his second letter to Timothy (AD<\/span> 66–67). He may have been anticipating the coming winter when he requested that Timothy bring his cloak (vv 13, 21). It is possible that the charges against Paul were related to the burning of Rome; this is unknown. It was, however, now “illegal” to be a Christian since the “new religion” was no longer protected by Roman law as being part of Judaism (which was a legalized, recognized religion by Roman law).<\/p>\nIt was dangerous to be associated with Paul at this time. Many deserted him (2 Tm 4:16), including all his coworkers in Asia (1:15) and Demas, who loved the world (4:10). Only Luke, the physician and author of Luke and Acts, was with him when he wrote his second letter to Timothy (v 11). Faithful believers still in hiding in Rome were also in contact with the apostle (1:16; 4:19, 21). He told Timothy to come to him in Rome and bring Mark also (4:11). Apparently Timothy did come and was imprisoned (Heb 13:23). Paul’s request for the books and parchments (2 Tm 4:13) discloses that he was reading and studying the Scripture to the end.<\/p>\nThe apostle Paul had two hearings before Caesar Nero. At his first defense only the Lord stood by him (2 Tm 4:16). There he not only pleaded his own cause but also that of the gospel, still longing that all the Gentiles would hear its message. Perhaps no decision was made, and thus he was “rescued from the lion’s mouth” (v 17). Though he knew he would soon die, he was not afraid, but was assured that the Lord would give him a crown of righteousness on the last day (v 8). Finally, the apostle himself recorded his seminal encouragement to all believers: “The Lord be with your spirit. Grace be with you” (v 22, rsv<\/span>). After this, the Scripture is silent regarding Paul.<\/p>\nNothing is known of Paul’s second hearing but that it resulted in the sentence of capital punishment. History does not record Paul’s end. Nero died in the summer of AD<\/span> 68, so Paul was executed before that date. As a Roman citizen, he must have been spared the lingering torture that had recently been suffered by his fellow martyrs. Tradition says that he was decapitated by the sword of an imperial headsman on the Ostian Road just outside of Rome, and buried nearby. This fulfilled Paul’s desire “to depart and be with Christ, for that is far better” (Phil 1:23, rsv<\/span>).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>PAUL, The Apostle<\/span><\/h3>\nProminent leader of the first-century church; apostle to the Gentiles; author of 13 NT epistles.<\/p>\nPreview<\/p>\n• Family and Cultural Background<\/p>\n• Education<\/p>\n• Saul the Persecutor<\/p>\n• Conversion and Calling<\/p>\n• Preparation for Ministry<\/p>\n• Sent Out from Antioch<\/p>\n• Traveling with Barnabas<\/p>\n• The Council of Jerusalem<\/p>\n• Further Travel<\/p>\n• Labor in the Gospel<\/p>\n• The Arrest in Jerusalem<\/p>\n• Voyage and Stay in Rome<\/p>\n• Final Years and Martyrdom<\/p>\nFamily and Cultural Background<\/p>\nPaul was born around AD<\/span> 10, a Jew in a family of Pharisees (Acts 23:6) of the tribe of Benjamin (Phil 3:5) in Tarsus of Cilicia (Acts 9:11; 21:39; 22:3), a center of commerce and learning that embraced the Hellenistic spirit and Roman politics. It was a city of which he could be proud (21:39). His parents named him Saul, perhaps after the first king of Israel, who was also a Benjaminite (1 Sm 11:15; Acts 13:21), but Acts 13:9 notes that he “was also called Paul.” He uses the Roman name Paul throughout his letters.<\/p>\nFrom religious parents Paul received knowledge of the Law and Prophets and the Hebrew and Aramaic languages (Acts 21:40; 22:2-3; 23:6; Gal 1:14; Phil 3:5-6). Tarsus, however, was not a Jewish city. Rather, it had a Greek character, being a place where the Greek language was spoken and Greek literature was cultivated. This accounts for Paul’s familiarity with Greek (Acts 21:37), the language of the streets and shops of Tarsus.<\/p>\nJews were brought to Tarsus, the capital of the Roman province of Cilicia, in 171 BC<\/span> to promote business in the region. At that time Paul’s ancestors were probably given Roman citizenship. Paul inherited from his father both Tarsisian and Roman citizenship, which would prove to be of great value to Paul in his later life as he traveled with the gospel throughout the Roman Empire (Acts 16:37; 22:25-29; 23:27). Paul may have had several brothers and sisters, but Acts 23:16 mentions only one sister, whose son performed a lifesaving act for his uncle.<\/p>\nPaul was a tent maker (Acts 18:3). He may have learned this trade from his father, or he may have selected it as a means of self-support, as was the custom of those in rabbinical training. Tarsus was well known for the goat’s-hair cloth called cilicium. It was the weaving of this cloth and the fashioning of it into tents, sails, awnings, and cloaks that gave Paul his economic independence during his apostolic ministry (Acts 18:3; 20:34; 28:30; 2 Cor 11:9; 1 Thes 2:9; 2 Thes 3:8).<\/p>\nEducation<\/p>\nAlthough born in Tarsus, Paul testified to the Jews in Jerusalem that he had been brought up in this city and studied under Gamaliel (Acts 22:3). It is not clear when Paul was first brought to Jerusalem, but it is likely that sometime between the ages of 13 and 20 he began his formal rabbinical studies. His teacher, Gamaliel, was the grandson of Hillel, founder of a Pharisaic school whose teachings run through the Talmudic writings to this day. This is the same Gamaliel whose wisdom persuaded the Sanhedrin to spare the lives of Peter and the apostles (5:33-40). No doubt, it was while studying under Gamaliel in Hillel’s school that Paul began to advance in Judaism beyond many Jews of his own age and became extremely zealous for the traditions of his fathers (Gal 1:14). Perhaps then also Paul began to experience the struggles with the law he would later describe in Romans 7.<\/p>\nWhile Paul was studying the Jewish law in Jerusalem, Jesus was working as a carpenter in Nazareth. Then Jesus gathered the disciples who would one day be Paul’s coworkers in the gospel, fulfilled his ministry, and accomplished redemption on the cross of Calvary (AD<\/span> 30). Christ’s resurrection gave birth to the church, which was baptized in the Holy Spirit at the Feast of Pentecost in Jerusalem.<\/p>\nSaul the Persecutor<\/p>\nShortly after these world-changing events, the members of certain synagogues in Jerusalem, including the Cilician synagogue, that of Paul’s native land (Acts 6:9), could not withstand the wisdom and spirit (v 10) of a member of the church in Jerusalem named Stephen (vv 5, 8). They accused him of blasphemy before the Sanhedrin (vv 11-15) and after his eloquent defense (7:1-53) dragged him out of the city, where he was stoned to death. He became the first Christian martyr. The record does not fully reveal the role Paul played in these proceedings, but we know that he was present and prominent because the witnesses against Stephen, who were required to throw the first stones in the execution, “laid their clothes at the feet of a young man called Saul [Paul]” (v 58, niv<\/span>).<\/p>\nAt Stephen’s trial, Paul heard Stephen’s historical method of defense, and he later used it himself at Antioch of Pisidia (Acts 13:16-41). He witnessed the man with the face of an angel (6:15), full of the Holy Spirit, looking above and proclaiming “the heavens opened, and the Son of man standing at the right hand of God” (7:56). Stephen’s death initiated the events that would culminate in Paul’s conversion and commission as the apostle to the Gentiles. But at that time Paul was a leader of the oppressors of the church. He breathed threats and murder against the disciples of the Lord (9:1); he persecuted the church of God and tried to destroy it (Gal 1:13) by imprisoning Christians, both male and female (Acts 22:4), in many cities.<\/p>\nConversion and Calling<\/p>\nPaul had obtained letters from the high priest in Jerusalem to the synagogues in Damascus authorizing him to arrest the believers there and bring them to Jerusalem for trial (Acts 9:1-2). Paul traveled to Damascus for this purpose. Then, on the outskirts of the city, came the event that was to transform this law-keeping persecutor of Jesus Christ and blasphemous destroyer of the infant church into the chief propagator of the gospel of grace and master builder of the church (1 Cor 3:10; 1 Tm 1:13). This was the occasion of Paul’s conversion (c. AD<\/span> 31–33). It was of such revolutionary and lasting importance that three detailed accounts of it are given in the book of Acts (Acts 9:1-19; 22:1-21; 26:1-23), and many references are given to it in Paul’s own writings (1 Cor 9:1; 15:8; Gal 1:15-16; Eph 3:3; Phil 3:12).<\/p>\nAt that time a light from heaven, brighter than the midday sun, shone around Paul and his traveling companions, and they fell to the ground (Acts 26:13-14). Only Paul, however, heard the voice of Jesus instruct him in his commission as a minister and witness to the Gentiles (vv 14-18). Temporarily blinded, Paul was led into Damascus (9:8). There, the disciple Ananias and the Christian community forgave Paul, baptized him, and helped him through the bewildering event of his conversion (vv 10-22). After a short time with the church there, Paul was threatened with death by the Jews to whom he preached Jesus (vv 20-22), but he was protected by the believers and ingeniously delivered from his persecutors (vv 23-25).<\/p>\nPreparation for Ministry<\/p>\nThen began a period of preparation, which lasted about 13 years. During this time, Paul first was in the desert of Arabia for three years. Here was his opportunity to pray and reflect on Stephen’s defense to the Sanhedrin, the momentous significance of his conversion, the vision he received of Jesus Christ, and the meaning of all this in the light of Jewish theology. Following this, Paul returned to Damascus and then visited Peter in Jerusalem for 15 days (Gal 1:17-18).<\/p>\nAt first, the disciples in Jerusalem were afraid of him because they did not believe he was a disciple of Jesus (Acts 9:26), but he was championed by Barnabas and thus accepted by the believers in Jerusalem (vv 27-28). While there, Paul may have heard the oral gospel, a summary of the words and deeds of Jesus, handed down to all converts. This would have included the institution of the Lord’s Supper (1 Cor 11:23-25), specific words of the Lord (Acts 20:35; 1 Cor 7:10; 9:14), the appearances of the resurrected Christ (1 Cor 15:3-8), and the spirit and character of Jesus (2 Cor 10:1; Phil 2:5-8). Paul also preached in Jerusalem, perhaps in the same synagogues in which he had heard Stephen. However, when his life was again threatened by the Jews, the believers sent him away to Tarsus (Acts 9:29-30; Gal 1:21).<\/p>\nThe end of Paul’s preparation came when Barnabas went to Tarsus to look for him and bring him to Antioch. By this time Paul had lived for 10 years in Cilicia. Since his conversion, before being sent to Tarsus, he had proclaimed Jesus (Acts 9:20), speaking boldly in the name of the Lord (v 27). There is no reason to think he did otherwise while living among the Gentiles in Cilicia. In fact, his work may have been so effective that he began to attract attention in Antioch. During these years, Paul probably underwent many of the sufferings mentioned in 2 Corinthians 11:24-26. Several scholars think that the ecstatic experience mentioned in 2 Corinthians 12:1-9, with its accompanying thorn in the flesh, also took place before he came to Antioch.<\/p>\nSent Out from Antioch<\/p>\nThe church in Antioch had its origins in the persecution fomented by Paul after the death of Stephen. Until they arrived in Antioch, the scattered believers had only spoken the word to Jews (Acts 11:19). It was here that the Gentiles first heard the Good News (v 20), and many became believers (v 21). It is fitting that Paul, the apostle to the Gentiles (Acts 22:21; Rom 11:13), who was as yet unknown by sight to the churches of Judea (Gal 1:22), should appear in Antioch to formally begin the ministry to which he was called (Acts 26:17-18).<\/p>\nBarnabas and Paul stayed with the church in Antioch for a year. Their work there was so blessed that a new name, Christian, was coined to distinguish the believers in Antioch from Gentiles and Jews (Acts 11:26). Hearing of a famine in Judea, the disciples in Antioch determined to send relief to the believers in Judea and did so by Barnabas and Paul (v 30). Such a gift displayed to the Jewish churches the potency of the gospel among the Gentiles. Their mission complete, Barnabas and Paul returned to Antioch with John Mark (12:25), Barnabas’s cousin (Col 4:10).<\/p>\nBeginning from the Day of Pentecost, the work in the gospel had been casual and incidental. Contacts were made in the homes, the marketplace, the streets, synagogues, highways, etc. (Acts 3:1; 5:12, 42; 8:26-29; 10:22). But in Antioch the Holy Spirit initiated a determined effort to evangelize a section of the Roman Empire (13:1-3). By the Holy Spirit’s instructions, the church separated Barnabas and Paul for this work. With the prayers and encouragement of this church, and with John Mark as their assistant, Barnabas and Paul, sent out by the Holy Spirit, sailed for Cyprus (v 4).<\/p>\n\nTraveling with Barnabas<\/p>\nArriving in Salamis, they preached in the synagogues as they traveled the length of the island to Paphos (Acts 13:5-6). There the Roman proconsul, Sergius Paulus, wanted to hear the word of God (v 7). A magician named Elymas Bar-Jesus tried to prevent the proconsul from believing in Jesus but was stricken with temporary blindness by Paul’s command (vv 8-11). This was the first manifestation in Paul of the signs of an apostle (2 Cor 12:12). From then on, the name Paul, not Saul, is used in Luke’s record of the Acts of the Apostles (Acts 13:9), and Paul replaced Barnabas as the leader of the party. So “Paul and his company” set sail from Paphos and arrived in Perga of Pamphylia (v 13). John Mark deserted them at Perga and returned to his home in Jerusalem (v 13). This caused discord (15:39), but Paul and Mark were later reconciled (Col 4:10; 2 Tm 4:11).<\/p>\nPaul’s travels with the gospel now continued through the Roman province of Asia, specifically in the southern portion of Galatia, the areas of Pamphylia, Pisidia, and Lycaonia. The coastal area where the party landed is a hot, malarial region. It is thought that Paul contracted malaria there and so traveled inland through the mountains to the 4,000-foot- (1,219.2-meter-) high tablelands. Such a journey would have been full of dangerous rivers and bandits (2 Cor 11:26), but Paul was well cared for by the Galatian highlanders when he arrived (Gal 4:13-15) and was rewarded with a warm reception to his message (Acts 13:48-49).<\/p>\nPaul and Barnabas were asked to speak at the synagogue of Antioch in Pisidia (Acts 13:15), and Paul delivered a discourse full of the characteristics of the gospel he would later record in his letters to the churches (vv 16-41). He was invited to speak the next week (v 42); nearly the whole city gathered together to hear the word of God (v 44). This stirred up jealousy in the Jews who opposed Paul’s words (v 45), causing the apostles’ dramatic turn to the Gentiles (vv 46-47). Many Gentiles in Antioch believed and spread the word throughout the region, but Paul and Barnabas were forced out and went to Iconium in Lycaonia (vv 48-51).<\/p>\nThe success in Antioch was duplicated in Iconium as was the Jews’ opposition (Acts 14:1), and the apostles fled from the threat of a stoning to Lystra and Derbe in Lycaonia (vv 5-6). In Lystra the signs of an apostle were again seen when Paul healed a man who had been crippled since birth (vv 8-10). The idolatrous citizens of the town, however, primed by the popular belief that Jupiter, accompanied by Mercury, had once visited their region, worshiped Paul and Barnabas as these deities (vv 11-13). Even the convincing words of Paul, whom they mistook for Mercury, hardly restrained the crowds from offering a sacrifice (vv 14-18).<\/p>\nIt was in Lystra that Paul was first given a taste of the same medicine he had once administered to Christians. The Jews stoned him, dragged him out of the city, and left him for dead (Acts 14:19). Timothy (16:1-3) may have been among the new disciples surrounding Paul as he lay outside the gate (14:20). Timothy was Paul’s son in the faith (1 Cor 4:17; 1 Tm 1:2), eyewitness to his suffering (2 Tm 3:10-11), faithful companion, and fellow worker (Acts 19:22; 20:4; Rom 16:21; 1 Thes 3:2). The next day Barnabas and Paul went on to Derbe (Acts 14:20).<\/p>\nAfter making many disciples in Derbe, the apostles retraced their steps through Lystra, Iconium, and Antioch of Pisidia, strengthening and encouraging the new believers and appointing elders in each church (Acts 14:21-23). Arriving again in Perga, they sailed back to Antioch of Syria, where they reported to the church the wonderful news that God had opened a door of faith for the Gentiles (vv 25-27).<\/p>\nThe Council of Jerusalem<\/p>\nThe Jews, who had dogged the steps of Paul and Barnabas throughout Galatia, followed on their heels to bewitch the Gentiles there, convincing them to desert the grace of Christ and submit to the Jewish law (Gal 1:6; 3:1). Shortly after the apostles’ return to Antioch, Judaizers came from Judea to Antioch, teaching salvation by the law (Acts 15:1). This began the war against the gospel of grace, which Paul preached.<\/p>\nThe church in Antioch sent Paul, Barnabas, and others to Jerusalem to settle the controversy of the law versus grace with the apostles and elders there (AD<\/span> 49, Acts 15:2). Along the way to Jerusalem they spread the news of the conversion of the Gentiles. This brought great joy to the believers (v 3). Such joy was not shared by some in Jerusalem, who in the first meeting of the council said that the Gentiles should be ordered to keep the law of Moses (v 5).<\/p>\nAfter this meeting, Paul and Barnabas met privately with Peter, John, and James (Gal 2:1-10) and explained the gospel they had been preaching to the Gentiles. These three leaders of the church in Jerusalem saw the grace that had been given to Paul to bring the gospel to the Gentiles and extended to him the “right hand of fellowship.” This private meeting seems to have decided the question of compliance to the Jewish law because in the next general meeting Peter said, “We believe that we shall be saved through the grace of the Lord Jesus” (Acts 15:11, rsv<\/span>), and James reached the decision that “we should not trouble those of the Gentiles who turn to God” (Acts 15:19, rsv<\/span>). This was a great victory for Paul and Barnabas, and the news was received with rejoicing by the church in Antioch (vv 30-35).<\/p>\nLater, Peter visited Antioch and freely associated with the Gentile believers as he had timidly done in Cornelius’s house (Acts 10:28). This continued until “certain men came from James.” Their presence brought fear to Peter, clouding the light of the gospel of grace, and causing him to separate himself from the Gentiles. Peter’s action influenced others, including Barnabas, to do the same (Gal 2:12-13). Paul rose to the challenge of this serious crisis, confronted Peter publicly, and charged him with Judaizing and hypocrisy (v 14). Paul won the battle and rescued Peter and Barnabas with eloquent words on justification by faith (vv 15-21), but the Judaizers had resumed their war. From this time on, they did not rest; rather, they tormented and persecuted Paul all over the world. But the apostle did not submit to them for a moment. He was engaged in the fight of his life, so that the truth of the gospel might remain with the Gentile believers (v 5).<\/p>\nFurther Travel<\/p>\nPaul wanted to visit the new believers and see how they were doing. So he proposed to Barnabas that they return to the cities where they had previously preached about Jesus (Acts 15:36). Barnabas wanted to take John Mark with them, but Paul would not take him since he had deserted them during their earlier journey (13:13). This sharp disagreement ended Barnabas’s association with Paul (15:37-39). Silas, a leader among the brothers in Jerusalem (v 22), accompanied Paul as he set out by land through Syria and Cilicia, strengthening the churches (vv 40-41).<\/p>\nBeginning from Derbe in Galatia, Paul and Silas revisited the churches Paul had established with Barnabas. While in Lystra, they were joined by Timothy (Acts 16:1-3). The apostles delivered to these young churches the letter drafted by the elders and apostles in Jerusalem concerning the observance of the law (15:23-29), thus strengthening and increasing them (16:4-5).<\/p>\nIt is likely that Ephesus, a major city in the Roman province of Asia, was the party’s main objective for the advancement of the gospel, but they were “forbidden by the Holy Spirit to speak the word in Asia” (Acts 16:6). Then they attempted to turn north and enter the region of Bithynia, “but the Spirit of Jesus did not allow them” (v 7). In this way they were forced by God to continue straight westward to Troas on the Aegean Sea, where Luke joined them (“we” in v 10), and Paul had a vision in which he was called out of Asia into Macedonia (vv 8-9). Paul and his party immediately crossed by boat into Europe (v 11) where they carried the gospel to Philippi, Thessalonica, Berea, Athens, and Corinth.<\/p>\nPhilippi was a Roman colony and military outpost where there were few Jews, so Paul went to a place by the river where the local Jews prayed. He spoke to some women there, notably Lydia, who believed and with her household was baptized (Acts 16:12-15), beginning the first church in Europe. Paul cast a spirit of divination out of a girl in Philippi, and as a result he and Silas were jailed (vv 16-24). The events of their night in jail made the jailer a believer in God (vv 25-34), and he and his family were added to the church in Philippi, which met in Lydia’s home (v 40). When Paul disclosed his Roman citizenship, he was released and was asked to leave the city (vv 35-39).<\/p>\nAt Thessalonica the Jews, aroused to jealousy by the success of Paul’s gospel message, raised a mob to search for the apostles. They complained to the city authorities that the people “who have turned the world upside down have come here also” and accused the apostles of “saying that there is another king [besides Caesar], Jesus” (Acts 17:5-7).<\/p>\nPaul and Silas quickly left Thessalonica by night and arrived in Berea, a city thereafter distinguished by its citizens who eagerly and thoughtfully received the gospel (Acts 17:10-12). The Thessalonian Jews did not rest but trailed Paul to Berea to incite the crowds. The believers then sent Paul away to Athens, while Silas and Timothy stayed behind (vv 13-15).<\/p>\nThe Athenians called Paul a babbler but let him air his views before the Areopagus. Paul’s speech there was alive with his broad knowledge. He alluded to Greco-Roman philosophy (Acts 17:27), poetry (v 28), sculpture (vv 25, 29), architecture (v 24), and religion while proclaiming the existence of an “unknown god” (v 23). But he was rudely cut short by scoffing and indifference when he mentioned the resurrection (v 32). Paul’s words delighted the minds of many but influenced the wills of few, so when he arrived in Corinth, he determined not to proclaim the mystery of God in lofty words of wisdom so that the believers’ faith would not rest on human wisdom but on the power of God (1 Cor 2:1-5).<\/p>\nIn Corinth Paul met Aquila and Priscilla (Acts 18:2-3), Roman Jews with whom he lived and worked as a tent maker and who would become prominent among the churches (Acts 18:26; Rom 16:3; 1 Cor 16:19; 2 Tm 4:19). He stayed in Corinth 18 months from AD<\/span> 50 to 51, raising up a church (Acts 18:11) on the strength of a vision from God (vv 9-10) and in spite of the attacks of the Jews (vv 12-17). Paul wrote the first and second letters to the Thessalonians from Corinth to establish the believers in a holy, industrious life (1 Thes 3:13; 5:23; 2 Thes 3:7-12) in hope of the second coming of Jesus Christ (1 Thes 4:15-18; 2 Thes 2:1ff.).<\/p>\nAccompanied by Priscilla and Aquila, Paul sailed from Corinth for Syria. He left his fellow workers in Ephesus, sailed to Caesarea, briefly visited Jerusalem, and returned to Antioch (Acts 18:18-22). Paul stayed in Antioch for awhile but did not remain absent from the field of his labors for long. Alone, he departed from Antioch, went from place to place in Galatia and Phrygia strengthening all the disciples, and eventually arrived in Ephesus (18:23; 19:1).<\/p>\nLabor in the Gospel<\/p>\nA Jew named Apollos had ministered in Ephesus prior to Paul’s arrival and had recently gone over to Corinth (Acts 18:24-28). There Apollos innocently became the cause of such discord (1 Cor 3:3-9) that he left and refused to return even at Paul’s request (16:12). Paul’s earlier visit to Ephesus (Acts 18:19-20), Apollos’s ministry, and the presence of Priscilla and Aquila had prepared Ephesus for the apostle’s preaching of the gospel of Christ.<\/p>\nPaul began his work in Ephesus by setting straight some ill-informed disciples of John the Baptist (Acts 19:1-7). He then spent three months preaching at the local synagogue until members of the congregation “spoke evil of the Way” (v 9). Paul then took the disciples and continued his arguments on the neutral ground of Tyrannus’s school (vv 8-9), where Jews and Greeks were free to come. He continued there for two years and “all the residents of Asia, both Jews and Greeks, heard the word of the Lord” (v 10).<\/p>\nThe work in Ephesus was a great success (Acts 19:10, 20, 26). Paul enjoyed an open door for effective work (1 Cor 16:9), bolstered by extraordinary miracles (Acts 19:11-17), a public burning of valuable books of sorcery (vv 18-19), and the assistance of friendly officials from the province of Asia (v 31). There were also many adversaries (1 Cor 15:32; 16:9), especially among the artisans associated with the temple of Diana. Paul’s ministry had hurt their trade to the extent that they were incited to riot (Acts 19:23-41). Paul had intended to stay in Ephesus until Pentecost (1 Cor 16:8), but this tumult seems to have hastened his departure (Acts 20:1).<\/p>\nDuring his stay in Ephesus, the household of Chloe sent word to Paul from Corinth that there were divisions in the church there (1 Cor 1:10-13). This report generated a flurry of letters and travels. Paul wrote a letter, which is now lost, to this church (5:9). The church in Corinth wrote a letter (7:1) and sent messengers to Paul (16:17), and Paul sent Timothy to them (4:17; 16:10). Paul then wrote 1 Corinthians (AD<\/span> 53) and sent it by Titus, who was to meet him in Troas to report the results (2 Cor 2:12-13).<\/p>\nAfter his hasty exit from Ephesus, Paul found an open door for the gospel in Troas, but he so longed to hear from Corinth that he pushed on into Macedonia (2 Cor 2:12-13). There he was finally comforted by Titus (7:5-7) and rejoiced at the news of the Corinthians’ repentance, earnestness, longing, and zeal (vv 8-16). From Macedonia Paul wrote 2 Corinthians (AD<\/span> 54), toured northwest to proclaim the good news of Christ in Illyricum (Rom 15:19), and then turned south for Achaia and his third visit to Corinth (Acts 19:21; 20:1-3; 2 Cor 13:1).<\/p>\nThe time and place from which Paul wrote his letter to the Galatians is a topic of controversy. Some date it before the council at Jerusalem, about AD<\/span> 45. Others say he wrote it from Corinth at this stage in his history. The latter opinion is the choice of this narrative.<\/p>\nA three-month winter stay in Corinth (AD<\/span> 55–56) produced the Letter to the Romans, which firmly set the benchmark of the gospel for all the ages. Paul had many personal friends in Rome (Rom 16) and had long intended to visit there (1:10-15). His plans were to deliver a collection from the Gentile churches to Jerusalem (Acts 20:35; Rom 15:25-26; 1 Cor 16:1) and then visit Rome (Acts 19:21) on his way to Spain (Rom 15:23-24).<\/p>\nThe Arrest in Jerusalem<\/p>\nPaul’s trip from Corinth to Jerusalem was marked by abundant warnings of the danger awaiting him in Jerusalem. The Judaizers’ acrimony toward Paul was common talk everywhere, but all alarms went unheeded (Acts 20:22-24, 38; 21:4, 10-15). However, the request for prayer in Romans 15:30-32 shows that Paul knew he might soon need a divine rescue from the unbelievers in Judea.<\/p>\nThe travelers, carrying the collection for Jerusalem, journeyed swiftly in order to reach Jerusalem by Pentecost (Acts 20:16). They proceeded by land from Achaia, through Macedonia, to Philippi in time for the Passover (spring AD<\/span> 56, v 6). Crossing by sea to Troas, they visited the believers there (vv 7-12) and then sailed through the archipelago of the eastern Aegean Sea to Miletus (vv 13-16). From Miletus, Paul sent for the elders of Ephesus, to whom he delivered an impassioned speech containing his own dire warnings for them (vv 17-38).<\/p>\nParting from them, Paul and his companions set sail to Cos, to Rhodes, and then to Patara, where they changed ships for Phoenicia (Acts 21:1-2). A straight course to Tyre brought them within sight of Cyprus, with its memories of Barnabas and Sergius Paulus (v 3). “Through the Spirit” the disciples in Tyre “told Paul not to go on to Jerusalem” (v 4), but he pressed on to Caesarea, where he and his company stayed with Philip, who had formerly served with the martyred Stephen (21:8; cf. 6:5). In Caesarea, Paul would not be persuaded by an especially dramatic prophecy of his coming arrest (21:10-14).<\/p>\nIn Jerusalem the apostolic band stayed with Mnason, an early disciple, and were warmly welcomed by the brothers there (Acts 21:15-17). James and the elders of the church praised God when they heard of the things he had done through Paul among the Gentiles (vv 18-20), and when they received the collection from the churches (24:17). They told Paul of his bad reputation among the thousands of Jewish believers in Jerusalem and urged him to set right the Judaizers’ misrepresentation that he encouraged Jewish Christians to forsake the Mosaic customs (21:21-24). Acts 21:25 shows the Jerusalem elders understood that the Gentiles were under no obligation to Moses; their concern was for Paul to demonstrate that Jewish believers were free to continue their traditional observances.<\/p>\nPaul had kept the Jewish feasts (Acts 20:6), as had Jesus and the early disciples in Jerusalem. He had also cut his hair in a vow at Cenchreae (18:18), so it was a small matter for him, a Jew, to ceremonially purify himself after becoming a Christian, especially if it would undermine the arguments of the Judaizers. To have refused the elders’ request would have lent credence to the Judaizers’ charge. The success of this plan is seen in that it was the Jews from Asia, visiting Jerusalem for the Pentecost feast of AD<\/span> 57, who stirred up trouble for Paul (21:27-29)—not the Judaizers from Jerusalem.<\/p>\nThe whole city was aroused by Paul’s persistent persecutors. A violent crowd dragged him out of the temple just as Stephen had once been hauled to his martyrdom. They tried to kill him, but he was rescued by Roman soldiers as the mob cried, “Away with him!”—just as they had done to Jesus (Acts 21:30-36). At this juncture the educational and cultural diversity of Paul’s life came to his rescue. As he was carried for safety to the Roman barracks, he spoke in Greek to the tribune, who had mistaken him for an Egyptian assassin (vv 37-38). Given permission to speak to the crowd, he did so in the Aramaic language then common in Israel (vv 39-40). The hushed crowd eagerly heard Paul’s defense until he uttered the word “Gentiles.” At this, the crowd resumed its threatening and violence, and Paul was brought into the barracks (22:1-24). There the Romans prepared to flog him, until Paul revealed that he was not only a Jew from Tarsus but also a freeborn Roman citizen. The tribune was afraid, since he had bound a Roman citizen. Wanting to know the charges against Paul, he brought him to the Sanhedrin (vv 25-30).<\/p>\nThis meeting of the Jewish judiciary was shortly reduced to dissension and violence. Paul resorted to tactics justifiable in such a war and hopelessly divided the Sanhedrin on the subject of the resurrection (Acts 23:1-9). Paul again was rescued, this time from the contending factions of the Jewish leadership, and taken to the barracks, where the Lord encouraged him, promising that he would go to Rome (AD<\/span> 56, vv 10-11).<\/p>\nIn the meantime 40 Jews entered into a murderous plot against Paul. They vowed not to eat or drink until they had killed the apostle (Acts 23:12-15). They almost succeeded, but with the help of the son of Paul’s sister (v 16), the conspiracy was exposed. For safety, Paul was taken from Jerusalem to Caesarea under guard of 470 soldiers and handed over to the custody of Felix the governor (vv 16-35). Inconclusive hearings before Felix (Acts 24), his successor, Festus (25:1-12), and King Agrippa (25:23–26:32) occupied Paul in his two years of imprisonment in Caesarea. Festus, wanting to please the Jews, suggested that Paul be returned to Jerusalem for trial, but Paul knew the murderous intent of his accusers and again utilized his Roman citizenship by making a dramatic appeal to Caesar (25:9-12).<\/p>\nVoyage and Stay in Rome<\/p>\nTo plead his case at Caesar’s court, Paul and his companions, Aristarchus and Luke, were taken on a perilous voyage (AD<\/span> 58, Acts 27:1–28:16). Their passage by ship from Caesarea to Rome is one of the most remarkable on record. Luke’s detailed account is a treasure of information on ancient ships, navigation, and seamanship. It is also a beautiful portrait of a heroic and dignified apostle Paul, the gospel’s ambassador in chains (Eph 6:20), who with the guidance and assurance of his God (Acts 27:23-26), led the 276 people on board to safety (v 37).<\/p>\nLuke traces the voyage stage by stage through every crisis, with a change of ship at Myra, delay at Fair Havens on Crete, and the shipwreck on Malta. Finally, in the spring of AD<\/span> 59, they arrived at Puteoli, Italy, and made their way to Rome, welcomed by the believers along the Appian Way (Acts 28:13-16).<\/p>\nLuke provided a peaceful denouement to the Acts, notwithstanding the fact that the apostle was an imperial prisoner of Caesar Nero. Paul lived by himself in his own house, chained to a Roman guard (Acts 28:16, 30). There he received the local Jewish leaders—to calm any misgivings they may have had about him and, at the same time, to convince them about Jesus. His efforts had mixed success (vv 17-28). During Paul’s two or more years in Rome, the Judaizers seem to have withdrawn, only to be replaced by the peril of Eastern Gnosticism. This is seen in Paul’s letters to the Philippians, Colossians, and Ephesians, and to Philemon, all written at this time. It is unlikely that Paul’s accusers appeared in Rome to bring formal charges before Caesar, so Paul was probably released in AD<\/span> 61.<\/p>\nFinal Years and Martyrdom<\/p>\nIt is here assumed that the Pastoral Letters (1 Timothy, 2 Timothy, and Titus) are truly Paul’s work. Only through them can the probable course of events in Paul’s final years be traced. Romans 15:28 shows that Paul intended to deliver the collection to Jerusalem and then to “set out by way of you [Rome] to Spain.” The arrest and imprisonment in Jerusalem not only destroyed these plans but also extracted five precious years from the prime of a most productive life. Although Clement of Rome implied that Paul did fulfill his desire to go to Spain (Clement to the Corinthians<\/em> 5), it is certain that the daily pressure of Paul’s anxious care for all the churches (2 Cor 11:28) did not abate.<\/p>\nIf Paul went to Spain, he may have been there when Rome was burned on July 19, AD<\/span> 64. Tradition says that Paul traveled as far as Britain, but there is no evidence to confirm this. Returning east, he left Titus in Crete (Ti 1:5) and traveled through Miletus, south of Ephesus, where he left Trophimus sick (2 Tm 4:20). Traveling toward Macedonia, Paul visited Timothy in Ephesus (1 Tm 1:3). On the way, Paul left his cloak and books with Carpus in Troas (2 Tm 4:13). This indicates that he intended to return there for his possessions. From Macedonia Paul wrote his loving yet apprehensive first letter to Timothy (AD<\/span> 62–64). He had decided to spend the winter in Nicopolis (Ti 3:12), northwest of Corinth on the Adriatic Sea, but was still in Macedonia when he wrote his letter to Titus. This letter is similar to 1 Timothy, yet with a somewhat harsher tone. In it is a final glimpse of the eloquent and zealous Apollos (Ti 3:13), who is still in association with Paul 10 or more years after his first appearance in Ephesus (Acts 18:24).<\/p>\nFrom here Paul’s path is obscure. He may have wintered in Nicopolis, but he did not return to Troas for his winter cloak (2 Tm 4:13). At some point he was arrested by the Romans, because he spent a winter in Rome’s Mamertine Prison, suffering from the cold in that rock cell before he wrote his second letter to Timothy (AD<\/span> 66–67). He may have been anticipating the coming winter when he requested that Timothy bring his cloak (vv 13, 21). It is possible that the charges against Paul were related to the burning of Rome; this is unknown. It was, however, now “illegal” to be a Christian since the “new religion” was no longer protected by Roman law as being part of Judaism (which was a legalized, recognized religion by Roman law).<\/p>\nIt was dangerous to be associated with Paul at this time. Many deserted him (2 Tm 4:16), including all his coworkers in Asia (1:15) and Demas, who loved the world (4:10). Only Luke, the physician and author of Luke and Acts, was with him when he wrote his second letter to Timothy (v 11). Faithful believers still in hiding in Rome were also in contact with the apostle (1:16; 4:19, 21). He told Timothy to come to him in Rome and bring Mark also (4:11). Apparently Timothy did come and was imprisoned (Heb 13:23). Paul’s request for the books and parchments (2 Tm 4:13) discloses that he was reading and studying the Scripture to the end.<\/p>\nThe apostle Paul had two hearings before Caesar Nero. At his first defense only the Lord stood by him (2 Tm 4:16). There he not only pleaded his own cause but also that of the gospel, still longing that all the Gentiles would hear its message. Perhaps no decision was made, and thus he was “rescued from the lion’s mouth” (v 17). Though he knew he would soon die, he was not afraid, but was assured that the Lord would give him a crown of righteousness on the last day (v 8). Finally, the apostle himself recorded his seminal encouragement to all believers: “The Lord be with your spirit. Grace be with you” (v 22, rsv<\/span>). After this, the Scripture is silent regarding Paul.<\/p>\nNothing is known of Paul’s second hearing but that it resulted in the sentence of capital punishment. History does not record Paul’s end. Nero died in the summer of AD<\/span> 68, so Paul was executed before that date. As a Roman citizen, he must have been spared the lingering torture that had recently been suffered by his fellow martyrs. Tradition says that he was decapitated by the sword of an imperial headsman on the Ostian Road just outside of Rome, and buried nearby. This fulfilled Paul’s desire “to depart and be with Christ, for that is far better” (Phil 1:23, rsv<\/span>).<\/p>","summary_ro":"PAUL, The Apostle Prominent leader of the first-century church; apostle to the Gentiles; author of 13 NT epistles. Preview • Family and Cultural Background • Education • Saul the Persecutor • Conversion and Calling • Preparation for Ministry • Sent Out from Antioch • Traveling with Barnabas • The Council of Jerusalem • Further Travel • Labor in the Gospel • The Arrest in Jerusalem • Voyage and Stay in Rome • Final Years and Martyrdom Family and Cultural Background Paul was born around AD 10, ...","summary_en":"PAUL, The Apostle Prominent leader of the first-century church; apostle to the Gentiles; author of 13 NT epistles. Preview • Family and Cultural Background • Education • Saul the Persecutor • Conversion and Calling • Preparation for Ministry • Sent Out from Antioch • Traveling with Barnabas • The Council of Jerusalem • Further Travel • Labor in the Gospel • The Arrest in Jerusalem • Voyage and Stay in Rome • Final Years and Martyrdom Family and Cultural Background Paul was born around AD 10, ...","source":"Articles\/P.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":31405,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Priscilla and Aquila","title_en":"Priscilla and Aquila","content_ro":"<h3>PRISCILLA AND AQUILA<\/h3>\nChristian couple who were friends and possibly converts of the apostle Paul during his ministry at Corinth (Acts 18:1-3). They are always mentioned together in the NT. Priscilla’s personal character or her leadership role in the church may account for her name coming before her husband’s in four out of six references (Acts 18:18, 26; Rom 16:3; 2 Tm 4:19).<\/p>\nAquila was a Jew and a native of Pontus in Asia Minor. He had been expelled from Rome by the AD<\/span> 49 edict of Claudius (Acts 18:2). Suetonius records that the emperor “banished from Rome all the Jews, who were continually making disturbances at the instigation of one Chrestus.” From Rome, Aquila and Priscilla went to Corinth, where Paul (on his second missionary journey) met them. There they lived together and worked at the same trade of making tents. After such close association with Paul, they were able to instruct even the learned Apollos, a Jewish teacher who then became a Christian (vv 24-28).<\/p>\nBoth Priscilla and Aquila were Paul’s loyal friends and trusted coworkers (Rom 16:3-4). When he left Corinth, they accompanied him and remained at Ephesus after he returned to Syria (Acts 18:18-19). When Paul wrote the First Letter to Corinth, they were still at Ephesus, where their home was used as a place for Christians to gather (1 Cor 16:19). Since the decree of Claudius was temporary, Priscilla and Aquila were again in Rome when Paul wrote to the Roman Christians (Rom 16:3). When the Second Letter to Timothy was written, they were again in Ephesus (2 Tm 4:19).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>PRISCILLA AND AQUILA<\/h3>\nChristian couple who were friends and possibly converts of the apostle Paul during his ministry at Corinth (Acts 18:1-3). They are always mentioned together in the NT. Priscilla’s personal character or her leadership role in the church may account for her name coming before her husband’s in four out of six references (Acts 18:18, 26; Rom 16:3; 2 Tm 4:19).<\/p>\nAquila was a Jew and a native of Pontus in Asia Minor. He had been expelled from Rome by the AD<\/span> 49 edict of Claudius (Acts 18:2). Suetonius records that the emperor “banished from Rome all the Jews, who were continually making disturbances at the instigation of one Chrestus.” From Rome, Aquila and Priscilla went to Corinth, where Paul (on his second missionary journey) met them. There they lived together and worked at the same trade of making tents. After such close association with Paul, they were able to instruct even the learned Apollos, a Jewish teacher who then became a Christian (vv 24-28).<\/p>\nBoth Priscilla and Aquila were Paul’s loyal friends and trusted coworkers (Rom 16:3-4). When he left Corinth, they accompanied him and remained at Ephesus after he returned to Syria (Acts 18:18-19). When Paul wrote the First Letter to Corinth, they were still at Ephesus, where their home was used as a place for Christians to gather (1 Cor 16:19). Since the decree of Claudius was temporary, Priscilla and Aquila were again in Rome when Paul wrote to the Roman Christians (Rom 16:3). When the Second Letter to Timothy was written, they were again in Ephesus (2 Tm 4:19).<\/p>","summary_ro":"PRISCILLA AND AQUILA Christian couple who were friends and possibly converts of the apostle Paul during his ministry at Corinth (Acts 18:1-3). They are always mentioned together in the NT. Priscilla’s personal character or her leadership role in the church may account for her name coming before her husband’s in four out of six references (Acts 18:18, 26; Rom 16:3; 2 Tm 4:19). Aquila was a Jew and a native of Pontus in Asia Minor. He had been expelled from Rome by the AD 49 edict of Claudius (...","summary_en":"PRISCILLA AND AQUILA Christian couple who were friends and possibly converts of the apostle Paul during his ministry at Corinth (Acts 18:1-3). They are always mentioned together in the NT. Priscilla’s personal character or her leadership role in the church may account for her name coming before her husband’s in four out of six references (Acts 18:18, 26; Rom 16:3; 2 Tm 4:19). Aquila was a Jew and a native of Pontus in Asia Minor. He had been expelled from Rome by the AD 49 edict of Claudius (...","source":"Articles\/P.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":57432,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:3","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:3","content_ro":"16:3-16<\/strong> Although Paul had never visited the Christian community in Rome, he established rapport with these believers by personally greeting many of the church’s members. The names reveal that the Roman Christian community was very diverse—Jews and Gentiles, slaves and free, men and women all formed a new society in the church (see Gal 3:26-29).<\/p>","content_en":"16:3-16<\/strong> Although Paul had never visited the Christian community in Rome, he established rapport with these believers by personally greeting many of the church’s members. The names reveal that the Roman Christian community was very diverse—Jews and Gentiles, slaves and free, men and women all formed a new society in the church (see Gal 3:26-29).<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:3-16 Although Paul had never visited the Christian community in Rome, he established rapport with these believers by personally greeting many of the church’s members. The names reveal that the Roman Christian community was very diverse—Jews and Gentiles, slaves and free, men and women all formed a new society in the church (see Gal 3:26-29).","summary_en":"16:3-16 Although Paul had never visited the Christian community in Rome, he established rapport with these believers by personally greeting many of the church’s members. The names reveal that the Roman Christian community was very diverse—Jews and Gentiles, slaves and free, men and women all formed a new society in the church (see Gal 3:26-29).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":57433,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:3","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:3","content_ro":"16:3<\/strong> Priscilla and Aquila<\/em> were Paul’s good friends. After leaving Rome around AD<\/span> 49, they became his co-workers<\/em> for an extended time in Corinth and Ephesus (see Acts 18–19). They had apparently returned to Rome by the time Paul wrote Romans (about AD<\/span> 57).<\/p>","content_en":"16:3<\/strong> Priscilla and Aquila<\/em> were Paul’s good friends. After leaving Rome around AD<\/span> 49, they became his co-workers<\/em> for an extended time in Corinth and Ephesus (see Acts 18–19). They had apparently returned to Rome by the time Paul wrote Romans (about AD<\/span> 57).<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:3 Priscilla and Aquila were Paul’s good friends. After leaving Rome around AD 49, they became his co-workers for an extended time in Corinth and Ephesus (see Acts 18–19). They had apparently returned to Rome by the time Paul wrote Romans (about AD 57).","summary_en":"16:3 Priscilla and Aquila were Paul’s good friends. After leaving Rome around AD 49, they became his co-workers for an extended time in Corinth and Ephesus (see Acts 18–19). They had apparently returned to Rome by the time Paul wrote Romans (about AD 57).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":85058,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:3","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:3","content_ro":"16:3-16<\/strong> Although Paul had never visited the Christian community in Rome, he established rapport with these believers by personally greeting many of the church’s members. The names reveal that the Roman Christian community was very diverse—Jews and Gentiles, slaves and free, men and women all formed a new society in the church (see Gal 3:26-29).<\/p>","content_en":"16:3-16<\/strong> Although Paul had never visited the Christian community in Rome, he established rapport with these believers by personally greeting many of the church’s members. The names reveal that the Roman Christian community was very diverse—Jews and Gentiles, slaves and free, men and women all formed a new society in the church (see Gal 3:26-29).<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:3-16 Although Paul had never visited the Christian community in Rome, he established rapport with these believers by personally greeting many of the church’s members. The names reveal that the Roman Christian community was very diverse—Jews and Gentiles, slaves and free, men and women all formed a new society in the church (see Gal 3:26-29).","summary_en":"16:3-16 Although Paul had never visited the Christian community in Rome, he established rapport with these believers by personally greeting many of the church’s members. The names reveal that the Roman Christian community was very diverse—Jews and Gentiles, slaves and free, men and women all formed a new society in the church (see Gal 3:26-29).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":85059,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:3","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:3","content_ro":"16:3<\/strong> Priscilla and Aquila<\/em> were Paul’s good friends. After leaving Rome around AD<\/span> 49, they became his co-workers<\/em> for an extended time in Corinth and Ephesus (see Acts 18–19). They had apparently returned to Rome by the time Paul wrote Romans (about AD<\/span> 57).<\/p>","content_en":"16:3<\/strong> Priscilla and Aquila<\/em> were Paul’s good friends. After leaving Rome around AD<\/span> 49, they became his co-workers<\/em> for an extended time in Corinth and Ephesus (see Acts 18–19). They had apparently returned to Rome by the time Paul wrote Romans (about AD<\/span> 57).<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:3 Priscilla and Aquila were Paul’s good friends. After leaving Rome around AD 49, they became his co-workers for an extended time in Corinth and Ephesus (see Acts 18–19). They had apparently returned to Rome by the time Paul wrote Romans (about AD 57).","summary_en":"16:3 Priscilla and Aquila were Paul’s good friends. After leaving Rome around AD 49, they became his co-workers for an extended time in Corinth and Ephesus (see Acts 18–19). They had apparently returned to Rome by the time Paul wrote Romans (about AD 57).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":112684,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:3","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:3","content_ro":"16:3-16<\/strong> Although Paul had never visited the Christian community in Rome, he established rapport with these believers by personally greeting many of the church’s members. The names reveal that the Roman Christian community was very diverse—Jews and Gentiles, slaves and free, men and women all formed a new society in the church (see Gal 3:26-29).<\/p>","content_en":"16:3-16<\/strong> Although Paul had never visited the Christian community in Rome, he established rapport with these believers by personally greeting many of the church’s members. The names reveal that the Roman Christian community was very diverse—Jews and Gentiles, slaves and free, men and women all formed a new society in the church (see Gal 3:26-29).<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:3-16 Although Paul had never visited the Christian community in Rome, he established rapport with these believers by personally greeting many of the church’s members. The names reveal that the Roman Christian community was very diverse—Jews and Gentiles, slaves and free, men and women all formed a new society in the church (see Gal 3:26-29).","summary_en":"16:3-16 Although Paul had never visited the Christian community in Rome, he established rapport with these believers by personally greeting many of the church’s members. The names reveal that the Roman Christian community was very diverse—Jews and Gentiles, slaves and free, men and women all formed a new society in the church (see Gal 3:26-29).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":112685,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:3","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:3","content_ro":"16:3<\/strong> Priscilla and Aquila<\/em> were Paul’s good friends. After leaving Rome around AD<\/span> 49, they became his co-workers<\/em> for an extended time in Corinth and Ephesus (see Acts 18–19). They had apparently returned to Rome by the time Paul wrote Romans (about AD<\/span> 57).<\/p>","content_en":"16:3<\/strong> Priscilla and Aquila<\/em> were Paul’s good friends. After leaving Rome around AD<\/span> 49, they became his co-workers<\/em> for an extended time in Corinth and Ephesus (see Acts 18–19). They had apparently returned to Rome by the time Paul wrote Romans (about AD<\/span> 57).<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:3 Priscilla and Aquila were Paul’s good friends. After leaving Rome around AD 49, they became his co-workers for an extended time in Corinth and Ephesus (see Acts 18–19). They had apparently returned to Rome by the time Paul wrote Romans (about AD 57).","summary_en":"16:3 Priscilla and Aquila were Paul’s good friends. After leaving Rome around AD 49, they became his co-workers for an extended time in Corinth and Ephesus (see Acts 18–19). They had apparently returned to Rome by the time Paul wrote Romans (about AD 57).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":140310,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:3","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:3","content_ro":"16:3-16<\/strong> Although Paul had never visited the Christian community in Rome, he established rapport with these believers by personally greeting many of the church’s members. The names reveal that the Roman Christian community was very diverse—Jews and Gentiles, slaves and free, men and women all formed a new society in the church (see Gal 3:26-29).<\/p>","content_en":"16:3-16<\/strong> Although Paul had never visited the Christian community in Rome, he established rapport with these believers by personally greeting many of the church’s members. The names reveal that the Roman Christian community was very diverse—Jews and Gentiles, slaves and free, men and women all formed a new society in the church (see Gal 3:26-29).<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:3-16 Although Paul had never visited the Christian community in Rome, he established rapport with these believers by personally greeting many of the church’s members. The names reveal that the Roman Christian community was very diverse—Jews and Gentiles, slaves and free, men and women all formed a new society in the church (see Gal 3:26-29).","summary_en":"16:3-16 Although Paul had never visited the Christian community in Rome, he established rapport with these believers by personally greeting many of the church’s members. The names reveal that the Roman Christian community was very diverse—Jews and Gentiles, slaves and free, men and women all formed a new society in the church (see Gal 3:26-29).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":140311,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:3","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:3","content_ro":"16:3<\/strong> Priscilla and Aquila<\/em> were Paul’s good friends. After leaving Rome around AD<\/span> 49, they became his co-workers<\/em> for an extended time in Corinth and Ephesus (see Acts 18–19). They had apparently returned to Rome by the time Paul wrote Romans (about AD<\/span> 57).<\/p>","content_en":"16:3<\/strong> Priscilla and Aquila<\/em> were Paul’s good friends. After leaving Rome around AD<\/span> 49, they became his co-workers<\/em> for an extended time in Corinth and Ephesus (see Acts 18–19). They had apparently returned to Rome by the time Paul wrote Romans (about AD<\/span> 57).<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:3 Priscilla and Aquila were Paul’s good friends. After leaving Rome around AD 49, they became his co-workers for an extended time in Corinth and Ephesus (see Acts 18–19). They had apparently returned to Rome by the time Paul wrote Romans (about AD 57).","summary_en":"16:3 Priscilla and Aquila were Paul’s good friends. After leaving Rome around AD 49, they became his co-workers for an extended time in Corinth and Ephesus (see Acts 18–19). They had apparently returned to Rome by the time Paul wrote Romans (about AD 57).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"4":[{"id":7681,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Second Letter to the Corinthians","title_en":"Second Letter to the Corinthians","content_ro":"<h3>CORINTHIANS, Second Letter to the<\/h3>\nPreview<\/p>\n• Author<\/p>\n• Date and Origin<\/p>\n• Background<\/p>\n• Purpose and Teaching<\/p>\n• Content<\/p>\nAuthor<\/p>\nThe apostle Paul is the acknowledged author of 2 Corinthians. While some scholars argue that 2 Corinthians 2:14–7:4 and 10–13 are separate letters, only in the case of 6:14–7:1 is Paul’s authorship disputed. This section is admittedly a strange digression, but stranger still would be the thought that an editor could have inserted it in such an unusual place. Also the repetition of thought in 7:2 from 6:13 indicates that Paul is aware that he has digressed from his topic and is repeating a phrase to bring his readers back to the subject.<\/p>\nDate and Origin<\/p>\nAfter writing both the “previous letter” (1 Cor 5:9) and 1 Corinthians from Ephesus in AD<\/span> 55, Paul continued to work there. Sometime during the next year a crisis arose in Corinth. Paul made a quick trip across the Aegean Sea, but he could not resolve the crisis, and due to the personal opposition of a leader in the church (likely an interloper bearing letters of recommendation from Jerusalem), he had to withdraw (2 Cor 2:1, 5). Returning to Ephesus from this “painful visit,” Paul dispatched Titus with a blistering “letter of tears,” his third letter to that church (2 Cor 2:4; 7:8, 12), which led to the excommunication of the leader and the repentance of the church. This letter has been lost. Meanwhile a situation erupted in Ephesus during which death (probably execution) seemed so certain that Paul despaired of life (see Acts 19:23-41; cf. Rom 16:4; 2 Cor 1:8-9). Paul was not killed, but his escape seemed miraculous.<\/p>\nLeaving Ephesus in early AD<\/span> 56, Paul traveled north to Troas seeking Titus and news of Corinth. Unable to endure without news, he abandoned a promising mission in Troas and sailed to Philippi. There he met Titus, who explained the change of heart in Corinth. Second Corinthians 1–9 responds to this situation, with chapters 8–9 preparing the Corinthians for an upcoming visit. Later Paul received further news from Corinth that renewed opposition to him was present. In response he penned the self-defense found in 2 Corinthians 10–13. Paul followed up the letter with a visit later in the year (Acts 20:2-3). We do not know the response to 2 Corinthians or the outcome of his final visit, but later the troubled history of the Corinthian church continued, with another Christian leader needing to write a letter at the end of the century (Epistle of Clement).<\/p>\nBackground<\/p>\nThe Corinthian house churches always had great diversity. While those who liked Apollos undoubtedly despised Paul’s crude style, others who preferred Peter likely appealed beyond Paul to the more genuine “original” apostles in Jerusalem with their Jewish customs (1 Cor 1). Traveling teachers with letters of commendation from these apostles easily drew a following when they came to Corinth and undermined Paul’s authority and even his character. Furthermore, because of this outside influence, the collection for the poor in Jerusalem that Paul had initiated (16:1-4) was left in abeyance, both because it was connected to Paul and because the teachers themselves were taking money from the church. Paul writes to reaffirm his love and to repair the damage caused by the interloper.<\/p>\nPurpose and Teaching<\/p>\nIn the first section of the letter, Paul has two main purposes. The first is to cement his restored relationship with Corinth, explaining situations, forgiving those who opposed him, and reflecting on the nature of ministry. For Paul, ministry meant both intense suffering and comfort. Physical and emotional suffering came from the situations and people he worked with, but his knowledge of future reward and his experience of the power of God working in him brought profound joy and comfort. Due to his own recent brush with death, Paul also reflects on what happens at death. His expectation is to receive a resurrection body and be in the presence of Jesus at death.<\/p>\nThe second purpose of this section is to get the collection for Jerusalem on track again. In this context he gives major teaching on giving and Christian economics: Christians are to follow Christ in giving freely; economic equality is the principle governing who gives to whom.<\/p>\nThe second section of the letter is an impassioned self-defense, refuting the interloper’s claims to superiority. Neither oratory nor pedigree counts in Christian ministry, but only the call of God.<\/p>\nIn both sections one observes Paul’s deep desire for the unity of the church, both unity within the local community and unity with leaders appointed by God, such as Paul.<\/p>\nContent<\/p>\n<h5>Greeting, 1:1-7<\/h5>\nA standard greeting (2 Cor 1:1-2) comes before Paul’s usual thanksgiving (vv 3-7). The topic of the thanksgiving—comfort in the midst of suffering—is the topic of chapters 1–7. Paul knows what it is to suffer, but it is in suffering that he has experienced God’s comfort, which he passes on to the Corinthians.<\/p>\n<h5>Paul’s Explanation, 1:8–2:13<\/h5>\nPaul informs them of the danger he had suffered in Ephesus, one so great that he did not believe he would survive. His eventual survival seemed like a virtual resurrection, reinforcing his conviction that God, not human strength, is the only Christian refuge (1:8-11). In that and in all situations, Paul’s one boast is that of a clear conscience before God (vv 12-14).<\/p>\nPaul had told them of plans for a double visit (cf. 1 Cor 16:5-6), but except for his brief “painful visit,” he had not fulfilled his plan (2 Cor 1:15–2:4). He defends himself from charges of either not planning in the Spirit or hypocritical vacillation. He was indeed as good as his word (cf. Jas 5:12), for his life reflected God’s fulfilled promise in Jesus, but he had changed plans so as not to repeat the “painful visit” of the previous year. It was love, not fickleness, that motivated the delayed visit.<\/p>\nThe Corinthians had responded to Paul’s “letter of tears” by excommunicating the person who had opposed Paul (not the same person as in 1 Cor 5). Since the person became repentant, Paul called for his restoration to the community, freely and graciously forgiving the man who had hurt him. Excommunication is for the unrepentant; its purpose is complete once the person repents (2 Cor 2:5-11).<\/p>\nPaul then recounted his journey from Ephesus to Philippi, when he sought news of the response to the “letter of tears” (2:12-13). After telling how he left an opportunity to minister in Troas to go to find Titus in Philippi, he breaks the narrative with a long digression.<\/p>\n<h5>Nature of Apostolic Ministry, 2:14–7:4<\/h5>\nThe apostolic ministry in which Paul took part is like the ministry of Jesus, one of suffering and glory. Even in suffering there is triumph in Christ, for Christians share Christ’s triumph. Yet just like the perfumes of a Roman triumph were joy to the victors but meant death for prisoners on their way to execution, so Jesus’ triumph is life to the believer and death to the unbeliever (2:14-17).<\/p>\nThis triumph may have sounded like a boast, but Paul is not engaging in self-exaltation. Indeed, he has no need of the letters of commendation that the interloper in Corinth carried from Jerusalem, for the Corinthians are themselves the proof of his ministry (3:1-3). His boast is not in himself but in the new covenant in the Spirit, which unlike the old covenant is not fading (here Paul follows one Jewish interpretation of Ex 34:29-35, that Moses put the veil over his face so the people would not see the glory fade), nor does it veil the presence of God. The new covenant is permanent; it reveals God directly in the Spirit. There is no deceit or hiddenness, for the message is not about Paul but about Jesus, who is light itself (2 Cor 3:4–4:6).<\/p>\nPaul the messenger, however, is simply the cheap, breakable pot that contains the priceless treasure, revealing by way of contrast that the only power in the gospel is God’s power. This contrast of weakness and power is seen in the sufferings of the apostle, a type of living death modeled after the sufferings of Jesus, out of which the life of Jesus flows to others (4:7-15).<\/p>\nTherefore, despite intense suffering, Paul has courage, for he looks beyond this life to the rewards of the coming life. His whole motivation is one of faith, not sight, for he lives already for unseen realities (4:16-18). When he dies, Paul expects to receive an eternal resurrection body. His hope is not of becoming a disembodied soul (“naked”) but of passing immediately into a glorified bodily life, already guaranteed by the presence of the Spirit. This hope was likely the fruit of his near brush with death in Ephesus, when he must have meditated and prayed about what would come at death (5:1-5). Because this future includes Christ’s judgment, Paul wanted to make every effort to live in the light of that judgment, which he already saw by faith (vv 6-10).<\/p>\nFar from trying to commend or exalt himself, Paul was simply presenting what he was—a person filled with the love of Christ and convinced that all should live not for themselves but for Christ (5:11-15). No one should be valued from a merely human point of view, not Paul, nor even Christ (for Paul before his conversion had a human opinion of Christ that his conversion had radically changed); everyone should be valued from the point of view of the new creation. Paul’s job was simply to announce the reconciliation of the new creation, which God has already effected on his side and which only awaits a person’s ratification on the human side (5:16-20).<\/p>\nPaul, then, was a coworker with God, announcing salvation, using every means consistent with God’s character to proclaim the message, and suffering everything imaginable to demonstrate the extent of God’s love (6:1-10). Therefore, Paul had nothing against the Corinthians. If there was any blockage in their relationship with him, it must be on their side (6:11-13).<\/p>\n<h5>Digression on Purity, 6:14–7:1<\/h5>\nPerhaps suspecting that the real block in the relationship was their love of the world, or that the Corinthians might not be totally over the problems mentioned in 1 Corinthians, Paul digressed into a discussion about the purity and sanctification of believers. There are two groups, light and darkness, Christ and the devil, believers and unbelievers. Therefore, as Exodus 25:8, Leviticus 26:11-12, Isaiah 52:11, Ezekiel 37:27, and Hosea 1:10 show (phrases from these passages flow into each other in a style of chain quotation familiar to Jews), Christians should not be closely bound to unbelievers in marriage or in business, for it will affect their moral purity.<\/p>\n<h5>Return to the Nature of the Apostolic Ministry, 7:2-4<\/h5>\nPicking up from 6:13, Paul points out that the Corinthians have nothing substantial against him. He is not criticizing but simply appealing to them in love; even now he is prepared to die for them.<\/p>\n<h5>Explanation Concluded, 7:5-16<\/h5>\nHaving concluded his digression, Paul now returns to his journey, which he left in 2:13. When he met Titus, he received good news about Corinth. He was relieved that his “letter of tears” had been effective, not in simply making them sorry but in bringing them to true repentance that yielded zeal, moral purity, and joy. Furthermore, their behavior toward Titus had been so impressive that Titus’s enthusiastic report of his own impressions had further cheered Paul.<\/p>\n<h5>Collection for Jerusalem, 8:1–9:15<\/h5>\nIn the context of restored relationships Paul turns to the sensitive topic of the collection for the church in Jerusalem, which had been impoverished through famines in Judea in the 40s. This collection was both an act of charity (cf. Acts 11:27-30; Gal 2:10) and a symbolic act of unity and fellowship between the Gentile and Jewish branches of the church.<\/p>\nThe impoverished and suffering church in Macedonia (Philippi) had given eagerly. Therefore, Titus was coming back to help the Corinthians complete what they had begun the previous year (and probably dropped during the controversy with Paul, 2 Cor 8:1-7). The principles of the collection are (1) the Corinthians should follow the example of Jesus, who became poor for them; (2) they should give freely what they can without regretting that they cannot give more, for God values the eagerness to give expressed in action, not the net amount of the gift; and (3) there should be an economic equality among sections of the church, no one section being enriched at the expense of another (cf. Ex 16:18). This economic equality extends to the relationship between two churches a continent apart (2 Cor 8:8-15).<\/p>\nTitus and two absolutely trustworthy men appointed by the churches for this work will come to supervise the final gathering—Paul would have nothing to do with the money personally—for it is important that not only God but the world be able to see the honesty and integrity of the way the church handles money (8:16-24).<\/p>\nIn this section Paul points out that he does not need to argue the reasons for this collection; they were aware of them when they began to gather money the year before. This letter is not an argument for the collection but an encouragement to finish the work, so that when Paul arrives with representatives of other churches carrying their contributions, the Corinthians would not be embarrassed by their relatively wealthy churches not being ready or able to give generously, despite Paul’s boasts about their previous eagerness. In saying this, Paul shows himself diplomatic and insightful in motivating human behavior; he makes the best assumptions possible about the present situation (9:1-5).<\/p>\nPaul would not want the Corinthians giving out of guilt, although he, like Jesus (Mt 6:19-20), pointed out that the only real value of money is in giving it to help others. Rather, he wanted them so convinced of God’s generosity and ability to provide that they give freely and joyfully. God wanted to enrich them so they could give more. The giving would result in thanksgiving to God by the recipients, who would also pray for those who gave the gift, thereby binding the church together. A closing reminder of the extent of God’s own giving finishes the section (2 Cor 9:6-15).<\/p>\n<h5>Paul’s Self-Defense, 10:1–13:14<\/h5>\nThere is an abrupt change in tone between 9:15 and 10:1. Now, instead of the tone of conciliation found in 1:1–7:16, there is argument and defense, even threat. Paul’s apostleship has been attacked, and he will defend it with vigor.<\/p>\nPaul was indeed a humble person who preferred not to use his authority. Yet when forced, he had something more than authority; he had spiritual power, capable of destroying opposing arguments and bending all to obedience to Jesus. He would use that power in Corinth if he must, though up to that time he had been gentle and had shown this side of his ministry only in letters (10:1-11).<\/p>\nHis opponents talked of their qualifications and compared themselves favorably with other ministers. Paul would not enter into this game of comparisons. God had set the sphere of his labors, which was the area in which he founded churches. He was the one who pioneered the church in Corinth, so it is his sphere of ministry, not the interloper’s (and such like him). They boasted in having reaped the benefits of his ministry; Paul could point to an original ministry given by God, for it is God’s commendation in the end that counts (10:13-18).<\/p>\nYet the Corinthian rebellion is serious enough to force him into self-defense, ridiculous as such an exercise is. He was shocked by how readily they turned away to every novel doctrine that came along. This tendency strikes fear in Paul’s heart (11:1-6).<\/p>\nPaul had been criticized for refusing financial support from Corinth (even though he accepted gifts from other churches; cf. 1 Cor 9). He would continue to refuse such support, for he wanted to undermine the claims of the interloper. If the interloper was really serving God alone, let him work on the same basis as Paul! But since the interloper was false at heart, serving Satan and not God, he sought money from the church. Paul was astonished that in the Corinthians’ vaunted wisdom they did not see through this hypocrisy, yet he hoped that even if he must play the fool in making a self-defense, they would at least accept a fool like Paul. The irony is that his very tender care and concern for the church, his gentleness, was being used against him as a supposed “weakness.” Paul, the opponent argued, knew he was false, so therefore did not dare take money from the Corinthians (11:7-21).<\/p>\nInterlopers claimed to come with authority from Jerusalem. They had letters from the apostles; it is unlikely, however, that the apostles would have approved of their activities. Still, they were Jews with respectable authority behind them. Paul felt compelled to state his own credentials. If they were Jews, he was just as pure a Jew. If they served Christ, could their work and sufferings match his? The list of sufferings both gives historical information not found in Acts and points to tireless labor, including days of fasting (“gone without food”) and nights spent in prayer (“gone without sleep”) (11:21-29).<\/p>\nBut this boasting was repulsive to Paul, so he isolated one particular suffering—his escape from Damascus, when he had to hide and slip out of the city in a basket. The story at once shows his effectiveness as an evangelist (in that he was a target of persecution) and shames him, for he could not defend himself and had to slip away under cover of darkness. Yet that weakness was indeed his glory (11:30-33).<\/p>\nHis opponents boasted in revelations from God. Paul knew that this boasting was senseless; however, if he must, he would tell them of a revelation superior to theirs, a time when he actually saw the inside of heaven (he is not sure whether it was a vision or an actual bodily experience). This probably happened about AD<\/span> 42, while Paul was in Tarsus, before Barnabas came for him (Acts 9:30; 11:25). Paul disliked telling about this, for God’s power is more easily seen in his weakness. In fact, Paul’s opponents were an affliction of Satan that God allowed to keep Paul humble and to demonstrate his power in Paul’s weakness. (The image of a “thorn in my flesh” is one of enemies—Nm 33:55; Jos 23:13; Paul also describes what he means more clearly in 2 Cor 12:10). If vulnerability shows God’s power, Paul willingly accepts the weakness (12:1-10).<\/p>\nPaul felt ashamed that he had to boast. The opponents boasted in coming from the Jerusalem “superapostles.” Paul pointed out that he was their equal, although both are nothing. God had set his mark upon Paul’s work. With biting irony he asks forgiveness for not having taken money from the Corinthians (12:11-13).<\/p>\nYet Paul would come a third time, and he would keep to the same policy of not taking any support from them but giving himself freely to them, just as Jesus had done on earth. Not only he, but all his envoys, kept to the same policy. No one could accuse him of deceit or inconsistency (12:14-18). However, he feared coming to them, for he knew that the community had not just rebelled against him but was also in internal disorder. This disunity and immorality would humble and pain Paul (12:19–13:4).<\/p>\nTherefore, the Corinthians had better examine themselves. Were they really following Jesus or not? If so, they should see that Paul was also following Jesus. Yet Paul’s concern was not for his own position—he was content to be rejected (“weak”)—but for their following the truth. He hoped for their repentance, not to protect himself, but so that he need not be severe when he came (13:5-10).<\/p>\nProbably taking the pen from the scribe at this point, Paul closes with a final appeal to repent and come to unity as a church. Brief greetings from the church in Macedonia and a formal blessing closes his correspondence with the Corinthians (vv 11-13).<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Acts of the Apostles, Book of the; Corinth; Corinthians, First Letter to the; Paul, The Apostle.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>CORINTHIANS, Second Letter to the<\/h3>\nPreview<\/p>\n• Author<\/p>\n• Date and Origin<\/p>\n• Background<\/p>\n• Purpose and Teaching<\/p>\n• Content<\/p>\nAuthor<\/p>\nThe apostle Paul is the acknowledged author of 2 Corinthians. While some scholars argue that 2 Corinthians 2:14–7:4 and 10–13 are separate letters, only in the case of 6:14–7:1 is Paul’s authorship disputed. This section is admittedly a strange digression, but stranger still would be the thought that an editor could have inserted it in such an unusual place. Also the repetition of thought in 7:2 from 6:13 indicates that Paul is aware that he has digressed from his topic and is repeating a phrase to bring his readers back to the subject.<\/p>\nDate and Origin<\/p>\nAfter writing both the “previous letter” (1 Cor 5:9) and 1 Corinthians from Ephesus in AD<\/span> 55, Paul continued to work there. Sometime during the next year a crisis arose in Corinth. Paul made a quick trip across the Aegean Sea, but he could not resolve the crisis, and due to the personal opposition of a leader in the church (likely an interloper bearing letters of recommendation from Jerusalem), he had to withdraw (2 Cor 2:1, 5). Returning to Ephesus from this “painful visit,” Paul dispatched Titus with a blistering “letter of tears,” his third letter to that church (2 Cor 2:4; 7:8, 12), which led to the excommunication of the leader and the repentance of the church. This letter has been lost. Meanwhile a situation erupted in Ephesus during which death (probably execution) seemed so certain that Paul despaired of life (see Acts 19:23-41; cf. Rom 16:4; 2 Cor 1:8-9). Paul was not killed, but his escape seemed miraculous.<\/p>\nLeaving Ephesus in early AD<\/span> 56, Paul traveled north to Troas seeking Titus and news of Corinth. Unable to endure without news, he abandoned a promising mission in Troas and sailed to Philippi. There he met Titus, who explained the change of heart in Corinth. Second Corinthians 1–9 responds to this situation, with chapters 8–9 preparing the Corinthians for an upcoming visit. Later Paul received further news from Corinth that renewed opposition to him was present. In response he penned the self-defense found in 2 Corinthians 10–13. Paul followed up the letter with a visit later in the year (Acts 20:2-3). We do not know the response to 2 Corinthians or the outcome of his final visit, but later the troubled history of the Corinthian church continued, with another Christian leader needing to write a letter at the end of the century (Epistle of Clement).<\/p>\nBackground<\/p>\nThe Corinthian house churches always had great diversity. While those who liked Apollos undoubtedly despised Paul’s crude style, others who preferred Peter likely appealed beyond Paul to the more genuine “original” apostles in Jerusalem with their Jewish customs (1 Cor 1). Traveling teachers with letters of commendation from these apostles easily drew a following when they came to Corinth and undermined Paul’s authority and even his character. Furthermore, because of this outside influence, the collection for the poor in Jerusalem that Paul had initiated (16:1-4) was left in abeyance, both because it was connected to Paul and because the teachers themselves were taking money from the church. Paul writes to reaffirm his love and to repair the damage caused by the interloper.<\/p>\nPurpose and Teaching<\/p>\nIn the first section of the letter, Paul has two main purposes. The first is to cement his restored relationship with Corinth, explaining situations, forgiving those who opposed him, and reflecting on the nature of ministry. For Paul, ministry meant both intense suffering and comfort. Physical and emotional suffering came from the situations and people he worked with, but his knowledge of future reward and his experience of the power of God working in him brought profound joy and comfort. Due to his own recent brush with death, Paul also reflects on what happens at death. His expectation is to receive a resurrection body and be in the presence of Jesus at death.<\/p>\nThe second purpose of this section is to get the collection for Jerusalem on track again. In this context he gives major teaching on giving and Christian economics: Christians are to follow Christ in giving freely; economic equality is the principle governing who gives to whom.<\/p>\nThe second section of the letter is an impassioned self-defense, refuting the interloper’s claims to superiority. Neither oratory nor pedigree counts in Christian ministry, but only the call of God.<\/p>\nIn both sections one observes Paul’s deep desire for the unity of the church, both unity within the local community and unity with leaders appointed by God, such as Paul.<\/p>\nContent<\/p>\n<h5>Greeting, 1:1-7<\/h5>\nA standard greeting (2 Cor 1:1-2) comes before Paul’s usual thanksgiving (vv 3-7). The topic of the thanksgiving—comfort in the midst of suffering—is the topic of chapters 1–7. Paul knows what it is to suffer, but it is in suffering that he has experienced God’s comfort, which he passes on to the Corinthians.<\/p>\n<h5>Paul’s Explanation, 1:8–2:13<\/h5>\nPaul informs them of the danger he had suffered in Ephesus, one so great that he did not believe he would survive. His eventual survival seemed like a virtual resurrection, reinforcing his conviction that God, not human strength, is the only Christian refuge (1:8-11). In that and in all situations, Paul’s one boast is that of a clear conscience before God (vv 12-14).<\/p>\nPaul had told them of plans for a double visit (cf. 1 Cor 16:5-6), but except for his brief “painful visit,” he had not fulfilled his plan (2 Cor 1:15–2:4). He defends himself from charges of either not planning in the Spirit or hypocritical vacillation. He was indeed as good as his word (cf. Jas 5:12), for his life reflected God’s fulfilled promise in Jesus, but he had changed plans so as not to repeat the “painful visit” of the previous year. It was love, not fickleness, that motivated the delayed visit.<\/p>\nThe Corinthians had responded to Paul’s “letter of tears” by excommunicating the person who had opposed Paul (not the same person as in 1 Cor 5). Since the person became repentant, Paul called for his restoration to the community, freely and graciously forgiving the man who had hurt him. Excommunication is for the unrepentant; its purpose is complete once the person repents (2 Cor 2:5-11).<\/p>\nPaul then recounted his journey from Ephesus to Philippi, when he sought news of the response to the “letter of tears” (2:12-13). After telling how he left an opportunity to minister in Troas to go to find Titus in Philippi, he breaks the narrative with a long digression.<\/p>\n<h5>Nature of Apostolic Ministry, 2:14–7:4<\/h5>\nThe apostolic ministry in which Paul took part is like the ministry of Jesus, one of suffering and glory. Even in suffering there is triumph in Christ, for Christians share Christ’s triumph. Yet just like the perfumes of a Roman triumph were joy to the victors but meant death for prisoners on their way to execution, so Jesus’ triumph is life to the believer and death to the unbeliever (2:14-17).<\/p>\nThis triumph may have sounded like a boast, but Paul is not engaging in self-exaltation. Indeed, he has no need of the letters of commendation that the interloper in Corinth carried from Jerusalem, for the Corinthians are themselves the proof of his ministry (3:1-3). His boast is not in himself but in the new covenant in the Spirit, which unlike the old covenant is not fading (here Paul follows one Jewish interpretation of Ex 34:29-35, that Moses put the veil over his face so the people would not see the glory fade), nor does it veil the presence of God. The new covenant is permanent; it reveals God directly in the Spirit. There is no deceit or hiddenness, for the message is not about Paul but about Jesus, who is light itself (2 Cor 3:4–4:6).<\/p>\nPaul the messenger, however, is simply the cheap, breakable pot that contains the priceless treasure, revealing by way of contrast that the only power in the gospel is God’s power. This contrast of weakness and power is seen in the sufferings of the apostle, a type of living death modeled after the sufferings of Jesus, out of which the life of Jesus flows to others (4:7-15).<\/p>\nTherefore, despite intense suffering, Paul has courage, for he looks beyond this life to the rewards of the coming life. His whole motivation is one of faith, not sight, for he lives already for unseen realities (4:16-18). When he dies, Paul expects to receive an eternal resurrection body. His hope is not of becoming a disembodied soul (“naked”) but of passing immediately into a glorified bodily life, already guaranteed by the presence of the Spirit. This hope was likely the fruit of his near brush with death in Ephesus, when he must have meditated and prayed about what would come at death (5:1-5). Because this future includes Christ’s judgment, Paul wanted to make every effort to live in the light of that judgment, which he already saw by faith (vv 6-10).<\/p>\nFar from trying to commend or exalt himself, Paul was simply presenting what he was—a person filled with the love of Christ and convinced that all should live not for themselves but for Christ (5:11-15). No one should be valued from a merely human point of view, not Paul, nor even Christ (for Paul before his conversion had a human opinion of Christ that his conversion had radically changed); everyone should be valued from the point of view of the new creation. Paul’s job was simply to announce the reconciliation of the new creation, which God has already effected on his side and which only awaits a person’s ratification on the human side (5:16-20).<\/p>\nPaul, then, was a coworker with God, announcing salvation, using every means consistent with God’s character to proclaim the message, and suffering everything imaginable to demonstrate the extent of God’s love (6:1-10). Therefore, Paul had nothing against the Corinthians. If there was any blockage in their relationship with him, it must be on their side (6:11-13).<\/p>\n<h5>Digression on Purity, 6:14–7:1<\/h5>\nPerhaps suspecting that the real block in the relationship was their love of the world, or that the Corinthians might not be totally over the problems mentioned in 1 Corinthians, Paul digressed into a discussion about the purity and sanctification of believers. There are two groups, light and darkness, Christ and the devil, believers and unbelievers. Therefore, as Exodus 25:8, Leviticus 26:11-12, Isaiah 52:11, Ezekiel 37:27, and Hosea 1:10 show (phrases from these passages flow into each other in a style of chain quotation familiar to Jews), Christians should not be closely bound to unbelievers in marriage or in business, for it will affect their moral purity.<\/p>\n<h5>Return to the Nature of the Apostolic Ministry, 7:2-4<\/h5>\nPicking up from 6:13, Paul points out that the Corinthians have nothing substantial against him. He is not criticizing but simply appealing to them in love; even now he is prepared to die for them.<\/p>\n<h5>Explanation Concluded, 7:5-16<\/h5>\nHaving concluded his digression, Paul now returns to his journey, which he left in 2:13. When he met Titus, he received good news about Corinth. He was relieved that his “letter of tears” had been effective, not in simply making them sorry but in bringing them to true repentance that yielded zeal, moral purity, and joy. Furthermore, their behavior toward Titus had been so impressive that Titus’s enthusiastic report of his own impressions had further cheered Paul.<\/p>\n<h5>Collection for Jerusalem, 8:1–9:15<\/h5>\nIn the context of restored relationships Paul turns to the sensitive topic of the collection for the church in Jerusalem, which had been impoverished through famines in Judea in the 40s. This collection was both an act of charity (cf. Acts 11:27-30; Gal 2:10) and a symbolic act of unity and fellowship between the Gentile and Jewish branches of the church.<\/p>\nThe impoverished and suffering church in Macedonia (Philippi) had given eagerly. Therefore, Titus was coming back to help the Corinthians complete what they had begun the previous year (and probably dropped during the controversy with Paul, 2 Cor 8:1-7). The principles of the collection are (1) the Corinthians should follow the example of Jesus, who became poor for them; (2) they should give freely what they can without regretting that they cannot give more, for God values the eagerness to give expressed in action, not the net amount of the gift; and (3) there should be an economic equality among sections of the church, no one section being enriched at the expense of another (cf. Ex 16:18). This economic equality extends to the relationship between two churches a continent apart (2 Cor 8:8-15).<\/p>\nTitus and two absolutely trustworthy men appointed by the churches for this work will come to supervise the final gathering—Paul would have nothing to do with the money personally—for it is important that not only God but the world be able to see the honesty and integrity of the way the church handles money (8:16-24).<\/p>\nIn this section Paul points out that he does not need to argue the reasons for this collection; they were aware of them when they began to gather money the year before. This letter is not an argument for the collection but an encouragement to finish the work, so that when Paul arrives with representatives of other churches carrying their contributions, the Corinthians would not be embarrassed by their relatively wealthy churches not being ready or able to give generously, despite Paul’s boasts about their previous eagerness. In saying this, Paul shows himself diplomatic and insightful in motivating human behavior; he makes the best assumptions possible about the present situation (9:1-5).<\/p>\nPaul would not want the Corinthians giving out of guilt, although he, like Jesus (Mt 6:19-20), pointed out that the only real value of money is in giving it to help others. Rather, he wanted them so convinced of God’s generosity and ability to provide that they give freely and joyfully. God wanted to enrich them so they could give more. The giving would result in thanksgiving to God by the recipients, who would also pray for those who gave the gift, thereby binding the church together. A closing reminder of the extent of God’s own giving finishes the section (2 Cor 9:6-15).<\/p>\n<h5>Paul’s Self-Defense, 10:1–13:14<\/h5>\nThere is an abrupt change in tone between 9:15 and 10:1. Now, instead of the tone of conciliation found in 1:1–7:16, there is argument and defense, even threat. Paul’s apostleship has been attacked, and he will defend it with vigor.<\/p>\nPaul was indeed a humble person who preferred not to use his authority. Yet when forced, he had something more than authority; he had spiritual power, capable of destroying opposing arguments and bending all to obedience to Jesus. He would use that power in Corinth if he must, though up to that time he had been gentle and had shown this side of his ministry only in letters (10:1-11).<\/p>\nHis opponents talked of their qualifications and compared themselves favorably with other ministers. Paul would not enter into this game of comparisons. God had set the sphere of his labors, which was the area in which he founded churches. He was the one who pioneered the church in Corinth, so it is his sphere of ministry, not the interloper’s (and such like him). They boasted in having reaped the benefits of his ministry; Paul could point to an original ministry given by God, for it is God’s commendation in the end that counts (10:13-18).<\/p>\nYet the Corinthian rebellion is serious enough to force him into self-defense, ridiculous as such an exercise is. He was shocked by how readily they turned away to every novel doctrine that came along. This tendency strikes fear in Paul’s heart (11:1-6).<\/p>\nPaul had been criticized for refusing financial support from Corinth (even though he accepted gifts from other churches; cf. 1 Cor 9). He would continue to refuse such support, for he wanted to undermine the claims of the interloper. If the interloper was really serving God alone, let him work on the same basis as Paul! But since the interloper was false at heart, serving Satan and not God, he sought money from the church. Paul was astonished that in the Corinthians’ vaunted wisdom they did not see through this hypocrisy, yet he hoped that even if he must play the fool in making a self-defense, they would at least accept a fool like Paul. The irony is that his very tender care and concern for the church, his gentleness, was being used against him as a supposed “weakness.” Paul, the opponent argued, knew he was false, so therefore did not dare take money from the Corinthians (11:7-21).<\/p>\nInterlopers claimed to come with authority from Jerusalem. They had letters from the apostles; it is unlikely, however, that the apostles would have approved of their activities. Still, they were Jews with respectable authority behind them. Paul felt compelled to state his own credentials. If they were Jews, he was just as pure a Jew. If they served Christ, could their work and sufferings match his? The list of sufferings both gives historical information not found in Acts and points to tireless labor, including days of fasting (“gone without food”) and nights spent in prayer (“gone without sleep”) (11:21-29).<\/p>\nBut this boasting was repulsive to Paul, so he isolated one particular suffering—his escape from Damascus, when he had to hide and slip out of the city in a basket. The story at once shows his effectiveness as an evangelist (in that he was a target of persecution) and shames him, for he could not defend himself and had to slip away under cover of darkness. Yet that weakness was indeed his glory (11:30-33).<\/p>\nHis opponents boasted in revelations from God. Paul knew that this boasting was senseless; however, if he must, he would tell them of a revelation superior to theirs, a time when he actually saw the inside of heaven (he is not sure whether it was a vision or an actual bodily experience). This probably happened about AD<\/span> 42, while Paul was in Tarsus, before Barnabas came for him (Acts 9:30; 11:25). Paul disliked telling about this, for God’s power is more easily seen in his weakness. In fact, Paul’s opponents were an affliction of Satan that God allowed to keep Paul humble and to demonstrate his power in Paul’s weakness. (The image of a “thorn in my flesh” is one of enemies—Nm 33:55; Jos 23:13; Paul also describes what he means more clearly in 2 Cor 12:10). If vulnerability shows God’s power, Paul willingly accepts the weakness (12:1-10).<\/p>\nPaul felt ashamed that he had to boast. The opponents boasted in coming from the Jerusalem “superapostles.” Paul pointed out that he was their equal, although both are nothing. God had set his mark upon Paul’s work. With biting irony he asks forgiveness for not having taken money from the Corinthians (12:11-13).<\/p>\nYet Paul would come a third time, and he would keep to the same policy of not taking any support from them but giving himself freely to them, just as Jesus had done on earth. Not only he, but all his envoys, kept to the same policy. No one could accuse him of deceit or inconsistency (12:14-18). However, he feared coming to them, for he knew that the community had not just rebelled against him but was also in internal disorder. This disunity and immorality would humble and pain Paul (12:19–13:4).<\/p>\nTherefore, the Corinthians had better examine themselves. Were they really following Jesus or not? If so, they should see that Paul was also following Jesus. Yet Paul’s concern was not for his own position—he was content to be rejected (“weak”)—but for their following the truth. He hoped for their repentance, not to protect himself, but so that he need not be severe when he came (13:5-10).<\/p>\nProbably taking the pen from the scribe at this point, Paul closes with a final appeal to repent and come to unity as a church. Brief greetings from the church in Macedonia and a formal blessing closes his correspondence with the Corinthians (vv 11-13).<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Acts of the Apostles, Book of the; Corinth; Corinthians, First Letter to the; Paul, The Apostle.<\/p>","summary_ro":"CORINTHIANS, Second Letter to the Preview • Author • Date and Origin • Background • Purpose and Teaching • Content Author The apostle Paul is the acknowledged author of 2 Corinthians. While some scholars argue that 2 Corinthians 2:14–7:4 and 10–13 are separate letters, only in the case of 6:14–7:1 is Paul’s authorship disputed. This section is admittedly a strange digression, but stranger still would be the thought that an editor could have inserted it in such an unusual place. Also the repet...","summary_en":"CORINTHIANS, Second Letter to the Preview • Author • Date and Origin • Background • Purpose and Teaching • Content Author The apostle Paul is the acknowledged author of 2 Corinthians. While some scholars argue that 2 Corinthians 2:14–7:4 and 10–13 are separate letters, only in the case of 6:14–7:1 is Paul’s authorship disputed. This section is admittedly a strange digression, but stranger still would be the thought that an editor could have inserted it in such an unusual place. Also the repet...","source":"Articles\/C.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":35977,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Soul","title_en":"Soul","content_ro":"<h3>SOUL<\/h3>\nTerm translating the Greek word psuche<\/span> and the Hebrew nephesh<\/span>.<\/em><\/p>\nThe Greek philosopher Plato (fourth century BC<\/span>) perceived the soul as the eternal element in humans; whereas the body perishes at death, the soul is indestructible. At death the soul enters another body; if it has been wicked in this life, it may be sent into an inferior human being or even an animal or bird. By means of transmigration from one body to another, the soul is eventually purged of evil. In the early centuries of the Christian era, Gnosticism also taught that the body was the prison house of the soul. Redemption comes to those initiated into the Gnostic secrets, leading to the release of the soul from the body.<\/p>\nBiblical thought about the soul is different. In the OT the soul signifies that which is vital to humans in the broadest sense. The Hebrew and Greek words for soul often can be translated as “life”; occasionally, they can be used for the life of creatures (Gn 1:20; Lv 11:10). “Soul for soul” means “life for life” (Ex 21:23). In legal writings, a soul refers to a person in relation to a particular law (e.g., “If a soul shall sin . . . ,” Lv 4:2, kjv<\/span>). When people were counted, they were counted as souls, that is, persons (Ex 1:5; Dt 10:22).<\/p>\nIn a narrower sense, the soul denotes human emotions and inner powers. People are called to love God with all their heart and soul (Dt 13:3). Knowledge and understanding (Ps 139:14), thought (1 Sm 20:3), love (1 Sm 18:1), and memory (Lam 3:20) all originate in the soul. Here the soul comes close to what today would be called the self, one’s person, personality, or ego.<\/p>\nThere is no suggestion in the OT of the transmigration of the soul as an immaterial, immortal entity. Man is a unity of body and soul—terms that describe not so much two separate entities in a person as much as one person from different standpoints. Hence, in the description of man’s creation in Genesis 2:7, the phrase “a living soul” (kjv<\/span>) is better translated as “a living being.” The thought is not that men and women became souls,<\/em> for clearly they had bodies. The use of the word in the original draws attention to the vital aspect of humans as “living beings.” The Hebrew view of the unity of the person may help to explain why people in the OT had only a shadowy view of life after death, for it would be difficult to conceive how people could exist without a body (Pss 16:10; 49:15; 88:3-12). Where hope of an afterlife exists, it is not because of the intrinsic character of the soul itself (as in Plato). It is grounded in confidence in the God who has power over death and the belief that communion with him cannot be broken even by death (Ex 3:6; 1 Sm 2:6; Jb 19:25-26; Pss 16:10-11; 73:24-25; Is 25:8; 26:19; Dn 12:2; Hos 6:1-3; 13:14).<\/p>\nIn the NT the word for soul (psuche<\/span>) has a range of meanings similar to that in the OT. Often it is synonymous with life itself. Followers of Jesus are said to have risked their lives (souls) for his sake (Acts 15:26; cf. Jn 13:37; Rom 16:4; Phil 2:30). As the Son of Man, Jesus came not to be served but to serve and to give his life (soul) as a ransom for many (Mt 20:28; Mk 10:45). As the Good Shepherd, he lays down his life (soul) for the sheep (Jn 10:14, 17-18). In Luke 14:26 the condition of discipleship is to hate one’s soul, that is, to be willing to deny oneself to the point of losing one’s life for Christ’s sake (cf. Lk 9:23; Rv 12:11).<\/p>\nFrequently “soul” can mean “person” (Acts 2:43; 3:23; 7:14; Rom 2:9; 13:1; 1 Pt 3:20). The expression “every living soul” (Rv 16:3, kjv<\/span>) reflects the vital aspect of living beings. As in the OT, the soul can denote not only the vital aspect of the person on the physical level, but it can also connote one’s emotional energies. It denotes the person himself, the seat of his or her emotions, one’s inmost being. For example, when Jesus was agonizing about his death, he spoke of his soul being crushed (Mt 26:38; Mk 14:34; cf. Ps 42:6). In an entirely different setting, Jesus promised rest to the souls of those who come to him (Mt 11:29). Here, as elsewhere, “soul” denotes the essential person (cf. Lk 2:35; 2 Cor 1:23; 2 Thes 2:8; 3 Jn 1:2).<\/p>\nSeveral passages place the soul alongside the spirit. Luke 1:46 is probably a case of Hebrew poetic parallelism, which expresses the same idea in two different ways. Both terms denote Mary as a person in the depths of her being. Similarly, in Hebrews 4:12, dividing the soul and the spirit is a graphic way of saying how the Word of God probes the inmost recesses of our being. The prayer in 1 Thessalonians 5:23—that the readers may be kept blameless in spirit, soul, and body—is a way of speaking of the whole being. Here soul probably suggests physical existence, as in Genesis 2:7 and 1 Corinthians 2:14, whereas spirit may imply the higher or “spiritual” side of life.<\/p>\nIn other passages, the emotions, the will, and even the mind come to the fore, though in each case there is the accompanying idea of a person’s inmost being. People are to love God with all the soul (Mt 22:37; Mk 12:30; cf. Dt 6:5). The expression “from the soul” (Eph 6:6; Col 3:23) means “from the heart,” with all one’s being. In Philippians 1:27 believers are called to be of one mind (cf. Acts 4:32; 14:2). Passages that speak of the soul in relation to salvation include Matthew 10:28; Luke 12:5; Hebrews 6:19; 10:39; 12:3; 13:7; James 1:21; 5:20; 1 Peter 1:9, 22-23; 2:25; 4:19; and Revelation 6:9; 20:4. Such passages speak of the soul either to stress the essential human being, as distinct from the physical body, or to express man’s continued existence with God prior to the resurrection.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Man; Spirit of Man.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>SOUL<\/h3>\nTerm translating the Greek word psuche<\/span> and the Hebrew nephesh<\/span>.<\/em><\/p>\nThe Greek philosopher Plato (fourth century BC<\/span>) perceived the soul as the eternal element in humans; whereas the body perishes at death, the soul is indestructible. At death the soul enters another body; if it has been wicked in this life, it may be sent into an inferior human being or even an animal or bird. By means of transmigration from one body to another, the soul is eventually purged of evil. In the early centuries of the Christian era, Gnosticism also taught that the body was the prison house of the soul. Redemption comes to those initiated into the Gnostic secrets, leading to the release of the soul from the body.<\/p>\nBiblical thought about the soul is different. In the OT the soul signifies that which is vital to humans in the broadest sense. The Hebrew and Greek words for soul often can be translated as “life”; occasionally, they can be used for the life of creatures (Gn 1:20; Lv 11:10). “Soul for soul” means “life for life” (Ex 21:23). In legal writings, a soul refers to a person in relation to a particular law (e.g., “If a soul shall sin . . . ,” Lv 4:2, kjv<\/span>). When people were counted, they were counted as souls, that is, persons (Ex 1:5; Dt 10:22).<\/p>\nIn a narrower sense, the soul denotes human emotions and inner powers. People are called to love God with all their heart and soul (Dt 13:3). Knowledge and understanding (Ps 139:14), thought (1 Sm 20:3), love (1 Sm 18:1), and memory (Lam 3:20) all originate in the soul. Here the soul comes close to what today would be called the self, one’s person, personality, or ego.<\/p>\nThere is no suggestion in the OT of the transmigration of the soul as an immaterial, immortal entity. Man is a unity of body and soul—terms that describe not so much two separate entities in a person as much as one person from different standpoints. Hence, in the description of man’s creation in Genesis 2:7, the phrase “a living soul” (kjv<\/span>) is better translated as “a living being.” The thought is not that men and women became souls,<\/em> for clearly they had bodies. The use of the word in the original draws attention to the vital aspect of humans as “living beings.” The Hebrew view of the unity of the person may help to explain why people in the OT had only a shadowy view of life after death, for it would be difficult to conceive how people could exist without a body (Pss 16:10; 49:15; 88:3-12). Where hope of an afterlife exists, it is not because of the intrinsic character of the soul itself (as in Plato). It is grounded in confidence in the God who has power over death and the belief that communion with him cannot be broken even by death (Ex 3:6; 1 Sm 2:6; Jb 19:25-26; Pss 16:10-11; 73:24-25; Is 25:8; 26:19; Dn 12:2; Hos 6:1-3; 13:14).<\/p>\nIn the NT the word for soul (psuche<\/span>) has a range of meanings similar to that in the OT. Often it is synonymous with life itself. Followers of Jesus are said to have risked their lives (souls) for his sake (Acts 15:26; cf. Jn 13:37; Rom 16:4; Phil 2:30). As the Son of Man, Jesus came not to be served but to serve and to give his life (soul) as a ransom for many (Mt 20:28; Mk 10:45). As the Good Shepherd, he lays down his life (soul) for the sheep (Jn 10:14, 17-18). In Luke 14:26 the condition of discipleship is to hate one’s soul, that is, to be willing to deny oneself to the point of losing one’s life for Christ’s sake (cf. Lk 9:23; Rv 12:11).<\/p>\nFrequently “soul” can mean “person” (Acts 2:43; 3:23; 7:14; Rom 2:9; 13:1; 1 Pt 3:20). The expression “every living soul” (Rv 16:3, kjv<\/span>) reflects the vital aspect of living beings. As in the OT, the soul can denote not only the vital aspect of the person on the physical level, but it can also connote one’s emotional energies. It denotes the person himself, the seat of his or her emotions, one’s inmost being. For example, when Jesus was agonizing about his death, he spoke of his soul being crushed (Mt 26:38; Mk 14:34; cf. Ps 42:6). In an entirely different setting, Jesus promised rest to the souls of those who come to him (Mt 11:29). Here, as elsewhere, “soul” denotes the essential person (cf. Lk 2:35; 2 Cor 1:23; 2 Thes 2:8; 3 Jn 1:2).<\/p>\nSeveral passages place the soul alongside the spirit. Luke 1:46 is probably a case of Hebrew poetic parallelism, which expresses the same idea in two different ways. Both terms denote Mary as a person in the depths of her being. Similarly, in Hebrews 4:12, dividing the soul and the spirit is a graphic way of saying how the Word of God probes the inmost recesses of our being. The prayer in 1 Thessalonians 5:23—that the readers may be kept blameless in spirit, soul, and body—is a way of speaking of the whole being. Here soul probably suggests physical existence, as in Genesis 2:7 and 1 Corinthians 2:14, whereas spirit may imply the higher or “spiritual” side of life.<\/p>\nIn other passages, the emotions, the will, and even the mind come to the fore, though in each case there is the accompanying idea of a person’s inmost being. People are to love God with all the soul (Mt 22:37; Mk 12:30; cf. Dt 6:5). The expression “from the soul” (Eph 6:6; Col 3:23) means “from the heart,” with all one’s being. In Philippians 1:27 believers are called to be of one mind (cf. Acts 4:32; 14:2). Passages that speak of the soul in relation to salvation include Matthew 10:28; Luke 12:5; Hebrews 6:19; 10:39; 12:3; 13:7; James 1:21; 5:20; 1 Peter 1:9, 22-23; 2:25; 4:19; and Revelation 6:9; 20:4. Such passages speak of the soul either to stress the essential human being, as distinct from the physical body, or to express man’s continued existence with God prior to the resurrection.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Man; Spirit of Man.<\/p>","summary_ro":"SOUL Term translating the Greek word psuche and the Hebrew nephesh. The Greek philosopher Plato (fourth century BC) perceived the soul as the eternal element in humans; whereas the body perishes at death, the soul is indestructible. At death the soul enters another body; if it has been wicked in this life, it may be sent into an inferior human being or even an animal or bird. By means of transmigration from one body to another, the soul is eventually purged of evil. In the early centuries of ...","summary_en":"SOUL Term translating the Greek word psuche and the Hebrew nephesh. The Greek philosopher Plato (fourth century BC) perceived the soul as the eternal element in humans; whereas the body perishes at death, the soul is indestructible. At death the soul enters another body; if it has been wicked in this life, it may be sent into an inferior human being or even an animal or bird. By means of transmigration from one body to another, the soul is eventually purged of evil. In the early centuries of ...","source":"Articles\/S.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"5":[{"id":42711,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"The Roman Church","title_en":"The Roman Church","content_ro":"<h3>The Roman Church<\/h3>\nThe details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Peter founded the Roman church or that he was present in Rome by the time Paul wrote to the Roman Christians around AD<\/span> 57; otherwise, Paul would certainly have greeted him. Consequently, Paul wrote this letter to help ensure that the Roman church had apostolic involvement in their faith. He never wrote to the churches of Judea, founded by the other apostles, but only to churches that either he had founded (e.g., Corinth, Galatia) or to those that had no direct apostolic involvement (e.g., Colosse, Rome).<\/p>\nIn time, the Jewish Christians in Rome would have been pushed out of the synagogues by the non-Christian Jews, as happened elsewhere. By the time Paul wrote to the Roman church, they were meeting as separate house churches in private homes (Rom 16:5, 10-11, 15). There were no centralized edifices, and it is uncertain whether the whole body of believers in Rome met together.<\/p>\nWhen Claudius expelled the Jews from Rome (around AD<\/span> 49), the Jewish Christians were also forced to leave, among whom were Priscilla and Aquila (Acts 18:2). In the absence of the Jews, the Roman church would have become Gentile in character. When the Jews returned (probably shortly after the death of Claudius in AD<\/span> 54), there were no doubt questions—if not conflicts—among the Jewish and Gentile Christians. Paul may have written Romans to settle such controversies among this mixed group of Jews and Gentiles worshiping Christ in the same city.<\/p>\nAs is evident from Romans 16, Paul already had many friends in the Roman church. In the spring of AD<\/span> 60, roughly two years after writing Romans, Paul had the opportunity to go to Rome—a desire he had repeatedly expressed (Acts 19:21; Rom 1:13-15). He spent two years there under house arrest awaiting his first trial before Nero, “boldly proclaiming the Kingdom of God and teaching about the Lord Jesus Christ” (Acts 28:30-31).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 28:15-31; Rom 1:13-15; 16:1-16<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Roman Church<\/h3>\nThe details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Peter founded the Roman church or that he was present in Rome by the time Paul wrote to the Roman Christians around AD<\/span> 57; otherwise, Paul would certainly have greeted him. Consequently, Paul wrote this letter to help ensure that the Roman church had apostolic involvement in their faith. He never wrote to the churches of Judea, founded by the other apostles, but only to churches that either he had founded (e.g., Corinth, Galatia) or to those that had no direct apostolic involvement (e.g., Colosse, Rome).<\/p>\nIn time, the Jewish Christians in Rome would have been pushed out of the synagogues by the non-Christian Jews, as happened elsewhere. By the time Paul wrote to the Roman church, they were meeting as separate house churches in private homes (Rom 16:5, 10-11, 15). There were no centralized edifices, and it is uncertain whether the whole body of believers in Rome met together.<\/p>\nWhen Claudius expelled the Jews from Rome (around AD<\/span> 49), the Jewish Christians were also forced to leave, among whom were Priscilla and Aquila (Acts 18:2). In the absence of the Jews, the Roman church would have become Gentile in character. When the Jews returned (probably shortly after the death of Claudius in AD<\/span> 54), there were no doubt questions—if not conflicts—among the Jewish and Gentile Christians. Paul may have written Romans to settle such controversies among this mixed group of Jews and Gentiles worshiping Christ in the same city.<\/p>\nAs is evident from Romans 16, Paul already had many friends in the Roman church. In the spring of AD<\/span> 60, roughly two years after writing Romans, Paul had the opportunity to go to Rome—a desire he had repeatedly expressed (Acts 19:21; Rom 1:13-15). He spent two years there under house arrest awaiting his first trial before Nero, “boldly proclaiming the Kingdom of God and teaching about the Lord Jesus Christ” (Acts 28:30-31).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 28:15-31; Rom 1:13-15; 16:1-16<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Roman Church The details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Pete...","summary_en":"The Roman Church The details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Pete...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":70337,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"The Roman Church","title_en":"The Roman Church","content_ro":"<h3>The Roman Church<\/h3>\nThe details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Peter founded the Roman church or that he was present in Rome by the time Paul wrote to the Roman Christians around AD<\/span> 57; otherwise, Paul would certainly have greeted him. Consequently, Paul wrote this letter to help ensure that the Roman church had apostolic involvement in their faith. He never wrote to the churches of Judea, founded by the other apostles, but only to churches that either he had founded (e.g., Corinth, Galatia) or to those that had no direct apostolic involvement (e.g., Colosse, Rome).<\/p>\nIn time, the Jewish Christians in Rome would have been pushed out of the synagogues by the non-Christian Jews, as happened elsewhere. By the time Paul wrote to the Roman church, they were meeting as separate house churches in private homes (Rom 16:5, 10-11, 15). There were no centralized edifices, and it is uncertain whether the whole body of believers in Rome met together.<\/p>\nWhen Claudius expelled the Jews from Rome (around AD<\/span> 49), the Jewish Christians were also forced to leave, among whom were Priscilla and Aquila (Acts 18:2). In the absence of the Jews, the Roman church would have become Gentile in character. When the Jews returned (probably shortly after the death of Claudius in AD<\/span> 54), there were no doubt questions—if not conflicts—among the Jewish and Gentile Christians. Paul may have written Romans to settle such controversies among this mixed group of Jews and Gentiles worshiping Christ in the same city.<\/p>\nAs is evident from Romans 16, Paul already had many friends in the Roman church. In the spring of AD<\/span> 60, roughly two years after writing Romans, Paul had the opportunity to go to Rome—a desire he had repeatedly expressed (Acts 19:21; Rom 1:13-15). He spent two years there under house arrest awaiting his first trial before Nero, “boldly proclaiming the Kingdom of God and teaching about the Lord Jesus Christ” (Acts 28:30-31).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 28:15-31; Rom 1:13-15; 16:1-16<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Roman Church<\/h3>\nThe details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Peter founded the Roman church or that he was present in Rome by the time Paul wrote to the Roman Christians around AD<\/span> 57; otherwise, Paul would certainly have greeted him. Consequently, Paul wrote this letter to help ensure that the Roman church had apostolic involvement in their faith. He never wrote to the churches of Judea, founded by the other apostles, but only to churches that either he had founded (e.g., Corinth, Galatia) or to those that had no direct apostolic involvement (e.g., Colosse, Rome).<\/p>\nIn time, the Jewish Christians in Rome would have been pushed out of the synagogues by the non-Christian Jews, as happened elsewhere. By the time Paul wrote to the Roman church, they were meeting as separate house churches in private homes (Rom 16:5, 10-11, 15). There were no centralized edifices, and it is uncertain whether the whole body of believers in Rome met together.<\/p>\nWhen Claudius expelled the Jews from Rome (around AD<\/span> 49), the Jewish Christians were also forced to leave, among whom were Priscilla and Aquila (Acts 18:2). In the absence of the Jews, the Roman church would have become Gentile in character. When the Jews returned (probably shortly after the death of Claudius in AD<\/span> 54), there were no doubt questions—if not conflicts—among the Jewish and Gentile Christians. Paul may have written Romans to settle such controversies among this mixed group of Jews and Gentiles worshiping Christ in the same city.<\/p>\nAs is evident from Romans 16, Paul already had many friends in the Roman church. In the spring of AD<\/span> 60, roughly two years after writing Romans, Paul had the opportunity to go to Rome—a desire he had repeatedly expressed (Acts 19:21; Rom 1:13-15). He spent two years there under house arrest awaiting his first trial before Nero, “boldly proclaiming the Kingdom of God and teaching about the Lord Jesus Christ” (Acts 28:30-31).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 28:15-31; Rom 1:13-15; 16:1-16<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Roman Church The details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Pete...","summary_en":"The Roman Church The details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Pete...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":97963,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"The Roman Church","title_en":"The Roman Church","content_ro":"<h3>The Roman Church<\/h3>\nThe details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Peter founded the Roman church or that he was present in Rome by the time Paul wrote to the Roman Christians around AD<\/span> 57; otherwise, Paul would certainly have greeted him. Consequently, Paul wrote this letter to help ensure that the Roman church had apostolic involvement in their faith. He never wrote to the churches of Judea, founded by the other apostles, but only to churches that either he had founded (e.g., Corinth, Galatia) or to those that had no direct apostolic involvement (e.g., Colosse, Rome).<\/p>\nIn time, the Jewish Christians in Rome would have been pushed out of the synagogues by the non-Christian Jews, as happened elsewhere. By the time Paul wrote to the Roman church, they were meeting as separate house churches in private homes (Rom 16:5, 10-11, 15). There were no centralized edifices, and it is uncertain whether the whole body of believers in Rome met together.<\/p>\nWhen Claudius expelled the Jews from Rome (around AD<\/span> 49), the Jewish Christians were also forced to leave, among whom were Priscilla and Aquila (Acts 18:2). In the absence of the Jews, the Roman church would have become Gentile in character. When the Jews returned (probably shortly after the death of Claudius in AD<\/span> 54), there were no doubt questions—if not conflicts—among the Jewish and Gentile Christians. Paul may have written Romans to settle such controversies among this mixed group of Jews and Gentiles worshiping Christ in the same city.<\/p>\nAs is evident from Romans 16, Paul already had many friends in the Roman church. In the spring of AD<\/span> 60, roughly two years after writing Romans, Paul had the opportunity to go to Rome—a desire he had repeatedly expressed (Acts 19:21; Rom 1:13-15). He spent two years there under house arrest awaiting his first trial before Nero, “boldly proclaiming the Kingdom of God and teaching about the Lord Jesus Christ” (Acts 28:30-31).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 28:15-31; Rom 1:13-15; 16:1-16<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Roman Church<\/h3>\nThe details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Peter founded the Roman church or that he was present in Rome by the time Paul wrote to the Roman Christians around AD<\/span> 57; otherwise, Paul would certainly have greeted him. Consequently, Paul wrote this letter to help ensure that the Roman church had apostolic involvement in their faith. He never wrote to the churches of Judea, founded by the other apostles, but only to churches that either he had founded (e.g., Corinth, Galatia) or to those that had no direct apostolic involvement (e.g., Colosse, Rome).<\/p>\nIn time, the Jewish Christians in Rome would have been pushed out of the synagogues by the non-Christian Jews, as happened elsewhere. By the time Paul wrote to the Roman church, they were meeting as separate house churches in private homes (Rom 16:5, 10-11, 15). There were no centralized edifices, and it is uncertain whether the whole body of believers in Rome met together.<\/p>\nWhen Claudius expelled the Jews from Rome (around AD<\/span> 49), the Jewish Christians were also forced to leave, among whom were Priscilla and Aquila (Acts 18:2). In the absence of the Jews, the Roman church would have become Gentile in character. When the Jews returned (probably shortly after the death of Claudius in AD<\/span> 54), there were no doubt questions—if not conflicts—among the Jewish and Gentile Christians. Paul may have written Romans to settle such controversies among this mixed group of Jews and Gentiles worshiping Christ in the same city.<\/p>\nAs is evident from Romans 16, Paul already had many friends in the Roman church. In the spring of AD<\/span> 60, roughly two years after writing Romans, Paul had the opportunity to go to Rome—a desire he had repeatedly expressed (Acts 19:21; Rom 1:13-15). He spent two years there under house arrest awaiting his first trial before Nero, “boldly proclaiming the Kingdom of God and teaching about the Lord Jesus Christ” (Acts 28:30-31).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 28:15-31; Rom 1:13-15; 16:1-16<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Roman Church The details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Pete...","summary_en":"The Roman Church The details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Pete...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":125589,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"The Roman Church","title_en":"The Roman Church","content_ro":"<h3>The Roman Church<\/h3>\nThe details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Peter founded the Roman church or that he was present in Rome by the time Paul wrote to the Roman Christians around AD<\/span> 57; otherwise, Paul would certainly have greeted him. Consequently, Paul wrote this letter to help ensure that the Roman church had apostolic involvement in their faith. He never wrote to the churches of Judea, founded by the other apostles, but only to churches that either he had founded (e.g., Corinth, Galatia) or to those that had no direct apostolic involvement (e.g., Colosse, Rome).<\/p>\nIn time, the Jewish Christians in Rome would have been pushed out of the synagogues by the non-Christian Jews, as happened elsewhere. By the time Paul wrote to the Roman church, they were meeting as separate house churches in private homes (Rom 16:5, 10-11, 15). There were no centralized edifices, and it is uncertain whether the whole body of believers in Rome met together.<\/p>\nWhen Claudius expelled the Jews from Rome (around AD<\/span> 49), the Jewish Christians were also forced to leave, among whom were Priscilla and Aquila (Acts 18:2). In the absence of the Jews, the Roman church would have become Gentile in character. When the Jews returned (probably shortly after the death of Claudius in AD<\/span> 54), there were no doubt questions—if not conflicts—among the Jewish and Gentile Christians. Paul may have written Romans to settle such controversies among this mixed group of Jews and Gentiles worshiping Christ in the same city.<\/p>\nAs is evident from Romans 16, Paul already had many friends in the Roman church. In the spring of AD<\/span> 60, roughly two years after writing Romans, Paul had the opportunity to go to Rome—a desire he had repeatedly expressed (Acts 19:21; Rom 1:13-15). He spent two years there under house arrest awaiting his first trial before Nero, “boldly proclaiming the Kingdom of God and teaching about the Lord Jesus Christ” (Acts 28:30-31).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 28:15-31; Rom 1:13-15; 16:1-16<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Roman Church<\/h3>\nThe details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Peter founded the Roman church or that he was present in Rome by the time Paul wrote to the Roman Christians around AD<\/span> 57; otherwise, Paul would certainly have greeted him. Consequently, Paul wrote this letter to help ensure that the Roman church had apostolic involvement in their faith. He never wrote to the churches of Judea, founded by the other apostles, but only to churches that either he had founded (e.g., Corinth, Galatia) or to those that had no direct apostolic involvement (e.g., Colosse, Rome).<\/p>\nIn time, the Jewish Christians in Rome would have been pushed out of the synagogues by the non-Christian Jews, as happened elsewhere. By the time Paul wrote to the Roman church, they were meeting as separate house churches in private homes (Rom 16:5, 10-11, 15). There were no centralized edifices, and it is uncertain whether the whole body of believers in Rome met together.<\/p>\nWhen Claudius expelled the Jews from Rome (around AD<\/span> 49), the Jewish Christians were also forced to leave, among whom were Priscilla and Aquila (Acts 18:2). In the absence of the Jews, the Roman church would have become Gentile in character. When the Jews returned (probably shortly after the death of Claudius in AD<\/span> 54), there were no doubt questions—if not conflicts—among the Jewish and Gentile Christians. Paul may have written Romans to settle such controversies among this mixed group of Jews and Gentiles worshiping Christ in the same city.<\/p>\nAs is evident from Romans 16, Paul already had many friends in the Roman church. In the spring of AD<\/span> 60, roughly two years after writing Romans, Paul had the opportunity to go to Rome—a desire he had repeatedly expressed (Acts 19:21; Rom 1:13-15). He spent two years there under house arrest awaiting his first trial before Nero, “boldly proclaiming the Kingdom of God and teaching about the Lord Jesus Christ” (Acts 28:30-31).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 28:15-31; Rom 1:13-15; 16:1-16<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Roman Church The details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Pete...","summary_en":"The Roman Church The details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Pete...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":3038,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Asia","title_en":"Asia","content_ro":"<h3>ASIA<\/h3>\nIn NT times, the Roman province immediately east of the Aegean Sea. The province was established in 133 BC<\/span> out of the kingdom left to the Romans in the will of Attalus III, king of Pergamum. Greek geographers generally employed the name Asia to denote the whole eastern continent, but from the second century on, the Romans generally referred to the kings of Pergamum as “kings of Asia.” Hence the custom of using “Asia” for the peninsula alone (i.e., Asia Minor) gradually crept into popular usage.<\/p>\nThe extent of the province of Asia differed at each stage of its history. Before Roman occupation the word was used to refer to the kingdom of the Seleucid dynasty (founded by Seleucus I; 305–281 BC<\/span>). The Apocrypha referred thus to Asia (1 Macc 8:6; 11:13; 12:39; 13:32; 2 Macc 3:3), as did the early Jewish historian Josephus in his Antiquities. When the territory was wrested from Seleucid control by the Romans in their war against Antiochus the Great, the Romans gave it to their allies, the Attalids; Attalus III willed it to the Romans. The limits of Roman control were not firmly established until an extensive revolt had been put down. The borders then included Mysia, Lydia, Caria, and Phrygia, and (nearer the Aegean) Aeolis, Ionia, and Troas. The islands off the coast (Lesbos, Chios, Samos, Rhodes, Patmos, etc.) were also included. The mainland now forms part of modern Turkey.<\/p>\nIn 116 BC<\/span> the province was enlarged to include Greater Phrygia. Its geographic limits were then Bithynia to the north, Galatia to the east, Lycia to the south, and the Aegean Sea to the west. Even then, the boundaries were not solidly fixed, for in 25 BC<\/span> Augustus Caesar augmented Rome’s dominion by combining other parts of Phrygia, Lyconia, Pisidia, and possibly Pamphylia into a province called Galatia. Those geographical limits remained until AD<\/span> 285, when the province was greatly reduced in size and the term Asia became restricted to the coastal areas and lower valleys of the Maeander, Cayster, Hermus, and Caicus Rivers.<\/p>\nDuring Roman occupation the capital of the province was Pergamum. By the time of Augustus, however, the residence of the Roman proconsul was at Ephesus.<\/p>\nIn the NT, Asia generally meant the Roman province of that name. Sometimes the concept was primarily geographical; at other times primarily political. For example, at the Feast of Pentecost in Jerusalem there were Jews who had come from “Asia.” These included other provinces governed by Rome, such as Cappadocia, Phrygia, and Pamphylia (Acts 2:9-10). This seems to indicate that Luke, the writer of Acts, used the term to describe the province originally bequeathed to the Romans by Attalus III. Luke used the word again in Acts 6:9, providing tacit evidence of the strength of Jewish communities in Asia Minor as a whole and confirming the use of “Asia” in the restricted sense of the Roman province.<\/p>\nOn Paul’s second missionary journey, he and Timothy were prevented by the Holy Spirit from preaching in Asia (Acts 16:6-8). Evidently, from the context, Luke again had the old boundaries of the province in mind. On Paul’s return from Greece he stopped briefly at Ephesus (Acts 18:19-21). On his third missionary journey, he remained in Ephesus for more than two years, so that from this capital city “all the residents of Asia heard the word of the Lord, both Jews and Greeks” (Acts 19:10, rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\nLuke further referred to Asia in Acts 19:26-27; 20:4, 16, 18; and 27:2. Paul also made several references to it (Rom 16:5; 1 Cor 16:19; 2 Cor 1:8; 2 Tm 1:15). The apostle Peter likewise used the term (1 Pt 1:1). In the NT the risen Christ was the last to refer to Asia. He instructed the apostle John, then living in exile on the island of Patmos, to write letters to seven specific churches on the mainland of Asia (Rv 1:1-4).<\/p>\nOther cities in this Roman province mentioned in the NT include Laodicea and Hierapolis (Col 4:13), and lesser-known Adramyttium (Acts 27:2), and Assos (Acts 20:13-14).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>ASIA<\/h3>\nIn NT times, the Roman province immediately east of the Aegean Sea. The province was established in 133 BC<\/span> out of the kingdom left to the Romans in the will of Attalus III, king of Pergamum. Greek geographers generally employed the name Asia to denote the whole eastern continent, but from the second century on, the Romans generally referred to the kings of Pergamum as “kings of Asia.” Hence the custom of using “Asia” for the peninsula alone (i.e., Asia Minor) gradually crept into popular usage.<\/p>\nThe extent of the province of Asia differed at each stage of its history. Before Roman occupation the word was used to refer to the kingdom of the Seleucid dynasty (founded by Seleucus I; 305–281 BC<\/span>). The Apocrypha referred thus to Asia (1 Macc 8:6; 11:13; 12:39; 13:32; 2 Macc 3:3), as did the early Jewish historian Josephus in his Antiquities. When the territory was wrested from Seleucid control by the Romans in their war against Antiochus the Great, the Romans gave it to their allies, the Attalids; Attalus III willed it to the Romans. The limits of Roman control were not firmly established until an extensive revolt had been put down. The borders then included Mysia, Lydia, Caria, and Phrygia, and (nearer the Aegean) Aeolis, Ionia, and Troas. The islands off the coast (Lesbos, Chios, Samos, Rhodes, Patmos, etc.) were also included. The mainland now forms part of modern Turkey.<\/p>\nIn 116 BC<\/span> the province was enlarged to include Greater Phrygia. Its geographic limits were then Bithynia to the north, Galatia to the east, Lycia to the south, and the Aegean Sea to the west. Even then, the boundaries were not solidly fixed, for in 25 BC<\/span> Augustus Caesar augmented Rome’s dominion by combining other parts of Phrygia, Lyconia, Pisidia, and possibly Pamphylia into a province called Galatia. Those geographical limits remained until AD<\/span> 285, when the province was greatly reduced in size and the term Asia became restricted to the coastal areas and lower valleys of the Maeander, Cayster, Hermus, and Caicus Rivers.<\/p>\nDuring Roman occupation the capital of the province was Pergamum. By the time of Augustus, however, the residence of the Roman proconsul was at Ephesus.<\/p>\nIn the NT, Asia generally meant the Roman province of that name. Sometimes the concept was primarily geographical; at other times primarily political. For example, at the Feast of Pentecost in Jerusalem there were Jews who had come from “Asia.” These included other provinces governed by Rome, such as Cappadocia, Phrygia, and Pamphylia (Acts 2:9-10). This seems to indicate that Luke, the writer of Acts, used the term to describe the province originally bequeathed to the Romans by Attalus III. Luke used the word again in Acts 6:9, providing tacit evidence of the strength of Jewish communities in Asia Minor as a whole and confirming the use of “Asia” in the restricted sense of the Roman province.<\/p>\nOn Paul’s second missionary journey, he and Timothy were prevented by the Holy Spirit from preaching in Asia (Acts 16:6-8). Evidently, from the context, Luke again had the old boundaries of the province in mind. On Paul’s return from Greece he stopped briefly at Ephesus (Acts 18:19-21). On his third missionary journey, he remained in Ephesus for more than two years, so that from this capital city “all the residents of Asia heard the word of the Lord, both Jews and Greeks” (Acts 19:10, rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\nLuke further referred to Asia in Acts 19:26-27; 20:4, 16, 18; and 27:2. Paul also made several references to it (Rom 16:5; 1 Cor 16:19; 2 Cor 1:8; 2 Tm 1:15). The apostle Peter likewise used the term (1 Pt 1:1). In the NT the risen Christ was the last to refer to Asia. He instructed the apostle John, then living in exile on the island of Patmos, to write letters to seven specific churches on the mainland of Asia (Rv 1:1-4).<\/p>\nOther cities in this Roman province mentioned in the NT include Laodicea and Hierapolis (Col 4:13), and lesser-known Adramyttium (Acts 27:2), and Assos (Acts 20:13-14).<\/p>","summary_ro":"ASIA In NT times, the Roman province immediately east of the Aegean Sea. The province was established in 133 BC out of the kingdom left to the Romans in the will of Attalus III, king of Pergamum. Greek geographers generally employed the name Asia to denote the whole eastern continent, but from the second century on, the Romans generally referred to the kings of Pergamum as “kings of Asia.” Hence the custom of using “Asia” for the peninsula alone (i.e., Asia Minor) gradually crept into popular...","summary_en":"ASIA In NT times, the Roman province immediately east of the Aegean Sea. The province was established in 133 BC out of the kingdom left to the Romans in the will of Attalus III, king of Pergamum. Greek geographers generally employed the name Asia to denote the whole eastern continent, but from the second century on, the Romans generally referred to the kings of Pergamum as “kings of Asia.” Hence the custom of using “Asia” for the peninsula alone (i.e., Asia Minor) gradually crept into popular...","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":6564,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Church","title_en":"Church","content_ro":"<h3>CHURCH<\/h3>\nA group or assembly of persons called together for a particular purpose. The term appears in only two verses in the Gospels (Mt 16:18; 18:17) but frequently in the book of Acts, most of the letters of Paul, as well as most of the remaining NT writings, especially the Revelation of John.<\/p>\nOne way of referring to the body of Israel in the OT was simply “the congregation.” Groups claiming to be the true Israel spiritually rather then naturally called themselves “the congregation.” The term was used by the writers of the Dead Sea Scrolls as well as by early Christians; it is the actual meaning of the word “church.” Christians often referred to themselves simply as the church or the congregation (with “of God” being understood). The term could be applied either to all believers in the world or to any local group of them. It meant the total presence of God’s people in a given location. That is why the NT often uses the singular “church” even when many groups of believers are included together (Acts 9:31; 2 Cor 1:1); the term “churches” is rarely found (Acts 15:41; 16:5). Each group or the whole group was the place where God was present (Mt 16:18; 18:17); God had purchased the congregation with the blood of his Son (Acts 20:28). The use of the word “church” in the NT is also somewhat dependent upon the Greek world. In the Greek world the word translated “church” designated an assembly<\/em> of people, a meeting, such as a regularly summoned political body, or simply a gathering<\/em> of people. The word is used in such a secular way in Acts 19:32, 39, 41.<\/p>\nThe specifically Christian usages of this concept vary considerably in the NT. (1) In analogy to the OT, it sometimes refers to a church meeting, as when Paul says to the Christians in Corinth: “When you meet as a church . . .” (1 Cor 11:18). This means that Christians are the people of God especially when they are gathered for worship. (2) In texts such as Matthew 18:17, Acts 5:11, 1 Corinthians 4:17, and Philippians 4:15, “church” refers to the entire group of Christians living in one place. Often, the local character of a Christian congregation is emphasized, as in the phrases, “the church in Jerusalem” (Acts 8:1), “in Corinth” (1 Cor 1:2), “in Thessalonica” (1 Thes 1:1). (3) In other texts, house assemblies of Christians are called churches, such as those who met in the house of Priscilla and Aquila (Rom 16:5; 1 Cor 16:19). (4) Throughout the NT, “the church” designates the universal church, to which all believers belong (see Acts 9:31; 1 Cor 6:4; Eph 1:22; Col 1:18). Jesus’ first word about the founding of the Christian movement in Matthew 16:18 has this larger meaning: “I will build my church, and the powers of death shall not prevail against it” (rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\nThe church, both as a universal reality and in its local, concrete expression, is more specifically designated in Paul’s writings as “the church of God” (e.g., 1 Cor 1:2; 10:32) or “the churches of Christ” (Rom 16:16). In this way a common, secular Greek term receives its distinctive Christian meaning and sets the Christian assembly\/ gathering\/community apart from all other secular or religious groups.<\/p>\nIt is clear from the NT as a whole that the Christian community understood itself as the community of the end time, as the community called into being by God’s end-time act of revelation and divine presence in Jesus of Nazareth. So Paul tells the Christians in Corinth that they are those “upon whom the end of the ages has come” (1 Cor 10:11, rsv<\/span>). That is, God had visited his creation, had called out of both Judaism and the gentile world a new people, empowered by his Spirit to be present in the world, sharing the Good News (gospel) of his radical, unconditional love for his creation (Eph 2:11-22). The Gospels tell us that Jesus chose 12 disciples who became the foundation of this new people. The correspondence to the 12 tribes of Israel is clear, and it shows that the church was understood both as grounded in Judaism and as the fulfillment of God’s intention in calling Israel to become “a light to the nations, that my salvation may reach to the end of the earth” (Is 49:6, rsv<\/span>; Rom 11:1-5). It is this recognition that allows Paul to call this new Gentile-Jewish community, this new creation, “the Israel of God” (Gal 6:15-16). In this new community the traditional barriers of race, social standing, and sex—barriers that divided people from one another and categorized them into inferior and superior classes—are seen to be shattered: “There is neither Jew nor Greek, slave nor free, male nor female, for you are all one in Christ Jesus” (Gal 3:28, niv<\/span>). This one entity is called “the body of Christ.”<\/p>\nPaul is alone among NT writers in speaking of the church as Christ’s body (Rom 12:5; 1 Cor 12:27; Eph 1:22-23; 4:12; see also 1 Cor 10:16-17; 12:12-13), or as “the body” of which Christ is the “head” (Eph 4:15; Col 1:18). The origin of this way of speaking about the church is not clear. Among a number of suggestions, two are particularly revealing about Paul’s thought: (1) The Damascus road experience. According to the accounts in Acts (9:3-7; 22:6-11; 26:12-18), Jesus identifies himself with his persecuted disciples. By persecuting these early Christians, Paul was actually fighting against Christ himself. It is possible that later reflection on this experience led Paul to the conviction that the living Christ was so identified with his community that it could be spoken of as his “body,” that is, the concrete expression of his real presence. (2) The Hebrew concept of corporate solidarity. Paul was a Hebrew of the Hebrews (Phil 3:5), and his thinking was thoroughly Jewish. In that context, the individual is largely thought of as intimately tied into the nation as a whole; the individual does not have real existence apart from the whole people. At the same time, the entire people can be seen as represented by one individual. Thus, “Israel” is both the name of one individual and the name of a whole people. The “servant” of Isaiah 42–53 can be both an individual (Is 42:1-4) and the nation of Israel (49:1-6). This idea of corporate solidarity (or personality) is the background for the intimate connection Paul makes between “the first Adam” and sinful humanity as well as between “the last (or second) Adam” (Christ) and renewed humanity (1 Cor 15:45-49; see also Rom 5:12-21).<\/p>\nThe reality of the intimate relation between Christ and his church is thus expressed by Paul as the organic unity and integration of the physical body (Rom 12:4-8; 1 Cor 12:12-27). For Paul, the Lord’s Supper is a specific manifestation of this reality: “The bread which we break, is it not a participation in the body of Christ? Because there is one bread, we who are many are one body, for we all partake of the one bread” (1 Cor 10:16b-17, rsv<\/span>). Since this is the case, Paul goes on to argue, all the functions of the body have their legitimate and rightful place. Division within the body (i.e., the church) reveals that there is something unhealthy within. It is this image of the church as the “body of Christ” that lies behind Paul’s repeated call for and insistence upon unity within the Christian community.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>CHURCH<\/h3>\nA group or assembly of persons called together for a particular purpose. The term appears in only two verses in the Gospels (Mt 16:18; 18:17) but frequently in the book of Acts, most of the letters of Paul, as well as most of the remaining NT writings, especially the Revelation of John.<\/p>\nOne way of referring to the body of Israel in the OT was simply “the congregation.” Groups claiming to be the true Israel spiritually rather then naturally called themselves “the congregation.” The term was used by the writers of the Dead Sea Scrolls as well as by early Christians; it is the actual meaning of the word “church.” Christians often referred to themselves simply as the church or the congregation (with “of God” being understood). The term could be applied either to all believers in the world or to any local group of them. It meant the total presence of God’s people in a given location. That is why the NT often uses the singular “church” even when many groups of believers are included together (Acts 9:31; 2 Cor 1:1); the term “churches” is rarely found (Acts 15:41; 16:5). Each group or the whole group was the place where God was present (Mt 16:18; 18:17); God had purchased the congregation with the blood of his Son (Acts 20:28). The use of the word “church” in the NT is also somewhat dependent upon the Greek world. In the Greek world the word translated “church” designated an assembly<\/em> of people, a meeting, such as a regularly summoned political body, or simply a gathering<\/em> of people. The word is used in such a secular way in Acts 19:32, 39, 41.<\/p>\nThe specifically Christian usages of this concept vary considerably in the NT. (1) In analogy to the OT, it sometimes refers to a church meeting, as when Paul says to the Christians in Corinth: “When you meet as a church . . .” (1 Cor 11:18). This means that Christians are the people of God especially when they are gathered for worship. (2) In texts such as Matthew 18:17, Acts 5:11, 1 Corinthians 4:17, and Philippians 4:15, “church” refers to the entire group of Christians living in one place. Often, the local character of a Christian congregation is emphasized, as in the phrases, “the church in Jerusalem” (Acts 8:1), “in Corinth” (1 Cor 1:2), “in Thessalonica” (1 Thes 1:1). (3) In other texts, house assemblies of Christians are called churches, such as those who met in the house of Priscilla and Aquila (Rom 16:5; 1 Cor 16:19). (4) Throughout the NT, “the church” designates the universal church, to which all believers belong (see Acts 9:31; 1 Cor 6:4; Eph 1:22; Col 1:18). Jesus’ first word about the founding of the Christian movement in Matthew 16:18 has this larger meaning: “I will build my church, and the powers of death shall not prevail against it” (rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\nThe church, both as a universal reality and in its local, concrete expression, is more specifically designated in Paul’s writings as “the church of God” (e.g., 1 Cor 1:2; 10:32) or “the churches of Christ” (Rom 16:16). In this way a common, secular Greek term receives its distinctive Christian meaning and sets the Christian assembly\/ gathering\/community apart from all other secular or religious groups.<\/p>\nIt is clear from the NT as a whole that the Christian community understood itself as the community of the end time, as the community called into being by God’s end-time act of revelation and divine presence in Jesus of Nazareth. So Paul tells the Christians in Corinth that they are those “upon whom the end of the ages has come” (1 Cor 10:11, rsv<\/span>). That is, God had visited his creation, had called out of both Judaism and the gentile world a new people, empowered by his Spirit to be present in the world, sharing the Good News (gospel) of his radical, unconditional love for his creation (Eph 2:11-22). The Gospels tell us that Jesus chose 12 disciples who became the foundation of this new people. The correspondence to the 12 tribes of Israel is clear, and it shows that the church was understood both as grounded in Judaism and as the fulfillment of God’s intention in calling Israel to become “a light to the nations, that my salvation may reach to the end of the earth” (Is 49:6, rsv<\/span>; Rom 11:1-5). It is this recognition that allows Paul to call this new Gentile-Jewish community, this new creation, “the Israel of God” (Gal 6:15-16). In this new community the traditional barriers of race, social standing, and sex—barriers that divided people from one another and categorized them into inferior and superior classes—are seen to be shattered: “There is neither Jew nor Greek, slave nor free, male nor female, for you are all one in Christ Jesus” (Gal 3:28, niv<\/span>). This one entity is called “the body of Christ.”<\/p>\nPaul is alone among NT writers in speaking of the church as Christ’s body (Rom 12:5; 1 Cor 12:27; Eph 1:22-23; 4:12; see also 1 Cor 10:16-17; 12:12-13), or as “the body” of which Christ is the “head” (Eph 4:15; Col 1:18). The origin of this way of speaking about the church is not clear. Among a number of suggestions, two are particularly revealing about Paul’s thought: (1) The Damascus road experience. According to the accounts in Acts (9:3-7; 22:6-11; 26:12-18), Jesus identifies himself with his persecuted disciples. By persecuting these early Christians, Paul was actually fighting against Christ himself. It is possible that later reflection on this experience led Paul to the conviction that the living Christ was so identified with his community that it could be spoken of as his “body,” that is, the concrete expression of his real presence. (2) The Hebrew concept of corporate solidarity. Paul was a Hebrew of the Hebrews (Phil 3:5), and his thinking was thoroughly Jewish. In that context, the individual is largely thought of as intimately tied into the nation as a whole; the individual does not have real existence apart from the whole people. At the same time, the entire people can be seen as represented by one individual. Thus, “Israel” is both the name of one individual and the name of a whole people. The “servant” of Isaiah 42–53 can be both an individual (Is 42:1-4) and the nation of Israel (49:1-6). This idea of corporate solidarity (or personality) is the background for the intimate connection Paul makes between “the first Adam” and sinful humanity as well as between “the last (or second) Adam” (Christ) and renewed humanity (1 Cor 15:45-49; see also Rom 5:12-21).<\/p>\nThe reality of the intimate relation between Christ and his church is thus expressed by Paul as the organic unity and integration of the physical body (Rom 12:4-8; 1 Cor 12:12-27). For Paul, the Lord’s Supper is a specific manifestation of this reality: “The bread which we break, is it not a participation in the body of Christ? Because there is one bread, we who are many are one body, for we all partake of the one bread” (1 Cor 10:16b-17, rsv<\/span>). Since this is the case, Paul goes on to argue, all the functions of the body have their legitimate and rightful place. Division within the body (i.e., the church) reveals that there is something unhealthy within. It is this image of the church as the “body of Christ” that lies behind Paul’s repeated call for and insistence upon unity within the Christian community.<\/p>","summary_ro":"CHURCH A group or assembly of persons called together for a particular purpose. The term appears in only two verses in the Gospels (Mt 16:18; 18:17) but frequently in the book of Acts, most of the letters of Paul, as well as most of the remaining NT writings, especially the Revelation of John. One way of referring to the body of Israel in the OT was simply “the congregation.” Groups claiming to be the true Israel spiritually rather then naturally called themselves “the congregation.” The term...","summary_en":"CHURCH A group or assembly of persons called together for a particular purpose. The term appears in only two verses in the Gospels (Mt 16:18; 18:17) but frequently in the book of Acts, most of the letters of Paul, as well as most of the remaining NT writings, especially the Revelation of John. One way of referring to the body of Israel in the OT was simply “the congregation.” Groups claiming to be the true Israel spiritually rather then naturally called themselves “the congregation.” The term...","source":"Articles\/C.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":6618,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Church Meetings","title_en":"Church Meetings","content_ro":"<h3>CHURCH MEETINGS<\/h3>\nThe assembling together of the believers. In the NT, the Greek word ekklesia<\/span> (usually translated “church”) is used primarily in two ways: (1) to describe a meeting or an assembly, and (2) to designate the people who participate in such assembling together—whether they are actually assembled or not. The NT contains a few places that speak of a secular Greek assembly (Acts 19:32, 41); every other instance speaks of a Christian assembly. Sometimes the word ekklesia<\/span> is used to designate the actual meeting together of Christians. This is certainly what Paul intended in 1 Corinthians 14:19, 28, and 35, in that the expression en ekklesia<\/span> must mean “in a meeting” and not “in the church.” To translate this phrase “in the church” (as is done in most modern English versions) is misleading, for most readers will think it means “in the church building.” The NT never once names the place of assembly a “church.” Aside from the few instances where the word clearly means the actual meeting together of believers, ekklesia<\/span> most often is used as a descriptor for the believers who constitute a local church (such as the church in Corinth, the church in Philippi, and the church in Colosse) or all the believers (past, present, and future) who constitute the universal church, the complete body of Christ.<\/p>\nWhen reading the NT, Christians need to be aware of the various ways in which the word ekklesia<\/span> (“church”) is used. On the most basic level, the ekklesia<\/span> is any gathering of believers. On another level, the ekklesia<\/span> is an organized local entity—comprised of all the believers in any given locality, under one pluralistic eldership. On another level, the ekklesia<\/span> is the universal church whose constituents are all the believers who have ever been, are now existing, and will ever be. The word ekklesia<\/span> was used by the NT writers with these various aspects of meaning, though, at times, it is not possible to differentiate one from the other. Nevertheless, students of the NT could avoid some confusion if they used discrimination in their exegesis of the text. Some interpreters have taught that the smallest unit of the church is the local church, but the NT writers sometimes used the word “church” to indicate a small home gathering. Other interpreters confuse the local church with the universal church. But some things in the NT are addressed to a local church that do not necessarily apply to the whole church, and some great things are spoken of the universal church that could never be attained by any particular local group. The things Paul said about the church in the Epistle to the Ephesians (which was written as an encyclical for several churches and not just for the church in Ephesus) could never be attained by a local church. For example, what local church could attain to the fullness of the stature of Christ?<\/p>\nThere is much to be said about how interpreters have confused the local church with the universal church, but this article is devoted to clearing up the confusion about what constitutes the smallest unit of the church—the local church, or what could be called the house church or home gathering.<\/p>\nThe NT seems to present the fact that a particular local church (i.e., a church comprising all the believers in a given locality under one eldership) could and did have several ekklesiai<\/span>—“meetings” or “assemblies” (carried on in homes of the local Christians). Thus, the smallest unit to comprise a “church” was one of these home meetings. However, there is no indication in the NT that each of these home meetings had its own eldership or was a distinct entity separate from the other gatherings (<\/em>ekklesiai<\/span>)<\/em> in the same locality. According to Acts 14:23 and Titus 1:5, elders were appointed for every local church (compare the expressions “appointed elders in every church” and “appoint elders in every city”)—not for every house church. Nevertheless, it appears that every local church of some size had several such ekklesiai<\/span> (“meetings”) going on within that locality.<\/p>\nThe church in Jerusalem must have had several home meetings (see Acts 2:46; 5:42; 8:3; 12:5, 12), as did the church in Rome (see Rom 16:3-5, 14-15 and comments below). A small local church may have had only one home gathering—as was probably the case with the church at Colosse (see Phlm 1:2 and comments below), but this would have been impossible for large local churches like those in Jerusalem, Rome, and Ephesus, in which there must have been several “house churches” (see 1 Cor 16:19-20 [1 Cor was written from Ephesus] and comments below). An examination of the passages that deal with the issue of the “house church” should affirm this. These passages are Romans 16:3-5, 14-15; 1 Corinthians 16:19-20; Colossians 4:15-16; and Philemon 1:1-2 (all quoted from the rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\n<h4>Romans 16:3-5, 14-15<\/h4>\nIn the last chapter of Romans, Paul asked the believers in Rome, to whom he had written this epistle, to greet Priscilla and Aquila and the church that met in their home (16:3-5). The entire church in Rome could not have met in Priscilla and Aquila’s home, for the church was much too large to have assembled in a single home. Rather, the church in Priscilla and Aquila’s home must have been one among several such “house churches” in Rome. The following discussion should substantiate this position.<\/p>\nPaul’s Epistle to the Romans was addressed to “all God’s beloved in Rome” (1:7), not to “the church in Rome.” At the time of writing, Paul had not been to Rome—nor had any other apostle. The church was probably started there by Jewish Romans who had been converted during their visit to Jerusalem during Pentecost (Acts 2:10) and then returned to Rome. Since the church had not been started by an apostle, it could have been that there were no “ordained” elders in the church at Rome and that there were several gatherings of believers in various parts of Rome and its suburbs. Paul knew some of the saints in Rome (whom he addressed by name in the last chapter) and thus addressed an epistle to all the saints in that locality, instead of to the church in that locality—which was his usual practice (see 1 Cor 1:1; 2 Cor 1:1; 1 Thes 1:1; 2 Thes 1:1). Nonetheless, “all the saints in Rome” would comprise “the church in Rome” (cf. Phil 1:1, in which Paul addressed his epistle to all the saints in Philippi).<\/p>\nIn the final chapter of Romans, Paul asks all the believers in Rome (which equals the “local” church in Rome) to greet the church in Priscilla and Aquila’s house. Later in the chapter, Paul asks the church to greet Asyncritus, Phlegon, Hermas, Patrobas, Hermes, and the brothers with them; and then again he asks the church to greet Philologus, Julia, Nereus and his sister, Olympas, and all the saints with them (16:14-15). Evidently, Paul was identifying two other groups of believers who must have met together. (And perhaps Paul was referring to two more groups in 16:10-11, which in the Greek could mean the ones of Aristobulus’s and Narcissus’s households<\/em> or the ones of their fellowships.<\/em>) It seems that the church in Rome, like the church in Jerusalem and Ephesus, had several home ekklesiai<\/span> (meetings).<\/p>\nThe Epistle to the Romans was written around AD<\/span> 58. The Neronian persecution began around AD<\/span> 64. Secular historians such as Tacitus tell us that a vast multitude (ingens multitudo)<\/em> of Christians were tortured and killed during this persecution (Annals<\/em> 15.44). Seutonius (in his book Nero,<\/em> ch 16) said that the rapid increase of the Christians in Rome had made them unpopular. Indeed, at the time Paul penned the Epistle to the Romans he said their faith was known throughout the world (1:8), which indicates that the church in Rome had already made an impact on the Mediterranean world. When Paul came to Rome three years later (AD<\/span> 61), he came to a city that had a large church there already. From Romans 15:23, we know that the church had been in existence for many years even before Paul wrote his epistle to them. In short, the church in Rome was a large church around the time Paul wrote his epistle to them. The entire church could not have met in the home of Aquila and Priscilla, who would have had only a modest-sized dwelling (for they were tentmakers). Besides, Paul greeted over 25 individuals by name in chapter 16—and he had not yet even been to Rome!<\/p>\nThere must have been several ekklesiai<\/span> in Rome, i.e., several home churches all unified as the one local church in Rome. For example, the Christians in Rome apparently worshiped in numerous homes such as Priscilla and Aquila’s. Other churches in homes are mentioned in Colossians 4:15 and Philemon 1:2. Groups of Christians met in houses of prominent believers or in other available rooms (cf. Mt 26:16; Acts 12:12; 1 Cor 16:19; Col 4:15; Phlm 1:2). The church in Priscilla and Aquila’s house is the first of five groups of believers in Paul’s list, but the only one referred to definitely as a church (see Rom 16:5, 10-11, 14-15). Priscilla and Aquila opened their home for Christian meetings. The church mentioned there was obviously only a part of the total number of Christians in Rome. Verses 10-11 and 14-15 seem to refer to two other household churches in Rome. Apparently, there were at least three churches there, and probably more. Each house church could not have been a separate entity with a separate church government; rather, each house church must have been simply one home meeting of some of the saints in the one local church at Rome.<\/p>\n<h4>1 Corinthians 16:19-20<\/h4>\nIn this passage we again see Aquila and Priscilla and again discover that a church met in their house. According to Romans, their house church was, of course, in Rome. According to 1 Corinthians (written from Ephesus), their house church was in Ephesus. Many scholars think Aquila and Priscilla left Rome around AD<\/span> 49 at the time of Claudius’s edict expelling Jews from Rome. They very well could have already been Christians at this time. According to Acts 18, they joined Paul in Corinth (where they all worked together in their craft of tentmaking) and then went on with him to Ephesus, during the time (around AD<\/span> 51) the church in Ephesus was first established. Paul continued on with his second missionary journey, while Aquila and Priscilla remained in Ephesus. No doubt, the early church there first met in their home. Paul returned to Ephesus a few years later and remained there for two years (around AD<\/span> 53–54). During this time, Paul’s proclamation of the gospel went out from Ephesus (as a center) to all of Asia Minor (see Acts 19:8-10). As this was going on, the church in Ephesus grew (see vv 18-20).<\/p>\nIt was during these years that Paul wrote to the Corinthians, in which he sent greetings from the churches in Asia, from Aquila and Priscilla—and the church in their house, and from all the brothers (1 Cor 16:19-20). In giving this kind of greeting, it seems that Paul was sending greetings from (1) all the churches in Asia Minor, (2) the church in Ephesus (equivalent to “all the brothers”), and (3) those believers who gathered with Aquila and Priscilla in their home. It would be hard to imagine that all the saints in Ephesus met at Aquila and Priscilla’s home. The church probably began that way, but as it grew, so did the number of home meetings. From other portions of the NT (specifically 1 Timothy, which was written around AD<\/span> 64 by Paul to Timothy while Timothy was leading the church in Ephesus), we discover that there must have been several home meetings in Ephesus because there were so many saints there (see 1 Timothy 5–6, which reveal that there must have been a large number of saints in Ephesus—young men, young women, older men, widows, and so forth). At any rate, several saints must have hosted an ekklesia<\/span>,<\/em> a meeting, in their home. (Aquila and Priscilla left Ephesus around AD<\/span> 56\/57 and returned to Rome, where again they hosted a church in their home. Others in Ephesus would have to open their homes.) But each such ekklesia<\/span> did not have its own eldership; rather, all of the church in Ephesus was under one eldership—headed up by Timothy, Paul’s coworker.<\/p>\n<h4>Colossians 4:15-16<\/h4>\nIn this portion, we again read about a church existing in the home of one called Nymphas. In his final remarks to the church in Colosse, Paul asked the saints in Colosse to send his greetings to (1) the brothers that are in Laodicea, (2) Nymphas in particular, and (3) the church in Nymphas’s house. According to the structure of Colossians 4:15, it seems evident that the first greeting included all the believers in Laodicea (a neighboring church to Colosse), who would comprise the entire church in Laodicea (called “the church of the Laodiceans” in Col 4:16), and that the second and third greetings were to a specific individual (Nymphas) in the church in Laodicea and a church meeting in Nymphas’s house. This church meeting in Nymphas’s house would probably be one of several home meetings—all part of the one local church in Laodicea.<\/p>\nThere is a textual problem in this passage that could have some effect on the interpretation of it. Some manuscripts read “his house”; others read “her house”; still others read “their house.” Because it cannot be determined from the Greek text whether Nymphas was male or female, various scribes used different pronouns before “house.” Between the readings “her” and “his,” it is far more likely that the pronoun “her” was changed to “his” than vice versa. Some scholars say that “their” refers to “the brothers” at Laodicea. But that does not make sense if we understand that “the brothers in Laodicea” is equal to the church in Laodicea. How could the church in Laodicea have the church in their house? Other scholars indicate that the Greek word for “their” (<\/em>auton<\/span>)<\/em> refers to the ones with Nymphas—i.e., the members of his household. Whether the reading was “her house” or “their house,” a particular group of believers within the church of Laodicea met there. Their meeting could legitimately be called an ekklesia<\/span>—an assembling together.<\/p>\n<h4>Philemon 1:1-2<\/h4>\nThis is the last time in the NT we read about a church in a particular home. Paul wrote a short epistle to Philemon, an elder of the church in Colosse, on behalf of Onesimus, Philemon’s runaway slave converted by Paul to Christ. In his introduction to this short epistle, Paul sends his greetings to Philemon, Apphia, Archippus, and the church in Philemon’s house. It is important to note that Paul did not send greetings to all the saints in Colosse and then to the church in Philemon’s house (as is the pattern in 1 Cor 16:19-20 and Col 4:15); instead, he just sent greetings to Philemon and to the church in his house. Therefore, we can assume that the entire church in Colosse must have met at Philemon’s house.<\/p>\n<h4>Worship in the Home Meetings and Church Meetings<\/h4>\nWhen the church first began in Jerusalem, the believers met in homes for fellowship and worship. Acts 2:42-47 tells us that the early Christians met in homes to hear the apostles’ teachings and to celebrate Communion (which is called “the breaking of bread”). During such gatherings, the Christians often shared meals with one another in what was called a love feast (2 Pt 2:13; Jude 1:12). At these meetings, the Christians recited Scripture, sang hymns and psalms, and joyfully praised the Lord (see Eph 5:18-20; Col 3:16-17). Christians also gathered together in homes to pray (Acts 12:12) and read the Word.<\/p>\nSmall groups of believers met in homes for worship quite regularly; in a city where there were several such ekklesiai<\/span>,<\/em> all the believers would gather together for special occasions. Scripture tells us that all the believers would come together to hear an epistle from the apostles read out loud (see Acts 15:30; Col 4:16), and we can surmise from the NT record that all the Christians in a city met together once a week on Sunday, which was called the Lord’s Day. First Corinthians provides several insights about how the early Christians worshiped together when all the believers in one city met together. We know that 1 Corinthians pertains to this larger gathering because in 11:20 Paul spoke of all the believers coming together in one place and in 14:23 he spoke of the whole church coming together in one place.<\/p>\nPaul used this epistle to correct the Corinthians’ behavior in the celebration of the Lord’s Supper (1 Cor 11:17-34) and in the exercising of spiritual gifts during church meetings (ch 14). Paul’s adjustments reveal his perceptions of a model Christian meeting, and his preceptions were probably developed from actual experience in other church meetings. Paul urged the Corinthians to celebrate the Lord’s Supper together in a manner that reflected Jesus’ institution of that meal. They were to remember the Lord and his death for them, and they were to partake of the bread and wine with all seriousness. At the same time, they were to be conscious of the fact that they were members of the same body of Christ—joined to one another, and also to Christ.<\/p>\nAccording to Paul’s presentation in chapter 14, this “body consciousness” should be evident in the way the believers worshiped together. One’s personal experience and liberty should not hinder the coordination of the body in worshiping God corporately. Thus, when the believers exercised their spiritual gifts—whether it be prophesying, speaking in tongues, providing interpretations of the tongues, or teaching—it should be done in good order and for the edification of the congregation, not personal edification. When all the church assembled together to worship God, it should be a display of spiritual unity.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Church.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>CHURCH MEETINGS<\/h3>\nThe assembling together of the believers. In the NT, the Greek word ekklesia<\/span> (usually translated “church”) is used primarily in two ways: (1) to describe a meeting or an assembly, and (2) to designate the people who participate in such assembling together—whether they are actually assembled or not. The NT contains a few places that speak of a secular Greek assembly (Acts 19:32, 41); every other instance speaks of a Christian assembly. Sometimes the word ekklesia<\/span> is used to designate the actual meeting together of Christians. This is certainly what Paul intended in 1 Corinthians 14:19, 28, and 35, in that the expression en ekklesia<\/span> must mean “in a meeting” and not “in the church.” To translate this phrase “in the church” (as is done in most modern English versions) is misleading, for most readers will think it means “in the church building.” The NT never once names the place of assembly a “church.” Aside from the few instances where the word clearly means the actual meeting together of believers, ekklesia<\/span> most often is used as a descriptor for the believers who constitute a local church (such as the church in Corinth, the church in Philippi, and the church in Colosse) or all the believers (past, present, and future) who constitute the universal church, the complete body of Christ.<\/p>\nWhen reading the NT, Christians need to be aware of the various ways in which the word ekklesia<\/span> (“church”) is used. On the most basic level, the ekklesia<\/span> is any gathering of believers. On another level, the ekklesia<\/span> is an organized local entity—comprised of all the believers in any given locality, under one pluralistic eldership. On another level, the ekklesia<\/span> is the universal church whose constituents are all the believers who have ever been, are now existing, and will ever be. The word ekklesia<\/span> was used by the NT writers with these various aspects of meaning, though, at times, it is not possible to differentiate one from the other. Nevertheless, students of the NT could avoid some confusion if they used discrimination in their exegesis of the text. Some interpreters have taught that the smallest unit of the church is the local church, but the NT writers sometimes used the word “church” to indicate a small home gathering. Other interpreters confuse the local church with the universal church. But some things in the NT are addressed to a local church that do not necessarily apply to the whole church, and some great things are spoken of the universal church that could never be attained by any particular local group. The things Paul said about the church in the Epistle to the Ephesians (which was written as an encyclical for several churches and not just for the church in Ephesus) could never be attained by a local church. For example, what local church could attain to the fullness of the stature of Christ?<\/p>\nThere is much to be said about how interpreters have confused the local church with the universal church, but this article is devoted to clearing up the confusion about what constitutes the smallest unit of the church—the local church, or what could be called the house church or home gathering.<\/p>\nThe NT seems to present the fact that a particular local church (i.e., a church comprising all the believers in a given locality under one eldership) could and did have several ekklesiai<\/span>—“meetings” or “assemblies” (carried on in homes of the local Christians). Thus, the smallest unit to comprise a “church” was one of these home meetings. However, there is no indication in the NT that each of these home meetings had its own eldership or was a distinct entity separate from the other gatherings (<\/em>ekklesiai<\/span>)<\/em> in the same locality. According to Acts 14:23 and Titus 1:5, elders were appointed for every local church (compare the expressions “appointed elders in every church” and “appoint elders in every city”)—not for every house church. Nevertheless, it appears that every local church of some size had several such ekklesiai<\/span> (“meetings”) going on within that locality.<\/p>\nThe church in Jerusalem must have had several home meetings (see Acts 2:46; 5:42; 8:3; 12:5, 12), as did the church in Rome (see Rom 16:3-5, 14-15 and comments below). A small local church may have had only one home gathering—as was probably the case with the church at Colosse (see Phlm 1:2 and comments below), but this would have been impossible for large local churches like those in Jerusalem, Rome, and Ephesus, in which there must have been several “house churches” (see 1 Cor 16:19-20 [1 Cor was written from Ephesus] and comments below). An examination of the passages that deal with the issue of the “house church” should affirm this. These passages are Romans 16:3-5, 14-15; 1 Corinthians 16:19-20; Colossians 4:15-16; and Philemon 1:1-2 (all quoted from the rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\n<h4>Romans 16:3-5, 14-15<\/h4>\nIn the last chapter of Romans, Paul asked the believers in Rome, to whom he had written this epistle, to greet Priscilla and Aquila and the church that met in their home (16:3-5). The entire church in Rome could not have met in Priscilla and Aquila’s home, for the church was much too large to have assembled in a single home. Rather, the church in Priscilla and Aquila’s home must have been one among several such “house churches” in Rome. The following discussion should substantiate this position.<\/p>\nPaul’s Epistle to the Romans was addressed to “all God’s beloved in Rome” (1:7), not to “the church in Rome.” At the time of writing, Paul had not been to Rome—nor had any other apostle. The church was probably started there by Jewish Romans who had been converted during their visit to Jerusalem during Pentecost (Acts 2:10) and then returned to Rome. Since the church had not been started by an apostle, it could have been that there were no “ordained” elders in the church at Rome and that there were several gatherings of believers in various parts of Rome and its suburbs. Paul knew some of the saints in Rome (whom he addressed by name in the last chapter) and thus addressed an epistle to all the saints in that locality, instead of to the church in that locality—which was his usual practice (see 1 Cor 1:1; 2 Cor 1:1; 1 Thes 1:1; 2 Thes 1:1). Nonetheless, “all the saints in Rome” would comprise “the church in Rome” (cf. Phil 1:1, in which Paul addressed his epistle to all the saints in Philippi).<\/p>\nIn the final chapter of Romans, Paul asks all the believers in Rome (which equals the “local” church in Rome) to greet the church in Priscilla and Aquila’s house. Later in the chapter, Paul asks the church to greet Asyncritus, Phlegon, Hermas, Patrobas, Hermes, and the brothers with them; and then again he asks the church to greet Philologus, Julia, Nereus and his sister, Olympas, and all the saints with them (16:14-15). Evidently, Paul was identifying two other groups of believers who must have met together. (And perhaps Paul was referring to two more groups in 16:10-11, which in the Greek could mean the ones of Aristobulus’s and Narcissus’s households<\/em> or the ones of their fellowships.<\/em>) It seems that the church in Rome, like the church in Jerusalem and Ephesus, had several home ekklesiai<\/span> (meetings).<\/p>\nThe Epistle to the Romans was written around AD<\/span> 58. The Neronian persecution began around AD<\/span> 64. Secular historians such as Tacitus tell us that a vast multitude (ingens multitudo)<\/em> of Christians were tortured and killed during this persecution (Annals<\/em> 15.44). Seutonius (in his book Nero,<\/em> ch 16) said that the rapid increase of the Christians in Rome had made them unpopular. Indeed, at the time Paul penned the Epistle to the Romans he said their faith was known throughout the world (1:8), which indicates that the church in Rome had already made an impact on the Mediterranean world. When Paul came to Rome three years later (AD<\/span> 61), he came to a city that had a large church there already. From Romans 15:23, we know that the church had been in existence for many years even before Paul wrote his epistle to them. In short, the church in Rome was a large church around the time Paul wrote his epistle to them. The entire church could not have met in the home of Aquila and Priscilla, who would have had only a modest-sized dwelling (for they were tentmakers). Besides, Paul greeted over 25 individuals by name in chapter 16—and he had not yet even been to Rome!<\/p>\nThere must have been several ekklesiai<\/span> in Rome, i.e., several home churches all unified as the one local church in Rome. For example, the Christians in Rome apparently worshiped in numerous homes such as Priscilla and Aquila’s. Other churches in homes are mentioned in Colossians 4:15 and Philemon 1:2. Groups of Christians met in houses of prominent believers or in other available rooms (cf. Mt 26:16; Acts 12:12; 1 Cor 16:19; Col 4:15; Phlm 1:2). The church in Priscilla and Aquila’s house is the first of five groups of believers in Paul’s list, but the only one referred to definitely as a church (see Rom 16:5, 10-11, 14-15). Priscilla and Aquila opened their home for Christian meetings. The church mentioned there was obviously only a part of the total number of Christians in Rome. Verses 10-11 and 14-15 seem to refer to two other household churches in Rome. Apparently, there were at least three churches there, and probably more. Each house church could not have been a separate entity with a separate church government; rather, each house church must have been simply one home meeting of some of the saints in the one local church at Rome.<\/p>\n<h4>1 Corinthians 16:19-20<\/h4>\nIn this passage we again see Aquila and Priscilla and again discover that a church met in their house. According to Romans, their house church was, of course, in Rome. According to 1 Corinthians (written from Ephesus), their house church was in Ephesus. Many scholars think Aquila and Priscilla left Rome around AD<\/span> 49 at the time of Claudius’s edict expelling Jews from Rome. They very well could have already been Christians at this time. According to Acts 18, they joined Paul in Corinth (where they all worked together in their craft of tentmaking) and then went on with him to Ephesus, during the time (around AD<\/span> 51) the church in Ephesus was first established. Paul continued on with his second missionary journey, while Aquila and Priscilla remained in Ephesus. No doubt, the early church there first met in their home. Paul returned to Ephesus a few years later and remained there for two years (around AD<\/span> 53–54). During this time, Paul’s proclamation of the gospel went out from Ephesus (as a center) to all of Asia Minor (see Acts 19:8-10). As this was going on, the church in Ephesus grew (see vv 18-20).<\/p>\nIt was during these years that Paul wrote to the Corinthians, in which he sent greetings from the churches in Asia, from Aquila and Priscilla—and the church in their house, and from all the brothers (1 Cor 16:19-20). In giving this kind of greeting, it seems that Paul was sending greetings from (1) all the churches in Asia Minor, (2) the church in Ephesus (equivalent to “all the brothers”), and (3) those believers who gathered with Aquila and Priscilla in their home. It would be hard to imagine that all the saints in Ephesus met at Aquila and Priscilla’s home. The church probably began that way, but as it grew, so did the number of home meetings. From other portions of the NT (specifically 1 Timothy, which was written around AD<\/span> 64 by Paul to Timothy while Timothy was leading the church in Ephesus), we discover that there must have been several home meetings in Ephesus because there were so many saints there (see 1 Timothy 5–6, which reveal that there must have been a large number of saints in Ephesus—young men, young women, older men, widows, and so forth). At any rate, several saints must have hosted an ekklesia<\/span>,<\/em> a meeting, in their home. (Aquila and Priscilla left Ephesus around AD<\/span> 56\/57 and returned to Rome, where again they hosted a church in their home. Others in Ephesus would have to open their homes.) But each such ekklesia<\/span> did not have its own eldership; rather, all of the church in Ephesus was under one eldership—headed up by Timothy, Paul’s coworker.<\/p>\n<h4>Colossians 4:15-16<\/h4>\nIn this portion, we again read about a church existing in the home of one called Nymphas. In his final remarks to the church in Colosse, Paul asked the saints in Colosse to send his greetings to (1) the brothers that are in Laodicea, (2) Nymphas in particular, and (3) the church in Nymphas’s house. According to the structure of Colossians 4:15, it seems evident that the first greeting included all the believers in Laodicea (a neighboring church to Colosse), who would comprise the entire church in Laodicea (called “the church of the Laodiceans” in Col 4:16), and that the second and third greetings were to a specific individual (Nymphas) in the church in Laodicea and a church meeting in Nymphas’s house. This church meeting in Nymphas’s house would probably be one of several home meetings—all part of the one local church in Laodicea.<\/p>\nThere is a textual problem in this passage that could have some effect on the interpretation of it. Some manuscripts read “his house”; others read “her house”; still others read “their house.” Because it cannot be determined from the Greek text whether Nymphas was male or female, various scribes used different pronouns before “house.” Between the readings “her” and “his,” it is far more likely that the pronoun “her” was changed to “his” than vice versa. Some scholars say that “their” refers to “the brothers” at Laodicea. But that does not make sense if we understand that “the brothers in Laodicea” is equal to the church in Laodicea. How could the church in Laodicea have the church in their house? Other scholars indicate that the Greek word for “their” (<\/em>auton<\/span>)<\/em> refers to the ones with Nymphas—i.e., the members of his household. Whether the reading was “her house” or “their house,” a particular group of believers within the church of Laodicea met there. Their meeting could legitimately be called an ekklesia<\/span>—an assembling together.<\/p>\n<h4>Philemon 1:1-2<\/h4>\nThis is the last time in the NT we read about a church in a particular home. Paul wrote a short epistle to Philemon, an elder of the church in Colosse, on behalf of Onesimus, Philemon’s runaway slave converted by Paul to Christ. In his introduction to this short epistle, Paul sends his greetings to Philemon, Apphia, Archippus, and the church in Philemon’s house. It is important to note that Paul did not send greetings to all the saints in Colosse and then to the church in Philemon’s house (as is the pattern in 1 Cor 16:19-20 and Col 4:15); instead, he just sent greetings to Philemon and to the church in his house. Therefore, we can assume that the entire church in Colosse must have met at Philemon’s house.<\/p>\n<h4>Worship in the Home Meetings and Church Meetings<\/h4>\nWhen the church first began in Jerusalem, the believers met in homes for fellowship and worship. Acts 2:42-47 tells us that the early Christians met in homes to hear the apostles’ teachings and to celebrate Communion (which is called “the breaking of bread”). During such gatherings, the Christians often shared meals with one another in what was called a love feast (2 Pt 2:13; Jude 1:12). At these meetings, the Christians recited Scripture, sang hymns and psalms, and joyfully praised the Lord (see Eph 5:18-20; Col 3:16-17). Christians also gathered together in homes to pray (Acts 12:12) and read the Word.<\/p>\nSmall groups of believers met in homes for worship quite regularly; in a city where there were several such ekklesiai<\/span>,<\/em> all the believers would gather together for special occasions. Scripture tells us that all the believers would come together to hear an epistle from the apostles read out loud (see Acts 15:30; Col 4:16), and we can surmise from the NT record that all the Christians in a city met together once a week on Sunday, which was called the Lord’s Day. First Corinthians provides several insights about how the early Christians worshiped together when all the believers in one city met together. We know that 1 Corinthians pertains to this larger gathering because in 11:20 Paul spoke of all the believers coming together in one place and in 14:23 he spoke of the whole church coming together in one place.<\/p>\nPaul used this epistle to correct the Corinthians’ behavior in the celebration of the Lord’s Supper (1 Cor 11:17-34) and in the exercising of spiritual gifts during church meetings (ch 14). Paul’s adjustments reveal his perceptions of a model Christian meeting, and his preceptions were probably developed from actual experience in other church meetings. Paul urged the Corinthians to celebrate the Lord’s Supper together in a manner that reflected Jesus’ institution of that meal. They were to remember the Lord and his death for them, and they were to partake of the bread and wine with all seriousness. At the same time, they were to be conscious of the fact that they were members of the same body of Christ—joined to one another, and also to Christ.<\/p>\nAccording to Paul’s presentation in chapter 14, this “body consciousness” should be evident in the way the believers worshiped together. One’s personal experience and liberty should not hinder the coordination of the body in worshiping God corporately. Thus, when the believers exercised their spiritual gifts—whether it be prophesying, speaking in tongues, providing interpretations of the tongues, or teaching—it should be done in good order and for the edification of the congregation, not personal edification. When all the church assembled together to worship God, it should be a display of spiritual unity.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Church.<\/p>","summary_ro":"CHURCH MEETINGS The assembling together of the believers. In the NT, the Greek word ekklesia (usually translated “church”) is used primarily in two ways: (1) to describe a meeting or an assembly, and (2) to designate the people who participate in such assembling together—whether they are actually assembled or not. The NT contains a few places that speak of a secular Greek assembly (Acts 19:32, 41); every other instance speaks of a Christian assembly. Sometimes the word ekklesia is used to des...","summary_en":"CHURCH MEETINGS The assembling together of the believers. In the NT, the Greek word ekklesia (usually translated “church”) is used primarily in two ways: (1) to describe a meeting or an assembly, and (2) to designate the people who participate in such assembling together—whether they are actually assembled or not. The NT contains a few places that speak of a secular Greek assembly (Acts 19:32, 41); every other instance speaks of a Christian assembly. Sometimes the word ekklesia is used to des...","source":"Articles\/C.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":10852,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Epenetus","title_en":"Epenetus","content_ro":"<h3>EPENETUS<\/h3>\nBeliever greeted by Paul in Romans 16:5 as “my dear friend” and “the very first person to become a Christian in the province of Asia” (nlt<\/span>). It is not known if Epenetus was a personal convert of Paul. Mention of his name has been used to promote the hypothesis that the letter was written for the Ephesians, but this is not sufficient grounds for making this identification.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>EPENETUS<\/h3>\nBeliever greeted by Paul in Romans 16:5 as “my dear friend” and “the very first person to become a Christian in the province of Asia” (nlt<\/span>). It is not known if Epenetus was a personal convert of Paul. Mention of his name has been used to promote the hypothesis that the letter was written for the Ephesians, but this is not sufficient grounds for making this identification.<\/p>","summary_ro":"EPENETUS Believer greeted by Paul in Romans 16:5 as “my dear friend” and “the very first person to become a Christian in the province of Asia” (nlt). It is not known if Epenetus was a personal convert of Paul. Mention of his name has been used to promote the hypothesis that the letter was written for the Ephesians, but this is not sufficient grounds for making this identification.","summary_en":"EPENETUS Believer greeted by Paul in Romans 16:5 as “my dear friend” and “the very first person to become a Christian in the province of Asia” (nlt). It is not known if Epenetus was a personal convert of Paul. Mention of his name has been used to promote the hypothesis that the letter was written for the Ephesians, but this is not sufficient grounds for making this identification.","source":"Articles\/E.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":12350,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Firstfruits","title_en":"Firstfruits","content_ro":"<h3>FIRSTFRUITS<\/h3>\nFirstborn child or animal or first parts of any crop that, in Hebrew thought, were considered as holy and therefore belonged to the Lord. The firstfruits, as a foretaste of more to come, were offered to God in thanksgiving for his goodness in providing them.<\/p>\nFirstfruit offerings could include produce either in its natural state or prepared or processed in some way, such as dough, bread, wine, olive oil, and wool. The firstborn son and the firstborn of the animals that one owned were to be treated as belonging to God. The firstborn children and the firstborn of the unclean animals were “redeemed” (paid for) with money by the offerer, and the firstborn of the cows, sheep, and goats were offered in sacrifice to God (Nm 18:14-17).<\/p>\nFirstfruits of any kind were reserved for those whom God designated, namely, the priests. At least three times “the first of the firstfruits” is mentioned in the OT. This may be a reference to the first ripened of the firstfruits, or it may refer to the choicest of them. These offerings were especially designated for the priests and could be eaten by any of them who was ritually clean (Nm 18:12-13). For other references to the firstfruits, see Exodus 23:15-19; 34:22, 26; Leviticus 2:14; 23:10-17; Numbers 15:20-21; 28:26-31; and Deuteronomy 26:1-11.<\/p>\nThe firstfruits were presented to God by bringing the offering to the priest at the tabernacle and, in later times, at the temple (Dt 26:2). The priest took the offering, and on the first day of the week, with arms outstretched, waved it before the Lord. On the same day, the person presenting the firstfruits offered a male lamb as a burnt offering to the Lord, a grain offering of fine flour mixed with olive oil, and a drink offering of wine. Fifty days later another grain offering was to be made. Each family was to give two loaves of bread to the Lord as a special gift. These were also given with appropriate animal, grain, and drink offerings (Lv 23:9-22).<\/p>\nIn the NT the apostle Paul referred to Jesus Christ’s resurrection as the firstfruits of the resurrection of believers that will occur at Jesus’ return (1 Cor 15:20, 23). The Holy Spirit, who indwells all believers (Rom 8:9), is also said to be the firstfruits of the full redemption that is yet to come. “Firstfruits” is sometimes used of the first believers in a geographical area (Rom 16:5; 1 Cor 16:15). They were a kind of promise of a spiritual harvest to follow in that particular locality.<\/p>\nChristian believers are said to be firstfruits, referring to their being a unique and sacred possession of God out of all he has created (Jas 1:18). Similarly, in the book of Revelation the 144,000 are said to have been redeemed from humanity as firstfruits belonging to God and to the Lamb, Jesus Christ (Rv 14:4).<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Feasts and Festivals of Israel; Offerings and Sacrifices.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>FIRSTFRUITS<\/h3>\nFirstborn child or animal or first parts of any crop that, in Hebrew thought, were considered as holy and therefore belonged to the Lord. The firstfruits, as a foretaste of more to come, were offered to God in thanksgiving for his goodness in providing them.<\/p>\nFirstfruit offerings could include produce either in its natural state or prepared or processed in some way, such as dough, bread, wine, olive oil, and wool. The firstborn son and the firstborn of the animals that one owned were to be treated as belonging to God. The firstborn children and the firstborn of the unclean animals were “redeemed” (paid for) with money by the offerer, and the firstborn of the cows, sheep, and goats were offered in sacrifice to God (Nm 18:14-17).<\/p>\nFirstfruits of any kind were reserved for those whom God designated, namely, the priests. At least three times “the first of the firstfruits” is mentioned in the OT. This may be a reference to the first ripened of the firstfruits, or it may refer to the choicest of them. These offerings were especially designated for the priests and could be eaten by any of them who was ritually clean (Nm 18:12-13). For other references to the firstfruits, see Exodus 23:15-19; 34:22, 26; Leviticus 2:14; 23:10-17; Numbers 15:20-21; 28:26-31; and Deuteronomy 26:1-11.<\/p>\nThe firstfruits were presented to God by bringing the offering to the priest at the tabernacle and, in later times, at the temple (Dt 26:2). The priest took the offering, and on the first day of the week, with arms outstretched, waved it before the Lord. On the same day, the person presenting the firstfruits offered a male lamb as a burnt offering to the Lord, a grain offering of fine flour mixed with olive oil, and a drink offering of wine. Fifty days later another grain offering was to be made. Each family was to give two loaves of bread to the Lord as a special gift. These were also given with appropriate animal, grain, and drink offerings (Lv 23:9-22).<\/p>\nIn the NT the apostle Paul referred to Jesus Christ’s resurrection as the firstfruits of the resurrection of believers that will occur at Jesus’ return (1 Cor 15:20, 23). The Holy Spirit, who indwells all believers (Rom 8:9), is also said to be the firstfruits of the full redemption that is yet to come. “Firstfruits” is sometimes used of the first believers in a geographical area (Rom 16:5; 1 Cor 16:15). They were a kind of promise of a spiritual harvest to follow in that particular locality.<\/p>\nChristian believers are said to be firstfruits, referring to their being a unique and sacred possession of God out of all he has created (Jas 1:18). Similarly, in the book of Revelation the 144,000 are said to have been redeemed from humanity as firstfruits belonging to God and to the Lamb, Jesus Christ (Rv 14:4).<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Feasts and Festivals of Israel; Offerings and Sacrifices.<\/p>","summary_ro":"FIRSTFRUITS Firstborn child or animal or first parts of any crop that, in Hebrew thought, were considered as holy and therefore belonged to the Lord. The firstfruits, as a foretaste of more to come, were offered to God in thanksgiving for his goodness in providing them. Firstfruit offerings could include produce either in its natural state or prepared or processed in some way, such as dough, bread, wine, olive oil, and wool. The firstborn son and the firstborn of the animals that one owned we...","summary_en":"FIRSTFRUITS Firstborn child or animal or first parts of any crop that, in Hebrew thought, were considered as holy and therefore belonged to the Lord. The firstfruits, as a foretaste of more to come, were offered to God in thanksgiving for his goodness in providing them. Firstfruit offerings could include produce either in its natural state or prepared or processed in some way, such as dough, bread, wine, olive oil, and wool. The firstborn son and the firstborn of the animals that one owned we...","source":"Articles\/F.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":15913,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Letter to the Hebrews","title_en":"Letter to the Hebrews","content_ro":"<h3>HEBREWS, Letter to the<\/h3>\nOne of the most profound and enigmatic books in the NT. The identity of its author, the time of its writing, and the people and place to which it was sent are all shrouded in mystery. Yet, in spite of the uncertainty, Hebrews remains one of the most timely and relevant books in the Bible. Some 300 years ago John Owen, the English Puritan, appropriately remarked: “No doubt the Epistle next in importance to Romans is this to the Hebrews.” The letter is both doctrinal and practical, theological and pastoral. In short, it builds a compelling case for the superiority of Christianity. Hebrews also reflects the impassioned concern of a pastor’s heart. Those who have experienced God’s ultimate work of grace in Christ are urged to hold fast to God’s final word of revelation in his Son.<\/p>\nUnlike most other NT epistles, Hebrews does not begin like a letter. There is no introductory salutation, the writer is not identified, and no mention is made of those to whom the document is addressed. The author characterizes the work as a “word of exhortation” (13:22, rsv<\/span>), which suggests a sermon or oral homily (cf. Acts 13:15). Nonetheless, its conclusion is that of a conventional letter (Heb 13:22-25). Some have detected a gradual transition in the document from an essay to a more specifically epistolary form (cf. 2:1; 4:1; 13:22-25). The evidence thus suggests that the author may have cast the original homiletic “word of exhortation” into letter form when the need to communicate in writing with his Christian friends became urgent.<\/p>\nPreview<\/p>\n• Author<\/p>\n• Background<\/p>\n• Date<\/p>\n• Origin and Destination<\/p>\n• Purpose<\/p>\n• Content<\/p>\nAuthor<\/p>\nWho wrote the book is not directly stated in the letter. Since the late second century, various authorities have linked the document with the apostle Paul. Clement of Alexandria (d. 220) theorized that Paul wrote the letter in Hebrew for Jews and that Luke translated it into Greek. However, this suggestion has not been widely received by modern scholars. Clement’s pupil Origen (d. 254) stated more generally that the thoughts of the letter are Pauline but that the style is unlike that of the known writings of the apostle. Other early authorities, such as Jerome (d. 419) and Augustine (d. 430), persuaded that canonicity demanded apostolic authorship, likewise affirmed that Paul was the author.<\/p>\nYet a number of factors argue against the Pauline authorship of Hebrews. The anonymity of the letter is contrary to the consistent pattern of Paul’s introduction in the opening salutation of his letters. Moreover, Hebrews 2:3 indicates the writer was discipled by eyewitnesses of the Lord. Yet Paul insists that his knowledge of Christ was gained from a firsthand encounter with the risen Christ (cf. Gal 1:12). F. F. Bruce evaluates the authorship of Hebrews as follows: “We may say with certainty that the thought of the epistle is not Paul’s, the language is not Paul’s, and the technique of OT quotations is not Paul’s.”<\/p>\nEarly Christian tradition suggests that Barnabas may have written Hebrews. According to Tertullian (d. 220), many early authorities believed that Barnabas was responsible for the letter. Acts 4:36 (asv<\/span>) speaks of him as a “son of exhortation” (cf. Heb 13:22). Furthermore, as a Levite, Barnabas would have been familiar with the Jewish sacrificial ritual so prominent in the letter.<\/p>\nLuther was the first to suggest that Hebrews may have been penned by Apollos, “an excellent man of learning, who had been a disciple of the apostles and learned much from them, and who was very well versed in Scripture.” As a native of Alexandria (Acts 18:24), Apollos would have been familiar with the typological interpretation evident in Hebrews. Clearly Apollos was the sort of man who was qualified to write Hebrews.<\/p>\nOther names have been suggested as possible authors. Calvin surmised that either Luke or Clement of Rome was responsible for the letter. It is noted that the Greek of Hebrews resembles the language and style of the third Gospel and Acts. Others theorize that Hebrews may have been written by Silas, a Jewish Christian from Jerusalem who would have been thoroughly familiar with the Levitical ritual. Silas is described as one of “the church leaders” (Acts 15:22). He was a coworker with Paul in the gentile mission, and apparently was known in Rome as well as in Jerusalem (1 Pt 5:12-13).<\/p>\nIn conclusion, it is probable that the author of Hebrews was a second-generation Jewish Christian, a master of classical Greek whose Bible was the Septuagint, conversant with first-century Alexandrian philosophy, and a creative apologist for the Christian faith. As to the identity of that author, we can affirm no more than Origen in the third century: “But as to who actually wrote the Letter, God alone knows.”<\/p>\n\nBackground<\/p>\nThe very early title of the letter, “To Hebrews,” suggests that the book concerns Jewish Christians living in the Dispersion. The letter itself offers a few hints of the historical circumstances surrounding its composition. Not long after becoming Christians, the readers of the letter were exposed to severe persecution (Heb 10:32-36). During their trial, the new believers endured imprisonment, confiscation of personal property, and public ridicule. Yet the persecution had not been fatal; they had not yet been called upon to lay down their lives in martyrdom (12:4). Amid the excitement of their newfound faith in Christ, they had demonstrated practical concern and love by ministering to fellow believers in need (6:10) and comforting others who had been harassed for their faith (10:34).<\/p>\nBut since the time of those earlier trials, the readers had made little progress in Christian maturity (5:11-13). Moreover, in the face of a new wave of persecution, and despondent over an apparent delay in the Lord’s coming, the believers had begun to waver and abandon hope. Indeed, they threatened to renounce Jesus Christ and to revert back to the security of the Jewish religion that enjoyed the protection of Roman law.<\/p>\nThus we read that because of the strange, new teachings of certain Judaizers who sought to draw them back to their former religion (13:9), the wavering believers had neglected to assemble together (10:25) and had lost confidence in their spiritual leaders (13:17). Faced with the possibility that these Jewish Christians might abandon their faith altogether, the writer sternly warns them of the tragic consequences of renouncing the Son (6:4-6; 10:26-31; 13:12-19) and urges them to renew their commitment to Christ, God’s foremost and final revelation.<\/p>\nDate<\/p>\nLacking firm information as to the author and recipients of the letter, no certainty exists as to the date of the writing. We have noted that the author of Hebrews, and probably his readers as well, had been discipled by those who were personally acquainted with Jesus (2:3). Further evidence in the letter suggests that Paul probably was not alive. Timothy, Paul’s younger associate, was still living (13:23).<\/p>\nThe absence of any mention in Hebrews of the destruction of the Jerusalem temple is significant for dating the letter. In terms of his argument that the old covenant had passed away and the legal priesthood had been superseded, the writer would scarcely have omitted mention of the temple’s destruction had he written the letter later than AD<\/span> 70. Hebrews 9:6-10 and 10:1-4, 11-14 plainly suggest that the Jewish sacrifices were still being offered. Hence, it may be supposed with some degree of certainty that the letter was written prior to AD<\/span> 70. If it was written after Paul’s death, that would put it after AD<\/span> 67, the traditional date of his execution. Thus, Hebrews may have been written in the period AD<\/span> 67–70.<\/p>\nOrigin and Destination<\/p>\nThe place from which Hebrews was written is also uncertain. Some manuscripts of the letter bear the subscription “written from Rome” or “written from Italy.” Such notations are educated deductions drawn from the statement “The Christians from Italy send you their greetings” (13:24). Most probably this indicates that the writer is extending greetings to a church in Italy on behalf of Italian Christians associated with him in another land, possibly Asia. Nevertheless, we cannot locate the point of origin with any certainty.<\/p>\nIt has been suggested that the letter was written to a group of Jewish converts to Christianity. Yet the precise community to which it was sent is a matter of debate. Opinions vary from Judea to Spain. Tradition has it that Hebrews was directed to Jewish Christians living in Palestine. But against a Palestinian destination it may be argued: (1) the readers had had no personal contact with Jesus (2:3), an unlikely event for mid-first-century residents of Palestine; (2) the statement in 12:4 that his readers had not yet given their lives could hardly be said of Palestinian Christians of the period; (3) the generosity of the believers (10:34; 13:16) was inconsistent with the poverty of the Jerusalem church; and (4) the general tone of the letter is Hellenistic rather than rabbinical.<\/p>\nOther proposals for the destination of Hebrews include (1) Caesarea, on the supposition of Lukan authorship; (2) Syrian Antioch or Cyprus, assuming Barnabas wrote the letter; (3) Ephesus, in the light of the conversion of many Jews during Paul’s ministry in that city; (4) Colosse, noting certain similarities between the Colossian heresy and the false beliefs of the “Hebrews”; and (5) Alexandria, because of the apparent influence of the philosopher Philo Judaeus in the letter.<\/p>\nThe thesis that Hebrews was directed to a group of Jewish Christians in Rome has found favor with a number of scholars. Arguments in support of a Roman destination include the following facts: (1) The letter was first known in Rome no later than AD<\/span> 96. (2) Romans 11:13, 18 suggests that the church at Rome consisted of a Jewish-Christian minority. (3) References to persecution and suffering endured by the readers (Heb 10:32-33; 12:4) are consistent with known repressive measures exacted by the Roman authorities. (4) There is a good possibility that saints who “come from Italy” would convey greetings to their brethren in Rome. (5) The Jewish community in Rome preserved certain features of nonconformist or sectarian Judaism that would explain several notable similarities between the theology and praxis of the Qumran community and that expressed in Hebrews.<\/p>\nIt is likely that the letter was addressed to a small subgroup within a local church. The exhortation in 5:12 (rsv<\/span>)—“by this time you ought to be teachers”—hardly would have been relevant to an entire congregation. Hebrews 13:7, 24 lends further support to the theory that the letter was sent to a small group, perhaps to a “house church” within a larger assembly.<\/p>\nTentatively, one might conclude that the addressees were converts from Judaism who dwelt in the Dispersion. Hence they were familiar with OT Judaism and were acquainted with the religious philosophy of the Greek world. Possibly the readers comprised a house fellowship that tended to disassociate itself from the parent group (10:25). The existence of such house churches in Rome is confirmed by Romans 16:5, 14-15.<\/p>\nPurpose<\/p>\nIn response to the threat that his Jewish-Christian friends might renounce Christianity and revert to Judaism, the writer by a “word of exhortation” (13:22) communicated to them the finality of the Christian revelation. He sought also to inform his despondent, vacillating readers that Christ, the object of God’s final revelation, is vastly superior to the greatest of Judaism’s heroes. The author, in addition, affirmed the heavenly and eternal character of the salvation secured by Christ. Whereas the legal sacrificial system was powerless to effect the remission of sin, Christ the eternal High Priest “is able, once and forever, to save everyone who comes to God through him” (7:25, nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\nIn short, the writer commended to his readers the need for patient endurance amid the persecution and sufferings to which the heirs of eternal salvation are inevitably exposed. Just as Jesus, the forerunner of our faith, suffered and patiently endured in anticipation of eternal reward, so ought harassed, oppressed believers “take a new grip with your tired hands and stand firm on your shaky legs” (12:12, nlt<\/span>) in anticipation of their reception in that eternal “kingdom that cannot be destroyed” (12:28, nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\nThe author’s final purpose for writing was to proclaim the fearful judgment that awaits those who repudiate Jesus Christ. Since “our God is a consuming fire” (12:29, nlt<\/span>), “what makes us think that we can escape if we are indifferent to this great salvation” (2:3, nlt<\/span>)?<\/p>\nContent<\/p>\nNext to Romans, Hebrews is the most doctrinal book in the NT. The writer develops a series of weighty arguments to demonstrate the superiority of the gospel of Christ to the religion of Judaism. Since Jesus is final both as to his person and his work, Christianity is the ultimate and normative faith. The book’s particularism runs counter to the spirit of the modern world.<\/p>\n<h5>The Superiority of the Son to Former Revelation (1:1-4)<\/h5>\nThe writer acknowledges that God revealed himself to the prophets of old in many ways—through dreams, visions, audible speech, and mighty acts. But “in these last days” (the advent of the end times, cf. 9:26) God spoke finally and definitively through his own Son (1:2). Central to the argument is the fact that in one way or another the prophets received an eternal word from God. Yet given the intimate relation of the Son to the Father, God’s latest revelation has come forth from the very depths of his own being.<\/p>\nIdentification of the Son as the pinnacle of divine revelation leads to a concise but profound statement of Christ’s person and his cosmic work. The Son reflects the glory of God in that the sum of the divine attributes brilliantly shine through his person. Moreover, he bears the very image and stamp of God’s nature (1:3), as the wax bears the impress of the seal. Jesus as God’s final word of revelation is truly the divine and eternal Son of God. Christ’s excellence is further displayed in the fact that he is the mighty agent through whom the universe was created (v 2) and by whom the cosmic order is sustained (v 3). In the moral realm he has wrought the purification of sins and now sits enthroned on God’s right hand (cf. 8:1). God’s pleasure toward the Son is seen in that he has appointed Christ heir and head of all (1:2). His name is surpassed by none save God the Father (v 4).<\/p>\n<h5>The Superiority of the Son to Angels (1:5–2:18)<\/h5>\nAngels enjoyed an exalted status in biblical and postbiblical Judaism. Traditionally the Jews believed that angels praised God upon his throne, mediated God’s revelation to men, attended to God’s will, and gave succor to the people of God. Angels were far superior to men in power and knowledge. According to the Jewish Apocrypha, angels ruled the stars and were responsible for the rise and fall of civilizations. In Qumran thought, angelic beings would engage in a final cosmic struggle with Belial and the forces of evil at the end of the age.<\/p>\nAgainst this background the writer of Hebrews argues that the Son is vastly superior to the angels. To prove his point, the author assembles a string of well-known OT texts and applies them directly to the Son. God never said of any angel, “Today I have become your Father” (Ps 2:7, nlt<\/span>). Yet just such a claim was made on behalf of the Son (Heb 1:5). When the Son incarnated himself in the world, he received the obedient worship of angels (v 6). His is the sovereignty and the eternality and the majesty at God’s right hand (vv 8, 11-12). By contrast, angels are “only servants” (v 14) that rank below the Son in dignity and might.<\/p>\nIn Hebrews 2:1-4 the writer parenthetically warns his wavering congregation of the danger of drifting away from the truth of God. If disobedience to the law mediated by angels resulted in stern punishment, how much more severe would be God’s judgment on those who trampled under foot the revelation delivered by the Son? If God’s saving grace in Christ is neglected, retribution will surely follow (2:3).<\/p>\nThe mention of angels turns the writer’s mind to Jesus’ humiliation and exaltation (2:5-18). Psalm 8, a song about the smallness and yet the significance of man, is applied to the experience of Jesus. In assuming human flesh and blood, Jesus was made “for a little while . . . lower than the angels” (Heb 2:7, nlt<\/span>). But subsequent to the completion of his earthly work, he was elevated above the angels and crowned with the glory and honor of heaven (v 9). The theological implications of Christ’s descent and ascent are carefully spelled out: Christ descended to earth (1) to bring many children to glory (v 10), (2) to destroy the devil (v 14), (3) to deliver his people from the bondage of death (v 15), and (4) to make an offering on the cross for the sins of the people (v 17). He ascended to heaven (1) to intercede on our behalf as a faithful High Priest (v 17), and (2) to succor those who are sorely tempted (v 18). The perfect summary of Christ’s person and work is given in Hebrews 2:9: “What we do see is Jesus, who ‘for a little while was made lower than the angels’ and now is ‘crowned with glory and honor’ because he suffered death for us. Yes, by God’s grace, Jesus tasted death for everyone in all the world” (nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<h5>The Superiority of the Son to Moses and Joshua (3:1–4:13)<\/h5>\nJewish Christians contemplating reversion to Judaism surely believed that Moses was one of the greatest figures in Israel’s history. So esteemed was the one who led Israel out of Egypt through the wilderness and who gave them the Law that there was no one in Israel’s history so honored as Moses. Yet the author of Hebrews argues that Moses, though faithful to his calling, was but a servant in the house of God. Jesus, by contrast, was not a servant but a Son; he was not a mere dweller in the house but the very builder of the structure. Jesus, therefore, far transcends the revered figure of Moses.<\/p>\nPractical implications are drawn from Jesus’ superiority to Moses. From Psalm 95:7-11 the writer rehearses the tragic experience of Israel under Moses during the desert wanderings (Heb 3:7-19). Throughout the 40-year wilderness experience the people hardened their hearts and rebelled against God. In turn God was provoked by their stubbornness and swore that those who sinned would never enter the rest he was going to provide (vv 10-11, 18). The writer thus argues that if disobedience to God under Moses had serious consequences, forsaking Christ will be much more perilous. Hence the wavering Christians are urged to watch lest due to an evil, unbelieving heart they should fall away from the living God (v 12). Nothing short of steadfast persistence will lead to the attainment of the heavenly goal (v 14).<\/p>\nJoshua, likewise, was regarded as a great leader of Israel. Yet because of disobedience, the people under Joshua’s leadership failed to enter the rest that God had planned. That rest spoken of corresponds to the Sabbath rest of God (4:3-4), and is a concept closely related to salvation. It is a spiritual reality that is achieved by turning from our own empty works and trusting in the finished work of Christ (v 10). The author reminds the readers that “there is a special rest [a Sabbath rest] still waiting for the people of God” (v 9, nlt<\/span>), one that only Christ can provide. Christians not only benefit from this Sabbath rest in the present age but anticipate its full realization in the age to come. One of the chief means of ensuring entry into the Sabbath rest of salvation is the Word of God (v 12). The living and powerful Word penetrates the innermost depths of the soul, reveals our impoverished condition, and strengthens the trusting heart.<\/p>\n<h5>The Superiority of the Priesthood of the Son (4:14–7:28)<\/h5>\nAlmost half of Hebrews is devoted to the priesthood of Jesus Christ. The writer goes to great lengths to demonstrate that the revered Aaronic priestly system has been superseded by the High Priest “in the line of Melchizedek” (5:6; 6:20; 7:11). This central theme had been anticipated earlier when Christ was referred to as “our merciful and faithful High Priest before God” who has made atonement for sins (2:17, nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\nHebrews makes the claim that Jesus’ priesthood is the ultimate ground of the believers’ confidence (4:14-16). On three counts Jesus surpasses the old legal priestly order. First, he is an exalted<\/em> high priest (v 14). The Jewish high priest climbed the mount to enter the temple sanctuary. But Jesus, our great high priest, has ascended to heaven itself and entered the sanctuary on high. He ministers in no earthly tabernacle but in the very presence of God. Second, Jesus is an empathetic<\/em> high priest (v 15a). Fully God and fully man, Jesus suffers along with his people in their trials and afflictions. From heaven’s perspective he knows fully what his people are called upon to endure. He “feels” our hurts, and he does so perfectly. Finally, Jesus is a sinless<\/em> high priest (v 15b). Day in and day out (7:27), year in and year out, the Levitical priests were required to bring sacrifices for their own sins. Yet Jesus had no sin that needed cleansing, for “he is holy and blameless, unstained by sin” (v 26, nlt<\/span>). In view of Jesus’ priestly perfections, sorely tempted Christians are urged to come to the throne of grace to receive mercy and find grace to help in time of need (4:16).<\/p>\nFor those not convinced that Jesus was indeed a legitimate priest, two prerequisites for priesthood are detailed. First, if the high priest is to represent humanity before God, he must be taken from among men (5:1-2). And second, he must be called by God to high priestly office, as was Aaron (v 4). Christ has fully satisfied these qualifications. From Psalms 2:7 and 110:4 it is shown that Jesus did not take this office upon himself but was appointed by God (Heb 5:5-6). Moreover, from the obedience that he had to learn (v 8) and from the agony of the Gethsemane experience (v 7) it is clear that Jesus was in every way a man. Nevertheless, Hebrews makes it perfectly clear that Jesus was not a priest after the order of Aaron but a high priest in the line of Melchizedek (v 10).<\/p>\nAfter introducing the theme of Christ as a Melchizedekian high priest, the writer recalls that his readers were not ready for such advanced teaching. Although not new converts (5:12), his friends had remained spiritually immature and sluggish. Hence the writer issues the challenge to press on to Christian maturity, to be ready for the solid food of advanced teaching.<\/p>\nIn his digression the writer warns not only against spiritual immaturity but also against “apostasy.” The question now arises whether the author’s apostasy teaching in Hebrews 6:4-8 and 10:26-31 contradicts the NT doctrine of the perseverance of the saints. Undoubtedly it does not. Some authorities hold that those addressed were not true Christians, hence the issue is not one of apostasy. It is possible, like Judas Iscariot or Simon Magus (Acts 8:9-24), to possess considerable knowledge of the gospel and fall short of personal commitment. But the writer makes it quite clear that in the case of his addressees he is persuaded otherwise (Heb 6:9). The most reasonable view is that in these two hortatory passages the writer advances a hypothetical argument warning his friends of the utter seriousness of reverting back to Judaism. That is, if a falling away were to occur, renewal would be impossible unless Christ were to die a second time. The writer sums up the point of these difficult passages with the words “It is a terrible thing to fall into the hands of the living God” (10:31, nlt<\/span>). Nevertheless, followers of Christ may confidently lay hold of God’s promises, confirmed by solemn oath, to see them through their trials (6:13-18). God may be trusted to hold the believer fast.<\/p>\nHebrews 7 contains an intricate argument for the superiority of Christ’s priesthood over the old legal order. Melchizedek, the ancient priest-king of Salem (Gn 14:18-20), is regarded as a primordial type of Christ. He is “king of righteousness” and “king of peace” (Heb 7:2). The solemn priest from Salem has figuratively what Christ possesses actually: neither mother nor father, neither beginning nor end of life (v 3). Melchizedek is shown to be superior to Abraham on three counts: (1) Melchizedek blessed the patriarch (vv 1, 7); (2) he accepted tithes from Abraham (vv 2-6); and (3) Melchizedek lives on since the OT nowhere mentions his death (v 8). It follows that since Levi was in the loins of Abraham as seed (v 10), Melchizedek is superior to the Levitical priests. And inasmuch as Christ is a priest in the likeness of Melchizedek (v 15), it follows that the Son of God is more excellent than the old legal priesthood.<\/p>\nThe result is that the old Levitical priesthood has been superseded by the priesthood of Christ. The demise of the old order was inevitable, for its repetitive animal sacrifices could never effect spiritual perfection (7:11). It was a system characterized by weakness and uselessness (v 18). By contrast, Christ’s priesthood is indestructible, eternal, uninterrupted, efficacious, final, and perfect (vv 16, 21, 24-27). Forgiveness and reconciliation is possible only through Christ, our great High Priest.<\/p>\n<h5>The Superiority of the Priestly Work of the Son (8:1–10:39)<\/h5>\nSince Christ’s priestly office far excels the old order, it follows that his priestly ministration is superior to all that has gone before. The theme of Christ as high priest in a better sanctuary is introduced (8:1-5). The writer utilizes Plato’s distinction between the ideal form in heaven and the imperfect copy on earth to argue that the Levitical sanctuary and sacrifices are mere shadows of the heavenly realities: (1) Christ ministers in the true tent that is the heavenly sanctuary (vv 2, 5); (2) he discharges his high priestly service in the very presence of the Father, which results in a far more effective ministry (vv 1, 6); and (3) his oblation on the cross was the ultimate sacrifice (v 3). How unreasonable it is that his Christian readers should go back to the old Jewish priestly system!<\/p>\nChrist is the minister of a new and better covenant (8:6-13). The old covenant established by God with the nation’s fathers was not to be despised; nevertheless, it had become ineffectual and obsolete (v 13). Indeed, the prophet Jeremiah (Jer 31:31-34) foresaw the new covenant that God would inaugurate with his people. This new covenant sealed by Christ involves (1) the immediate work of the Holy Spirit on the mind and heart (Heb 8:10); (2) a personal and intimate knowledge of God (v 11); and (3) the full absolution of sins (v 12). This new and better covenant has been established on the work of Christ, the great High Priest.<\/p>\nChapter 9 gives a detailed comparison of the efficacy of priestly service under the old and new covenants. The Levitical priests ministered in a material sanctuary on earth (vv 1-5). Features of the tabernacle and its furnishings are described to highlight their obsolescence. More important, however, is the character of the sacrificial ritual conducted in the earthly sanctuary. The Jewish priests in their daily service were not permitted to enter the Holy of Holies, which contained the ark of the covenant and the mercy seat—the place of propitiation of sins (v 6). The high priest alone could enter the Holy of Holies, and then but once a year on the Day of Atonement, and only after sacrificing for his own sins (v 7). The inaccessibility of the Holy of Holies signified that access to the presence of God had not been opened. The presence of the curtain symbolized that the people had no way to the throne of God, the priests had no way, and the high priest had a limited way and only once a year. Moreover, the sacrifices brought by the Jewish priests could not purify the conscience but merely dealt with external ritual cleansing (vv 9-10). A truly effectual sacrifice must await “the time of reformation” (v 10).<\/p>\nChrist’s priestly ministration is shown to be far more efficacious. First, the Christian’s High Priest has brought a better sacrifice (9:11-14), and here we arrive at the heart of the message of Hebrews. Employing the imagery of the tabernacle, the author demonstrates that Christ our High Priest has accomplished what the Jewish priests failed to do. He entered the heavenly Holy of Holies, not repeatedly, but once<\/em> for all, thereby effecting a completed redemption (v 12). Christ brought to the altar, not the blood of bulls and goats, but his own life’s blood. The Lord did not merely lay down a material body, but he presented himself to God through the eternal Spirit (v 14). Christ’s better sacrifice thus goes beyond cleansing of the flesh to the purification of the defiled conscience.<\/p>\nSecond, Christ through his death has instituted a better covenant (9:15-23). The teaching of Hebrews 8:6-13 is developed further. The old covenant was sealed with the blood of calves and goats (9:19). But the new covenant was ratified with the blood of Christ, God’s own Son. The new covenant thus could accomplish what the old covenant merely foreshadowed—forgiveness and cleansing of sins (v 22).<\/p>\nThird, Christ ministers in a better tabernacle (9:24-28). Our Lord entered, not into a merely earthly sanctuary, but into the holy place of heaven, there to represent us (v 24). Access to the throne is not limited to one day per year, for he is continually in the presence of the Father. Nor is it necessary that repeated sacrifices be made. Christ’s single sacrifice on the cross has conquered sin once and for all (v 26). In sum, as regards the sanctuary, the covenant, and the sacrifices, the Christian’s High Priest is vastly superior to the old Jewish order.<\/p>\nIn order to drive home these crucial points, the writer in chapter 10 expands on the theme of the absolute finality of Christ’s high priestly work. The earlier argument concerning the futile character of the Levitical sacrifices (9:6-14) is repeated for emphasis (10:1-4). The Mosaic ceremonial legislation called for repetitive sacrifices, which could never perfect the worshiper (v 1). Instead of purifying one’s life, they served only as a yearly reminder of sin (v 3) until Christ should come.<\/p>\nThe writer discovers in Psalm 40:6-8 a prediction that the eternal Christ would become man for the purpose of offering himself as the ultimate sacrifice for sin (Heb 10:5-10). Once again the sanctifying power of Christ’s single self-oblation is emphasized (v 10). The vivid contrast is again drawn between the ineffective ministry of the Jewish priests who stand during the daily ritual (v 11), and the effectual single sacrifice of Christ, who is now seated at the right hand of God (v 12). Since Jesus “by that one offering . . . perfected forever all those whom he is making holy” (v 14, nlt<\/span>), nothing can be added to what the seated Sovereign has accomplished (v 18).<\/p>\nIn view of the manifest superiority of Christ’s priestly office and work, the struggling Christians are exhorted to appropriate the means of grace at their disposal (10:19-39). In the midst of trials and persecution they should remember that Christ has effectively opened the way to God (vv 19-20). They are summoned to come to God in faith with hearts cleansed by Christ’s sacrifice (v 22). Those tempted to revert to legal religion should hold fast and support one another in love (vv 23-24). The means of grace afforded by corporate worship should not be neglected (v 25). In short, the wavering Jewish Christians are summoned to renewed endurance and fidelity to their Lord (vv 26-31). What God has promised to his people he will surely make good.<\/p>\n<h5>The Superiority of the Life of Faith (11:1–12:29)<\/h5>\nThe discussion of faith and endurance as the solution to despondency (10:36-38) prompts a fuller consideration of the faith theme. Faith is a prominent concept in the book of Hebrews, as attested by the fact that the word occurs some 35 times in the letter. The Pauline idea of faith as the means of legal justification is adapted to the particular circumstances of the threatened Jewish Christians. The concept of faith is broader in this book than the strictly saving faith discussed by Paul, in that it leads to spiritual salvation (11:39-40). Faith is the power by which heaven’s unseen realities are laid hold of to satisfy the soul. Faith enables the Christian disciple to view the world and interpret the flow of history from the divine perspective. Faith is the means of victory over the world of sin and woe. Through faith the believer approaches the throne of grace (4:16) with the confidence and assurance that God will enable him to overcome.<\/p>\nThe victory faith affords is amply illustrated from the history of God’s OT people. Abel, Enoch, and Noah in the primal history; Abraham, the father of faith; Moses, the leader of the young nation; and many valiant prophets and martyrs serve as living memorials to faith’s overcoming power. And yet God has something better in store for his sanctified people, the church (11:40): the reality of the living Christ.<\/p>\nYet the greatest model of steadfast endurance in suffering is Jesus, “the Originator and Perfecter of our faith” (12:2, nlt<\/span> mg). When surrounded with trials, the Christian needs to recall Christ, who in anticipation of the heavenly crown endured the cross and its shame. The Christian’s trials are trivial compared with what Jesus Christ was called upon to suffer (v 3). Moreover, for the people of God, suffering and persecution prove to be disguised blessings. The rod of discipline confirms our status as children of the living God (vv 5-10). But beyond this, the sovereign God is able to transform the Christian’s suffering into inestimable blessing (v 11). Hence the wavering saints should strive for spiritual wholeness and maturity, taking care lest they be overtaken by bitterness and resentment (v 15).<\/p>\n<h5>Final Exhortations and Benediction (13:1-25)<\/h5>\nThe writer in his closing words challenges his Christian friends to be faithful to the tasks that lie at hand. They are to show continued love to the brethren, to extend hospitality to strangers, to uphold the sanctity of marriage, to be content with what they now possess, and to be obedient to their spiritual leaders (13:1-7).<\/p>\nThe readers are warned against the trickery of the Judaizers, who would lead them astray from Jesus Christ, the one who remains “the same yesterday, today, and forever” (13:8). Spiritual determination is strengthened by recalling the example of Christ, who “suffered outside the city gates” for their salvation (v 12). As the people of God, they are challenged to follow Christ “outside the camp,” bearing abuse for him (v 13). Patient endurance is possible when the Christian realizes that he has no enduring city here (v 14). His goal is the heavenly Jerusalem, the eternal city of God.<\/p>\nThe anonymous letter to the unknown “Hebrews” closes with a glorious benediction. The Christian’s God is described as the great “God of peace” (13:20), and Jesus is “the great Shepherd of the sheep,” who established a new and eternal covenant and then rose triumphant from the dead. And the promise is made to the trusting soul that the triune God would “equip you with all you need for doing his will” (v 21, nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\nThe letter to the Hebrews is rich in doctrinal teaching. It discloses more about the historical Jesus than any other NT letter. It alone explains the atoning work of Christ under the rubric of the Melchizedekian priest. The letter’s discussion of repentance, justification, sanctification, and perseverance makes it a mine of salvation teaching. Its explication of old and new covenants, impending judgment, and the world to come make a significant contribution to Christian theology. And the letter’s teaching on faith, endurance, and the practical Christian combine to make Hebrews one of the most important documents God has given to the church.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>HEBREWS, Letter to the<\/h3>\nOne of the most profound and enigmatic books in the NT. The identity of its author, the time of its writing, and the people and place to which it was sent are all shrouded in mystery. Yet, in spite of the uncertainty, Hebrews remains one of the most timely and relevant books in the Bible. Some 300 years ago John Owen, the English Puritan, appropriately remarked: “No doubt the Epistle next in importance to Romans is this to the Hebrews.” The letter is both doctrinal and practical, theological and pastoral. In short, it builds a compelling case for the superiority of Christianity. Hebrews also reflects the impassioned concern of a pastor’s heart. Those who have experienced God’s ultimate work of grace in Christ are urged to hold fast to God’s final word of revelation in his Son.<\/p>\nUnlike most other NT epistles, Hebrews does not begin like a letter. There is no introductory salutation, the writer is not identified, and no mention is made of those to whom the document is addressed. The author characterizes the work as a “word of exhortation” (13:22, rsv<\/span>), which suggests a sermon or oral homily (cf. Acts 13:15). Nonetheless, its conclusion is that of a conventional letter (Heb 13:22-25). Some have detected a gradual transition in the document from an essay to a more specifically epistolary form (cf. 2:1; 4:1; 13:22-25). The evidence thus suggests that the author may have cast the original homiletic “word of exhortation” into letter form when the need to communicate in writing with his Christian friends became urgent.<\/p>\nPreview<\/p>\n• Author<\/p>\n• Background<\/p>\n• Date<\/p>\n• Origin and Destination<\/p>\n• Purpose<\/p>\n• Content<\/p>\nAuthor<\/p>\nWho wrote the book is not directly stated in the letter. Since the late second century, various authorities have linked the document with the apostle Paul. Clement of Alexandria (d. 220) theorized that Paul wrote the letter in Hebrew for Jews and that Luke translated it into Greek. However, this suggestion has not been widely received by modern scholars. Clement’s pupil Origen (d. 254) stated more generally that the thoughts of the letter are Pauline but that the style is unlike that of the known writings of the apostle. Other early authorities, such as Jerome (d. 419) and Augustine (d. 430), persuaded that canonicity demanded apostolic authorship, likewise affirmed that Paul was the author.<\/p>\nYet a number of factors argue against the Pauline authorship of Hebrews. The anonymity of the letter is contrary to the consistent pattern of Paul’s introduction in the opening salutation of his letters. Moreover, Hebrews 2:3 indicates the writer was discipled by eyewitnesses of the Lord. Yet Paul insists that his knowledge of Christ was gained from a firsthand encounter with the risen Christ (cf. Gal 1:12). F. F. Bruce evaluates the authorship of Hebrews as follows: “We may say with certainty that the thought of the epistle is not Paul’s, the language is not Paul’s, and the technique of OT quotations is not Paul’s.”<\/p>\nEarly Christian tradition suggests that Barnabas may have written Hebrews. According to Tertullian (d. 220), many early authorities believed that Barnabas was responsible for the letter. Acts 4:36 (asv<\/span>) speaks of him as a “son of exhortation” (cf. Heb 13:22). Furthermore, as a Levite, Barnabas would have been familiar with the Jewish sacrificial ritual so prominent in the letter.<\/p>\nLuther was the first to suggest that Hebrews may have been penned by Apollos, “an excellent man of learning, who had been a disciple of the apostles and learned much from them, and who was very well versed in Scripture.” As a native of Alexandria (Acts 18:24), Apollos would have been familiar with the typological interpretation evident in Hebrews. Clearly Apollos was the sort of man who was qualified to write Hebrews.<\/p>\nOther names have been suggested as possible authors. Calvin surmised that either Luke or Clement of Rome was responsible for the letter. It is noted that the Greek of Hebrews resembles the language and style of the third Gospel and Acts. Others theorize that Hebrews may have been written by Silas, a Jewish Christian from Jerusalem who would have been thoroughly familiar with the Levitical ritual. Silas is described as one of “the church leaders” (Acts 15:22). He was a coworker with Paul in the gentile mission, and apparently was known in Rome as well as in Jerusalem (1 Pt 5:12-13).<\/p>\nIn conclusion, it is probable that the author of Hebrews was a second-generation Jewish Christian, a master of classical Greek whose Bible was the Septuagint, conversant with first-century Alexandrian philosophy, and a creative apologist for the Christian faith. As to the identity of that author, we can affirm no more than Origen in the third century: “But as to who actually wrote the Letter, God alone knows.”<\/p>\n\nBackground<\/p>\nThe very early title of the letter, “To Hebrews,” suggests that the book concerns Jewish Christians living in the Dispersion. The letter itself offers a few hints of the historical circumstances surrounding its composition. Not long after becoming Christians, the readers of the letter were exposed to severe persecution (Heb 10:32-36). During their trial, the new believers endured imprisonment, confiscation of personal property, and public ridicule. Yet the persecution had not been fatal; they had not yet been called upon to lay down their lives in martyrdom (12:4). Amid the excitement of their newfound faith in Christ, they had demonstrated practical concern and love by ministering to fellow believers in need (6:10) and comforting others who had been harassed for their faith (10:34).<\/p>\nBut since the time of those earlier trials, the readers had made little progress in Christian maturity (5:11-13). Moreover, in the face of a new wave of persecution, and despondent over an apparent delay in the Lord’s coming, the believers had begun to waver and abandon hope. Indeed, they threatened to renounce Jesus Christ and to revert back to the security of the Jewish religion that enjoyed the protection of Roman law.<\/p>\nThus we read that because of the strange, new teachings of certain Judaizers who sought to draw them back to their former religion (13:9), the wavering believers had neglected to assemble together (10:25) and had lost confidence in their spiritual leaders (13:17). Faced with the possibility that these Jewish Christians might abandon their faith altogether, the writer sternly warns them of the tragic consequences of renouncing the Son (6:4-6; 10:26-31; 13:12-19) and urges them to renew their commitment to Christ, God’s foremost and final revelation.<\/p>\nDate<\/p>\nLacking firm information as to the author and recipients of the letter, no certainty exists as to the date of the writing. We have noted that the author of Hebrews, and probably his readers as well, had been discipled by those who were personally acquainted with Jesus (2:3). Further evidence in the letter suggests that Paul probably was not alive. Timothy, Paul’s younger associate, was still living (13:23).<\/p>\nThe absence of any mention in Hebrews of the destruction of the Jerusalem temple is significant for dating the letter. In terms of his argument that the old covenant had passed away and the legal priesthood had been superseded, the writer would scarcely have omitted mention of the temple’s destruction had he written the letter later than AD<\/span> 70. Hebrews 9:6-10 and 10:1-4, 11-14 plainly suggest that the Jewish sacrifices were still being offered. Hence, it may be supposed with some degree of certainty that the letter was written prior to AD<\/span> 70. If it was written after Paul’s death, that would put it after AD<\/span> 67, the traditional date of his execution. Thus, Hebrews may have been written in the period AD<\/span> 67–70.<\/p>\nOrigin and Destination<\/p>\nThe place from which Hebrews was written is also uncertain. Some manuscripts of the letter bear the subscription “written from Rome” or “written from Italy.” Such notations are educated deductions drawn from the statement “The Christians from Italy send you their greetings” (13:24). Most probably this indicates that the writer is extending greetings to a church in Italy on behalf of Italian Christians associated with him in another land, possibly Asia. Nevertheless, we cannot locate the point of origin with any certainty.<\/p>\nIt has been suggested that the letter was written to a group of Jewish converts to Christianity. Yet the precise community to which it was sent is a matter of debate. Opinions vary from Judea to Spain. Tradition has it that Hebrews was directed to Jewish Christians living in Palestine. But against a Palestinian destination it may be argued: (1) the readers had had no personal contact with Jesus (2:3), an unlikely event for mid-first-century residents of Palestine; (2) the statement in 12:4 that his readers had not yet given their lives could hardly be said of Palestinian Christians of the period; (3) the generosity of the believers (10:34; 13:16) was inconsistent with the poverty of the Jerusalem church; and (4) the general tone of the letter is Hellenistic rather than rabbinical.<\/p>\nOther proposals for the destination of Hebrews include (1) Caesarea, on the supposition of Lukan authorship; (2) Syrian Antioch or Cyprus, assuming Barnabas wrote the letter; (3) Ephesus, in the light of the conversion of many Jews during Paul’s ministry in that city; (4) Colosse, noting certain similarities between the Colossian heresy and the false beliefs of the “Hebrews”; and (5) Alexandria, because of the apparent influence of the philosopher Philo Judaeus in the letter.<\/p>\nThe thesis that Hebrews was directed to a group of Jewish Christians in Rome has found favor with a number of scholars. Arguments in support of a Roman destination include the following facts: (1) The letter was first known in Rome no later than AD<\/span> 96. (2) Romans 11:13, 18 suggests that the church at Rome consisted of a Jewish-Christian minority. (3) References to persecution and suffering endured by the readers (Heb 10:32-33; 12:4) are consistent with known repressive measures exacted by the Roman authorities. (4) There is a good possibility that saints who “come from Italy” would convey greetings to their brethren in Rome. (5) The Jewish community in Rome preserved certain features of nonconformist or sectarian Judaism that would explain several notable similarities between the theology and praxis of the Qumran community and that expressed in Hebrews.<\/p>\nIt is likely that the letter was addressed to a small subgroup within a local church. The exhortation in 5:12 (rsv<\/span>)—“by this time you ought to be teachers”—hardly would have been relevant to an entire congregation. Hebrews 13:7, 24 lends further support to the theory that the letter was sent to a small group, perhaps to a “house church” within a larger assembly.<\/p>\nTentatively, one might conclude that the addressees were converts from Judaism who dwelt in the Dispersion. Hence they were familiar with OT Judaism and were acquainted with the religious philosophy of the Greek world. Possibly the readers comprised a house fellowship that tended to disassociate itself from the parent group (10:25). The existence of such house churches in Rome is confirmed by Romans 16:5, 14-15.<\/p>\nPurpose<\/p>\nIn response to the threat that his Jewish-Christian friends might renounce Christianity and revert to Judaism, the writer by a “word of exhortation” (13:22) communicated to them the finality of the Christian revelation. He sought also to inform his despondent, vacillating readers that Christ, the object of God’s final revelation, is vastly superior to the greatest of Judaism’s heroes. The author, in addition, affirmed the heavenly and eternal character of the salvation secured by Christ. Whereas the legal sacrificial system was powerless to effect the remission of sin, Christ the eternal High Priest “is able, once and forever, to save everyone who comes to God through him” (7:25, nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\nIn short, the writer commended to his readers the need for patient endurance amid the persecution and sufferings to which the heirs of eternal salvation are inevitably exposed. Just as Jesus, the forerunner of our faith, suffered and patiently endured in anticipation of eternal reward, so ought harassed, oppressed believers “take a new grip with your tired hands and stand firm on your shaky legs” (12:12, nlt<\/span>) in anticipation of their reception in that eternal “kingdom that cannot be destroyed” (12:28, nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\nThe author’s final purpose for writing was to proclaim the fearful judgment that awaits those who repudiate Jesus Christ. Since “our God is a consuming fire” (12:29, nlt<\/span>), “what makes us think that we can escape if we are indifferent to this great salvation” (2:3, nlt<\/span>)?<\/p>\nContent<\/p>\nNext to Romans, Hebrews is the most doctrinal book in the NT. The writer develops a series of weighty arguments to demonstrate the superiority of the gospel of Christ to the religion of Judaism. Since Jesus is final both as to his person and his work, Christianity is the ultimate and normative faith. The book’s particularism runs counter to the spirit of the modern world.<\/p>\n<h5>The Superiority of the Son to Former Revelation (1:1-4)<\/h5>\nThe writer acknowledges that God revealed himself to the prophets of old in many ways—through dreams, visions, audible speech, and mighty acts. But “in these last days” (the advent of the end times, cf. 9:26) God spoke finally and definitively through his own Son (1:2). Central to the argument is the fact that in one way or another the prophets received an eternal word from God. Yet given the intimate relation of the Son to the Father, God’s latest revelation has come forth from the very depths of his own being.<\/p>\nIdentification of the Son as the pinnacle of divine revelation leads to a concise but profound statement of Christ’s person and his cosmic work. The Son reflects the glory of God in that the sum of the divine attributes brilliantly shine through his person. Moreover, he bears the very image and stamp of God’s nature (1:3), as the wax bears the impress of the seal. Jesus as God’s final word of revelation is truly the divine and eternal Son of God. Christ’s excellence is further displayed in the fact that he is the mighty agent through whom the universe was created (v 2) and by whom the cosmic order is sustained (v 3). In the moral realm he has wrought the purification of sins and now sits enthroned on God’s right hand (cf. 8:1). God’s pleasure toward the Son is seen in that he has appointed Christ heir and head of all (1:2). His name is surpassed by none save God the Father (v 4).<\/p>\n<h5>The Superiority of the Son to Angels (1:5–2:18)<\/h5>\nAngels enjoyed an exalted status in biblical and postbiblical Judaism. Traditionally the Jews believed that angels praised God upon his throne, mediated God’s revelation to men, attended to God’s will, and gave succor to the people of God. Angels were far superior to men in power and knowledge. According to the Jewish Apocrypha, angels ruled the stars and were responsible for the rise and fall of civilizations. In Qumran thought, angelic beings would engage in a final cosmic struggle with Belial and the forces of evil at the end of the age.<\/p>\nAgainst this background the writer of Hebrews argues that the Son is vastly superior to the angels. To prove his point, the author assembles a string of well-known OT texts and applies them directly to the Son. God never said of any angel, “Today I have become your Father” (Ps 2:7, nlt<\/span>). Yet just such a claim was made on behalf of the Son (Heb 1:5). When the Son incarnated himself in the world, he received the obedient worship of angels (v 6). His is the sovereignty and the eternality and the majesty at God’s right hand (vv 8, 11-12). By contrast, angels are “only servants” (v 14) that rank below the Son in dignity and might.<\/p>\nIn Hebrews 2:1-4 the writer parenthetically warns his wavering congregation of the danger of drifting away from the truth of God. If disobedience to the law mediated by angels resulted in stern punishment, how much more severe would be God’s judgment on those who trampled under foot the revelation delivered by the Son? If God’s saving grace in Christ is neglected, retribution will surely follow (2:3).<\/p>\nThe mention of angels turns the writer’s mind to Jesus’ humiliation and exaltation (2:5-18). Psalm 8, a song about the smallness and yet the significance of man, is applied to the experience of Jesus. In assuming human flesh and blood, Jesus was made “for a little while . . . lower than the angels” (Heb 2:7, nlt<\/span>). But subsequent to the completion of his earthly work, he was elevated above the angels and crowned with the glory and honor of heaven (v 9). The theological implications of Christ’s descent and ascent are carefully spelled out: Christ descended to earth (1) to bring many children to glory (v 10), (2) to destroy the devil (v 14), (3) to deliver his people from the bondage of death (v 15), and (4) to make an offering on the cross for the sins of the people (v 17). He ascended to heaven (1) to intercede on our behalf as a faithful High Priest (v 17), and (2) to succor those who are sorely tempted (v 18). The perfect summary of Christ’s person and work is given in Hebrews 2:9: “What we do see is Jesus, who ‘for a little while was made lower than the angels’ and now is ‘crowned with glory and honor’ because he suffered death for us. Yes, by God’s grace, Jesus tasted death for everyone in all the world” (nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\n<h5>The Superiority of the Son to Moses and Joshua (3:1–4:13)<\/h5>\nJewish Christians contemplating reversion to Judaism surely believed that Moses was one of the greatest figures in Israel’s history. So esteemed was the one who led Israel out of Egypt through the wilderness and who gave them the Law that there was no one in Israel’s history so honored as Moses. Yet the author of Hebrews argues that Moses, though faithful to his calling, was but a servant in the house of God. Jesus, by contrast, was not a servant but a Son; he was not a mere dweller in the house but the very builder of the structure. Jesus, therefore, far transcends the revered figure of Moses.<\/p>\nPractical implications are drawn from Jesus’ superiority to Moses. From Psalm 95:7-11 the writer rehearses the tragic experience of Israel under Moses during the desert wanderings (Heb 3:7-19). Throughout the 40-year wilderness experience the people hardened their hearts and rebelled against God. In turn God was provoked by their stubbornness and swore that those who sinned would never enter the rest he was going to provide (vv 10-11, 18). The writer thus argues that if disobedience to God under Moses had serious consequences, forsaking Christ will be much more perilous. Hence the wavering Christians are urged to watch lest due to an evil, unbelieving heart they should fall away from the living God (v 12). Nothing short of steadfast persistence will lead to the attainment of the heavenly goal (v 14).<\/p>\nJoshua, likewise, was regarded as a great leader of Israel. Yet because of disobedience, the people under Joshua’s leadership failed to enter the rest that God had planned. That rest spoken of corresponds to the Sabbath rest of God (4:3-4), and is a concept closely related to salvation. It is a spiritual reality that is achieved by turning from our own empty works and trusting in the finished work of Christ (v 10). The author reminds the readers that “there is a special rest [a Sabbath rest] still waiting for the people of God” (v 9, nlt<\/span>), one that only Christ can provide. Christians not only benefit from this Sabbath rest in the present age but anticipate its full realization in the age to come. One of the chief means of ensuring entry into the Sabbath rest of salvation is the Word of God (v 12). The living and powerful Word penetrates the innermost depths of the soul, reveals our impoverished condition, and strengthens the trusting heart.<\/p>\n<h5>The Superiority of the Priesthood of the Son (4:14–7:28)<\/h5>\nAlmost half of Hebrews is devoted to the priesthood of Jesus Christ. The writer goes to great lengths to demonstrate that the revered Aaronic priestly system has been superseded by the High Priest “in the line of Melchizedek” (5:6; 6:20; 7:11). This central theme had been anticipated earlier when Christ was referred to as “our merciful and faithful High Priest before God” who has made atonement for sins (2:17, nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\nHebrews makes the claim that Jesus’ priesthood is the ultimate ground of the believers’ confidence (4:14-16). On three counts Jesus surpasses the old legal priestly order. First, he is an exalted<\/em> high priest (v 14). The Jewish high priest climbed the mount to enter the temple sanctuary. But Jesus, our great high priest, has ascended to heaven itself and entered the sanctuary on high. He ministers in no earthly tabernacle but in the very presence of God. Second, Jesus is an empathetic<\/em> high priest (v 15a). Fully God and fully man, Jesus suffers along with his people in their trials and afflictions. From heaven’s perspective he knows fully what his people are called upon to endure. He “feels” our hurts, and he does so perfectly. Finally, Jesus is a sinless<\/em> high priest (v 15b). Day in and day out (7:27), year in and year out, the Levitical priests were required to bring sacrifices for their own sins. Yet Jesus had no sin that needed cleansing, for “he is holy and blameless, unstained by sin” (v 26, nlt<\/span>). In view of Jesus’ priestly perfections, sorely tempted Christians are urged to come to the throne of grace to receive mercy and find grace to help in time of need (4:16).<\/p>\nFor those not convinced that Jesus was indeed a legitimate priest, two prerequisites for priesthood are detailed. First, if the high priest is to represent humanity before God, he must be taken from among men (5:1-2). And second, he must be called by God to high priestly office, as was Aaron (v 4). Christ has fully satisfied these qualifications. From Psalms 2:7 and 110:4 it is shown that Jesus did not take this office upon himself but was appointed by God (Heb 5:5-6). Moreover, from the obedience that he had to learn (v 8) and from the agony of the Gethsemane experience (v 7) it is clear that Jesus was in every way a man. Nevertheless, Hebrews makes it perfectly clear that Jesus was not a priest after the order of Aaron but a high priest in the line of Melchizedek (v 10).<\/p>\nAfter introducing the theme of Christ as a Melchizedekian high priest, the writer recalls that his readers were not ready for such advanced teaching. Although not new converts (5:12), his friends had remained spiritually immature and sluggish. Hence the writer issues the challenge to press on to Christian maturity, to be ready for the solid food of advanced teaching.<\/p>\nIn his digression the writer warns not only against spiritual immaturity but also against “apostasy.” The question now arises whether the author’s apostasy teaching in Hebrews 6:4-8 and 10:26-31 contradicts the NT doctrine of the perseverance of the saints. Undoubtedly it does not. Some authorities hold that those addressed were not true Christians, hence the issue is not one of apostasy. It is possible, like Judas Iscariot or Simon Magus (Acts 8:9-24), to possess considerable knowledge of the gospel and fall short of personal commitment. But the writer makes it quite clear that in the case of his addressees he is persuaded otherwise (Heb 6:9). The most reasonable view is that in these two hortatory passages the writer advances a hypothetical argument warning his friends of the utter seriousness of reverting back to Judaism. That is, if a falling away were to occur, renewal would be impossible unless Christ were to die a second time. The writer sums up the point of these difficult passages with the words “It is a terrible thing to fall into the hands of the living God” (10:31, nlt<\/span>). Nevertheless, followers of Christ may confidently lay hold of God’s promises, confirmed by solemn oath, to see them through their trials (6:13-18). God may be trusted to hold the believer fast.<\/p>\nHebrews 7 contains an intricate argument for the superiority of Christ’s priesthood over the old legal order. Melchizedek, the ancient priest-king of Salem (Gn 14:18-20), is regarded as a primordial type of Christ. He is “king of righteousness” and “king of peace” (Heb 7:2). The solemn priest from Salem has figuratively what Christ possesses actually: neither mother nor father, neither beginning nor end of life (v 3). Melchizedek is shown to be superior to Abraham on three counts: (1) Melchizedek blessed the patriarch (vv 1, 7); (2) he accepted tithes from Abraham (vv 2-6); and (3) Melchizedek lives on since the OT nowhere mentions his death (v 8). It follows that since Levi was in the loins of Abraham as seed (v 10), Melchizedek is superior to the Levitical priests. And inasmuch as Christ is a priest in the likeness of Melchizedek (v 15), it follows that the Son of God is more excellent than the old legal priesthood.<\/p>\nThe result is that the old Levitical priesthood has been superseded by the priesthood of Christ. The demise of the old order was inevitable, for its repetitive animal sacrifices could never effect spiritual perfection (7:11). It was a system characterized by weakness and uselessness (v 18). By contrast, Christ’s priesthood is indestructible, eternal, uninterrupted, efficacious, final, and perfect (vv 16, 21, 24-27). Forgiveness and reconciliation is possible only through Christ, our great High Priest.<\/p>\n<h5>The Superiority of the Priestly Work of the Son (8:1–10:39)<\/h5>\nSince Christ’s priestly office far excels the old order, it follows that his priestly ministration is superior to all that has gone before. The theme of Christ as high priest in a better sanctuary is introduced (8:1-5). The writer utilizes Plato’s distinction between the ideal form in heaven and the imperfect copy on earth to argue that the Levitical sanctuary and sacrifices are mere shadows of the heavenly realities: (1) Christ ministers in the true tent that is the heavenly sanctuary (vv 2, 5); (2) he discharges his high priestly service in the very presence of the Father, which results in a far more effective ministry (vv 1, 6); and (3) his oblation on the cross was the ultimate sacrifice (v 3). How unreasonable it is that his Christian readers should go back to the old Jewish priestly system!<\/p>\nChrist is the minister of a new and better covenant (8:6-13). The old covenant established by God with the nation’s fathers was not to be despised; nevertheless, it had become ineffectual and obsolete (v 13). Indeed, the prophet Jeremiah (Jer 31:31-34) foresaw the new covenant that God would inaugurate with his people. This new covenant sealed by Christ involves (1) the immediate work of the Holy Spirit on the mind and heart (Heb 8:10); (2) a personal and intimate knowledge of God (v 11); and (3) the full absolution of sins (v 12). This new and better covenant has been established on the work of Christ, the great High Priest.<\/p>\nChapter 9 gives a detailed comparison of the efficacy of priestly service under the old and new covenants. The Levitical priests ministered in a material sanctuary on earth (vv 1-5). Features of the tabernacle and its furnishings are described to highlight their obsolescence. More important, however, is the character of the sacrificial ritual conducted in the earthly sanctuary. The Jewish priests in their daily service were not permitted to enter the Holy of Holies, which contained the ark of the covenant and the mercy seat—the place of propitiation of sins (v 6). The high priest alone could enter the Holy of Holies, and then but once a year on the Day of Atonement, and only after sacrificing for his own sins (v 7). The inaccessibility of the Holy of Holies signified that access to the presence of God had not been opened. The presence of the curtain symbolized that the people had no way to the throne of God, the priests had no way, and the high priest had a limited way and only once a year. Moreover, the sacrifices brought by the Jewish priests could not purify the conscience but merely dealt with external ritual cleansing (vv 9-10). A truly effectual sacrifice must await “the time of reformation” (v 10).<\/p>\nChrist’s priestly ministration is shown to be far more efficacious. First, the Christian’s High Priest has brought a better sacrifice (9:11-14), and here we arrive at the heart of the message of Hebrews. Employing the imagery of the tabernacle, the author demonstrates that Christ our High Priest has accomplished what the Jewish priests failed to do. He entered the heavenly Holy of Holies, not repeatedly, but once<\/em> for all, thereby effecting a completed redemption (v 12). Christ brought to the altar, not the blood of bulls and goats, but his own life’s blood. The Lord did not merely lay down a material body, but he presented himself to God through the eternal Spirit (v 14). Christ’s better sacrifice thus goes beyond cleansing of the flesh to the purification of the defiled conscience.<\/p>\nSecond, Christ through his death has instituted a better covenant (9:15-23). The teaching of Hebrews 8:6-13 is developed further. The old covenant was sealed with the blood of calves and goats (9:19). But the new covenant was ratified with the blood of Christ, God’s own Son. The new covenant thus could accomplish what the old covenant merely foreshadowed—forgiveness and cleansing of sins (v 22).<\/p>\nThird, Christ ministers in a better tabernacle (9:24-28). Our Lord entered, not into a merely earthly sanctuary, but into the holy place of heaven, there to represent us (v 24). Access to the throne is not limited to one day per year, for he is continually in the presence of the Father. Nor is it necessary that repeated sacrifices be made. Christ’s single sacrifice on the cross has conquered sin once and for all (v 26). In sum, as regards the sanctuary, the covenant, and the sacrifices, the Christian’s High Priest is vastly superior to the old Jewish order.<\/p>\nIn order to drive home these crucial points, the writer in chapter 10 expands on the theme of the absolute finality of Christ’s high priestly work. The earlier argument concerning the futile character of the Levitical sacrifices (9:6-14) is repeated for emphasis (10:1-4). The Mosaic ceremonial legislation called for repetitive sacrifices, which could never perfect the worshiper (v 1). Instead of purifying one’s life, they served only as a yearly reminder of sin (v 3) until Christ should come.<\/p>\nThe writer discovers in Psalm 40:6-8 a prediction that the eternal Christ would become man for the purpose of offering himself as the ultimate sacrifice for sin (Heb 10:5-10). Once again the sanctifying power of Christ’s single self-oblation is emphasized (v 10). The vivid contrast is again drawn between the ineffective ministry of the Jewish priests who stand during the daily ritual (v 11), and the effectual single sacrifice of Christ, who is now seated at the right hand of God (v 12). Since Jesus “by that one offering . . . perfected forever all those whom he is making holy” (v 14, nlt<\/span>), nothing can be added to what the seated Sovereign has accomplished (v 18).<\/p>\nIn view of the manifest superiority of Christ’s priestly office and work, the struggling Christians are exhorted to appropriate the means of grace at their disposal (10:19-39). In the midst of trials and persecution they should remember that Christ has effectively opened the way to God (vv 19-20). They are summoned to come to God in faith with hearts cleansed by Christ’s sacrifice (v 22). Those tempted to revert to legal religion should hold fast and support one another in love (vv 23-24). The means of grace afforded by corporate worship should not be neglected (v 25). In short, the wavering Jewish Christians are summoned to renewed endurance and fidelity to their Lord (vv 26-31). What God has promised to his people he will surely make good.<\/p>\n<h5>The Superiority of the Life of Faith (11:1–12:29)<\/h5>\nThe discussion of faith and endurance as the solution to despondency (10:36-38) prompts a fuller consideration of the faith theme. Faith is a prominent concept in the book of Hebrews, as attested by the fact that the word occurs some 35 times in the letter. The Pauline idea of faith as the means of legal justification is adapted to the particular circumstances of the threatened Jewish Christians. The concept of faith is broader in this book than the strictly saving faith discussed by Paul, in that it leads to spiritual salvation (11:39-40). Faith is the power by which heaven’s unseen realities are laid hold of to satisfy the soul. Faith enables the Christian disciple to view the world and interpret the flow of history from the divine perspective. Faith is the means of victory over the world of sin and woe. Through faith the believer approaches the throne of grace (4:16) with the confidence and assurance that God will enable him to overcome.<\/p>\nThe victory faith affords is amply illustrated from the history of God’s OT people. Abel, Enoch, and Noah in the primal history; Abraham, the father of faith; Moses, the leader of the young nation; and many valiant prophets and martyrs serve as living memorials to faith’s overcoming power. And yet God has something better in store for his sanctified people, the church (11:40): the reality of the living Christ.<\/p>\nYet the greatest model of steadfast endurance in suffering is Jesus, “the Originator and Perfecter of our faith” (12:2, nlt<\/span> mg). When surrounded with trials, the Christian needs to recall Christ, who in anticipation of the heavenly crown endured the cross and its shame. The Christian’s trials are trivial compared with what Jesus Christ was called upon to suffer (v 3). Moreover, for the people of God, suffering and persecution prove to be disguised blessings. The rod of discipline confirms our status as children of the living God (vv 5-10). But beyond this, the sovereign God is able to transform the Christian’s suffering into inestimable blessing (v 11). Hence the wavering saints should strive for spiritual wholeness and maturity, taking care lest they be overtaken by bitterness and resentment (v 15).<\/p>\n<h5>Final Exhortations and Benediction (13:1-25)<\/h5>\nThe writer in his closing words challenges his Christian friends to be faithful to the tasks that lie at hand. They are to show continued love to the brethren, to extend hospitality to strangers, to uphold the sanctity of marriage, to be content with what they now possess, and to be obedient to their spiritual leaders (13:1-7).<\/p>\nThe readers are warned against the trickery of the Judaizers, who would lead them astray from Jesus Christ, the one who remains “the same yesterday, today, and forever” (13:8). Spiritual determination is strengthened by recalling the example of Christ, who “suffered outside the city gates” for their salvation (v 12). As the people of God, they are challenged to follow Christ “outside the camp,” bearing abuse for him (v 13). Patient endurance is possible when the Christian realizes that he has no enduring city here (v 14). His goal is the heavenly Jerusalem, the eternal city of God.<\/p>\nThe anonymous letter to the unknown “Hebrews” closes with a glorious benediction. The Christian’s God is described as the great “God of peace” (13:20), and Jesus is “the great Shepherd of the sheep,” who established a new and eternal covenant and then rose triumphant from the dead. And the promise is made to the trusting soul that the triune God would “equip you with all you need for doing his will” (v 21, nlt<\/span>).<\/p>\nThe letter to the Hebrews is rich in doctrinal teaching. It discloses more about the historical Jesus than any other NT letter. It alone explains the atoning work of Christ under the rubric of the Melchizedekian priest. The letter’s discussion of repentance, justification, sanctification, and perseverance makes it a mine of salvation teaching. Its explication of old and new covenants, impending judgment, and the world to come make a significant contribution to Christian theology. And the letter’s teaching on faith, endurance, and the practical Christian combine to make Hebrews one of the most important documents God has given to the church.<\/p>","summary_ro":"HEBREWS, Letter to the One of the most profound and enigmatic books in the NT. The identity of its author, the time of its writing, and the people and place to which it was sent are all shrouded in mystery. Yet, in spite of the uncertainty, Hebrews remains one of the most timely and relevant books in the Bible. Some 300 years ago John Owen, the English Puritan, appropriately remarked: “No doubt the Epistle next in importance to Romans is this to the Hebrews.” The letter is both doctrinal and ...","summary_en":"HEBREWS, Letter to the One of the most profound and enigmatic books in the NT. The identity of its author, the time of its writing, and the people and place to which it was sent are all shrouded in mystery. Yet, in spite of the uncertainty, Hebrews remains one of the most timely and relevant books in the Bible. Some 300 years ago John Owen, the English Puritan, appropriately remarked: “No doubt the Epistle next in importance to Romans is this to the Hebrews.” The letter is both doctrinal and ...","source":"Articles\/H.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":33319,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"City of Rome","title_en":"City of Rome","content_ro":"<h3>ROME, City of<\/h3>\nCity in Italy founded, according to tradition, in 753 BC<\/span> on seven hills about 15 miles (24.1 kilometers) from the mouth of the Tiber River. It was of no biblical interest until NT times. There are nine explicit references to the city in the NT (Acts 2:10; 18:2; 19:21; 23:11; 28:14, 16; Rom 1:7, 15; 2 Tm 1:17), but Paul’s sojourn there and his letter to the Roman Christians, written probably from Corinth around AD<\/span> 57 and 58, make the imperial city of considerable interest to Bible readers.<\/p>\nHistory<\/p>\nIn the second millennium BC<\/span>, Indo-European migrants moved into Europe and settled in the Italian peninsula. One group settled around the mouth of the Tiber River. A vigorous and more cultured group, the Etruscans from Asia Minor, occupied central Italy. At the time of Rome’s emergence in the eighth century BC<\/span>, the population of the Italian peninsula was mixed. The Latin-speaking enclave, which settled toward the mouth of the Tiber, were agriculturalists. The scattered groups formed leagues and communities to defend themselves against raiders. They built stockades on the hills to protect families and flocks while fighting off the raiders. From such beginnings Rome emerged as a dominant center with its focal point in the area of the seven hills (the Palatine, the Capitoline, the Aventine, the Caelian, the Esquiline, the Viminal, and the Quirinal). Traditionally these hills were considered to be seven in number; in fact, there are more than seven, although some are simply flat-topped spurs. The Tiber River winds in a large S-curve between the hills. At one point it divided to form an island where it was shallow enough to ford. The town that grew up there was linked by roads, north to the Etruscans, south to the Greek trading cities, west to the coast, and inland to the tribal areas on the highlands. Knowledge of early Rome is based largely on archaeological evidence from the remains of the simple forts and numerous burial sites in the area.<\/p>\nRome developed politically in a remarkable fashion over the next 1,000 years. The loose association of the original chieftains, who comprised the earliest “senate,” gave place to domination by Etruscan kings who seem to have trained the people in discipline and obedience. They constructed numerous works, draining the forum area and making it a social, commercial, industrial, and political center. They built a temple for Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva on the Capitoline Hill as a common shrine for all the people. When the kings became autocratic, the Latin population rebelled and expelled the kings.<\/p>\nThe republic was established in 510 BC<\/span>. This establishment marked the beginning of Rome’s remarkable expansion to the dimensions of a world empire. The population, which was now spread out over the hills and valleys, despite their tribal differences, united and solved political problems without bloodshed. Strictly speaking, the term “republican” should not be understood in any modern sense as indicating a kind of democracy. Rather, the ancient families (patricians) dominated the senate and constituted an oligarchy. This arrangement was useful for Rome at that time. The small city-state soon broke out of its confined area, overcame the Etruscans, and dominated the Greek cities to the south. The Romans then looked farther afield. In 273 BC<\/span> they made a treaty with the Ptolemies of Egypt. Before long, they expanded into North Africa, overcame the Carthaginians, pressed on into Spain, and developed ambitions to occupy the Middle East as well. Rome’s many conquests brought enormous wealth.<\/p>\nWith geographical expansion came social changes in Italy. During the second century BC<\/span>, rich landowners bought out the small independent farmers, who subsequently drifted into Rome, landless and unemployed. Huge, overcrowded tenement houses appeared, which constituted creeping slums. Alongside this squalor there was evidence of vast wealth from Rome’s conquests in distant lands. In the capital, many fine buildings appeared. Pompey, who subdued and organized the East, did much to adorn the great capital.<\/p>\nThe next stage in Rome’s political development came when the senate, the governing body of the republic, proved unable to control its more radical and violent members. As their political ambitions increased, aspiring leaders sought to gain popular support by granting privileges to the people without the concurrence of the senate. Civil strife broke out and plagued the last century of the republic. Military victories beyond Rome gave power to the generals. In the civil wars that followed, constitutional questions were decided by the power of the sword. Marius, Sulla, Pompey, Crassus, Julius Caesar, Antony, and Octavian were the real political forces in the land.<\/p>\n\nBy 27 BC<\/span>, Octavian emerged supreme and was given the title Augustus. Theoretically, a dual government existed between the senate and Augustus (the emperor), but a weak senate allowed the emperor to become the virtual ruler. As a result, Roman peace (pax Romana<\/em>) reigned at home and abroad until well into the second century AD<\/span>. The emperors of the first century AD<\/span> cover the period of the life of Jesus and of the emerging church, and several are mentioned in the NT: Augustus (Lk 2:1), Tiberius (Lk 3:1), Claudius (Acts 11:28; 18:2), and Nero, who is referred to without being explicitly named (Acts 25:10-12; 27:24; 2 Tm 4:16-17).<\/p>\nThe city of Rome was the capital of the empire and the home of the emperor, senators, administrators, military personnel, and priests. Augustus, the first of the emperors whose leadership and diplomatic endeavors gave peace to Rome after two civil wars and a century of strife, gave attention to the restoration and adornment of the city. He boasted that he found Rome built of brick and left it built of marble. His efforts at restoring Rome’s ancient religions led to the building of many temples. On the Palatine hill, Augustus united several houses already there into a palace for his own residence. A new and sumptuous temple of Apollo, surrounded by colonnades in which the emperor housed a large library, was erected near the palace. The palace itself overlooked an imposing group of new marble buildings in the valley below: a basilica business hall, a senate house, a temple of “the divine Julius,” a marble speaker’s platform, two impressive new forums, the forum of Caesar, and the forum of Augustus. Later emperors added to this splendor. Beyond the central forum area, the palaces of Tiberius and Caligula, various baths, arches, and theaters, the Circus Maximus, and the Circus Nero were built. The whole was enclosed by a wall built outside the old rampart of Servius. Several aqueducts brought water into the city, and significant roads from north, south, east, and west converged on the central city area.<\/p>\nRome’s Military Presence in Palestine<\/p>\nWith the military intervention of Pompey in the internal affairs of Judea in 63 BC<\/span>, Rome established its presence in Palestine. The census ordered by Augustus Caesar, affecting the eastern provinces as well as the rest of the Roman world (Lk 2:1-2), was a vivid reminder. Roman military presence is amply reflected on the pages of the Gospels and Acts (e.g., Mk 15:16; Lk 3:14; 7:1-8; Acts 5:37).<\/p>\nIn the NT period, service in the legions was open to all Roman citizens. A professional volunteer army had replaced a conscripted militia. The permanent standing army was made up of legions recruited from the ranks of citizens. The legions were commanded by experienced officers of the rank of consul. Auxiliary forces were raised outside Italy, the inducement for enlistment being Roman citizenship for a soldier and his descendants after 25 years of service.<\/p>\nIn the provinces supreme military command lay with the provincial governor or prefect. In Judea at the time of Jesus’ public ministry, Pontius Pilate was designated “prefect of Judea” in a Latin inscription found in Caesarea in 1961. At the official center for administration of Judea, Caesarea Maritima, one or more legions at the disposal of the governor would be garrisoned. On special occasions, particularly at the great Jewish festivals, when riots and disorders could be anticipated, the provincial governor would take up residence in Jerusalem some 60 miles (96.5 kilometers) to the south, accompanied by a substantial contingent of troops (cf. Lk 13:1).<\/p>\nAugustus established a standing army large enough to defend and pacify the empire. In 15 BC<\/span> there were 28 legions, each composed of some 5,000 foot soldiers plus a mounted bodyguard of 128 men. After three legions were destroyed in uprisings by fierce Germanic tribes in AD<\/span> 9, the number remained at 25 for some time. That suggests a standing army of about 125,000 legionaries in the first century.<\/p>\nAugustus was also responsible for establishing a permanent auxiliary army, almost the same size as the legionary army. The auxiliary forces, recruited from provincials who had not yet received Roman citizenship, included both cavalry and infantry. The cavalry was organized in squadrons, the infantry in cohorts of 1,000 under command of a military tribune (Acts 21:31-33). When the apostle Paul was in Jerusalem, the tribune was Claudius Lysias, a man of Greek birth whose purchased Roman citizenship made possible his elevation to commander of an auxiliary cohort (22:28; 23:26). To send Paul from Jerusalem to Caesarea, Claudius could delegate a military escort of 200 soldiers commanded by two centurions, plus 70 mounted guards (23:23), without dangerously weakening the strength of the fortress garrison.<\/p>\nA cohort was made up of either ten or five “centuries,” units consisting of 100 men under the command of a centurion whose duties resembled those of a modern army captain. Cornelius (Acts 10:1) was a Roman centurion assigned to one of the auxiliary cohorts in Judea. There is inscriptional evidence for the presence of his unit, “the Second Italian Cohort of Roman Citizens,” in Syria about AD<\/span> 69. Paul was sent to Rome in the custody of another centurion, Julius, who belonged to the Augustan or imperial cohort (27:1). The term Augustan was a title of honor sometimes bestowed on auxiliary troops. Julius was evidently a legionary centurion assigned to the corps of officer-couriers who maintained a communication service between the emperor and his provincial armies. He had a detachment of soldiers under his command on the voyage to Rome (v 3) and on arrival handed his prisoners over to the commander of the courier corps (28:16). Probably all of the Roman centurions mentioned in the Gospels or Acts (Mt 8:5; Mk 15:39; Lk 7:2) were officers assigned to an auxiliary cohort.<\/p>\nChristians in Rome<\/p>\nIt was to this magnificent city that Paul came under escort in March AD<\/span> 59. He found that the Christian church had already been established there. Indeed, he had already communicated with the Christians in his letter to the Romans early in 57. There was a considerable Jewish colony in Rome in the first century AD<\/span>, descended from the large number of Jewish slaves brought to the city by Pompey after the capture of Jerusalem in 63 BC<\/span>. The emperor Claudius expelled Jews from Rome in AD<\/span> 49, possibly when Jesus was proclaimed as Messiah in the synagogue. Who the preachers were is not known, but they were probably Christian travelers and traders. Paul’s Letter to the Romans was his exposition to the Gentile churches that had come into existence independently of him. His first known contact with the people of Rome was when he met Aquila and Priscilla at Corinth (Acts 18:2). This couple was expelled from Rome in the time of Claudius. Later, Paul hoped to visit Rome (Acts 19:21) on his way to Spain (Rom 15:24). In his salutation he mentioned a considerable circle of Christians in Rome (ch 16). The references to households in several places (vv 5, 10, 11, 14, 15) suggest that these were house churches of the Roman Christian church. During his captivity, Paul was a prisoner of Roman authorities, but he was able to meet the local leaders of the Jews, explain his experiences to them, and expound the gospel to them in person (Acts 28:16-31).<\/p>\nIn the book of Revelation, Rome is given a sinister significance. By the end of the first century AD<\/span>, Rome had already drunk the “blood of the martyrs of Jesus” (Rv 17:6), a reference to early martyrs.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Caesars, The; Romans, Letter to the.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>ROME, City of<\/h3>\nCity in Italy founded, according to tradition, in 753 BC<\/span> on seven hills about 15 miles (24.1 kilometers) from the mouth of the Tiber River. It was of no biblical interest until NT times. There are nine explicit references to the city in the NT (Acts 2:10; 18:2; 19:21; 23:11; 28:14, 16; Rom 1:7, 15; 2 Tm 1:17), but Paul’s sojourn there and his letter to the Roman Christians, written probably from Corinth around AD<\/span> 57 and 58, make the imperial city of considerable interest to Bible readers.<\/p>\nHistory<\/p>\nIn the second millennium BC<\/span>, Indo-European migrants moved into Europe and settled in the Italian peninsula. One group settled around the mouth of the Tiber River. A vigorous and more cultured group, the Etruscans from Asia Minor, occupied central Italy. At the time of Rome’s emergence in the eighth century BC<\/span>, the population of the Italian peninsula was mixed. The Latin-speaking enclave, which settled toward the mouth of the Tiber, were agriculturalists. The scattered groups formed leagues and communities to defend themselves against raiders. They built stockades on the hills to protect families and flocks while fighting off the raiders. From such beginnings Rome emerged as a dominant center with its focal point in the area of the seven hills (the Palatine, the Capitoline, the Aventine, the Caelian, the Esquiline, the Viminal, and the Quirinal). Traditionally these hills were considered to be seven in number; in fact, there are more than seven, although some are simply flat-topped spurs. The Tiber River winds in a large S-curve between the hills. At one point it divided to form an island where it was shallow enough to ford. The town that grew up there was linked by roads, north to the Etruscans, south to the Greek trading cities, west to the coast, and inland to the tribal areas on the highlands. Knowledge of early Rome is based largely on archaeological evidence from the remains of the simple forts and numerous burial sites in the area.<\/p>\nRome developed politically in a remarkable fashion over the next 1,000 years. The loose association of the original chieftains, who comprised the earliest “senate,” gave place to domination by Etruscan kings who seem to have trained the people in discipline and obedience. They constructed numerous works, draining the forum area and making it a social, commercial, industrial, and political center. They built a temple for Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva on the Capitoline Hill as a common shrine for all the people. When the kings became autocratic, the Latin population rebelled and expelled the kings.<\/p>\nThe republic was established in 510 BC<\/span>. This establishment marked the beginning of Rome’s remarkable expansion to the dimensions of a world empire. The population, which was now spread out over the hills and valleys, despite their tribal differences, united and solved political problems without bloodshed. Strictly speaking, the term “republican” should not be understood in any modern sense as indicating a kind of democracy. Rather, the ancient families (patricians) dominated the senate and constituted an oligarchy. This arrangement was useful for Rome at that time. The small city-state soon broke out of its confined area, overcame the Etruscans, and dominated the Greek cities to the south. The Romans then looked farther afield. In 273 BC<\/span> they made a treaty with the Ptolemies of Egypt. Before long, they expanded into North Africa, overcame the Carthaginians, pressed on into Spain, and developed ambitions to occupy the Middle East as well. Rome’s many conquests brought enormous wealth.<\/p>\nWith geographical expansion came social changes in Italy. During the second century BC<\/span>, rich landowners bought out the small independent farmers, who subsequently drifted into Rome, landless and unemployed. Huge, overcrowded tenement houses appeared, which constituted creeping slums. Alongside this squalor there was evidence of vast wealth from Rome’s conquests in distant lands. In the capital, many fine buildings appeared. Pompey, who subdued and organized the East, did much to adorn the great capital.<\/p>\nThe next stage in Rome’s political development came when the senate, the governing body of the republic, proved unable to control its more radical and violent members. As their political ambitions increased, aspiring leaders sought to gain popular support by granting privileges to the people without the concurrence of the senate. Civil strife broke out and plagued the last century of the republic. Military victories beyond Rome gave power to the generals. In the civil wars that followed, constitutional questions were decided by the power of the sword. Marius, Sulla, Pompey, Crassus, Julius Caesar, Antony, and Octavian were the real political forces in the land.<\/p>\n\nBy 27 BC<\/span>, Octavian emerged supreme and was given the title Augustus. Theoretically, a dual government existed between the senate and Augustus (the emperor), but a weak senate allowed the emperor to become the virtual ruler. As a result, Roman peace (pax Romana<\/em>) reigned at home and abroad until well into the second century AD<\/span>. The emperors of the first century AD<\/span> cover the period of the life of Jesus and of the emerging church, and several are mentioned in the NT: Augustus (Lk 2:1), Tiberius (Lk 3:1), Claudius (Acts 11:28; 18:2), and Nero, who is referred to without being explicitly named (Acts 25:10-12; 27:24; 2 Tm 4:16-17).<\/p>\nThe city of Rome was the capital of the empire and the home of the emperor, senators, administrators, military personnel, and priests. Augustus, the first of the emperors whose leadership and diplomatic endeavors gave peace to Rome after two civil wars and a century of strife, gave attention to the restoration and adornment of the city. He boasted that he found Rome built of brick and left it built of marble. His efforts at restoring Rome’s ancient religions led to the building of many temples. On the Palatine hill, Augustus united several houses already there into a palace for his own residence. A new and sumptuous temple of Apollo, surrounded by colonnades in which the emperor housed a large library, was erected near the palace. The palace itself overlooked an imposing group of new marble buildings in the valley below: a basilica business hall, a senate house, a temple of “the divine Julius,” a marble speaker’s platform, two impressive new forums, the forum of Caesar, and the forum of Augustus. Later emperors added to this splendor. Beyond the central forum area, the palaces of Tiberius and Caligula, various baths, arches, and theaters, the Circus Maximus, and the Circus Nero were built. The whole was enclosed by a wall built outside the old rampart of Servius. Several aqueducts brought water into the city, and significant roads from north, south, east, and west converged on the central city area.<\/p>\nRome’s Military Presence in Palestine<\/p>\nWith the military intervention of Pompey in the internal affairs of Judea in 63 BC<\/span>, Rome established its presence in Palestine. The census ordered by Augustus Caesar, affecting the eastern provinces as well as the rest of the Roman world (Lk 2:1-2), was a vivid reminder. Roman military presence is amply reflected on the pages of the Gospels and Acts (e.g., Mk 15:16; Lk 3:14; 7:1-8; Acts 5:37).<\/p>\nIn the NT period, service in the legions was open to all Roman citizens. A professional volunteer army had replaced a conscripted militia. The permanent standing army was made up of legions recruited from the ranks of citizens. The legions were commanded by experienced officers of the rank of consul. Auxiliary forces were raised outside Italy, the inducement for enlistment being Roman citizenship for a soldier and his descendants after 25 years of service.<\/p>\nIn the provinces supreme military command lay with the provincial governor or prefect. In Judea at the time of Jesus’ public ministry, Pontius Pilate was designated “prefect of Judea” in a Latin inscription found in Caesarea in 1961. At the official center for administration of Judea, Caesarea Maritima, one or more legions at the disposal of the governor would be garrisoned. On special occasions, particularly at the great Jewish festivals, when riots and disorders could be anticipated, the provincial governor would take up residence in Jerusalem some 60 miles (96.5 kilometers) to the south, accompanied by a substantial contingent of troops (cf. Lk 13:1).<\/p>\nAugustus established a standing army large enough to defend and pacify the empire. In 15 BC<\/span> there were 28 legions, each composed of some 5,000 foot soldiers plus a mounted bodyguard of 128 men. After three legions were destroyed in uprisings by fierce Germanic tribes in AD<\/span> 9, the number remained at 25 for some time. That suggests a standing army of about 125,000 legionaries in the first century.<\/p>\nAugustus was also responsible for establishing a permanent auxiliary army, almost the same size as the legionary army. The auxiliary forces, recruited from provincials who had not yet received Roman citizenship, included both cavalry and infantry. The cavalry was organized in squadrons, the infantry in cohorts of 1,000 under command of a military tribune (Acts 21:31-33). When the apostle Paul was in Jerusalem, the tribune was Claudius Lysias, a man of Greek birth whose purchased Roman citizenship made possible his elevation to commander of an auxiliary cohort (22:28; 23:26). To send Paul from Jerusalem to Caesarea, Claudius could delegate a military escort of 200 soldiers commanded by two centurions, plus 70 mounted guards (23:23), without dangerously weakening the strength of the fortress garrison.<\/p>\nA cohort was made up of either ten or five “centuries,” units consisting of 100 men under the command of a centurion whose duties resembled those of a modern army captain. Cornelius (Acts 10:1) was a Roman centurion assigned to one of the auxiliary cohorts in Judea. There is inscriptional evidence for the presence of his unit, “the Second Italian Cohort of Roman Citizens,” in Syria about AD<\/span> 69. Paul was sent to Rome in the custody of another centurion, Julius, who belonged to the Augustan or imperial cohort (27:1). The term Augustan was a title of honor sometimes bestowed on auxiliary troops. Julius was evidently a legionary centurion assigned to the corps of officer-couriers who maintained a communication service between the emperor and his provincial armies. He had a detachment of soldiers under his command on the voyage to Rome (v 3) and on arrival handed his prisoners over to the commander of the courier corps (28:16). Probably all of the Roman centurions mentioned in the Gospels or Acts (Mt 8:5; Mk 15:39; Lk 7:2) were officers assigned to an auxiliary cohort.<\/p>\nChristians in Rome<\/p>\nIt was to this magnificent city that Paul came under escort in March AD<\/span> 59. He found that the Christian church had already been established there. Indeed, he had already communicated with the Christians in his letter to the Romans early in 57. There was a considerable Jewish colony in Rome in the first century AD<\/span>, descended from the large number of Jewish slaves brought to the city by Pompey after the capture of Jerusalem in 63 BC<\/span>. The emperor Claudius expelled Jews from Rome in AD<\/span> 49, possibly when Jesus was proclaimed as Messiah in the synagogue. Who the preachers were is not known, but they were probably Christian travelers and traders. Paul’s Letter to the Romans was his exposition to the Gentile churches that had come into existence independently of him. His first known contact with the people of Rome was when he met Aquila and Priscilla at Corinth (Acts 18:2). This couple was expelled from Rome in the time of Claudius. Later, Paul hoped to visit Rome (Acts 19:21) on his way to Spain (Rom 15:24). In his salutation he mentioned a considerable circle of Christians in Rome (ch 16). The references to households in several places (vv 5, 10, 11, 14, 15) suggest that these were house churches of the Roman Christian church. During his captivity, Paul was a prisoner of Roman authorities, but he was able to meet the local leaders of the Jews, explain his experiences to them, and expound the gospel to them in person (Acts 28:16-31).<\/p>\nIn the book of Revelation, Rome is given a sinister significance. By the end of the first century AD<\/span>, Rome had already drunk the “blood of the martyrs of Jesus” (Rv 17:6), a reference to early martyrs.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Caesars, The; Romans, Letter to the.<\/p>","summary_ro":"ROME, City of City in Italy founded, according to tradition, in 753 BC on seven hills about 15 miles (24.1 kilometers) from the mouth of the Tiber River. It was of no biblical interest until NT times. There are nine explicit references to the city in the NT (Acts 2:10; 18:2; 19:21; 23:11; 28:14, 16; Rom 1:7, 15; 2 Tm 1:17), but Paul’s sojourn there and his letter to the Roman Christians, written probably from Corinth around AD 57 and 58, make the imperial city of considerable interest to Bibl...","summary_en":"ROME, City of City in Italy founded, according to tradition, in 753 BC on seven hills about 15 miles (24.1 kilometers) from the mouth of the Tiber River. It was of no biblical interest until NT times. There are nine explicit references to the city in the NT (Acts 2:10; 18:2; 19:21; 23:11; 28:14, 16; Rom 1:7, 15; 2 Tm 1:17), but Paul’s sojourn there and his letter to the Roman Christians, written probably from Corinth around AD 57 and 58, make the imperial city of considerable interest to Bibl...","source":"Articles\/R.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":57434,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:5","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:5","content_ro":"16:5<\/strong> the church that meets in their home:<\/em> Early Christians did not have large buildings for their meetings—they met in private homes. The church in Rome was composed of a number of house churches where small groups of believers gathered for worship and instruction.<\/p>","content_en":"16:5<\/strong> the church that meets in their home:<\/em> Early Christians did not have large buildings for their meetings—they met in private homes. The church in Rome was composed of a number of house churches where small groups of believers gathered for worship and instruction.<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:5 the church that meets in their home: Early Christians did not have large buildings for their meetings—they met in private homes. The church in Rome was composed of a number of house churches where small groups of believers gathered for worship and instruction.","summary_en":"16:5 the church that meets in their home: Early Christians did not have large buildings for their meetings—they met in private homes. The church in Rome was composed of a number of house churches where small groups of believers gathered for worship and instruction.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":85060,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:5","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:5","content_ro":"16:5<\/strong> the church that meets in their home:<\/em> Early Christians did not have large buildings for their meetings—they met in private homes. The church in Rome was composed of a number of house churches where small groups of believers gathered for worship and instruction.<\/p>","content_en":"16:5<\/strong> the church that meets in their home:<\/em> Early Christians did not have large buildings for their meetings—they met in private homes. The church in Rome was composed of a number of house churches where small groups of believers gathered for worship and instruction.<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:5 the church that meets in their home: Early Christians did not have large buildings for their meetings—they met in private homes. The church in Rome was composed of a number of house churches where small groups of believers gathered for worship and instruction.","summary_en":"16:5 the church that meets in their home: Early Christians did not have large buildings for their meetings—they met in private homes. The church in Rome was composed of a number of house churches where small groups of believers gathered for worship and instruction.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":112686,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:5","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:5","content_ro":"16:5<\/strong> the church that meets in their home:<\/em> Early Christians did not have large buildings for their meetings—they met in private homes. The church in Rome was composed of a number of house churches where small groups of believers gathered for worship and instruction.<\/p>","content_en":"16:5<\/strong> the church that meets in their home:<\/em> Early Christians did not have large buildings for their meetings—they met in private homes. The church in Rome was composed of a number of house churches where small groups of believers gathered for worship and instruction.<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:5 the church that meets in their home: Early Christians did not have large buildings for their meetings—they met in private homes. The church in Rome was composed of a number of house churches where small groups of believers gathered for worship and instruction.","summary_en":"16:5 the church that meets in their home: Early Christians did not have large buildings for their meetings—they met in private homes. The church in Rome was composed of a number of house churches where small groups of believers gathered for worship and instruction.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":140312,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:5","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:5","content_ro":"16:5<\/strong> the church that meets in their home:<\/em> Early Christians did not have large buildings for their meetings—they met in private homes. The church in Rome was composed of a number of house churches where small groups of believers gathered for worship and instruction.<\/p>","content_en":"16:5<\/strong> the church that meets in their home:<\/em> Early Christians did not have large buildings for their meetings—they met in private homes. The church in Rome was composed of a number of house churches where small groups of believers gathered for worship and instruction.<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:5 the church that meets in their home: Early Christians did not have large buildings for their meetings—they met in private homes. The church in Rome was composed of a number of house churches where small groups of believers gathered for worship and instruction.","summary_en":"16:5 the church that meets in their home: Early Christians did not have large buildings for their meetings—they met in private homes. The church in Rome was composed of a number of house churches where small groups of believers gathered for worship and instruction.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"6":[{"id":24590,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Mary","title_en":"Mary","content_ro":"<h3>MARY<\/h3>\nPopular feminine name among first-century Jews, borne by six (or seven) women in the NT.<\/p>\n1. Mary, the mother of Jesus. According to the infancy narratives of Matthew and Luke, Mary was a young Jewish virgin, probably from the tribe of Judah, who during her engagement to Joseph (of Davidic descent from the tribe of Judah) was discovered to be pregnant. This was due to her submission to the Holy Spirit (Mt 1:18-25; Lk 1:26-38). The couple married and lived first in Nazareth of Galilee, then traveled to Bethlehem (Joseph’s hometown) for a census, where Jesus was born (Mt 2:1; Lk 1:5; 2:4-5). Matthew informs us that shortly after the birth the family had to flee to Egypt to escape Herod (Mt 2:13-14). Later, the family resided again in Nazareth (Mt 2:23; Lk 2:39).<\/p>\nWe have little other information about Mary. She was certainly a concerned mother (as her scolding of Jesus in Lk 2:48 shows), and she later had a high estimate of Jesus’ ability (as at the wedding in Cana, Jn 2:1-4). She had several other sons and daughters to care for. She appeared at the foot of the cross, where Jesus asked “the beloved disciple” to care for her in her grief (Jn 19:25-27). After the resurrection she and Jesus’ brothers were among the disciples who experienced the outpouring of the Spirit on Pentecost (Acts 1:14). No further mention is made of her.<\/p>\nMary’s song of praise, “The Magnificat” (Lk 1:46-55) displays her sterling humility and trust in God’s will. She is truly “blessed among women” (v 42).<\/p>\n<li>2. Mary, the mother of James and Joseph. This woman goes by several names, but in each account she appears among Jesus’ faithful female disciples, standing by the cross and witnessing the empty tomb. Matthew calls her “Mary the mother of James and Joseph” or just “the other Mary” (27:56, 61; 28:1); Mark names her “Mary the mother of James the younger and of Joses,” “Mary the mother of Joses,” or “Mary the mother of James” (15:40, 47; 16:1); in John’s Gospel, she is “Mary wife of Clopas” (19:25), though she may possibly be a separate Mary. Tradition has it that this Mary was Jesus’ aunt, as Clopas was Joseph’s brother (Eusebius’s Ecclesiastical History<\/em> 3.11).<\/li>\n<li>3. Mary Magdalene. We know little about this woman other than that her name indicates that she was from Magdala in Galilee. Somewhere in Galilee she met Jesus, who cast seven demons out of her. She then joined the band of disciples and followed Jesus wherever he went (Lk 8:2), ending up in Jerusalem at the foot of the cross when all the male disciples had fled (Mk 15:40; Jn 19:25). She observed Jesus’ burial (Mk 15:47) and witnessed the events surrounding the resurrection. Matthew 28:1, Mark 16:1, and Luke 24:10 group her with the other women who went to the tomb. John says that she was the first among these women to discover the empty tomb, the first to report to the disciples, and the first to see the risen Christ as she lingered by the tomb after all the others had left (Jn 20:1-2, 11-18). This faithful disciple, however, was not allowed to touch her Lord (v 17).<\/li>\n<li>4. Mary of Bethany. This Judean Mary was the sister of Martha and Lazarus. We know three facts about her. First, she was such a devoted follower of Jesus that she neglected her household duties to listen to him (Lk 10:38-42; Jesus approved this). Second, she was apparently upset with Jesus when he did not come to heal her brother before he died (Jn 11:20, 28-33). Finally, before Jesus died, she anointed him with an expensive ointment while he feasted at her home in Bethany (Mt 26:6-13; Mk 14:3-9; Jn 12:1-8).<\/li>\n<li>5. Mary, mother of John Mark. This woman appears only once in Scripture (Acts 12:12). Her house was the meeting place of the persecuted church. Since it was apparently large and she had servants, she was a wealthy woman, probably a widow (since no husband is mentioned). In her house the church prayed for Peter, and Peter came there after being released from prison. Her son John Mark accompanied Paul and probably Peter as well.<\/li>\n<li>6. Mary of Rome. In Romans 16:6 Paul greets a woman in Rome named simply “Mary, who has worked hard among you.” At some time she had been in Greece or Asia Minor, perhaps being expelled from Rome with Aquila and Priscilla (Acts 18:2; c. AD<\/span> 49). While there she had met Paul, perhaps being converted by him, and had worked hard with him in his work of evangelism or caring for the church. By AD<\/span> 56 (a probable date for the book of Romans), she had returned to Rome. She was distinguished by the praise Paul heaped upon her and his other coworkers living in Rome.<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>MARY<\/h3>\nPopular feminine name among first-century Jews, borne by six (or seven) women in the NT.<\/p>\n1. Mary, the mother of Jesus. According to the infancy narratives of Matthew and Luke, Mary was a young Jewish virgin, probably from the tribe of Judah, who during her engagement to Joseph (of Davidic descent from the tribe of Judah) was discovered to be pregnant. This was due to her submission to the Holy Spirit (Mt 1:18-25; Lk 1:26-38). The couple married and lived first in Nazareth of Galilee, then traveled to Bethlehem (Joseph’s hometown) for a census, where Jesus was born (Mt 2:1; Lk 1:5; 2:4-5). Matthew informs us that shortly after the birth the family had to flee to Egypt to escape Herod (Mt 2:13-14). Later, the family resided again in Nazareth (Mt 2:23; Lk 2:39).<\/p>\nWe have little other information about Mary. She was certainly a concerned mother (as her scolding of Jesus in Lk 2:48 shows), and she later had a high estimate of Jesus’ ability (as at the wedding in Cana, Jn 2:1-4). She had several other sons and daughters to care for. She appeared at the foot of the cross, where Jesus asked “the beloved disciple” to care for her in her grief (Jn 19:25-27). After the resurrection she and Jesus’ brothers were among the disciples who experienced the outpouring of the Spirit on Pentecost (Acts 1:14). No further mention is made of her.<\/p>\nMary’s song of praise, “The Magnificat” (Lk 1:46-55) displays her sterling humility and trust in God’s will. She is truly “blessed among women” (v 42).<\/p>\n<li>2. Mary, the mother of James and Joseph. This woman goes by several names, but in each account she appears among Jesus’ faithful female disciples, standing by the cross and witnessing the empty tomb. Matthew calls her “Mary the mother of James and Joseph” or just “the other Mary” (27:56, 61; 28:1); Mark names her “Mary the mother of James the younger and of Joses,” “Mary the mother of Joses,” or “Mary the mother of James” (15:40, 47; 16:1); in John’s Gospel, she is “Mary wife of Clopas” (19:25), though she may possibly be a separate Mary. Tradition has it that this Mary was Jesus’ aunt, as Clopas was Joseph’s brother (Eusebius’s Ecclesiastical History<\/em> 3.11).<\/li>\n<li>3. Mary Magdalene. We know little about this woman other than that her name indicates that she was from Magdala in Galilee. Somewhere in Galilee she met Jesus, who cast seven demons out of her. She then joined the band of disciples and followed Jesus wherever he went (Lk 8:2), ending up in Jerusalem at the foot of the cross when all the male disciples had fled (Mk 15:40; Jn 19:25). She observed Jesus’ burial (Mk 15:47) and witnessed the events surrounding the resurrection. Matthew 28:1, Mark 16:1, and Luke 24:10 group her with the other women who went to the tomb. John says that she was the first among these women to discover the empty tomb, the first to report to the disciples, and the first to see the risen Christ as she lingered by the tomb after all the others had left (Jn 20:1-2, 11-18). This faithful disciple, however, was not allowed to touch her Lord (v 17).<\/li>\n<li>4. Mary of Bethany. This Judean Mary was the sister of Martha and Lazarus. We know three facts about her. First, she was such a devoted follower of Jesus that she neglected her household duties to listen to him (Lk 10:38-42; Jesus approved this). Second, she was apparently upset with Jesus when he did not come to heal her brother before he died (Jn 11:20, 28-33). Finally, before Jesus died, she anointed him with an expensive ointment while he feasted at her home in Bethany (Mt 26:6-13; Mk 14:3-9; Jn 12:1-8).<\/li>\n<li>5. Mary, mother of John Mark. This woman appears only once in Scripture (Acts 12:12). Her house was the meeting place of the persecuted church. Since it was apparently large and she had servants, she was a wealthy woman, probably a widow (since no husband is mentioned). In her house the church prayed for Peter, and Peter came there after being released from prison. Her son John Mark accompanied Paul and probably Peter as well.<\/li>\n<li>6. Mary of Rome. In Romans 16:6 Paul greets a woman in Rome named simply “Mary, who has worked hard among you.” At some time she had been in Greece or Asia Minor, perhaps being expelled from Rome with Aquila and Priscilla (Acts 18:2; c. AD<\/span> 49). While there she had met Paul, perhaps being converted by him, and had worked hard with him in his work of evangelism or caring for the church. By AD<\/span> 56 (a probable date for the book of Romans), she had returned to Rome. She was distinguished by the praise Paul heaped upon her and his other coworkers living in Rome.<\/li>","summary_ro":"MARY Popular feminine name among first-century Jews, borne by six (or seven) women in the NT. 1. Mary, the mother of Jesus. According to the infancy narratives of Matthew and Luke, Mary was a young Jewish virgin, probably from the tribe of Judah, who during her engagement to Joseph (of Davidic descent from the tribe of Judah) was discovered to be pregnant. This was due to her submission to the Holy Spirit (Mt 1:18-25; Lk 1:26-38). The couple married and lived first in Nazareth of Galilee, the...","summary_en":"MARY Popular feminine name among first-century Jews, borne by six (or seven) women in the NT. 1. Mary, the mother of Jesus. According to the infancy narratives of Matthew and Luke, Mary was a young Jewish virgin, probably from the tribe of Judah, who during her engagement to Joseph (of Davidic descent from the tribe of Judah) was discovered to be pregnant. This was due to her submission to the Holy Spirit (Mt 1:18-25; Lk 1:26-38). The couple married and lived first in Nazareth of Galilee, the...","source":"Articles\/M.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"7":[{"id":1604,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Andronicus","title_en":"Andronicus","content_ro":"<h3>ANDRONICUS<\/h3>\n<li>1. Deputy of Seleucid king Antiochus Epiphanes. This Andronicus aroused the Jews by murdering Onias, the high priest, and was himself then executed by Antiochus (2 Macc 4:31-38).<\/li>\n<li>2. Officer in charge of Gerizim after Antiochus Epiphanes sacked Jerusalem (2 Macc 5:21-23).<\/li>\n<li>3. Christian greeted by the apostle Paul in his Letter to the Romans (16:7) but not mentioned elsewhere. Paul called Andronicus his kinsman. The word could mean fellow countryman, fellow Jew, member of Paul’s own family, or other relative. Andronicus may also have been a fellow prisoner for the cause of Christ, perhaps even in the same prison with Paul (2 Cor 6:4-5; 11:23). Paul described him as a man of note among the apostles and recognized him respectfully as an “older” Christian.<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>ANDRONICUS<\/h3>\n<li>1. Deputy of Seleucid king Antiochus Epiphanes. This Andronicus aroused the Jews by murdering Onias, the high priest, and was himself then executed by Antiochus (2 Macc 4:31-38).<\/li>\n<li>2. Officer in charge of Gerizim after Antiochus Epiphanes sacked Jerusalem (2 Macc 5:21-23).<\/li>\n<li>3. Christian greeted by the apostle Paul in his Letter to the Romans (16:7) but not mentioned elsewhere. Paul called Andronicus his kinsman. The word could mean fellow countryman, fellow Jew, member of Paul’s own family, or other relative. Andronicus may also have been a fellow prisoner for the cause of Christ, perhaps even in the same prison with Paul (2 Cor 6:4-5; 11:23). Paul described him as a man of note among the apostles and recognized him respectfully as an “older” Christian.<\/li>","summary_ro":"ANDRONICUS 1. Deputy of Seleucid king Antiochus Epiphanes. This Andronicus aroused the Jews by murdering Onias, the high priest, and was himself then executed by Antiochus (2 Macc 4:31-38). 2. Officer in charge of Gerizim after Antiochus Epiphanes sacked Jerusalem (2 Macc 5:21-23). 3. Christian greeted by the apostle Paul in his Letter to the Romans (16:7) but not mentioned elsewhere. Paul called Andronicus his kinsman. The word could mean fellow countryman, fellow Jew, member of Paul’s own f...","summary_en":"ANDRONICUS 1. Deputy of Seleucid king Antiochus Epiphanes. This Andronicus aroused the Jews by murdering Onias, the high priest, and was himself then executed by Antiochus (2 Macc 4:31-38). 2. Officer in charge of Gerizim after Antiochus Epiphanes sacked Jerusalem (2 Macc 5:21-23). 3. Christian greeted by the apostle Paul in his Letter to the Romans (16:7) but not mentioned elsewhere. Paul called Andronicus his kinsman. The word could mean fellow countryman, fellow Jew, member of Paul’s own f...","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":2395,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Apostleship Apostle","title_en":"Apostleship Apostle","content_ro":"<h3>APOSTLE, APOSTLESHIP<\/h3>\nOfficial designation given to certain leading individuals in the NT churches. Apostleship is the more comprehensive term, denoting the functions of the one who serves in such a capacity. Questions concerning origin, function, and history of the NT apostolate are much debated; one cannot speak of anything like consensus of opinion uniting the various church traditions. Some light is shed on our understanding of the terms by an examination of the possible linguistic and conceptual backgrounds.<\/p>\nThe Greek word for “apostle” is not used outside the NT in the same sense as it is in the NT. It is derived from the verb “to send” and is at home in the language of the sea meaning a particular “ship” or “group of ships,” a “marine expedition” or “the leader” of such. Its usage is almost always impersonal and thoroughly passive. There is no hint of personal initiative or authorization, merely the connotation of something being sent. Later papyri use the word to mean “bill” or “invoice” or even a “passport,” continuing to reflect the vocabulary of maritime affairs.<\/p>\nIn the NT, the word was used to designate those who had been sent by Jesus with the proclamation of the gospel. From among the wider group of those who followed him, Jesus selected 12 men (Mt 10:1-4; Mk 3:13-19; Lk 6:12-16) who maintained with him a particularly close relationship, receiving private instruction and witnessing his miracles and controversy with the Jewish authorities. On one occasion, Jesus sent these men out to preach the message of repentance, to cast out demons, and to heal the sick; that is, to minister in ways that were characteristic of his own work (Mt 10:1-15; Mk 6:7-13, 30; Lk 9:1-6). The same relationship is expressed in the saying “He who hears you hears me, and he who rejects you rejects me, and he who rejects me rejects him who sent me” (Lk 10:16, rsv<\/span>; cf. Mt 10:40). It is clear that the Twelve are not merely to pass Jesus’ teaching on but to represent his very person. After the resurrection, Jesus commissioned the Twelve (Mt 28; Lk 24; Jn 20–21) to proclaim God’s act in Christ on behalf of all men. Only those who had been with Jesus from the beginning of his ministry to his resurrection were qualified to be his apostolic witnesses (Acts 1:21-22). Paul qualified because he had seen the risen Christ (1 Cor 15:4-10).<\/p>\nThe Pauline writings demonstrate two characteristic usages of the word “apostle.” On occasion, it refers to persons authorized by local congregations and entrusted with the safe delivery of specific gifts for other members of the Christian community (2 Cor 8:23; Phil 2:25). More important are those passages where “apostle” takes on a more technical sense through the qualifying phrase “of Jesus Christ” (1 Cor 1:1; 2 Cor 1:1; 11:13; Gal 1:1; Eph 1:1; Col 1:1; 1 Thes 2:6). The “sent one” is the “sent one of Jesus Christ” (Rom 16:7; 1 Cor 9:1, 5; 12:28; Gal 1:17-19). In the statements where Paul claims his own right to this title, he argues along lines assuming the same basic apostolic concept that Jesus had. He consistently links this claim to a specific event in the past in which the risen Lord had appeared to him (1 Cor 9:1; Gal 1:12, 16). This appearance he ranked alongside those of the resurrection appearances (1 Cor 15:3-8). Paul understood his experience outside Damascus (cf. Acts 9:1-19a; 22:6-16; 26:12-18; Gal 1:17) as a lifelong commission to preach the now-resurrected One (1 Cor 1:17; 2:1-2) chiefly among the Gentiles (Acts 9:15; 22:15; 26:17, 23; Gal 1:15-16). It was through his preaching ministry that Christ continued to work, creating the new people of God (1 Cor 9:1-2; Gal 2:8).<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Acts of the Apostles, Book of the; Paul, The Apostle.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>APOSTLE, APOSTLESHIP<\/h3>\nOfficial designation given to certain leading individuals in the NT churches. Apostleship is the more comprehensive term, denoting the functions of the one who serves in such a capacity. Questions concerning origin, function, and history of the NT apostolate are much debated; one cannot speak of anything like consensus of opinion uniting the various church traditions. Some light is shed on our understanding of the terms by an examination of the possible linguistic and conceptual backgrounds.<\/p>\nThe Greek word for “apostle” is not used outside the NT in the same sense as it is in the NT. It is derived from the verb “to send” and is at home in the language of the sea meaning a particular “ship” or “group of ships,” a “marine expedition” or “the leader” of such. Its usage is almost always impersonal and thoroughly passive. There is no hint of personal initiative or authorization, merely the connotation of something being sent. Later papyri use the word to mean “bill” or “invoice” or even a “passport,” continuing to reflect the vocabulary of maritime affairs.<\/p>\nIn the NT, the word was used to designate those who had been sent by Jesus with the proclamation of the gospel. From among the wider group of those who followed him, Jesus selected 12 men (Mt 10:1-4; Mk 3:13-19; Lk 6:12-16) who maintained with him a particularly close relationship, receiving private instruction and witnessing his miracles and controversy with the Jewish authorities. On one occasion, Jesus sent these men out to preach the message of repentance, to cast out demons, and to heal the sick; that is, to minister in ways that were characteristic of his own work (Mt 10:1-15; Mk 6:7-13, 30; Lk 9:1-6). The same relationship is expressed in the saying “He who hears you hears me, and he who rejects you rejects me, and he who rejects me rejects him who sent me” (Lk 10:16, rsv<\/span>; cf. Mt 10:40). It is clear that the Twelve are not merely to pass Jesus’ teaching on but to represent his very person. After the resurrection, Jesus commissioned the Twelve (Mt 28; Lk 24; Jn 20–21) to proclaim God’s act in Christ on behalf of all men. Only those who had been with Jesus from the beginning of his ministry to his resurrection were qualified to be his apostolic witnesses (Acts 1:21-22). Paul qualified because he had seen the risen Christ (1 Cor 15:4-10).<\/p>\nThe Pauline writings demonstrate two characteristic usages of the word “apostle.” On occasion, it refers to persons authorized by local congregations and entrusted with the safe delivery of specific gifts for other members of the Christian community (2 Cor 8:23; Phil 2:25). More important are those passages where “apostle” takes on a more technical sense through the qualifying phrase “of Jesus Christ” (1 Cor 1:1; 2 Cor 1:1; 11:13; Gal 1:1; Eph 1:1; Col 1:1; 1 Thes 2:6). The “sent one” is the “sent one of Jesus Christ” (Rom 16:7; 1 Cor 9:1, 5; 12:28; Gal 1:17-19). In the statements where Paul claims his own right to this title, he argues along lines assuming the same basic apostolic concept that Jesus had. He consistently links this claim to a specific event in the past in which the risen Lord had appeared to him (1 Cor 9:1; Gal 1:12, 16). This appearance he ranked alongside those of the resurrection appearances (1 Cor 15:3-8). Paul understood his experience outside Damascus (cf. Acts 9:1-19a; 22:6-16; 26:12-18; Gal 1:17) as a lifelong commission to preach the now-resurrected One (1 Cor 1:17; 2:1-2) chiefly among the Gentiles (Acts 9:15; 22:15; 26:17, 23; Gal 1:15-16). It was through his preaching ministry that Christ continued to work, creating the new people of God (1 Cor 9:1-2; Gal 2:8).<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Acts of the Apostles, Book of the; Paul, The Apostle.<\/p>","summary_ro":"APOSTLE, APOSTLESHIP Official designation given to certain leading individuals in the NT churches. Apostleship is the more comprehensive term, denoting the functions of the one who serves in such a capacity. Questions concerning origin, function, and history of the NT apostolate are much debated; one cannot speak of anything like consensus of opinion uniting the various church traditions. Some light is shed on our understanding of the terms by an examination of the possible linguistic and con...","summary_en":"APOSTLE, APOSTLESHIP Official designation given to certain leading individuals in the NT churches. Apostleship is the more comprehensive term, denoting the functions of the one who serves in such a capacity. Questions concerning origin, function, and history of the NT apostolate are much debated; one cannot speak of anything like consensus of opinion uniting the various church traditions. Some light is shed on our understanding of the terms by an examination of the possible linguistic and con...","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":21424,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Julia","title_en":"Julia","content_ro":"<h3>JULIA<\/h3>\n<li>1. Woman greeted by the apostle Paul (Rom 16:15). Her name follows that of Philologus, who may have been her brother or husband.<\/li>\n<li>2. According to a variant reading, a woman noted by Paul as being one of his coworkers, as well as a distinguished apostle (Rom 16:7, nlt<\/span> mg). She was probably Andronicus’s wife. The couple, like Aquila and Priscilla, formed an apostolic team. In other manuscripts, the reading is Junia—which, in the Greek, can be understood as a masculine name or feminine, depending on the accent. However, the most ancient manuscripts do not have an accent mark on this name; therefore, the interpreter must decide if this apostle was male or female.<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>JULIA<\/h3>\n<li>1. Woman greeted by the apostle Paul (Rom 16:15). Her name follows that of Philologus, who may have been her brother or husband.<\/li>\n<li>2. According to a variant reading, a woman noted by Paul as being one of his coworkers, as well as a distinguished apostle (Rom 16:7, nlt<\/span> mg). She was probably Andronicus’s wife. The couple, like Aquila and Priscilla, formed an apostolic team. In other manuscripts, the reading is Junia—which, in the Greek, can be understood as a masculine name or feminine, depending on the accent. However, the most ancient manuscripts do not have an accent mark on this name; therefore, the interpreter must decide if this apostle was male or female.<\/li>","summary_ro":"JULIA 1. Woman greeted by the apostle Paul (Rom 16:15). Her name follows that of Philologus, who may have been her brother or husband. 2. According to a variant reading, a woman noted by Paul as being one of his coworkers, as well as a distinguished apostle (Rom 16:7, nlt mg). She was probably Andronicus’s wife. The couple, like Aquila and Priscilla, formed an apostolic team. In other manuscripts, the reading is Junia—which, in the Greek, can be understood as a masculine name or feminine, dep...","summary_en":"JULIA 1. Woman greeted by the apostle Paul (Rom 16:15). Her name follows that of Philologus, who may have been her brother or husband. 2. According to a variant reading, a woman noted by Paul as being one of his coworkers, as well as a distinguished apostle (Rom 16:7, nlt mg). She was probably Andronicus’s wife. The couple, like Aquila and Priscilla, formed an apostolic team. In other manuscripts, the reading is Junia—which, in the Greek, can be understood as a masculine name or feminine, dep...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":21430,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Junia","title_en":"Junia","content_ro":"<h3>JUNIA<\/h3>\nA Jew who, along with Andronicus, was greeted by Paul in his letter to the church in Rome—according to the reading of some manuscripts (Rom 16:7). Paul recognized Junia as an apostle who had been a prisoner with Paul for the sake of the gospel. This person could have been a male or female. See<\/em> Julia #2.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JUNIA<\/h3>\nA Jew who, along with Andronicus, was greeted by Paul in his letter to the church in Rome—according to the reading of some manuscripts (Rom 16:7). Paul recognized Junia as an apostle who had been a prisoner with Paul for the sake of the gospel. This person could have been a male or female. See<\/em> Julia #2.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JUNIA A Jew who, along with Andronicus, was greeted by Paul in his letter to the church in Rome—according to the reading of some manuscripts (Rom 16:7). Paul recognized Junia as an apostle who had been a prisoner with Paul for the sake of the gospel. This person could have been a male or female. See Julia #2.","summary_en":"JUNIA A Jew who, along with Andronicus, was greeted by Paul in his letter to the church in Rome—according to the reading of some manuscripts (Rom 16:7). Paul recognized Junia as an apostle who had been a prisoner with Paul for the sake of the gospel. This person could have been a male or female. See Julia #2.","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":57435,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:7","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:7","content_ro":"16:7<\/strong> In Greek, the name Junia<\/em> could refer to a man named Junias<\/em> or to a woman named Junia.<\/em> Most interpreters understand Junia<\/em> as a feminine name. This section pairs masculine and feminine names to refer to husband-and-wife teams, so Junia was probably a woman. • who were in prison with me:<\/em> When this occurred is uncertain. According to Acts, Paul had been imprisoned overnight in Philippi (Acts 16:19-28); after Romans was written, he would later be imprisoned for two years in Caesarea (Acts 24:27) and for two years in Rome (Acts 28:30-31). Paul was undoubtedly imprisoned on occasions not mentioned in Acts (see 2 Cor 11:23). • highly respected among the apostles:<\/em> This phrase probably indicates that Andronicus and Junia were apostles—i.e., accredited missionaries of the church (see Acts 14:4, 14; 1 Cor 9:5-6; Gal 2:9).<\/p>","content_en":"16:7<\/strong> In Greek, the name Junia<\/em> could refer to a man named Junias<\/em> or to a woman named Junia.<\/em> Most interpreters understand Junia<\/em> as a feminine name. This section pairs masculine and feminine names to refer to husband-and-wife teams, so Junia was probably a woman. • who were in prison with me:<\/em> When this occurred is uncertain. According to Acts, Paul had been imprisoned overnight in Philippi (Acts 16:19-28); after Romans was written, he would later be imprisoned for two years in Caesarea (Acts 24:27) and for two years in Rome (Acts 28:30-31). Paul was undoubtedly imprisoned on occasions not mentioned in Acts (see 2 Cor 11:23). • highly respected among the apostles:<\/em> This phrase probably indicates that Andronicus and Junia were apostles—i.e., accredited missionaries of the church (see Acts 14:4, 14; 1 Cor 9:5-6; Gal 2:9).<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:7 In Greek, the name Junia could refer to a man named Junias or to a woman named Junia. Most interpreters understand Junia as a feminine name. This section pairs masculine and feminine names to refer to husband-and-wife teams, so Junia was probably a woman. • who were in prison with me: When this occurred is uncertain. According to Acts, Paul had been imprisoned overnight in Philippi (Acts 16:19-28); after Romans was written, he would later be imprisoned for two years in Caesarea (Acts 24:...","summary_en":"16:7 In Greek, the name Junia could refer to a man named Junias or to a woman named Junia. Most interpreters understand Junia as a feminine name. This section pairs masculine and feminine names to refer to husband-and-wife teams, so Junia was probably a woman. • who were in prison with me: When this occurred is uncertain. According to Acts, Paul had been imprisoned overnight in Philippi (Acts 16:19-28); after Romans was written, he would later be imprisoned for two years in Caesarea (Acts 24:...","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":85061,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:7","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:7","content_ro":"16:7<\/strong> In Greek, the name Junia<\/em> could refer to a man named Junias<\/em> or to a woman named Junia.<\/em> Most interpreters understand Junia<\/em> as a feminine name. This section pairs masculine and feminine names to refer to husband-and-wife teams, so Junia was probably a woman. • who were in prison with me:<\/em> When this occurred is uncertain. According to Acts, Paul had been imprisoned overnight in Philippi (Acts 16:19-28); after Romans was written, he would later be imprisoned for two years in Caesarea (Acts 24:27) and for two years in Rome (Acts 28:30-31). Paul was undoubtedly imprisoned on occasions not mentioned in Acts (see 2 Cor 11:23). • highly respected among the apostles:<\/em> This phrase probably indicates that Andronicus and Junia were apostles—i.e., accredited missionaries of the church (see Acts 14:4, 14; 1 Cor 9:5-6; Gal 2:9).<\/p>","content_en":"16:7<\/strong> In Greek, the name Junia<\/em> could refer to a man named Junias<\/em> or to a woman named Junia.<\/em> Most interpreters understand Junia<\/em> as a feminine name. This section pairs masculine and feminine names to refer to husband-and-wife teams, so Junia was probably a woman. • who were in prison with me:<\/em> When this occurred is uncertain. According to Acts, Paul had been imprisoned overnight in Philippi (Acts 16:19-28); after Romans was written, he would later be imprisoned for two years in Caesarea (Acts 24:27) and for two years in Rome (Acts 28:30-31). Paul was undoubtedly imprisoned on occasions not mentioned in Acts (see 2 Cor 11:23). • highly respected among the apostles:<\/em> This phrase probably indicates that Andronicus and Junia were apostles—i.e., accredited missionaries of the church (see Acts 14:4, 14; 1 Cor 9:5-6; Gal 2:9).<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:7 In Greek, the name Junia could refer to a man named Junias or to a woman named Junia. Most interpreters understand Junia as a feminine name. This section pairs masculine and feminine names to refer to husband-and-wife teams, so Junia was probably a woman. • who were in prison with me: When this occurred is uncertain. According to Acts, Paul had been imprisoned overnight in Philippi (Acts 16:19-28); after Romans was written, he would later be imprisoned for two years in Caesarea (Acts 24:...","summary_en":"16:7 In Greek, the name Junia could refer to a man named Junias or to a woman named Junia. Most interpreters understand Junia as a feminine name. This section pairs masculine and feminine names to refer to husband-and-wife teams, so Junia was probably a woman. • who were in prison with me: When this occurred is uncertain. According to Acts, Paul had been imprisoned overnight in Philippi (Acts 16:19-28); after Romans was written, he would later be imprisoned for two years in Caesarea (Acts 24:...","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":112687,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:7","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:7","content_ro":"16:7<\/strong> In Greek, the name Junia<\/em> could refer to a man named Junias<\/em> or to a woman named Junia.<\/em> Most interpreters understand Junia<\/em> as a feminine name. This section pairs masculine and feminine names to refer to husband-and-wife teams, so Junia was probably a woman. • who were in prison with me:<\/em> When this occurred is uncertain. According to Acts, Paul had been imprisoned overnight in Philippi (Acts 16:19-28); after Romans was written, he would later be imprisoned for two years in Caesarea (Acts 24:27) and for two years in Rome (Acts 28:30-31). Paul was undoubtedly imprisoned on occasions not mentioned in Acts (see 2 Cor 11:23). • highly respected among the apostles:<\/em> This phrase probably indicates that Andronicus and Junia were apostles—i.e., accredited missionaries of the church (see Acts 14:4, 14; 1 Cor 9:5-6; Gal 2:9).<\/p>","content_en":"16:7<\/strong> In Greek, the name Junia<\/em> could refer to a man named Junias<\/em> or to a woman named Junia.<\/em> Most interpreters understand Junia<\/em> as a feminine name. This section pairs masculine and feminine names to refer to husband-and-wife teams, so Junia was probably a woman. • who were in prison with me:<\/em> When this occurred is uncertain. According to Acts, Paul had been imprisoned overnight in Philippi (Acts 16:19-28); after Romans was written, he would later be imprisoned for two years in Caesarea (Acts 24:27) and for two years in Rome (Acts 28:30-31). Paul was undoubtedly imprisoned on occasions not mentioned in Acts (see 2 Cor 11:23). • highly respected among the apostles:<\/em> This phrase probably indicates that Andronicus and Junia were apostles—i.e., accredited missionaries of the church (see Acts 14:4, 14; 1 Cor 9:5-6; Gal 2:9).<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:7 In Greek, the name Junia could refer to a man named Junias or to a woman named Junia. Most interpreters understand Junia as a feminine name. This section pairs masculine and feminine names to refer to husband-and-wife teams, so Junia was probably a woman. • who were in prison with me: When this occurred is uncertain. According to Acts, Paul had been imprisoned overnight in Philippi (Acts 16:19-28); after Romans was written, he would later be imprisoned for two years in Caesarea (Acts 24:...","summary_en":"16:7 In Greek, the name Junia could refer to a man named Junias or to a woman named Junia. Most interpreters understand Junia as a feminine name. This section pairs masculine and feminine names to refer to husband-and-wife teams, so Junia was probably a woman. • who were in prison with me: When this occurred is uncertain. According to Acts, Paul had been imprisoned overnight in Philippi (Acts 16:19-28); after Romans was written, he would later be imprisoned for two years in Caesarea (Acts 24:...","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":140313,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:7","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:7","content_ro":"16:7<\/strong> In Greek, the name Junia<\/em> could refer to a man named Junias<\/em> or to a woman named Junia.<\/em> Most interpreters understand Junia<\/em> as a feminine name. This section pairs masculine and feminine names to refer to husband-and-wife teams, so Junia was probably a woman. • who were in prison with me:<\/em> When this occurred is uncertain. According to Acts, Paul had been imprisoned overnight in Philippi (Acts 16:19-28); after Romans was written, he would later be imprisoned for two years in Caesarea (Acts 24:27) and for two years in Rome (Acts 28:30-31). Paul was undoubtedly imprisoned on occasions not mentioned in Acts (see 2 Cor 11:23). • highly respected among the apostles:<\/em> This phrase probably indicates that Andronicus and Junia were apostles—i.e., accredited missionaries of the church (see Acts 14:4, 14; 1 Cor 9:5-6; Gal 2:9).<\/p>","content_en":"16:7<\/strong> In Greek, the name Junia<\/em> could refer to a man named Junias<\/em> or to a woman named Junia.<\/em> Most interpreters understand Junia<\/em> as a feminine name. This section pairs masculine and feminine names to refer to husband-and-wife teams, so Junia was probably a woman. • who were in prison with me:<\/em> When this occurred is uncertain. According to Acts, Paul had been imprisoned overnight in Philippi (Acts 16:19-28); after Romans was written, he would later be imprisoned for two years in Caesarea (Acts 24:27) and for two years in Rome (Acts 28:30-31). Paul was undoubtedly imprisoned on occasions not mentioned in Acts (see 2 Cor 11:23). • highly respected among the apostles:<\/em> This phrase probably indicates that Andronicus and Junia were apostles—i.e., accredited missionaries of the church (see Acts 14:4, 14; 1 Cor 9:5-6; Gal 2:9).<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:7 In Greek, the name Junia could refer to a man named Junias or to a woman named Junia. Most interpreters understand Junia as a feminine name. This section pairs masculine and feminine names to refer to husband-and-wife teams, so Junia was probably a woman. • who were in prison with me: When this occurred is uncertain. According to Acts, Paul had been imprisoned overnight in Philippi (Acts 16:19-28); after Romans was written, he would later be imprisoned for two years in Caesarea (Acts 24:...","summary_en":"16:7 In Greek, the name Junia could refer to a man named Junias or to a woman named Junia. Most interpreters understand Junia as a feminine name. This section pairs masculine and feminine names to refer to husband-and-wife teams, so Junia was probably a woman. • who were in prison with me: When this occurred is uncertain. According to Acts, Paul had been imprisoned overnight in Philippi (Acts 16:19-28); after Romans was written, he would later be imprisoned for two years in Caesarea (Acts 24:...","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"8":[{"id":1513,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Amplias*, Ampliatus","title_en":"Amplias*, Ampliatus","content_ro":"<h3>AMPLIAS*, AMPLIATUS<\/h3>\nName of a Christian to whom the apostle Paul sent greetings at the end of his Letter to the Romans (16:8). Called “my beloved in the Lord” (rsv<\/span>) by Paul, nothing further is known of this Christian who bore a common Roman name.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>AMPLIAS*, AMPLIATUS<\/h3>\nName of a Christian to whom the apostle Paul sent greetings at the end of his Letter to the Romans (16:8). Called “my beloved in the Lord” (rsv<\/span>) by Paul, nothing further is known of this Christian who bore a common Roman name.<\/p>","summary_ro":"AMPLIAS*, AMPLIATUS Name of a Christian to whom the apostle Paul sent greetings at the end of his Letter to the Romans (16:8). Called “my beloved in the Lord” (rsv) by Paul, nothing further is known of this Christian who bore a common Roman name.","summary_en":"AMPLIAS*, AMPLIATUS Name of a Christian to whom the apostle Paul sent greetings at the end of his Letter to the Romans (16:8). Called “my beloved in the Lord” (rsv) by Paul, nothing further is known of this Christian who bore a common Roman name.","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"9":[{"id":36293,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Stachys","title_en":"Stachys","content_ro":"<h3>STACHYS<\/h3>\nChristian in Rome to whom Paul sent greetings, calling him “my beloved” (Rom 16:9).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>STACHYS<\/h3>\nChristian in Rome to whom Paul sent greetings, calling him “my beloved” (Rom 16:9).<\/p>","summary_ro":"STACHYS Christian in Rome to whom Paul sent greetings, calling him “my beloved” (Rom 16:9).","summary_en":"STACHYS Christian in Rome to whom Paul sent greetings, calling him “my beloved” (Rom 16:9).","source":"Articles\/S.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":37883,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Urbanus","title_en":"Urbanus","content_ro":"<h3>URBANUS<\/h3>\nBeliever greeted as one of Paul’s coworkers in Christ (Rom 16:9).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>URBANUS<\/h3>\nBeliever greeted as one of Paul’s coworkers in Christ (Rom 16:9).<\/p>","summary_ro":"URBANUS Believer greeted as one of Paul’s coworkers in Christ (Rom 16:9).","summary_en":"URBANUS Believer greeted as one of Paul’s coworkers in Christ (Rom 16:9).","source":"Articles\/U.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"10":[{"id":42712,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"The Roman Church","title_en":"The Roman Church","content_ro":"<h3>The Roman Church<\/h3>\nThe details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Peter founded the Roman church or that he was present in Rome by the time Paul wrote to the Roman Christians around AD<\/span> 57; otherwise, Paul would certainly have greeted him. Consequently, Paul wrote this letter to help ensure that the Roman church had apostolic involvement in their faith. He never wrote to the churches of Judea, founded by the other apostles, but only to churches that either he had founded (e.g., Corinth, Galatia) or to those that had no direct apostolic involvement (e.g., Colosse, Rome).<\/p>\nIn time, the Jewish Christians in Rome would have been pushed out of the synagogues by the non-Christian Jews, as happened elsewhere. By the time Paul wrote to the Roman church, they were meeting as separate house churches in private homes (Rom 16:5, 10-11, 15). There were no centralized edifices, and it is uncertain whether the whole body of believers in Rome met together.<\/p>\nWhen Claudius expelled the Jews from Rome (around AD<\/span> 49), the Jewish Christians were also forced to leave, among whom were Priscilla and Aquila (Acts 18:2). In the absence of the Jews, the Roman church would have become Gentile in character. When the Jews returned (probably shortly after the death of Claudius in AD<\/span> 54), there were no doubt questions—if not conflicts—among the Jewish and Gentile Christians. Paul may have written Romans to settle such controversies among this mixed group of Jews and Gentiles worshiping Christ in the same city.<\/p>\nAs is evident from Romans 16, Paul already had many friends in the Roman church. In the spring of AD<\/span> 60, roughly two years after writing Romans, Paul had the opportunity to go to Rome—a desire he had repeatedly expressed (Acts 19:21; Rom 1:13-15). He spent two years there under house arrest awaiting his first trial before Nero, “boldly proclaiming the Kingdom of God and teaching about the Lord Jesus Christ” (Acts 28:30-31).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 28:15-31; Rom 1:13-15; 16:1-16<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Roman Church<\/h3>\nThe details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Peter founded the Roman church or that he was present in Rome by the time Paul wrote to the Roman Christians around AD<\/span> 57; otherwise, Paul would certainly have greeted him. Consequently, Paul wrote this letter to help ensure that the Roman church had apostolic involvement in their faith. He never wrote to the churches of Judea, founded by the other apostles, but only to churches that either he had founded (e.g., Corinth, Galatia) or to those that had no direct apostolic involvement (e.g., Colosse, Rome).<\/p>\nIn time, the Jewish Christians in Rome would have been pushed out of the synagogues by the non-Christian Jews, as happened elsewhere. By the time Paul wrote to the Roman church, they were meeting as separate house churches in private homes (Rom 16:5, 10-11, 15). There were no centralized edifices, and it is uncertain whether the whole body of believers in Rome met together.<\/p>\nWhen Claudius expelled the Jews from Rome (around AD<\/span> 49), the Jewish Christians were also forced to leave, among whom were Priscilla and Aquila (Acts 18:2). In the absence of the Jews, the Roman church would have become Gentile in character. When the Jews returned (probably shortly after the death of Claudius in AD<\/span> 54), there were no doubt questions—if not conflicts—among the Jewish and Gentile Christians. Paul may have written Romans to settle such controversies among this mixed group of Jews and Gentiles worshiping Christ in the same city.<\/p>\nAs is evident from Romans 16, Paul already had many friends in the Roman church. In the spring of AD<\/span> 60, roughly two years after writing Romans, Paul had the opportunity to go to Rome—a desire he had repeatedly expressed (Acts 19:21; Rom 1:13-15). He spent two years there under house arrest awaiting his first trial before Nero, “boldly proclaiming the Kingdom of God and teaching about the Lord Jesus Christ” (Acts 28:30-31).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 28:15-31; Rom 1:13-15; 16:1-16<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Roman Church The details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Pete...","summary_en":"The Roman Church The details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Pete...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":70338,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"The Roman Church","title_en":"The Roman Church","content_ro":"<h3>The Roman Church<\/h3>\nThe details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Peter founded the Roman church or that he was present in Rome by the time Paul wrote to the Roman Christians around AD<\/span> 57; otherwise, Paul would certainly have greeted him. Consequently, Paul wrote this letter to help ensure that the Roman church had apostolic involvement in their faith. He never wrote to the churches of Judea, founded by the other apostles, but only to churches that either he had founded (e.g., Corinth, Galatia) or to those that had no direct apostolic involvement (e.g., Colosse, Rome).<\/p>\nIn time, the Jewish Christians in Rome would have been pushed out of the synagogues by the non-Christian Jews, as happened elsewhere. By the time Paul wrote to the Roman church, they were meeting as separate house churches in private homes (Rom 16:5, 10-11, 15). There were no centralized edifices, and it is uncertain whether the whole body of believers in Rome met together.<\/p>\nWhen Claudius expelled the Jews from Rome (around AD<\/span> 49), the Jewish Christians were also forced to leave, among whom were Priscilla and Aquila (Acts 18:2). In the absence of the Jews, the Roman church would have become Gentile in character. When the Jews returned (probably shortly after the death of Claudius in AD<\/span> 54), there were no doubt questions—if not conflicts—among the Jewish and Gentile Christians. Paul may have written Romans to settle such controversies among this mixed group of Jews and Gentiles worshiping Christ in the same city.<\/p>\nAs is evident from Romans 16, Paul already had many friends in the Roman church. In the spring of AD<\/span> 60, roughly two years after writing Romans, Paul had the opportunity to go to Rome—a desire he had repeatedly expressed (Acts 19:21; Rom 1:13-15). He spent two years there under house arrest awaiting his first trial before Nero, “boldly proclaiming the Kingdom of God and teaching about the Lord Jesus Christ” (Acts 28:30-31).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 28:15-31; Rom 1:13-15; 16:1-16<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Roman Church<\/h3>\nThe details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Peter founded the Roman church or that he was present in Rome by the time Paul wrote to the Roman Christians around AD<\/span> 57; otherwise, Paul would certainly have greeted him. Consequently, Paul wrote this letter to help ensure that the Roman church had apostolic involvement in their faith. He never wrote to the churches of Judea, founded by the other apostles, but only to churches that either he had founded (e.g., Corinth, Galatia) or to those that had no direct apostolic involvement (e.g., Colosse, Rome).<\/p>\nIn time, the Jewish Christians in Rome would have been pushed out of the synagogues by the non-Christian Jews, as happened elsewhere. By the time Paul wrote to the Roman church, they were meeting as separate house churches in private homes (Rom 16:5, 10-11, 15). There were no centralized edifices, and it is uncertain whether the whole body of believers in Rome met together.<\/p>\nWhen Claudius expelled the Jews from Rome (around AD<\/span> 49), the Jewish Christians were also forced to leave, among whom were Priscilla and Aquila (Acts 18:2). In the absence of the Jews, the Roman church would have become Gentile in character. When the Jews returned (probably shortly after the death of Claudius in AD<\/span> 54), there were no doubt questions—if not conflicts—among the Jewish and Gentile Christians. Paul may have written Romans to settle such controversies among this mixed group of Jews and Gentiles worshiping Christ in the same city.<\/p>\nAs is evident from Romans 16, Paul already had many friends in the Roman church. In the spring of AD<\/span> 60, roughly two years after writing Romans, Paul had the opportunity to go to Rome—a desire he had repeatedly expressed (Acts 19:21; Rom 1:13-15). He spent two years there under house arrest awaiting his first trial before Nero, “boldly proclaiming the Kingdom of God and teaching about the Lord Jesus Christ” (Acts 28:30-31).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 28:15-31; Rom 1:13-15; 16:1-16<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Roman Church The details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Pete...","summary_en":"The Roman Church The details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Pete...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":97964,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"The Roman Church","title_en":"The Roman Church","content_ro":"<h3>The Roman Church<\/h3>\nThe details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Peter founded the Roman church or that he was present in Rome by the time Paul wrote to the Roman Christians around AD<\/span> 57; otherwise, Paul would certainly have greeted him. Consequently, Paul wrote this letter to help ensure that the Roman church had apostolic involvement in their faith. He never wrote to the churches of Judea, founded by the other apostles, but only to churches that either he had founded (e.g., Corinth, Galatia) or to those that had no direct apostolic involvement (e.g., Colosse, Rome).<\/p>\nIn time, the Jewish Christians in Rome would have been pushed out of the synagogues by the non-Christian Jews, as happened elsewhere. By the time Paul wrote to the Roman church, they were meeting as separate house churches in private homes (Rom 16:5, 10-11, 15). There were no centralized edifices, and it is uncertain whether the whole body of believers in Rome met together.<\/p>\nWhen Claudius expelled the Jews from Rome (around AD<\/span> 49), the Jewish Christians were also forced to leave, among whom were Priscilla and Aquila (Acts 18:2). In the absence of the Jews, the Roman church would have become Gentile in character. When the Jews returned (probably shortly after the death of Claudius in AD<\/span> 54), there were no doubt questions—if not conflicts—among the Jewish and Gentile Christians. Paul may have written Romans to settle such controversies among this mixed group of Jews and Gentiles worshiping Christ in the same city.<\/p>\nAs is evident from Romans 16, Paul already had many friends in the Roman church. In the spring of AD<\/span> 60, roughly two years after writing Romans, Paul had the opportunity to go to Rome—a desire he had repeatedly expressed (Acts 19:21; Rom 1:13-15). He spent two years there under house arrest awaiting his first trial before Nero, “boldly proclaiming the Kingdom of God and teaching about the Lord Jesus Christ” (Acts 28:30-31).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 28:15-31; Rom 1:13-15; 16:1-16<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Roman Church<\/h3>\nThe details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Peter founded the Roman church or that he was present in Rome by the time Paul wrote to the Roman Christians around AD<\/span> 57; otherwise, Paul would certainly have greeted him. Consequently, Paul wrote this letter to help ensure that the Roman church had apostolic involvement in their faith. He never wrote to the churches of Judea, founded by the other apostles, but only to churches that either he had founded (e.g., Corinth, Galatia) or to those that had no direct apostolic involvement (e.g., Colosse, Rome).<\/p>\nIn time, the Jewish Christians in Rome would have been pushed out of the synagogues by the non-Christian Jews, as happened elsewhere. By the time Paul wrote to the Roman church, they were meeting as separate house churches in private homes (Rom 16:5, 10-11, 15). There were no centralized edifices, and it is uncertain whether the whole body of believers in Rome met together.<\/p>\nWhen Claudius expelled the Jews from Rome (around AD<\/span> 49), the Jewish Christians were also forced to leave, among whom were Priscilla and Aquila (Acts 18:2). In the absence of the Jews, the Roman church would have become Gentile in character. When the Jews returned (probably shortly after the death of Claudius in AD<\/span> 54), there were no doubt questions—if not conflicts—among the Jewish and Gentile Christians. Paul may have written Romans to settle such controversies among this mixed group of Jews and Gentiles worshiping Christ in the same city.<\/p>\nAs is evident from Romans 16, Paul already had many friends in the Roman church. In the spring of AD<\/span> 60, roughly two years after writing Romans, Paul had the opportunity to go to Rome—a desire he had repeatedly expressed (Acts 19:21; Rom 1:13-15). He spent two years there under house arrest awaiting his first trial before Nero, “boldly proclaiming the Kingdom of God and teaching about the Lord Jesus Christ” (Acts 28:30-31).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 28:15-31; Rom 1:13-15; 16:1-16<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Roman Church The details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Pete...","summary_en":"The Roman Church The details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Pete...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":125590,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"The Roman Church","title_en":"The Roman Church","content_ro":"<h3>The Roman Church<\/h3>\nThe details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Peter founded the Roman church or that he was present in Rome by the time Paul wrote to the Roman Christians around AD<\/span> 57; otherwise, Paul would certainly have greeted him. Consequently, Paul wrote this letter to help ensure that the Roman church had apostolic involvement in their faith. He never wrote to the churches of Judea, founded by the other apostles, but only to churches that either he had founded (e.g., Corinth, Galatia) or to those that had no direct apostolic involvement (e.g., Colosse, Rome).<\/p>\nIn time, the Jewish Christians in Rome would have been pushed out of the synagogues by the non-Christian Jews, as happened elsewhere. By the time Paul wrote to the Roman church, they were meeting as separate house churches in private homes (Rom 16:5, 10-11, 15). There were no centralized edifices, and it is uncertain whether the whole body of believers in Rome met together.<\/p>\nWhen Claudius expelled the Jews from Rome (around AD<\/span> 49), the Jewish Christians were also forced to leave, among whom were Priscilla and Aquila (Acts 18:2). In the absence of the Jews, the Roman church would have become Gentile in character. When the Jews returned (probably shortly after the death of Claudius in AD<\/span> 54), there were no doubt questions—if not conflicts—among the Jewish and Gentile Christians. Paul may have written Romans to settle such controversies among this mixed group of Jews and Gentiles worshiping Christ in the same city.<\/p>\nAs is evident from Romans 16, Paul already had many friends in the Roman church. In the spring of AD<\/span> 60, roughly two years after writing Romans, Paul had the opportunity to go to Rome—a desire he had repeatedly expressed (Acts 19:21; Rom 1:13-15). He spent two years there under house arrest awaiting his first trial before Nero, “boldly proclaiming the Kingdom of God and teaching about the Lord Jesus Christ” (Acts 28:30-31).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 28:15-31; Rom 1:13-15; 16:1-16<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Roman Church<\/h3>\nThe details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Peter founded the Roman church or that he was present in Rome by the time Paul wrote to the Roman Christians around AD<\/span> 57; otherwise, Paul would certainly have greeted him. Consequently, Paul wrote this letter to help ensure that the Roman church had apostolic involvement in their faith. He never wrote to the churches of Judea, founded by the other apostles, but only to churches that either he had founded (e.g., Corinth, Galatia) or to those that had no direct apostolic involvement (e.g., Colosse, Rome).<\/p>\nIn time, the Jewish Christians in Rome would have been pushed out of the synagogues by the non-Christian Jews, as happened elsewhere. By the time Paul wrote to the Roman church, they were meeting as separate house churches in private homes (Rom 16:5, 10-11, 15). There were no centralized edifices, and it is uncertain whether the whole body of believers in Rome met together.<\/p>\nWhen Claudius expelled the Jews from Rome (around AD<\/span> 49), the Jewish Christians were also forced to leave, among whom were Priscilla and Aquila (Acts 18:2). In the absence of the Jews, the Roman church would have become Gentile in character. When the Jews returned (probably shortly after the death of Claudius in AD<\/span> 54), there were no doubt questions—if not conflicts—among the Jewish and Gentile Christians. Paul may have written Romans to settle such controversies among this mixed group of Jews and Gentiles worshiping Christ in the same city.<\/p>\nAs is evident from Romans 16, Paul already had many friends in the Roman church. In the spring of AD<\/span> 60, roughly two years after writing Romans, Paul had the opportunity to go to Rome—a desire he had repeatedly expressed (Acts 19:21; Rom 1:13-15). He spent two years there under house arrest awaiting his first trial before Nero, “boldly proclaiming the Kingdom of God and teaching about the Lord Jesus Christ” (Acts 28:30-31).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 28:15-31; Rom 1:13-15; 16:1-16<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Roman Church The details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Pete...","summary_en":"The Roman Church The details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Pete...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":2251,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Apelles","title_en":"Apelles","content_ro":"<h3>APELLES<\/h3>\nRoman Christian who received special greetings from the apostle Paul and the complimentary assessment of being one who is “approved in Christ” (Rom 16:10, rsv<\/span>).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>APELLES<\/h3>\nRoman Christian who received special greetings from the apostle Paul and the complimentary assessment of being one who is “approved in Christ” (Rom 16:10, rsv<\/span>).<\/p>","summary_ro":"APELLES Roman Christian who received special greetings from the apostle Paul and the complimentary assessment of being one who is “approved in Christ” (Rom 16:10, rsv).","summary_en":"APELLES Roman Christian who received special greetings from the apostle Paul and the complimentary assessment of being one who is “approved in Christ” (Rom 16:10, rsv).","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":2668,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Aristobulus","title_en":"Aristobulus","content_ro":"<h3>ARISTOBULUS<\/h3>\nName (of Greek origin, meaning “best advising”) used in intertestamental times by ruling families in Palestine.<\/p>\n1. Jewish priest in Alexandria (Egypt) and teacher of Ptolemy (ruled 180–146 BC<\/span>). A letter was sent to Aristobulus from the Judean Jews (2 Macc 1:10).<\/p>\n<li>2. Aristobulus I. First king of the Maccabean (also called Hasmonean) family. See<\/em> Hasmonean.<\/li>\n<li>3. Aristobulus II. Son of Alexander Janneus (brother of Aristobulus I) and Salome Alexandra. In 67 BC<\/span> Aristobulus II defeated his older brother, Hyrcanus II, and became king. See<\/em> Hasmonean.<\/li>\n<li>4. Aristobulus III. Grandson of Hyrcanus II and brother of Mariamne, wife of Herod the Great. Aristobulus was named high priest at the age of 17 (by Herod). When his acceptance as a Hasmonean by the people threatened Herod, Herod responded by arranging for his drowning (35 BC<\/span>). See<\/em> Hasmonean.<\/li>\n<li>5. Younger of the two sons of Herod the Great and Mariamne. Aristobulus and Alexander became threats to Herod after he executed their mother in 29 BC<\/span>. The two brothers were charged with attempting to poison their father in a trial before Caesar (12 BC<\/span>) but were acquitted and reconciled to him. This Aristobulus was the father of Herod, king of Chalcis; Herod Agrippa I, of Judea; Aristobulus (see #6 below); and Herodias, wife of Herod Antipas. Later, Herod the Great ordered both Aristobulus and Alexander strangled at Sebaste (7 BC<\/span>). See<\/em> Herod, Herodian Family.<\/li>\n<li>6. Son of Aristobulus (#5 above) and Bernice, mentioned by the Jewish historian Josephus for plotting against Herod Agrippa, his brother, and for opposing the plan of Petronius, governor of Syria, to erect a statue of Roman emperor Caligula in the temple in Jerusalem (AD<\/span> 40).<\/li>\n<li>7. Person whose family or household was greeted by the apostle Paul (Rom 16:10).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>ARISTOBULUS<\/h3>\nName (of Greek origin, meaning “best advising”) used in intertestamental times by ruling families in Palestine.<\/p>\n1. Jewish priest in Alexandria (Egypt) and teacher of Ptolemy (ruled 180–146 BC<\/span>). A letter was sent to Aristobulus from the Judean Jews (2 Macc 1:10).<\/p>\n<li>2. Aristobulus I. First king of the Maccabean (also called Hasmonean) family. See<\/em> Hasmonean.<\/li>\n<li>3. Aristobulus II. Son of Alexander Janneus (brother of Aristobulus I) and Salome Alexandra. In 67 BC<\/span> Aristobulus II defeated his older brother, Hyrcanus II, and became king. See<\/em> Hasmonean.<\/li>\n<li>4. Aristobulus III. Grandson of Hyrcanus II and brother of Mariamne, wife of Herod the Great. Aristobulus was named high priest at the age of 17 (by Herod). When his acceptance as a Hasmonean by the people threatened Herod, Herod responded by arranging for his drowning (35 BC<\/span>). See<\/em> Hasmonean.<\/li>\n<li>5. Younger of the two sons of Herod the Great and Mariamne. Aristobulus and Alexander became threats to Herod after he executed their mother in 29 BC<\/span>. The two brothers were charged with attempting to poison their father in a trial before Caesar (12 BC<\/span>) but were acquitted and reconciled to him. This Aristobulus was the father of Herod, king of Chalcis; Herod Agrippa I, of Judea; Aristobulus (see #6 below); and Herodias, wife of Herod Antipas. Later, Herod the Great ordered both Aristobulus and Alexander strangled at Sebaste (7 BC<\/span>). See<\/em> Herod, Herodian Family.<\/li>\n<li>6. Son of Aristobulus (#5 above) and Bernice, mentioned by the Jewish historian Josephus for plotting against Herod Agrippa, his brother, and for opposing the plan of Petronius, governor of Syria, to erect a statue of Roman emperor Caligula in the temple in Jerusalem (AD<\/span> 40).<\/li>\n<li>7. Person whose family or household was greeted by the apostle Paul (Rom 16:10).<\/li>","summary_ro":"ARISTOBULUS Name (of Greek origin, meaning “best advising”) used in intertestamental times by ruling families in Palestine. 1. Jewish priest in Alexandria (Egypt) and teacher of Ptolemy (ruled 180–146 BC). A letter was sent to Aristobulus from the Judean Jews (2 Macc 1:10). 2. Aristobulus I. First king of the Maccabean (also called Hasmonean) family. See Hasmonean. 3. Aristobulus II. Son of Alexander Janneus (brother of Aristobulus I) and Salome Alexandra. In 67 BC Aristobulus II defeated his...","summary_en":"ARISTOBULUS Name (of Greek origin, meaning “best advising”) used in intertestamental times by ruling families in Palestine. 1. Jewish priest in Alexandria (Egypt) and teacher of Ptolemy (ruled 180–146 BC). A letter was sent to Aristobulus from the Judean Jews (2 Macc 1:10). 2. Aristobulus I. First king of the Maccabean (also called Hasmonean) family. See Hasmonean. 3. Aristobulus II. Son of Alexander Janneus (brother of Aristobulus I) and Salome Alexandra. In 67 BC Aristobulus II defeated his...","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":6612,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Church Meetings","title_en":"Church Meetings","content_ro":"<h3>CHURCH MEETINGS<\/h3>\nThe assembling together of the believers. In the NT, the Greek word ekklesia<\/span> (usually translated “church”) is used primarily in two ways: (1) to describe a meeting or an assembly, and (2) to designate the people who participate in such assembling together—whether they are actually assembled or not. The NT contains a few places that speak of a secular Greek assembly (Acts 19:32, 41); every other instance speaks of a Christian assembly. Sometimes the word ekklesia<\/span> is used to designate the actual meeting together of Christians. This is certainly what Paul intended in 1 Corinthians 14:19, 28, and 35, in that the expression en ekklesia<\/span> must mean “in a meeting” and not “in the church.” To translate this phrase “in the church” (as is done in most modern English versions) is misleading, for most readers will think it means “in the church building.” The NT never once names the place of assembly a “church.” Aside from the few instances where the word clearly means the actual meeting together of believers, ekklesia<\/span> most often is used as a descriptor for the believers who constitute a local church (such as the church in Corinth, the church in Philippi, and the church in Colosse) or all the believers (past, present, and future) who constitute the universal church, the complete body of Christ.<\/p>\nWhen reading the NT, Christians need to be aware of the various ways in which the word ekklesia<\/span> (“church”) is used. On the most basic level, the ekklesia<\/span> is any gathering of believers. On another level, the ekklesia<\/span> is an organized local entity—comprised of all the believers in any given locality, under one pluralistic eldership. On another level, the ekklesia<\/span> is the universal church whose constituents are all the believers who have ever been, are now existing, and will ever be. The word ekklesia<\/span> was used by the NT writers with these various aspects of meaning, though, at times, it is not possible to differentiate one from the other. Nevertheless, students of the NT could avoid some confusion if they used discrimination in their exegesis of the text. Some interpreters have taught that the smallest unit of the church is the local church, but the NT writers sometimes used the word “church” to indicate a small home gathering. Other interpreters confuse the local church with the universal church. But some things in the NT are addressed to a local church that do not necessarily apply to the whole church, and some great things are spoken of the universal church that could never be attained by any particular local group. The things Paul said about the church in the Epistle to the Ephesians (which was written as an encyclical for several churches and not just for the church in Ephesus) could never be attained by a local church. For example, what local church could attain to the fullness of the stature of Christ?<\/p>\nThere is much to be said about how interpreters have confused the local church with the universal church, but this article is devoted to clearing up the confusion about what constitutes the smallest unit of the church—the local church, or what could be called the house church or home gathering.<\/p>\nThe NT seems to present the fact that a particular local church (i.e., a church comprising all the believers in a given locality under one eldership) could and did have several ekklesiai<\/span>—“meetings” or “assemblies” (carried on in homes of the local Christians). Thus, the smallest unit to comprise a “church” was one of these home meetings. However, there is no indication in the NT that each of these home meetings had its own eldership or was a distinct entity separate from the other gatherings (<\/em>ekklesiai<\/span>)<\/em> in the same locality. According to Acts 14:23 and Titus 1:5, elders were appointed for every local church (compare the expressions “appointed elders in every church” and “appoint elders in every city”)—not for every house church. Nevertheless, it appears that every local church of some size had several such ekklesiai<\/span> (“meetings”) going on within that locality.<\/p>\nThe church in Jerusalem must have had several home meetings (see Acts 2:46; 5:42; 8:3; 12:5, 12), as did the church in Rome (see Rom 16:3-5, 14-15 and comments below). A small local church may have had only one home gathering—as was probably the case with the church at Colosse (see Phlm 1:2 and comments below), but this would have been impossible for large local churches like those in Jerusalem, Rome, and Ephesus, in which there must have been several “house churches” (see 1 Cor 16:19-20 [1 Cor was written from Ephesus] and comments below). An examination of the passages that deal with the issue of the “house church” should affirm this. These passages are Romans 16:3-5, 14-15; 1 Corinthians 16:19-20; Colossians 4:15-16; and Philemon 1:1-2 (all quoted from the rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\n<h4>Romans 16:3-5, 14-15<\/h4>\nIn the last chapter of Romans, Paul asked the believers in Rome, to whom he had written this epistle, to greet Priscilla and Aquila and the church that met in their home (16:3-5). The entire church in Rome could not have met in Priscilla and Aquila’s home, for the church was much too large to have assembled in a single home. Rather, the church in Priscilla and Aquila’s home must have been one among several such “house churches” in Rome. The following discussion should substantiate this position.<\/p>\nPaul’s Epistle to the Romans was addressed to “all God’s beloved in Rome” (1:7), not to “the church in Rome.” At the time of writing, Paul had not been to Rome—nor had any other apostle. The church was probably started there by Jewish Romans who had been converted during their visit to Jerusalem during Pentecost (Acts 2:10) and then returned to Rome. Since the church had not been started by an apostle, it could have been that there were no “ordained” elders in the church at Rome and that there were several gatherings of believers in various parts of Rome and its suburbs. Paul knew some of the saints in Rome (whom he addressed by name in the last chapter) and thus addressed an epistle to all the saints in that locality, instead of to the church in that locality—which was his usual practice (see 1 Cor 1:1; 2 Cor 1:1; 1 Thes 1:1; 2 Thes 1:1). Nonetheless, “all the saints in Rome” would comprise “the church in Rome” (cf. Phil 1:1, in which Paul addressed his epistle to all the saints in Philippi).<\/p>\nIn the final chapter of Romans, Paul asks all the believers in Rome (which equals the “local” church in Rome) to greet the church in Priscilla and Aquila’s house. Later in the chapter, Paul asks the church to greet Asyncritus, Phlegon, Hermas, Patrobas, Hermes, and the brothers with them; and then again he asks the church to greet Philologus, Julia, Nereus and his sister, Olympas, and all the saints with them (16:14-15). Evidently, Paul was identifying two other groups of believers who must have met together. (And perhaps Paul was referring to two more groups in 16:10-11, which in the Greek could mean the ones of Aristobulus’s and Narcissus’s households<\/em> or the ones of their fellowships.<\/em>) It seems that the church in Rome, like the church in Jerusalem and Ephesus, had several home ekklesiai<\/span> (meetings).<\/p>\nThe Epistle to the Romans was written around AD<\/span> 58. The Neronian persecution began around AD<\/span> 64. Secular historians such as Tacitus tell us that a vast multitude (ingens multitudo)<\/em> of Christians were tortured and killed during this persecution (Annals<\/em> 15.44). Seutonius (in his book Nero,<\/em> ch 16) said that the rapid increase of the Christians in Rome had made them unpopular. Indeed, at the time Paul penned the Epistle to the Romans he said their faith was known throughout the world (1:8), which indicates that the church in Rome had already made an impact on the Mediterranean world. When Paul came to Rome three years later (AD<\/span> 61), he came to a city that had a large church there already. From Romans 15:23, we know that the church had been in existence for many years even before Paul wrote his epistle to them. In short, the church in Rome was a large church around the time Paul wrote his epistle to them. The entire church could not have met in the home of Aquila and Priscilla, who would have had only a modest-sized dwelling (for they were tentmakers). Besides, Paul greeted over 25 individuals by name in chapter 16—and he had not yet even been to Rome!<\/p>\nThere must have been several ekklesiai<\/span> in Rome, i.e., several home churches all unified as the one local church in Rome. For example, the Christians in Rome apparently worshiped in numerous homes such as Priscilla and Aquila’s. Other churches in homes are mentioned in Colossians 4:15 and Philemon 1:2. Groups of Christians met in houses of prominent believers or in other available rooms (cf. Mt 26:16; Acts 12:12; 1 Cor 16:19; Col 4:15; Phlm 1:2). The church in Priscilla and Aquila’s house is the first of five groups of believers in Paul’s list, but the only one referred to definitely as a church (see Rom 16:5, 10-11, 14-15). Priscilla and Aquila opened their home for Christian meetings. The church mentioned there was obviously only a part of the total number of Christians in Rome. Verses 10-11 and 14-15 seem to refer to two other household churches in Rome. Apparently, there were at least three churches there, and probably more. Each house church could not have been a separate entity with a separate church government; rather, each house church must have been simply one home meeting of some of the saints in the one local church at Rome.<\/p>\n<h4>1 Corinthians 16:19-20<\/h4>\nIn this passage we again see Aquila and Priscilla and again discover that a church met in their house. According to Romans, their house church was, of course, in Rome. According to 1 Corinthians (written from Ephesus), their house church was in Ephesus. Many scholars think Aquila and Priscilla left Rome around AD<\/span> 49 at the time of Claudius’s edict expelling Jews from Rome. They very well could have already been Christians at this time. According to Acts 18, they joined Paul in Corinth (where they all worked together in their craft of tentmaking) and then went on with him to Ephesus, during the time (around AD<\/span> 51) the church in Ephesus was first established. Paul continued on with his second missionary journey, while Aquila and Priscilla remained in Ephesus. No doubt, the early church there first met in their home. Paul returned to Ephesus a few years later and remained there for two years (around AD<\/span> 53–54). During this time, Paul’s proclamation of the gospel went out from Ephesus (as a center) to all of Asia Minor (see Acts 19:8-10). As this was going on, the church in Ephesus grew (see vv 18-20).<\/p>\nIt was during these years that Paul wrote to the Corinthians, in which he sent greetings from the churches in Asia, from Aquila and Priscilla—and the church in their house, and from all the brothers (1 Cor 16:19-20). In giving this kind of greeting, it seems that Paul was sending greetings from (1) all the churches in Asia Minor, (2) the church in Ephesus (equivalent to “all the brothers”), and (3) those believers who gathered with Aquila and Priscilla in their home. It would be hard to imagine that all the saints in Ephesus met at Aquila and Priscilla’s home. The church probably began that way, but as it grew, so did the number of home meetings. From other portions of the NT (specifically 1 Timothy, which was written around AD<\/span> 64 by Paul to Timothy while Timothy was leading the church in Ephesus), we discover that there must have been several home meetings in Ephesus because there were so many saints there (see 1 Timothy 5–6, which reveal that there must have been a large number of saints in Ephesus—young men, young women, older men, widows, and so forth). At any rate, several saints must have hosted an ekklesia<\/span>,<\/em> a meeting, in their home. (Aquila and Priscilla left Ephesus around AD<\/span> 56\/57 and returned to Rome, where again they hosted a church in their home. Others in Ephesus would have to open their homes.) But each such ekklesia<\/span> did not have its own eldership; rather, all of the church in Ephesus was under one eldership—headed up by Timothy, Paul’s coworker.<\/p>\n<h4>Colossians 4:15-16<\/h4>\nIn this portion, we again read about a church existing in the home of one called Nymphas. In his final remarks to the church in Colosse, Paul asked the saints in Colosse to send his greetings to (1) the brothers that are in Laodicea, (2) Nymphas in particular, and (3) the church in Nymphas’s house. According to the structure of Colossians 4:15, it seems evident that the first greeting included all the believers in Laodicea (a neighboring church to Colosse), who would comprise the entire church in Laodicea (called “the church of the Laodiceans” in Col 4:16), and that the second and third greetings were to a specific individual (Nymphas) in the church in Laodicea and a church meeting in Nymphas’s house. This church meeting in Nymphas’s house would probably be one of several home meetings—all part of the one local church in Laodicea.<\/p>\nThere is a textual problem in this passage that could have some effect on the interpretation of it. Some manuscripts read “his house”; others read “her house”; still others read “their house.” Because it cannot be determined from the Greek text whether Nymphas was male or female, various scribes used different pronouns before “house.” Between the readings “her” and “his,” it is far more likely that the pronoun “her” was changed to “his” than vice versa. Some scholars say that “their” refers to “the brothers” at Laodicea. But that does not make sense if we understand that “the brothers in Laodicea” is equal to the church in Laodicea. How could the church in Laodicea have the church in their house? Other scholars indicate that the Greek word for “their” (<\/em>auton<\/span>)<\/em> refers to the ones with Nymphas—i.e., the members of his household. Whether the reading was “her house” or “their house,” a particular group of believers within the church of Laodicea met there. Their meeting could legitimately be called an ekklesia<\/span>—an assembling together.<\/p>\n<h4>Philemon 1:1-2<\/h4>\nThis is the last time in the NT we read about a church in a particular home. Paul wrote a short epistle to Philemon, an elder of the church in Colosse, on behalf of Onesimus, Philemon’s runaway slave converted by Paul to Christ. In his introduction to this short epistle, Paul sends his greetings to Philemon, Apphia, Archippus, and the church in Philemon’s house. It is important to note that Paul did not send greetings to all the saints in Colosse and then to the church in Philemon’s house (as is the pattern in 1 Cor 16:19-20 and Col 4:15); instead, he just sent greetings to Philemon and to the church in his house. Therefore, we can assume that the entire church in Colosse must have met at Philemon’s house.<\/p>\n<h4>Worship in the Home Meetings and Church Meetings<\/h4>\nWhen the church first began in Jerusalem, the believers met in homes for fellowship and worship. Acts 2:42-47 tells us that the early Christians met in homes to hear the apostles’ teachings and to celebrate Communion (which is called “the breaking of bread”). During such gatherings, the Christians often shared meals with one another in what was called a love feast (2 Pt 2:13; Jude 1:12). At these meetings, the Christians recited Scripture, sang hymns and psalms, and joyfully praised the Lord (see Eph 5:18-20; Col 3:16-17). Christians also gathered together in homes to pray (Acts 12:12) and read the Word.<\/p>\nSmall groups of believers met in homes for worship quite regularly; in a city where there were several such ekklesiai<\/span>,<\/em> all the believers would gather together for special occasions. Scripture tells us that all the believers would come together to hear an epistle from the apostles read out loud (see Acts 15:30; Col 4:16), and we can surmise from the NT record that all the Christians in a city met together once a week on Sunday, which was called the Lord’s Day. First Corinthians provides several insights about how the early Christians worshiped together when all the believers in one city met together. We know that 1 Corinthians pertains to this larger gathering because in 11:20 Paul spoke of all the believers coming together in one place and in 14:23 he spoke of the whole church coming together in one place.<\/p>\nPaul used this epistle to correct the Corinthians’ behavior in the celebration of the Lord’s Supper (1 Cor 11:17-34) and in the exercising of spiritual gifts during church meetings (ch 14). Paul’s adjustments reveal his perceptions of a model Christian meeting, and his preceptions were probably developed from actual experience in other church meetings. Paul urged the Corinthians to celebrate the Lord’s Supper together in a manner that reflected Jesus’ institution of that meal. They were to remember the Lord and his death for them, and they were to partake of the bread and wine with all seriousness. At the same time, they were to be conscious of the fact that they were members of the same body of Christ—joined to one another, and also to Christ.<\/p>\nAccording to Paul’s presentation in chapter 14, this “body consciousness” should be evident in the way the believers worshiped together. One’s personal experience and liberty should not hinder the coordination of the body in worshiping God corporately. Thus, when the believers exercised their spiritual gifts—whether it be prophesying, speaking in tongues, providing interpretations of the tongues, or teaching—it should be done in good order and for the edification of the congregation, not personal edification. When all the church assembled together to worship God, it should be a display of spiritual unity.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Church.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>CHURCH MEETINGS<\/h3>\nThe assembling together of the believers. In the NT, the Greek word ekklesia<\/span> (usually translated “church”) is used primarily in two ways: (1) to describe a meeting or an assembly, and (2) to designate the people who participate in such assembling together—whether they are actually assembled or not. The NT contains a few places that speak of a secular Greek assembly (Acts 19:32, 41); every other instance speaks of a Christian assembly. Sometimes the word ekklesia<\/span> is used to designate the actual meeting together of Christians. This is certainly what Paul intended in 1 Corinthians 14:19, 28, and 35, in that the expression en ekklesia<\/span> must mean “in a meeting” and not “in the church.” To translate this phrase “in the church” (as is done in most modern English versions) is misleading, for most readers will think it means “in the church building.” The NT never once names the place of assembly a “church.” Aside from the few instances where the word clearly means the actual meeting together of believers, ekklesia<\/span> most often is used as a descriptor for the believers who constitute a local church (such as the church in Corinth, the church in Philippi, and the church in Colosse) or all the believers (past, present, and future) who constitute the universal church, the complete body of Christ.<\/p>\nWhen reading the NT, Christians need to be aware of the various ways in which the word ekklesia<\/span> (“church”) is used. On the most basic level, the ekklesia<\/span> is any gathering of believers. On another level, the ekklesia<\/span> is an organized local entity—comprised of all the believers in any given locality, under one pluralistic eldership. On another level, the ekklesia<\/span> is the universal church whose constituents are all the believers who have ever been, are now existing, and will ever be. The word ekklesia<\/span> was used by the NT writers with these various aspects of meaning, though, at times, it is not possible to differentiate one from the other. Nevertheless, students of the NT could avoid some confusion if they used discrimination in their exegesis of the text. Some interpreters have taught that the smallest unit of the church is the local church, but the NT writers sometimes used the word “church” to indicate a small home gathering. Other interpreters confuse the local church with the universal church. But some things in the NT are addressed to a local church that do not necessarily apply to the whole church, and some great things are spoken of the universal church that could never be attained by any particular local group. The things Paul said about the church in the Epistle to the Ephesians (which was written as an encyclical for several churches and not just for the church in Ephesus) could never be attained by a local church. For example, what local church could attain to the fullness of the stature of Christ?<\/p>\nThere is much to be said about how interpreters have confused the local church with the universal church, but this article is devoted to clearing up the confusion about what constitutes the smallest unit of the church—the local church, or what could be called the house church or home gathering.<\/p>\nThe NT seems to present the fact that a particular local church (i.e., a church comprising all the believers in a given locality under one eldership) could and did have several ekklesiai<\/span>—“meetings” or “assemblies” (carried on in homes of the local Christians). Thus, the smallest unit to comprise a “church” was one of these home meetings. However, there is no indication in the NT that each of these home meetings had its own eldership or was a distinct entity separate from the other gatherings (<\/em>ekklesiai<\/span>)<\/em> in the same locality. According to Acts 14:23 and Titus 1:5, elders were appointed for every local church (compare the expressions “appointed elders in every church” and “appoint elders in every city”)—not for every house church. Nevertheless, it appears that every local church of some size had several such ekklesiai<\/span> (“meetings”) going on within that locality.<\/p>\nThe church in Jerusalem must have had several home meetings (see Acts 2:46; 5:42; 8:3; 12:5, 12), as did the church in Rome (see Rom 16:3-5, 14-15 and comments below). A small local church may have had only one home gathering—as was probably the case with the church at Colosse (see Phlm 1:2 and comments below), but this would have been impossible for large local churches like those in Jerusalem, Rome, and Ephesus, in which there must have been several “house churches” (see 1 Cor 16:19-20 [1 Cor was written from Ephesus] and comments below). An examination of the passages that deal with the issue of the “house church” should affirm this. These passages are Romans 16:3-5, 14-15; 1 Corinthians 16:19-20; Colossians 4:15-16; and Philemon 1:1-2 (all quoted from the rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\n<h4>Romans 16:3-5, 14-15<\/h4>\nIn the last chapter of Romans, Paul asked the believers in Rome, to whom he had written this epistle, to greet Priscilla and Aquila and the church that met in their home (16:3-5). The entire church in Rome could not have met in Priscilla and Aquila’s home, for the church was much too large to have assembled in a single home. Rather, the church in Priscilla and Aquila’s home must have been one among several such “house churches” in Rome. The following discussion should substantiate this position.<\/p>\nPaul’s Epistle to the Romans was addressed to “all God’s beloved in Rome” (1:7), not to “the church in Rome.” At the time of writing, Paul had not been to Rome—nor had any other apostle. The church was probably started there by Jewish Romans who had been converted during their visit to Jerusalem during Pentecost (Acts 2:10) and then returned to Rome. Since the church had not been started by an apostle, it could have been that there were no “ordained” elders in the church at Rome and that there were several gatherings of believers in various parts of Rome and its suburbs. Paul knew some of the saints in Rome (whom he addressed by name in the last chapter) and thus addressed an epistle to all the saints in that locality, instead of to the church in that locality—which was his usual practice (see 1 Cor 1:1; 2 Cor 1:1; 1 Thes 1:1; 2 Thes 1:1). Nonetheless, “all the saints in Rome” would comprise “the church in Rome” (cf. Phil 1:1, in which Paul addressed his epistle to all the saints in Philippi).<\/p>\nIn the final chapter of Romans, Paul asks all the believers in Rome (which equals the “local” church in Rome) to greet the church in Priscilla and Aquila’s house. Later in the chapter, Paul asks the church to greet Asyncritus, Phlegon, Hermas, Patrobas, Hermes, and the brothers with them; and then again he asks the church to greet Philologus, Julia, Nereus and his sister, Olympas, and all the saints with them (16:14-15). Evidently, Paul was identifying two other groups of believers who must have met together. (And perhaps Paul was referring to two more groups in 16:10-11, which in the Greek could mean the ones of Aristobulus’s and Narcissus’s households<\/em> or the ones of their fellowships.<\/em>) It seems that the church in Rome, like the church in Jerusalem and Ephesus, had several home ekklesiai<\/span> (meetings).<\/p>\nThe Epistle to the Romans was written around AD<\/span> 58. The Neronian persecution began around AD<\/span> 64. Secular historians such as Tacitus tell us that a vast multitude (ingens multitudo)<\/em> of Christians were tortured and killed during this persecution (Annals<\/em> 15.44). Seutonius (in his book Nero,<\/em> ch 16) said that the rapid increase of the Christians in Rome had made them unpopular. Indeed, at the time Paul penned the Epistle to the Romans he said their faith was known throughout the world (1:8), which indicates that the church in Rome had already made an impact on the Mediterranean world. When Paul came to Rome three years later (AD<\/span> 61), he came to a city that had a large church there already. From Romans 15:23, we know that the church had been in existence for many years even before Paul wrote his epistle to them. In short, the church in Rome was a large church around the time Paul wrote his epistle to them. The entire church could not have met in the home of Aquila and Priscilla, who would have had only a modest-sized dwelling (for they were tentmakers). Besides, Paul greeted over 25 individuals by name in chapter 16—and he had not yet even been to Rome!<\/p>\nThere must have been several ekklesiai<\/span> in Rome, i.e., several home churches all unified as the one local church in Rome. For example, the Christians in Rome apparently worshiped in numerous homes such as Priscilla and Aquila’s. Other churches in homes are mentioned in Colossians 4:15 and Philemon 1:2. Groups of Christians met in houses of prominent believers or in other available rooms (cf. Mt 26:16; Acts 12:12; 1 Cor 16:19; Col 4:15; Phlm 1:2). The church in Priscilla and Aquila’s house is the first of five groups of believers in Paul’s list, but the only one referred to definitely as a church (see Rom 16:5, 10-11, 14-15). Priscilla and Aquila opened their home for Christian meetings. The church mentioned there was obviously only a part of the total number of Christians in Rome. Verses 10-11 and 14-15 seem to refer to two other household churches in Rome. Apparently, there were at least three churches there, and probably more. Each house church could not have been a separate entity with a separate church government; rather, each house church must have been simply one home meeting of some of the saints in the one local church at Rome.<\/p>\n<h4>1 Corinthians 16:19-20<\/h4>\nIn this passage we again see Aquila and Priscilla and again discover that a church met in their house. According to Romans, their house church was, of course, in Rome. According to 1 Corinthians (written from Ephesus), their house church was in Ephesus. Many scholars think Aquila and Priscilla left Rome around AD<\/span> 49 at the time of Claudius’s edict expelling Jews from Rome. They very well could have already been Christians at this time. According to Acts 18, they joined Paul in Corinth (where they all worked together in their craft of tentmaking) and then went on with him to Ephesus, during the time (around AD<\/span> 51) the church in Ephesus was first established. Paul continued on with his second missionary journey, while Aquila and Priscilla remained in Ephesus. No doubt, the early church there first met in their home. Paul returned to Ephesus a few years later and remained there for two years (around AD<\/span> 53–54). During this time, Paul’s proclamation of the gospel went out from Ephesus (as a center) to all of Asia Minor (see Acts 19:8-10). As this was going on, the church in Ephesus grew (see vv 18-20).<\/p>\nIt was during these years that Paul wrote to the Corinthians, in which he sent greetings from the churches in Asia, from Aquila and Priscilla—and the church in their house, and from all the brothers (1 Cor 16:19-20). In giving this kind of greeting, it seems that Paul was sending greetings from (1) all the churches in Asia Minor, (2) the church in Ephesus (equivalent to “all the brothers”), and (3) those believers who gathered with Aquila and Priscilla in their home. It would be hard to imagine that all the saints in Ephesus met at Aquila and Priscilla’s home. The church probably began that way, but as it grew, so did the number of home meetings. From other portions of the NT (specifically 1 Timothy, which was written around AD<\/span> 64 by Paul to Timothy while Timothy was leading the church in Ephesus), we discover that there must have been several home meetings in Ephesus because there were so many saints there (see 1 Timothy 5–6, which reveal that there must have been a large number of saints in Ephesus—young men, young women, older men, widows, and so forth). At any rate, several saints must have hosted an ekklesia<\/span>,<\/em> a meeting, in their home. (Aquila and Priscilla left Ephesus around AD<\/span> 56\/57 and returned to Rome, where again they hosted a church in their home. Others in Ephesus would have to open their homes.) But each such ekklesia<\/span> did not have its own eldership; rather, all of the church in Ephesus was under one eldership—headed up by Timothy, Paul’s coworker.<\/p>\n<h4>Colossians 4:15-16<\/h4>\nIn this portion, we again read about a church existing in the home of one called Nymphas. In his final remarks to the church in Colosse, Paul asked the saints in Colosse to send his greetings to (1) the brothers that are in Laodicea, (2) Nymphas in particular, and (3) the church in Nymphas’s house. According to the structure of Colossians 4:15, it seems evident that the first greeting included all the believers in Laodicea (a neighboring church to Colosse), who would comprise the entire church in Laodicea (called “the church of the Laodiceans” in Col 4:16), and that the second and third greetings were to a specific individual (Nymphas) in the church in Laodicea and a church meeting in Nymphas’s house. This church meeting in Nymphas’s house would probably be one of several home meetings—all part of the one local church in Laodicea.<\/p>\nThere is a textual problem in this passage that could have some effect on the interpretation of it. Some manuscripts read “his house”; others read “her house”; still others read “their house.” Because it cannot be determined from the Greek text whether Nymphas was male or female, various scribes used different pronouns before “house.” Between the readings “her” and “his,” it is far more likely that the pronoun “her” was changed to “his” than vice versa. Some scholars say that “their” refers to “the brothers” at Laodicea. But that does not make sense if we understand that “the brothers in Laodicea” is equal to the church in Laodicea. How could the church in Laodicea have the church in their house? Other scholars indicate that the Greek word for “their” (<\/em>auton<\/span>)<\/em> refers to the ones with Nymphas—i.e., the members of his household. Whether the reading was “her house” or “their house,” a particular group of believers within the church of Laodicea met there. Their meeting could legitimately be called an ekklesia<\/span>—an assembling together.<\/p>\n<h4>Philemon 1:1-2<\/h4>\nThis is the last time in the NT we read about a church in a particular home. Paul wrote a short epistle to Philemon, an elder of the church in Colosse, on behalf of Onesimus, Philemon’s runaway slave converted by Paul to Christ. In his introduction to this short epistle, Paul sends his greetings to Philemon, Apphia, Archippus, and the church in Philemon’s house. It is important to note that Paul did not send greetings to all the saints in Colosse and then to the church in Philemon’s house (as is the pattern in 1 Cor 16:19-20 and Col 4:15); instead, he just sent greetings to Philemon and to the church in his house. Therefore, we can assume that the entire church in Colosse must have met at Philemon’s house.<\/p>\n<h4>Worship in the Home Meetings and Church Meetings<\/h4>\nWhen the church first began in Jerusalem, the believers met in homes for fellowship and worship. Acts 2:42-47 tells us that the early Christians met in homes to hear the apostles’ teachings and to celebrate Communion (which is called “the breaking of bread”). During such gatherings, the Christians often shared meals with one another in what was called a love feast (2 Pt 2:13; Jude 1:12). At these meetings, the Christians recited Scripture, sang hymns and psalms, and joyfully praised the Lord (see Eph 5:18-20; Col 3:16-17). Christians also gathered together in homes to pray (Acts 12:12) and read the Word.<\/p>\nSmall groups of believers met in homes for worship quite regularly; in a city where there were several such ekklesiai<\/span>,<\/em> all the believers would gather together for special occasions. Scripture tells us that all the believers would come together to hear an epistle from the apostles read out loud (see Acts 15:30; Col 4:16), and we can surmise from the NT record that all the Christians in a city met together once a week on Sunday, which was called the Lord’s Day. First Corinthians provides several insights about how the early Christians worshiped together when all the believers in one city met together. We know that 1 Corinthians pertains to this larger gathering because in 11:20 Paul spoke of all the believers coming together in one place and in 14:23 he spoke of the whole church coming together in one place.<\/p>\nPaul used this epistle to correct the Corinthians’ behavior in the celebration of the Lord’s Supper (1 Cor 11:17-34) and in the exercising of spiritual gifts during church meetings (ch 14). Paul’s adjustments reveal his perceptions of a model Christian meeting, and his preceptions were probably developed from actual experience in other church meetings. Paul urged the Corinthians to celebrate the Lord’s Supper together in a manner that reflected Jesus’ institution of that meal. They were to remember the Lord and his death for them, and they were to partake of the bread and wine with all seriousness. At the same time, they were to be conscious of the fact that they were members of the same body of Christ—joined to one another, and also to Christ.<\/p>\nAccording to Paul’s presentation in chapter 14, this “body consciousness” should be evident in the way the believers worshiped together. One’s personal experience and liberty should not hinder the coordination of the body in worshiping God corporately. Thus, when the believers exercised their spiritual gifts—whether it be prophesying, speaking in tongues, providing interpretations of the tongues, or teaching—it should be done in good order and for the edification of the congregation, not personal edification. When all the church assembled together to worship God, it should be a display of spiritual unity.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Church.<\/p>","summary_ro":"CHURCH MEETINGS The assembling together of the believers. In the NT, the Greek word ekklesia (usually translated “church”) is used primarily in two ways: (1) to describe a meeting or an assembly, and (2) to designate the people who participate in such assembling together—whether they are actually assembled or not. The NT contains a few places that speak of a secular Greek assembly (Acts 19:32, 41); every other instance speaks of a Christian assembly. Sometimes the word ekklesia is used to des...","summary_en":"CHURCH MEETINGS The assembling together of the believers. In the NT, the Greek word ekklesia (usually translated “church”) is used primarily in two ways: (1) to describe a meeting or an assembly, and (2) to designate the people who participate in such assembling together—whether they are actually assembled or not. The NT contains a few places that speak of a secular Greek assembly (Acts 19:32, 41); every other instance speaks of a Christian assembly. Sometimes the word ekklesia is used to des...","source":"Articles\/C.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":57436,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:10","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:10","content_ro":"16:10<\/strong> This Aristobulus<\/em> was probably the same man as the brother of Herod Agrippa I; Aristobulus was a member of the Roman aristocracy who lived in Rome many years prior to his death in AD<\/span> 48 or 49 (see Josephus, Antiquities<\/em> 18.8.4; War<\/em> 2.11.6). His household<\/em> probably refers to his family and their servants in Rome.<\/p>","content_en":"16:10<\/strong> This Aristobulus<\/em> was probably the same man as the brother of Herod Agrippa I; Aristobulus was a member of the Roman aristocracy who lived in Rome many years prior to his death in AD<\/span> 48 or 49 (see Josephus, Antiquities<\/em> 18.8.4; War<\/em> 2.11.6). His household<\/em> probably refers to his family and their servants in Rome.<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:10 This Aristobulus was probably the same man as the brother of Herod Agrippa I; Aristobulus was a member of the Roman aristocracy who lived in Rome many years prior to his death in AD 48 or 49 (see Josephus, Antiquities 18.8.4; War 2.11.6). His household probably refers to his family and their servants in Rome.","summary_en":"16:10 This Aristobulus was probably the same man as the brother of Herod Agrippa I; Aristobulus was a member of the Roman aristocracy who lived in Rome many years prior to his death in AD 48 or 49 (see Josephus, Antiquities 18.8.4; War 2.11.6). His household probably refers to his family and their servants in Rome.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":85062,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:10","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:10","content_ro":"16:10<\/strong> This Aristobulus<\/em> was probably the same man as the brother of Herod Agrippa I; Aristobulus was a member of the Roman aristocracy who lived in Rome many years prior to his death in AD<\/span> 48 or 49 (see Josephus, Antiquities<\/em> 18.8.4; War<\/em> 2.11.6). His household<\/em> probably refers to his family and their servants in Rome.<\/p>","content_en":"16:10<\/strong> This Aristobulus<\/em> was probably the same man as the brother of Herod Agrippa I; Aristobulus was a member of the Roman aristocracy who lived in Rome many years prior to his death in AD<\/span> 48 or 49 (see Josephus, Antiquities<\/em> 18.8.4; War<\/em> 2.11.6). His household<\/em> probably refers to his family and their servants in Rome.<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:10 This Aristobulus was probably the same man as the brother of Herod Agrippa I; Aristobulus was a member of the Roman aristocracy who lived in Rome many years prior to his death in AD 48 or 49 (see Josephus, Antiquities 18.8.4; War 2.11.6). His household probably refers to his family and their servants in Rome.","summary_en":"16:10 This Aristobulus was probably the same man as the brother of Herod Agrippa I; Aristobulus was a member of the Roman aristocracy who lived in Rome many years prior to his death in AD 48 or 49 (see Josephus, Antiquities 18.8.4; War 2.11.6). His household probably refers to his family and their servants in Rome.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":112688,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:10","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:10","content_ro":"16:10<\/strong> This Aristobulus<\/em> was probably the same man as the brother of Herod Agrippa I; Aristobulus was a member of the Roman aristocracy who lived in Rome many years prior to his death in AD<\/span> 48 or 49 (see Josephus, Antiquities<\/em> 18.8.4; War<\/em> 2.11.6). His household<\/em> probably refers to his family and their servants in Rome.<\/p>","content_en":"16:10<\/strong> This Aristobulus<\/em> was probably the same man as the brother of Herod Agrippa I; Aristobulus was a member of the Roman aristocracy who lived in Rome many years prior to his death in AD<\/span> 48 or 49 (see Josephus, Antiquities<\/em> 18.8.4; War<\/em> 2.11.6). His household<\/em> probably refers to his family and their servants in Rome.<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:10 This Aristobulus was probably the same man as the brother of Herod Agrippa I; Aristobulus was a member of the Roman aristocracy who lived in Rome many years prior to his death in AD 48 or 49 (see Josephus, Antiquities 18.8.4; War 2.11.6). His household probably refers to his family and their servants in Rome.","summary_en":"16:10 This Aristobulus was probably the same man as the brother of Herod Agrippa I; Aristobulus was a member of the Roman aristocracy who lived in Rome many years prior to his death in AD 48 or 49 (see Josephus, Antiquities 18.8.4; War 2.11.6). His household probably refers to his family and their servants in Rome.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":140314,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:10","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:10","content_ro":"16:10<\/strong> This Aristobulus<\/em> was probably the same man as the brother of Herod Agrippa I; Aristobulus was a member of the Roman aristocracy who lived in Rome many years prior to his death in AD<\/span> 48 or 49 (see Josephus, Antiquities<\/em> 18.8.4; War<\/em> 2.11.6). His household<\/em> probably refers to his family and their servants in Rome.<\/p>","content_en":"16:10<\/strong> This Aristobulus<\/em> was probably the same man as the brother of Herod Agrippa I; Aristobulus was a member of the Roman aristocracy who lived in Rome many years prior to his death in AD<\/span> 48 or 49 (see Josephus, Antiquities<\/em> 18.8.4; War<\/em> 2.11.6). His household<\/em> probably refers to his family and their servants in Rome.<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:10 This Aristobulus was probably the same man as the brother of Herod Agrippa I; Aristobulus was a member of the Roman aristocracy who lived in Rome many years prior to his death in AD 48 or 49 (see Josephus, Antiquities 18.8.4; War 2.11.6). His household probably refers to his family and their servants in Rome.","summary_en":"16:10 This Aristobulus was probably the same man as the brother of Herod Agrippa I; Aristobulus was a member of the Roman aristocracy who lived in Rome many years prior to his death in AD 48 or 49 (see Josephus, Antiquities 18.8.4; War 2.11.6). His household probably refers to his family and their servants in Rome.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"11":[{"id":16305,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Herodion","title_en":"Herodion","content_ro":"<h3>HERODION<\/h3>\nChristian of Jewish ancestry to whom Paul sent greetings at the conclusion of his Epistle to the Romans (Rom 16:11).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>HERODION<\/h3>\nChristian of Jewish ancestry to whom Paul sent greetings at the conclusion of his Epistle to the Romans (Rom 16:11).<\/p>","summary_ro":"HERODION Christian of Jewish ancestry to whom Paul sent greetings at the conclusion of his Epistle to the Romans (Rom 16:11).","summary_en":"HERODION Christian of Jewish ancestry to whom Paul sent greetings at the conclusion of his Epistle to the Romans (Rom 16:11).","source":"Articles\/H.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":26990,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Narcissus (Person)","title_en":"Narcissus (Person)","content_ro":"<h3>NARCISSUS (Person<\/span>)<\/h3>\nChristian whose household knew the Lord and received greetings from Paul in his letter to Rome (Rom 16:11).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>NARCISSUS (Person<\/span>)<\/h3>\nChristian whose household knew the Lord and received greetings from Paul in his letter to Rome (Rom 16:11).<\/p>","summary_ro":"NARCISSUS (Person) Christian whose household knew the Lord and received greetings from Paul in his letter to Rome (Rom 16:11).","summary_en":"NARCISSUS (Person) Christian whose household knew the Lord and received greetings from Paul in his letter to Rome (Rom 16:11).","source":"Articles\/N.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"12":[{"id":29807,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Persis","title_en":"Persis","content_ro":"<h3>PERSIS<\/h3>\nChristian woman in Rome to whom Paul sent greetings (Rom 16:12).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>PERSIS<\/h3>\nChristian woman in Rome to whom Paul sent greetings (Rom 16:12).<\/p>","summary_ro":"PERSIS Christian woman in Rome to whom Paul sent greetings (Rom 16:12).","summary_en":"PERSIS Christian woman in Rome to whom Paul sent greetings (Rom 16:12).","source":"Articles\/P.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":37748,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Tryphaena*, Tryphena","title_en":"Tryphaena*, Tryphena","content_ro":"<h3>TRYPHAENA*, TRYPHENA<\/h3>\nChristian woman of Rome. Along with Tryphosa, Paul called her one of the “Lord’s workers” (Rom 16:12). They may have been sisters or codeaconesses.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>TRYPHAENA*, TRYPHENA<\/h3>\nChristian woman of Rome. Along with Tryphosa, Paul called her one of the “Lord’s workers” (Rom 16:12). They may have been sisters or codeaconesses.<\/p>","summary_ro":"TRYPHAENA*, TRYPHENA Christian woman of Rome. Along with Tryphosa, Paul called her one of the “Lord’s workers” (Rom 16:12). They may have been sisters or codeaconesses.","summary_en":"TRYPHAENA*, TRYPHENA Christian woman of Rome. Along with Tryphosa, Paul called her one of the “Lord’s workers” (Rom 16:12). They may have been sisters or codeaconesses.","source":"Articles\/T.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":37749,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Tryphosa","title_en":"Tryphosa","content_ro":"<h3>TRYPHOSA<\/h3>\nChristian woman of Rome. Along with Tryphena, Paul called her one of the “Lord’s workers” (Rom 16:12). They may have been sisters or codeaconesses.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>TRYPHOSA<\/h3>\nChristian woman of Rome. Along with Tryphena, Paul called her one of the “Lord’s workers” (Rom 16:12). They may have been sisters or codeaconesses.<\/p>","summary_ro":"TRYPHOSA Christian woman of Rome. Along with Tryphena, Paul called her one of the “Lord’s workers” (Rom 16:12). They may have been sisters or codeaconesses.","summary_en":"TRYPHOSA Christian woman of Rome. Along with Tryphena, Paul called her one of the “Lord’s workers” (Rom 16:12). They may have been sisters or codeaconesses.","source":"Articles\/T.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"13":[{"id":10402,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Election Elect","title_en":"Election Elect","content_ro":"<h3>ELECT, ELECTION<\/h3>\nIn modern English, terms referring to the selection of a leader or representative by a group of people. An element of choice is involved, since usually there are several candidates out of whom one must be chosen.<\/p>\nWhen the verb “elect” is used theologically in the Bible, it usually has God as its subject. In the OT it is used for God’s choice of Israel to be his people (cf. Acts 13:17). Israel became God’s people, not because they decided to belong to him, but because he took the initiative and chose them. Nor did God’s choice rest on any particular virtues that his people exemplified, but rather on his promise to their forefather Abraham (Dt 7:7-8). God also chose their leaders, such as Saul and David (1 Sm 10:24; 2 Sm 6:21), apart from any popular vote by the people. The word thus indicates God’s prerogative in deciding what shall happen, independent of human choice.<\/p>\n\nThe same thoughts are found in the NT. God’s people are described as his “elect” or “chosen ones,” a term used by Jesus when speaking of the future time when the Son of Man will come and gather together God’s people (Mk 13:20, 27). He will vindicate them for their sufferings and for their patience in waiting for his coming (Lk 18:7). In 1 Peter 2:9, God’s people are called a “chosen [elect] nation.” This phrase was originally used of the people of Israel (Is 43:20), and it brings out the fact that the people of God in the OT and the Christian church in the NT stand in continuity with each other; the promises addressed to Israel now find fulfillment in the church.<\/p>\nIn Romans 9–11 Paul discusses the problem of why the people of Israel as a nation have rejected the gospel, while the Gentiles have accepted it. He states that in the present time there is a “remnant” of Israel as a result of God’s gracious choice of them. This group is “the elect.” They are the chosen people who have obtained what was meant for Israel as a whole, while the greater mass of the people have failed to obtain it because they were “hardened” as a result of their sin (Rom 11:5-7).<\/p>\nNevertheless, God’s choice of Israel to be his people has not been canceled. Most Jewish people have aligned themselves against the gospel, so that the Gentiles may come in and receive God’s blessings in their place; however, they still are loved by God, and God will not go back on his original calling of them (Rom 11:28). Consequently, Paul is confident that in due time there will be a general return to God by the people of Israel.<\/p>\nThe word translated “elect” is generally found in the plural and refers either to the members of God’s people as a whole or to those in a particular local church (Rom 8:33; Col 3:12; 1 Thes 1:4; 2 Tm 2:10; Ti 1:1; 1 Pt 1:1-2; 2 Pt 1:10; Rv 17:14; cf. Rom 16:13 and 2 Jn 1:13, which have the singular form). The use of the plural may partly be explained by the fact that most of the NT letters are addressed to groups of people rather than to individuals. More probably, however, the point is that God’s election is concerned with the creation of a collective people rather than the calling of isolated individuals.<\/p>\nThe word “election” emphasizes that membership of God’s people is due to God’s initiative, prior to all human response, made before time began (Eph 1:4; cf. Jn 15:16, 19). It is God who has called men and women to be his people, and those who respond are elect. God’s call does not depend on any virtues or merits of humankind. Indeed, he chooses the foolish things by worldly standards to shame the wise, the weak to confound the strong, and the lowly and insignificant to bring to nothing those who think that they are something (1 Cor 1:27-28). The effect of election is to leave no grounds whatever for human boasting in achievement and position. Whatever the elect are, they owe it entirely to God, and they cannot boast or compare themselves with other people.<\/p>\nGod’s elect are a privileged people. Since they now have God to uphold them, no one can bring any accusation against them that might lead to God’s condemnation (Rom 8:33). They constitute a royal priesthood; they are God’s servants with the right of access to him (1 Pt 2:9). It is for their sake that the apostles endured hardship and suffering, so that they might enjoy future salvation and eternal glory (2 Tm 2:10).<\/p>\nThe elect are distinguished by their faith in God (Ti 1:1), and they are called to show the character that befits God’s people (Col 3:12). They must make their calling and election sure; that is, they must show that they belong to God by the quality of their lives (2 Pt 1:10). They must continue being faithful to the One who called them (Rv 17:14).<\/p>\nThe relationship between God’s call and human response is explained in Matthew 22:14: “For many are called, but few are chosen.” Although God calls many through the gospel, only some of those respond to the call and become his elect people. The text sheds no light on the mystery of why only some become God’s people. Certainly, when a person does respond to God’s call, it is because the gospel comes to him or her “in power and in the Holy Spirit and with full conviction” (1 Thes 1:4-5). When men and women refuse the gospel, it is because they have become hardened as a result of sin and their trust in their own works. Scripture does not go beyond that point in explanation, and neither should Christians.<\/p>\n“Election” can also be used of God’s choice of people to serve him. Jesus chose the 12 disciples out of the larger company of those who followed him (Lk 6:13; Acts 1:2). The same thought reappears in John’s Gospel; Jesus commented that although he chose the Twelve, one of them turned out to be a devil (Jn 6:70; 13:18). When a replacement was needed for Judas, the church prayed to Jesus and asked him to show them which of the two available candidates he would choose to fill the gap in the Twelve (Acts 1:24). Peter attributes his evangelism among the Gentiles to God’s election of him for that purpose (15:7). Similarly, Paul was an elected instrument for God’s mission to the Gentiles (9:15). The initiative in Christian mission rests with God, who elects people to serve him in particular ways.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Foreknowledge; Foreordination.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>ELECT, ELECTION<\/h3>\nIn modern English, terms referring to the selection of a leader or representative by a group of people. An element of choice is involved, since usually there are several candidates out of whom one must be chosen.<\/p>\nWhen the verb “elect” is used theologically in the Bible, it usually has God as its subject. In the OT it is used for God’s choice of Israel to be his people (cf. Acts 13:17). Israel became God’s people, not because they decided to belong to him, but because he took the initiative and chose them. Nor did God’s choice rest on any particular virtues that his people exemplified, but rather on his promise to their forefather Abraham (Dt 7:7-8). God also chose their leaders, such as Saul and David (1 Sm 10:24; 2 Sm 6:21), apart from any popular vote by the people. The word thus indicates God’s prerogative in deciding what shall happen, independent of human choice.<\/p>\n\nThe same thoughts are found in the NT. God’s people are described as his “elect” or “chosen ones,” a term used by Jesus when speaking of the future time when the Son of Man will come and gather together God’s people (Mk 13:20, 27). He will vindicate them for their sufferings and for their patience in waiting for his coming (Lk 18:7). In 1 Peter 2:9, God’s people are called a “chosen [elect] nation.” This phrase was originally used of the people of Israel (Is 43:20), and it brings out the fact that the people of God in the OT and the Christian church in the NT stand in continuity with each other; the promises addressed to Israel now find fulfillment in the church.<\/p>\nIn Romans 9–11 Paul discusses the problem of why the people of Israel as a nation have rejected the gospel, while the Gentiles have accepted it. He states that in the present time there is a “remnant” of Israel as a result of God’s gracious choice of them. This group is “the elect.” They are the chosen people who have obtained what was meant for Israel as a whole, while the greater mass of the people have failed to obtain it because they were “hardened” as a result of their sin (Rom 11:5-7).<\/p>\nNevertheless, God’s choice of Israel to be his people has not been canceled. Most Jewish people have aligned themselves against the gospel, so that the Gentiles may come in and receive God’s blessings in their place; however, they still are loved by God, and God will not go back on his original calling of them (Rom 11:28). Consequently, Paul is confident that in due time there will be a general return to God by the people of Israel.<\/p>\nThe word translated “elect” is generally found in the plural and refers either to the members of God’s people as a whole or to those in a particular local church (Rom 8:33; Col 3:12; 1 Thes 1:4; 2 Tm 2:10; Ti 1:1; 1 Pt 1:1-2; 2 Pt 1:10; Rv 17:14; cf. Rom 16:13 and 2 Jn 1:13, which have the singular form). The use of the plural may partly be explained by the fact that most of the NT letters are addressed to groups of people rather than to individuals. More probably, however, the point is that God’s election is concerned with the creation of a collective people rather than the calling of isolated individuals.<\/p>\nThe word “election” emphasizes that membership of God’s people is due to God’s initiative, prior to all human response, made before time began (Eph 1:4; cf. Jn 15:16, 19). It is God who has called men and women to be his people, and those who respond are elect. God’s call does not depend on any virtues or merits of humankind. Indeed, he chooses the foolish things by worldly standards to shame the wise, the weak to confound the strong, and the lowly and insignificant to bring to nothing those who think that they are something (1 Cor 1:27-28). The effect of election is to leave no grounds whatever for human boasting in achievement and position. Whatever the elect are, they owe it entirely to God, and they cannot boast or compare themselves with other people.<\/p>\nGod’s elect are a privileged people. Since they now have God to uphold them, no one can bring any accusation against them that might lead to God’s condemnation (Rom 8:33). They constitute a royal priesthood; they are God’s servants with the right of access to him (1 Pt 2:9). It is for their sake that the apostles endured hardship and suffering, so that they might enjoy future salvation and eternal glory (2 Tm 2:10).<\/p>\nThe elect are distinguished by their faith in God (Ti 1:1), and they are called to show the character that befits God’s people (Col 3:12). They must make their calling and election sure; that is, they must show that they belong to God by the quality of their lives (2 Pt 1:10). They must continue being faithful to the One who called them (Rv 17:14).<\/p>\nThe relationship between God’s call and human response is explained in Matthew 22:14: “For many are called, but few are chosen.” Although God calls many through the gospel, only some of those respond to the call and become his elect people. The text sheds no light on the mystery of why only some become God’s people. Certainly, when a person does respond to God’s call, it is because the gospel comes to him or her “in power and in the Holy Spirit and with full conviction” (1 Thes 1:4-5). When men and women refuse the gospel, it is because they have become hardened as a result of sin and their trust in their own works. Scripture does not go beyond that point in explanation, and neither should Christians.<\/p>\n“Election” can also be used of God’s choice of people to serve him. Jesus chose the 12 disciples out of the larger company of those who followed him (Lk 6:13; Acts 1:2). The same thought reappears in John’s Gospel; Jesus commented that although he chose the Twelve, one of them turned out to be a devil (Jn 6:70; 13:18). When a replacement was needed for Judas, the church prayed to Jesus and asked him to show them which of the two available candidates he would choose to fill the gap in the Twelve (Acts 1:24). Peter attributes his evangelism among the Gentiles to God’s election of him for that purpose (15:7). Similarly, Paul was an elected instrument for God’s mission to the Gentiles (9:15). The initiative in Christian mission rests with God, who elects people to serve him in particular ways.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Foreknowledge; Foreordination.<\/p>","summary_ro":"ELECT, ELECTION In modern English, terms referring to the selection of a leader or representative by a group of people. An element of choice is involved, since usually there are several candidates out of whom one must be chosen. When the verb “elect” is used theologically in the Bible, it usually has God as its subject. In the OT it is used for God’s choice of Israel to be his people (cf. Acts 13:17). Israel became God’s people, not because they decided to belong to him, but because he took t...","summary_en":"ELECT, ELECTION In modern English, terms referring to the selection of a leader or representative by a group of people. An element of choice is involved, since usually there are several candidates out of whom one must be chosen. When the verb “elect” is used theologically in the Bible, it usually has God as its subject. In the OT it is used for God’s choice of Israel to be his people (cf. Acts 13:17). Israel became God’s people, not because they decided to belong to him, but because he took t...","source":"Articles\/E.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":33324,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Rufus","title_en":"Rufus","content_ro":"<h3>RUFUS<\/h3>\n<li>1. One of the sons of Simon of Cyrene (Mk 15:21).<\/li>\n<li>2. Christian to whom Paul sent greetings, adding a special endearing comment about his mother (Rom 16:13). He is perhaps the same as #1 above.<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>RUFUS<\/h3>\n<li>1. One of the sons of Simon of Cyrene (Mk 15:21).<\/li>\n<li>2. Christian to whom Paul sent greetings, adding a special endearing comment about his mother (Rom 16:13). He is perhaps the same as #1 above.<\/li>","summary_ro":"RUFUS 1. One of the sons of Simon of Cyrene (Mk 15:21). 2. Christian to whom Paul sent greetings, adding a special endearing comment about his mother (Rom 16:13). He is perhaps the same as #1 above.","summary_en":"RUFUS 1. One of the sons of Simon of Cyrene (Mk 15:21). 2. Christian to whom Paul sent greetings, adding a special endearing comment about his mother (Rom 16:13). He is perhaps the same as #1 above.","source":"Articles\/R.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":35447,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Simon","title_en":"Simon","content_ro":"<h3>SIMON<\/h3>\nGreek form of a Hebrew\/Aramaic name meaning “God has heard.” Nine men in the NT had this name:<\/p>\n1. Son of Jona (Mt 16:17) or John (Jn 1:42), Andrew’s brother (v 40), and surnamed Cephas and Peter (respectively Aramaic and Greek, for “rock,” v 42) by Jesus. A fisherman of Bethsaida (Mk 1:16; Jn 1:44), he became an apostle of Jesus and author of two NT letters bearing his name. See<\/em> Peter, The Apostle.<\/p>\n<li>2. Brother of Jesus, named with other brothers, James, Joses or Joseph, and Judas (Mt 13:55; Mk 6:3).<\/li>\n<li>3. Leper, perhaps cured by Jesus, in whose house at Bethany Jesus and his disciples were eating when a woman poured an alabaster flask of costly ointment on the Lord’s head. Over the disciples’ objections against the waste of what could have been sold to support the poor, Jesus commended the act as a wonderful thing (Mt 26:6-13; Mk 14:3-9). From John 12:1-8 it appears that Simon’s house was also the house of Mary, Martha, and Lazarus, but their relationship to Simon is uncertain.<\/li>\n<li>4. Man of Cyrene, a district of North Africa, whom the Romans forced to carry Jesus’ cross (Mt 27:32; Mk 15:21; Lk 23:26). He was the father of Alexander and Rufus (Mk 15:21; cf. Rom 16:13).<\/li>\n<li>5. Apostle of Jesus called a Zealot (Lk 6:15), presumably because of prior association either with the party of political extremists by that name, who adopted terrorism to oppose the Roman occupation of Palestine, or with one of a number of Jewish groups noted for their zeal for the law. In Matthew 10:4 and Mark 3:18 he is designated the “Cananaean” (rsv<\/span>)—from the Aramaic word for “zealot.” He is mentioned again in Acts 1:13 as one of the 11 apostles in Jerusalem after Jesus’ ascension. Otherwise, the NT is silent about him.<\/li>\n<li>6. Pharisee whose treatment of Jesus evoked the parable of the two debtors (Lk 7:36-50). He invited Jesus to eat at his house but withheld courtesies customary for guests and disapproved of Jesus’ acceptance of a “sinner” woman who wet the Lord’s feet with her tears, dried them with her hair, and anointed them with ointment from an alabaster flask. Jesus’ parable contrasted the woman’s act of loving and repentant faith with Simon’s unloving and self-righteous skepticism.<\/li>\n<li>7. Father of Judas Iscariot, the disciple who betrayed Jesus in Gethsemane (Jn 6:71; 13:2, 26).<\/li>\n<li>8. Magician (often called Simon Magus) of great repute in Samaria. Impressed by the signs and miracles performed by Philip the deacon-become-evangelist, he joined the crowd of baptized believers. He offered Peter and John money in exchange for the gift of the Holy Spirit, provoking Peter’s emphatic rebuke (Acts 8:9-24). From the association of this incident with his name, the English word “simony” is derived; it denotes the sale or purchase of church positions, or any profiteering from sacred things.<\/li>\n<li>9. Tanner of Joppa. Peter lodged at his house for many days (Acts 9:43; 10:6, 17, 32). On Simon’s housetop, Peter experienced the vision of a great sheet let down from heaven, containing animals and birds prohibited as food in Jewish law (10:15). Peter later recognized this vision as his preparation for consenting to preach the gospel to the Gentiles (vv 28-29).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>SIMON<\/h3>\nGreek form of a Hebrew\/Aramaic name meaning “God has heard.” Nine men in the NT had this name:<\/p>\n1. Son of Jona (Mt 16:17) or John (Jn 1:42), Andrew’s brother (v 40), and surnamed Cephas and Peter (respectively Aramaic and Greek, for “rock,” v 42) by Jesus. A fisherman of Bethsaida (Mk 1:16; Jn 1:44), he became an apostle of Jesus and author of two NT letters bearing his name. See<\/em> Peter, The Apostle.<\/p>\n<li>2. Brother of Jesus, named with other brothers, James, Joses or Joseph, and Judas (Mt 13:55; Mk 6:3).<\/li>\n<li>3. Leper, perhaps cured by Jesus, in whose house at Bethany Jesus and his disciples were eating when a woman poured an alabaster flask of costly ointment on the Lord’s head. Over the disciples’ objections against the waste of what could have been sold to support the poor, Jesus commended the act as a wonderful thing (Mt 26:6-13; Mk 14:3-9). From John 12:1-8 it appears that Simon’s house was also the house of Mary, Martha, and Lazarus, but their relationship to Simon is uncertain.<\/li>\n<li>4. Man of Cyrene, a district of North Africa, whom the Romans forced to carry Jesus’ cross (Mt 27:32; Mk 15:21; Lk 23:26). He was the father of Alexander and Rufus (Mk 15:21; cf. Rom 16:13).<\/li>\n<li>5. Apostle of Jesus called a Zealot (Lk 6:15), presumably because of prior association either with the party of political extremists by that name, who adopted terrorism to oppose the Roman occupation of Palestine, or with one of a number of Jewish groups noted for their zeal for the law. In Matthew 10:4 and Mark 3:18 he is designated the “Cananaean” (rsv<\/span>)—from the Aramaic word for “zealot.” He is mentioned again in Acts 1:13 as one of the 11 apostles in Jerusalem after Jesus’ ascension. Otherwise, the NT is silent about him.<\/li>\n<li>6. Pharisee whose treatment of Jesus evoked the parable of the two debtors (Lk 7:36-50). He invited Jesus to eat at his house but withheld courtesies customary for guests and disapproved of Jesus’ acceptance of a “sinner” woman who wet the Lord’s feet with her tears, dried them with her hair, and anointed them with ointment from an alabaster flask. Jesus’ parable contrasted the woman’s act of loving and repentant faith with Simon’s unloving and self-righteous skepticism.<\/li>\n<li>7. Father of Judas Iscariot, the disciple who betrayed Jesus in Gethsemane (Jn 6:71; 13:2, 26).<\/li>\n<li>8. Magician (often called Simon Magus) of great repute in Samaria. Impressed by the signs and miracles performed by Philip the deacon-become-evangelist, he joined the crowd of baptized believers. He offered Peter and John money in exchange for the gift of the Holy Spirit, provoking Peter’s emphatic rebuke (Acts 8:9-24). From the association of this incident with his name, the English word “simony” is derived; it denotes the sale or purchase of church positions, or any profiteering from sacred things.<\/li>\n<li>9. Tanner of Joppa. Peter lodged at his house for many days (Acts 9:43; 10:6, 17, 32). On Simon’s housetop, Peter experienced the vision of a great sheet let down from heaven, containing animals and birds prohibited as food in Jewish law (10:15). Peter later recognized this vision as his preparation for consenting to preach the gospel to the Gentiles (vv 28-29).<\/li>","summary_ro":"SIMON Greek form of a Hebrew\/Aramaic name meaning “God has heard.” Nine men in the NT had this name: 1. Son of Jona (Mt 16:17) or John (Jn 1:42), Andrew’s brother (v 40), and surnamed Cephas and Peter (respectively Aramaic and Greek, for “rock,” v 42) by Jesus. A fisherman of Bethsaida (Mk 1:16; Jn 1:44), he became an apostle of Jesus and author of two NT letters bearing his name. See Peter, The Apostle. 2. Brother of Jesus, named with other brothers, James, Joses or Joseph, and Judas (Mt 13:...","summary_en":"SIMON Greek form of a Hebrew\/Aramaic name meaning “God has heard.” Nine men in the NT had this name: 1. Son of Jona (Mt 16:17) or John (Jn 1:42), Andrew’s brother (v 40), and surnamed Cephas and Peter (respectively Aramaic and Greek, for “rock,” v 42) by Jesus. A fisherman of Bethsaida (Mk 1:16; Jn 1:44), he became an apostle of Jesus and author of two NT letters bearing his name. See Peter, The Apostle. 2. Brother of Jesus, named with other brothers, James, Joses or Joseph, and Judas (Mt 13:...","source":"Articles\/S.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":57437,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:13","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:13","content_ro":"16:13<\/strong> This Rufus<\/em> might be the individual mentioned as the son of Simon of Cyrene, who carried Christ’s cross (see Mark 15:21).<\/p>","content_en":"16:13<\/strong> This Rufus<\/em> might be the individual mentioned as the son of Simon of Cyrene, who carried Christ’s cross (see Mark 15:21).<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:13 This Rufus might be the individual mentioned as the son of Simon of Cyrene, who carried Christ’s cross (see Mark 15:21).","summary_en":"16:13 This Rufus might be the individual mentioned as the son of Simon of Cyrene, who carried Christ’s cross (see Mark 15:21).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":85063,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:13","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:13","content_ro":"16:13<\/strong> This Rufus<\/em> might be the individual mentioned as the son of Simon of Cyrene, who carried Christ’s cross (see Mark 15:21).<\/p>","content_en":"16:13<\/strong> This Rufus<\/em> might be the individual mentioned as the son of Simon of Cyrene, who carried Christ’s cross (see Mark 15:21).<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:13 This Rufus might be the individual mentioned as the son of Simon of Cyrene, who carried Christ’s cross (see Mark 15:21).","summary_en":"16:13 This Rufus might be the individual mentioned as the son of Simon of Cyrene, who carried Christ’s cross (see Mark 15:21).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":112689,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:13","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:13","content_ro":"16:13<\/strong> This Rufus<\/em> might be the individual mentioned as the son of Simon of Cyrene, who carried Christ’s cross (see Mark 15:21).<\/p>","content_en":"16:13<\/strong> This Rufus<\/em> might be the individual mentioned as the son of Simon of Cyrene, who carried Christ’s cross (see Mark 15:21).<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:13 This Rufus might be the individual mentioned as the son of Simon of Cyrene, who carried Christ’s cross (see Mark 15:21).","summary_en":"16:13 This Rufus might be the individual mentioned as the son of Simon of Cyrene, who carried Christ’s cross (see Mark 15:21).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":140315,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:13","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:13","content_ro":"16:13<\/strong> This Rufus<\/em> might be the individual mentioned as the son of Simon of Cyrene, who carried Christ’s cross (see Mark 15:21).<\/p>","content_en":"16:13<\/strong> This Rufus<\/em> might be the individual mentioned as the son of Simon of Cyrene, who carried Christ’s cross (see Mark 15:21).<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:13 This Rufus might be the individual mentioned as the son of Simon of Cyrene, who carried Christ’s cross (see Mark 15:21).","summary_en":"16:13 This Rufus might be the individual mentioned as the son of Simon of Cyrene, who carried Christ’s cross (see Mark 15:21).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"14":[{"id":3126,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Asyncritus","title_en":"Asyncritus","content_ro":"<h3>ASYNCRITUS<\/h3>\nOne of the Christians in Rome to whom Paul sent greetings (Rom 16:14).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>ASYNCRITUS<\/h3>\nOne of the Christians in Rome to whom Paul sent greetings (Rom 16:14).<\/p>","summary_ro":"ASYNCRITUS One of the Christians in Rome to whom Paul sent greetings (Rom 16:14).","summary_en":"ASYNCRITUS One of the Christians in Rome to whom Paul sent greetings (Rom 16:14).","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":6611,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Church Meetings","title_en":"Church Meetings","content_ro":"<h3>CHURCH MEETINGS<\/h3>\nThe assembling together of the believers. In the NT, the Greek word ekklesia<\/span> (usually translated “church”) is used primarily in two ways: (1) to describe a meeting or an assembly, and (2) to designate the people who participate in such assembling together—whether they are actually assembled or not. The NT contains a few places that speak of a secular Greek assembly (Acts 19:32, 41); every other instance speaks of a Christian assembly. Sometimes the word ekklesia<\/span> is used to designate the actual meeting together of Christians. This is certainly what Paul intended in 1 Corinthians 14:19, 28, and 35, in that the expression en ekklesia<\/span> must mean “in a meeting” and not “in the church.” To translate this phrase “in the church” (as is done in most modern English versions) is misleading, for most readers will think it means “in the church building.” The NT never once names the place of assembly a “church.” Aside from the few instances where the word clearly means the actual meeting together of believers, ekklesia<\/span> most often is used as a descriptor for the believers who constitute a local church (such as the church in Corinth, the church in Philippi, and the church in Colosse) or all the believers (past, present, and future) who constitute the universal church, the complete body of Christ.<\/p>\nWhen reading the NT, Christians need to be aware of the various ways in which the word ekklesia<\/span> (“church”) is used. On the most basic level, the ekklesia<\/span> is any gathering of believers. On another level, the ekklesia<\/span> is an organized local entity—comprised of all the believers in any given locality, under one pluralistic eldership. On another level, the ekklesia<\/span> is the universal church whose constituents are all the believers who have ever been, are now existing, and will ever be. The word ekklesia<\/span> was used by the NT writers with these various aspects of meaning, though, at times, it is not possible to differentiate one from the other. Nevertheless, students of the NT could avoid some confusion if they used discrimination in their exegesis of the text. Some interpreters have taught that the smallest unit of the church is the local church, but the NT writers sometimes used the word “church” to indicate a small home gathering. Other interpreters confuse the local church with the universal church. But some things in the NT are addressed to a local church that do not necessarily apply to the whole church, and some great things are spoken of the universal church that could never be attained by any particular local group. The things Paul said about the church in the Epistle to the Ephesians (which was written as an encyclical for several churches and not just for the church in Ephesus) could never be attained by a local church. For example, what local church could attain to the fullness of the stature of Christ?<\/p>\nThere is much to be said about how interpreters have confused the local church with the universal church, but this article is devoted to clearing up the confusion about what constitutes the smallest unit of the church—the local church, or what could be called the house church or home gathering.<\/p>\nThe NT seems to present the fact that a particular local church (i.e., a church comprising all the believers in a given locality under one eldership) could and did have several ekklesiai<\/span>—“meetings” or “assemblies” (carried on in homes of the local Christians). Thus, the smallest unit to comprise a “church” was one of these home meetings. However, there is no indication in the NT that each of these home meetings had its own eldership or was a distinct entity separate from the other gatherings (<\/em>ekklesiai<\/span>)<\/em> in the same locality. According to Acts 14:23 and Titus 1:5, elders were appointed for every local church (compare the expressions “appointed elders in every church” and “appoint elders in every city”)—not for every house church. Nevertheless, it appears that every local church of some size had several such ekklesiai<\/span> (“meetings”) going on within that locality.<\/p>\nThe church in Jerusalem must have had several home meetings (see Acts 2:46; 5:42; 8:3; 12:5, 12), as did the church in Rome (see Rom 16:3-5, 14-15 and comments below). A small local church may have had only one home gathering—as was probably the case with the church at Colosse (see Phlm 1:2 and comments below), but this would have been impossible for large local churches like those in Jerusalem, Rome, and Ephesus, in which there must have been several “house churches” (see 1 Cor 16:19-20 [1 Cor was written from Ephesus] and comments below). An examination of the passages that deal with the issue of the “house church” should affirm this. These passages are Romans 16:3-5, 14-15; 1 Corinthians 16:19-20; Colossians 4:15-16; and Philemon 1:1-2 (all quoted from the rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\n<h4>Romans 16:3-5, 14-15<\/h4>\nIn the last chapter of Romans, Paul asked the believers in Rome, to whom he had written this epistle, to greet Priscilla and Aquila and the church that met in their home (16:3-5). The entire church in Rome could not have met in Priscilla and Aquila’s home, for the church was much too large to have assembled in a single home. Rather, the church in Priscilla and Aquila’s home must have been one among several such “house churches” in Rome. The following discussion should substantiate this position.<\/p>\nPaul’s Epistle to the Romans was addressed to “all God’s beloved in Rome” (1:7), not to “the church in Rome.” At the time of writing, Paul had not been to Rome—nor had any other apostle. The church was probably started there by Jewish Romans who had been converted during their visit to Jerusalem during Pentecost (Acts 2:10) and then returned to Rome. Since the church had not been started by an apostle, it could have been that there were no “ordained” elders in the church at Rome and that there were several gatherings of believers in various parts of Rome and its suburbs. Paul knew some of the saints in Rome (whom he addressed by name in the last chapter) and thus addressed an epistle to all the saints in that locality, instead of to the church in that locality—which was his usual practice (see 1 Cor 1:1; 2 Cor 1:1; 1 Thes 1:1; 2 Thes 1:1). Nonetheless, “all the saints in Rome” would comprise “the church in Rome” (cf. Phil 1:1, in which Paul addressed his epistle to all the saints in Philippi).<\/p>\nIn the final chapter of Romans, Paul asks all the believers in Rome (which equals the “local” church in Rome) to greet the church in Priscilla and Aquila’s house. Later in the chapter, Paul asks the church to greet Asyncritus, Phlegon, Hermas, Patrobas, Hermes, and the brothers with them; and then again he asks the church to greet Philologus, Julia, Nereus and his sister, Olympas, and all the saints with them (16:14-15). Evidently, Paul was identifying two other groups of believers who must have met together. (And perhaps Paul was referring to two more groups in 16:10-11, which in the Greek could mean the ones of Aristobulus’s and Narcissus’s households<\/em> or the ones of their fellowships.<\/em>) It seems that the church in Rome, like the church in Jerusalem and Ephesus, had several home ekklesiai<\/span> (meetings).<\/p>\nThe Epistle to the Romans was written around AD<\/span> 58. The Neronian persecution began around AD<\/span> 64. Secular historians such as Tacitus tell us that a vast multitude (ingens multitudo)<\/em> of Christians were tortured and killed during this persecution (Annals<\/em> 15.44). Seutonius (in his book Nero,<\/em> ch 16) said that the rapid increase of the Christians in Rome had made them unpopular. Indeed, at the time Paul penned the Epistle to the Romans he said their faith was known throughout the world (1:8), which indicates that the church in Rome had already made an impact on the Mediterranean world. When Paul came to Rome three years later (AD<\/span> 61), he came to a city that had a large church there already. From Romans 15:23, we know that the church had been in existence for many years even before Paul wrote his epistle to them. In short, the church in Rome was a large church around the time Paul wrote his epistle to them. The entire church could not have met in the home of Aquila and Priscilla, who would have had only a modest-sized dwelling (for they were tentmakers). Besides, Paul greeted over 25 individuals by name in chapter 16—and he had not yet even been to Rome!<\/p>\nThere must have been several ekklesiai<\/span> in Rome, i.e., several home churches all unified as the one local church in Rome. For example, the Christians in Rome apparently worshiped in numerous homes such as Priscilla and Aquila’s. Other churches in homes are mentioned in Colossians 4:15 and Philemon 1:2. Groups of Christians met in houses of prominent believers or in other available rooms (cf. Mt 26:16; Acts 12:12; 1 Cor 16:19; Col 4:15; Phlm 1:2). The church in Priscilla and Aquila’s house is the first of five groups of believers in Paul’s list, but the only one referred to definitely as a church (see Rom 16:5, 10-11, 14-15). Priscilla and Aquila opened their home for Christian meetings. The church mentioned there was obviously only a part of the total number of Christians in Rome. Verses 10-11 and 14-15 seem to refer to two other household churches in Rome. Apparently, there were at least three churches there, and probably more. Each house church could not have been a separate entity with a separate church government; rather, each house church must have been simply one home meeting of some of the saints in the one local church at Rome.<\/p>\n<h4>1 Corinthians 16:19-20<\/h4>\nIn this passage we again see Aquila and Priscilla and again discover that a church met in their house. According to Romans, their house church was, of course, in Rome. According to 1 Corinthians (written from Ephesus), their house church was in Ephesus. Many scholars think Aquila and Priscilla left Rome around AD<\/span> 49 at the time of Claudius’s edict expelling Jews from Rome. They very well could have already been Christians at this time. According to Acts 18, they joined Paul in Corinth (where they all worked together in their craft of tentmaking) and then went on with him to Ephesus, during the time (around AD<\/span> 51) the church in Ephesus was first established. Paul continued on with his second missionary journey, while Aquila and Priscilla remained in Ephesus. No doubt, the early church there first met in their home. Paul returned to Ephesus a few years later and remained there for two years (around AD<\/span> 53–54). During this time, Paul’s proclamation of the gospel went out from Ephesus (as a center) to all of Asia Minor (see Acts 19:8-10). As this was going on, the church in Ephesus grew (see vv 18-20).<\/p>\nIt was during these years that Paul wrote to the Corinthians, in which he sent greetings from the churches in Asia, from Aquila and Priscilla—and the church in their house, and from all the brothers (1 Cor 16:19-20). In giving this kind of greeting, it seems that Paul was sending greetings from (1) all the churches in Asia Minor, (2) the church in Ephesus (equivalent to “all the brothers”), and (3) those believers who gathered with Aquila and Priscilla in their home. It would be hard to imagine that all the saints in Ephesus met at Aquila and Priscilla’s home. The church probably began that way, but as it grew, so did the number of home meetings. From other portions of the NT (specifically 1 Timothy, which was written around AD<\/span> 64 by Paul to Timothy while Timothy was leading the church in Ephesus), we discover that there must have been several home meetings in Ephesus because there were so many saints there (see 1 Timothy 5–6, which reveal that there must have been a large number of saints in Ephesus—young men, young women, older men, widows, and so forth). At any rate, several saints must have hosted an ekklesia<\/span>,<\/em> a meeting, in their home. (Aquila and Priscilla left Ephesus around AD<\/span> 56\/57 and returned to Rome, where again they hosted a church in their home. Others in Ephesus would have to open their homes.) But each such ekklesia<\/span> did not have its own eldership; rather, all of the church in Ephesus was under one eldership—headed up by Timothy, Paul’s coworker.<\/p>\n<h4>Colossians 4:15-16<\/h4>\nIn this portion, we again read about a church existing in the home of one called Nymphas. In his final remarks to the church in Colosse, Paul asked the saints in Colosse to send his greetings to (1) the brothers that are in Laodicea, (2) Nymphas in particular, and (3) the church in Nymphas’s house. According to the structure of Colossians 4:15, it seems evident that the first greeting included all the believers in Laodicea (a neighboring church to Colosse), who would comprise the entire church in Laodicea (called “the church of the Laodiceans” in Col 4:16), and that the second and third greetings were to a specific individual (Nymphas) in the church in Laodicea and a church meeting in Nymphas’s house. This church meeting in Nymphas’s house would probably be one of several home meetings—all part of the one local church in Laodicea.<\/p>\nThere is a textual problem in this passage that could have some effect on the interpretation of it. Some manuscripts read “his house”; others read “her house”; still others read “their house.” Because it cannot be determined from the Greek text whether Nymphas was male or female, various scribes used different pronouns before “house.” Between the readings “her” and “his,” it is far more likely that the pronoun “her” was changed to “his” than vice versa. Some scholars say that “their” refers to “the brothers” at Laodicea. But that does not make sense if we understand that “the brothers in Laodicea” is equal to the church in Laodicea. How could the church in Laodicea have the church in their house? Other scholars indicate that the Greek word for “their” (<\/em>auton<\/span>)<\/em> refers to the ones with Nymphas—i.e., the members of his household. Whether the reading was “her house” or “their house,” a particular group of believers within the church of Laodicea met there. Their meeting could legitimately be called an ekklesia<\/span>—an assembling together.<\/p>\n<h4>Philemon 1:1-2<\/h4>\nThis is the last time in the NT we read about a church in a particular home. Paul wrote a short epistle to Philemon, an elder of the church in Colosse, on behalf of Onesimus, Philemon’s runaway slave converted by Paul to Christ. In his introduction to this short epistle, Paul sends his greetings to Philemon, Apphia, Archippus, and the church in Philemon’s house. It is important to note that Paul did not send greetings to all the saints in Colosse and then to the church in Philemon’s house (as is the pattern in 1 Cor 16:19-20 and Col 4:15); instead, he just sent greetings to Philemon and to the church in his house. Therefore, we can assume that the entire church in Colosse must have met at Philemon’s house.<\/p>\n<h4>Worship in the Home Meetings and Church Meetings<\/h4>\nWhen the church first began in Jerusalem, the believers met in homes for fellowship and worship. Acts 2:42-47 tells us that the early Christians met in homes to hear the apostles’ teachings and to celebrate Communion (which is called “the breaking of bread”). During such gatherings, the Christians often shared meals with one another in what was called a love feast (2 Pt 2:13; Jude 1:12). At these meetings, the Christians recited Scripture, sang hymns and psalms, and joyfully praised the Lord (see Eph 5:18-20; Col 3:16-17). Christians also gathered together in homes to pray (Acts 12:12) and read the Word.<\/p>\nSmall groups of believers met in homes for worship quite regularly; in a city where there were several such ekklesiai<\/span>,<\/em> all the believers would gather together for special occasions. Scripture tells us that all the believers would come together to hear an epistle from the apostles read out loud (see Acts 15:30; Col 4:16), and we can surmise from the NT record that all the Christians in a city met together once a week on Sunday, which was called the Lord’s Day. First Corinthians provides several insights about how the early Christians worshiped together when all the believers in one city met together. We know that 1 Corinthians pertains to this larger gathering because in 11:20 Paul spoke of all the believers coming together in one place and in 14:23 he spoke of the whole church coming together in one place.<\/p>\nPaul used this epistle to correct the Corinthians’ behavior in the celebration of the Lord’s Supper (1 Cor 11:17-34) and in the exercising of spiritual gifts during church meetings (ch 14). Paul’s adjustments reveal his perceptions of a model Christian meeting, and his preceptions were probably developed from actual experience in other church meetings. Paul urged the Corinthians to celebrate the Lord’s Supper together in a manner that reflected Jesus’ institution of that meal. They were to remember the Lord and his death for them, and they were to partake of the bread and wine with all seriousness. At the same time, they were to be conscious of the fact that they were members of the same body of Christ—joined to one another, and also to Christ.<\/p>\nAccording to Paul’s presentation in chapter 14, this “body consciousness” should be evident in the way the believers worshiped together. One’s personal experience and liberty should not hinder the coordination of the body in worshiping God corporately. Thus, when the believers exercised their spiritual gifts—whether it be prophesying, speaking in tongues, providing interpretations of the tongues, or teaching—it should be done in good order and for the edification of the congregation, not personal edification. When all the church assembled together to worship God, it should be a display of spiritual unity.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Church.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>CHURCH MEETINGS<\/h3>\nThe assembling together of the believers. In the NT, the Greek word ekklesia<\/span> (usually translated “church”) is used primarily in two ways: (1) to describe a meeting or an assembly, and (2) to designate the people who participate in such assembling together—whether they are actually assembled or not. The NT contains a few places that speak of a secular Greek assembly (Acts 19:32, 41); every other instance speaks of a Christian assembly. Sometimes the word ekklesia<\/span> is used to designate the actual meeting together of Christians. This is certainly what Paul intended in 1 Corinthians 14:19, 28, and 35, in that the expression en ekklesia<\/span> must mean “in a meeting” and not “in the church.” To translate this phrase “in the church” (as is done in most modern English versions) is misleading, for most readers will think it means “in the church building.” The NT never once names the place of assembly a “church.” Aside from the few instances where the word clearly means the actual meeting together of believers, ekklesia<\/span> most often is used as a descriptor for the believers who constitute a local church (such as the church in Corinth, the church in Philippi, and the church in Colosse) or all the believers (past, present, and future) who constitute the universal church, the complete body of Christ.<\/p>\nWhen reading the NT, Christians need to be aware of the various ways in which the word ekklesia<\/span> (“church”) is used. On the most basic level, the ekklesia<\/span> is any gathering of believers. On another level, the ekklesia<\/span> is an organized local entity—comprised of all the believers in any given locality, under one pluralistic eldership. On another level, the ekklesia<\/span> is the universal church whose constituents are all the believers who have ever been, are now existing, and will ever be. The word ekklesia<\/span> was used by the NT writers with these various aspects of meaning, though, at times, it is not possible to differentiate one from the other. Nevertheless, students of the NT could avoid some confusion if they used discrimination in their exegesis of the text. Some interpreters have taught that the smallest unit of the church is the local church, but the NT writers sometimes used the word “church” to indicate a small home gathering. Other interpreters confuse the local church with the universal church. But some things in the NT are addressed to a local church that do not necessarily apply to the whole church, and some great things are spoken of the universal church that could never be attained by any particular local group. The things Paul said about the church in the Epistle to the Ephesians (which was written as an encyclical for several churches and not just for the church in Ephesus) could never be attained by a local church. For example, what local church could attain to the fullness of the stature of Christ?<\/p>\nThere is much to be said about how interpreters have confused the local church with the universal church, but this article is devoted to clearing up the confusion about what constitutes the smallest unit of the church—the local church, or what could be called the house church or home gathering.<\/p>\nThe NT seems to present the fact that a particular local church (i.e., a church comprising all the believers in a given locality under one eldership) could and did have several ekklesiai<\/span>—“meetings” or “assemblies” (carried on in homes of the local Christians). Thus, the smallest unit to comprise a “church” was one of these home meetings. However, there is no indication in the NT that each of these home meetings had its own eldership or was a distinct entity separate from the other gatherings (<\/em>ekklesiai<\/span>)<\/em> in the same locality. According to Acts 14:23 and Titus 1:5, elders were appointed for every local church (compare the expressions “appointed elders in every church” and “appoint elders in every city”)—not for every house church. Nevertheless, it appears that every local church of some size had several such ekklesiai<\/span> (“meetings”) going on within that locality.<\/p>\nThe church in Jerusalem must have had several home meetings (see Acts 2:46; 5:42; 8:3; 12:5, 12), as did the church in Rome (see Rom 16:3-5, 14-15 and comments below). A small local church may have had only one home gathering—as was probably the case with the church at Colosse (see Phlm 1:2 and comments below), but this would have been impossible for large local churches like those in Jerusalem, Rome, and Ephesus, in which there must have been several “house churches” (see 1 Cor 16:19-20 [1 Cor was written from Ephesus] and comments below). An examination of the passages that deal with the issue of the “house church” should affirm this. These passages are Romans 16:3-5, 14-15; 1 Corinthians 16:19-20; Colossians 4:15-16; and Philemon 1:1-2 (all quoted from the rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\n<h4>Romans 16:3-5, 14-15<\/h4>\nIn the last chapter of Romans, Paul asked the believers in Rome, to whom he had written this epistle, to greet Priscilla and Aquila and the church that met in their home (16:3-5). The entire church in Rome could not have met in Priscilla and Aquila’s home, for the church was much too large to have assembled in a single home. Rather, the church in Priscilla and Aquila’s home must have been one among several such “house churches” in Rome. The following discussion should substantiate this position.<\/p>\nPaul’s Epistle to the Romans was addressed to “all God’s beloved in Rome” (1:7), not to “the church in Rome.” At the time of writing, Paul had not been to Rome—nor had any other apostle. The church was probably started there by Jewish Romans who had been converted during their visit to Jerusalem during Pentecost (Acts 2:10) and then returned to Rome. Since the church had not been started by an apostle, it could have been that there were no “ordained” elders in the church at Rome and that there were several gatherings of believers in various parts of Rome and its suburbs. Paul knew some of the saints in Rome (whom he addressed by name in the last chapter) and thus addressed an epistle to all the saints in that locality, instead of to the church in that locality—which was his usual practice (see 1 Cor 1:1; 2 Cor 1:1; 1 Thes 1:1; 2 Thes 1:1). Nonetheless, “all the saints in Rome” would comprise “the church in Rome” (cf. Phil 1:1, in which Paul addressed his epistle to all the saints in Philippi).<\/p>\nIn the final chapter of Romans, Paul asks all the believers in Rome (which equals the “local” church in Rome) to greet the church in Priscilla and Aquila’s house. Later in the chapter, Paul asks the church to greet Asyncritus, Phlegon, Hermas, Patrobas, Hermes, and the brothers with them; and then again he asks the church to greet Philologus, Julia, Nereus and his sister, Olympas, and all the saints with them (16:14-15). Evidently, Paul was identifying two other groups of believers who must have met together. (And perhaps Paul was referring to two more groups in 16:10-11, which in the Greek could mean the ones of Aristobulus’s and Narcissus’s households<\/em> or the ones of their fellowships.<\/em>) It seems that the church in Rome, like the church in Jerusalem and Ephesus, had several home ekklesiai<\/span> (meetings).<\/p>\nThe Epistle to the Romans was written around AD<\/span> 58. The Neronian persecution began around AD<\/span> 64. Secular historians such as Tacitus tell us that a vast multitude (ingens multitudo)<\/em> of Christians were tortured and killed during this persecution (Annals<\/em> 15.44). Seutonius (in his book Nero,<\/em> ch 16) said that the rapid increase of the Christians in Rome had made them unpopular. Indeed, at the time Paul penned the Epistle to the Romans he said their faith was known throughout the world (1:8), which indicates that the church in Rome had already made an impact on the Mediterranean world. When Paul came to Rome three years later (AD<\/span> 61), he came to a city that had a large church there already. From Romans 15:23, we know that the church had been in existence for many years even before Paul wrote his epistle to them. In short, the church in Rome was a large church around the time Paul wrote his epistle to them. The entire church could not have met in the home of Aquila and Priscilla, who would have had only a modest-sized dwelling (for they were tentmakers). Besides, Paul greeted over 25 individuals by name in chapter 16—and he had not yet even been to Rome!<\/p>\nThere must have been several ekklesiai<\/span> in Rome, i.e., several home churches all unified as the one local church in Rome. For example, the Christians in Rome apparently worshiped in numerous homes such as Priscilla and Aquila’s. Other churches in homes are mentioned in Colossians 4:15 and Philemon 1:2. Groups of Christians met in houses of prominent believers or in other available rooms (cf. Mt 26:16; Acts 12:12; 1 Cor 16:19; Col 4:15; Phlm 1:2). The church in Priscilla and Aquila’s house is the first of five groups of believers in Paul’s list, but the only one referred to definitely as a church (see Rom 16:5, 10-11, 14-15). Priscilla and Aquila opened their home for Christian meetings. The church mentioned there was obviously only a part of the total number of Christians in Rome. Verses 10-11 and 14-15 seem to refer to two other household churches in Rome. Apparently, there were at least three churches there, and probably more. Each house church could not have been a separate entity with a separate church government; rather, each house church must have been simply one home meeting of some of the saints in the one local church at Rome.<\/p>\n<h4>1 Corinthians 16:19-20<\/h4>\nIn this passage we again see Aquila and Priscilla and again discover that a church met in their house. According to Romans, their house church was, of course, in Rome. According to 1 Corinthians (written from Ephesus), their house church was in Ephesus. Many scholars think Aquila and Priscilla left Rome around AD<\/span> 49 at the time of Claudius’s edict expelling Jews from Rome. They very well could have already been Christians at this time. According to Acts 18, they joined Paul in Corinth (where they all worked together in their craft of tentmaking) and then went on with him to Ephesus, during the time (around AD<\/span> 51) the church in Ephesus was first established. Paul continued on with his second missionary journey, while Aquila and Priscilla remained in Ephesus. No doubt, the early church there first met in their home. Paul returned to Ephesus a few years later and remained there for two years (around AD<\/span> 53–54). During this time, Paul’s proclamation of the gospel went out from Ephesus (as a center) to all of Asia Minor (see Acts 19:8-10). As this was going on, the church in Ephesus grew (see vv 18-20).<\/p>\nIt was during these years that Paul wrote to the Corinthians, in which he sent greetings from the churches in Asia, from Aquila and Priscilla—and the church in their house, and from all the brothers (1 Cor 16:19-20). In giving this kind of greeting, it seems that Paul was sending greetings from (1) all the churches in Asia Minor, (2) the church in Ephesus (equivalent to “all the brothers”), and (3) those believers who gathered with Aquila and Priscilla in their home. It would be hard to imagine that all the saints in Ephesus met at Aquila and Priscilla’s home. The church probably began that way, but as it grew, so did the number of home meetings. From other portions of the NT (specifically 1 Timothy, which was written around AD<\/span> 64 by Paul to Timothy while Timothy was leading the church in Ephesus), we discover that there must have been several home meetings in Ephesus because there were so many saints there (see 1 Timothy 5–6, which reveal that there must have been a large number of saints in Ephesus—young men, young women, older men, widows, and so forth). At any rate, several saints must have hosted an ekklesia<\/span>,<\/em> a meeting, in their home. (Aquila and Priscilla left Ephesus around AD<\/span> 56\/57 and returned to Rome, where again they hosted a church in their home. Others in Ephesus would have to open their homes.) But each such ekklesia<\/span> did not have its own eldership; rather, all of the church in Ephesus was under one eldership—headed up by Timothy, Paul’s coworker.<\/p>\n<h4>Colossians 4:15-16<\/h4>\nIn this portion, we again read about a church existing in the home of one called Nymphas. In his final remarks to the church in Colosse, Paul asked the saints in Colosse to send his greetings to (1) the brothers that are in Laodicea, (2) Nymphas in particular, and (3) the church in Nymphas’s house. According to the structure of Colossians 4:15, it seems evident that the first greeting included all the believers in Laodicea (a neighboring church to Colosse), who would comprise the entire church in Laodicea (called “the church of the Laodiceans” in Col 4:16), and that the second and third greetings were to a specific individual (Nymphas) in the church in Laodicea and a church meeting in Nymphas’s house. This church meeting in Nymphas’s house would probably be one of several home meetings—all part of the one local church in Laodicea.<\/p>\nThere is a textual problem in this passage that could have some effect on the interpretation of it. Some manuscripts read “his house”; others read “her house”; still others read “their house.” Because it cannot be determined from the Greek text whether Nymphas was male or female, various scribes used different pronouns before “house.” Between the readings “her” and “his,” it is far more likely that the pronoun “her” was changed to “his” than vice versa. Some scholars say that “their” refers to “the brothers” at Laodicea. But that does not make sense if we understand that “the brothers in Laodicea” is equal to the church in Laodicea. How could the church in Laodicea have the church in their house? Other scholars indicate that the Greek word for “their” (<\/em>auton<\/span>)<\/em> refers to the ones with Nymphas—i.e., the members of his household. Whether the reading was “her house” or “their house,” a particular group of believers within the church of Laodicea met there. Their meeting could legitimately be called an ekklesia<\/span>—an assembling together.<\/p>\n<h4>Philemon 1:1-2<\/h4>\nThis is the last time in the NT we read about a church in a particular home. Paul wrote a short epistle to Philemon, an elder of the church in Colosse, on behalf of Onesimus, Philemon’s runaway slave converted by Paul to Christ. In his introduction to this short epistle, Paul sends his greetings to Philemon, Apphia, Archippus, and the church in Philemon’s house. It is important to note that Paul did not send greetings to all the saints in Colosse and then to the church in Philemon’s house (as is the pattern in 1 Cor 16:19-20 and Col 4:15); instead, he just sent greetings to Philemon and to the church in his house. Therefore, we can assume that the entire church in Colosse must have met at Philemon’s house.<\/p>\n<h4>Worship in the Home Meetings and Church Meetings<\/h4>\nWhen the church first began in Jerusalem, the believers met in homes for fellowship and worship. Acts 2:42-47 tells us that the early Christians met in homes to hear the apostles’ teachings and to celebrate Communion (which is called “the breaking of bread”). During such gatherings, the Christians often shared meals with one another in what was called a love feast (2 Pt 2:13; Jude 1:12). At these meetings, the Christians recited Scripture, sang hymns and psalms, and joyfully praised the Lord (see Eph 5:18-20; Col 3:16-17). Christians also gathered together in homes to pray (Acts 12:12) and read the Word.<\/p>\nSmall groups of believers met in homes for worship quite regularly; in a city where there were several such ekklesiai<\/span>,<\/em> all the believers would gather together for special occasions. Scripture tells us that all the believers would come together to hear an epistle from the apostles read out loud (see Acts 15:30; Col 4:16), and we can surmise from the NT record that all the Christians in a city met together once a week on Sunday, which was called the Lord’s Day. First Corinthians provides several insights about how the early Christians worshiped together when all the believers in one city met together. We know that 1 Corinthians pertains to this larger gathering because in 11:20 Paul spoke of all the believers coming together in one place and in 14:23 he spoke of the whole church coming together in one place.<\/p>\nPaul used this epistle to correct the Corinthians’ behavior in the celebration of the Lord’s Supper (1 Cor 11:17-34) and in the exercising of spiritual gifts during church meetings (ch 14). Paul’s adjustments reveal his perceptions of a model Christian meeting, and his preceptions were probably developed from actual experience in other church meetings. Paul urged the Corinthians to celebrate the Lord’s Supper together in a manner that reflected Jesus’ institution of that meal. They were to remember the Lord and his death for them, and they were to partake of the bread and wine with all seriousness. At the same time, they were to be conscious of the fact that they were members of the same body of Christ—joined to one another, and also to Christ.<\/p>\nAccording to Paul’s presentation in chapter 14, this “body consciousness” should be evident in the way the believers worshiped together. One’s personal experience and liberty should not hinder the coordination of the body in worshiping God corporately. Thus, when the believers exercised their spiritual gifts—whether it be prophesying, speaking in tongues, providing interpretations of the tongues, or teaching—it should be done in good order and for the edification of the congregation, not personal edification. When all the church assembled together to worship God, it should be a display of spiritual unity.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Church.<\/p>","summary_ro":"CHURCH MEETINGS The assembling together of the believers. In the NT, the Greek word ekklesia (usually translated “church”) is used primarily in two ways: (1) to describe a meeting or an assembly, and (2) to designate the people who participate in such assembling together—whether they are actually assembled or not. The NT contains a few places that speak of a secular Greek assembly (Acts 19:32, 41); every other instance speaks of a Christian assembly. Sometimes the word ekklesia is used to des...","summary_en":"CHURCH MEETINGS The assembling together of the believers. In the NT, the Greek word ekklesia (usually translated “church”) is used primarily in two ways: (1) to describe a meeting or an assembly, and (2) to designate the people who participate in such assembling together—whether they are actually assembled or not. The NT contains a few places that speak of a secular Greek assembly (Acts 19:32, 41); every other instance speaks of a Christian assembly. Sometimes the word ekklesia is used to des...","source":"Articles\/C.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":16249,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Hermas","title_en":"Hermas","content_ro":"<h3>HERMAS<\/h3>\n<li>1. Christian to whom Paul sent greetings in his letter to the Romans (Rom 16:14).<\/li>\n<li>2. Christian who wrote the apocryphal book called The Shepherd (referring to the work’s central shepherd figure). In The Shepherd, Hermas states that he was originally a slave, gained his freedom, married and started a business, lost nearly everything material, saw his children lapse, and finally brought his family together by acts of repentance. Hermas indicates also that he knew Clement of Rome, late-first-century bishop of Rome. From internal evidences, it is impossible to tell if this biography is fictional or not. As to external facts, references to Hermas are contradictory. Some authorities, most eminently the Muratorian Canon, a late-second-century document, make Hermas a brother of Pius, bishop of Rome about 150. In the third century, Origen thought Hermas was the individual Paul named in Romans 16:14, an identification upholding Hermas’s own statements. Modern scholarly commentators lean much toward the first opinion. See also<\/em> Shepherd of Hermas.<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>HERMAS<\/h3>\n<li>1. Christian to whom Paul sent greetings in his letter to the Romans (Rom 16:14).<\/li>\n<li>2. Christian who wrote the apocryphal book called The Shepherd (referring to the work’s central shepherd figure). In The Shepherd, Hermas states that he was originally a slave, gained his freedom, married and started a business, lost nearly everything material, saw his children lapse, and finally brought his family together by acts of repentance. Hermas indicates also that he knew Clement of Rome, late-first-century bishop of Rome. From internal evidences, it is impossible to tell if this biography is fictional or not. As to external facts, references to Hermas are contradictory. Some authorities, most eminently the Muratorian Canon, a late-second-century document, make Hermas a brother of Pius, bishop of Rome about 150. In the third century, Origen thought Hermas was the individual Paul named in Romans 16:14, an identification upholding Hermas’s own statements. Modern scholarly commentators lean much toward the first opinion. See also<\/em> Shepherd of Hermas.<\/li>","summary_ro":"HERMAS 1. Christian to whom Paul sent greetings in his letter to the Romans (Rom 16:14). 2. Christian who wrote the apocryphal book called The Shepherd (referring to the work’s central shepherd figure). In The Shepherd, Hermas states that he was originally a slave, gained his freedom, married and started a business, lost nearly everything material, saw his children lapse, and finally brought his family together by acts of repentance. Hermas indicates also that he knew Clement of Rome, late-fi...","summary_en":"HERMAS 1. Christian to whom Paul sent greetings in his letter to the Romans (Rom 16:14). 2. Christian who wrote the apocryphal book called The Shepherd (referring to the work’s central shepherd figure). In The Shepherd, Hermas states that he was originally a slave, gained his freedom, married and started a business, lost nearly everything material, saw his children lapse, and finally brought his family together by acts of repentance. Hermas indicates also that he knew Clement of Rome, late-fi...","source":"Articles\/H.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":16251,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Hermes","title_en":"Hermes","content_ro":"<h3>HERMES<\/h3>\n<li>1. Greek god and the son of Zeus by Maia. He was identified with Mercury in the Roman pantheon of deities. In Greek mythology, Hermes was the messenger of the gods and the escort of the dead to hades. He was the god of fertility, the patron of music, the guardian of travelers, and the god of eloquent speech.<\/li>\n\nWhile ministering at Lystra, Paul was acclaimed by its people to be Hermes because of his miraculous work and role as chief speaker. The Lystrans thought Paul was a god visiting them in bodily form (Acts 14:11-12, kjv<\/span> “Mercurius”).<\/p>\n<li>2. Christian to whom Paul sent greetings in his letter to Rome (Rom 16:14).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>HERMES<\/h3>\n<li>1. Greek god and the son of Zeus by Maia. He was identified with Mercury in the Roman pantheon of deities. In Greek mythology, Hermes was the messenger of the gods and the escort of the dead to hades. He was the god of fertility, the patron of music, the guardian of travelers, and the god of eloquent speech.<\/li>\n\nWhile ministering at Lystra, Paul was acclaimed by its people to be Hermes because of his miraculous work and role as chief speaker. The Lystrans thought Paul was a god visiting them in bodily form (Acts 14:11-12, kjv<\/span> “Mercurius”).<\/p>\n<li>2. Christian to whom Paul sent greetings in his letter to Rome (Rom 16:14).<\/li>","summary_ro":"HERMES 1. Greek god and the son of Zeus by Maia. He was identified with Mercury in the Roman pantheon of deities. In Greek mythology, Hermes was the messenger of the gods and the escort of the dead to hades. He was the god of fertility, the patron of music, the guardian of travelers, and the god of eloquent speech. While ministering at Lystra, Paul was acclaimed by its people to be Hermes because of his miraculous work and role as chief speaker. The Lystrans thought Paul was a god visiting th...","summary_en":"HERMES 1. Greek god and the son of Zeus by Maia. He was identified with Mercury in the Roman pantheon of deities. In Greek mythology, Hermes was the messenger of the gods and the escort of the dead to hades. He was the god of fertility, the patron of music, the guardian of travelers, and the god of eloquent speech. While ministering at Lystra, Paul was acclaimed by its people to be Hermes because of his miraculous work and role as chief speaker. The Lystrans thought Paul was a god visiting th...","source":"Articles\/H.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":29058,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Patrobas","title_en":"Patrobas","content_ro":"<h3>PATROBAS<\/h3>\nOne of the Christians in Rome to whom Paul sent greetings (Rom 16:14).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>PATROBAS<\/h3>\nOne of the Christians in Rome to whom Paul sent greetings (Rom 16:14).<\/p>","summary_ro":"PATROBAS One of the Christians in Rome to whom Paul sent greetings (Rom 16:14).","summary_en":"PATROBAS One of the Christians in Rome to whom Paul sent greetings (Rom 16:14).","source":"Articles\/P.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":30341,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Phlegon","title_en":"Phlegon","content_ro":"<h3>PHLEGON<\/h3>\nChristian in Rome to whom Paul sent greetings (Rom 16:14).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>PHLEGON<\/h3>\nChristian in Rome to whom Paul sent greetings (Rom 16:14).<\/p>","summary_ro":"PHLEGON Christian in Rome to whom Paul sent greetings (Rom 16:14).","summary_en":"PHLEGON Christian in Rome to whom Paul sent greetings (Rom 16:14).","source":"Articles\/P.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":35003,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"of Hermas*, Shepherd","title_en":"of Hermas*, Shepherd","content_ro":"<h3>SHEPHERD OF HERMAS*<\/h3>\nVolume composed by Hermas. Not much is known of Hermas other than the details he includes of himself in his work The Shepherd. In this story, Hermas states that he was originally a slave. He eventually gained his freedom, married, started a business, lost nearly everything, watched his children stray, and finally reunited his family. Hermas indicates that he knew Clement, the first-century bishop of Rome. From internal evidences, it is impossible to tell whether this biography is fictional or not. As to external facts, references to Hermas are contradictory. In the third century, Origen thought Hermas was the individual Paul mentioned in Romans 16:14. Other authorities, including the second-century Muratorian Canon, identified Hermas as a brother of Pius, bishop of Rome around 150. Most scholars today favor this second position. Irenaeus, bishop of Lyons, provided the first recorded reference to The Shepherd in 185.<\/p>\nIn The Shepherd Hermas describes a series of visions about Christian life and morality. Throughout the story, Hermas is both the hero and the narrator. The story is set in Rome and is divided into three parts: 5 visions, 12 mandates, and 10 similitudes, or parables.<\/p>\nFive visions in the book allegorize Christian ethical truths with such symbolism as a tower under construction and an older woman who becomes youthful. The visions begin with Hermas as he is smitten by the beautiful Rhoda, to whom he is sold as a slave. In the second vision Rhoda reappears as an old woman, representing the church. This old woman becomes more youthful each time she appears. The visions portray the church growing and spreading, purified by suffering and, in the fourth vision, by the terrors of judgment.<\/p>\nIt is in the fifth vision, while Hermas is in his own house, that he no longer sees the church, but a bright, glowing man appears dressed like a shepherd. The man has been sent to live with Hermas to teach him until his death. The man is “the Shepherd, the angel of repentance” who gives Hermas 12 mandates and 10 similitudes, which form the remaining sections of the work.<\/p>\nIn brief, the 12 mandates depict Christian virtues—humility, chastity, truthfulness, long-suffering, simplicity, respectfulness, and good cheer. The mandates also exhort believers to purity and repentance. Prominent here is the “Two Ways” pattern of moral instruction (the way of life and the way of death). This mirrors the Didache and other early Christian ethical writings.<\/p>\nFinally, the 10 similitudes describe principles by which the Christian virtues may be attained. The similitudes consider such topics as Christians as strangers, the rich and the poor, the sinners and the righteous, blossoming and withered trees, the purpose of the commandments, fasting, and punishment. They also include long parables about branches, a tower, maidens, and mountains. The 10th similitude is not a parable but a concluding chapter to sum up the work of the Shepherd. Here Hermas sums up the focus of the book: “I, too, sir, declare to every person the mighty works of the Lord; for I hope that all who have sinned in the past, if they hear these things, will gladly repent and recover life.”<\/p>\nThroughout the early church, leaders gave Hermas’s book high respect. Eusebius of Caesarea noted that The Shepherd was read widely in the early church. Some important leaders, such as Irenaeus and Clement of Alexandria, even considered it canonical Scripture. For Athanasius, the work was not Scripture, but it did offer, like the Didache, help for Christian learners. Because of its simplicity and candor, some have compared Hermas’s work with Bunyan’s The Pilgrim’s Progress.<\/em> The Shepherd serves as a valuable index to Christian ethics and moral instruction in Christianity’s earliest decades.<\/p>\nHermas’s work exists in some Greek manuscripts and in many medieval Latin translations. Printed editions of the book began to appear in the early 1500s.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Hermas #2.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>SHEPHERD OF HERMAS*<\/h3>\nVolume composed by Hermas. Not much is known of Hermas other than the details he includes of himself in his work The Shepherd. In this story, Hermas states that he was originally a slave. He eventually gained his freedom, married, started a business, lost nearly everything, watched his children stray, and finally reunited his family. Hermas indicates that he knew Clement, the first-century bishop of Rome. From internal evidences, it is impossible to tell whether this biography is fictional or not. As to external facts, references to Hermas are contradictory. In the third century, Origen thought Hermas was the individual Paul mentioned in Romans 16:14. Other authorities, including the second-century Muratorian Canon, identified Hermas as a brother of Pius, bishop of Rome around 150. Most scholars today favor this second position. Irenaeus, bishop of Lyons, provided the first recorded reference to The Shepherd in 185.<\/p>\nIn The Shepherd Hermas describes a series of visions about Christian life and morality. Throughout the story, Hermas is both the hero and the narrator. The story is set in Rome and is divided into three parts: 5 visions, 12 mandates, and 10 similitudes, or parables.<\/p>\nFive visions in the book allegorize Christian ethical truths with such symbolism as a tower under construction and an older woman who becomes youthful. The visions begin with Hermas as he is smitten by the beautiful Rhoda, to whom he is sold as a slave. In the second vision Rhoda reappears as an old woman, representing the church. This old woman becomes more youthful each time she appears. The visions portray the church growing and spreading, purified by suffering and, in the fourth vision, by the terrors of judgment.<\/p>\nIt is in the fifth vision, while Hermas is in his own house, that he no longer sees the church, but a bright, glowing man appears dressed like a shepherd. The man has been sent to live with Hermas to teach him until his death. The man is “the Shepherd, the angel of repentance” who gives Hermas 12 mandates and 10 similitudes, which form the remaining sections of the work.<\/p>\nIn brief, the 12 mandates depict Christian virtues—humility, chastity, truthfulness, long-suffering, simplicity, respectfulness, and good cheer. The mandates also exhort believers to purity and repentance. Prominent here is the “Two Ways” pattern of moral instruction (the way of life and the way of death). This mirrors the Didache and other early Christian ethical writings.<\/p>\nFinally, the 10 similitudes describe principles by which the Christian virtues may be attained. The similitudes consider such topics as Christians as strangers, the rich and the poor, the sinners and the righteous, blossoming and withered trees, the purpose of the commandments, fasting, and punishment. They also include long parables about branches, a tower, maidens, and mountains. The 10th similitude is not a parable but a concluding chapter to sum up the work of the Shepherd. Here Hermas sums up the focus of the book: “I, too, sir, declare to every person the mighty works of the Lord; for I hope that all who have sinned in the past, if they hear these things, will gladly repent and recover life.”<\/p>\nThroughout the early church, leaders gave Hermas’s book high respect. Eusebius of Caesarea noted that The Shepherd was read widely in the early church. Some important leaders, such as Irenaeus and Clement of Alexandria, even considered it canonical Scripture. For Athanasius, the work was not Scripture, but it did offer, like the Didache, help for Christian learners. Because of its simplicity and candor, some have compared Hermas’s work with Bunyan’s The Pilgrim’s Progress.<\/em> The Shepherd serves as a valuable index to Christian ethics and moral instruction in Christianity’s earliest decades.<\/p>\nHermas’s work exists in some Greek manuscripts and in many medieval Latin translations. Printed editions of the book began to appear in the early 1500s.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Hermas #2.<\/p>","summary_ro":"SHEPHERD OF HERMAS* Volume composed by Hermas. Not much is known of Hermas other than the details he includes of himself in his work The Shepherd. In this story, Hermas states that he was originally a slave. He eventually gained his freedom, married, started a business, lost nearly everything, watched his children stray, and finally reunited his family. Hermas indicates that he knew Clement, the first-century bishop of Rome. From internal evidences, it is impossible to tell whether this biogr...","summary_en":"SHEPHERD OF HERMAS* Volume composed by Hermas. Not much is known of Hermas other than the details he includes of himself in his work The Shepherd. In this story, Hermas states that he was originally a slave. He eventually gained his freedom, married, started a business, lost nearly everything, watched his children stray, and finally reunited his family. Hermas indicates that he knew Clement, the first-century bishop of Rome. From internal evidences, it is impossible to tell whether this biogr...","source":"Articles\/S.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"15":[{"id":42713,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"The Roman Church","title_en":"The Roman Church","content_ro":"<h3>The Roman Church<\/h3>\nThe details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Peter founded the Roman church or that he was present in Rome by the time Paul wrote to the Roman Christians around AD<\/span> 57; otherwise, Paul would certainly have greeted him. Consequently, Paul wrote this letter to help ensure that the Roman church had apostolic involvement in their faith. He never wrote to the churches of Judea, founded by the other apostles, but only to churches that either he had founded (e.g., Corinth, Galatia) or to those that had no direct apostolic involvement (e.g., Colosse, Rome).<\/p>\nIn time, the Jewish Christians in Rome would have been pushed out of the synagogues by the non-Christian Jews, as happened elsewhere. By the time Paul wrote to the Roman church, they were meeting as separate house churches in private homes (Rom 16:5, 10-11, 15). There were no centralized edifices, and it is uncertain whether the whole body of believers in Rome met together.<\/p>\nWhen Claudius expelled the Jews from Rome (around AD<\/span> 49), the Jewish Christians were also forced to leave, among whom were Priscilla and Aquila (Acts 18:2). In the absence of the Jews, the Roman church would have become Gentile in character. When the Jews returned (probably shortly after the death of Claudius in AD<\/span> 54), there were no doubt questions—if not conflicts—among the Jewish and Gentile Christians. Paul may have written Romans to settle such controversies among this mixed group of Jews and Gentiles worshiping Christ in the same city.<\/p>\nAs is evident from Romans 16, Paul already had many friends in the Roman church. In the spring of AD<\/span> 60, roughly two years after writing Romans, Paul had the opportunity to go to Rome—a desire he had repeatedly expressed (Acts 19:21; Rom 1:13-15). He spent two years there under house arrest awaiting his first trial before Nero, “boldly proclaiming the Kingdom of God and teaching about the Lord Jesus Christ” (Acts 28:30-31).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 28:15-31; Rom 1:13-15; 16:1-16<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Roman Church<\/h3>\nThe details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Peter founded the Roman church or that he was present in Rome by the time Paul wrote to the Roman Christians around AD<\/span> 57; otherwise, Paul would certainly have greeted him. Consequently, Paul wrote this letter to help ensure that the Roman church had apostolic involvement in their faith. He never wrote to the churches of Judea, founded by the other apostles, but only to churches that either he had founded (e.g., Corinth, Galatia) or to those that had no direct apostolic involvement (e.g., Colosse, Rome).<\/p>\nIn time, the Jewish Christians in Rome would have been pushed out of the synagogues by the non-Christian Jews, as happened elsewhere. By the time Paul wrote to the Roman church, they were meeting as separate house churches in private homes (Rom 16:5, 10-11, 15). There were no centralized edifices, and it is uncertain whether the whole body of believers in Rome met together.<\/p>\nWhen Claudius expelled the Jews from Rome (around AD<\/span> 49), the Jewish Christians were also forced to leave, among whom were Priscilla and Aquila (Acts 18:2). In the absence of the Jews, the Roman church would have become Gentile in character. When the Jews returned (probably shortly after the death of Claudius in AD<\/span> 54), there were no doubt questions—if not conflicts—among the Jewish and Gentile Christians. Paul may have written Romans to settle such controversies among this mixed group of Jews and Gentiles worshiping Christ in the same city.<\/p>\nAs is evident from Romans 16, Paul already had many friends in the Roman church. In the spring of AD<\/span> 60, roughly two years after writing Romans, Paul had the opportunity to go to Rome—a desire he had repeatedly expressed (Acts 19:21; Rom 1:13-15). He spent two years there under house arrest awaiting his first trial before Nero, “boldly proclaiming the Kingdom of God and teaching about the Lord Jesus Christ” (Acts 28:30-31).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 28:15-31; Rom 1:13-15; 16:1-16<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Roman Church The details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Pete...","summary_en":"The Roman Church The details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Pete...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":70339,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"The Roman Church","title_en":"The Roman Church","content_ro":"<h3>The Roman Church<\/h3>\nThe details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Peter founded the Roman church or that he was present in Rome by the time Paul wrote to the Roman Christians around AD<\/span> 57; otherwise, Paul would certainly have greeted him. Consequently, Paul wrote this letter to help ensure that the Roman church had apostolic involvement in their faith. He never wrote to the churches of Judea, founded by the other apostles, but only to churches that either he had founded (e.g., Corinth, Galatia) or to those that had no direct apostolic involvement (e.g., Colosse, Rome).<\/p>\nIn time, the Jewish Christians in Rome would have been pushed out of the synagogues by the non-Christian Jews, as happened elsewhere. By the time Paul wrote to the Roman church, they were meeting as separate house churches in private homes (Rom 16:5, 10-11, 15). There were no centralized edifices, and it is uncertain whether the whole body of believers in Rome met together.<\/p>\nWhen Claudius expelled the Jews from Rome (around AD<\/span> 49), the Jewish Christians were also forced to leave, among whom were Priscilla and Aquila (Acts 18:2). In the absence of the Jews, the Roman church would have become Gentile in character. When the Jews returned (probably shortly after the death of Claudius in AD<\/span> 54), there were no doubt questions—if not conflicts—among the Jewish and Gentile Christians. Paul may have written Romans to settle such controversies among this mixed group of Jews and Gentiles worshiping Christ in the same city.<\/p>\nAs is evident from Romans 16, Paul already had many friends in the Roman church. In the spring of AD<\/span> 60, roughly two years after writing Romans, Paul had the opportunity to go to Rome—a desire he had repeatedly expressed (Acts 19:21; Rom 1:13-15). He spent two years there under house arrest awaiting his first trial before Nero, “boldly proclaiming the Kingdom of God and teaching about the Lord Jesus Christ” (Acts 28:30-31).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 28:15-31; Rom 1:13-15; 16:1-16<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Roman Church<\/h3>\nThe details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Peter founded the Roman church or that he was present in Rome by the time Paul wrote to the Roman Christians around AD<\/span> 57; otherwise, Paul would certainly have greeted him. Consequently, Paul wrote this letter to help ensure that the Roman church had apostolic involvement in their faith. He never wrote to the churches of Judea, founded by the other apostles, but only to churches that either he had founded (e.g., Corinth, Galatia) or to those that had no direct apostolic involvement (e.g., Colosse, Rome).<\/p>\nIn time, the Jewish Christians in Rome would have been pushed out of the synagogues by the non-Christian Jews, as happened elsewhere. By the time Paul wrote to the Roman church, they were meeting as separate house churches in private homes (Rom 16:5, 10-11, 15). There were no centralized edifices, and it is uncertain whether the whole body of believers in Rome met together.<\/p>\nWhen Claudius expelled the Jews from Rome (around AD<\/span> 49), the Jewish Christians were also forced to leave, among whom were Priscilla and Aquila (Acts 18:2). In the absence of the Jews, the Roman church would have become Gentile in character. When the Jews returned (probably shortly after the death of Claudius in AD<\/span> 54), there were no doubt questions—if not conflicts—among the Jewish and Gentile Christians. Paul may have written Romans to settle such controversies among this mixed group of Jews and Gentiles worshiping Christ in the same city.<\/p>\nAs is evident from Romans 16, Paul already had many friends in the Roman church. In the spring of AD<\/span> 60, roughly two years after writing Romans, Paul had the opportunity to go to Rome—a desire he had repeatedly expressed (Acts 19:21; Rom 1:13-15). He spent two years there under house arrest awaiting his first trial before Nero, “boldly proclaiming the Kingdom of God and teaching about the Lord Jesus Christ” (Acts 28:30-31).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 28:15-31; Rom 1:13-15; 16:1-16<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Roman Church The details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Pete...","summary_en":"The Roman Church The details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Pete...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":97965,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"The Roman Church","title_en":"The Roman Church","content_ro":"<h3>The Roman Church<\/h3>\nThe details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Peter founded the Roman church or that he was present in Rome by the time Paul wrote to the Roman Christians around AD<\/span> 57; otherwise, Paul would certainly have greeted him. Consequently, Paul wrote this letter to help ensure that the Roman church had apostolic involvement in their faith. He never wrote to the churches of Judea, founded by the other apostles, but only to churches that either he had founded (e.g., Corinth, Galatia) or to those that had no direct apostolic involvement (e.g., Colosse, Rome).<\/p>\nIn time, the Jewish Christians in Rome would have been pushed out of the synagogues by the non-Christian Jews, as happened elsewhere. By the time Paul wrote to the Roman church, they were meeting as separate house churches in private homes (Rom 16:5, 10-11, 15). There were no centralized edifices, and it is uncertain whether the whole body of believers in Rome met together.<\/p>\nWhen Claudius expelled the Jews from Rome (around AD<\/span> 49), the Jewish Christians were also forced to leave, among whom were Priscilla and Aquila (Acts 18:2). In the absence of the Jews, the Roman church would have become Gentile in character. When the Jews returned (probably shortly after the death of Claudius in AD<\/span> 54), there were no doubt questions—if not conflicts—among the Jewish and Gentile Christians. Paul may have written Romans to settle such controversies among this mixed group of Jews and Gentiles worshiping Christ in the same city.<\/p>\nAs is evident from Romans 16, Paul already had many friends in the Roman church. In the spring of AD<\/span> 60, roughly two years after writing Romans, Paul had the opportunity to go to Rome—a desire he had repeatedly expressed (Acts 19:21; Rom 1:13-15). He spent two years there under house arrest awaiting his first trial before Nero, “boldly proclaiming the Kingdom of God and teaching about the Lord Jesus Christ” (Acts 28:30-31).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 28:15-31; Rom 1:13-15; 16:1-16<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Roman Church<\/h3>\nThe details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Peter founded the Roman church or that he was present in Rome by the time Paul wrote to the Roman Christians around AD<\/span> 57; otherwise, Paul would certainly have greeted him. Consequently, Paul wrote this letter to help ensure that the Roman church had apostolic involvement in their faith. He never wrote to the churches of Judea, founded by the other apostles, but only to churches that either he had founded (e.g., Corinth, Galatia) or to those that had no direct apostolic involvement (e.g., Colosse, Rome).<\/p>\nIn time, the Jewish Christians in Rome would have been pushed out of the synagogues by the non-Christian Jews, as happened elsewhere. By the time Paul wrote to the Roman church, they were meeting as separate house churches in private homes (Rom 16:5, 10-11, 15). There were no centralized edifices, and it is uncertain whether the whole body of believers in Rome met together.<\/p>\nWhen Claudius expelled the Jews from Rome (around AD<\/span> 49), the Jewish Christians were also forced to leave, among whom were Priscilla and Aquila (Acts 18:2). In the absence of the Jews, the Roman church would have become Gentile in character. When the Jews returned (probably shortly after the death of Claudius in AD<\/span> 54), there were no doubt questions—if not conflicts—among the Jewish and Gentile Christians. Paul may have written Romans to settle such controversies among this mixed group of Jews and Gentiles worshiping Christ in the same city.<\/p>\nAs is evident from Romans 16, Paul already had many friends in the Roman church. In the spring of AD<\/span> 60, roughly two years after writing Romans, Paul had the opportunity to go to Rome—a desire he had repeatedly expressed (Acts 19:21; Rom 1:13-15). He spent two years there under house arrest awaiting his first trial before Nero, “boldly proclaiming the Kingdom of God and teaching about the Lord Jesus Christ” (Acts 28:30-31).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 28:15-31; Rom 1:13-15; 16:1-16<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Roman Church The details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Pete...","summary_en":"The Roman Church The details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Pete...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":125591,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"The Roman Church","title_en":"The Roman Church","content_ro":"<h3>The Roman Church<\/h3>\nThe details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Peter founded the Roman church or that he was present in Rome by the time Paul wrote to the Roman Christians around AD<\/span> 57; otherwise, Paul would certainly have greeted him. Consequently, Paul wrote this letter to help ensure that the Roman church had apostolic involvement in their faith. He never wrote to the churches of Judea, founded by the other apostles, but only to churches that either he had founded (e.g., Corinth, Galatia) or to those that had no direct apostolic involvement (e.g., Colosse, Rome).<\/p>\nIn time, the Jewish Christians in Rome would have been pushed out of the synagogues by the non-Christian Jews, as happened elsewhere. By the time Paul wrote to the Roman church, they were meeting as separate house churches in private homes (Rom 16:5, 10-11, 15). There were no centralized edifices, and it is uncertain whether the whole body of believers in Rome met together.<\/p>\nWhen Claudius expelled the Jews from Rome (around AD<\/span> 49), the Jewish Christians were also forced to leave, among whom were Priscilla and Aquila (Acts 18:2). In the absence of the Jews, the Roman church would have become Gentile in character. When the Jews returned (probably shortly after the death of Claudius in AD<\/span> 54), there were no doubt questions—if not conflicts—among the Jewish and Gentile Christians. Paul may have written Romans to settle such controversies among this mixed group of Jews and Gentiles worshiping Christ in the same city.<\/p>\nAs is evident from Romans 16, Paul already had many friends in the Roman church. In the spring of AD<\/span> 60, roughly two years after writing Romans, Paul had the opportunity to go to Rome—a desire he had repeatedly expressed (Acts 19:21; Rom 1:13-15). He spent two years there under house arrest awaiting his first trial before Nero, “boldly proclaiming the Kingdom of God and teaching about the Lord Jesus Christ” (Acts 28:30-31).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 28:15-31; Rom 1:13-15; 16:1-16<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Roman Church<\/h3>\nThe details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Peter founded the Roman church or that he was present in Rome by the time Paul wrote to the Roman Christians around AD<\/span> 57; otherwise, Paul would certainly have greeted him. Consequently, Paul wrote this letter to help ensure that the Roman church had apostolic involvement in their faith. He never wrote to the churches of Judea, founded by the other apostles, but only to churches that either he had founded (e.g., Corinth, Galatia) or to those that had no direct apostolic involvement (e.g., Colosse, Rome).<\/p>\nIn time, the Jewish Christians in Rome would have been pushed out of the synagogues by the non-Christian Jews, as happened elsewhere. By the time Paul wrote to the Roman church, they were meeting as separate house churches in private homes (Rom 16:5, 10-11, 15). There were no centralized edifices, and it is uncertain whether the whole body of believers in Rome met together.<\/p>\nWhen Claudius expelled the Jews from Rome (around AD<\/span> 49), the Jewish Christians were also forced to leave, among whom were Priscilla and Aquila (Acts 18:2). In the absence of the Jews, the Roman church would have become Gentile in character. When the Jews returned (probably shortly after the death of Claudius in AD<\/span> 54), there were no doubt questions—if not conflicts—among the Jewish and Gentile Christians. Paul may have written Romans to settle such controversies among this mixed group of Jews and Gentiles worshiping Christ in the same city.<\/p>\nAs is evident from Romans 16, Paul already had many friends in the Roman church. In the spring of AD<\/span> 60, roughly two years after writing Romans, Paul had the opportunity to go to Rome—a desire he had repeatedly expressed (Acts 19:21; Rom 1:13-15). He spent two years there under house arrest awaiting his first trial before Nero, “boldly proclaiming the Kingdom of God and teaching about the Lord Jesus Christ” (Acts 28:30-31).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 28:15-31; Rom 1:13-15; 16:1-16<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Roman Church The details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Pete...","summary_en":"The Roman Church The details of the founding of the church in Rome are not known with certainty. There was a large Jewish population in Rome, and some Jews from Rome were present in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost at the birth of the church (Acts 2:10). The most likely explanation, then, is that some of these Jews converted to Christianity and took the Good News about Jesus the Messiah to Rome, where a Christian community was born from within the synagogues of Rome. It is unlikely that Pete...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":21423,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Julia","title_en":"Julia","content_ro":"<h3>JULIA<\/h3>\n<li>1. Woman greeted by the apostle Paul (Rom 16:15). Her name follows that of Philologus, who may have been her brother or husband.<\/li>\n<li>2. According to a variant reading, a woman noted by Paul as being one of his coworkers, as well as a distinguished apostle (Rom 16:7, nlt<\/span> mg). She was probably Andronicus’s wife. The couple, like Aquila and Priscilla, formed an apostolic team. In other manuscripts, the reading is Junia—which, in the Greek, can be understood as a masculine name or feminine, depending on the accent. However, the most ancient manuscripts do not have an accent mark on this name; therefore, the interpreter must decide if this apostle was male or female.<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>JULIA<\/h3>\n<li>1. Woman greeted by the apostle Paul (Rom 16:15). Her name follows that of Philologus, who may have been her brother or husband.<\/li>\n<li>2. According to a variant reading, a woman noted by Paul as being one of his coworkers, as well as a distinguished apostle (Rom 16:7, nlt<\/span> mg). She was probably Andronicus’s wife. The couple, like Aquila and Priscilla, formed an apostolic team. In other manuscripts, the reading is Junia—which, in the Greek, can be understood as a masculine name or feminine, depending on the accent. However, the most ancient manuscripts do not have an accent mark on this name; therefore, the interpreter must decide if this apostle was male or female.<\/li>","summary_ro":"JULIA 1. Woman greeted by the apostle Paul (Rom 16:15). Her name follows that of Philologus, who may have been her brother or husband. 2. According to a variant reading, a woman noted by Paul as being one of his coworkers, as well as a distinguished apostle (Rom 16:7, nlt mg). She was probably Andronicus’s wife. The couple, like Aquila and Priscilla, formed an apostolic team. In other manuscripts, the reading is Junia—which, in the Greek, can be understood as a masculine name or feminine, dep...","summary_en":"JULIA 1. Woman greeted by the apostle Paul (Rom 16:15). Her name follows that of Philologus, who may have been her brother or husband. 2. According to a variant reading, a woman noted by Paul as being one of his coworkers, as well as a distinguished apostle (Rom 16:7, nlt mg). She was probably Andronicus’s wife. The couple, like Aquila and Priscilla, formed an apostolic team. In other manuscripts, the reading is Junia—which, in the Greek, can be understood as a masculine name or feminine, dep...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":27338,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Nereus","title_en":"Nereus","content_ro":"<h3>NEREUS<\/h3>\nRoman Christian to whom Paul sent greetings in the salutation of his letter to Rome (Rom 16:15).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>NEREUS<\/h3>\nRoman Christian to whom Paul sent greetings in the salutation of his letter to Rome (Rom 16:15).<\/p>","summary_ro":"NEREUS Roman Christian to whom Paul sent greetings in the salutation of his letter to Rome (Rom 16:15).","summary_en":"NEREUS Roman Christian to whom Paul sent greetings in the salutation of his letter to Rome (Rom 16:15).","source":"Articles\/N.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":28438,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Olympas","title_en":"Olympas","content_ro":"<h3>OLYMPAS<\/h3>\nMember of the church in Rome to whom Paul sent personal greetings (Rom 16:15).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>OLYMPAS<\/h3>\nMember of the church in Rome to whom Paul sent personal greetings (Rom 16:15).<\/p>","summary_ro":"OLYMPAS Member of the church in Rome to whom Paul sent personal greetings (Rom 16:15).","summary_en":"OLYMPAS Member of the church in Rome to whom Paul sent personal greetings (Rom 16:15).","source":"Articles\/O.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":30314,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Philologus","title_en":"Philologus","content_ro":"<h3>PHILOLOGUS<\/h3>\nEarly Christian acquaintance or friend of the apostle Paul to whom he sent greetings (Rom 16:15). In the series of greetings, he seems to be paired with a woman named Julia.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>PHILOLOGUS<\/h3>\nEarly Christian acquaintance or friend of the apostle Paul to whom he sent greetings (Rom 16:15). In the series of greetings, he seems to be paired with a woman named Julia.<\/p>","summary_ro":"PHILOLOGUS Early Christian acquaintance or friend of the apostle Paul to whom he sent greetings (Rom 16:15). In the series of greetings, he seems to be paired with a woman named Julia.","summary_en":"PHILOLOGUS Early Christian acquaintance or friend of the apostle Paul to whom he sent greetings (Rom 16:15). In the series of greetings, he seems to be paired with a woman named Julia.","source":"Articles\/P.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"16":[{"id":6570,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Church","title_en":"Church","content_ro":"<h3>CHURCH<\/h3>\nA group or assembly of persons called together for a particular purpose. The term appears in only two verses in the Gospels (Mt 16:18; 18:17) but frequently in the book of Acts, most of the letters of Paul, as well as most of the remaining NT writings, especially the Revelation of John.<\/p>\nOne way of referring to the body of Israel in the OT was simply “the congregation.” Groups claiming to be the true Israel spiritually rather then naturally called themselves “the congregation.” The term was used by the writers of the Dead Sea Scrolls as well as by early Christians; it is the actual meaning of the word “church.” Christians often referred to themselves simply as the church or the congregation (with “of God” being understood). The term could be applied either to all believers in the world or to any local group of them. It meant the total presence of God’s people in a given location. That is why the NT often uses the singular “church” even when many groups of believers are included together (Acts 9:31; 2 Cor 1:1); the term “churches” is rarely found (Acts 15:41; 16:5). Each group or the whole group was the place where God was present (Mt 16:18; 18:17); God had purchased the congregation with the blood of his Son (Acts 20:28). The use of the word “church” in the NT is also somewhat dependent upon the Greek world. In the Greek world the word translated “church” designated an assembly<\/em> of people, a meeting, such as a regularly summoned political body, or simply a gathering<\/em> of people. The word is used in such a secular way in Acts 19:32, 39, 41.<\/p>\nThe specifically Christian usages of this concept vary considerably in the NT. (1) In analogy to the OT, it sometimes refers to a church meeting, as when Paul says to the Christians in Corinth: “When you meet as a church . . .” (1 Cor 11:18). This means that Christians are the people of God especially when they are gathered for worship. (2) In texts such as Matthew 18:17, Acts 5:11, 1 Corinthians 4:17, and Philippians 4:15, “church” refers to the entire group of Christians living in one place. Often, the local character of a Christian congregation is emphasized, as in the phrases, “the church in Jerusalem” (Acts 8:1), “in Corinth” (1 Cor 1:2), “in Thessalonica” (1 Thes 1:1). (3) In other texts, house assemblies of Christians are called churches, such as those who met in the house of Priscilla and Aquila (Rom 16:5; 1 Cor 16:19). (4) Throughout the NT, “the church” designates the universal church, to which all believers belong (see Acts 9:31; 1 Cor 6:4; Eph 1:22; Col 1:18). Jesus’ first word about the founding of the Christian movement in Matthew 16:18 has this larger meaning: “I will build my church, and the powers of death shall not prevail against it” (rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\nThe church, both as a universal reality and in its local, concrete expression, is more specifically designated in Paul’s writings as “the church of God” (e.g., 1 Cor 1:2; 10:32) or “the churches of Christ” (Rom 16:16). In this way a common, secular Greek term receives its distinctive Christian meaning and sets the Christian assembly\/ gathering\/community apart from all other secular or religious groups.<\/p>\nIt is clear from the NT as a whole that the Christian community understood itself as the community of the end time, as the community called into being by God’s end-time act of revelation and divine presence in Jesus of Nazareth. So Paul tells the Christians in Corinth that they are those “upon whom the end of the ages has come” (1 Cor 10:11, rsv<\/span>). That is, God had visited his creation, had called out of both Judaism and the gentile world a new people, empowered by his Spirit to be present in the world, sharing the Good News (gospel) of his radical, unconditional love for his creation (Eph 2:11-22). The Gospels tell us that Jesus chose 12 disciples who became the foundation of this new people. The correspondence to the 12 tribes of Israel is clear, and it shows that the church was understood both as grounded in Judaism and as the fulfillment of God’s intention in calling Israel to become “a light to the nations, that my salvation may reach to the end of the earth” (Is 49:6, rsv<\/span>; Rom 11:1-5). It is this recognition that allows Paul to call this new Gentile-Jewish community, this new creation, “the Israel of God” (Gal 6:15-16). In this new community the traditional barriers of race, social standing, and sex—barriers that divided people from one another and categorized them into inferior and superior classes—are seen to be shattered: “There is neither Jew nor Greek, slave nor free, male nor female, for you are all one in Christ Jesus” (Gal 3:28, niv<\/span>). This one entity is called “the body of Christ.”<\/p>\nPaul is alone among NT writers in speaking of the church as Christ’s body (Rom 12:5; 1 Cor 12:27; Eph 1:22-23; 4:12; see also 1 Cor 10:16-17; 12:12-13), or as “the body” of which Christ is the “head” (Eph 4:15; Col 1:18). The origin of this way of speaking about the church is not clear. Among a number of suggestions, two are particularly revealing about Paul’s thought: (1) The Damascus road experience. According to the accounts in Acts (9:3-7; 22:6-11; 26:12-18), Jesus identifies himself with his persecuted disciples. By persecuting these early Christians, Paul was actually fighting against Christ himself. It is possible that later reflection on this experience led Paul to the conviction that the living Christ was so identified with his community that it could be spoken of as his “body,” that is, the concrete expression of his real presence. (2) The Hebrew concept of corporate solidarity. Paul was a Hebrew of the Hebrews (Phil 3:5), and his thinking was thoroughly Jewish. In that context, the individual is largely thought of as intimately tied into the nation as a whole; the individual does not have real existence apart from the whole people. At the same time, the entire people can be seen as represented by one individual. Thus, “Israel” is both the name of one individual and the name of a whole people. The “servant” of Isaiah 42–53 can be both an individual (Is 42:1-4) and the nation of Israel (49:1-6). This idea of corporate solidarity (or personality) is the background for the intimate connection Paul makes between “the first Adam” and sinful humanity as well as between “the last (or second) Adam” (Christ) and renewed humanity (1 Cor 15:45-49; see also Rom 5:12-21).<\/p>\nThe reality of the intimate relation between Christ and his church is thus expressed by Paul as the organic unity and integration of the physical body (Rom 12:4-8; 1 Cor 12:12-27). For Paul, the Lord’s Supper is a specific manifestation of this reality: “The bread which we break, is it not a participation in the body of Christ? Because there is one bread, we who are many are one body, for we all partake of the one bread” (1 Cor 10:16b-17, rsv<\/span>). Since this is the case, Paul goes on to argue, all the functions of the body have their legitimate and rightful place. Division within the body (i.e., the church) reveals that there is something unhealthy within. It is this image of the church as the “body of Christ” that lies behind Paul’s repeated call for and insistence upon unity within the Christian community.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>CHURCH<\/h3>\nA group or assembly of persons called together for a particular purpose. The term appears in only two verses in the Gospels (Mt 16:18; 18:17) but frequently in the book of Acts, most of the letters of Paul, as well as most of the remaining NT writings, especially the Revelation of John.<\/p>\nOne way of referring to the body of Israel in the OT was simply “the congregation.” Groups claiming to be the true Israel spiritually rather then naturally called themselves “the congregation.” The term was used by the writers of the Dead Sea Scrolls as well as by early Christians; it is the actual meaning of the word “church.” Christians often referred to themselves simply as the church or the congregation (with “of God” being understood). The term could be applied either to all believers in the world or to any local group of them. It meant the total presence of God’s people in a given location. That is why the NT often uses the singular “church” even when many groups of believers are included together (Acts 9:31; 2 Cor 1:1); the term “churches” is rarely found (Acts 15:41; 16:5). Each group or the whole group was the place where God was present (Mt 16:18; 18:17); God had purchased the congregation with the blood of his Son (Acts 20:28). The use of the word “church” in the NT is also somewhat dependent upon the Greek world. In the Greek world the word translated “church” designated an assembly<\/em> of people, a meeting, such as a regularly summoned political body, or simply a gathering<\/em> of people. The word is used in such a secular way in Acts 19:32, 39, 41.<\/p>\nThe specifically Christian usages of this concept vary considerably in the NT. (1) In analogy to the OT, it sometimes refers to a church meeting, as when Paul says to the Christians in Corinth: “When you meet as a church . . .” (1 Cor 11:18). This means that Christians are the people of God especially when they are gathered for worship. (2) In texts such as Matthew 18:17, Acts 5:11, 1 Corinthians 4:17, and Philippians 4:15, “church” refers to the entire group of Christians living in one place. Often, the local character of a Christian congregation is emphasized, as in the phrases, “the church in Jerusalem” (Acts 8:1), “in Corinth” (1 Cor 1:2), “in Thessalonica” (1 Thes 1:1). (3) In other texts, house assemblies of Christians are called churches, such as those who met in the house of Priscilla and Aquila (Rom 16:5; 1 Cor 16:19). (4) Throughout the NT, “the church” designates the universal church, to which all believers belong (see Acts 9:31; 1 Cor 6:4; Eph 1:22; Col 1:18). Jesus’ first word about the founding of the Christian movement in Matthew 16:18 has this larger meaning: “I will build my church, and the powers of death shall not prevail against it” (rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\nThe church, both as a universal reality and in its local, concrete expression, is more specifically designated in Paul’s writings as “the church of God” (e.g., 1 Cor 1:2; 10:32) or “the churches of Christ” (Rom 16:16). In this way a common, secular Greek term receives its distinctive Christian meaning and sets the Christian assembly\/ gathering\/community apart from all other secular or religious groups.<\/p>\nIt is clear from the NT as a whole that the Christian community understood itself as the community of the end time, as the community called into being by God’s end-time act of revelation and divine presence in Jesus of Nazareth. So Paul tells the Christians in Corinth that they are those “upon whom the end of the ages has come” (1 Cor 10:11, rsv<\/span>). That is, God had visited his creation, had called out of both Judaism and the gentile world a new people, empowered by his Spirit to be present in the world, sharing the Good News (gospel) of his radical, unconditional love for his creation (Eph 2:11-22). The Gospels tell us that Jesus chose 12 disciples who became the foundation of this new people. The correspondence to the 12 tribes of Israel is clear, and it shows that the church was understood both as grounded in Judaism and as the fulfillment of God’s intention in calling Israel to become “a light to the nations, that my salvation may reach to the end of the earth” (Is 49:6, rsv<\/span>; Rom 11:1-5). It is this recognition that allows Paul to call this new Gentile-Jewish community, this new creation, “the Israel of God” (Gal 6:15-16). In this new community the traditional barriers of race, social standing, and sex—barriers that divided people from one another and categorized them into inferior and superior classes—are seen to be shattered: “There is neither Jew nor Greek, slave nor free, male nor female, for you are all one in Christ Jesus” (Gal 3:28, niv<\/span>). This one entity is called “the body of Christ.”<\/p>\nPaul is alone among NT writers in speaking of the church as Christ’s body (Rom 12:5; 1 Cor 12:27; Eph 1:22-23; 4:12; see also 1 Cor 10:16-17; 12:12-13), or as “the body” of which Christ is the “head” (Eph 4:15; Col 1:18). The origin of this way of speaking about the church is not clear. Among a number of suggestions, two are particularly revealing about Paul’s thought: (1) The Damascus road experience. According to the accounts in Acts (9:3-7; 22:6-11; 26:12-18), Jesus identifies himself with his persecuted disciples. By persecuting these early Christians, Paul was actually fighting against Christ himself. It is possible that later reflection on this experience led Paul to the conviction that the living Christ was so identified with his community that it could be spoken of as his “body,” that is, the concrete expression of his real presence. (2) The Hebrew concept of corporate solidarity. Paul was a Hebrew of the Hebrews (Phil 3:5), and his thinking was thoroughly Jewish. In that context, the individual is largely thought of as intimately tied into the nation as a whole; the individual does not have real existence apart from the whole people. At the same time, the entire people can be seen as represented by one individual. Thus, “Israel” is both the name of one individual and the name of a whole people. The “servant” of Isaiah 42–53 can be both an individual (Is 42:1-4) and the nation of Israel (49:1-6). This idea of corporate solidarity (or personality) is the background for the intimate connection Paul makes between “the first Adam” and sinful humanity as well as between “the last (or second) Adam” (Christ) and renewed humanity (1 Cor 15:45-49; see also Rom 5:12-21).<\/p>\nThe reality of the intimate relation between Christ and his church is thus expressed by Paul as the organic unity and integration of the physical body (Rom 12:4-8; 1 Cor 12:12-27). For Paul, the Lord’s Supper is a specific manifestation of this reality: “The bread which we break, is it not a participation in the body of Christ? Because there is one bread, we who are many are one body, for we all partake of the one bread” (1 Cor 10:16b-17, rsv<\/span>). Since this is the case, Paul goes on to argue, all the functions of the body have their legitimate and rightful place. Division within the body (i.e., the church) reveals that there is something unhealthy within. It is this image of the church as the “body of Christ” that lies behind Paul’s repeated call for and insistence upon unity within the Christian community.<\/p>","summary_ro":"CHURCH A group or assembly of persons called together for a particular purpose. The term appears in only two verses in the Gospels (Mt 16:18; 18:17) but frequently in the book of Acts, most of the letters of Paul, as well as most of the remaining NT writings, especially the Revelation of John. One way of referring to the body of Israel in the OT was simply “the congregation.” Groups claiming to be the true Israel spiritually rather then naturally called themselves “the congregation.” The term...","summary_en":"CHURCH A group or assembly of persons called together for a particular purpose. The term appears in only two verses in the Gospels (Mt 16:18; 18:17) but frequently in the book of Acts, most of the letters of Paul, as well as most of the remaining NT writings, especially the Revelation of John. One way of referring to the body of Israel in the OT was simply “the congregation.” Groups claiming to be the true Israel spiritually rather then naturally called themselves “the congregation.” The term...","source":"Articles\/C.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":22217,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"of Peace* Kiss, Kiss","title_en":"of Peace* Kiss, Kiss","content_ro":"<h3>KISS, KISS OF PEACE*<\/h3>\nCommon salutation symbolizing love and fellowship. In the Bible, kissing is referred to in a wide variety of contexts. In addition to its ordinary expression among relatives (Gn 29:11; 33:4), its sensual aspect is noted (Prv 7:6-13; Sg 1:2). It is well attested as an act of homage (1 Sm 10:1; Jb 31:27), although such expressions may be heinous in God’s sight (1 Kgs 19:18; Hos 13:2). Hypocrisy, even betrayal, may accompany a kiss (Mt 26:48-49).<\/p>\nFive NT texts refer to a “holy kiss,” called later in church liturgy a “kiss of peace” (Rom 16:16; 1 Cor 16:20; 2 Cor 13:12; 1 Thes 5:26; 1 Pt 5:14). Peter speaks of a “kiss of love” and mentions peace in conjunction with it. Although the practice is neither described nor limited by Scripture, the kiss was evidently exchanged between Christians as a pledge of brotherly friendship and fidelity (1 Thes 5:25-27).<\/p>\nIn the generations following the apostolic era, the kiss of peace came to occupy an established place in liturgical worship. In the latter part of the second century, Justin Martyr spoke of the exchange of kisses throughout the congregation following the conclusion of prayer. Eventually, the church placed the ceremony immediately prior to Holy Communion. Later on, the actual kiss was largely replaced by a simple bow. Other variant forms of the practice are still observed in various churches.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>KISS, KISS OF PEACE*<\/h3>\nCommon salutation symbolizing love and fellowship. In the Bible, kissing is referred to in a wide variety of contexts. In addition to its ordinary expression among relatives (Gn 29:11; 33:4), its sensual aspect is noted (Prv 7:6-13; Sg 1:2). It is well attested as an act of homage (1 Sm 10:1; Jb 31:27), although such expressions may be heinous in God’s sight (1 Kgs 19:18; Hos 13:2). Hypocrisy, even betrayal, may accompany a kiss (Mt 26:48-49).<\/p>\nFive NT texts refer to a “holy kiss,” called later in church liturgy a “kiss of peace” (Rom 16:16; 1 Cor 16:20; 2 Cor 13:12; 1 Thes 5:26; 1 Pt 5:14). Peter speaks of a “kiss of love” and mentions peace in conjunction with it. Although the practice is neither described nor limited by Scripture, the kiss was evidently exchanged between Christians as a pledge of brotherly friendship and fidelity (1 Thes 5:25-27).<\/p>\nIn the generations following the apostolic era, the kiss of peace came to occupy an established place in liturgical worship. In the latter part of the second century, Justin Martyr spoke of the exchange of kisses throughout the congregation following the conclusion of prayer. Eventually, the church placed the ceremony immediately prior to Holy Communion. Later on, the actual kiss was largely replaced by a simple bow. Other variant forms of the practice are still observed in various churches.<\/p>","summary_ro":"KISS, KISS OF PEACE* Common salutation symbolizing love and fellowship. In the Bible, kissing is referred to in a wide variety of contexts. In addition to its ordinary expression among relatives (Gn 29:11; 33:4), its sensual aspect is noted (Prv 7:6-13; Sg 1:2). It is well attested as an act of homage (1 Sm 10:1; Jb 31:27), although such expressions may be heinous in God’s sight (1 Kgs 19:18; Hos 13:2). Hypocrisy, even betrayal, may accompany a kiss (Mt 26:48-49). Five NT texts refer to a “ho...","summary_en":"KISS, KISS OF PEACE* Common salutation symbolizing love and fellowship. In the Bible, kissing is referred to in a wide variety of contexts. In addition to its ordinary expression among relatives (Gn 29:11; 33:4), its sensual aspect is noted (Prv 7:6-13; Sg 1:2). It is well attested as an act of homage (1 Sm 10:1; Jb 31:27), although such expressions may be heinous in God’s sight (1 Kgs 19:18; Hos 13:2). Hypocrisy, even betrayal, may accompany a kiss (Mt 26:48-49). Five NT texts refer to a “ho...","source":"Articles\/K.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":57438,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:16","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:16","content_ro":"16:16<\/strong> with a sacred kiss:<\/em> The kiss was a common way to greet<\/em> another person in the ancient world and particularly among the Jews. It is mentioned frequently in the New Testament as a greeting (1 Cor 16:20; 2 Cor 13:12; 1 Thes 5:26; see 1 Pet 5:14); the kiss of peace became a standard feature of the Christian liturgy by the second century.<\/p>","content_en":"16:16<\/strong> with a sacred kiss:<\/em> The kiss was a common way to greet<\/em> another person in the ancient world and particularly among the Jews. It is mentioned frequently in the New Testament as a greeting (1 Cor 16:20; 2 Cor 13:12; 1 Thes 5:26; see 1 Pet 5:14); the kiss of peace became a standard feature of the Christian liturgy by the second century.<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:16 with a sacred kiss: The kiss was a common way to greet another person in the ancient world and particularly among the Jews. It is mentioned frequently in the New Testament as a greeting (1 Cor 16:20; 2 Cor 13:12; 1 Thes 5:26; see 1 Pet 5:14); the kiss of peace became a standard feature of the Christian liturgy by the second century.","summary_en":"16:16 with a sacred kiss: The kiss was a common way to greet another person in the ancient world and particularly among the Jews. It is mentioned frequently in the New Testament as a greeting (1 Cor 16:20; 2 Cor 13:12; 1 Thes 5:26; see 1 Pet 5:14); the kiss of peace became a standard feature of the Christian liturgy by the second century.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":85064,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:16","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:16","content_ro":"16:16<\/strong> with a sacred kiss:<\/em> The kiss was a common way to greet<\/em> another person in the ancient world and particularly among the Jews. It is mentioned frequently in the New Testament as a greeting (1 Cor 16:20; 2 Cor 13:12; 1 Thes 5:26; see 1 Pet 5:14); the kiss of peace became a standard feature of the Christian liturgy by the second century.<\/p>","content_en":"16:16<\/strong> with a sacred kiss:<\/em> The kiss was a common way to greet<\/em> another person in the ancient world and particularly among the Jews. It is mentioned frequently in the New Testament as a greeting (1 Cor 16:20; 2 Cor 13:12; 1 Thes 5:26; see 1 Pet 5:14); the kiss of peace became a standard feature of the Christian liturgy by the second century.<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:16 with a sacred kiss: The kiss was a common way to greet another person in the ancient world and particularly among the Jews. It is mentioned frequently in the New Testament as a greeting (1 Cor 16:20; 2 Cor 13:12; 1 Thes 5:26; see 1 Pet 5:14); the kiss of peace became a standard feature of the Christian liturgy by the second century.","summary_en":"16:16 with a sacred kiss: The kiss was a common way to greet another person in the ancient world and particularly among the Jews. It is mentioned frequently in the New Testament as a greeting (1 Cor 16:20; 2 Cor 13:12; 1 Thes 5:26; see 1 Pet 5:14); the kiss of peace became a standard feature of the Christian liturgy by the second century.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":112690,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:16","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:16","content_ro":"16:16<\/strong> with a sacred kiss:<\/em> The kiss was a common way to greet<\/em> another person in the ancient world and particularly among the Jews. It is mentioned frequently in the New Testament as a greeting (1 Cor 16:20; 2 Cor 13:12; 1 Thes 5:26; see 1 Pet 5:14); the kiss of peace became a standard feature of the Christian liturgy by the second century.<\/p>","content_en":"16:16<\/strong> with a sacred kiss:<\/em> The kiss was a common way to greet<\/em> another person in the ancient world and particularly among the Jews. It is mentioned frequently in the New Testament as a greeting (1 Cor 16:20; 2 Cor 13:12; 1 Thes 5:26; see 1 Pet 5:14); the kiss of peace became a standard feature of the Christian liturgy by the second century.<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:16 with a sacred kiss: The kiss was a common way to greet another person in the ancient world and particularly among the Jews. It is mentioned frequently in the New Testament as a greeting (1 Cor 16:20; 2 Cor 13:12; 1 Thes 5:26; see 1 Pet 5:14); the kiss of peace became a standard feature of the Christian liturgy by the second century.","summary_en":"16:16 with a sacred kiss: The kiss was a common way to greet another person in the ancient world and particularly among the Jews. It is mentioned frequently in the New Testament as a greeting (1 Cor 16:20; 2 Cor 13:12; 1 Thes 5:26; see 1 Pet 5:14); the kiss of peace became a standard feature of the Christian liturgy by the second century.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":140316,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:16","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:16","content_ro":"16:16<\/strong> with a sacred kiss:<\/em> The kiss was a common way to greet<\/em> another person in the ancient world and particularly among the Jews. It is mentioned frequently in the New Testament as a greeting (1 Cor 16:20; 2 Cor 13:12; 1 Thes 5:26; see 1 Pet 5:14); the kiss of peace became a standard feature of the Christian liturgy by the second century.<\/p>","content_en":"16:16<\/strong> with a sacred kiss:<\/em> The kiss was a common way to greet<\/em> another person in the ancient world and particularly among the Jews. It is mentioned frequently in the New Testament as a greeting (1 Cor 16:20; 2 Cor 13:12; 1 Thes 5:26; see 1 Pet 5:14); the kiss of peace became a standard feature of the Christian liturgy by the second century.<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:16 with a sacred kiss: The kiss was a common way to greet another person in the ancient world and particularly among the Jews. It is mentioned frequently in the New Testament as a greeting (1 Cor 16:20; 2 Cor 13:12; 1 Thes 5:26; see 1 Pet 5:14); the kiss of peace became a standard feature of the Christian liturgy by the second century.","summary_en":"16:16 with a sacred kiss: The kiss was a common way to greet another person in the ancient world and particularly among the Jews. It is mentioned frequently in the New Testament as a greeting (1 Cor 16:20; 2 Cor 13:12; 1 Thes 5:26; see 1 Pet 5:14); the kiss of peace became a standard feature of the Christian liturgy by the second century.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"17":[{"id":57439,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:17","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:17","content_ro":"16:17<\/strong> people who cause divisions:<\/em> Paul had trouble with divisive false teachers elsewhere (see Galatians, Colossians, 1 Timothy), so he warned the Roman church about this danger.<\/p>","content_en":"16:17<\/strong> people who cause divisions:<\/em> Paul had trouble with divisive false teachers elsewhere (see Galatians, Colossians, 1 Timothy), so he warned the Roman church about this danger.<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:17 people who cause divisions: Paul had trouble with divisive false teachers elsewhere (see Galatians, Colossians, 1 Timothy), so he warned the Roman church about this danger.","summary_en":"16:17 people who cause divisions: Paul had trouble with divisive false teachers elsewhere (see Galatians, Colossians, 1 Timothy), so he warned the Roman church about this danger.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":85065,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:17","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:17","content_ro":"16:17<\/strong> people who cause divisions:<\/em> Paul had trouble with divisive false teachers elsewhere (see Galatians, Colossians, 1 Timothy), so he warned the Roman church about this danger.<\/p>","content_en":"16:17<\/strong> people who cause divisions:<\/em> Paul had trouble with divisive false teachers elsewhere (see Galatians, Colossians, 1 Timothy), so he warned the Roman church about this danger.<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:17 people who cause divisions: Paul had trouble with divisive false teachers elsewhere (see Galatians, Colossians, 1 Timothy), so he warned the Roman church about this danger.","summary_en":"16:17 people who cause divisions: Paul had trouble with divisive false teachers elsewhere (see Galatians, Colossians, 1 Timothy), so he warned the Roman church about this danger.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":112691,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:17","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:17","content_ro":"16:17<\/strong> people who cause divisions:<\/em> Paul had trouble with divisive false teachers elsewhere (see Galatians, Colossians, 1 Timothy), so he warned the Roman church about this danger.<\/p>","content_en":"16:17<\/strong> people who cause divisions:<\/em> Paul had trouble with divisive false teachers elsewhere (see Galatians, Colossians, 1 Timothy), so he warned the Roman church about this danger.<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:17 people who cause divisions: Paul had trouble with divisive false teachers elsewhere (see Galatians, Colossians, 1 Timothy), so he warned the Roman church about this danger.","summary_en":"16:17 people who cause divisions: Paul had trouble with divisive false teachers elsewhere (see Galatians, Colossians, 1 Timothy), so he warned the Roman church about this danger.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":140317,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:17","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:17","content_ro":"16:17<\/strong> people who cause divisions:<\/em> Paul had trouble with divisive false teachers elsewhere (see Galatians, Colossians, 1 Timothy), so he warned the Roman church about this danger.<\/p>","content_en":"16:17<\/strong> people who cause divisions:<\/em> Paul had trouble with divisive false teachers elsewhere (see Galatians, Colossians, 1 Timothy), so he warned the Roman church about this danger.<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:17 people who cause divisions: Paul had trouble with divisive false teachers elsewhere (see Galatians, Colossians, 1 Timothy), so he warned the Roman church about this danger.","summary_en":"16:17 people who cause divisions: Paul had trouble with divisive false teachers elsewhere (see Galatians, Colossians, 1 Timothy), so he warned the Roman church about this danger.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"18":[{"id":6307,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Christ","title_en":"Christ","content_ro":"<h3>CHRIST<\/h3>\nOfficial title given to Jesus in the NT. It signifies his office as anointed Savior and alludes to his spiritual qualifications for the task of saving his people. The word derives from Greek Christos<\/span>,<\/em> which translates Hebrew Messiah<\/span> (Jn 1:41). Both terms come from verbs meaning “to anoint with sacred oil”; hence, as titles they mean “the Anointed One.” Applied to Jesus, they express the conviction that he had divine appointment for his office and function.<\/p>\nIn the NT the title is used in combination with the given name, as “Jesus Christ” (Mt 1:1; Mk 1:1; Rom 1:4), “Christ Jesus” (niv<\/span> Rom 1:1; 1 Cor 1:1), with the article “the” (Rom 7:4), or with another title “Lord” (Rom 16:18). It is also used alone as the one favored substitute name or title for Jesus (Jn 20:31; Rom 15:3; Heb 3:6; 5:5; 1 Pt 1:11, 19).<\/p>\nThe Gospels portray Jesus as modestly accepting the title and role of the Messiah. His baptism should be understood as his anointing to the threefold office of prophet, priest, and king. At his baptism by John (the new Elijah, Mt 11:14), Jesus received the outpouring of the Spirit and God’s mandate to begin his ministry (Mt 3:16–4:17). John himself denied being the anointed one but tacitly identified Jesus as the Christ (Jn 1:20; Lk 3:14-17). Jesus’ first disciples followed him because they knew he was the Messiah (Jn 1:41). The demons recognized him as “the Holy One [anointed] of God” (Mk 1:24; cf. Mt 8:29). The crowds followed him as the Prophet, the new Moses (Jn 6:14, 32), but deserted him when they understood that his kingdom was a spiritual, not a political realm (v 66). The Twelve remained loyal, saying, “We believe . . . you are the Holy One of God” (Jn 6:69, niv<\/span>). The confession of the disciples voiced by Peter and approved by Jesus as a divine revelation is “You are the Christ, the Son of the living God” (Mt 16:16, niv<\/span>). At his trials the decisive factor in Jesus’ condemnation was his claim to be the Christ (Mt 26:63-64, 68; 27:11, 17, 22, 37).<\/p>\nAn important feature in the earliest Christian preaching was the proclamation that Jesus is the Christ (Acts 2:36; 3:18-20; 9:22; 28:23, 31). This remains the earliest (Mt 16:16) and most basic article of Christian confession (1 Cor 1:23; 1 Jn 5:1), affirming that Jesus perfectly fulfilled the role of anointed prophet, priest, and king as the servant of God for his people (Lk 7:16; 1 Cor 15:25; Heb 7:22-28; Rv 19:16).<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Jesus Christ, Life and Teachings of; Messiah.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>CHRIST<\/h3>\nOfficial title given to Jesus in the NT. It signifies his office as anointed Savior and alludes to his spiritual qualifications for the task of saving his people. The word derives from Greek Christos<\/span>,<\/em> which translates Hebrew Messiah<\/span> (Jn 1:41). Both terms come from verbs meaning “to anoint with sacred oil”; hence, as titles they mean “the Anointed One.” Applied to Jesus, they express the conviction that he had divine appointment for his office and function.<\/p>\nIn the NT the title is used in combination with the given name, as “Jesus Christ” (Mt 1:1; Mk 1:1; Rom 1:4), “Christ Jesus” (niv<\/span> Rom 1:1; 1 Cor 1:1), with the article “the” (Rom 7:4), or with another title “Lord” (Rom 16:18). It is also used alone as the one favored substitute name or title for Jesus (Jn 20:31; Rom 15:3; Heb 3:6; 5:5; 1 Pt 1:11, 19).<\/p>\nThe Gospels portray Jesus as modestly accepting the title and role of the Messiah. His baptism should be understood as his anointing to the threefold office of prophet, priest, and king. At his baptism by John (the new Elijah, Mt 11:14), Jesus received the outpouring of the Spirit and God’s mandate to begin his ministry (Mt 3:16–4:17). John himself denied being the anointed one but tacitly identified Jesus as the Christ (Jn 1:20; Lk 3:14-17). Jesus’ first disciples followed him because they knew he was the Messiah (Jn 1:41). The demons recognized him as “the Holy One [anointed] of God” (Mk 1:24; cf. Mt 8:29). The crowds followed him as the Prophet, the new Moses (Jn 6:14, 32), but deserted him when they understood that his kingdom was a spiritual, not a political realm (v 66). The Twelve remained loyal, saying, “We believe . . . you are the Holy One of God” (Jn 6:69, niv<\/span>). The confession of the disciples voiced by Peter and approved by Jesus as a divine revelation is “You are the Christ, the Son of the living God” (Mt 16:16, niv<\/span>). At his trials the decisive factor in Jesus’ condemnation was his claim to be the Christ (Mt 26:63-64, 68; 27:11, 17, 22, 37).<\/p>\nAn important feature in the earliest Christian preaching was the proclamation that Jesus is the Christ (Acts 2:36; 3:18-20; 9:22; 28:23, 31). This remains the earliest (Mt 16:16) and most basic article of Christian confession (1 Cor 1:23; 1 Jn 5:1), affirming that Jesus perfectly fulfilled the role of anointed prophet, priest, and king as the servant of God for his people (Lk 7:16; 1 Cor 15:25; Heb 7:22-28; Rv 19:16).<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Jesus Christ, Life and Teachings of; Messiah.<\/p>","summary_ro":"CHRIST Official title given to Jesus in the NT. It signifies his office as anointed Savior and alludes to his spiritual qualifications for the task of saving his people. The word derives from Greek Christos, which translates Hebrew Messiah (Jn 1:41). Both terms come from verbs meaning “to anoint with sacred oil”; hence, as titles they mean “the Anointed One.” Applied to Jesus, they express the conviction that he had divine appointment for his office and function. In the NT the title is used i...","summary_en":"CHRIST Official title given to Jesus in the NT. It signifies his office as anointed Savior and alludes to his spiritual qualifications for the task of saving his people. The word derives from Greek Christos, which translates Hebrew Messiah (Jn 1:41). Both terms come from verbs meaning “to anoint with sacred oil”; hence, as titles they mean “the Anointed One.” Applied to Jesus, they express the conviction that he had divine appointment for his office and function. In the NT the title is used i...","source":"Articles\/C.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"19":[{"id":20926,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Joy","title_en":"Joy","content_ro":"<h3>JOY<\/h3>\nPositive human condition that can be either feeling or action. The Bible uses “joy” in both senses.<\/p>\nJoy as a Feeling<\/p>\nJoy is a feeling called forth by well-being, success, or good fortune. A person automatically experiences it because of certain favorable circumstances. It cannot be commanded.<\/p>\nThe shepherd experienced joy when he found his lost sheep (Mt 18:13). The multitude felt it when Jesus healed a Jewish woman whom Satan had bound for 18 years (Lk 13:17). The disciples returned to Jerusalem rejoicing after Jesus’ ascension (24:52). Joy was also the feeling of the church at Antioch when its members heard the Jerusalem Council’s decision that they did not have to be circumcised to keep God’s law (Acts 15:31). Paul mentioned his joy in hearing about the obedience of the Roman Christians (Rom 16:19). He wrote to the Corinthians that love does not rejoice in wrong but rejoices in the right (1 Cor 13:6; see also 1 Sm 2:1; 11:9; 18:6; 2 Sm 6:12; 1 Kgs 1:40; Est 9:17-22).<\/p>\nPsalms 137:1-6 shows that the emotion cannot be commanded. The Jews’ captors wanted them to sing in the land of their exile, something they were unable to do. Faraway Jerusalem was their chief joy.<\/p>\nJoy as an Action<\/p>\nThere is a joy that Scripture commands. That joy is action that can be engaged in regardless of how the person feels. Proverbs 5:18 tells the reader to rejoice in the wife of his youth, without reference to what she may be like. Christ instructed his disciples to rejoice when they were persecuted, reviled, and slandered (Mt 5:11-12). The apostle Paul commanded continuous rejoicing (Phil 4:4; 1 Thes 5:16). James said Christians are to reckon it all joy when they fall into various testings because such testings produce endurance (Jas 1:2). Joy in adverse circumstances is possible only as a fruit of the Holy Spirit, who is present in every Christian (Gal 5:22).<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Fruit of the Spirit.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JOY<\/h3>\nPositive human condition that can be either feeling or action. The Bible uses “joy” in both senses.<\/p>\nJoy as a Feeling<\/p>\nJoy is a feeling called forth by well-being, success, or good fortune. A person automatically experiences it because of certain favorable circumstances. It cannot be commanded.<\/p>\nThe shepherd experienced joy when he found his lost sheep (Mt 18:13). The multitude felt it when Jesus healed a Jewish woman whom Satan had bound for 18 years (Lk 13:17). The disciples returned to Jerusalem rejoicing after Jesus’ ascension (24:52). Joy was also the feeling of the church at Antioch when its members heard the Jerusalem Council’s decision that they did not have to be circumcised to keep God’s law (Acts 15:31). Paul mentioned his joy in hearing about the obedience of the Roman Christians (Rom 16:19). He wrote to the Corinthians that love does not rejoice in wrong but rejoices in the right (1 Cor 13:6; see also 1 Sm 2:1; 11:9; 18:6; 2 Sm 6:12; 1 Kgs 1:40; Est 9:17-22).<\/p>\nPsalms 137:1-6 shows that the emotion cannot be commanded. The Jews’ captors wanted them to sing in the land of their exile, something they were unable to do. Faraway Jerusalem was their chief joy.<\/p>\nJoy as an Action<\/p>\nThere is a joy that Scripture commands. That joy is action that can be engaged in regardless of how the person feels. Proverbs 5:18 tells the reader to rejoice in the wife of his youth, without reference to what she may be like. Christ instructed his disciples to rejoice when they were persecuted, reviled, and slandered (Mt 5:11-12). The apostle Paul commanded continuous rejoicing (Phil 4:4; 1 Thes 5:16). James said Christians are to reckon it all joy when they fall into various testings because such testings produce endurance (Jas 1:2). Joy in adverse circumstances is possible only as a fruit of the Holy Spirit, who is present in every Christian (Gal 5:22).<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Fruit of the Spirit.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JOY Positive human condition that can be either feeling or action. The Bible uses “joy” in both senses. Joy as a Feeling Joy is a feeling called forth by well-being, success, or good fortune. A person automatically experiences it because of certain favorable circumstances. It cannot be commanded. The shepherd experienced joy when he found his lost sheep (Mt 18:13). The multitude felt it when Jesus healed a Jewish woman whom Satan had bound for 18 years (Lk 13:17). The disciples returned to Je...","summary_en":"JOY Positive human condition that can be either feeling or action. The Bible uses “joy” in both senses. Joy as a Feeling Joy is a feeling called forth by well-being, success, or good fortune. A person automatically experiences it because of certain favorable circumstances. It cannot be commanded. The shepherd experienced joy when he found his lost sheep (Mt 18:13). The multitude felt it when Jesus healed a Jewish woman whom Satan had bound for 18 years (Lk 13:17). The disciples returned to Je...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"20":[{"id":40465,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Adam and Eve","title_en":"Adam and Eve","content_ro":"<h3>Adam and Eve<\/h3>\nAdam was the first man, the father of the human race. God created the first couple in his image to populate the earth and rule the created order (Gen 1:26-31). God made Adam from the earth and breathed life into him (2:7); he was to cultivate the garden in which God placed him (2:15), name the animals (2:19-20), and follow God’s instructions (1:28; 2:16-17).<\/p>\nGod created the first woman as a companion and helper for Adam (2:18-22). Eve’s creation from Adam’s rib portrays the unity that God intended for man and woman in marriage (2:23-25). She is honored as “the mother of all who live” (3:20).<\/p>\nAfter the serpent deceived Eve into rejecting God’s rule, Adam also rebelled (3:1-6). Their willful disobedience disrupted their relationship (3:7) and separated them from God. God looked for Adam after his rebellion; he and Eve were hiding among the trees, already aware of the alienation (3:8). When God questioned him, Adam blamed Eve and, by implication, God (3:12). Their rebellion brought pain, strained relationships, hardship in governing the earth, and death—physical and spiritual (3:16-19, 22-24). Nonetheless, God provided animal skins to cover Adam and Eve (3:21), and promised that Eve’s offspring would defeat Satan (3:15; see Rom 16:20; Rev 12:1-9; 20:1-10).<\/p>\nAdam was a historical individual (Gen 4:25; 5:1-5; 1 Chr 1:1; Hos 6:7; Luke 3:38; Rom 5:14; 1 Cor 15:22, 45; 1 Tim 2:13-14; Jude 1:14) who also represents humanity as a whole. God’s mandates (Gen 1:26-30) and curses (3:16-19) affected not only Adam and Eve, but the entire human race. Adam represents separation from God, which all humanity experiences.<\/p>\nThe apostle Paul contrasted those represented by Adam, the first man, with those who follow Christ, the “last Adam” (Rom 5:12-21; 1 Cor 15:45-50; see also Rom 8:5-11, 20-22). Those represented by Adam live only after his example—they partake of his sin, his alienation from God and God’s creation, and his spiritual death. By contrast, those who follow Christ live by faith in him. They are recreated in Christ’s image and become “new people” who partake of a new creation (see Rom 8:29; 1 Cor 15:49; 2 Cor 5:17; Gal 6:15). The barriers Adam and Eve raised are removed by Christ (Rom 5:1; 2 Cor 5:19; Gal 3:27-28; Eph 2:14-16); Christ restores what they lost.<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nGen 1:26-31; 2:4–3:24; 4:25–5:5; Hos 6:6-7; Luke 3:38; Rom 5:12-21; 1 Cor 15:22, 45-49; 1 Tim 2:13-14<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Adam and Eve<\/h3>\nAdam was the first man, the father of the human race. God created the first couple in his image to populate the earth and rule the created order (Gen 1:26-31). God made Adam from the earth and breathed life into him (2:7); he was to cultivate the garden in which God placed him (2:15), name the animals (2:19-20), and follow God’s instructions (1:28; 2:16-17).<\/p>\nGod created the first woman as a companion and helper for Adam (2:18-22). Eve’s creation from Adam’s rib portrays the unity that God intended for man and woman in marriage (2:23-25). She is honored as “the mother of all who live” (3:20).<\/p>\nAfter the serpent deceived Eve into rejecting God’s rule, Adam also rebelled (3:1-6). Their willful disobedience disrupted their relationship (3:7) and separated them from God. God looked for Adam after his rebellion; he and Eve were hiding among the trees, already aware of the alienation (3:8). When God questioned him, Adam blamed Eve and, by implication, God (3:12). Their rebellion brought pain, strained relationships, hardship in governing the earth, and death—physical and spiritual (3:16-19, 22-24). Nonetheless, God provided animal skins to cover Adam and Eve (3:21), and promised that Eve’s offspring would defeat Satan (3:15; see Rom 16:20; Rev 12:1-9; 20:1-10).<\/p>\nAdam was a historical individual (Gen 4:25; 5:1-5; 1 Chr 1:1; Hos 6:7; Luke 3:38; Rom 5:14; 1 Cor 15:22, 45; 1 Tim 2:13-14; Jude 1:14) who also represents humanity as a whole. God’s mandates (Gen 1:26-30) and curses (3:16-19) affected not only Adam and Eve, but the entire human race. Adam represents separation from God, which all humanity experiences.<\/p>\nThe apostle Paul contrasted those represented by Adam, the first man, with those who follow Christ, the “last Adam” (Rom 5:12-21; 1 Cor 15:45-50; see also Rom 8:5-11, 20-22). Those represented by Adam live only after his example—they partake of his sin, his alienation from God and God’s creation, and his spiritual death. By contrast, those who follow Christ live by faith in him. They are recreated in Christ’s image and become “new people” who partake of a new creation (see Rom 8:29; 1 Cor 15:49; 2 Cor 5:17; Gal 6:15). The barriers Adam and Eve raised are removed by Christ (Rom 5:1; 2 Cor 5:19; Gal 3:27-28; Eph 2:14-16); Christ restores what they lost.<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nGen 1:26-31; 2:4–3:24; 4:25–5:5; Hos 6:6-7; Luke 3:38; Rom 5:12-21; 1 Cor 15:22, 45-49; 1 Tim 2:13-14<\/p>","summary_ro":"Adam and Eve Adam was the first man, the father of the human race. God created the first couple in his image to populate the earth and rule the created order (Gen 1:26-31). God made Adam from the earth and breathed life into him (2:7); he was to cultivate the garden in which God placed him (2:15), name the animals (2:19-20), and follow God’s instructions (1:28; 2:16-17). God created the first woman as a companion and helper for Adam (2:18-22). Eve’s creation from Adam’s rib portrays the unity...","summary_en":"Adam and Eve Adam was the first man, the father of the human race. God created the first couple in his image to populate the earth and rule the created order (Gen 1:26-31). God made Adam from the earth and breathed life into him (2:7); he was to cultivate the garden in which God placed him (2:15), name the animals (2:19-20), and follow God’s instructions (1:28; 2:16-17). God created the first woman as a companion and helper for Adam (2:18-22). Eve’s creation from Adam’s rib portrays the unity...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":41859,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Satan","title_en":"Satan","content_ro":"<h3>Satan<\/h3>\nThe book of Job includes “the satan” among the heavenly court (Job 1:6; 2:1). The Hebrew word satan<\/span> refers to an adversary or an accuser in court (see Job 1–2; Zech 3:1). God sometimes appoints angels as adversaries for righteous judgment and opposition to evildoers (e.g., Num 22:22, 32, where the term satan<\/span> is often translated “block”; see also 1 Kgs 22:19-23). The Old Testament hints at the accuser’s demonic character, but it was between the times of the Old Testament and the New Testament that Satan became identified with the serpent in Eden (see Wisdom of Solomon<\/em> 2:24). The New Testament refers to the chief demon as “(the) Satan” (Rev 20:2), along with numerous other names such as the devil (Matt 4:1-11), the tempter (1 Thes 3:5), Beelzeboul, the ruler of demons (see textual notes at Matt 12:24; Luke 11:15), the evil one (Matt 13:19, 38; 1 Jn 2:13-14; 3:12; 5:18), Beliar (see textual note at 2 Cor 6:15), the deceiver (Rev 12:9), the great seven-headed dragon and serpent of old (Rev 12:3, 9; 20:2), a murderer, and the father of lies (John 8:44).<\/p>\nSatan incited David’s census (1 Chr 21:1; cp. 2 Sam 24:1), tempted and betrayed Jesus (Mark 1:12-13; John 13:27), desired to test Peter as he had tested Job (Luke 22:31), enslaved sinners (Acts 26:17-18), and deceitfully opposed God’s people (1 Cor 7:5; 2 Cor 11:14). The adversary of God’s people will be overcome in the end, when God defeats and imprisons him (Rev 12:9; 20:2, 10).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nNum 22:22, 32; 1 Chr 21:1; Job 1:6–2:7; Zech 3:1-4; Matt 4:1-10; 12:24; 13:19, 38-39; 16:23; Mark 1:13; 4:15; Luke 4:6; 10:17-20; 11:15; 22:3, 31; John 8:44; 12:31; 13:2, 27; 16:11; Acts 13:9-10; 26:17-18; Rom 16:20; 1 Cor 7:5; 2 Cor 2:10-11; 4:4; 6:15; 11:13-15; 1 Thes 3:5; 2 Thes 2:2-12; Heb 2:14; Jas 4:7; 1 Pet 5:8; 1 Jn 2:13-14; 3:12; 5:18; Rev 12:3, 9; 20:2, 10<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Satan<\/h3>\nThe book of Job includes “the satan” among the heavenly court (Job 1:6; 2:1). The Hebrew word satan<\/span> refers to an adversary or an accuser in court (see Job 1–2; Zech 3:1). God sometimes appoints angels as adversaries for righteous judgment and opposition to evildoers (e.g., Num 22:22, 32, where the term satan<\/span> is often translated “block”; see also 1 Kgs 22:19-23). The Old Testament hints at the accuser’s demonic character, but it was between the times of the Old Testament and the New Testament that Satan became identified with the serpent in Eden (see Wisdom of Solomon<\/em> 2:24). The New Testament refers to the chief demon as “(the) Satan” (Rev 20:2), along with numerous other names such as the devil (Matt 4:1-11), the tempter (1 Thes 3:5), Beelzeboul, the ruler of demons (see textual notes at Matt 12:24; Luke 11:15), the evil one (Matt 13:19, 38; 1 Jn 2:13-14; 3:12; 5:18), Beliar (see textual note at 2 Cor 6:15), the deceiver (Rev 12:9), the great seven-headed dragon and serpent of old (Rev 12:3, 9; 20:2), a murderer, and the father of lies (John 8:44).<\/p>\nSatan incited David’s census (1 Chr 21:1; cp. 2 Sam 24:1), tempted and betrayed Jesus (Mark 1:12-13; John 13:27), desired to test Peter as he had tested Job (Luke 22:31), enslaved sinners (Acts 26:17-18), and deceitfully opposed God’s people (1 Cor 7:5; 2 Cor 11:14). The adversary of God’s people will be overcome in the end, when God defeats and imprisons him (Rev 12:9; 20:2, 10).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nNum 22:22, 32; 1 Chr 21:1; Job 1:6–2:7; Zech 3:1-4; Matt 4:1-10; 12:24; 13:19, 38-39; 16:23; Mark 1:13; 4:15; Luke 4:6; 10:17-20; 11:15; 22:3, 31; John 8:44; 12:31; 13:2, 27; 16:11; Acts 13:9-10; 26:17-18; Rom 16:20; 1 Cor 7:5; 2 Cor 2:10-11; 4:4; 6:15; 11:13-15; 1 Thes 3:5; 2 Thes 2:2-12; Heb 2:14; Jas 4:7; 1 Pet 5:8; 1 Jn 2:13-14; 3:12; 5:18; Rev 12:3, 9; 20:2, 10<\/p>","summary_ro":"Satan The book of Job includes “the satan” among the heavenly court (Job 1:6; 2:1). The Hebrew word satan refers to an adversary or an accuser in court (see Job 1–2; Zech 3:1). God sometimes appoints angels as adversaries for righteous judgment and opposition to evildoers (e.g., Num 22:22, 32, where the term satan is often translated “block”; see also 1 Kgs 22:19-23). The Old Testament hints at the accuser’s demonic character, but it was between the times of the Old Testament and the New Test...","summary_en":"Satan The book of Job includes “the satan” among the heavenly court (Job 1:6; 2:1). The Hebrew word satan refers to an adversary or an accuser in court (see Job 1–2; Zech 3:1). God sometimes appoints angels as adversaries for righteous judgment and opposition to evildoers (e.g., Num 22:22, 32, where the term satan is often translated “block”; see also 1 Kgs 22:19-23). The Old Testament hints at the accuser’s demonic character, but it was between the times of the Old Testament and the New Test...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":68091,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Adam and Eve","title_en":"Adam and Eve","content_ro":"<h3>Adam and Eve<\/h3>\nAdam was the first man, the father of the human race. God created the first couple in his image to populate the earth and rule the created order (Gen 1:26-31). God made Adam from the earth and breathed life into him (2:7); he was to cultivate the garden in which God placed him (2:15), name the animals (2:19-20), and follow God’s instructions (1:28; 2:16-17).<\/p>\nGod created the first woman as a companion and helper for Adam (2:18-22). Eve’s creation from Adam’s rib portrays the unity that God intended for man and woman in marriage (2:23-25). She is honored as “the mother of all who live” (3:20).<\/p>\nAfter the serpent deceived Eve into rejecting God’s rule, Adam also rebelled (3:1-6). Their willful disobedience disrupted their relationship (3:7) and separated them from God. God looked for Adam after his rebellion; he and Eve were hiding among the trees, already aware of the alienation (3:8). When God questioned him, Adam blamed Eve and, by implication, God (3:12). Their rebellion brought pain, strained relationships, hardship in governing the earth, and death—physical and spiritual (3:16-19, 22-24). Nonetheless, God provided animal skins to cover Adam and Eve (3:21), and promised that Eve’s offspring would defeat Satan (3:15; see Rom 16:20; Rev 12:1-9; 20:1-10).<\/p>\nAdam was a historical individual (Gen 4:25; 5:1-5; 1 Chr 1:1; Hos 6:7; Luke 3:38; Rom 5:14; 1 Cor 15:22, 45; 1 Tim 2:13-14; Jude 1:14) who also represents humanity as a whole. God’s mandates (Gen 1:26-30) and curses (3:16-19) affected not only Adam and Eve, but the entire human race. Adam represents separation from God, which all humanity experiences.<\/p>\nThe apostle Paul contrasted those represented by Adam, the first man, with those who follow Christ, the “last Adam” (Rom 5:12-21; 1 Cor 15:45-50; see also Rom 8:5-11, 20-22). Those represented by Adam live only after his example—they partake of his sin, his alienation from God and God’s creation, and his spiritual death. By contrast, those who follow Christ live by faith in him. They are recreated in Christ’s image and become “new people” who partake of a new creation (see Rom 8:29; 1 Cor 15:49; 2 Cor 5:17; Gal 6:15). The barriers Adam and Eve raised are removed by Christ (Rom 5:1; 2 Cor 5:19; Gal 3:27-28; Eph 2:14-16); Christ restores what they lost.<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nGen 1:26-31; 2:4–3:24; 4:25–5:5; Hos 6:6-7; Luke 3:38; Rom 5:12-21; 1 Cor 15:22, 45-49; 1 Tim 2:13-14<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Adam and Eve<\/h3>\nAdam was the first man, the father of the human race. God created the first couple in his image to populate the earth and rule the created order (Gen 1:26-31). God made Adam from the earth and breathed life into him (2:7); he was to cultivate the garden in which God placed him (2:15), name the animals (2:19-20), and follow God’s instructions (1:28; 2:16-17).<\/p>\nGod created the first woman as a companion and helper for Adam (2:18-22). Eve’s creation from Adam’s rib portrays the unity that God intended for man and woman in marriage (2:23-25). She is honored as “the mother of all who live” (3:20).<\/p>\nAfter the serpent deceived Eve into rejecting God’s rule, Adam also rebelled (3:1-6). Their willful disobedience disrupted their relationship (3:7) and separated them from God. God looked for Adam after his rebellion; he and Eve were hiding among the trees, already aware of the alienation (3:8). When God questioned him, Adam blamed Eve and, by implication, God (3:12). Their rebellion brought pain, strained relationships, hardship in governing the earth, and death—physical and spiritual (3:16-19, 22-24). Nonetheless, God provided animal skins to cover Adam and Eve (3:21), and promised that Eve’s offspring would defeat Satan (3:15; see Rom 16:20; Rev 12:1-9; 20:1-10).<\/p>\nAdam was a historical individual (Gen 4:25; 5:1-5; 1 Chr 1:1; Hos 6:7; Luke 3:38; Rom 5:14; 1 Cor 15:22, 45; 1 Tim 2:13-14; Jude 1:14) who also represents humanity as a whole. God’s mandates (Gen 1:26-30) and curses (3:16-19) affected not only Adam and Eve, but the entire human race. Adam represents separation from God, which all humanity experiences.<\/p>\nThe apostle Paul contrasted those represented by Adam, the first man, with those who follow Christ, the “last Adam” (Rom 5:12-21; 1 Cor 15:45-50; see also Rom 8:5-11, 20-22). Those represented by Adam live only after his example—they partake of his sin, his alienation from God and God’s creation, and his spiritual death. By contrast, those who follow Christ live by faith in him. They are recreated in Christ’s image and become “new people” who partake of a new creation (see Rom 8:29; 1 Cor 15:49; 2 Cor 5:17; Gal 6:15). The barriers Adam and Eve raised are removed by Christ (Rom 5:1; 2 Cor 5:19; Gal 3:27-28; Eph 2:14-16); Christ restores what they lost.<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nGen 1:26-31; 2:4–3:24; 4:25–5:5; Hos 6:6-7; Luke 3:38; Rom 5:12-21; 1 Cor 15:22, 45-49; 1 Tim 2:13-14<\/p>","summary_ro":"Adam and Eve Adam was the first man, the father of the human race. God created the first couple in his image to populate the earth and rule the created order (Gen 1:26-31). God made Adam from the earth and breathed life into him (2:7); he was to cultivate the garden in which God placed him (2:15), name the animals (2:19-20), and follow God’s instructions (1:28; 2:16-17). God created the first woman as a companion and helper for Adam (2:18-22). Eve’s creation from Adam’s rib portrays the unity...","summary_en":"Adam and Eve Adam was the first man, the father of the human race. God created the first couple in his image to populate the earth and rule the created order (Gen 1:26-31). God made Adam from the earth and breathed life into him (2:7); he was to cultivate the garden in which God placed him (2:15), name the animals (2:19-20), and follow God’s instructions (1:28; 2:16-17). God created the first woman as a companion and helper for Adam (2:18-22). Eve’s creation from Adam’s rib portrays the unity...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":69485,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Satan","title_en":"Satan","content_ro":"<h3>Satan<\/h3>\nThe book of Job includes “the satan” among the heavenly court (Job 1:6; 2:1). The Hebrew word satan<\/span> refers to an adversary or an accuser in court (see Job 1–2; Zech 3:1). God sometimes appoints angels as adversaries for righteous judgment and opposition to evildoers (e.g., Num 22:22, 32, where the term satan<\/span> is often translated “block”; see also 1 Kgs 22:19-23). The Old Testament hints at the accuser’s demonic character, but it was between the times of the Old Testament and the New Testament that Satan became identified with the serpent in Eden (see Wisdom of Solomon<\/em> 2:24). The New Testament refers to the chief demon as “(the) Satan” (Rev 20:2), along with numerous other names such as the devil (Matt 4:1-11), the tempter (1 Thes 3:5), Beelzeboul, the ruler of demons (see textual notes at Matt 12:24; Luke 11:15), the evil one (Matt 13:19, 38; 1 Jn 2:13-14; 3:12; 5:18), Beliar (see textual note at 2 Cor 6:15), the deceiver (Rev 12:9), the great seven-headed dragon and serpent of old (Rev 12:3, 9; 20:2), a murderer, and the father of lies (John 8:44).<\/p>\nSatan incited David’s census (1 Chr 21:1; cp. 2 Sam 24:1), tempted and betrayed Jesus (Mark 1:12-13; John 13:27), desired to test Peter as he had tested Job (Luke 22:31), enslaved sinners (Acts 26:17-18), and deceitfully opposed God’s people (1 Cor 7:5; 2 Cor 11:14). The adversary of God’s people will be overcome in the end, when God defeats and imprisons him (Rev 12:9; 20:2, 10).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nNum 22:22, 32; 1 Chr 21:1; Job 1:6–2:7; Zech 3:1-4; Matt 4:1-10; 12:24; 13:19, 38-39; 16:23; Mark 1:13; 4:15; Luke 4:6; 10:17-20; 11:15; 22:3, 31; John 8:44; 12:31; 13:2, 27; 16:11; Acts 13:9-10; 26:17-18; Rom 16:20; 1 Cor 7:5; 2 Cor 2:10-11; 4:4; 6:15; 11:13-15; 1 Thes 3:5; 2 Thes 2:2-12; Heb 2:14; Jas 4:7; 1 Pet 5:8; 1 Jn 2:13-14; 3:12; 5:18; Rev 12:3, 9; 20:2, 10<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Satan<\/h3>\nThe book of Job includes “the satan” among the heavenly court (Job 1:6; 2:1). The Hebrew word satan<\/span> refers to an adversary or an accuser in court (see Job 1–2; Zech 3:1). God sometimes appoints angels as adversaries for righteous judgment and opposition to evildoers (e.g., Num 22:22, 32, where the term satan<\/span> is often translated “block”; see also 1 Kgs 22:19-23). The Old Testament hints at the accuser’s demonic character, but it was between the times of the Old Testament and the New Testament that Satan became identified with the serpent in Eden (see Wisdom of Solomon<\/em> 2:24). The New Testament refers to the chief demon as “(the) Satan” (Rev 20:2), along with numerous other names such as the devil (Matt 4:1-11), the tempter (1 Thes 3:5), Beelzeboul, the ruler of demons (see textual notes at Matt 12:24; Luke 11:15), the evil one (Matt 13:19, 38; 1 Jn 2:13-14; 3:12; 5:18), Beliar (see textual note at 2 Cor 6:15), the deceiver (Rev 12:9), the great seven-headed dragon and serpent of old (Rev 12:3, 9; 20:2), a murderer, and the father of lies (John 8:44).<\/p>\nSatan incited David’s census (1 Chr 21:1; cp. 2 Sam 24:1), tempted and betrayed Jesus (Mark 1:12-13; John 13:27), desired to test Peter as he had tested Job (Luke 22:31), enslaved sinners (Acts 26:17-18), and deceitfully opposed God’s people (1 Cor 7:5; 2 Cor 11:14). The adversary of God’s people will be overcome in the end, when God defeats and imprisons him (Rev 12:9; 20:2, 10).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nNum 22:22, 32; 1 Chr 21:1; Job 1:6–2:7; Zech 3:1-4; Matt 4:1-10; 12:24; 13:19, 38-39; 16:23; Mark 1:13; 4:15; Luke 4:6; 10:17-20; 11:15; 22:3, 31; John 8:44; 12:31; 13:2, 27; 16:11; Acts 13:9-10; 26:17-18; Rom 16:20; 1 Cor 7:5; 2 Cor 2:10-11; 4:4; 6:15; 11:13-15; 1 Thes 3:5; 2 Thes 2:2-12; Heb 2:14; Jas 4:7; 1 Pet 5:8; 1 Jn 2:13-14; 3:12; 5:18; Rev 12:3, 9; 20:2, 10<\/p>","summary_ro":"Satan The book of Job includes “the satan” among the heavenly court (Job 1:6; 2:1). The Hebrew word satan refers to an adversary or an accuser in court (see Job 1–2; Zech 3:1). God sometimes appoints angels as adversaries for righteous judgment and opposition to evildoers (e.g., Num 22:22, 32, where the term satan is often translated “block”; see also 1 Kgs 22:19-23). The Old Testament hints at the accuser’s demonic character, but it was between the times of the Old Testament and the New Test...","summary_en":"Satan The book of Job includes “the satan” among the heavenly court (Job 1:6; 2:1). The Hebrew word satan refers to an adversary or an accuser in court (see Job 1–2; Zech 3:1). God sometimes appoints angels as adversaries for righteous judgment and opposition to evildoers (e.g., Num 22:22, 32, where the term satan is often translated “block”; see also 1 Kgs 22:19-23). The Old Testament hints at the accuser’s demonic character, but it was between the times of the Old Testament and the New Test...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":95717,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Adam and Eve","title_en":"Adam and Eve","content_ro":"<h3>Adam and Eve<\/h3>\nAdam was the first man, the father of the human race. God created the first couple in his image to populate the earth and rule the created order (Gen 1:26-31). God made Adam from the earth and breathed life into him (2:7); he was to cultivate the garden in which God placed him (2:15), name the animals (2:19-20), and follow God’s instructions (1:28; 2:16-17).<\/p>\nGod created the first woman as a companion and helper for Adam (2:18-22). Eve’s creation from Adam’s rib portrays the unity that God intended for man and woman in marriage (2:23-25). She is honored as “the mother of all who live” (3:20).<\/p>\nAfter the serpent deceived Eve into rejecting God’s rule, Adam also rebelled (3:1-6). Their willful disobedience disrupted their relationship (3:7) and separated them from God. God looked for Adam after his rebellion; he and Eve were hiding among the trees, already aware of the alienation (3:8). When God questioned him, Adam blamed Eve and, by implication, God (3:12). Their rebellion brought pain, strained relationships, hardship in governing the earth, and death—physical and spiritual (3:16-19, 22-24). Nonetheless, God provided animal skins to cover Adam and Eve (3:21), and promised that Eve’s offspring would defeat Satan (3:15; see Rom 16:20; Rev 12:1-9; 20:1-10).<\/p>\nAdam was a historical individual (Gen 4:25; 5:1-5; 1 Chr 1:1; Hos 6:7; Luke 3:38; Rom 5:14; 1 Cor 15:22, 45; 1 Tim 2:13-14; Jude 1:14) who also represents humanity as a whole. God’s mandates (Gen 1:26-30) and curses (3:16-19) affected not only Adam and Eve, but the entire human race. Adam represents separation from God, which all humanity experiences.<\/p>\nThe apostle Paul contrasted those represented by Adam, the first man, with those who follow Christ, the “last Adam” (Rom 5:12-21; 1 Cor 15:45-50; see also Rom 8:5-11, 20-22). Those represented by Adam live only after his example—they partake of his sin, his alienation from God and God’s creation, and his spiritual death. By contrast, those who follow Christ live by faith in him. They are recreated in Christ’s image and become “new people” who partake of a new creation (see Rom 8:29; 1 Cor 15:49; 2 Cor 5:17; Gal 6:15). The barriers Adam and Eve raised are removed by Christ (Rom 5:1; 2 Cor 5:19; Gal 3:27-28; Eph 2:14-16); Christ restores what they lost.<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nGen 1:26-31; 2:4–3:24; 4:25–5:5; Hos 6:6-7; Luke 3:38; Rom 5:12-21; 1 Cor 15:22, 45-49; 1 Tim 2:13-14<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Adam and Eve<\/h3>\nAdam was the first man, the father of the human race. God created the first couple in his image to populate the earth and rule the created order (Gen 1:26-31). God made Adam from the earth and breathed life into him (2:7); he was to cultivate the garden in which God placed him (2:15), name the animals (2:19-20), and follow God’s instructions (1:28; 2:16-17).<\/p>\nGod created the first woman as a companion and helper for Adam (2:18-22). Eve’s creation from Adam’s rib portrays the unity that God intended for man and woman in marriage (2:23-25). She is honored as “the mother of all who live” (3:20).<\/p>\nAfter the serpent deceived Eve into rejecting God’s rule, Adam also rebelled (3:1-6). Their willful disobedience disrupted their relationship (3:7) and separated them from God. God looked for Adam after his rebellion; he and Eve were hiding among the trees, already aware of the alienation (3:8). When God questioned him, Adam blamed Eve and, by implication, God (3:12). Their rebellion brought pain, strained relationships, hardship in governing the earth, and death—physical and spiritual (3:16-19, 22-24). Nonetheless, God provided animal skins to cover Adam and Eve (3:21), and promised that Eve’s offspring would defeat Satan (3:15; see Rom 16:20; Rev 12:1-9; 20:1-10).<\/p>\nAdam was a historical individual (Gen 4:25; 5:1-5; 1 Chr 1:1; Hos 6:7; Luke 3:38; Rom 5:14; 1 Cor 15:22, 45; 1 Tim 2:13-14; Jude 1:14) who also represents humanity as a whole. God’s mandates (Gen 1:26-30) and curses (3:16-19) affected not only Adam and Eve, but the entire human race. Adam represents separation from God, which all humanity experiences.<\/p>\nThe apostle Paul contrasted those represented by Adam, the first man, with those who follow Christ, the “last Adam” (Rom 5:12-21; 1 Cor 15:45-50; see also Rom 8:5-11, 20-22). Those represented by Adam live only after his example—they partake of his sin, his alienation from God and God’s creation, and his spiritual death. By contrast, those who follow Christ live by faith in him. They are recreated in Christ’s image and become “new people” who partake of a new creation (see Rom 8:29; 1 Cor 15:49; 2 Cor 5:17; Gal 6:15). The barriers Adam and Eve raised are removed by Christ (Rom 5:1; 2 Cor 5:19; Gal 3:27-28; Eph 2:14-16); Christ restores what they lost.<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nGen 1:26-31; 2:4–3:24; 4:25–5:5; Hos 6:6-7; Luke 3:38; Rom 5:12-21; 1 Cor 15:22, 45-49; 1 Tim 2:13-14<\/p>","summary_ro":"Adam and Eve Adam was the first man, the father of the human race. God created the first couple in his image to populate the earth and rule the created order (Gen 1:26-31). God made Adam from the earth and breathed life into him (2:7); he was to cultivate the garden in which God placed him (2:15), name the animals (2:19-20), and follow God’s instructions (1:28; 2:16-17). God created the first woman as a companion and helper for Adam (2:18-22). Eve’s creation from Adam’s rib portrays the unity...","summary_en":"Adam and Eve Adam was the first man, the father of the human race. God created the first couple in his image to populate the earth and rule the created order (Gen 1:26-31). God made Adam from the earth and breathed life into him (2:7); he was to cultivate the garden in which God placed him (2:15), name the animals (2:19-20), and follow God’s instructions (1:28; 2:16-17). God created the first woman as a companion and helper for Adam (2:18-22). Eve’s creation from Adam’s rib portrays the unity...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":97111,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Satan","title_en":"Satan","content_ro":"<h3>Satan<\/h3>\nThe book of Job includes “the satan” among the heavenly court (Job 1:6; 2:1). The Hebrew word satan<\/span> refers to an adversary or an accuser in court (see Job 1–2; Zech 3:1). God sometimes appoints angels as adversaries for righteous judgment and opposition to evildoers (e.g., Num 22:22, 32, where the term satan<\/span> is often translated “block”; see also 1 Kgs 22:19-23). The Old Testament hints at the accuser’s demonic character, but it was between the times of the Old Testament and the New Testament that Satan became identified with the serpent in Eden (see Wisdom of Solomon<\/em> 2:24). The New Testament refers to the chief demon as “(the) Satan” (Rev 20:2), along with numerous other names such as the devil (Matt 4:1-11), the tempter (1 Thes 3:5), Beelzeboul, the ruler of demons (see textual notes at Matt 12:24; Luke 11:15), the evil one (Matt 13:19, 38; 1 Jn 2:13-14; 3:12; 5:18), Beliar (see textual note at 2 Cor 6:15), the deceiver (Rev 12:9), the great seven-headed dragon and serpent of old (Rev 12:3, 9; 20:2), a murderer, and the father of lies (John 8:44).<\/p>\nSatan incited David’s census (1 Chr 21:1; cp. 2 Sam 24:1), tempted and betrayed Jesus (Mark 1:12-13; John 13:27), desired to test Peter as he had tested Job (Luke 22:31), enslaved sinners (Acts 26:17-18), and deceitfully opposed God’s people (1 Cor 7:5; 2 Cor 11:14). The adversary of God’s people will be overcome in the end, when God defeats and imprisons him (Rev 12:9; 20:2, 10).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nNum 22:22, 32; 1 Chr 21:1; Job 1:6–2:7; Zech 3:1-4; Matt 4:1-10; 12:24; 13:19, 38-39; 16:23; Mark 1:13; 4:15; Luke 4:6; 10:17-20; 11:15; 22:3, 31; John 8:44; 12:31; 13:2, 27; 16:11; Acts 13:9-10; 26:17-18; Rom 16:20; 1 Cor 7:5; 2 Cor 2:10-11; 4:4; 6:15; 11:13-15; 1 Thes 3:5; 2 Thes 2:2-12; Heb 2:14; Jas 4:7; 1 Pet 5:8; 1 Jn 2:13-14; 3:12; 5:18; Rev 12:3, 9; 20:2, 10<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Satan<\/h3>\nThe book of Job includes “the satan” among the heavenly court (Job 1:6; 2:1). The Hebrew word satan<\/span> refers to an adversary or an accuser in court (see Job 1–2; Zech 3:1). God sometimes appoints angels as adversaries for righteous judgment and opposition to evildoers (e.g., Num 22:22, 32, where the term satan<\/span> is often translated “block”; see also 1 Kgs 22:19-23). The Old Testament hints at the accuser’s demonic character, but it was between the times of the Old Testament and the New Testament that Satan became identified with the serpent in Eden (see Wisdom of Solomon<\/em> 2:24). The New Testament refers to the chief demon as “(the) Satan” (Rev 20:2), along with numerous other names such as the devil (Matt 4:1-11), the tempter (1 Thes 3:5), Beelzeboul, the ruler of demons (see textual notes at Matt 12:24; Luke 11:15), the evil one (Matt 13:19, 38; 1 Jn 2:13-14; 3:12; 5:18), Beliar (see textual note at 2 Cor 6:15), the deceiver (Rev 12:9), the great seven-headed dragon and serpent of old (Rev 12:3, 9; 20:2), a murderer, and the father of lies (John 8:44).<\/p>\nSatan incited David’s census (1 Chr 21:1; cp. 2 Sam 24:1), tempted and betrayed Jesus (Mark 1:12-13; John 13:27), desired to test Peter as he had tested Job (Luke 22:31), enslaved sinners (Acts 26:17-18), and deceitfully opposed God’s people (1 Cor 7:5; 2 Cor 11:14). The adversary of God’s people will be overcome in the end, when God defeats and imprisons him (Rev 12:9; 20:2, 10).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nNum 22:22, 32; 1 Chr 21:1; Job 1:6–2:7; Zech 3:1-4; Matt 4:1-10; 12:24; 13:19, 38-39; 16:23; Mark 1:13; 4:15; Luke 4:6; 10:17-20; 11:15; 22:3, 31; John 8:44; 12:31; 13:2, 27; 16:11; Acts 13:9-10; 26:17-18; Rom 16:20; 1 Cor 7:5; 2 Cor 2:10-11; 4:4; 6:15; 11:13-15; 1 Thes 3:5; 2 Thes 2:2-12; Heb 2:14; Jas 4:7; 1 Pet 5:8; 1 Jn 2:13-14; 3:12; 5:18; Rev 12:3, 9; 20:2, 10<\/p>","summary_ro":"Satan The book of Job includes “the satan” among the heavenly court (Job 1:6; 2:1). The Hebrew word satan refers to an adversary or an accuser in court (see Job 1–2; Zech 3:1). God sometimes appoints angels as adversaries for righteous judgment and opposition to evildoers (e.g., Num 22:22, 32, where the term satan is often translated “block”; see also 1 Kgs 22:19-23). The Old Testament hints at the accuser’s demonic character, but it was between the times of the Old Testament and the New Test...","summary_en":"Satan The book of Job includes “the satan” among the heavenly court (Job 1:6; 2:1). The Hebrew word satan refers to an adversary or an accuser in court (see Job 1–2; Zech 3:1). God sometimes appoints angels as adversaries for righteous judgment and opposition to evildoers (e.g., Num 22:22, 32, where the term satan is often translated “block”; see also 1 Kgs 22:19-23). The Old Testament hints at the accuser’s demonic character, but it was between the times of the Old Testament and the New Test...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":123343,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Adam and Eve","title_en":"Adam and Eve","content_ro":"<h3>Adam and Eve<\/h3>\nAdam was the first man, the father of the human race. God created the first couple in his image to populate the earth and rule the created order (Gen 1:26-31). God made Adam from the earth and breathed life into him (2:7); he was to cultivate the garden in which God placed him (2:15), name the animals (2:19-20), and follow God’s instructions (1:28; 2:16-17).<\/p>\nGod created the first woman as a companion and helper for Adam (2:18-22). Eve’s creation from Adam’s rib portrays the unity that God intended for man and woman in marriage (2:23-25). She is honored as “the mother of all who live” (3:20).<\/p>\nAfter the serpent deceived Eve into rejecting God’s rule, Adam also rebelled (3:1-6). Their willful disobedience disrupted their relationship (3:7) and separated them from God. God looked for Adam after his rebellion; he and Eve were hiding among the trees, already aware of the alienation (3:8). When God questioned him, Adam blamed Eve and, by implication, God (3:12). Their rebellion brought pain, strained relationships, hardship in governing the earth, and death—physical and spiritual (3:16-19, 22-24). Nonetheless, God provided animal skins to cover Adam and Eve (3:21), and promised that Eve’s offspring would defeat Satan (3:15; see Rom 16:20; Rev 12:1-9; 20:1-10).<\/p>\nAdam was a historical individual (Gen 4:25; 5:1-5; 1 Chr 1:1; Hos 6:7; Luke 3:38; Rom 5:14; 1 Cor 15:22, 45; 1 Tim 2:13-14; Jude 1:14) who also represents humanity as a whole. God’s mandates (Gen 1:26-30) and curses (3:16-19) affected not only Adam and Eve, but the entire human race. Adam represents separation from God, which all humanity experiences.<\/p>\nThe apostle Paul contrasted those represented by Adam, the first man, with those who follow Christ, the “last Adam” (Rom 5:12-21; 1 Cor 15:45-50; see also Rom 8:5-11, 20-22). Those represented by Adam live only after his example—they partake of his sin, his alienation from God and God’s creation, and his spiritual death. By contrast, those who follow Christ live by faith in him. They are recreated in Christ’s image and become “new people” who partake of a new creation (see Rom 8:29; 1 Cor 15:49; 2 Cor 5:17; Gal 6:15). The barriers Adam and Eve raised are removed by Christ (Rom 5:1; 2 Cor 5:19; Gal 3:27-28; Eph 2:14-16); Christ restores what they lost.<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nGen 1:26-31; 2:4–3:24; 4:25–5:5; Hos 6:6-7; Luke 3:38; Rom 5:12-21; 1 Cor 15:22, 45-49; 1 Tim 2:13-14<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Adam and Eve<\/h3>\nAdam was the first man, the father of the human race. God created the first couple in his image to populate the earth and rule the created order (Gen 1:26-31). God made Adam from the earth and breathed life into him (2:7); he was to cultivate the garden in which God placed him (2:15), name the animals (2:19-20), and follow God’s instructions (1:28; 2:16-17).<\/p>\nGod created the first woman as a companion and helper for Adam (2:18-22). Eve’s creation from Adam’s rib portrays the unity that God intended for man and woman in marriage (2:23-25). She is honored as “the mother of all who live” (3:20).<\/p>\nAfter the serpent deceived Eve into rejecting God’s rule, Adam also rebelled (3:1-6). Their willful disobedience disrupted their relationship (3:7) and separated them from God. God looked for Adam after his rebellion; he and Eve were hiding among the trees, already aware of the alienation (3:8). When God questioned him, Adam blamed Eve and, by implication, God (3:12). Their rebellion brought pain, strained relationships, hardship in governing the earth, and death—physical and spiritual (3:16-19, 22-24). Nonetheless, God provided animal skins to cover Adam and Eve (3:21), and promised that Eve’s offspring would defeat Satan (3:15; see Rom 16:20; Rev 12:1-9; 20:1-10).<\/p>\nAdam was a historical individual (Gen 4:25; 5:1-5; 1 Chr 1:1; Hos 6:7; Luke 3:38; Rom 5:14; 1 Cor 15:22, 45; 1 Tim 2:13-14; Jude 1:14) who also represents humanity as a whole. God’s mandates (Gen 1:26-30) and curses (3:16-19) affected not only Adam and Eve, but the entire human race. Adam represents separation from God, which all humanity experiences.<\/p>\nThe apostle Paul contrasted those represented by Adam, the first man, with those who follow Christ, the “last Adam” (Rom 5:12-21; 1 Cor 15:45-50; see also Rom 8:5-11, 20-22). Those represented by Adam live only after his example—they partake of his sin, his alienation from God and God’s creation, and his spiritual death. By contrast, those who follow Christ live by faith in him. They are recreated in Christ’s image and become “new people” who partake of a new creation (see Rom 8:29; 1 Cor 15:49; 2 Cor 5:17; Gal 6:15). The barriers Adam and Eve raised are removed by Christ (Rom 5:1; 2 Cor 5:19; Gal 3:27-28; Eph 2:14-16); Christ restores what they lost.<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nGen 1:26-31; 2:4–3:24; 4:25–5:5; Hos 6:6-7; Luke 3:38; Rom 5:12-21; 1 Cor 15:22, 45-49; 1 Tim 2:13-14<\/p>","summary_ro":"Adam and Eve Adam was the first man, the father of the human race. God created the first couple in his image to populate the earth and rule the created order (Gen 1:26-31). God made Adam from the earth and breathed life into him (2:7); he was to cultivate the garden in which God placed him (2:15), name the animals (2:19-20), and follow God’s instructions (1:28; 2:16-17). God created the first woman as a companion and helper for Adam (2:18-22). Eve’s creation from Adam’s rib portrays the unity...","summary_en":"Adam and Eve Adam was the first man, the father of the human race. God created the first couple in his image to populate the earth and rule the created order (Gen 1:26-31). God made Adam from the earth and breathed life into him (2:7); he was to cultivate the garden in which God placed him (2:15), name the animals (2:19-20), and follow God’s instructions (1:28; 2:16-17). God created the first woman as a companion and helper for Adam (2:18-22). Eve’s creation from Adam’s rib portrays the unity...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":124737,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Satan","title_en":"Satan","content_ro":"<h3>Satan<\/h3>\nThe book of Job includes “the satan” among the heavenly court (Job 1:6; 2:1). The Hebrew word satan<\/span> refers to an adversary or an accuser in court (see Job 1–2; Zech 3:1). God sometimes appoints angels as adversaries for righteous judgment and opposition to evildoers (e.g., Num 22:22, 32, where the term satan<\/span> is often translated “block”; see also 1 Kgs 22:19-23). The Old Testament hints at the accuser’s demonic character, but it was between the times of the Old Testament and the New Testament that Satan became identified with the serpent in Eden (see Wisdom of Solomon<\/em> 2:24). The New Testament refers to the chief demon as “(the) Satan” (Rev 20:2), along with numerous other names such as the devil (Matt 4:1-11), the tempter (1 Thes 3:5), Beelzeboul, the ruler of demons (see textual notes at Matt 12:24; Luke 11:15), the evil one (Matt 13:19, 38; 1 Jn 2:13-14; 3:12; 5:18), Beliar (see textual note at 2 Cor 6:15), the deceiver (Rev 12:9), the great seven-headed dragon and serpent of old (Rev 12:3, 9; 20:2), a murderer, and the father of lies (John 8:44).<\/p>\nSatan incited David’s census (1 Chr 21:1; cp. 2 Sam 24:1), tempted and betrayed Jesus (Mark 1:12-13; John 13:27), desired to test Peter as he had tested Job (Luke 22:31), enslaved sinners (Acts 26:17-18), and deceitfully opposed God’s people (1 Cor 7:5; 2 Cor 11:14). The adversary of God’s people will be overcome in the end, when God defeats and imprisons him (Rev 12:9; 20:2, 10).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nNum 22:22, 32; 1 Chr 21:1; Job 1:6–2:7; Zech 3:1-4; Matt 4:1-10; 12:24; 13:19, 38-39; 16:23; Mark 1:13; 4:15; Luke 4:6; 10:17-20; 11:15; 22:3, 31; John 8:44; 12:31; 13:2, 27; 16:11; Acts 13:9-10; 26:17-18; Rom 16:20; 1 Cor 7:5; 2 Cor 2:10-11; 4:4; 6:15; 11:13-15; 1 Thes 3:5; 2 Thes 2:2-12; Heb 2:14; Jas 4:7; 1 Pet 5:8; 1 Jn 2:13-14; 3:12; 5:18; Rev 12:3, 9; 20:2, 10<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Satan<\/h3>\nThe book of Job includes “the satan” among the heavenly court (Job 1:6; 2:1). The Hebrew word satan<\/span> refers to an adversary or an accuser in court (see Job 1–2; Zech 3:1). God sometimes appoints angels as adversaries for righteous judgment and opposition to evildoers (e.g., Num 22:22, 32, where the term satan<\/span> is often translated “block”; see also 1 Kgs 22:19-23). The Old Testament hints at the accuser’s demonic character, but it was between the times of the Old Testament and the New Testament that Satan became identified with the serpent in Eden (see Wisdom of Solomon<\/em> 2:24). The New Testament refers to the chief demon as “(the) Satan” (Rev 20:2), along with numerous other names such as the devil (Matt 4:1-11), the tempter (1 Thes 3:5), Beelzeboul, the ruler of demons (see textual notes at Matt 12:24; Luke 11:15), the evil one (Matt 13:19, 38; 1 Jn 2:13-14; 3:12; 5:18), Beliar (see textual note at 2 Cor 6:15), the deceiver (Rev 12:9), the great seven-headed dragon and serpent of old (Rev 12:3, 9; 20:2), a murderer, and the father of lies (John 8:44).<\/p>\nSatan incited David’s census (1 Chr 21:1; cp. 2 Sam 24:1), tempted and betrayed Jesus (Mark 1:12-13; John 13:27), desired to test Peter as he had tested Job (Luke 22:31), enslaved sinners (Acts 26:17-18), and deceitfully opposed God’s people (1 Cor 7:5; 2 Cor 11:14). The adversary of God’s people will be overcome in the end, when God defeats and imprisons him (Rev 12:9; 20:2, 10).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nNum 22:22, 32; 1 Chr 21:1; Job 1:6–2:7; Zech 3:1-4; Matt 4:1-10; 12:24; 13:19, 38-39; 16:23; Mark 1:13; 4:15; Luke 4:6; 10:17-20; 11:15; 22:3, 31; John 8:44; 12:31; 13:2, 27; 16:11; Acts 13:9-10; 26:17-18; Rom 16:20; 1 Cor 7:5; 2 Cor 2:10-11; 4:4; 6:15; 11:13-15; 1 Thes 3:5; 2 Thes 2:2-12; Heb 2:14; Jas 4:7; 1 Pet 5:8; 1 Jn 2:13-14; 3:12; 5:18; Rev 12:3, 9; 20:2, 10<\/p>","summary_ro":"Satan The book of Job includes “the satan” among the heavenly court (Job 1:6; 2:1). The Hebrew word satan refers to an adversary or an accuser in court (see Job 1–2; Zech 3:1). God sometimes appoints angels as adversaries for righteous judgment and opposition to evildoers (e.g., Num 22:22, 32, where the term satan is often translated “block”; see also 1 Kgs 22:19-23). The Old Testament hints at the accuser’s demonic character, but it was between the times of the Old Testament and the New Test...","summary_en":"Satan The book of Job includes “the satan” among the heavenly court (Job 1:6; 2:1). The Hebrew word satan refers to an adversary or an accuser in court (see Job 1–2; Zech 3:1). God sometimes appoints angels as adversaries for righteous judgment and opposition to evildoers (e.g., Num 22:22, 32, where the term satan is often translated “block”; see also 1 Kgs 22:19-23). The Old Testament hints at the accuser’s demonic character, but it was between the times of the Old Testament and the New Test...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":487,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Adam (Person)","title_en":"Adam (Person)","content_ro":"<h3>ADAM (Person<\/span>)<\/h3>\nFirst man and father of the human race. Adam’s role in biblical history is important not only in OT considerations but also in understanding the meaning of salvation and the person and work of Jesus Christ.<\/p>\nThe creation of Adam and the first woman, Eve, is recited in two accounts in the book of Genesis. The intent of the first account (1:26-31) is to present the first pair in their relationship to God and to the rest of the created order. It teaches that with regard to God the first humans were created male and female in God’s image with his specific mandate to populate and rule over the earth. With regard to the rest of creation the first humans were, on one hand, part of it, being created on the same day as other land animals; on the other hand, they were distinctly above it, being the culmination of the creation process and sole bearers of God’s image.<\/p>\nThe intent of the second account is much more specific (2:4–3:24); it seeks to explain the origin of the present human condition of sin and death and to set the stage for the drama of redemption. The story treats in detail aspects of Adam’s creation omitted from the first story. For example, it tells of the formation of Adam from the dust of the ground and of his receiving the breath of life from God (2:7). It recounts the planting of the Garden and the responsibility given to Adam to cultivate it (2:8-15). God’s instruction to Adam that the fruit of every tree in the Garden was his for food, except one, is carefully recorded, as well as the solemn warning that the fruit of the “tree of the knowledge of good and evil” was never to be eaten, under the pain of death (2:16-17). Adam’s loneliness after naming the animals and not finding a suitable companion is also described, thus introducing the creation of the first woman (2:18-22). The creation of Eve from Adam’s rib poignantly portrays the essential unity of spirit and purpose of the sexes intended by God.<\/p>\nThe story does not end on such a positive note, however. It moves on to record the great deception Satan played upon Eve through the serpent. By clever insinuations and distortion of God’s original commandment (cf. 3:1 with 2:16-17), the serpent tricked Eve into eating the forbidden fruit and sharing it with Adam. Eve seems to have eaten because she was deceived (1 Tm 2:14), Adam out of a willful and conscious rebellion. Ironically, the two beings originally created in God’s image and likeness believed that they could become “like” God by disobeying him (Gn 3:5).<\/p>\nThe effects of their disobedience were immediate, though not at all what Adam had expected. For the first time a barrier of shame disrupted the unity of man and woman (3:7). More important, a barrier of real moral guilt was erected between the first couple and God. The story relates that when God came looking for Adam after his rebellion, he was hiding among the trees, already aware of his separation from God (3:8). When God questioned him, Adam threw the blame on Eve and, by implication, back on God: “It was the woman you gave me who brought me the fruit” (3:12, nlt<\/span>). Eve in turn blamed the serpent (3:13).<\/p>\nAccording to the story in Genesis, God held all three responsible and informed each one of the calamitous consequences of their rebellion (3:14-19). The two great mandates, originally signs of pure blessing, became mixed with curse and pain—the earth could now be populated only through the woman’s birth pangs and could be subdued only by the man’s labor and perspiration (3:16-18). Further, the unity of man and woman would be strained by man’s subjugation of her, or possibly by the beginning of a struggle for dominance between them (3:16b can be taken both ways). Finally, God pronounced the ultimate consequence: as he had originally warned, Adam and Eve were to die. Someday the breath of life would be taken from them, and their bodies would return to the dust from which they were made (3:19). That very day they also experienced a “spiritual” death; they were separated from God, the giver of life, and from the tree of life, the symbol of eternal life (3:22). God sent them out of Eden, and there was no way back. The entrance to paradise was blocked by the cherubim and flaming sword (3:23-24). Only God could restore what they had lost.<\/p>\nThe story is not devoid of hope. God was merciful even then. He made them garments of skin to cover their bodies and promised that someday the power of Satan behind the serpent would be crushed by the woman’s “seed” (Gn 3:15; cf. Rom 16:20). Many scholars consider that promise to be the first biblical mention of redemption.<\/p>\nThe Significance of Adam<\/p>\nAdam’s significance is based upon several assumptions, the first being that he was a historical individual. That assumption was made by many OT writers (Gn 4:25; 5:1-5; 1 Chr 1:1; Hos 6:7). The NT writers agreed (Lk 3:38; Rom 5:14; 1 Cor 15:22, 45; 1 Tm 2:13-14; Jude 1:14). Equally essential to Adam’s significance is a second assumption, that he was more than an individual. To begin with, the Hebrew word adam<\/span> (more correctly ’a–dha–m<\/span>) is not merely a proper name. Even in the Genesis story it is not used as a name until Genesis 4:25. The word is one of several Hebrew words meaning “man” and is the generic term for “human race.” In the vast majority of cases it refers either to a male individual (Lv 1:2; Jos 14:15; Neh 9:29; Is 56:2) or to humanity in general (Ex 4:11; Nm 12:3; 16:29; Dt 4:28; 1 Kgs 4:31; Jb 7:20; 14:1). The generic, collective sense of the word adam<\/span> is also behind the phrase “children (or sons) of men” (2 Sm 7:14; Pss 11:4; 12:1; 14:2; 53:2; 90:3; Eccl 1:13; 2:3). That phrase, literally “sons of adam<\/span>,”<\/em> simply means “men” or “human beings,” and when it is used the entire human race is in view. Indeed, the universalistic human connotation of the word adam<\/span> indicates a concern in the OT going far beyond Israel’s nationalistic hopes and its God—to all the earth’s people and the Lord of all nations (Gn 9:5-7; Dt 5:24; 8:3; 1 Kgs 8:38-39; Pss 8:4; 89:48; 107:8-31; Prv 12:14; Mi 6:8).<\/p>\nIt is no accident, then, that the first man was named “Adam” or “Man.” The name intimates that to speak about Adam is somehow also to speak about the entire human race. Such usage can perhaps best be understood through the ancient concept of corporate personality and representation familiar to the Hebrews and other Near Eastern peoples. Modern thinking emphasizes the individual; existence of the social group and all social relationships has been seen as secondary to, and dependent upon, the existence and desire of the individual. The Hebrew understanding was quite different. Though the separate personality of the individual was appreciated (Jer 31:29-30; Ez 18:4), there was a strong tendency to see the social group (family, tribe, nation) as a single organism with a corporate identity of its own. Likewise the group representative was seen as the embodiment or personification of the corporate personality of the group. Within the representative the essential qualities and characteristics of the social group resided in such a way that the actions and decisions of the representative were binding on the entire group. If the group was a family, the father was usually considered the corporate representative; for good or for ill his family, and sometimes his descendants, received the results of his actions (Gn 17:1-8; cf. Gn 20:1-9, 18; Ex 20:5-6; Jos 7:24-25; Rom 11:28; Heb 7:1-10).<\/p>\nAs the original man and father of humankind, in whose image all succeeding generations would be born (Gn 5:3), Adam was the corporate representative of humanity. The creation accounts themselves give the impression that the mandates of Genesis 1:26-30 (cf. Gn 9:1, 7; Pss 8:5-7; 104:14) as well as the curses of Genesis 3:16-19 (cf. Ps 90:3; Eccl 12:7; Is 13:8; 21:3) were meant not only for Adam (and Eve) but, through him, for the entire race.<\/p>\nIn Romans 5:12-21 the apostle Paul contrasted the death and condemnation brought upon humanity by Adam’s disobedience with the life and justification given to humanity through Christ’s obedience. More explicitly, in 1 Corinthians 15:45-50 (rsv<\/span>), Paul called Christ the “last Adam,” “second man,” and the “man of heaven” in juxtaposition to the “first Adam,” the “first man,” and the “man of dust.”<\/p>\nFor Paul, the human race was divided into two groups in the persons of Adam and Christ. Those who remain “incorporated” in Adam are the “old” humanity, bearing the image of the “man of dust” and partaking of his sin and alienation from God and Creation (Rom 5:12-19; 8:20-22). But those who are incorporated into Christ by faith become Christ’s “body” (Rom 12:4-5; 1 Cor 12:12-13, 27; Eph 1:22-23; Col 1:18); they are recreated in Christ’s image (Rom 8:29; 1 Cor 15:49; 2 Cor 3:18); they become one “new man” (Eph 2:15; 4:24; Col 3:9-10, kjv<\/span>); and they partake of the new creation (2 Cor 5:17; Gal 6:15). The old barriers raised by Adam are removed by Christ (Rom 5:1; 2 Cor 5:19; Gal 3:27-28; Eph 2:14-16). For Paul, the functional similarity of Adam and Christ as representatives meant that Christ had restored what Adam had lost.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Eve; Man, Old and New; New Creation, New Creature.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>ADAM (Person<\/span>)<\/h3>\nFirst man and father of the human race. Adam’s role in biblical history is important not only in OT considerations but also in understanding the meaning of salvation and the person and work of Jesus Christ.<\/p>\nThe creation of Adam and the first woman, Eve, is recited in two accounts in the book of Genesis. The intent of the first account (1:26-31) is to present the first pair in their relationship to God and to the rest of the created order. It teaches that with regard to God the first humans were created male and female in God’s image with his specific mandate to populate and rule over the earth. With regard to the rest of creation the first humans were, on one hand, part of it, being created on the same day as other land animals; on the other hand, they were distinctly above it, being the culmination of the creation process and sole bearers of God’s image.<\/p>\nThe intent of the second account is much more specific (2:4–3:24); it seeks to explain the origin of the present human condition of sin and death and to set the stage for the drama of redemption. The story treats in detail aspects of Adam’s creation omitted from the first story. For example, it tells of the formation of Adam from the dust of the ground and of his receiving the breath of life from God (2:7). It recounts the planting of the Garden and the responsibility given to Adam to cultivate it (2:8-15). God’s instruction to Adam that the fruit of every tree in the Garden was his for food, except one, is carefully recorded, as well as the solemn warning that the fruit of the “tree of the knowledge of good and evil” was never to be eaten, under the pain of death (2:16-17). Adam’s loneliness after naming the animals and not finding a suitable companion is also described, thus introducing the creation of the first woman (2:18-22). The creation of Eve from Adam’s rib poignantly portrays the essential unity of spirit and purpose of the sexes intended by God.<\/p>\nThe story does not end on such a positive note, however. It moves on to record the great deception Satan played upon Eve through the serpent. By clever insinuations and distortion of God’s original commandment (cf. 3:1 with 2:16-17), the serpent tricked Eve into eating the forbidden fruit and sharing it with Adam. Eve seems to have eaten because she was deceived (1 Tm 2:14), Adam out of a willful and conscious rebellion. Ironically, the two beings originally created in God’s image and likeness believed that they could become “like” God by disobeying him (Gn 3:5).<\/p>\nThe effects of their disobedience were immediate, though not at all what Adam had expected. For the first time a barrier of shame disrupted the unity of man and woman (3:7). More important, a barrier of real moral guilt was erected between the first couple and God. The story relates that when God came looking for Adam after his rebellion, he was hiding among the trees, already aware of his separation from God (3:8). When God questioned him, Adam threw the blame on Eve and, by implication, back on God: “It was the woman you gave me who brought me the fruit” (3:12, nlt<\/span>). Eve in turn blamed the serpent (3:13).<\/p>\nAccording to the story in Genesis, God held all three responsible and informed each one of the calamitous consequences of their rebellion (3:14-19). The two great mandates, originally signs of pure blessing, became mixed with curse and pain—the earth could now be populated only through the woman’s birth pangs and could be subdued only by the man’s labor and perspiration (3:16-18). Further, the unity of man and woman would be strained by man’s subjugation of her, or possibly by the beginning of a struggle for dominance between them (3:16b can be taken both ways). Finally, God pronounced the ultimate consequence: as he had originally warned, Adam and Eve were to die. Someday the breath of life would be taken from them, and their bodies would return to the dust from which they were made (3:19). That very day they also experienced a “spiritual” death; they were separated from God, the giver of life, and from the tree of life, the symbol of eternal life (3:22). God sent them out of Eden, and there was no way back. The entrance to paradise was blocked by the cherubim and flaming sword (3:23-24). Only God could restore what they had lost.<\/p>\nThe story is not devoid of hope. God was merciful even then. He made them garments of skin to cover their bodies and promised that someday the power of Satan behind the serpent would be crushed by the woman’s “seed” (Gn 3:15; cf. Rom 16:20). Many scholars consider that promise to be the first biblical mention of redemption.<\/p>\nThe Significance of Adam<\/p>\nAdam’s significance is based upon several assumptions, the first being that he was a historical individual. That assumption was made by many OT writers (Gn 4:25; 5:1-5; 1 Chr 1:1; Hos 6:7). The NT writers agreed (Lk 3:38; Rom 5:14; 1 Cor 15:22, 45; 1 Tm 2:13-14; Jude 1:14). Equally essential to Adam’s significance is a second assumption, that he was more than an individual. To begin with, the Hebrew word adam<\/span> (more correctly ’a–dha–m<\/span>) is not merely a proper name. Even in the Genesis story it is not used as a name until Genesis 4:25. The word is one of several Hebrew words meaning “man” and is the generic term for “human race.” In the vast majority of cases it refers either to a male individual (Lv 1:2; Jos 14:15; Neh 9:29; Is 56:2) or to humanity in general (Ex 4:11; Nm 12:3; 16:29; Dt 4:28; 1 Kgs 4:31; Jb 7:20; 14:1). The generic, collective sense of the word adam<\/span> is also behind the phrase “children (or sons) of men” (2 Sm 7:14; Pss 11:4; 12:1; 14:2; 53:2; 90:3; Eccl 1:13; 2:3). That phrase, literally “sons of adam<\/span>,”<\/em> simply means “men” or “human beings,” and when it is used the entire human race is in view. Indeed, the universalistic human connotation of the word adam<\/span> indicates a concern in the OT going far beyond Israel’s nationalistic hopes and its God—to all the earth’s people and the Lord of all nations (Gn 9:5-7; Dt 5:24; 8:3; 1 Kgs 8:38-39; Pss 8:4; 89:48; 107:8-31; Prv 12:14; Mi 6:8).<\/p>\nIt is no accident, then, that the first man was named “Adam” or “Man.” The name intimates that to speak about Adam is somehow also to speak about the entire human race. Such usage can perhaps best be understood through the ancient concept of corporate personality and representation familiar to the Hebrews and other Near Eastern peoples. Modern thinking emphasizes the individual; existence of the social group and all social relationships has been seen as secondary to, and dependent upon, the existence and desire of the individual. The Hebrew understanding was quite different. Though the separate personality of the individual was appreciated (Jer 31:29-30; Ez 18:4), there was a strong tendency to see the social group (family, tribe, nation) as a single organism with a corporate identity of its own. Likewise the group representative was seen as the embodiment or personification of the corporate personality of the group. Within the representative the essential qualities and characteristics of the social group resided in such a way that the actions and decisions of the representative were binding on the entire group. If the group was a family, the father was usually considered the corporate representative; for good or for ill his family, and sometimes his descendants, received the results of his actions (Gn 17:1-8; cf. Gn 20:1-9, 18; Ex 20:5-6; Jos 7:24-25; Rom 11:28; Heb 7:1-10).<\/p>\nAs the original man and father of humankind, in whose image all succeeding generations would be born (Gn 5:3), Adam was the corporate representative of humanity. The creation accounts themselves give the impression that the mandates of Genesis 1:26-30 (cf. Gn 9:1, 7; Pss 8:5-7; 104:14) as well as the curses of Genesis 3:16-19 (cf. Ps 90:3; Eccl 12:7; Is 13:8; 21:3) were meant not only for Adam (and Eve) but, through him, for the entire race.<\/p>\nIn Romans 5:12-21 the apostle Paul contrasted the death and condemnation brought upon humanity by Adam’s disobedience with the life and justification given to humanity through Christ’s obedience. More explicitly, in 1 Corinthians 15:45-50 (rsv<\/span>), Paul called Christ the “last Adam,” “second man,” and the “man of heaven” in juxtaposition to the “first Adam,” the “first man,” and the “man of dust.”<\/p>\nFor Paul, the human race was divided into two groups in the persons of Adam and Christ. Those who remain “incorporated” in Adam are the “old” humanity, bearing the image of the “man of dust” and partaking of his sin and alienation from God and Creation (Rom 5:12-19; 8:20-22). But those who are incorporated into Christ by faith become Christ’s “body” (Rom 12:4-5; 1 Cor 12:12-13, 27; Eph 1:22-23; Col 1:18); they are recreated in Christ’s image (Rom 8:29; 1 Cor 15:49; 2 Cor 3:18); they become one “new man” (Eph 2:15; 4:24; Col 3:9-10, kjv<\/span>); and they partake of the new creation (2 Cor 5:17; Gal 6:15). The old barriers raised by Adam are removed by Christ (Rom 5:1; 2 Cor 5:19; Gal 3:27-28; Eph 2:14-16). For Paul, the functional similarity of Adam and Christ as representatives meant that Christ had restored what Adam had lost.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Eve; Man, Old and New; New Creation, New Creature.<\/p>","summary_ro":"ADAM (Person) First man and father of the human race. Adam’s role in biblical history is important not only in OT considerations but also in understanding the meaning of salvation and the person and work of Jesus Christ. The creation of Adam and the first woman, Eve, is recited in two accounts in the book of Genesis. The intent of the first account (1:26-31) is to present the first pair in their relationship to God and to the rest of the created order. It teaches that with regard to God the f...","summary_en":"ADAM (Person) First man and father of the human race. Adam’s role in biblical history is important not only in OT considerations but also in understanding the meaning of salvation and the person and work of Jesus Christ. The creation of Adam and the first woman, Eve, is recited in two accounts in the book of Genesis. The intent of the first account (1:26-31) is to present the first pair in their relationship to God and to the rest of the created order. It teaches that with regard to God the f...","source":"Articles\/A.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":33996,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Satan","title_en":"Satan","content_ro":"<h3>SATAN<\/h3>\nSpirit being who opposes God and seeks to frustrate his plans and lead his people into rebellion.<\/p>\nSatan is seldom mentioned in the OT. He is pictured as an angel who acts as the heavenly prosecutor (Jb 1:6-12; 2:1-7; Zec 3:1-2). As such, he is called “the satan” or “the accuser,” and there is nothing in the context to indicate that the angel is evil. It is not until the late OT period that Satan appears as a tempter: in 1 Chronicles 21:1, the story of 2 Samuel 24:1 is retold with Satan (used for the first time as a proper name) substituted for God and pictured as an evil figure. The OT, then, has no developed doctrine of Satan but contains the raw material from which the later doctrine came. (Some people see Lucifer of Is 14:12 as a reference to Satan, but the context is clearly referring to the king of Babylon; it is therefore unlikely that any reference to Satan was intended.)<\/p>\nThe Jews further developed the idea of Satan during the intertestamental period, also calling him Belial, Mastema, and Sammael. Three differing conceptions appear. First, the Satan of the OT reappears in the roles of tempting people, of accusing them in heaven before God, and of hindering God’s saving plan (Jubilees 11:5; 17:16; Assumption of Moses 17; 1 Enoch 40:7). Second, the Dead Sea Scrolls present Satan (Belial) as the leader of the evil forces and attacker of the righteous. This development was probably influenced by the evil god of Zoroastrian religion. But unlike the Zoroastrian idea, the scrolls never present two gods but rather one God who has created both Belial and the Prince of Light (who is sure to win in the end, for God is with him). Third, in this literature Satan is often identified with OT stories from which his name was originally absent: he lusted after Eve and therefore caused the fall (Wisd of Sol 2:24), he controls the angels who fell in Genesis 6:1-4 (Jubilees 10:5-8; 19:28), or he is a fallen angel himself (2 Enoch 29:4).<\/p>\nThe NT has a developed portrayal of Satan, and he comes with a whole list of names: Satan (Hebrew for “accuser”), devil (the Greek translation of Satan), Belial, Beelzebul, the Adversary, the Dragon, the Enemy, the Serpent, the Tester, and the Wicked One. Satan is pictured as the ruler of a host of angels (Mt 25:41) and the controller of the world (Lk 4:6; Acts 26:18; 2 Cor 4:4), who especially governs all who are not Christians (Mk 4:15; Jn 8:44; Acts 13:10; Col 1:13). He is opposed to God and seeks to alienate all people from God; therefore, he is an especially dangerous foe of Christians (Lk 8:33; 1 Cor 7:5; 1 Pt 5:8), who must steadfastly resist him and see through his cunning (2 Cor 2:11; Eph 6:11; Jas 4:7). Satan works his evil will by tempting persons (Jn 13:2; Acts 5:3), by hindering God’s workers (1 Thes 2:18), by accusing Christians before God (Rv 12:10), and by controlling the evil persons who resist the gospel (2 Thes 2:9; Rv 2:9, 13; 13:2).<\/p>\nMost importantly, however, the NT teaches us that this being, who has been evil from the beginning (1 Jn 3:8), has now been bound and cast out of heaven through the ministry of Jesus (Lk 10:18; Rv 12). While Satan is still a dangerous enemy, Jesus himself prays for us and has given us the powerful weapons of prayer, faith, and the efficacy of his blood. Satan can still cause physical illness when allowed by God (2 Cor 12:7), and persons can be delivered over to him for punishment (1 Cor 5:5; 1 Tm 1:20). Satan will always be under God’s control, who will eventually destroy him (Rom 16:20; Rv 20:10).<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Angel; Demon; Demon-possession; Lucifer.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>SATAN<\/h3>\nSpirit being who opposes God and seeks to frustrate his plans and lead his people into rebellion.<\/p>\nSatan is seldom mentioned in the OT. He is pictured as an angel who acts as the heavenly prosecutor (Jb 1:6-12; 2:1-7; Zec 3:1-2). As such, he is called “the satan” or “the accuser,” and there is nothing in the context to indicate that the angel is evil. It is not until the late OT period that Satan appears as a tempter: in 1 Chronicles 21:1, the story of 2 Samuel 24:1 is retold with Satan (used for the first time as a proper name) substituted for God and pictured as an evil figure. The OT, then, has no developed doctrine of Satan but contains the raw material from which the later doctrine came. (Some people see Lucifer of Is 14:12 as a reference to Satan, but the context is clearly referring to the king of Babylon; it is therefore unlikely that any reference to Satan was intended.)<\/p>\nThe Jews further developed the idea of Satan during the intertestamental period, also calling him Belial, Mastema, and Sammael. Three differing conceptions appear. First, the Satan of the OT reappears in the roles of tempting people, of accusing them in heaven before God, and of hindering God’s saving plan (Jubilees 11:5; 17:16; Assumption of Moses 17; 1 Enoch 40:7). Second, the Dead Sea Scrolls present Satan (Belial) as the leader of the evil forces and attacker of the righteous. This development was probably influenced by the evil god of Zoroastrian religion. But unlike the Zoroastrian idea, the scrolls never present two gods but rather one God who has created both Belial and the Prince of Light (who is sure to win in the end, for God is with him). Third, in this literature Satan is often identified with OT stories from which his name was originally absent: he lusted after Eve and therefore caused the fall (Wisd of Sol 2:24), he controls the angels who fell in Genesis 6:1-4 (Jubilees 10:5-8; 19:28), or he is a fallen angel himself (2 Enoch 29:4).<\/p>\nThe NT has a developed portrayal of Satan, and he comes with a whole list of names: Satan (Hebrew for “accuser”), devil (the Greek translation of Satan), Belial, Beelzebul, the Adversary, the Dragon, the Enemy, the Serpent, the Tester, and the Wicked One. Satan is pictured as the ruler of a host of angels (Mt 25:41) and the controller of the world (Lk 4:6; Acts 26:18; 2 Cor 4:4), who especially governs all who are not Christians (Mk 4:15; Jn 8:44; Acts 13:10; Col 1:13). He is opposed to God and seeks to alienate all people from God; therefore, he is an especially dangerous foe of Christians (Lk 8:33; 1 Cor 7:5; 1 Pt 5:8), who must steadfastly resist him and see through his cunning (2 Cor 2:11; Eph 6:11; Jas 4:7). Satan works his evil will by tempting persons (Jn 13:2; Acts 5:3), by hindering God’s workers (1 Thes 2:18), by accusing Christians before God (Rv 12:10), and by controlling the evil persons who resist the gospel (2 Thes 2:9; Rv 2:9, 13; 13:2).<\/p>\nMost importantly, however, the NT teaches us that this being, who has been evil from the beginning (1 Jn 3:8), has now been bound and cast out of heaven through the ministry of Jesus (Lk 10:18; Rv 12). While Satan is still a dangerous enemy, Jesus himself prays for us and has given us the powerful weapons of prayer, faith, and the efficacy of his blood. Satan can still cause physical illness when allowed by God (2 Cor 12:7), and persons can be delivered over to him for punishment (1 Cor 5:5; 1 Tm 1:20). Satan will always be under God’s control, who will eventually destroy him (Rom 16:20; Rv 20:10).<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Angel; Demon; Demon-possession; Lucifer.<\/p>","summary_ro":"SATAN Spirit being who opposes God and seeks to frustrate his plans and lead his people into rebellion. Satan is seldom mentioned in the OT. He is pictured as an angel who acts as the heavenly prosecutor (Jb 1:6-12; 2:1-7; Zec 3:1-2). As such, he is called “the satan” or “the accuser,” and there is nothing in the context to indicate that the angel is evil. It is not until the late OT period that Satan appears as a tempter: in 1 Chronicles 21:1, the story of 2 Samuel 24:1 is retold with Satan ...","summary_en":"SATAN Spirit being who opposes God and seeks to frustrate his plans and lead his people into rebellion. Satan is seldom mentioned in the OT. He is pictured as an angel who acts as the heavenly prosecutor (Jb 1:6-12; 2:1-7; Zec 3:1-2). As such, he is called “the satan” or “the accuser,” and there is nothing in the context to indicate that the angel is evil. It is not until the late OT period that Satan appears as a tempter: in 1 Chronicles 21:1, the story of 2 Samuel 24:1 is retold with Satan ...","source":"Articles\/S.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":57440,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:20","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:20","content_ro":"16:20<\/strong> The God of peace will soon crush Satan under your feet:<\/em> Paul alludes to the curse that God pronounced upon the serpent after he had deceived Adam and Eve in the Garden of Eden (Gen 3:15). Christ, the offspring of Eve, will soon crush Satan under the feet of the church (cp. Matt 16:18-19).<\/p>","content_en":"16:20<\/strong> The God of peace will soon crush Satan under your feet:<\/em> Paul alludes to the curse that God pronounced upon the serpent after he had deceived Adam and Eve in the Garden of Eden (Gen 3:15). Christ, the offspring of Eve, will soon crush Satan under the feet of the church (cp. Matt 16:18-19).<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:20 The God of peace will soon crush Satan under your feet: Paul alludes to the curse that God pronounced upon the serpent after he had deceived Adam and Eve in the Garden of Eden (Gen 3:15). Christ, the offspring of Eve, will soon crush Satan under the feet of the church (cp. Matt 16:18-19).","summary_en":"16:20 The God of peace will soon crush Satan under your feet: Paul alludes to the curse that God pronounced upon the serpent after he had deceived Adam and Eve in the Garden of Eden (Gen 3:15). Christ, the offspring of Eve, will soon crush Satan under the feet of the church (cp. Matt 16:18-19).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":85066,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:20","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:20","content_ro":"16:20<\/strong> The God of peace will soon crush Satan under your feet:<\/em> Paul alludes to the curse that God pronounced upon the serpent after he had deceived Adam and Eve in the Garden of Eden (Gen 3:15). Christ, the offspring of Eve, will soon crush Satan under the feet of the church (cp. Matt 16:18-19).<\/p>","content_en":"16:20<\/strong> The God of peace will soon crush Satan under your feet:<\/em> Paul alludes to the curse that God pronounced upon the serpent after he had deceived Adam and Eve in the Garden of Eden (Gen 3:15). Christ, the offspring of Eve, will soon crush Satan under the feet of the church (cp. Matt 16:18-19).<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:20 The God of peace will soon crush Satan under your feet: Paul alludes to the curse that God pronounced upon the serpent after he had deceived Adam and Eve in the Garden of Eden (Gen 3:15). Christ, the offspring of Eve, will soon crush Satan under the feet of the church (cp. Matt 16:18-19).","summary_en":"16:20 The God of peace will soon crush Satan under your feet: Paul alludes to the curse that God pronounced upon the serpent after he had deceived Adam and Eve in the Garden of Eden (Gen 3:15). Christ, the offspring of Eve, will soon crush Satan under the feet of the church (cp. Matt 16:18-19).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":112692,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:20","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:20","content_ro":"16:20<\/strong> The God of peace will soon crush Satan under your feet:<\/em> Paul alludes to the curse that God pronounced upon the serpent after he had deceived Adam and Eve in the Garden of Eden (Gen 3:15). Christ, the offspring of Eve, will soon crush Satan under the feet of the church (cp. Matt 16:18-19).<\/p>","content_en":"16:20<\/strong> The God of peace will soon crush Satan under your feet:<\/em> Paul alludes to the curse that God pronounced upon the serpent after he had deceived Adam and Eve in the Garden of Eden (Gen 3:15). Christ, the offspring of Eve, will soon crush Satan under the feet of the church (cp. Matt 16:18-19).<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:20 The God of peace will soon crush Satan under your feet: Paul alludes to the curse that God pronounced upon the serpent after he had deceived Adam and Eve in the Garden of Eden (Gen 3:15). Christ, the offspring of Eve, will soon crush Satan under the feet of the church (cp. Matt 16:18-19).","summary_en":"16:20 The God of peace will soon crush Satan under your feet: Paul alludes to the curse that God pronounced upon the serpent after he had deceived Adam and Eve in the Garden of Eden (Gen 3:15). Christ, the offspring of Eve, will soon crush Satan under the feet of the church (cp. Matt 16:18-19).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":140318,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:20","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:20","content_ro":"16:20<\/strong> The God of peace will soon crush Satan under your feet:<\/em> Paul alludes to the curse that God pronounced upon the serpent after he had deceived Adam and Eve in the Garden of Eden (Gen 3:15). Christ, the offspring of Eve, will soon crush Satan under the feet of the church (cp. Matt 16:18-19).<\/p>","content_en":"16:20<\/strong> The God of peace will soon crush Satan under your feet:<\/em> Paul alludes to the curse that God pronounced upon the serpent after he had deceived Adam and Eve in the Garden of Eden (Gen 3:15). Christ, the offspring of Eve, will soon crush Satan under the feet of the church (cp. Matt 16:18-19).<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:20 The God of peace will soon crush Satan under your feet: Paul alludes to the curse that God pronounced upon the serpent after he had deceived Adam and Eve in the Garden of Eden (Gen 3:15). Christ, the offspring of Eve, will soon crush Satan under the feet of the church (cp. Matt 16:18-19).","summary_en":"16:20 The God of peace will soon crush Satan under your feet: Paul alludes to the curse that God pronounced upon the serpent after he had deceived Adam and Eve in the Garden of Eden (Gen 3:15). Christ, the offspring of Eve, will soon crush Satan under the feet of the church (cp. Matt 16:18-19).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":60175,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"Hardship in Following God","title_en":"Hardship in Following God","content_ro":"<h3>Hardship in Following God<\/h3>\nSometimes people are urged to accept Christ because “he will solve your problems.” But Christ did not promise to solve all of people’s problems. In fact, he repeatedly warned people to consider what it would cost to follow him (see, e.g., Luke 14:28), and he pointed out the hardships that would come into their lives as a result of choosing to follow him (see, e.g., Mark 8:34).<\/p>\nExodus 5 gives us a case study: Pharaoh’s earlier enslavement and persecution of the Hebrews was purely strategic. He worried that this growing sector of the population would cause trouble for him (Exod 1:8-22). In chapter 5, the situation is different. Moses and Aaron had rallied the people’s hopes that their God would soon rescue them (4:29-31). During their initial encounter with Pharaoh, Moses and Aaron confronted him with the reality of God’s sovereign rule (5:1-3). Not surprisingly, Pharaoh considered this an affront to his own sovereignty and reacted strongly against the Israelites (5:4-21).<\/p>\nWhen God’s Kingdom clashes with God’s enemies, there is often conflict and hardship for God’s people. We should not be surprised. Believers have changed allegiance from the realm of darkness to the realm of light (Col 1:11-14), and those who rule in the realm of darkness will certainly not let us leave their power without a fight. We must stand firm in our faith, knowing that God will secure the final victory on our behalf (Exod 6:1-8; see also Matt 5:11-12; John 16:33; Rom 16:20; Eph 6:10-18).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nGen 39:6-20; Exod 5:1-23; 18:8; 1 Kgs 18:3-4; 19:1-10; Pss 6:6-7; 22:11-18; Matt 5:11-12; Mark 8:34; John 15:20; 16:33; Rom 16:20; 2 Cor 11:23-29; Eph 6:10-18; 2 Tim 3:12; Heb 10:32-36; 1 Pet 1:6-7; 3:9-17; 4:12-19<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Hardship in Following God<\/h3>\nSometimes people are urged to accept Christ because “he will solve your problems.” But Christ did not promise to solve all of people’s problems. In fact, he repeatedly warned people to consider what it would cost to follow him (see, e.g., Luke 14:28), and he pointed out the hardships that would come into their lives as a result of choosing to follow him (see, e.g., Mark 8:34).<\/p>\nExodus 5 gives us a case study: Pharaoh’s earlier enslavement and persecution of the Hebrews was purely strategic. He worried that this growing sector of the population would cause trouble for him (Exod 1:8-22). In chapter 5, the situation is different. Moses and Aaron had rallied the people’s hopes that their God would soon rescue them (4:29-31). During their initial encounter with Pharaoh, Moses and Aaron confronted him with the reality of God’s sovereign rule (5:1-3). Not surprisingly, Pharaoh considered this an affront to his own sovereignty and reacted strongly against the Israelites (5:4-21).<\/p>\nWhen God’s Kingdom clashes with God’s enemies, there is often conflict and hardship for God’s people. We should not be surprised. Believers have changed allegiance from the realm of darkness to the realm of light (Col 1:11-14), and those who rule in the realm of darkness will certainly not let us leave their power without a fight. We must stand firm in our faith, knowing that God will secure the final victory on our behalf (Exod 6:1-8; see also Matt 5:11-12; John 16:33; Rom 16:20; Eph 6:10-18).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nGen 39:6-20; Exod 5:1-23; 18:8; 1 Kgs 18:3-4; 19:1-10; Pss 6:6-7; 22:11-18; Matt 5:11-12; Mark 8:34; John 15:20; 16:33; Rom 16:20; 2 Cor 11:23-29; Eph 6:10-18; 2 Tim 3:12; Heb 10:32-36; 1 Pet 1:6-7; 3:9-17; 4:12-19<\/p>","summary_ro":"Hardship in Following God Sometimes people are urged to accept Christ because “he will solve your problems.” But Christ did not promise to solve all of people’s problems. In fact, he repeatedly warned people to consider what it would cost to follow him (see, e.g., Luke 14:28), and he pointed out the hardships that would come into their lives as a result of choosing to follow him (see, e.g., Mark 8:34). Exodus 5 gives us a case study: Pharaoh’s earlier enslavement and persecution of the Hebrew...","summary_en":"Hardship in Following God Sometimes people are urged to accept Christ because “he will solve your problems.” But Christ did not promise to solve all of people’s problems. In fact, he repeatedly warned people to consider what it would cost to follow him (see, e.g., Luke 14:28), and he pointed out the hardships that would come into their lives as a result of choosing to follow him (see, e.g., Mark 8:34). Exodus 5 gives us a case study: Pharaoh’s earlier enslavement and persecution of the Hebrew...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":65585,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Day Is Coming","title_en":"The Day Is Coming","content_ro":"<h3>The Day Is Coming<\/h3>\nJesus predicted three future events in the synoptic Gospels. One was his own death and resurrection (Mark 8:31; 9:31; 10:33-34); this was a past event when the Gospels were written.<\/p>\nThe second event that Jesus predicted was the destruction of Jerusalem in AD<\/span> 70 (Matt 24:1-28; 13:1-23; Luke 19:41-44; 21:5-24). This event was probably about to happen when Mark wrote his Gospel (see Mark Book Introduction, “Date”). It would not signify the very end, so the Christian community must continue to live in faithful watchfulness after this event for the Son of God’s return in glory, which might be soon (Mark 13:34-37).<\/p>\nThe third event that Jesus predicted was his own future return (Matt 23:39; 24:3, 29-31, 24:36–25:46; Mark 8:38; 13:24-27, 32-37; Luke 21:25-36; John 14:1-3). References to Jesus’ return can be found throughout the New Testament (see, e.g., 1 Cor 1:7-8; 3:13; 5:5; 2 Cor 1:14; Phil 1:6, 10; 2:16; 1 Thes 5:1-11; 2 Thes 2:2; 2 Tim 1:12, 18; 4:1, 8).<\/p>\nWhen Jesus returns, the promises about God’s Kingdom will be completely fulfilled. Jesus will bring judgment and destruction for Satan and his angels (Rom 16:20; 2 Thes 2:3-12). Unbelievers will also experience eternal judgment (Matt 13:40-42; 25:31-46; Luke 6:24-26; 16:19-31; Acts 10:42; Eph 5:6; Col 3:6; Heb 10:25; 2 Pet 3:7; Jude 1:6; Rev 1:7; 6:14, 17). Meanwhile, the faithful will be resurrected to experience the joy of eternal life (1 Thes 4:13-18). God will gather his chosen people for salvation (Mark 13:27; Heb 1:14; 9:27-28), grace (1 Pet 1:13), and glory (1 Thes 2:12; 2 Thes 2:14; 1 Pet 1:7; 5:1, 4). He will give his people a priceless inheritance (1 Pet 1:4) and new eternal bodies (1 Cor 15:35-57; Phil 3:21; 1 Thes 4:13-18). All of creation will also be rescued from its curse (Gen 3:17-18) and be transformed (Rom 8:20-23; 2 Pet 3:12-13; Rev 21:1–22:5). Sorrow, tears, mourning, and death will no longer exist (Rev 21:4). Those who have had faith during this life will see God (Matt 5:8; Rev 22:3).<\/p>\nIn light of these promises, believers in Jesus are to prayerfully await his return (Matt 6:10; Rev 22:20). We should not speculate on dates for his coming (Mark 13:32; Acts 1:7), but should live in a way that is honorable (1 Jn 2:28) and be prepared (Matt 24:36–25:30; 1 Thes 5:1-11).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nMatt 5:8; 6:10; 13:41-42; 23:39; 24:3–25:46; Mark 8:38; 13:1-37; 14:25; Luke 6:24-26; 16:19-31; 19:41-44; 21:5-36; John 14:1-3; Acts 1:6-7; 10:42; Rom 8:20-23; 16:20; 1 Cor 1:7-8; 15:35-58; 2 Cor 1:14; Phil 1:6, 10; 2:16; 3:21; 1 Thes 4:13-18; 2 Thes 2:2-14; 2 Tim 4:1-8; Titus 2:11-13; Heb 9:28; 10:25, 37; 1 Pet 1:7, 13; 5:1-4; 2 Pet 3:7-13; 1 Jn 2:28; Rev 1:7; 6:15-17; 21:1–22:7; 22:12, 20<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Day Is Coming<\/h3>\nJesus predicted three future events in the synoptic Gospels. One was his own death and resurrection (Mark 8:31; 9:31; 10:33-34); this was a past event when the Gospels were written.<\/p>\nThe second event that Jesus predicted was the destruction of Jerusalem in AD<\/span> 70 (Matt 24:1-28; 13:1-23; Luke 19:41-44; 21:5-24). This event was probably about to happen when Mark wrote his Gospel (see Mark Book Introduction, “Date”). It would not signify the very end, so the Christian community must continue to live in faithful watchfulness after this event for the Son of God’s return in glory, which might be soon (Mark 13:34-37).<\/p>\nThe third event that Jesus predicted was his own future return (Matt 23:39; 24:3, 29-31, 24:36–25:46; Mark 8:38; 13:24-27, 32-37; Luke 21:25-36; John 14:1-3). References to Jesus’ return can be found throughout the New Testament (see, e.g., 1 Cor 1:7-8; 3:13; 5:5; 2 Cor 1:14; Phil 1:6, 10; 2:16; 1 Thes 5:1-11; 2 Thes 2:2; 2 Tim 1:12, 18; 4:1, 8).<\/p>\nWhen Jesus returns, the promises about God’s Kingdom will be completely fulfilled. Jesus will bring judgment and destruction for Satan and his angels (Rom 16:20; 2 Thes 2:3-12). Unbelievers will also experience eternal judgment (Matt 13:40-42; 25:31-46; Luke 6:24-26; 16:19-31; Acts 10:42; Eph 5:6; Col 3:6; Heb 10:25; 2 Pet 3:7; Jude 1:6; Rev 1:7; 6:14, 17). Meanwhile, the faithful will be resurrected to experience the joy of eternal life (1 Thes 4:13-18). God will gather his chosen people for salvation (Mark 13:27; Heb 1:14; 9:27-28), grace (1 Pet 1:13), and glory (1 Thes 2:12; 2 Thes 2:14; 1 Pet 1:7; 5:1, 4). He will give his people a priceless inheritance (1 Pet 1:4) and new eternal bodies (1 Cor 15:35-57; Phil 3:21; 1 Thes 4:13-18). All of creation will also be rescued from its curse (Gen 3:17-18) and be transformed (Rom 8:20-23; 2 Pet 3:12-13; Rev 21:1–22:5). Sorrow, tears, mourning, and death will no longer exist (Rev 21:4). Those who have had faith during this life will see God (Matt 5:8; Rev 22:3).<\/p>\nIn light of these promises, believers in Jesus are to prayerfully await his return (Matt 6:10; Rev 22:20). We should not speculate on dates for his coming (Mark 13:32; Acts 1:7), but should live in a way that is honorable (1 Jn 2:28) and be prepared (Matt 24:36–25:30; 1 Thes 5:1-11).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nMatt 5:8; 6:10; 13:41-42; 23:39; 24:3–25:46; Mark 8:38; 13:1-37; 14:25; Luke 6:24-26; 16:19-31; 19:41-44; 21:5-36; John 14:1-3; Acts 1:6-7; 10:42; Rom 8:20-23; 16:20; 1 Cor 1:7-8; 15:35-58; 2 Cor 1:14; Phil 1:6, 10; 2:16; 3:21; 1 Thes 4:13-18; 2 Thes 2:2-14; 2 Tim 4:1-8; Titus 2:11-13; Heb 9:28; 10:25, 37; 1 Pet 1:7, 13; 5:1-4; 2 Pet 3:7-13; 1 Jn 2:28; Rev 1:7; 6:15-17; 21:1–22:7; 22:12, 20<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Day Is Coming Jesus predicted three future events in the synoptic Gospels. One was his own death and resurrection (Mark 8:31; 9:31; 10:33-34); this was a past event when the Gospels were written. The second event that Jesus predicted was the destruction of Jerusalem in AD 70 (Matt 24:1-28; 13:1-23; Luke 19:41-44; 21:5-24). This event was probably about to happen when Mark wrote his Gospel (see Mark Book Introduction, “Date”). It would not signify the very end, so the Christian community m...","summary_en":"The Day Is Coming Jesus predicted three future events in the synoptic Gospels. One was his own death and resurrection (Mark 8:31; 9:31; 10:33-34); this was a past event when the Gospels were written. The second event that Jesus predicted was the destruction of Jerusalem in AD 70 (Matt 24:1-28; 13:1-23; Luke 19:41-44; 21:5-24). This event was probably about to happen when Mark wrote his Gospel (see Mark Book Introduction, “Date”). It would not signify the very end, so the Christian community m...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":87801,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"Hardship in Following God","title_en":"Hardship in Following God","content_ro":"<h3>Hardship in Following God<\/h3>\nSometimes people are urged to accept Christ because “he will solve your problems.” But Christ did not promise to solve all of people’s problems. In fact, he repeatedly warned people to consider what it would cost to follow him (see, e.g., Luke 14:28), and he pointed out the hardships that would come into their lives as a result of choosing to follow him (see, e.g., Mark 8:34).<\/p>\nExodus 5 gives us a case study: Pharaoh’s earlier enslavement and persecution of the Hebrews was purely strategic. He worried that this growing sector of the population would cause trouble for him (Exod 1:8-22). In chapter 5, the situation is different. Moses and Aaron had rallied the people’s hopes that their God would soon rescue them (4:29-31). During their initial encounter with Pharaoh, Moses and Aaron confronted him with the reality of God’s sovereign rule (5:1-3). Not surprisingly, Pharaoh considered this an affront to his own sovereignty and reacted strongly against the Israelites (5:4-21).<\/p>\nWhen God’s Kingdom clashes with God’s enemies, there is often conflict and hardship for God’s people. We should not be surprised. Believers have changed allegiance from the realm of darkness to the realm of light (Col 1:11-14), and those who rule in the realm of darkness will certainly not let us leave their power without a fight. We must stand firm in our faith, knowing that God will secure the final victory on our behalf (Exod 6:1-8; see also Matt 5:11-12; John 16:33; Rom 16:20; Eph 6:10-18).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nGen 39:6-20; Exod 5:1-23; 18:8; 1 Kgs 18:3-4; 19:1-10; Pss 6:6-7; 22:11-18; Matt 5:11-12; Mark 8:34; John 15:20; 16:33; Rom 16:20; 2 Cor 11:23-29; Eph 6:10-18; 2 Tim 3:12; Heb 10:32-36; 1 Pet 1:6-7; 3:9-17; 4:12-19<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Hardship in Following God<\/h3>\nSometimes people are urged to accept Christ because “he will solve your problems.” But Christ did not promise to solve all of people’s problems. In fact, he repeatedly warned people to consider what it would cost to follow him (see, e.g., Luke 14:28), and he pointed out the hardships that would come into their lives as a result of choosing to follow him (see, e.g., Mark 8:34).<\/p>\nExodus 5 gives us a case study: Pharaoh’s earlier enslavement and persecution of the Hebrews was purely strategic. He worried that this growing sector of the population would cause trouble for him (Exod 1:8-22). In chapter 5, the situation is different. Moses and Aaron had rallied the people’s hopes that their God would soon rescue them (4:29-31). During their initial encounter with Pharaoh, Moses and Aaron confronted him with the reality of God’s sovereign rule (5:1-3). Not surprisingly, Pharaoh considered this an affront to his own sovereignty and reacted strongly against the Israelites (5:4-21).<\/p>\nWhen God’s Kingdom clashes with God’s enemies, there is often conflict and hardship for God’s people. We should not be surprised. Believers have changed allegiance from the realm of darkness to the realm of light (Col 1:11-14), and those who rule in the realm of darkness will certainly not let us leave their power without a fight. We must stand firm in our faith, knowing that God will secure the final victory on our behalf (Exod 6:1-8; see also Matt 5:11-12; John 16:33; Rom 16:20; Eph 6:10-18).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nGen 39:6-20; Exod 5:1-23; 18:8; 1 Kgs 18:3-4; 19:1-10; Pss 6:6-7; 22:11-18; Matt 5:11-12; Mark 8:34; John 15:20; 16:33; Rom 16:20; 2 Cor 11:23-29; Eph 6:10-18; 2 Tim 3:12; Heb 10:32-36; 1 Pet 1:6-7; 3:9-17; 4:12-19<\/p>","summary_ro":"Hardship in Following God Sometimes people are urged to accept Christ because “he will solve your problems.” But Christ did not promise to solve all of people’s problems. In fact, he repeatedly warned people to consider what it would cost to follow him (see, e.g., Luke 14:28), and he pointed out the hardships that would come into their lives as a result of choosing to follow him (see, e.g., Mark 8:34). Exodus 5 gives us a case study: Pharaoh’s earlier enslavement and persecution of the Hebrew...","summary_en":"Hardship in Following God Sometimes people are urged to accept Christ because “he will solve your problems.” But Christ did not promise to solve all of people’s problems. In fact, he repeatedly warned people to consider what it would cost to follow him (see, e.g., Luke 14:28), and he pointed out the hardships that would come into their lives as a result of choosing to follow him (see, e.g., Mark 8:34). Exodus 5 gives us a case study: Pharaoh’s earlier enslavement and persecution of the Hebrew...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":93211,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Day Is Coming","title_en":"The Day Is Coming","content_ro":"<h3>The Day Is Coming<\/h3>\nJesus predicted three future events in the synoptic Gospels. One was his own death and resurrection (Mark 8:31; 9:31; 10:33-34); this was a past event when the Gospels were written.<\/p>\nThe second event that Jesus predicted was the destruction of Jerusalem in AD<\/span> 70 (Matt 24:1-28; 13:1-23; Luke 19:41-44; 21:5-24). This event was probably about to happen when Mark wrote his Gospel (see Mark Book Introduction, “Date”). It would not signify the very end, so the Christian community must continue to live in faithful watchfulness after this event for the Son of God’s return in glory, which might be soon (Mark 13:34-37).<\/p>\nThe third event that Jesus predicted was his own future return (Matt 23:39; 24:3, 29-31, 24:36–25:46; Mark 8:38; 13:24-27, 32-37; Luke 21:25-36; John 14:1-3). References to Jesus’ return can be found throughout the New Testament (see, e.g., 1 Cor 1:7-8; 3:13; 5:5; 2 Cor 1:14; Phil 1:6, 10; 2:16; 1 Thes 5:1-11; 2 Thes 2:2; 2 Tim 1:12, 18; 4:1, 8).<\/p>\nWhen Jesus returns, the promises about God’s Kingdom will be completely fulfilled. Jesus will bring judgment and destruction for Satan and his angels (Rom 16:20; 2 Thes 2:3-12). Unbelievers will also experience eternal judgment (Matt 13:40-42; 25:31-46; Luke 6:24-26; 16:19-31; Acts 10:42; Eph 5:6; Col 3:6; Heb 10:25; 2 Pet 3:7; Jude 1:6; Rev 1:7; 6:14, 17). Meanwhile, the faithful will be resurrected to experience the joy of eternal life (1 Thes 4:13-18). God will gather his chosen people for salvation (Mark 13:27; Heb 1:14; 9:27-28), grace (1 Pet 1:13), and glory (1 Thes 2:12; 2 Thes 2:14; 1 Pet 1:7; 5:1, 4). He will give his people a priceless inheritance (1 Pet 1:4) and new eternal bodies (1 Cor 15:35-57; Phil 3:21; 1 Thes 4:13-18). All of creation will also be rescued from its curse (Gen 3:17-18) and be transformed (Rom 8:20-23; 2 Pet 3:12-13; Rev 21:1–22:5). Sorrow, tears, mourning, and death will no longer exist (Rev 21:4). Those who have had faith during this life will see God (Matt 5:8; Rev 22:3).<\/p>\nIn light of these promises, believers in Jesus are to prayerfully await his return (Matt 6:10; Rev 22:20). We should not speculate on dates for his coming (Mark 13:32; Acts 1:7), but should live in a way that is honorable (1 Jn 2:28) and be prepared (Matt 24:36–25:30; 1 Thes 5:1-11).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nMatt 5:8; 6:10; 13:41-42; 23:39; 24:3–25:46; Mark 8:38; 13:1-37; 14:25; Luke 6:24-26; 16:19-31; 19:41-44; 21:5-36; John 14:1-3; Acts 1:6-7; 10:42; Rom 8:20-23; 16:20; 1 Cor 1:7-8; 15:35-58; 2 Cor 1:14; Phil 1:6, 10; 2:16; 3:21; 1 Thes 4:13-18; 2 Thes 2:2-14; 2 Tim 4:1-8; Titus 2:11-13; Heb 9:28; 10:25, 37; 1 Pet 1:7, 13; 5:1-4; 2 Pet 3:7-13; 1 Jn 2:28; Rev 1:7; 6:15-17; 21:1–22:7; 22:12, 20<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Day Is Coming<\/h3>\nJesus predicted three future events in the synoptic Gospels. One was his own death and resurrection (Mark 8:31; 9:31; 10:33-34); this was a past event when the Gospels were written.<\/p>\nThe second event that Jesus predicted was the destruction of Jerusalem in AD<\/span> 70 (Matt 24:1-28; 13:1-23; Luke 19:41-44; 21:5-24). This event was probably about to happen when Mark wrote his Gospel (see Mark Book Introduction, “Date”). It would not signify the very end, so the Christian community must continue to live in faithful watchfulness after this event for the Son of God’s return in glory, which might be soon (Mark 13:34-37).<\/p>\nThe third event that Jesus predicted was his own future return (Matt 23:39; 24:3, 29-31, 24:36–25:46; Mark 8:38; 13:24-27, 32-37; Luke 21:25-36; John 14:1-3). References to Jesus’ return can be found throughout the New Testament (see, e.g., 1 Cor 1:7-8; 3:13; 5:5; 2 Cor 1:14; Phil 1:6, 10; 2:16; 1 Thes 5:1-11; 2 Thes 2:2; 2 Tim 1:12, 18; 4:1, 8).<\/p>\nWhen Jesus returns, the promises about God’s Kingdom will be completely fulfilled. Jesus will bring judgment and destruction for Satan and his angels (Rom 16:20; 2 Thes 2:3-12). Unbelievers will also experience eternal judgment (Matt 13:40-42; 25:31-46; Luke 6:24-26; 16:19-31; Acts 10:42; Eph 5:6; Col 3:6; Heb 10:25; 2 Pet 3:7; Jude 1:6; Rev 1:7; 6:14, 17). Meanwhile, the faithful will be resurrected to experience the joy of eternal life (1 Thes 4:13-18). God will gather his chosen people for salvation (Mark 13:27; Heb 1:14; 9:27-28), grace (1 Pet 1:13), and glory (1 Thes 2:12; 2 Thes 2:14; 1 Pet 1:7; 5:1, 4). He will give his people a priceless inheritance (1 Pet 1:4) and new eternal bodies (1 Cor 15:35-57; Phil 3:21; 1 Thes 4:13-18). All of creation will also be rescued from its curse (Gen 3:17-18) and be transformed (Rom 8:20-23; 2 Pet 3:12-13; Rev 21:1–22:5). Sorrow, tears, mourning, and death will no longer exist (Rev 21:4). Those who have had faith during this life will see God (Matt 5:8; Rev 22:3).<\/p>\nIn light of these promises, believers in Jesus are to prayerfully await his return (Matt 6:10; Rev 22:20). We should not speculate on dates for his coming (Mark 13:32; Acts 1:7), but should live in a way that is honorable (1 Jn 2:28) and be prepared (Matt 24:36–25:30; 1 Thes 5:1-11).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nMatt 5:8; 6:10; 13:41-42; 23:39; 24:3–25:46; Mark 8:38; 13:1-37; 14:25; Luke 6:24-26; 16:19-31; 19:41-44; 21:5-36; John 14:1-3; Acts 1:6-7; 10:42; Rom 8:20-23; 16:20; 1 Cor 1:7-8; 15:35-58; 2 Cor 1:14; Phil 1:6, 10; 2:16; 3:21; 1 Thes 4:13-18; 2 Thes 2:2-14; 2 Tim 4:1-8; Titus 2:11-13; Heb 9:28; 10:25, 37; 1 Pet 1:7, 13; 5:1-4; 2 Pet 3:7-13; 1 Jn 2:28; Rev 1:7; 6:15-17; 21:1–22:7; 22:12, 20<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Day Is Coming Jesus predicted three future events in the synoptic Gospels. One was his own death and resurrection (Mark 8:31; 9:31; 10:33-34); this was a past event when the Gospels were written. The second event that Jesus predicted was the destruction of Jerusalem in AD 70 (Matt 24:1-28; 13:1-23; Luke 19:41-44; 21:5-24). This event was probably about to happen when Mark wrote his Gospel (see Mark Book Introduction, “Date”). It would not signify the very end, so the Christian community m...","summary_en":"The Day Is Coming Jesus predicted three future events in the synoptic Gospels. One was his own death and resurrection (Mark 8:31; 9:31; 10:33-34); this was a past event when the Gospels were written. The second event that Jesus predicted was the destruction of Jerusalem in AD 70 (Matt 24:1-28; 13:1-23; Luke 19:41-44; 21:5-24). This event was probably about to happen when Mark wrote his Gospel (see Mark Book Introduction, “Date”). It would not signify the very end, so the Christian community m...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":115427,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"Hardship in Following God","title_en":"Hardship in Following God","content_ro":"<h3>Hardship in Following God<\/h3>\nSometimes people are urged to accept Christ because “he will solve your problems.” But Christ did not promise to solve all of people’s problems. In fact, he repeatedly warned people to consider what it would cost to follow him (see, e.g., Luke 14:28), and he pointed out the hardships that would come into their lives as a result of choosing to follow him (see, e.g., Mark 8:34).<\/p>\nExodus 5 gives us a case study: Pharaoh’s earlier enslavement and persecution of the Hebrews was purely strategic. He worried that this growing sector of the population would cause trouble for him (Exod 1:8-22). In chapter 5, the situation is different. Moses and Aaron had rallied the people’s hopes that their God would soon rescue them (4:29-31). During their initial encounter with Pharaoh, Moses and Aaron confronted him with the reality of God’s sovereign rule (5:1-3). Not surprisingly, Pharaoh considered this an affront to his own sovereignty and reacted strongly against the Israelites (5:4-21).<\/p>\nWhen God’s Kingdom clashes with God’s enemies, there is often conflict and hardship for God’s people. We should not be surprised. Believers have changed allegiance from the realm of darkness to the realm of light (Col 1:11-14), and those who rule in the realm of darkness will certainly not let us leave their power without a fight. We must stand firm in our faith, knowing that God will secure the final victory on our behalf (Exod 6:1-8; see also Matt 5:11-12; John 16:33; Rom 16:20; Eph 6:10-18).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nGen 39:6-20; Exod 5:1-23; 18:8; 1 Kgs 18:3-4; 19:1-10; Pss 6:6-7; 22:11-18; Matt 5:11-12; Mark 8:34; John 15:20; 16:33; Rom 16:20; 2 Cor 11:23-29; Eph 6:10-18; 2 Tim 3:12; Heb 10:32-36; 1 Pet 1:6-7; 3:9-17; 4:12-19<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Hardship in Following God<\/h3>\nSometimes people are urged to accept Christ because “he will solve your problems.” But Christ did not promise to solve all of people’s problems. In fact, he repeatedly warned people to consider what it would cost to follow him (see, e.g., Luke 14:28), and he pointed out the hardships that would come into their lives as a result of choosing to follow him (see, e.g., Mark 8:34).<\/p>\nExodus 5 gives us a case study: Pharaoh’s earlier enslavement and persecution of the Hebrews was purely strategic. He worried that this growing sector of the population would cause trouble for him (Exod 1:8-22). In chapter 5, the situation is different. Moses and Aaron had rallied the people’s hopes that their God would soon rescue them (4:29-31). During their initial encounter with Pharaoh, Moses and Aaron confronted him with the reality of God’s sovereign rule (5:1-3). Not surprisingly, Pharaoh considered this an affront to his own sovereignty and reacted strongly against the Israelites (5:4-21).<\/p>\nWhen God’s Kingdom clashes with God’s enemies, there is often conflict and hardship for God’s people. We should not be surprised. Believers have changed allegiance from the realm of darkness to the realm of light (Col 1:11-14), and those who rule in the realm of darkness will certainly not let us leave their power without a fight. We must stand firm in our faith, knowing that God will secure the final victory on our behalf (Exod 6:1-8; see also Matt 5:11-12; John 16:33; Rom 16:20; Eph 6:10-18).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nGen 39:6-20; Exod 5:1-23; 18:8; 1 Kgs 18:3-4; 19:1-10; Pss 6:6-7; 22:11-18; Matt 5:11-12; Mark 8:34; John 15:20; 16:33; Rom 16:20; 2 Cor 11:23-29; Eph 6:10-18; 2 Tim 3:12; Heb 10:32-36; 1 Pet 1:6-7; 3:9-17; 4:12-19<\/p>","summary_ro":"Hardship in Following God Sometimes people are urged to accept Christ because “he will solve your problems.” But Christ did not promise to solve all of people’s problems. In fact, he repeatedly warned people to consider what it would cost to follow him (see, e.g., Luke 14:28), and he pointed out the hardships that would come into their lives as a result of choosing to follow him (see, e.g., Mark 8:34). Exodus 5 gives us a case study: Pharaoh’s earlier enslavement and persecution of the Hebrew...","summary_en":"Hardship in Following God Sometimes people are urged to accept Christ because “he will solve your problems.” But Christ did not promise to solve all of people’s problems. In fact, he repeatedly warned people to consider what it would cost to follow him (see, e.g., Luke 14:28), and he pointed out the hardships that would come into their lives as a result of choosing to follow him (see, e.g., Mark 8:34). Exodus 5 gives us a case study: Pharaoh’s earlier enslavement and persecution of the Hebrew...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":120837,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Day Is Coming","title_en":"The Day Is Coming","content_ro":"<h3>The Day Is Coming<\/h3>\nJesus predicted three future events in the synoptic Gospels. One was his own death and resurrection (Mark 8:31; 9:31; 10:33-34); this was a past event when the Gospels were written.<\/p>\nThe second event that Jesus predicted was the destruction of Jerusalem in AD<\/span> 70 (Matt 24:1-28; 13:1-23; Luke 19:41-44; 21:5-24). This event was probably about to happen when Mark wrote his Gospel (see Mark Book Introduction, “Date”). It would not signify the very end, so the Christian community must continue to live in faithful watchfulness after this event for the Son of God’s return in glory, which might be soon (Mark 13:34-37).<\/p>\nThe third event that Jesus predicted was his own future return (Matt 23:39; 24:3, 29-31, 24:36–25:46; Mark 8:38; 13:24-27, 32-37; Luke 21:25-36; John 14:1-3). References to Jesus’ return can be found throughout the New Testament (see, e.g., 1 Cor 1:7-8; 3:13; 5:5; 2 Cor 1:14; Phil 1:6, 10; 2:16; 1 Thes 5:1-11; 2 Thes 2:2; 2 Tim 1:12, 18; 4:1, 8).<\/p>\nWhen Jesus returns, the promises about God’s Kingdom will be completely fulfilled. Jesus will bring judgment and destruction for Satan and his angels (Rom 16:20; 2 Thes 2:3-12). Unbelievers will also experience eternal judgment (Matt 13:40-42; 25:31-46; Luke 6:24-26; 16:19-31; Acts 10:42; Eph 5:6; Col 3:6; Heb 10:25; 2 Pet 3:7; Jude 1:6; Rev 1:7; 6:14, 17). Meanwhile, the faithful will be resurrected to experience the joy of eternal life (1 Thes 4:13-18). God will gather his chosen people for salvation (Mark 13:27; Heb 1:14; 9:27-28), grace (1 Pet 1:13), and glory (1 Thes 2:12; 2 Thes 2:14; 1 Pet 1:7; 5:1, 4). He will give his people a priceless inheritance (1 Pet 1:4) and new eternal bodies (1 Cor 15:35-57; Phil 3:21; 1 Thes 4:13-18). All of creation will also be rescued from its curse (Gen 3:17-18) and be transformed (Rom 8:20-23; 2 Pet 3:12-13; Rev 21:1–22:5). Sorrow, tears, mourning, and death will no longer exist (Rev 21:4). Those who have had faith during this life will see God (Matt 5:8; Rev 22:3).<\/p>\nIn light of these promises, believers in Jesus are to prayerfully await his return (Matt 6:10; Rev 22:20). We should not speculate on dates for his coming (Mark 13:32; Acts 1:7), but should live in a way that is honorable (1 Jn 2:28) and be prepared (Matt 24:36–25:30; 1 Thes 5:1-11).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nMatt 5:8; 6:10; 13:41-42; 23:39; 24:3–25:46; Mark 8:38; 13:1-37; 14:25; Luke 6:24-26; 16:19-31; 19:41-44; 21:5-36; John 14:1-3; Acts 1:6-7; 10:42; Rom 8:20-23; 16:20; 1 Cor 1:7-8; 15:35-58; 2 Cor 1:14; Phil 1:6, 10; 2:16; 3:21; 1 Thes 4:13-18; 2 Thes 2:2-14; 2 Tim 4:1-8; Titus 2:11-13; Heb 9:28; 10:25, 37; 1 Pet 1:7, 13; 5:1-4; 2 Pet 3:7-13; 1 Jn 2:28; Rev 1:7; 6:15-17; 21:1–22:7; 22:12, 20<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Day Is Coming<\/h3>\nJesus predicted three future events in the synoptic Gospels. One was his own death and resurrection (Mark 8:31; 9:31; 10:33-34); this was a past event when the Gospels were written.<\/p>\nThe second event that Jesus predicted was the destruction of Jerusalem in AD<\/span> 70 (Matt 24:1-28; 13:1-23; Luke 19:41-44; 21:5-24). This event was probably about to happen when Mark wrote his Gospel (see Mark Book Introduction, “Date”). It would not signify the very end, so the Christian community must continue to live in faithful watchfulness after this event for the Son of God’s return in glory, which might be soon (Mark 13:34-37).<\/p>\nThe third event that Jesus predicted was his own future return (Matt 23:39; 24:3, 29-31, 24:36–25:46; Mark 8:38; 13:24-27, 32-37; Luke 21:25-36; John 14:1-3). References to Jesus’ return can be found throughout the New Testament (see, e.g., 1 Cor 1:7-8; 3:13; 5:5; 2 Cor 1:14; Phil 1:6, 10; 2:16; 1 Thes 5:1-11; 2 Thes 2:2; 2 Tim 1:12, 18; 4:1, 8).<\/p>\nWhen Jesus returns, the promises about God’s Kingdom will be completely fulfilled. Jesus will bring judgment and destruction for Satan and his angels (Rom 16:20; 2 Thes 2:3-12). Unbelievers will also experience eternal judgment (Matt 13:40-42; 25:31-46; Luke 6:24-26; 16:19-31; Acts 10:42; Eph 5:6; Col 3:6; Heb 10:25; 2 Pet 3:7; Jude 1:6; Rev 1:7; 6:14, 17). Meanwhile, the faithful will be resurrected to experience the joy of eternal life (1 Thes 4:13-18). God will gather his chosen people for salvation (Mark 13:27; Heb 1:14; 9:27-28), grace (1 Pet 1:13), and glory (1 Thes 2:12; 2 Thes 2:14; 1 Pet 1:7; 5:1, 4). He will give his people a priceless inheritance (1 Pet 1:4) and new eternal bodies (1 Cor 15:35-57; Phil 3:21; 1 Thes 4:13-18). All of creation will also be rescued from its curse (Gen 3:17-18) and be transformed (Rom 8:20-23; 2 Pet 3:12-13; Rev 21:1–22:5). Sorrow, tears, mourning, and death will no longer exist (Rev 21:4). Those who have had faith during this life will see God (Matt 5:8; Rev 22:3).<\/p>\nIn light of these promises, believers in Jesus are to prayerfully await his return (Matt 6:10; Rev 22:20). We should not speculate on dates for his coming (Mark 13:32; Acts 1:7), but should live in a way that is honorable (1 Jn 2:28) and be prepared (Matt 24:36–25:30; 1 Thes 5:1-11).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nMatt 5:8; 6:10; 13:41-42; 23:39; 24:3–25:46; Mark 8:38; 13:1-37; 14:25; Luke 6:24-26; 16:19-31; 19:41-44; 21:5-36; John 14:1-3; Acts 1:6-7; 10:42; Rom 8:20-23; 16:20; 1 Cor 1:7-8; 15:35-58; 2 Cor 1:14; Phil 1:6, 10; 2:16; 3:21; 1 Thes 4:13-18; 2 Thes 2:2-14; 2 Tim 4:1-8; Titus 2:11-13; Heb 9:28; 10:25, 37; 1 Pet 1:7, 13; 5:1-4; 2 Pet 3:7-13; 1 Jn 2:28; Rev 1:7; 6:15-17; 21:1–22:7; 22:12, 20<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Day Is Coming Jesus predicted three future events in the synoptic Gospels. One was his own death and resurrection (Mark 8:31; 9:31; 10:33-34); this was a past event when the Gospels were written. The second event that Jesus predicted was the destruction of Jerusalem in AD 70 (Matt 24:1-28; 13:1-23; Luke 19:41-44; 21:5-24). This event was probably about to happen when Mark wrote his Gospel (see Mark Book Introduction, “Date”). It would not signify the very end, so the Christian community m...","summary_en":"The Day Is Coming Jesus predicted three future events in the synoptic Gospels. One was his own death and resurrection (Mark 8:31; 9:31; 10:33-34); this was a past event when the Gospels were written. The second event that Jesus predicted was the destruction of Jerusalem in AD 70 (Matt 24:1-28; 13:1-23; Luke 19:41-44; 21:5-24). This event was probably about to happen when Mark wrote his Gospel (see Mark Book Introduction, “Date”). It would not signify the very end, so the Christian community m...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":143053,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"Hardship in Following God","title_en":"Hardship in Following God","content_ro":"<h3>Hardship in Following God<\/h3>\nSometimes people are urged to accept Christ because “he will solve your problems.” But Christ did not promise to solve all of people’s problems. In fact, he repeatedly warned people to consider what it would cost to follow him (see, e.g., Luke 14:28), and he pointed out the hardships that would come into their lives as a result of choosing to follow him (see, e.g., Mark 8:34).<\/p>\nExodus 5 gives us a case study: Pharaoh’s earlier enslavement and persecution of the Hebrews was purely strategic. He worried that this growing sector of the population would cause trouble for him (Exod 1:8-22). In chapter 5, the situation is different. Moses and Aaron had rallied the people’s hopes that their God would soon rescue them (4:29-31). During their initial encounter with Pharaoh, Moses and Aaron confronted him with the reality of God’s sovereign rule (5:1-3). Not surprisingly, Pharaoh considered this an affront to his own sovereignty and reacted strongly against the Israelites (5:4-21).<\/p>\nWhen God’s Kingdom clashes with God’s enemies, there is often conflict and hardship for God’s people. We should not be surprised. Believers have changed allegiance from the realm of darkness to the realm of light (Col 1:11-14), and those who rule in the realm of darkness will certainly not let us leave their power without a fight. We must stand firm in our faith, knowing that God will secure the final victory on our behalf (Exod 6:1-8; see also Matt 5:11-12; John 16:33; Rom 16:20; Eph 6:10-18).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nGen 39:6-20; Exod 5:1-23; 18:8; 1 Kgs 18:3-4; 19:1-10; Pss 6:6-7; 22:11-18; Matt 5:11-12; Mark 8:34; John 15:20; 16:33; Rom 16:20; 2 Cor 11:23-29; Eph 6:10-18; 2 Tim 3:12; Heb 10:32-36; 1 Pet 1:6-7; 3:9-17; 4:12-19<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Hardship in Following God<\/h3>\nSometimes people are urged to accept Christ because “he will solve your problems.” But Christ did not promise to solve all of people’s problems. In fact, he repeatedly warned people to consider what it would cost to follow him (see, e.g., Luke 14:28), and he pointed out the hardships that would come into their lives as a result of choosing to follow him (see, e.g., Mark 8:34).<\/p>\nExodus 5 gives us a case study: Pharaoh’s earlier enslavement and persecution of the Hebrews was purely strategic. He worried that this growing sector of the population would cause trouble for him (Exod 1:8-22). In chapter 5, the situation is different. Moses and Aaron had rallied the people’s hopes that their God would soon rescue them (4:29-31). During their initial encounter with Pharaoh, Moses and Aaron confronted him with the reality of God’s sovereign rule (5:1-3). Not surprisingly, Pharaoh considered this an affront to his own sovereignty and reacted strongly against the Israelites (5:4-21).<\/p>\nWhen God’s Kingdom clashes with God’s enemies, there is often conflict and hardship for God’s people. We should not be surprised. Believers have changed allegiance from the realm of darkness to the realm of light (Col 1:11-14), and those who rule in the realm of darkness will certainly not let us leave their power without a fight. We must stand firm in our faith, knowing that God will secure the final victory on our behalf (Exod 6:1-8; see also Matt 5:11-12; John 16:33; Rom 16:20; Eph 6:10-18).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nGen 39:6-20; Exod 5:1-23; 18:8; 1 Kgs 18:3-4; 19:1-10; Pss 6:6-7; 22:11-18; Matt 5:11-12; Mark 8:34; John 15:20; 16:33; Rom 16:20; 2 Cor 11:23-29; Eph 6:10-18; 2 Tim 3:12; Heb 10:32-36; 1 Pet 1:6-7; 3:9-17; 4:12-19<\/p>","summary_ro":"Hardship in Following God Sometimes people are urged to accept Christ because “he will solve your problems.” But Christ did not promise to solve all of people’s problems. In fact, he repeatedly warned people to consider what it would cost to follow him (see, e.g., Luke 14:28), and he pointed out the hardships that would come into their lives as a result of choosing to follow him (see, e.g., Mark 8:34). Exodus 5 gives us a case study: Pharaoh’s earlier enslavement and persecution of the Hebrew...","summary_en":"Hardship in Following God Sometimes people are urged to accept Christ because “he will solve your problems.” But Christ did not promise to solve all of people’s problems. In fact, he repeatedly warned people to consider what it would cost to follow him (see, e.g., Luke 14:28), and he pointed out the hardships that would come into their lives as a result of choosing to follow him (see, e.g., Mark 8:34). Exodus 5 gives us a case study: Pharaoh’s earlier enslavement and persecution of the Hebrew...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":148463,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Day Is Coming","title_en":"The Day Is Coming","content_ro":"<h3>The Day Is Coming<\/h3>\nJesus predicted three future events in the synoptic Gospels. One was his own death and resurrection (Mark 8:31; 9:31; 10:33-34); this was a past event when the Gospels were written.<\/p>\nThe second event that Jesus predicted was the destruction of Jerusalem in AD<\/span> 70 (Matt 24:1-28; 13:1-23; Luke 19:41-44; 21:5-24). This event was probably about to happen when Mark wrote his Gospel (see Mark Book Introduction, “Date”). It would not signify the very end, so the Christian community must continue to live in faithful watchfulness after this event for the Son of God’s return in glory, which might be soon (Mark 13:34-37).<\/p>\nThe third event that Jesus predicted was his own future return (Matt 23:39; 24:3, 29-31, 24:36–25:46; Mark 8:38; 13:24-27, 32-37; Luke 21:25-36; John 14:1-3). References to Jesus’ return can be found throughout the New Testament (see, e.g., 1 Cor 1:7-8; 3:13; 5:5; 2 Cor 1:14; Phil 1:6, 10; 2:16; 1 Thes 5:1-11; 2 Thes 2:2; 2 Tim 1:12, 18; 4:1, 8).<\/p>\nWhen Jesus returns, the promises about God’s Kingdom will be completely fulfilled. Jesus will bring judgment and destruction for Satan and his angels (Rom 16:20; 2 Thes 2:3-12). Unbelievers will also experience eternal judgment (Matt 13:40-42; 25:31-46; Luke 6:24-26; 16:19-31; Acts 10:42; Eph 5:6; Col 3:6; Heb 10:25; 2 Pet 3:7; Jude 1:6; Rev 1:7; 6:14, 17). Meanwhile, the faithful will be resurrected to experience the joy of eternal life (1 Thes 4:13-18). God will gather his chosen people for salvation (Mark 13:27; Heb 1:14; 9:27-28), grace (1 Pet 1:13), and glory (1 Thes 2:12; 2 Thes 2:14; 1 Pet 1:7; 5:1, 4). He will give his people a priceless inheritance (1 Pet 1:4) and new eternal bodies (1 Cor 15:35-57; Phil 3:21; 1 Thes 4:13-18). All of creation will also be rescued from its curse (Gen 3:17-18) and be transformed (Rom 8:20-23; 2 Pet 3:12-13; Rev 21:1–22:5). Sorrow, tears, mourning, and death will no longer exist (Rev 21:4). Those who have had faith during this life will see God (Matt 5:8; Rev 22:3).<\/p>\nIn light of these promises, believers in Jesus are to prayerfully await his return (Matt 6:10; Rev 22:20). We should not speculate on dates for his coming (Mark 13:32; Acts 1:7), but should live in a way that is honorable (1 Jn 2:28) and be prepared (Matt 24:36–25:30; 1 Thes 5:1-11).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nMatt 5:8; 6:10; 13:41-42; 23:39; 24:3–25:46; Mark 8:38; 13:1-37; 14:25; Luke 6:24-26; 16:19-31; 19:41-44; 21:5-36; John 14:1-3; Acts 1:6-7; 10:42; Rom 8:20-23; 16:20; 1 Cor 1:7-8; 15:35-58; 2 Cor 1:14; Phil 1:6, 10; 2:16; 3:21; 1 Thes 4:13-18; 2 Thes 2:2-14; 2 Tim 4:1-8; Titus 2:11-13; Heb 9:28; 10:25, 37; 1 Pet 1:7, 13; 5:1-4; 2 Pet 3:7-13; 1 Jn 2:28; Rev 1:7; 6:15-17; 21:1–22:7; 22:12, 20<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Day Is Coming<\/h3>\nJesus predicted three future events in the synoptic Gospels. One was his own death and resurrection (Mark 8:31; 9:31; 10:33-34); this was a past event when the Gospels were written.<\/p>\nThe second event that Jesus predicted was the destruction of Jerusalem in AD<\/span> 70 (Matt 24:1-28; 13:1-23; Luke 19:41-44; 21:5-24). This event was probably about to happen when Mark wrote his Gospel (see Mark Book Introduction, “Date”). It would not signify the very end, so the Christian community must continue to live in faithful watchfulness after this event for the Son of God’s return in glory, which might be soon (Mark 13:34-37).<\/p>\nThe third event that Jesus predicted was his own future return (Matt 23:39; 24:3, 29-31, 24:36–25:46; Mark 8:38; 13:24-27, 32-37; Luke 21:25-36; John 14:1-3). References to Jesus’ return can be found throughout the New Testament (see, e.g., 1 Cor 1:7-8; 3:13; 5:5; 2 Cor 1:14; Phil 1:6, 10; 2:16; 1 Thes 5:1-11; 2 Thes 2:2; 2 Tim 1:12, 18; 4:1, 8).<\/p>\nWhen Jesus returns, the promises about God’s Kingdom will be completely fulfilled. Jesus will bring judgment and destruction for Satan and his angels (Rom 16:20; 2 Thes 2:3-12). Unbelievers will also experience eternal judgment (Matt 13:40-42; 25:31-46; Luke 6:24-26; 16:19-31; Acts 10:42; Eph 5:6; Col 3:6; Heb 10:25; 2 Pet 3:7; Jude 1:6; Rev 1:7; 6:14, 17). Meanwhile, the faithful will be resurrected to experience the joy of eternal life (1 Thes 4:13-18). God will gather his chosen people for salvation (Mark 13:27; Heb 1:14; 9:27-28), grace (1 Pet 1:13), and glory (1 Thes 2:12; 2 Thes 2:14; 1 Pet 1:7; 5:1, 4). He will give his people a priceless inheritance (1 Pet 1:4) and new eternal bodies (1 Cor 15:35-57; Phil 3:21; 1 Thes 4:13-18). All of creation will also be rescued from its curse (Gen 3:17-18) and be transformed (Rom 8:20-23; 2 Pet 3:12-13; Rev 21:1–22:5). Sorrow, tears, mourning, and death will no longer exist (Rev 21:4). Those who have had faith during this life will see God (Matt 5:8; Rev 22:3).<\/p>\nIn light of these promises, believers in Jesus are to prayerfully await his return (Matt 6:10; Rev 22:20). We should not speculate on dates for his coming (Mark 13:32; Acts 1:7), but should live in a way that is honorable (1 Jn 2:28) and be prepared (Matt 24:36–25:30; 1 Thes 5:1-11).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nMatt 5:8; 6:10; 13:41-42; 23:39; 24:3–25:46; Mark 8:38; 13:1-37; 14:25; Luke 6:24-26; 16:19-31; 19:41-44; 21:5-36; John 14:1-3; Acts 1:6-7; 10:42; Rom 8:20-23; 16:20; 1 Cor 1:7-8; 15:35-58; 2 Cor 1:14; Phil 1:6, 10; 2:16; 3:21; 1 Thes 4:13-18; 2 Thes 2:2-14; 2 Tim 4:1-8; Titus 2:11-13; Heb 9:28; 10:25, 37; 1 Pet 1:7, 13; 5:1-4; 2 Pet 3:7-13; 1 Jn 2:28; Rev 1:7; 6:15-17; 21:1–22:7; 22:12, 20<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Day Is Coming Jesus predicted three future events in the synoptic Gospels. One was his own death and resurrection (Mark 8:31; 9:31; 10:33-34); this was a past event when the Gospels were written. The second event that Jesus predicted was the destruction of Jerusalem in AD 70 (Matt 24:1-28; 13:1-23; Luke 19:41-44; 21:5-24). This event was probably about to happen when Mark wrote his Gospel (see Mark Book Introduction, “Date”). It would not signify the very end, so the Christian community m...","summary_en":"The Day Is Coming Jesus predicted three future events in the synoptic Gospels. One was his own death and resurrection (Mark 8:31; 9:31; 10:33-34); this was a past event when the Gospels were written. The second event that Jesus predicted was the destruction of Jerusalem in AD 70 (Matt 24:1-28; 13:1-23; Luke 19:41-44; 21:5-24). This event was probably about to happen when Mark wrote his Gospel (see Mark Book Introduction, “Date”). It would not signify the very end, so the Christian community m...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"21":[{"id":42776,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Timothy","title_en":"Timothy","content_ro":"<h3>Timothy<\/h3>\nTimothy traveled with Paul for much of his missionary career and was one of Paul’s best-loved and most trusted assistants. Two of Paul’s last letters were written to Timothy at a time when Timothy was providing leadership for the church in Ephesus, near the end of Paul’s life.<\/p>\nTimothy had a devout mother and grandmother (2 Tim 1:5), and he was highly respected by the Christians in his hometown, Lystra, and in nearby Iconium. He joined Paul’s missionary team on Paul’s second missionary journey. Paul speaks of prophetic words that confirmed Timothy’s selection. Timothy also received a special gifting for service through the laying on of the hands of the elders and of Paul (1 Tim 1:18; 4:14; 2 Tim 1:6). Out of deference to the Jews in the area, Paul had Timothy circumcised (Acts 16:1-3).<\/p>\nOver the next fifteen years, Paul sent Timothy on special assignments to several different churches (Acts 19:22; 1 Cor 4:17; 16:10-11; Phil 2:19-23; 1 Thes 3:1-6; 1 Tim 1:3; see also Acts 17:14-15; 18:5). Paul included Timothy’s name as coauthor of several of his letters (2 Cor 1:1; Phil 1:1; Col 1:1; 1 Thes 1:1; 2 Thes 1:1; Phlm 1:1). It is clear that Paul had a close relationship with Timothy and held him in high regard (see Rom 16:21; 1 Cor 4:17; 1 Thes 3:2; 1 Tim 1:2; 6:11; 2 Tim 1:2). As Paul neared the end of his life and awaited his sentence in prison, he longed to see Timothy (2 Tim 1:3-4). Of all Paul’s coworkers, Timothy especially is commended for his selfless concern for Christ and his people (Phil 2:20-22).<\/p>\nIn Paul’s second letter to Timothy (2 Timothy), written shortly before Paul was killed, he encouraged Timothy to be bold and fearless in his proclamation of the Good News, willing to suffer for Christ (2 Tim 1:8; 2:1-3; 4:1-2, 5)—a strong word to one who might have been timid by nature (see 2 Tim 1:6-7). Timothy himself seems to have become a prisoner later on (Heb 13:23).<\/p>\nTimothy was exemplary in the way he faithfully served the cause of Christ behind the scenes, devoting himself selflessly and with single-minded focus to the work of Christ and the people of Christ wherever help was needed. He serves as a reminder that believers should seek to become strong and effective witnesses for Christ.<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 16:1-3; 17:14-15; 18:5; 19:22; 20:4; Rom 16:21; 1 Cor 4:17; 16:10-11; 2 Cor 1:1, 19; Phil 1:1; 2:19-23; Col 1:1; 1 Thes 1:1; 3:2-6; 2 Thes 1:1; 1–2 Tim; Phlm 1:1; Heb 13:23<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Timothy<\/h3>\nTimothy traveled with Paul for much of his missionary career and was one of Paul’s best-loved and most trusted assistants. Two of Paul’s last letters were written to Timothy at a time when Timothy was providing leadership for the church in Ephesus, near the end of Paul’s life.<\/p>\nTimothy had a devout mother and grandmother (2 Tim 1:5), and he was highly respected by the Christians in his hometown, Lystra, and in nearby Iconium. He joined Paul’s missionary team on Paul’s second missionary journey. Paul speaks of prophetic words that confirmed Timothy’s selection. Timothy also received a special gifting for service through the laying on of the hands of the elders and of Paul (1 Tim 1:18; 4:14; 2 Tim 1:6). Out of deference to the Jews in the area, Paul had Timothy circumcised (Acts 16:1-3).<\/p>\nOver the next fifteen years, Paul sent Timothy on special assignments to several different churches (Acts 19:22; 1 Cor 4:17; 16:10-11; Phil 2:19-23; 1 Thes 3:1-6; 1 Tim 1:3; see also Acts 17:14-15; 18:5). Paul included Timothy’s name as coauthor of several of his letters (2 Cor 1:1; Phil 1:1; Col 1:1; 1 Thes 1:1; 2 Thes 1:1; Phlm 1:1). It is clear that Paul had a close relationship with Timothy and held him in high regard (see Rom 16:21; 1 Cor 4:17; 1 Thes 3:2; 1 Tim 1:2; 6:11; 2 Tim 1:2). As Paul neared the end of his life and awaited his sentence in prison, he longed to see Timothy (2 Tim 1:3-4). Of all Paul’s coworkers, Timothy especially is commended for his selfless concern for Christ and his people (Phil 2:20-22).<\/p>\nIn Paul’s second letter to Timothy (2 Timothy), written shortly before Paul was killed, he encouraged Timothy to be bold and fearless in his proclamation of the Good News, willing to suffer for Christ (2 Tim 1:8; 2:1-3; 4:1-2, 5)—a strong word to one who might have been timid by nature (see 2 Tim 1:6-7). Timothy himself seems to have become a prisoner later on (Heb 13:23).<\/p>\nTimothy was exemplary in the way he faithfully served the cause of Christ behind the scenes, devoting himself selflessly and with single-minded focus to the work of Christ and the people of Christ wherever help was needed. He serves as a reminder that believers should seek to become strong and effective witnesses for Christ.<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 16:1-3; 17:14-15; 18:5; 19:22; 20:4; Rom 16:21; 1 Cor 4:17; 16:10-11; 2 Cor 1:1, 19; Phil 1:1; 2:19-23; Col 1:1; 1 Thes 1:1; 3:2-6; 2 Thes 1:1; 1–2 Tim; Phlm 1:1; Heb 13:23<\/p>","summary_ro":"Timothy Timothy traveled with Paul for much of his missionary career and was one of Paul’s best-loved and most trusted assistants. Two of Paul’s last letters were written to Timothy at a time when Timothy was providing leadership for the church in Ephesus, near the end of Paul’s life. Timothy had a devout mother and grandmother (2 Tim 1:5), and he was highly respected by the Christians in his hometown, Lystra, and in nearby Iconium. He joined Paul’s missionary team on Paul’s second missionary...","summary_en":"Timothy Timothy traveled with Paul for much of his missionary career and was one of Paul’s best-loved and most trusted assistants. Two of Paul’s last letters were written to Timothy at a time when Timothy was providing leadership for the church in Ephesus, near the end of Paul’s life. Timothy had a devout mother and grandmother (2 Tim 1:5), and he was highly respected by the Christians in his hometown, Lystra, and in nearby Iconium. He joined Paul’s missionary team on Paul’s second missionary...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":70402,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Timothy","title_en":"Timothy","content_ro":"<h3>Timothy<\/h3>\nTimothy traveled with Paul for much of his missionary career and was one of Paul’s best-loved and most trusted assistants. Two of Paul’s last letters were written to Timothy at a time when Timothy was providing leadership for the church in Ephesus, near the end of Paul’s life.<\/p>\nTimothy had a devout mother and grandmother (2 Tim 1:5), and he was highly respected by the Christians in his hometown, Lystra, and in nearby Iconium. He joined Paul’s missionary team on Paul’s second missionary journey. Paul speaks of prophetic words that confirmed Timothy’s selection. Timothy also received a special gifting for service through the laying on of the hands of the elders and of Paul (1 Tim 1:18; 4:14; 2 Tim 1:6). Out of deference to the Jews in the area, Paul had Timothy circumcised (Acts 16:1-3).<\/p>\nOver the next fifteen years, Paul sent Timothy on special assignments to several different churches (Acts 19:22; 1 Cor 4:17; 16:10-11; Phil 2:19-23; 1 Thes 3:1-6; 1 Tim 1:3; see also Acts 17:14-15; 18:5). Paul included Timothy’s name as coauthor of several of his letters (2 Cor 1:1; Phil 1:1; Col 1:1; 1 Thes 1:1; 2 Thes 1:1; Phlm 1:1). It is clear that Paul had a close relationship with Timothy and held him in high regard (see Rom 16:21; 1 Cor 4:17; 1 Thes 3:2; 1 Tim 1:2; 6:11; 2 Tim 1:2). As Paul neared the end of his life and awaited his sentence in prison, he longed to see Timothy (2 Tim 1:3-4). Of all Paul’s coworkers, Timothy especially is commended for his selfless concern for Christ and his people (Phil 2:20-22).<\/p>\nIn Paul’s second letter to Timothy (2 Timothy), written shortly before Paul was killed, he encouraged Timothy to be bold and fearless in his proclamation of the Good News, willing to suffer for Christ (2 Tim 1:8; 2:1-3; 4:1-2, 5)—a strong word to one who might have been timid by nature (see 2 Tim 1:6-7). Timothy himself seems to have become a prisoner later on (Heb 13:23).<\/p>\nTimothy was exemplary in the way he faithfully served the cause of Christ behind the scenes, devoting himself selflessly and with single-minded focus to the work of Christ and the people of Christ wherever help was needed. He serves as a reminder that believers should seek to become strong and effective witnesses for Christ.<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 16:1-3; 17:14-15; 18:5; 19:22; 20:4; Rom 16:21; 1 Cor 4:17; 16:10-11; 2 Cor 1:1, 19; Phil 1:1; 2:19-23; Col 1:1; 1 Thes 1:1; 3:2-6; 2 Thes 1:1; 1–2 Tim; Phlm 1:1; Heb 13:23<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Timothy<\/h3>\nTimothy traveled with Paul for much of his missionary career and was one of Paul’s best-loved and most trusted assistants. Two of Paul’s last letters were written to Timothy at a time when Timothy was providing leadership for the church in Ephesus, near the end of Paul’s life.<\/p>\nTimothy had a devout mother and grandmother (2 Tim 1:5), and he was highly respected by the Christians in his hometown, Lystra, and in nearby Iconium. He joined Paul’s missionary team on Paul’s second missionary journey. Paul speaks of prophetic words that confirmed Timothy’s selection. Timothy also received a special gifting for service through the laying on of the hands of the elders and of Paul (1 Tim 1:18; 4:14; 2 Tim 1:6). Out of deference to the Jews in the area, Paul had Timothy circumcised (Acts 16:1-3).<\/p>\nOver the next fifteen years, Paul sent Timothy on special assignments to several different churches (Acts 19:22; 1 Cor 4:17; 16:10-11; Phil 2:19-23; 1 Thes 3:1-6; 1 Tim 1:3; see also Acts 17:14-15; 18:5). Paul included Timothy’s name as coauthor of several of his letters (2 Cor 1:1; Phil 1:1; Col 1:1; 1 Thes 1:1; 2 Thes 1:1; Phlm 1:1). It is clear that Paul had a close relationship with Timothy and held him in high regard (see Rom 16:21; 1 Cor 4:17; 1 Thes 3:2; 1 Tim 1:2; 6:11; 2 Tim 1:2). As Paul neared the end of his life and awaited his sentence in prison, he longed to see Timothy (2 Tim 1:3-4). Of all Paul’s coworkers, Timothy especially is commended for his selfless concern for Christ and his people (Phil 2:20-22).<\/p>\nIn Paul’s second letter to Timothy (2 Timothy), written shortly before Paul was killed, he encouraged Timothy to be bold and fearless in his proclamation of the Good News, willing to suffer for Christ (2 Tim 1:8; 2:1-3; 4:1-2, 5)—a strong word to one who might have been timid by nature (see 2 Tim 1:6-7). Timothy himself seems to have become a prisoner later on (Heb 13:23).<\/p>\nTimothy was exemplary in the way he faithfully served the cause of Christ behind the scenes, devoting himself selflessly and with single-minded focus to the work of Christ and the people of Christ wherever help was needed. He serves as a reminder that believers should seek to become strong and effective witnesses for Christ.<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 16:1-3; 17:14-15; 18:5; 19:22; 20:4; Rom 16:21; 1 Cor 4:17; 16:10-11; 2 Cor 1:1, 19; Phil 1:1; 2:19-23; Col 1:1; 1 Thes 1:1; 3:2-6; 2 Thes 1:1; 1–2 Tim; Phlm 1:1; Heb 13:23<\/p>","summary_ro":"Timothy Timothy traveled with Paul for much of his missionary career and was one of Paul’s best-loved and most trusted assistants. Two of Paul’s last letters were written to Timothy at a time when Timothy was providing leadership for the church in Ephesus, near the end of Paul’s life. Timothy had a devout mother and grandmother (2 Tim 1:5), and he was highly respected by the Christians in his hometown, Lystra, and in nearby Iconium. He joined Paul’s missionary team on Paul’s second missionary...","summary_en":"Timothy Timothy traveled with Paul for much of his missionary career and was one of Paul’s best-loved and most trusted assistants. Two of Paul’s last letters were written to Timothy at a time when Timothy was providing leadership for the church in Ephesus, near the end of Paul’s life. Timothy had a devout mother and grandmother (2 Tim 1:5), and he was highly respected by the Christians in his hometown, Lystra, and in nearby Iconium. He joined Paul’s missionary team on Paul’s second missionary...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":98028,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Timothy","title_en":"Timothy","content_ro":"<h3>Timothy<\/h3>\nTimothy traveled with Paul for much of his missionary career and was one of Paul’s best-loved and most trusted assistants. Two of Paul’s last letters were written to Timothy at a time when Timothy was providing leadership for the church in Ephesus, near the end of Paul’s life.<\/p>\nTimothy had a devout mother and grandmother (2 Tim 1:5), and he was highly respected by the Christians in his hometown, Lystra, and in nearby Iconium. He joined Paul’s missionary team on Paul’s second missionary journey. Paul speaks of prophetic words that confirmed Timothy’s selection. Timothy also received a special gifting for service through the laying on of the hands of the elders and of Paul (1 Tim 1:18; 4:14; 2 Tim 1:6). Out of deference to the Jews in the area, Paul had Timothy circumcised (Acts 16:1-3).<\/p>\nOver the next fifteen years, Paul sent Timothy on special assignments to several different churches (Acts 19:22; 1 Cor 4:17; 16:10-11; Phil 2:19-23; 1 Thes 3:1-6; 1 Tim 1:3; see also Acts 17:14-15; 18:5). Paul included Timothy’s name as coauthor of several of his letters (2 Cor 1:1; Phil 1:1; Col 1:1; 1 Thes 1:1; 2 Thes 1:1; Phlm 1:1). It is clear that Paul had a close relationship with Timothy and held him in high regard (see Rom 16:21; 1 Cor 4:17; 1 Thes 3:2; 1 Tim 1:2; 6:11; 2 Tim 1:2). As Paul neared the end of his life and awaited his sentence in prison, he longed to see Timothy (2 Tim 1:3-4). Of all Paul’s coworkers, Timothy especially is commended for his selfless concern for Christ and his people (Phil 2:20-22).<\/p>\nIn Paul’s second letter to Timothy (2 Timothy), written shortly before Paul was killed, he encouraged Timothy to be bold and fearless in his proclamation of the Good News, willing to suffer for Christ (2 Tim 1:8; 2:1-3; 4:1-2, 5)—a strong word to one who might have been timid by nature (see 2 Tim 1:6-7). Timothy himself seems to have become a prisoner later on (Heb 13:23).<\/p>\nTimothy was exemplary in the way he faithfully served the cause of Christ behind the scenes, devoting himself selflessly and with single-minded focus to the work of Christ and the people of Christ wherever help was needed. He serves as a reminder that believers should seek to become strong and effective witnesses for Christ.<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 16:1-3; 17:14-15; 18:5; 19:22; 20:4; Rom 16:21; 1 Cor 4:17; 16:10-11; 2 Cor 1:1, 19; Phil 1:1; 2:19-23; Col 1:1; 1 Thes 1:1; 3:2-6; 2 Thes 1:1; 1–2 Tim; Phlm 1:1; Heb 13:23<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Timothy<\/h3>\nTimothy traveled with Paul for much of his missionary career and was one of Paul’s best-loved and most trusted assistants. Two of Paul’s last letters were written to Timothy at a time when Timothy was providing leadership for the church in Ephesus, near the end of Paul’s life.<\/p>\nTimothy had a devout mother and grandmother (2 Tim 1:5), and he was highly respected by the Christians in his hometown, Lystra, and in nearby Iconium. He joined Paul’s missionary team on Paul’s second missionary journey. Paul speaks of prophetic words that confirmed Timothy’s selection. Timothy also received a special gifting for service through the laying on of the hands of the elders and of Paul (1 Tim 1:18; 4:14; 2 Tim 1:6). Out of deference to the Jews in the area, Paul had Timothy circumcised (Acts 16:1-3).<\/p>\nOver the next fifteen years, Paul sent Timothy on special assignments to several different churches (Acts 19:22; 1 Cor 4:17; 16:10-11; Phil 2:19-23; 1 Thes 3:1-6; 1 Tim 1:3; see also Acts 17:14-15; 18:5). Paul included Timothy’s name as coauthor of several of his letters (2 Cor 1:1; Phil 1:1; Col 1:1; 1 Thes 1:1; 2 Thes 1:1; Phlm 1:1). It is clear that Paul had a close relationship with Timothy and held him in high regard (see Rom 16:21; 1 Cor 4:17; 1 Thes 3:2; 1 Tim 1:2; 6:11; 2 Tim 1:2). As Paul neared the end of his life and awaited his sentence in prison, he longed to see Timothy (2 Tim 1:3-4). Of all Paul’s coworkers, Timothy especially is commended for his selfless concern for Christ and his people (Phil 2:20-22).<\/p>\nIn Paul’s second letter to Timothy (2 Timothy), written shortly before Paul was killed, he encouraged Timothy to be bold and fearless in his proclamation of the Good News, willing to suffer for Christ (2 Tim 1:8; 2:1-3; 4:1-2, 5)—a strong word to one who might have been timid by nature (see 2 Tim 1:6-7). Timothy himself seems to have become a prisoner later on (Heb 13:23).<\/p>\nTimothy was exemplary in the way he faithfully served the cause of Christ behind the scenes, devoting himself selflessly and with single-minded focus to the work of Christ and the people of Christ wherever help was needed. He serves as a reminder that believers should seek to become strong and effective witnesses for Christ.<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 16:1-3; 17:14-15; 18:5; 19:22; 20:4; Rom 16:21; 1 Cor 4:17; 16:10-11; 2 Cor 1:1, 19; Phil 1:1; 2:19-23; Col 1:1; 1 Thes 1:1; 3:2-6; 2 Thes 1:1; 1–2 Tim; Phlm 1:1; Heb 13:23<\/p>","summary_ro":"Timothy Timothy traveled with Paul for much of his missionary career and was one of Paul’s best-loved and most trusted assistants. Two of Paul’s last letters were written to Timothy at a time when Timothy was providing leadership for the church in Ephesus, near the end of Paul’s life. Timothy had a devout mother and grandmother (2 Tim 1:5), and he was highly respected by the Christians in his hometown, Lystra, and in nearby Iconium. He joined Paul’s missionary team on Paul’s second missionary...","summary_en":"Timothy Timothy traveled with Paul for much of his missionary career and was one of Paul’s best-loved and most trusted assistants. Two of Paul’s last letters were written to Timothy at a time when Timothy was providing leadership for the church in Ephesus, near the end of Paul’s life. Timothy had a devout mother and grandmother (2 Tim 1:5), and he was highly respected by the Christians in his hometown, Lystra, and in nearby Iconium. He joined Paul’s missionary team on Paul’s second missionary...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":125654,"type":"profile","type_label":"Profil","type_icon":"👤","type_color":"#f59e0b","title_ro":"Timothy","title_en":"Timothy","content_ro":"<h3>Timothy<\/h3>\nTimothy traveled with Paul for much of his missionary career and was one of Paul’s best-loved and most trusted assistants. Two of Paul’s last letters were written to Timothy at a time when Timothy was providing leadership for the church in Ephesus, near the end of Paul’s life.<\/p>\nTimothy had a devout mother and grandmother (2 Tim 1:5), and he was highly respected by the Christians in his hometown, Lystra, and in nearby Iconium. He joined Paul’s missionary team on Paul’s second missionary journey. Paul speaks of prophetic words that confirmed Timothy’s selection. Timothy also received a special gifting for service through the laying on of the hands of the elders and of Paul (1 Tim 1:18; 4:14; 2 Tim 1:6). Out of deference to the Jews in the area, Paul had Timothy circumcised (Acts 16:1-3).<\/p>\nOver the next fifteen years, Paul sent Timothy on special assignments to several different churches (Acts 19:22; 1 Cor 4:17; 16:10-11; Phil 2:19-23; 1 Thes 3:1-6; 1 Tim 1:3; see also Acts 17:14-15; 18:5). Paul included Timothy’s name as coauthor of several of his letters (2 Cor 1:1; Phil 1:1; Col 1:1; 1 Thes 1:1; 2 Thes 1:1; Phlm 1:1). It is clear that Paul had a close relationship with Timothy and held him in high regard (see Rom 16:21; 1 Cor 4:17; 1 Thes 3:2; 1 Tim 1:2; 6:11; 2 Tim 1:2). As Paul neared the end of his life and awaited his sentence in prison, he longed to see Timothy (2 Tim 1:3-4). Of all Paul’s coworkers, Timothy especially is commended for his selfless concern for Christ and his people (Phil 2:20-22).<\/p>\nIn Paul’s second letter to Timothy (2 Timothy), written shortly before Paul was killed, he encouraged Timothy to be bold and fearless in his proclamation of the Good News, willing to suffer for Christ (2 Tim 1:8; 2:1-3; 4:1-2, 5)—a strong word to one who might have been timid by nature (see 2 Tim 1:6-7). Timothy himself seems to have become a prisoner later on (Heb 13:23).<\/p>\nTimothy was exemplary in the way he faithfully served the cause of Christ behind the scenes, devoting himself selflessly and with single-minded focus to the work of Christ and the people of Christ wherever help was needed. He serves as a reminder that believers should seek to become strong and effective witnesses for Christ.<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 16:1-3; 17:14-15; 18:5; 19:22; 20:4; Rom 16:21; 1 Cor 4:17; 16:10-11; 2 Cor 1:1, 19; Phil 1:1; 2:19-23; Col 1:1; 1 Thes 1:1; 3:2-6; 2 Thes 1:1; 1–2 Tim; Phlm 1:1; Heb 13:23<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>Timothy<\/h3>\nTimothy traveled with Paul for much of his missionary career and was one of Paul’s best-loved and most trusted assistants. Two of Paul’s last letters were written to Timothy at a time when Timothy was providing leadership for the church in Ephesus, near the end of Paul’s life.<\/p>\nTimothy had a devout mother and grandmother (2 Tim 1:5), and he was highly respected by the Christians in his hometown, Lystra, and in nearby Iconium. He joined Paul’s missionary team on Paul’s second missionary journey. Paul speaks of prophetic words that confirmed Timothy’s selection. Timothy also received a special gifting for service through the laying on of the hands of the elders and of Paul (1 Tim 1:18; 4:14; 2 Tim 1:6). Out of deference to the Jews in the area, Paul had Timothy circumcised (Acts 16:1-3).<\/p>\nOver the next fifteen years, Paul sent Timothy on special assignments to several different churches (Acts 19:22; 1 Cor 4:17; 16:10-11; Phil 2:19-23; 1 Thes 3:1-6; 1 Tim 1:3; see also Acts 17:14-15; 18:5). Paul included Timothy’s name as coauthor of several of his letters (2 Cor 1:1; Phil 1:1; Col 1:1; 1 Thes 1:1; 2 Thes 1:1; Phlm 1:1). It is clear that Paul had a close relationship with Timothy and held him in high regard (see Rom 16:21; 1 Cor 4:17; 1 Thes 3:2; 1 Tim 1:2; 6:11; 2 Tim 1:2). As Paul neared the end of his life and awaited his sentence in prison, he longed to see Timothy (2 Tim 1:3-4). Of all Paul’s coworkers, Timothy especially is commended for his selfless concern for Christ and his people (Phil 2:20-22).<\/p>\nIn Paul’s second letter to Timothy (2 Timothy), written shortly before Paul was killed, he encouraged Timothy to be bold and fearless in his proclamation of the Good News, willing to suffer for Christ (2 Tim 1:8; 2:1-3; 4:1-2, 5)—a strong word to one who might have been timid by nature (see 2 Tim 1:6-7). Timothy himself seems to have become a prisoner later on (Heb 13:23).<\/p>\nTimothy was exemplary in the way he faithfully served the cause of Christ behind the scenes, devoting himself selflessly and with single-minded focus to the work of Christ and the people of Christ wherever help was needed. He serves as a reminder that believers should seek to become strong and effective witnesses for Christ.<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nActs 16:1-3; 17:14-15; 18:5; 19:22; 20:4; Rom 16:21; 1 Cor 4:17; 16:10-11; 2 Cor 1:1, 19; Phil 1:1; 2:19-23; Col 1:1; 1 Thes 1:1; 3:2-6; 2 Thes 1:1; 1–2 Tim; Phlm 1:1; Heb 13:23<\/p>","summary_ro":"Timothy Timothy traveled with Paul for much of his missionary career and was one of Paul’s best-loved and most trusted assistants. Two of Paul’s last letters were written to Timothy at a time when Timothy was providing leadership for the church in Ephesus, near the end of Paul’s life. Timothy had a devout mother and grandmother (2 Tim 1:5), and he was highly respected by the Christians in his hometown, Lystra, and in nearby Iconium. He joined Paul’s missionary team on Paul’s second missionary...","summary_en":"Timothy Timothy traveled with Paul for much of his missionary career and was one of Paul’s best-loved and most trusted assistants. Two of Paul’s last letters were written to Timothy at a time when Timothy was providing leadership for the church in Ephesus, near the end of Paul’s life. Timothy had a devout mother and grandmother (2 Tim 1:5), and he was highly respected by the Christians in his hometown, Lystra, and in nearby Iconium. He joined Paul’s missionary team on Paul’s second missionary...","source":"Profiles.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":18556,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Jason","title_en":"Jason","content_ro":"<h3>JASON<\/h3>\n<li>1. Jewish high priest (174–171 BC<\/span>) who brought about the decline of the priesthood by Hellenizing Jerusalem, making her inhabitants “citizens of Antioch” (2 Macc 4:9ff.). He was deposed by his cousin Onias Menelaus, but when a false report told of the death of Antiochus Epiphanes, Jason attacked Jerusalem without mercy for his own people. Antiochus, returning from an aborted attack on Egypt, retook Jerusalem and Jason was forced to flee to Transjordan and thence from city to city. Second Maccabees reports that at his death, “[Jason] who had cast out many to lie unburied had no one to mourn for him; he had no funeral of any sort and no place in the tomb of his fathers” (5:10, rsv<\/span>).<\/li>\n<li>2. Jewish Christian at Thessalonica who hosted Paul and Silas (Acts 17:1, 5-9). He and others were called before the city officials on charges of harboring seditionists. He was released when he put up bail.<\/li>\n<li>3. Christian at Corinth who, along with Paul, sent greetings to the church at Rome (Rom 16:21).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>JASON<\/h3>\n<li>1. Jewish high priest (174–171 BC<\/span>) who brought about the decline of the priesthood by Hellenizing Jerusalem, making her inhabitants “citizens of Antioch” (2 Macc 4:9ff.). He was deposed by his cousin Onias Menelaus, but when a false report told of the death of Antiochus Epiphanes, Jason attacked Jerusalem without mercy for his own people. Antiochus, returning from an aborted attack on Egypt, retook Jerusalem and Jason was forced to flee to Transjordan and thence from city to city. Second Maccabees reports that at his death, “[Jason] who had cast out many to lie unburied had no one to mourn for him; he had no funeral of any sort and no place in the tomb of his fathers” (5:10, rsv<\/span>).<\/li>\n<li>2. Jewish Christian at Thessalonica who hosted Paul and Silas (Acts 17:1, 5-9). He and others were called before the city officials on charges of harboring seditionists. He was released when he put up bail.<\/li>\n<li>3. Christian at Corinth who, along with Paul, sent greetings to the church at Rome (Rom 16:21).<\/li>","summary_ro":"JASON 1. Jewish high priest (174–171 BC) who brought about the decline of the priesthood by Hellenizing Jerusalem, making her inhabitants “citizens of Antioch” (2 Macc 4:9ff.). He was deposed by his cousin Onias Menelaus, but when a false report told of the death of Antiochus Epiphanes, Jason attacked Jerusalem without mercy for his own people. Antiochus, returning from an aborted attack on Egypt, retook Jerusalem and Jason was forced to flee to Transjordan and thence from city to city. Secon...","summary_en":"JASON 1. Jewish high priest (174–171 BC) who brought about the decline of the priesthood by Hellenizing Jerusalem, making her inhabitants “citizens of Antioch” (2 Macc 4:9ff.). He was deposed by his cousin Onias Menelaus, but when a false report told of the death of Antiochus Epiphanes, Jason attacked Jerusalem without mercy for his own people. Antiochus, returning from an aborted attack on Egypt, retook Jerusalem and Jason was forced to flee to Transjordan and thence from city to city. Secon...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":23619,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Lucius","title_en":"Lucius","content_ro":"<h3>LUCIUS<\/h3>\n<li>1. Man from Cyrene, listed among the prophets and teachers in Antioch (Acts 13:1). He may have been among the Jewish Christians from Cyprus and Cyrene who preached to the Gentiles in Antioch in the face of persecution (11:19-21). Various attempts have been made to identify him with Luke, the author of Acts, or with the Lucius of Romans 16:21, but these have been unsuccessful.<\/li>\n<li>2. Jewish believer (cf. Rom 9:3) and one of the companions of Paul who sent greetings to those in Rome (16:21). This casts doubt on Origen’s identification of this Lucius with the Luke of the Gospel and Acts, who was most likely a Gentile (Col 4:12-14).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>LUCIUS<\/h3>\n<li>1. Man from Cyrene, listed among the prophets and teachers in Antioch (Acts 13:1). He may have been among the Jewish Christians from Cyprus and Cyrene who preached to the Gentiles in Antioch in the face of persecution (11:19-21). Various attempts have been made to identify him with Luke, the author of Acts, or with the Lucius of Romans 16:21, but these have been unsuccessful.<\/li>\n<li>2. Jewish believer (cf. Rom 9:3) and one of the companions of Paul who sent greetings to those in Rome (16:21). This casts doubt on Origen’s identification of this Lucius with the Luke of the Gospel and Acts, who was most likely a Gentile (Col 4:12-14).<\/li>","summary_ro":"LUCIUS 1. Man from Cyrene, listed among the prophets and teachers in Antioch (Acts 13:1). He may have been among the Jewish Christians from Cyprus and Cyrene who preached to the Gentiles in Antioch in the face of persecution (11:19-21). Various attempts have been made to identify him with Luke, the author of Acts, or with the Lucius of Romans 16:21, but these have been unsuccessful. 2. Jewish believer (cf. Rom 9:3) and one of the companions of Paul who sent greetings to those in Rome (16:21)....","summary_en":"LUCIUS 1. Man from Cyrene, listed among the prophets and teachers in Antioch (Acts 13:1). He may have been among the Jewish Christians from Cyprus and Cyrene who preached to the Gentiles in Antioch in the face of persecution (11:19-21). Various attempts have been made to identify him with Luke, the author of Acts, or with the Lucius of Romans 16:21, but these have been unsuccessful. 2. Jewish believer (cf. Rom 9:3) and one of the companions of Paul who sent greetings to those in Rome (16:21)....","source":"Articles\/L.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":29172,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Paul, the Apostle","title_en":"Paul, the Apostle","content_ro":"<h3>PAUL, The Apostle<\/span><\/h3>\nProminent leader of the first-century church; apostle to the Gentiles; author of 13 NT epistles.<\/p>\nPreview<\/p>\n• Family and Cultural Background<\/p>\n• Education<\/p>\n• Saul the Persecutor<\/p>\n• Conversion and Calling<\/p>\n• Preparation for Ministry<\/p>\n• Sent Out from Antioch<\/p>\n• Traveling with Barnabas<\/p>\n• The Council of Jerusalem<\/p>\n• Further Travel<\/p>\n• Labor in the Gospel<\/p>\n• The Arrest in Jerusalem<\/p>\n• Voyage and Stay in Rome<\/p>\n• Final Years and Martyrdom<\/p>\nFamily and Cultural Background<\/p>\nPaul was born around AD<\/span> 10, a Jew in a family of Pharisees (Acts 23:6) of the tribe of Benjamin (Phil 3:5) in Tarsus of Cilicia (Acts 9:11; 21:39; 22:3), a center of commerce and learning that embraced the Hellenistic spirit and Roman politics. It was a city of which he could be proud (21:39). His parents named him Saul, perhaps after the first king of Israel, who was also a Benjaminite (1 Sm 11:15; Acts 13:21), but Acts 13:9 notes that he “was also called Paul.” He uses the Roman name Paul throughout his letters.<\/p>\nFrom religious parents Paul received knowledge of the Law and Prophets and the Hebrew and Aramaic languages (Acts 21:40; 22:2-3; 23:6; Gal 1:14; Phil 3:5-6). Tarsus, however, was not a Jewish city. Rather, it had a Greek character, being a place where the Greek language was spoken and Greek literature was cultivated. This accounts for Paul’s familiarity with Greek (Acts 21:37), the language of the streets and shops of Tarsus.<\/p>\nJews were brought to Tarsus, the capital of the Roman province of Cilicia, in 171 BC<\/span> to promote business in the region. At that time Paul’s ancestors were probably given Roman citizenship. Paul inherited from his father both Tarsisian and Roman citizenship, which would prove to be of great value to Paul in his later life as he traveled with the gospel throughout the Roman Empire (Acts 16:37; 22:25-29; 23:27). Paul may have had several brothers and sisters, but Acts 23:16 mentions only one sister, whose son performed a lifesaving act for his uncle.<\/p>\nPaul was a tent maker (Acts 18:3). He may have learned this trade from his father, or he may have selected it as a means of self-support, as was the custom of those in rabbinical training. Tarsus was well known for the goat’s-hair cloth called cilicium. It was the weaving of this cloth and the fashioning of it into tents, sails, awnings, and cloaks that gave Paul his economic independence during his apostolic ministry (Acts 18:3; 20:34; 28:30; 2 Cor 11:9; 1 Thes 2:9; 2 Thes 3:8).<\/p>\nEducation<\/p>\nAlthough born in Tarsus, Paul testified to the Jews in Jerusalem that he had been brought up in this city and studied under Gamaliel (Acts 22:3). It is not clear when Paul was first brought to Jerusalem, but it is likely that sometime between the ages of 13 and 20 he began his formal rabbinical studies. His teacher, Gamaliel, was the grandson of Hillel, founder of a Pharisaic school whose teachings run through the Talmudic writings to this day. This is the same Gamaliel whose wisdom persuaded the Sanhedrin to spare the lives of Peter and the apostles (5:33-40). No doubt, it was while studying under Gamaliel in Hillel’s school that Paul began to advance in Judaism beyond many Jews of his own age and became extremely zealous for the traditions of his fathers (Gal 1:14). Perhaps then also Paul began to experience the struggles with the law he would later describe in Romans 7.<\/p>\nWhile Paul was studying the Jewish law in Jerusalem, Jesus was working as a carpenter in Nazareth. Then Jesus gathered the disciples who would one day be Paul’s coworkers in the gospel, fulfilled his ministry, and accomplished redemption on the cross of Calvary (AD<\/span> 30). Christ’s resurrection gave birth to the church, which was baptized in the Holy Spirit at the Feast of Pentecost in Jerusalem.<\/p>\nSaul the Persecutor<\/p>\nShortly after these world-changing events, the members of certain synagogues in Jerusalem, including the Cilician synagogue, that of Paul’s native land (Acts 6:9), could not withstand the wisdom and spirit (v 10) of a member of the church in Jerusalem named Stephen (vv 5, 8). They accused him of blasphemy before the Sanhedrin (vv 11-15) and after his eloquent defense (7:1-53) dragged him out of the city, where he was stoned to death. He became the first Christian martyr. The record does not fully reveal the role Paul played in these proceedings, but we know that he was present and prominent because the witnesses against Stephen, who were required to throw the first stones in the execution, “laid their clothes at the feet of a young man called Saul [Paul]” (v 58, niv<\/span>).<\/p>\nAt Stephen’s trial, Paul heard Stephen’s historical method of defense, and he later used it himself at Antioch of Pisidia (Acts 13:16-41). He witnessed the man with the face of an angel (6:15), full of the Holy Spirit, looking above and proclaiming “the heavens opened, and the Son of man standing at the right hand of God” (7:56). Stephen’s death initiated the events that would culminate in Paul’s conversion and commission as the apostle to the Gentiles. But at that time Paul was a leader of the oppressors of the church. He breathed threats and murder against the disciples of the Lord (9:1); he persecuted the church of God and tried to destroy it (Gal 1:13) by imprisoning Christians, both male and female (Acts 22:4), in many cities.<\/p>\nConversion and Calling<\/p>\nPaul had obtained letters from the high priest in Jerusalem to the synagogues in Damascus authorizing him to arrest the believers there and bring them to Jerusalem for trial (Acts 9:1-2). Paul traveled to Damascus for this purpose. Then, on the outskirts of the city, came the event that was to transform this law-keeping persecutor of Jesus Christ and blasphemous destroyer of the infant church into the chief propagator of the gospel of grace and master builder of the church (1 Cor 3:10; 1 Tm 1:13). This was the occasion of Paul’s conversion (c. AD<\/span> 31–33). It was of such revolutionary and lasting importance that three detailed accounts of it are given in the book of Acts (Acts 9:1-19; 22:1-21; 26:1-23), and many references are given to it in Paul’s own writings (1 Cor 9:1; 15:8; Gal 1:15-16; Eph 3:3; Phil 3:12).<\/p>\nAt that time a light from heaven, brighter than the midday sun, shone around Paul and his traveling companions, and they fell to the ground (Acts 26:13-14). Only Paul, however, heard the voice of Jesus instruct him in his commission as a minister and witness to the Gentiles (vv 14-18). Temporarily blinded, Paul was led into Damascus (9:8). There, the disciple Ananias and the Christian community forgave Paul, baptized him, and helped him through the bewildering event of his conversion (vv 10-22). After a short time with the church there, Paul was threatened with death by the Jews to whom he preached Jesus (vv 20-22), but he was protected by the believers and ingeniously delivered from his persecutors (vv 23-25).<\/p>\nPreparation for Ministry<\/p>\nThen began a period of preparation, which lasted about 13 years. During this time, Paul first was in the desert of Arabia for three years. Here was his opportunity to pray and reflect on Stephen’s defense to the Sanhedrin, the momentous significance of his conversion, the vision he received of Jesus Christ, and the meaning of all this in the light of Jewish theology. Following this, Paul returned to Damascus and then visited Peter in Jerusalem for 15 days (Gal 1:17-18).<\/p>\nAt first, the disciples in Jerusalem were afraid of him because they did not believe he was a disciple of Jesus (Acts 9:26), but he was championed by Barnabas and thus accepted by the believers in Jerusalem (vv 27-28). While there, Paul may have heard the oral gospel, a summary of the words and deeds of Jesus, handed down to all converts. This would have included the institution of the Lord’s Supper (1 Cor 11:23-25), specific words of the Lord (Acts 20:35; 1 Cor 7:10; 9:14), the appearances of the resurrected Christ (1 Cor 15:3-8), and the spirit and character of Jesus (2 Cor 10:1; Phil 2:5-8). Paul also preached in Jerusalem, perhaps in the same synagogues in which he had heard Stephen. However, when his life was again threatened by the Jews, the believers sent him away to Tarsus (Acts 9:29-30; Gal 1:21).<\/p>\nThe end of Paul’s preparation came when Barnabas went to Tarsus to look for him and bring him to Antioch. By this time Paul had lived for 10 years in Cilicia. Since his conversion, before being sent to Tarsus, he had proclaimed Jesus (Acts 9:20), speaking boldly in the name of the Lord (v 27). There is no reason to think he did otherwise while living among the Gentiles in Cilicia. In fact, his work may have been so effective that he began to attract attention in Antioch. During these years, Paul probably underwent many of the sufferings mentioned in 2 Corinthians 11:24-26. Several scholars think that the ecstatic experience mentioned in 2 Corinthians 12:1-9, with its accompanying thorn in the flesh, also took place before he came to Antioch.<\/p>\nSent Out from Antioch<\/p>\nThe church in Antioch had its origins in the persecution fomented by Paul after the death of Stephen. Until they arrived in Antioch, the scattered believers had only spoken the word to Jews (Acts 11:19). It was here that the Gentiles first heard the Good News (v 20), and many became believers (v 21). It is fitting that Paul, the apostle to the Gentiles (Acts 22:21; Rom 11:13), who was as yet unknown by sight to the churches of Judea (Gal 1:22), should appear in Antioch to formally begin the ministry to which he was called (Acts 26:17-18).<\/p>\nBarnabas and Paul stayed with the church in Antioch for a year. Their work there was so blessed that a new name, Christian, was coined to distinguish the believers in Antioch from Gentiles and Jews (Acts 11:26). Hearing of a famine in Judea, the disciples in Antioch determined to send relief to the believers in Judea and did so by Barnabas and Paul (v 30). Such a gift displayed to the Jewish churches the potency of the gospel among the Gentiles. Their mission complete, Barnabas and Paul returned to Antioch with John Mark (12:25), Barnabas’s cousin (Col 4:10).<\/p>\nBeginning from the Day of Pentecost, the work in the gospel had been casual and incidental. Contacts were made in the homes, the marketplace, the streets, synagogues, highways, etc. (Acts 3:1; 5:12, 42; 8:26-29; 10:22). But in Antioch the Holy Spirit initiated a determined effort to evangelize a section of the Roman Empire (13:1-3). By the Holy Spirit’s instructions, the church separated Barnabas and Paul for this work. With the prayers and encouragement of this church, and with John Mark as their assistant, Barnabas and Paul, sent out by the Holy Spirit, sailed for Cyprus (v 4).<\/p>\n\nTraveling with Barnabas<\/p>\nArriving in Salamis, they preached in the synagogues as they traveled the length of the island to Paphos (Acts 13:5-6). There the Roman proconsul, Sergius Paulus, wanted to hear the word of God (v 7). A magician named Elymas Bar-Jesus tried to prevent the proconsul from believing in Jesus but was stricken with temporary blindness by Paul’s command (vv 8-11). This was the first manifestation in Paul of the signs of an apostle (2 Cor 12:12). From then on, the name Paul, not Saul, is used in Luke’s record of the Acts of the Apostles (Acts 13:9), and Paul replaced Barnabas as the leader of the party. So “Paul and his company” set sail from Paphos and arrived in Perga of Pamphylia (v 13). John Mark deserted them at Perga and returned to his home in Jerusalem (v 13). This caused discord (15:39), but Paul and Mark were later reconciled (Col 4:10; 2 Tm 4:11).<\/p>\nPaul’s travels with the gospel now continued through the Roman province of Asia, specifically in the southern portion of Galatia, the areas of Pamphylia, Pisidia, and Lycaonia. The coastal area where the party landed is a hot, malarial region. It is thought that Paul contracted malaria there and so traveled inland through the mountains to the 4,000-foot- (1,219.2-meter-) high tablelands. Such a journey would have been full of dangerous rivers and bandits (2 Cor 11:26), but Paul was well cared for by the Galatian highlanders when he arrived (Gal 4:13-15) and was rewarded with a warm reception to his message (Acts 13:48-49).<\/p>\nPaul and Barnabas were asked to speak at the synagogue of Antioch in Pisidia (Acts 13:15), and Paul delivered a discourse full of the characteristics of the gospel he would later record in his letters to the churches (vv 16-41). He was invited to speak the next week (v 42); nearly the whole city gathered together to hear the word of God (v 44). This stirred up jealousy in the Jews who opposed Paul’s words (v 45), causing the apostles’ dramatic turn to the Gentiles (vv 46-47). Many Gentiles in Antioch believed and spread the word throughout the region, but Paul and Barnabas were forced out and went to Iconium in Lycaonia (vv 48-51).<\/p>\nThe success in Antioch was duplicated in Iconium as was the Jews’ opposition (Acts 14:1), and the apostles fled from the threat of a stoning to Lystra and Derbe in Lycaonia (vv 5-6). In Lystra the signs of an apostle were again seen when Paul healed a man who had been crippled since birth (vv 8-10). The idolatrous citizens of the town, however, primed by the popular belief that Jupiter, accompanied by Mercury, had once visited their region, worshiped Paul and Barnabas as these deities (vv 11-13). Even the convincing words of Paul, whom they mistook for Mercury, hardly restrained the crowds from offering a sacrifice (vv 14-18).<\/p>\nIt was in Lystra that Paul was first given a taste of the same medicine he had once administered to Christians. The Jews stoned him, dragged him out of the city, and left him for dead (Acts 14:19). Timothy (16:1-3) may have been among the new disciples surrounding Paul as he lay outside the gate (14:20). Timothy was Paul’s son in the faith (1 Cor 4:17; 1 Tm 1:2), eyewitness to his suffering (2 Tm 3:10-11), faithful companion, and fellow worker (Acts 19:22; 20:4; Rom 16:21; 1 Thes 3:2). The next day Barnabas and Paul went on to Derbe (Acts 14:20).<\/p>\nAfter making many disciples in Derbe, the apostles retraced their steps through Lystra, Iconium, and Antioch of Pisidia, strengthening and encouraging the new believers and appointing elders in each church (Acts 14:21-23). Arriving again in Perga, they sailed back to Antioch of Syria, where they reported to the church the wonderful news that God had opened a door of faith for the Gentiles (vv 25-27).<\/p>\nThe Council of Jerusalem<\/p>\nThe Jews, who had dogged the steps of Paul and Barnabas throughout Galatia, followed on their heels to bewitch the Gentiles there, convincing them to desert the grace of Christ and submit to the Jewish law (Gal 1:6; 3:1). Shortly after the apostles’ return to Antioch, Judaizers came from Judea to Antioch, teaching salvation by the law (Acts 15:1). This began the war against the gospel of grace, which Paul preached.<\/p>\nThe church in Antioch sent Paul, Barnabas, and others to Jerusalem to settle the controversy of the law versus grace with the apostles and elders there (AD<\/span> 49, Acts 15:2). Along the way to Jerusalem they spread the news of the conversion of the Gentiles. This brought great joy to the believers (v 3). Such joy was not shared by some in Jerusalem, who in the first meeting of the council said that the Gentiles should be ordered to keep the law of Moses (v 5).<\/p>\nAfter this meeting, Paul and Barnabas met privately with Peter, John, and James (Gal 2:1-10) and explained the gospel they had been preaching to the Gentiles. These three leaders of the church in Jerusalem saw the grace that had been given to Paul to bring the gospel to the Gentiles and extended to him the “right hand of fellowship.” This private meeting seems to have decided the question of compliance to the Jewish law because in the next general meeting Peter said, “We believe that we shall be saved through the grace of the Lord Jesus” (Acts 15:11, rsv<\/span>), and James reached the decision that “we should not trouble those of the Gentiles who turn to God” (Acts 15:19, rsv<\/span>). This was a great victory for Paul and Barnabas, and the news was received with rejoicing by the church in Antioch (vv 30-35).<\/p>\nLater, Peter visited Antioch and freely associated with the Gentile believers as he had timidly done in Cornelius’s house (Acts 10:28). This continued until “certain men came from James.” Their presence brought fear to Peter, clouding the light of the gospel of grace, and causing him to separate himself from the Gentiles. Peter’s action influenced others, including Barnabas, to do the same (Gal 2:12-13). Paul rose to the challenge of this serious crisis, confronted Peter publicly, and charged him with Judaizing and hypocrisy (v 14). Paul won the battle and rescued Peter and Barnabas with eloquent words on justification by faith (vv 15-21), but the Judaizers had resumed their war. From this time on, they did not rest; rather, they tormented and persecuted Paul all over the world. But the apostle did not submit to them for a moment. He was engaged in the fight of his life, so that the truth of the gospel might remain with the Gentile believers (v 5).<\/p>\nFurther Travel<\/p>\nPaul wanted to visit the new believers and see how they were doing. So he proposed to Barnabas that they return to the cities where they had previously preached about Jesus (Acts 15:36). Barnabas wanted to take John Mark with them, but Paul would not take him since he had deserted them during their earlier journey (13:13). This sharp disagreement ended Barnabas’s association with Paul (15:37-39). Silas, a leader among the brothers in Jerusalem (v 22), accompanied Paul as he set out by land through Syria and Cilicia, strengthening the churches (vv 40-41).<\/p>\nBeginning from Derbe in Galatia, Paul and Silas revisited the churches Paul had established with Barnabas. While in Lystra, they were joined by Timothy (Acts 16:1-3). The apostles delivered to these young churches the letter drafted by the elders and apostles in Jerusalem concerning the observance of the law (15:23-29), thus strengthening and increasing them (16:4-5).<\/p>\nIt is likely that Ephesus, a major city in the Roman province of Asia, was the party’s main objective for the advancement of the gospel, but they were “forbidden by the Holy Spirit to speak the word in Asia” (Acts 16:6). Then they attempted to turn north and enter the region of Bithynia, “but the Spirit of Jesus did not allow them” (v 7). In this way they were forced by God to continue straight westward to Troas on the Aegean Sea, where Luke joined them (“we” in v 10), and Paul had a vision in which he was called out of Asia into Macedonia (vv 8-9). Paul and his party immediately crossed by boat into Europe (v 11) where they carried the gospel to Philippi, Thessalonica, Berea, Athens, and Corinth.<\/p>\nPhilippi was a Roman colony and military outpost where there were few Jews, so Paul went to a place by the river where the local Jews prayed. He spoke to some women there, notably Lydia, who believed and with her household was baptized (Acts 16:12-15), beginning the first church in Europe. Paul cast a spirit of divination out of a girl in Philippi, and as a result he and Silas were jailed (vv 16-24). The events of their night in jail made the jailer a believer in God (vv 25-34), and he and his family were added to the church in Philippi, which met in Lydia’s home (v 40). When Paul disclosed his Roman citizenship, he was released and was asked to leave the city (vv 35-39).<\/p>\nAt Thessalonica the Jews, aroused to jealousy by the success of Paul’s gospel message, raised a mob to search for the apostles. They complained to the city authorities that the people “who have turned the world upside down have come here also” and accused the apostles of “saying that there is another king [besides Caesar], Jesus” (Acts 17:5-7).<\/p>\nPaul and Silas quickly left Thessalonica by night and arrived in Berea, a city thereafter distinguished by its citizens who eagerly and thoughtfully received the gospel (Acts 17:10-12). The Thessalonian Jews did not rest but trailed Paul to Berea to incite the crowds. The believers then sent Paul away to Athens, while Silas and Timothy stayed behind (vv 13-15).<\/p>\nThe Athenians called Paul a babbler but let him air his views before the Areopagus. Paul’s speech there was alive with his broad knowledge. He alluded to Greco-Roman philosophy (Acts 17:27), poetry (v 28), sculpture (vv 25, 29), architecture (v 24), and religion while proclaiming the existence of an “unknown god” (v 23). But he was rudely cut short by scoffing and indifference when he mentioned the resurrection (v 32). Paul’s words delighted the minds of many but influenced the wills of few, so when he arrived in Corinth, he determined not to proclaim the mystery of God in lofty words of wisdom so that the believers’ faith would not rest on human wisdom but on the power of God (1 Cor 2:1-5).<\/p>\nIn Corinth Paul met Aquila and Priscilla (Acts 18:2-3), Roman Jews with whom he lived and worked as a tent maker and who would become prominent among the churches (Acts 18:26; Rom 16:3; 1 Cor 16:19; 2 Tm 4:19). He stayed in Corinth 18 months from AD<\/span> 50 to 51, raising up a church (Acts 18:11) on the strength of a vision from God (vv 9-10) and in spite of the attacks of the Jews (vv 12-17). Paul wrote the first and second letters to the Thessalonians from Corinth to establish the believers in a holy, industrious life (1 Thes 3:13; 5:23; 2 Thes 3:7-12) in hope of the second coming of Jesus Christ (1 Thes 4:15-18; 2 Thes 2:1ff.).<\/p>\nAccompanied by Priscilla and Aquila, Paul sailed from Corinth for Syria. He left his fellow workers in Ephesus, sailed to Caesarea, briefly visited Jerusalem, and returned to Antioch (Acts 18:18-22). Paul stayed in Antioch for awhile but did not remain absent from the field of his labors for long. Alone, he departed from Antioch, went from place to place in Galatia and Phrygia strengthening all the disciples, and eventually arrived in Ephesus (18:23; 19:1).<\/p>\nLabor in the Gospel<\/p>\nA Jew named Apollos had ministered in Ephesus prior to Paul’s arrival and had recently gone over to Corinth (Acts 18:24-28). There Apollos innocently became the cause of such discord (1 Cor 3:3-9) that he left and refused to return even at Paul’s request (16:12). Paul’s earlier visit to Ephesus (Acts 18:19-20), Apollos’s ministry, and the presence of Priscilla and Aquila had prepared Ephesus for the apostle’s preaching of the gospel of Christ.<\/p>\nPaul began his work in Ephesus by setting straight some ill-informed disciples of John the Baptist (Acts 19:1-7). He then spent three months preaching at the local synagogue until members of the congregation “spoke evil of the Way” (v 9). Paul then took the disciples and continued his arguments on the neutral ground of Tyrannus’s school (vv 8-9), where Jews and Greeks were free to come. He continued there for two years and “all the residents of Asia, both Jews and Greeks, heard the word of the Lord” (v 10).<\/p>\nThe work in Ephesus was a great success (Acts 19:10, 20, 26). Paul enjoyed an open door for effective work (1 Cor 16:9), bolstered by extraordinary miracles (Acts 19:11-17), a public burning of valuable books of sorcery (vv 18-19), and the assistance of friendly officials from the province of Asia (v 31). There were also many adversaries (1 Cor 15:32; 16:9), especially among the artisans associated with the temple of Diana. Paul’s ministry had hurt their trade to the extent that they were incited to riot (Acts 19:23-41). Paul had intended to stay in Ephesus until Pentecost (1 Cor 16:8), but this tumult seems to have hastened his departure (Acts 20:1).<\/p>\nDuring his stay in Ephesus, the household of Chloe sent word to Paul from Corinth that there were divisions in the church there (1 Cor 1:10-13). This report generated a flurry of letters and travels. Paul wrote a letter, which is now lost, to this church (5:9). The church in Corinth wrote a letter (7:1) and sent messengers to Paul (16:17), and Paul sent Timothy to them (4:17; 16:10). Paul then wrote 1 Corinthians (AD<\/span> 53) and sent it by Titus, who was to meet him in Troas to report the results (2 Cor 2:12-13).<\/p>\nAfter his hasty exit from Ephesus, Paul found an open door for the gospel in Troas, but he so longed to hear from Corinth that he pushed on into Macedonia (2 Cor 2:12-13). There he was finally comforted by Titus (7:5-7) and rejoiced at the news of the Corinthians’ repentance, earnestness, longing, and zeal (vv 8-16). From Macedonia Paul wrote 2 Corinthians (AD<\/span> 54), toured northwest to proclaim the good news of Christ in Illyricum (Rom 15:19), and then turned south for Achaia and his third visit to Corinth (Acts 19:21; 20:1-3; 2 Cor 13:1).<\/p>\nThe time and place from which Paul wrote his letter to the Galatians is a topic of controversy. Some date it before the council at Jerusalem, about AD<\/span> 45. Others say he wrote it from Corinth at this stage in his history. The latter opinion is the choice of this narrative.<\/p>\nA three-month winter stay in Corinth (AD<\/span> 55–56) produced the Letter to the Romans, which firmly set the benchmark of the gospel for all the ages. Paul had many personal friends in Rome (Rom 16) and had long intended to visit there (1:10-15). His plans were to deliver a collection from the Gentile churches to Jerusalem (Acts 20:35; Rom 15:25-26; 1 Cor 16:1) and then visit Rome (Acts 19:21) on his way to Spain (Rom 15:23-24).<\/p>\nThe Arrest in Jerusalem<\/p>\nPaul’s trip from Corinth to Jerusalem was marked by abundant warnings of the danger awaiting him in Jerusalem. The Judaizers’ acrimony toward Paul was common talk everywhere, but all alarms went unheeded (Acts 20:22-24, 38; 21:4, 10-15). However, the request for prayer in Romans 15:30-32 shows that Paul knew he might soon need a divine rescue from the unbelievers in Judea.<\/p>\nThe travelers, carrying the collection for Jerusalem, journeyed swiftly in order to reach Jerusalem by Pentecost (Acts 20:16). They proceeded by land from Achaia, through Macedonia, to Philippi in time for the Passover (spring AD<\/span> 56, v 6). Crossing by sea to Troas, they visited the believers there (vv 7-12) and then sailed through the archipelago of the eastern Aegean Sea to Miletus (vv 13-16). From Miletus, Paul sent for the elders of Ephesus, to whom he delivered an impassioned speech containing his own dire warnings for them (vv 17-38).<\/p>\nParting from them, Paul and his companions set sail to Cos, to Rhodes, and then to Patara, where they changed ships for Phoenicia (Acts 21:1-2). A straight course to Tyre brought them within sight of Cyprus, with its memories of Barnabas and Sergius Paulus (v 3). “Through the Spirit” the disciples in Tyre “told Paul not to go on to Jerusalem” (v 4), but he pressed on to Caesarea, where he and his company stayed with Philip, who had formerly served with the martyred Stephen (21:8; cf. 6:5). In Caesarea, Paul would not be persuaded by an especially dramatic prophecy of his coming arrest (21:10-14).<\/p>\nIn Jerusalem the apostolic band stayed with Mnason, an early disciple, and were warmly welcomed by the brothers there (Acts 21:15-17). James and the elders of the church praised God when they heard of the things he had done through Paul among the Gentiles (vv 18-20), and when they received the collection from the churches (24:17). They told Paul of his bad reputation among the thousands of Jewish believers in Jerusalem and urged him to set right the Judaizers’ misrepresentation that he encouraged Jewish Christians to forsake the Mosaic customs (21:21-24). Acts 21:25 shows the Jerusalem elders understood that the Gentiles were under no obligation to Moses; their concern was for Paul to demonstrate that Jewish believers were free to continue their traditional observances.<\/p>\nPaul had kept the Jewish feasts (Acts 20:6), as had Jesus and the early disciples in Jerusalem. He had also cut his hair in a vow at Cenchreae (18:18), so it was a small matter for him, a Jew, to ceremonially purify himself after becoming a Christian, especially if it would undermine the arguments of the Judaizers. To have refused the elders’ request would have lent credence to the Judaizers’ charge. The success of this plan is seen in that it was the Jews from Asia, visiting Jerusalem for the Pentecost feast of AD<\/span> 57, who stirred up trouble for Paul (21:27-29)—not the Judaizers from Jerusalem.<\/p>\nThe whole city was aroused by Paul’s persistent persecutors. A violent crowd dragged him out of the temple just as Stephen had once been hauled to his martyrdom. They tried to kill him, but he was rescued by Roman soldiers as the mob cried, “Away with him!”—just as they had done to Jesus (Acts 21:30-36). At this juncture the educational and cultural diversity of Paul’s life came to his rescue. As he was carried for safety to the Roman barracks, he spoke in Greek to the tribune, who had mistaken him for an Egyptian assassin (vv 37-38). Given permission to speak to the crowd, he did so in the Aramaic language then common in Israel (vv 39-40). The hushed crowd eagerly heard Paul’s defense until he uttered the word “Gentiles.” At this, the crowd resumed its threatening and violence, and Paul was brought into the barracks (22:1-24). There the Romans prepared to flog him, until Paul revealed that he was not only a Jew from Tarsus but also a freeborn Roman citizen. The tribune was afraid, since he had bound a Roman citizen. Wanting to know the charges against Paul, he brought him to the Sanhedrin (vv 25-30).<\/p>\nThis meeting of the Jewish judiciary was shortly reduced to dissension and violence. Paul resorted to tactics justifiable in such a war and hopelessly divided the Sanhedrin on the subject of the resurrection (Acts 23:1-9). Paul again was rescued, this time from the contending factions of the Jewish leadership, and taken to the barracks, where the Lord encouraged him, promising that he would go to Rome (AD<\/span> 56, vv 10-11).<\/p>\nIn the meantime 40 Jews entered into a murderous plot against Paul. They vowed not to eat or drink until they had killed the apostle (Acts 23:12-15). They almost succeeded, but with the help of the son of Paul’s sister (v 16), the conspiracy was exposed. For safety, Paul was taken from Jerusalem to Caesarea under guard of 470 soldiers and handed over to the custody of Felix the governor (vv 16-35). Inconclusive hearings before Felix (Acts 24), his successor, Festus (25:1-12), and King Agrippa (25:23–26:32) occupied Paul in his two years of imprisonment in Caesarea. Festus, wanting to please the Jews, suggested that Paul be returned to Jerusalem for trial, but Paul knew the murderous intent of his accusers and again utilized his Roman citizenship by making a dramatic appeal to Caesar (25:9-12).<\/p>\nVoyage and Stay in Rome<\/p>\nTo plead his case at Caesar’s court, Paul and his companions, Aristarchus and Luke, were taken on a perilous voyage (AD<\/span> 58, Acts 27:1–28:16). Their passage by ship from Caesarea to Rome is one of the most remarkable on record. Luke’s detailed account is a treasure of information on ancient ships, navigation, and seamanship. It is also a beautiful portrait of a heroic and dignified apostle Paul, the gospel’s ambassador in chains (Eph 6:20), who with the guidance and assurance of his God (Acts 27:23-26), led the 276 people on board to safety (v 37).<\/p>\nLuke traces the voyage stage by stage through every crisis, with a change of ship at Myra, delay at Fair Havens on Crete, and the shipwreck on Malta. Finally, in the spring of AD<\/span> 59, they arrived at Puteoli, Italy, and made their way to Rome, welcomed by the believers along the Appian Way (Acts 28:13-16).<\/p>\nLuke provided a peaceful denouement to the Acts, notwithstanding the fact that the apostle was an imperial prisoner of Caesar Nero. Paul lived by himself in his own house, chained to a Roman guard (Acts 28:16, 30). There he received the local Jewish leaders—to calm any misgivings they may have had about him and, at the same time, to convince them about Jesus. His efforts had mixed success (vv 17-28). During Paul’s two or more years in Rome, the Judaizers seem to have withdrawn, only to be replaced by the peril of Eastern Gnosticism. This is seen in Paul’s letters to the Philippians, Colossians, and Ephesians, and to Philemon, all written at this time. It is unlikely that Paul’s accusers appeared in Rome to bring formal charges before Caesar, so Paul was probably released in AD<\/span> 61.<\/p>\nFinal Years and Martyrdom<\/p>\nIt is here assumed that the Pastoral Letters (1 Timothy, 2 Timothy, and Titus) are truly Paul’s work. Only through them can the probable course of events in Paul’s final years be traced. Romans 15:28 shows that Paul intended to deliver the collection to Jerusalem and then to “set out by way of you [Rome] to Spain.” The arrest and imprisonment in Jerusalem not only destroyed these plans but also extracted five precious years from the prime of a most productive life. Although Clement of Rome implied that Paul did fulfill his desire to go to Spain (Clement to the Corinthians<\/em> 5), it is certain that the daily pressure of Paul’s anxious care for all the churches (2 Cor 11:28) did not abate.<\/p>\nIf Paul went to Spain, he may have been there when Rome was burned on July 19, AD<\/span> 64. Tradition says that Paul traveled as far as Britain, but there is no evidence to confirm this. Returning east, he left Titus in Crete (Ti 1:5) and traveled through Miletus, south of Ephesus, where he left Trophimus sick (2 Tm 4:20). Traveling toward Macedonia, Paul visited Timothy in Ephesus (1 Tm 1:3). On the way, Paul left his cloak and books with Carpus in Troas (2 Tm 4:13). This indicates that he intended to return there for his possessions. From Macedonia Paul wrote his loving yet apprehensive first letter to Timothy (AD<\/span> 62–64). He had decided to spend the winter in Nicopolis (Ti 3:12), northwest of Corinth on the Adriatic Sea, but was still in Macedonia when he wrote his letter to Titus. This letter is similar to 1 Timothy, yet with a somewhat harsher tone. In it is a final glimpse of the eloquent and zealous Apollos (Ti 3:13), who is still in association with Paul 10 or more years after his first appearance in Ephesus (Acts 18:24).<\/p>\nFrom here Paul’s path is obscure. He may have wintered in Nicopolis, but he did not return to Troas for his winter cloak (2 Tm 4:13). At some point he was arrested by the Romans, because he spent a winter in Rome’s Mamertine Prison, suffering from the cold in that rock cell before he wrote his second letter to Timothy (AD<\/span> 66–67). He may have been anticipating the coming winter when he requested that Timothy bring his cloak (vv 13, 21). It is possible that the charges against Paul were related to the burning of Rome; this is unknown. It was, however, now “illegal” to be a Christian since the “new religion” was no longer protected by Roman law as being part of Judaism (which was a legalized, recognized religion by Roman law).<\/p>\nIt was dangerous to be associated with Paul at this time. Many deserted him (2 Tm 4:16), including all his coworkers in Asia (1:15) and Demas, who loved the world (4:10). Only Luke, the physician and author of Luke and Acts, was with him when he wrote his second letter to Timothy (v 11). Faithful believers still in hiding in Rome were also in contact with the apostle (1:16; 4:19, 21). He told Timothy to come to him in Rome and bring Mark also (4:11). Apparently Timothy did come and was imprisoned (Heb 13:23). Paul’s request for the books and parchments (2 Tm 4:13) discloses that he was reading and studying the Scripture to the end.<\/p>\nThe apostle Paul had two hearings before Caesar Nero. At his first defense only the Lord stood by him (2 Tm 4:16). There he not only pleaded his own cause but also that of the gospel, still longing that all the Gentiles would hear its message. Perhaps no decision was made, and thus he was “rescued from the lion’s mouth” (v 17). Though he knew he would soon die, he was not afraid, but was assured that the Lord would give him a crown of righteousness on the last day (v 8). Finally, the apostle himself recorded his seminal encouragement to all believers: “The Lord be with your spirit. Grace be with you” (v 22, rsv<\/span>). After this, the Scripture is silent regarding Paul.<\/p>\nNothing is known of Paul’s second hearing but that it resulted in the sentence of capital punishment. History does not record Paul’s end. Nero died in the summer of AD<\/span> 68, so Paul was executed before that date. As a Roman citizen, he must have been spared the lingering torture that had recently been suffered by his fellow martyrs. Tradition says that he was decapitated by the sword of an imperial headsman on the Ostian Road just outside of Rome, and buried nearby. This fulfilled Paul’s desire “to depart and be with Christ, for that is far better” (Phil 1:23, rsv<\/span>).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>PAUL, The Apostle<\/span><\/h3>\nProminent leader of the first-century church; apostle to the Gentiles; author of 13 NT epistles.<\/p>\nPreview<\/p>\n• Family and Cultural Background<\/p>\n• Education<\/p>\n• Saul the Persecutor<\/p>\n• Conversion and Calling<\/p>\n• Preparation for Ministry<\/p>\n• Sent Out from Antioch<\/p>\n• Traveling with Barnabas<\/p>\n• The Council of Jerusalem<\/p>\n• Further Travel<\/p>\n• Labor in the Gospel<\/p>\n• The Arrest in Jerusalem<\/p>\n• Voyage and Stay in Rome<\/p>\n• Final Years and Martyrdom<\/p>\nFamily and Cultural Background<\/p>\nPaul was born around AD<\/span> 10, a Jew in a family of Pharisees (Acts 23:6) of the tribe of Benjamin (Phil 3:5) in Tarsus of Cilicia (Acts 9:11; 21:39; 22:3), a center of commerce and learning that embraced the Hellenistic spirit and Roman politics. It was a city of which he could be proud (21:39). His parents named him Saul, perhaps after the first king of Israel, who was also a Benjaminite (1 Sm 11:15; Acts 13:21), but Acts 13:9 notes that he “was also called Paul.” He uses the Roman name Paul throughout his letters.<\/p>\nFrom religious parents Paul received knowledge of the Law and Prophets and the Hebrew and Aramaic languages (Acts 21:40; 22:2-3; 23:6; Gal 1:14; Phil 3:5-6). Tarsus, however, was not a Jewish city. Rather, it had a Greek character, being a place where the Greek language was spoken and Greek literature was cultivated. This accounts for Paul’s familiarity with Greek (Acts 21:37), the language of the streets and shops of Tarsus.<\/p>\nJews were brought to Tarsus, the capital of the Roman province of Cilicia, in 171 BC<\/span> to promote business in the region. At that time Paul’s ancestors were probably given Roman citizenship. Paul inherited from his father both Tarsisian and Roman citizenship, which would prove to be of great value to Paul in his later life as he traveled with the gospel throughout the Roman Empire (Acts 16:37; 22:25-29; 23:27). Paul may have had several brothers and sisters, but Acts 23:16 mentions only one sister, whose son performed a lifesaving act for his uncle.<\/p>\nPaul was a tent maker (Acts 18:3). He may have learned this trade from his father, or he may have selected it as a means of self-support, as was the custom of those in rabbinical training. Tarsus was well known for the goat’s-hair cloth called cilicium. It was the weaving of this cloth and the fashioning of it into tents, sails, awnings, and cloaks that gave Paul his economic independence during his apostolic ministry (Acts 18:3; 20:34; 28:30; 2 Cor 11:9; 1 Thes 2:9; 2 Thes 3:8).<\/p>\nEducation<\/p>\nAlthough born in Tarsus, Paul testified to the Jews in Jerusalem that he had been brought up in this city and studied under Gamaliel (Acts 22:3). It is not clear when Paul was first brought to Jerusalem, but it is likely that sometime between the ages of 13 and 20 he began his formal rabbinical studies. His teacher, Gamaliel, was the grandson of Hillel, founder of a Pharisaic school whose teachings run through the Talmudic writings to this day. This is the same Gamaliel whose wisdom persuaded the Sanhedrin to spare the lives of Peter and the apostles (5:33-40). No doubt, it was while studying under Gamaliel in Hillel’s school that Paul began to advance in Judaism beyond many Jews of his own age and became extremely zealous for the traditions of his fathers (Gal 1:14). Perhaps then also Paul began to experience the struggles with the law he would later describe in Romans 7.<\/p>\nWhile Paul was studying the Jewish law in Jerusalem, Jesus was working as a carpenter in Nazareth. Then Jesus gathered the disciples who would one day be Paul’s coworkers in the gospel, fulfilled his ministry, and accomplished redemption on the cross of Calvary (AD<\/span> 30). Christ’s resurrection gave birth to the church, which was baptized in the Holy Spirit at the Feast of Pentecost in Jerusalem.<\/p>\nSaul the Persecutor<\/p>\nShortly after these world-changing events, the members of certain synagogues in Jerusalem, including the Cilician synagogue, that of Paul’s native land (Acts 6:9), could not withstand the wisdom and spirit (v 10) of a member of the church in Jerusalem named Stephen (vv 5, 8). They accused him of blasphemy before the Sanhedrin (vv 11-15) and after his eloquent defense (7:1-53) dragged him out of the city, where he was stoned to death. He became the first Christian martyr. The record does not fully reveal the role Paul played in these proceedings, but we know that he was present and prominent because the witnesses against Stephen, who were required to throw the first stones in the execution, “laid their clothes at the feet of a young man called Saul [Paul]” (v 58, niv<\/span>).<\/p>\nAt Stephen’s trial, Paul heard Stephen’s historical method of defense, and he later used it himself at Antioch of Pisidia (Acts 13:16-41). He witnessed the man with the face of an angel (6:15), full of the Holy Spirit, looking above and proclaiming “the heavens opened, and the Son of man standing at the right hand of God” (7:56). Stephen’s death initiated the events that would culminate in Paul’s conversion and commission as the apostle to the Gentiles. But at that time Paul was a leader of the oppressors of the church. He breathed threats and murder against the disciples of the Lord (9:1); he persecuted the church of God and tried to destroy it (Gal 1:13) by imprisoning Christians, both male and female (Acts 22:4), in many cities.<\/p>\nConversion and Calling<\/p>\nPaul had obtained letters from the high priest in Jerusalem to the synagogues in Damascus authorizing him to arrest the believers there and bring them to Jerusalem for trial (Acts 9:1-2). Paul traveled to Damascus for this purpose. Then, on the outskirts of the city, came the event that was to transform this law-keeping persecutor of Jesus Christ and blasphemous destroyer of the infant church into the chief propagator of the gospel of grace and master builder of the church (1 Cor 3:10; 1 Tm 1:13). This was the occasion of Paul’s conversion (c. AD<\/span> 31–33). It was of such revolutionary and lasting importance that three detailed accounts of it are given in the book of Acts (Acts 9:1-19; 22:1-21; 26:1-23), and many references are given to it in Paul’s own writings (1 Cor 9:1; 15:8; Gal 1:15-16; Eph 3:3; Phil 3:12).<\/p>\nAt that time a light from heaven, brighter than the midday sun, shone around Paul and his traveling companions, and they fell to the ground (Acts 26:13-14). Only Paul, however, heard the voice of Jesus instruct him in his commission as a minister and witness to the Gentiles (vv 14-18). Temporarily blinded, Paul was led into Damascus (9:8). There, the disciple Ananias and the Christian community forgave Paul, baptized him, and helped him through the bewildering event of his conversion (vv 10-22). After a short time with the church there, Paul was threatened with death by the Jews to whom he preached Jesus (vv 20-22), but he was protected by the believers and ingeniously delivered from his persecutors (vv 23-25).<\/p>\nPreparation for Ministry<\/p>\nThen began a period of preparation, which lasted about 13 years. During this time, Paul first was in the desert of Arabia for three years. Here was his opportunity to pray and reflect on Stephen’s defense to the Sanhedrin, the momentous significance of his conversion, the vision he received of Jesus Christ, and the meaning of all this in the light of Jewish theology. Following this, Paul returned to Damascus and then visited Peter in Jerusalem for 15 days (Gal 1:17-18).<\/p>\nAt first, the disciples in Jerusalem were afraid of him because they did not believe he was a disciple of Jesus (Acts 9:26), but he was championed by Barnabas and thus accepted by the believers in Jerusalem (vv 27-28). While there, Paul may have heard the oral gospel, a summary of the words and deeds of Jesus, handed down to all converts. This would have included the institution of the Lord’s Supper (1 Cor 11:23-25), specific words of the Lord (Acts 20:35; 1 Cor 7:10; 9:14), the appearances of the resurrected Christ (1 Cor 15:3-8), and the spirit and character of Jesus (2 Cor 10:1; Phil 2:5-8). Paul also preached in Jerusalem, perhaps in the same synagogues in which he had heard Stephen. However, when his life was again threatened by the Jews, the believers sent him away to Tarsus (Acts 9:29-30; Gal 1:21).<\/p>\nThe end of Paul’s preparation came when Barnabas went to Tarsus to look for him and bring him to Antioch. By this time Paul had lived for 10 years in Cilicia. Since his conversion, before being sent to Tarsus, he had proclaimed Jesus (Acts 9:20), speaking boldly in the name of the Lord (v 27). There is no reason to think he did otherwise while living among the Gentiles in Cilicia. In fact, his work may have been so effective that he began to attract attention in Antioch. During these years, Paul probably underwent many of the sufferings mentioned in 2 Corinthians 11:24-26. Several scholars think that the ecstatic experience mentioned in 2 Corinthians 12:1-9, with its accompanying thorn in the flesh, also took place before he came to Antioch.<\/p>\nSent Out from Antioch<\/p>\nThe church in Antioch had its origins in the persecution fomented by Paul after the death of Stephen. Until they arrived in Antioch, the scattered believers had only spoken the word to Jews (Acts 11:19). It was here that the Gentiles first heard the Good News (v 20), and many became believers (v 21). It is fitting that Paul, the apostle to the Gentiles (Acts 22:21; Rom 11:13), who was as yet unknown by sight to the churches of Judea (Gal 1:22), should appear in Antioch to formally begin the ministry to which he was called (Acts 26:17-18).<\/p>\nBarnabas and Paul stayed with the church in Antioch for a year. Their work there was so blessed that a new name, Christian, was coined to distinguish the believers in Antioch from Gentiles and Jews (Acts 11:26). Hearing of a famine in Judea, the disciples in Antioch determined to send relief to the believers in Judea and did so by Barnabas and Paul (v 30). Such a gift displayed to the Jewish churches the potency of the gospel among the Gentiles. Their mission complete, Barnabas and Paul returned to Antioch with John Mark (12:25), Barnabas’s cousin (Col 4:10).<\/p>\nBeginning from the Day of Pentecost, the work in the gospel had been casual and incidental. Contacts were made in the homes, the marketplace, the streets, synagogues, highways, etc. (Acts 3:1; 5:12, 42; 8:26-29; 10:22). But in Antioch the Holy Spirit initiated a determined effort to evangelize a section of the Roman Empire (13:1-3). By the Holy Spirit’s instructions, the church separated Barnabas and Paul for this work. With the prayers and encouragement of this church, and with John Mark as their assistant, Barnabas and Paul, sent out by the Holy Spirit, sailed for Cyprus (v 4).<\/p>\n\nTraveling with Barnabas<\/p>\nArriving in Salamis, they preached in the synagogues as they traveled the length of the island to Paphos (Acts 13:5-6). There the Roman proconsul, Sergius Paulus, wanted to hear the word of God (v 7). A magician named Elymas Bar-Jesus tried to prevent the proconsul from believing in Jesus but was stricken with temporary blindness by Paul’s command (vv 8-11). This was the first manifestation in Paul of the signs of an apostle (2 Cor 12:12). From then on, the name Paul, not Saul, is used in Luke’s record of the Acts of the Apostles (Acts 13:9), and Paul replaced Barnabas as the leader of the party. So “Paul and his company” set sail from Paphos and arrived in Perga of Pamphylia (v 13). John Mark deserted them at Perga and returned to his home in Jerusalem (v 13). This caused discord (15:39), but Paul and Mark were later reconciled (Col 4:10; 2 Tm 4:11).<\/p>\nPaul’s travels with the gospel now continued through the Roman province of Asia, specifically in the southern portion of Galatia, the areas of Pamphylia, Pisidia, and Lycaonia. The coastal area where the party landed is a hot, malarial region. It is thought that Paul contracted malaria there and so traveled inland through the mountains to the 4,000-foot- (1,219.2-meter-) high tablelands. Such a journey would have been full of dangerous rivers and bandits (2 Cor 11:26), but Paul was well cared for by the Galatian highlanders when he arrived (Gal 4:13-15) and was rewarded with a warm reception to his message (Acts 13:48-49).<\/p>\nPaul and Barnabas were asked to speak at the synagogue of Antioch in Pisidia (Acts 13:15), and Paul delivered a discourse full of the characteristics of the gospel he would later record in his letters to the churches (vv 16-41). He was invited to speak the next week (v 42); nearly the whole city gathered together to hear the word of God (v 44). This stirred up jealousy in the Jews who opposed Paul’s words (v 45), causing the apostles’ dramatic turn to the Gentiles (vv 46-47). Many Gentiles in Antioch believed and spread the word throughout the region, but Paul and Barnabas were forced out and went to Iconium in Lycaonia (vv 48-51).<\/p>\nThe success in Antioch was duplicated in Iconium as was the Jews’ opposition (Acts 14:1), and the apostles fled from the threat of a stoning to Lystra and Derbe in Lycaonia (vv 5-6). In Lystra the signs of an apostle were again seen when Paul healed a man who had been crippled since birth (vv 8-10). The idolatrous citizens of the town, however, primed by the popular belief that Jupiter, accompanied by Mercury, had once visited their region, worshiped Paul and Barnabas as these deities (vv 11-13). Even the convincing words of Paul, whom they mistook for Mercury, hardly restrained the crowds from offering a sacrifice (vv 14-18).<\/p>\nIt was in Lystra that Paul was first given a taste of the same medicine he had once administered to Christians. The Jews stoned him, dragged him out of the city, and left him for dead (Acts 14:19). Timothy (16:1-3) may have been among the new disciples surrounding Paul as he lay outside the gate (14:20). Timothy was Paul’s son in the faith (1 Cor 4:17; 1 Tm 1:2), eyewitness to his suffering (2 Tm 3:10-11), faithful companion, and fellow worker (Acts 19:22; 20:4; Rom 16:21; 1 Thes 3:2). The next day Barnabas and Paul went on to Derbe (Acts 14:20).<\/p>\nAfter making many disciples in Derbe, the apostles retraced their steps through Lystra, Iconium, and Antioch of Pisidia, strengthening and encouraging the new believers and appointing elders in each church (Acts 14:21-23). Arriving again in Perga, they sailed back to Antioch of Syria, where they reported to the church the wonderful news that God had opened a door of faith for the Gentiles (vv 25-27).<\/p>\nThe Council of Jerusalem<\/p>\nThe Jews, who had dogged the steps of Paul and Barnabas throughout Galatia, followed on their heels to bewitch the Gentiles there, convincing them to desert the grace of Christ and submit to the Jewish law (Gal 1:6; 3:1). Shortly after the apostles’ return to Antioch, Judaizers came from Judea to Antioch, teaching salvation by the law (Acts 15:1). This began the war against the gospel of grace, which Paul preached.<\/p>\nThe church in Antioch sent Paul, Barnabas, and others to Jerusalem to settle the controversy of the law versus grace with the apostles and elders there (AD<\/span> 49, Acts 15:2). Along the way to Jerusalem they spread the news of the conversion of the Gentiles. This brought great joy to the believers (v 3). Such joy was not shared by some in Jerusalem, who in the first meeting of the council said that the Gentiles should be ordered to keep the law of Moses (v 5).<\/p>\nAfter this meeting, Paul and Barnabas met privately with Peter, John, and James (Gal 2:1-10) and explained the gospel they had been preaching to the Gentiles. These three leaders of the church in Jerusalem saw the grace that had been given to Paul to bring the gospel to the Gentiles and extended to him the “right hand of fellowship.” This private meeting seems to have decided the question of compliance to the Jewish law because in the next general meeting Peter said, “We believe that we shall be saved through the grace of the Lord Jesus” (Acts 15:11, rsv<\/span>), and James reached the decision that “we should not trouble those of the Gentiles who turn to God” (Acts 15:19, rsv<\/span>). This was a great victory for Paul and Barnabas, and the news was received with rejoicing by the church in Antioch (vv 30-35).<\/p>\nLater, Peter visited Antioch and freely associated with the Gentile believers as he had timidly done in Cornelius’s house (Acts 10:28). This continued until “certain men came from James.” Their presence brought fear to Peter, clouding the light of the gospel of grace, and causing him to separate himself from the Gentiles. Peter’s action influenced others, including Barnabas, to do the same (Gal 2:12-13). Paul rose to the challenge of this serious crisis, confronted Peter publicly, and charged him with Judaizing and hypocrisy (v 14). Paul won the battle and rescued Peter and Barnabas with eloquent words on justification by faith (vv 15-21), but the Judaizers had resumed their war. From this time on, they did not rest; rather, they tormented and persecuted Paul all over the world. But the apostle did not submit to them for a moment. He was engaged in the fight of his life, so that the truth of the gospel might remain with the Gentile believers (v 5).<\/p>\nFurther Travel<\/p>\nPaul wanted to visit the new believers and see how they were doing. So he proposed to Barnabas that they return to the cities where they had previously preached about Jesus (Acts 15:36). Barnabas wanted to take John Mark with them, but Paul would not take him since he had deserted them during their earlier journey (13:13). This sharp disagreement ended Barnabas’s association with Paul (15:37-39). Silas, a leader among the brothers in Jerusalem (v 22), accompanied Paul as he set out by land through Syria and Cilicia, strengthening the churches (vv 40-41).<\/p>\nBeginning from Derbe in Galatia, Paul and Silas revisited the churches Paul had established with Barnabas. While in Lystra, they were joined by Timothy (Acts 16:1-3). The apostles delivered to these young churches the letter drafted by the elders and apostles in Jerusalem concerning the observance of the law (15:23-29), thus strengthening and increasing them (16:4-5).<\/p>\nIt is likely that Ephesus, a major city in the Roman province of Asia, was the party’s main objective for the advancement of the gospel, but they were “forbidden by the Holy Spirit to speak the word in Asia” (Acts 16:6). Then they attempted to turn north and enter the region of Bithynia, “but the Spirit of Jesus did not allow them” (v 7). In this way they were forced by God to continue straight westward to Troas on the Aegean Sea, where Luke joined them (“we” in v 10), and Paul had a vision in which he was called out of Asia into Macedonia (vv 8-9). Paul and his party immediately crossed by boat into Europe (v 11) where they carried the gospel to Philippi, Thessalonica, Berea, Athens, and Corinth.<\/p>\nPhilippi was a Roman colony and military outpost where there were few Jews, so Paul went to a place by the river where the local Jews prayed. He spoke to some women there, notably Lydia, who believed and with her household was baptized (Acts 16:12-15), beginning the first church in Europe. Paul cast a spirit of divination out of a girl in Philippi, and as a result he and Silas were jailed (vv 16-24). The events of their night in jail made the jailer a believer in God (vv 25-34), and he and his family were added to the church in Philippi, which met in Lydia’s home (v 40). When Paul disclosed his Roman citizenship, he was released and was asked to leave the city (vv 35-39).<\/p>\nAt Thessalonica the Jews, aroused to jealousy by the success of Paul’s gospel message, raised a mob to search for the apostles. They complained to the city authorities that the people “who have turned the world upside down have come here also” and accused the apostles of “saying that there is another king [besides Caesar], Jesus” (Acts 17:5-7).<\/p>\nPaul and Silas quickly left Thessalonica by night and arrived in Berea, a city thereafter distinguished by its citizens who eagerly and thoughtfully received the gospel (Acts 17:10-12). The Thessalonian Jews did not rest but trailed Paul to Berea to incite the crowds. The believers then sent Paul away to Athens, while Silas and Timothy stayed behind (vv 13-15).<\/p>\nThe Athenians called Paul a babbler but let him air his views before the Areopagus. Paul’s speech there was alive with his broad knowledge. He alluded to Greco-Roman philosophy (Acts 17:27), poetry (v 28), sculpture (vv 25, 29), architecture (v 24), and religion while proclaiming the existence of an “unknown god” (v 23). But he was rudely cut short by scoffing and indifference when he mentioned the resurrection (v 32). Paul’s words delighted the minds of many but influenced the wills of few, so when he arrived in Corinth, he determined not to proclaim the mystery of God in lofty words of wisdom so that the believers’ faith would not rest on human wisdom but on the power of God (1 Cor 2:1-5).<\/p>\nIn Corinth Paul met Aquila and Priscilla (Acts 18:2-3), Roman Jews with whom he lived and worked as a tent maker and who would become prominent among the churches (Acts 18:26; Rom 16:3; 1 Cor 16:19; 2 Tm 4:19). He stayed in Corinth 18 months from AD<\/span> 50 to 51, raising up a church (Acts 18:11) on the strength of a vision from God (vv 9-10) and in spite of the attacks of the Jews (vv 12-17). Paul wrote the first and second letters to the Thessalonians from Corinth to establish the believers in a holy, industrious life (1 Thes 3:13; 5:23; 2 Thes 3:7-12) in hope of the second coming of Jesus Christ (1 Thes 4:15-18; 2 Thes 2:1ff.).<\/p>\nAccompanied by Priscilla and Aquila, Paul sailed from Corinth for Syria. He left his fellow workers in Ephesus, sailed to Caesarea, briefly visited Jerusalem, and returned to Antioch (Acts 18:18-22). Paul stayed in Antioch for awhile but did not remain absent from the field of his labors for long. Alone, he departed from Antioch, went from place to place in Galatia and Phrygia strengthening all the disciples, and eventually arrived in Ephesus (18:23; 19:1).<\/p>\nLabor in the Gospel<\/p>\nA Jew named Apollos had ministered in Ephesus prior to Paul’s arrival and had recently gone over to Corinth (Acts 18:24-28). There Apollos innocently became the cause of such discord (1 Cor 3:3-9) that he left and refused to return even at Paul’s request (16:12). Paul’s earlier visit to Ephesus (Acts 18:19-20), Apollos’s ministry, and the presence of Priscilla and Aquila had prepared Ephesus for the apostle’s preaching of the gospel of Christ.<\/p>\nPaul began his work in Ephesus by setting straight some ill-informed disciples of John the Baptist (Acts 19:1-7). He then spent three months preaching at the local synagogue until members of the congregation “spoke evil of the Way” (v 9). Paul then took the disciples and continued his arguments on the neutral ground of Tyrannus’s school (vv 8-9), where Jews and Greeks were free to come. He continued there for two years and “all the residents of Asia, both Jews and Greeks, heard the word of the Lord” (v 10).<\/p>\nThe work in Ephesus was a great success (Acts 19:10, 20, 26). Paul enjoyed an open door for effective work (1 Cor 16:9), bolstered by extraordinary miracles (Acts 19:11-17), a public burning of valuable books of sorcery (vv 18-19), and the assistance of friendly officials from the province of Asia (v 31). There were also many adversaries (1 Cor 15:32; 16:9), especially among the artisans associated with the temple of Diana. Paul’s ministry had hurt their trade to the extent that they were incited to riot (Acts 19:23-41). Paul had intended to stay in Ephesus until Pentecost (1 Cor 16:8), but this tumult seems to have hastened his departure (Acts 20:1).<\/p>\nDuring his stay in Ephesus, the household of Chloe sent word to Paul from Corinth that there were divisions in the church there (1 Cor 1:10-13). This report generated a flurry of letters and travels. Paul wrote a letter, which is now lost, to this church (5:9). The church in Corinth wrote a letter (7:1) and sent messengers to Paul (16:17), and Paul sent Timothy to them (4:17; 16:10). Paul then wrote 1 Corinthians (AD<\/span> 53) and sent it by Titus, who was to meet him in Troas to report the results (2 Cor 2:12-13).<\/p>\nAfter his hasty exit from Ephesus, Paul found an open door for the gospel in Troas, but he so longed to hear from Corinth that he pushed on into Macedonia (2 Cor 2:12-13). There he was finally comforted by Titus (7:5-7) and rejoiced at the news of the Corinthians’ repentance, earnestness, longing, and zeal (vv 8-16). From Macedonia Paul wrote 2 Corinthians (AD<\/span> 54), toured northwest to proclaim the good news of Christ in Illyricum (Rom 15:19), and then turned south for Achaia and his third visit to Corinth (Acts 19:21; 20:1-3; 2 Cor 13:1).<\/p>\nThe time and place from which Paul wrote his letter to the Galatians is a topic of controversy. Some date it before the council at Jerusalem, about AD<\/span> 45. Others say he wrote it from Corinth at this stage in his history. The latter opinion is the choice of this narrative.<\/p>\nA three-month winter stay in Corinth (AD<\/span> 55–56) produced the Letter to the Romans, which firmly set the benchmark of the gospel for all the ages. Paul had many personal friends in Rome (Rom 16) and had long intended to visit there (1:10-15). His plans were to deliver a collection from the Gentile churches to Jerusalem (Acts 20:35; Rom 15:25-26; 1 Cor 16:1) and then visit Rome (Acts 19:21) on his way to Spain (Rom 15:23-24).<\/p>\nThe Arrest in Jerusalem<\/p>\nPaul’s trip from Corinth to Jerusalem was marked by abundant warnings of the danger awaiting him in Jerusalem. The Judaizers’ acrimony toward Paul was common talk everywhere, but all alarms went unheeded (Acts 20:22-24, 38; 21:4, 10-15). However, the request for prayer in Romans 15:30-32 shows that Paul knew he might soon need a divine rescue from the unbelievers in Judea.<\/p>\nThe travelers, carrying the collection for Jerusalem, journeyed swiftly in order to reach Jerusalem by Pentecost (Acts 20:16). They proceeded by land from Achaia, through Macedonia, to Philippi in time for the Passover (spring AD<\/span> 56, v 6). Crossing by sea to Troas, they visited the believers there (vv 7-12) and then sailed through the archipelago of the eastern Aegean Sea to Miletus (vv 13-16). From Miletus, Paul sent for the elders of Ephesus, to whom he delivered an impassioned speech containing his own dire warnings for them (vv 17-38).<\/p>\nParting from them, Paul and his companions set sail to Cos, to Rhodes, and then to Patara, where they changed ships for Phoenicia (Acts 21:1-2). A straight course to Tyre brought them within sight of Cyprus, with its memories of Barnabas and Sergius Paulus (v 3). “Through the Spirit” the disciples in Tyre “told Paul not to go on to Jerusalem” (v 4), but he pressed on to Caesarea, where he and his company stayed with Philip, who had formerly served with the martyred Stephen (21:8; cf. 6:5). In Caesarea, Paul would not be persuaded by an especially dramatic prophecy of his coming arrest (21:10-14).<\/p>\nIn Jerusalem the apostolic band stayed with Mnason, an early disciple, and were warmly welcomed by the brothers there (Acts 21:15-17). James and the elders of the church praised God when they heard of the things he had done through Paul among the Gentiles (vv 18-20), and when they received the collection from the churches (24:17). They told Paul of his bad reputation among the thousands of Jewish believers in Jerusalem and urged him to set right the Judaizers’ misrepresentation that he encouraged Jewish Christians to forsake the Mosaic customs (21:21-24). Acts 21:25 shows the Jerusalem elders understood that the Gentiles were under no obligation to Moses; their concern was for Paul to demonstrate that Jewish believers were free to continue their traditional observances.<\/p>\nPaul had kept the Jewish feasts (Acts 20:6), as had Jesus and the early disciples in Jerusalem. He had also cut his hair in a vow at Cenchreae (18:18), so it was a small matter for him, a Jew, to ceremonially purify himself after becoming a Christian, especially if it would undermine the arguments of the Judaizers. To have refused the elders’ request would have lent credence to the Judaizers’ charge. The success of this plan is seen in that it was the Jews from Asia, visiting Jerusalem for the Pentecost feast of AD<\/span> 57, who stirred up trouble for Paul (21:27-29)—not the Judaizers from Jerusalem.<\/p>\nThe whole city was aroused by Paul’s persistent persecutors. A violent crowd dragged him out of the temple just as Stephen had once been hauled to his martyrdom. They tried to kill him, but he was rescued by Roman soldiers as the mob cried, “Away with him!”—just as they had done to Jesus (Acts 21:30-36). At this juncture the educational and cultural diversity of Paul’s life came to his rescue. As he was carried for safety to the Roman barracks, he spoke in Greek to the tribune, who had mistaken him for an Egyptian assassin (vv 37-38). Given permission to speak to the crowd, he did so in the Aramaic language then common in Israel (vv 39-40). The hushed crowd eagerly heard Paul’s defense until he uttered the word “Gentiles.” At this, the crowd resumed its threatening and violence, and Paul was brought into the barracks (22:1-24). There the Romans prepared to flog him, until Paul revealed that he was not only a Jew from Tarsus but also a freeborn Roman citizen. The tribune was afraid, since he had bound a Roman citizen. Wanting to know the charges against Paul, he brought him to the Sanhedrin (vv 25-30).<\/p>\nThis meeting of the Jewish judiciary was shortly reduced to dissension and violence. Paul resorted to tactics justifiable in such a war and hopelessly divided the Sanhedrin on the subject of the resurrection (Acts 23:1-9). Paul again was rescued, this time from the contending factions of the Jewish leadership, and taken to the barracks, where the Lord encouraged him, promising that he would go to Rome (AD<\/span> 56, vv 10-11).<\/p>\nIn the meantime 40 Jews entered into a murderous plot against Paul. They vowed not to eat or drink until they had killed the apostle (Acts 23:12-15). They almost succeeded, but with the help of the son of Paul’s sister (v 16), the conspiracy was exposed. For safety, Paul was taken from Jerusalem to Caesarea under guard of 470 soldiers and handed over to the custody of Felix the governor (vv 16-35). Inconclusive hearings before Felix (Acts 24), his successor, Festus (25:1-12), and King Agrippa (25:23–26:32) occupied Paul in his two years of imprisonment in Caesarea. Festus, wanting to please the Jews, suggested that Paul be returned to Jerusalem for trial, but Paul knew the murderous intent of his accusers and again utilized his Roman citizenship by making a dramatic appeal to Caesar (25:9-12).<\/p>\nVoyage and Stay in Rome<\/p>\nTo plead his case at Caesar’s court, Paul and his companions, Aristarchus and Luke, were taken on a perilous voyage (AD<\/span> 58, Acts 27:1–28:16). Their passage by ship from Caesarea to Rome is one of the most remarkable on record. Luke’s detailed account is a treasure of information on ancient ships, navigation, and seamanship. It is also a beautiful portrait of a heroic and dignified apostle Paul, the gospel’s ambassador in chains (Eph 6:20), who with the guidance and assurance of his God (Acts 27:23-26), led the 276 people on board to safety (v 37).<\/p>\nLuke traces the voyage stage by stage through every crisis, with a change of ship at Myra, delay at Fair Havens on Crete, and the shipwreck on Malta. Finally, in the spring of AD<\/span> 59, they arrived at Puteoli, Italy, and made their way to Rome, welcomed by the believers along the Appian Way (Acts 28:13-16).<\/p>\nLuke provided a peaceful denouement to the Acts, notwithstanding the fact that the apostle was an imperial prisoner of Caesar Nero. Paul lived by himself in his own house, chained to a Roman guard (Acts 28:16, 30). There he received the local Jewish leaders—to calm any misgivings they may have had about him and, at the same time, to convince them about Jesus. His efforts had mixed success (vv 17-28). During Paul’s two or more years in Rome, the Judaizers seem to have withdrawn, only to be replaced by the peril of Eastern Gnosticism. This is seen in Paul’s letters to the Philippians, Colossians, and Ephesians, and to Philemon, all written at this time. It is unlikely that Paul’s accusers appeared in Rome to bring formal charges before Caesar, so Paul was probably released in AD<\/span> 61.<\/p>\nFinal Years and Martyrdom<\/p>\nIt is here assumed that the Pastoral Letters (1 Timothy, 2 Timothy, and Titus) are truly Paul’s work. Only through them can the probable course of events in Paul’s final years be traced. Romans 15:28 shows that Paul intended to deliver the collection to Jerusalem and then to “set out by way of you [Rome] to Spain.” The arrest and imprisonment in Jerusalem not only destroyed these plans but also extracted five precious years from the prime of a most productive life. Although Clement of Rome implied that Paul did fulfill his desire to go to Spain (Clement to the Corinthians<\/em> 5), it is certain that the daily pressure of Paul’s anxious care for all the churches (2 Cor 11:28) did not abate.<\/p>\nIf Paul went to Spain, he may have been there when Rome was burned on July 19, AD<\/span> 64. Tradition says that Paul traveled as far as Britain, but there is no evidence to confirm this. Returning east, he left Titus in Crete (Ti 1:5) and traveled through Miletus, south of Ephesus, where he left Trophimus sick (2 Tm 4:20). Traveling toward Macedonia, Paul visited Timothy in Ephesus (1 Tm 1:3). On the way, Paul left his cloak and books with Carpus in Troas (2 Tm 4:13). This indicates that he intended to return there for his possessions. From Macedonia Paul wrote his loving yet apprehensive first letter to Timothy (AD<\/span> 62–64). He had decided to spend the winter in Nicopolis (Ti 3:12), northwest of Corinth on the Adriatic Sea, but was still in Macedonia when he wrote his letter to Titus. This letter is similar to 1 Timothy, yet with a somewhat harsher tone. In it is a final glimpse of the eloquent and zealous Apollos (Ti 3:13), who is still in association with Paul 10 or more years after his first appearance in Ephesus (Acts 18:24).<\/p>\nFrom here Paul’s path is obscure. He may have wintered in Nicopolis, but he did not return to Troas for his winter cloak (2 Tm 4:13). At some point he was arrested by the Romans, because he spent a winter in Rome’s Mamertine Prison, suffering from the cold in that rock cell before he wrote his second letter to Timothy (AD<\/span> 66–67). He may have been anticipating the coming winter when he requested that Timothy bring his cloak (vv 13, 21). It is possible that the charges against Paul were related to the burning of Rome; this is unknown. It was, however, now “illegal” to be a Christian since the “new religion” was no longer protected by Roman law as being part of Judaism (which was a legalized, recognized religion by Roman law).<\/p>\nIt was dangerous to be associated with Paul at this time. Many deserted him (2 Tm 4:16), including all his coworkers in Asia (1:15) and Demas, who loved the world (4:10). Only Luke, the physician and author of Luke and Acts, was with him when he wrote his second letter to Timothy (v 11). Faithful believers still in hiding in Rome were also in contact with the apostle (1:16; 4:19, 21). He told Timothy to come to him in Rome and bring Mark also (4:11). Apparently Timothy did come and was imprisoned (Heb 13:23). Paul’s request for the books and parchments (2 Tm 4:13) discloses that he was reading and studying the Scripture to the end.<\/p>\nThe apostle Paul had two hearings before Caesar Nero. At his first defense only the Lord stood by him (2 Tm 4:16). There he not only pleaded his own cause but also that of the gospel, still longing that all the Gentiles would hear its message. Perhaps no decision was made, and thus he was “rescued from the lion’s mouth” (v 17). Though he knew he would soon die, he was not afraid, but was assured that the Lord would give him a crown of righteousness on the last day (v 8). Finally, the apostle himself recorded his seminal encouragement to all believers: “The Lord be with your spirit. Grace be with you” (v 22, rsv<\/span>). After this, the Scripture is silent regarding Paul.<\/p>\nNothing is known of Paul’s second hearing but that it resulted in the sentence of capital punishment. History does not record Paul’s end. Nero died in the summer of AD<\/span> 68, so Paul was executed before that date. As a Roman citizen, he must have been spared the lingering torture that had recently been suffered by his fellow martyrs. Tradition says that he was decapitated by the sword of an imperial headsman on the Ostian Road just outside of Rome, and buried nearby. This fulfilled Paul’s desire “to depart and be with Christ, for that is far better” (Phil 1:23, rsv<\/span>).<\/p>","summary_ro":"PAUL, The Apostle Prominent leader of the first-century church; apostle to the Gentiles; author of 13 NT epistles. Preview • Family and Cultural Background • Education • Saul the Persecutor • Conversion and Calling • Preparation for Ministry • Sent Out from Antioch • Traveling with Barnabas • The Council of Jerusalem • Further Travel • Labor in the Gospel • The Arrest in Jerusalem • Voyage and Stay in Rome • Final Years and Martyrdom Family and Cultural Background Paul was born around AD 10, ...","summary_en":"PAUL, The Apostle Prominent leader of the first-century church; apostle to the Gentiles; author of 13 NT epistles. Preview • Family and Cultural Background • Education • Saul the Persecutor • Conversion and Calling • Preparation for Ministry • Sent Out from Antioch • Traveling with Barnabas • The Council of Jerusalem • Further Travel • Labor in the Gospel • The Arrest in Jerusalem • Voyage and Stay in Rome • Final Years and Martyrdom Family and Cultural Background Paul was born around AD 10, ...","source":"Articles\/P.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":33212,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Letter to the Romans","title_en":"Letter to the Romans","content_ro":"<h3>ROMANS, Letter to the<\/h3>\nPreview<\/p>\n• Author<\/p>\n• Date, Origin, and Destination<\/p>\n• Background<\/p>\n• Audience<\/p>\n• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n• Content<\/p>\nAuthor<\/p>\nWritten in the first person (Rom 1:5, 10, etc.), this epistle was authored by the apostle Paul. (The first words of the first verse are “Paul, a slave of Christ Jesus, called an apostle.”) The actual transcription of the letter, however, was done by Tertius (16:22), who acted as Paul’s amanuensis (secretary). The letter’s authenticity has never been disputed by reputable scholarship, liberal or conservative, and Romans stands at the head of virtually every ancient list or collection of Pauline letters.<\/p>\nDate, Origin, and Destination<\/p>\nThe destination of the letter is stated to be Rome (1:7). That Paul was in Corinth at the time of the writing seems clear from his reference to Erastus in 16:23 as the treasurer of the city. An inscription in the stone pavement beside the large theater in Corinth states that it was laid by Erastus, the city treasurer, in appreciation for his election. This could hardly be coincidental. Erastus evidently remained in Corinth, because it is mentioned as his home (2 Tm 4:20). Furthermore, Paul refers to Gaius as his host at the time he wrote Romans (Rom 16:23), probably the same Gaius who lived in Corinth (1 Cor 1:14). Finally, Phoebe, likely the carrier of this epistle, was a deaconess of the church at Cenchrea, the eastern port of Corinth (Rom 16:1).<\/p>\nFrom the epistle itself we can determine when Paul wrote it. Romans 15:23-28 indicates that Paul was just about ready to make his visit to Jerusalem with a contribution for its Christian poor from the churches of Macedonia and Achaia, after which his purpose was to visit Rome on his way to Spain (15:23-28). He carried this contribution with him from Corinth, at the close of his third visit to that city, which lasted three months (Acts 20:2, 23; 24:17). On this occasion certain persons accompanied him from Corinth, whose names are given by the historian of Acts (20:4), and four of these are expressly mentioned in this epistle as being with the apostle when he wrote it—Timothy, Sosipater, Gaius, and Erastus (Rom 16:21, 23). Paul’s visit to Jerusalem is usually dated around AD<\/span> 57–58. As such, the Epistle to the Romans was written around the same time.<\/p>\nBackground<\/p>\nIn a previous visit to Corinth, during his second missionary journey, Paul established the church there and remained in the city for 18 months (Acts 18:1, 11). His arrival coincided with the arrival of Priscilla and Aquila, who had recently come from Rome. At the end of his 18-month stay, Paul was brought before the newly appointed proconsul, Gallio (Acts 18:12), whose arrival can be dated from the Gallio inscription found at Delphi to the spring of AD<\/span> 51. Thus, Paul arrived in Corinth in the winter of AD<\/span> 49.<\/p>\nLeaving the city, he returned to Antioch, gave a report on his work, and set out on his last journey to collect the contribution for Jerusalem from the Gentile churches (Rom 15:25-29), for which he had previously prepared (1 Cor 16:1; 2 Cor 9:5). Continued problems in Corinth (1 Cor 1:11; 7:1) necessitated his return to the city (Acts 20:3), at which time he wrote Romans. It is clear from the last two chapters of the letter that he planned to take the contribution to Jerusalem almost immediately and from there go on to Rome (Rom 15:23-24). The occasion for the letter, therefore, is to alert the Romans to his coming so that they can assist him in his journey to Spain (15:24, 28). Rome was the only church, other than Colosse, which Paul did not establish. His letter, consequently, does not reflect awareness of specific problems in the membership there.<\/p>\nAudience<\/p>\nThe Roman church at this time was composed of both Jewish and Gentile believers. The church was probably started by Jewish believers who were at Jerusalem on the Day of Pentecost (Acts 2:10) and were among the 3,000 converts. Evidently, some of these took the gospel back with them to Rome. Probably some of the believers addressed in the salutations of the epistle were Christians already of long standing, if not among the earliest converts to the Christian faith. Thus, it is not improbable that up to the time of the apostle’s arrival, the Christian community at Rome had been dependent upon its own members for the increase of its numbers, aided perhaps by occasional visits from preachers.<\/p>\n\nEvidently, the gospel had gone out to Gentiles, because there were Gentiles in the church, as is evidenced by Paul’s remarks throughout the letter. In fact, it is clear that the apostle wrote to them expressly as to a Gentile church (Rom 1:13, 15; 15:15-16). Perhaps the major constituency of the Gentiles were “God-fearers” (see Acts 10:2).<\/p>\nPurpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\nOf all the epistles of Paul, this is the most elaborate and, at the same time, the most glowing. It has just as much in common with a theological treatise as with a personal, heartfelt epistle. The major theme running throughout the book is that both Jew and Gentile have fallen short of God’s glory and stand in need of salvation (Rom 3:21-31). God’s righteousness has not been revealed only to the Jew—because God is not God only to the Jews but to the Gentiles as well, since there is only one God (3:29). He will justify the Jews on the basis of the saving work of Christ at Calvary, and the Gentiles on the basis of that same act of faithfulness to Abraham’s promise (v 30). Their common faith gives them access to this grace (5:2). The gospel is thus to the Jew first and also to the Greek (1:16).<\/p>\nOnce a person believes, that person is justified before God (chs 1–3). This new relationship with God provides the believer with a new life in Christ and makes him or her a part of God’s people (chs 4–8). This is the deepest and most difficult part of the whole epistle; it carries us directly to the eternal springs of grace, sovereign love, and the inscrutable purposes of God. After this, we are told about the calling of the Gentiles, the preservation of a faithful Jewish remnant amidst the general unbelief and the fall of the nation, and the ultimate recovery of all Israel to constitute, with the Gentiles in the latter day, one universal church of God upon earth (chs 9–11). The remainder of the epistle is devoted to the practical application (in church life) of the truths previously revealed (chs 12–15). And then the epistle concludes with Paul’s heartfelt salutations to several different believers in Rome (ch 16).<\/p>\nContent<\/p>\n<h5>Overview<\/h5>\nThe thematic statement of the first eight chapters of the letter is set forth in 1:17: “It is through faith that a righteous person has life” (nlt<\/span>). This quotation from Habakkuk 2:4 sets Paul’s teaching on faith over against that of the OT on works. Thus, he affirms the fact that his teaching on faith is not new but is squarely rooted in the OT prophets. What was new was that the Gentiles would be fellow citizens with the Jews on the basis of faith in Christ (Eph 3:5-6). They would not have to become proselytes to Judaism in order to be acceptable to God, as some Jewish Christians demanded (Acts 15:1). This was the mystery of which Paul spoke in Ephesians (Eph 3:6).<\/p>\nThe first part of the epistle dwells on the theme that righteousness is attained by faith. The first three chapters demonstrate that Jew and Gentile are under sin and that the redemption of Christ is applicable to both (Rom 3:21-22). The fourth chapter demonstrates that Abraham is the father of Gentiles as well as Jews, because he is the spiritual father of believing Israel just as he is of believing Gentiles. Then, in chapters 5–8, Paul deals with the latter part of the theme of how a justifed person lives<\/em> by faith. Whether Jew or Gentile, the person who accepts the righteous acts of God on Calvary through Christ will live free from the wrath of God (ch 5), the power of sin (ch 6), the enslaving power of the law (ch 7), and the power of death (ch 8).<\/p>\nIn chapters 9–11, Paul discusses the nation of Israel “according to the flesh” (physical Jews) in relation to the future purpose of God, concluding that God has not cast off his people who were Israelites descended from Abraham (11:1-2). He can regraft them back into the tree from which they have been cut off, if they will accept Jesus as their Messiah (v 23).<\/p>\nThen in his closing section, he discusses the implications of the first 11 chapters for everyday Christian living (chs 12–16), closing the book with a reminder of the importance of the “offering of the Gentiles” through his own ministry (ch 15).<\/p>\n<h5>In Detail<\/h5>\nIn the first chapter Paul argues that the pagan Gentile world was in a state of rebellion against God, and the wrath of God had been revealed against their ungodliness (1:18). Even though God had given sufficient revelation of his existence to them in the world of nature, they had nevertheless become polytheistic and idolatrous, with all the accompanying moral degradations (vv 20-23). Thus, three times Paul emphasizes that God gave them up to their lusts (v 24), to dishonorable passions (v 26), and to a base mind and improper conduct (v 28). The meaning is that he passed over their sins (3:25), overlooked their spiritual ignorance of his true existence (Acts 17:30), and did not put a stop to such idolatry (7:42).<\/p>\nThe Jews fared little better because, even though they had received the law of Moses containing a revelation of the will of God for their nation, they had not kept the law (2:17-29). Even the Gentiles had those among them who did by nature the things contained in the law and were acceptable because their consciences were pure (vv 14-15). For a Jew, keeping the law was insufficient unless he did so as a spiritual conviction, not as a mere legal requirement (v 29). God-fearing Gentiles who kept the essence of the law were a model for condemning the Jews who did not (vv 14, 27). However, the faithlessness of the chosen nation did not nullify the faithfulness of God to the fulfillment of the promise to Abraham (3:3). Although the Jew had every advantage over the Gentile, he was no better off because both had given themselves over to the power of sin (vv 1, 9). The situation now was that “all have sinned [both Jew and Gentile] and fall short of the glory of God” (v 23, rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\nGod had therefore made Christ the Redeemer for the sins of the world (3:21-31). The righteousness of God had been manifested apart from the law, through the “faith of Christ” (v 22; i.e., the faithfulness of Christ to the promise) and was available to the Gentile as well as Jew on the basis of personal faith. If this righteousness were available only through keeping the commandments of the law, as good and holy as it was (7:12), then God was a God of Jews only and not of Gentiles, because the law was given to the Jews (3:29). But God is also the God of the Gentiles and justifies the Jew on the basis of Christ’s faithfulness, and the Gentile on the basis of that same faithful act. Christ died for all who believe in him (v 22). Thus God’s righteousness was manifested through Christ’s faithfulness (vv 3, 22) and provides the basis of salvation for everyone who believes (5:9).<\/p>\nSeveral times in the fourth chapter Paul insists that Abraham was the father of the Jews and of the Gentiles (vv 11-12, 16-18). Christ’s faithfulness to the promise to Abraham that all nations (Gentiles) would be blessed through his seed (the descendants of Isaac) enabled Abraham to become the father of all nations, that is, of all who believe (v 11).<\/p>\nHaving laid this broad theological base, Paul then argues that the impact of this justification or righteousness is that all believers experience salvation from the wrath of God and thereby experience peace (5:1, 9). Sin entered the world through the first transgression and passed to all people (v 12). Justification, however, was brought by the second Adam, Christ, who gives salvation to those who believe and receive the abundance of his grace (vv 16-18).<\/p>\nThe function of the law was not to save the Jew. It was added because of transgressions (Gal 3:19); it served to intensify the awareness of sin, present in all people, to the point of transgression of the law (Rom 5:20). Sin used the law to deceive and destroy those who tried to keep it (7:11). Paul had known what it was to covet before he knew the law, but when he became subject to the dictates and penalties of the law at age 12 or 13, the commandment against covetousness became even more demanding and destroyed him (7:11). After the law was known, the penalty for its disobedience was fully applicable. Sin had been intensified because it became a transgression of the law. This very fact caused the need for greater grace, because where sin abounded, grace abounded all the more (5:20). But it would be a gross perversion of what it means to live free from wrath, law, sin, and death to argue that one should therefore continue in sin that grace may abound (6:1). Paul argues that those who have been justified and saved by Christ have died to the power of sin, which no longer has enslaving power (vv 2, 6). The key thought here is that sin (i.e., Satan—sin personified) cannot exercise dominion over the believer (vv 9, 14); it cannot reign over him (v 12) and make him its slave (vv 17, 20).<\/p>\nIn addition to being liberated from God’s anger, the law, and sin, those who have been justified by faith have been freed from death, and God will give life to their mortal bodies through his Spirit (8:2, 11). If they live according to the flesh, they will die; but if they live by the Spirit, they will enjoy a liberating life (vv 6-13). Not even death will be able to separate them from the love of Christ (v 38). The Spirit leads them and helps in their human infirmity, praying and interceding for them just as Christ does (vv 14, 26, 34).<\/p>\nPaul does not discuss the pragmatic application of these theological principles until chapter 12. In between, he deals with the issue of how and why the Jews could have rejected the Messiah. How is it that they, of all people on earth, with the history of God’s personal involvement with them, could have rejected the Promised One? Chapters 9–11 focus on this important question.<\/p>\nPaul’s answer is fourfold. First, it was God’s purpose by election. He chose Israel, knowing what would happen in the future. These were physical Jews, Israelites, who enjoyed all the special relationships to God that an elect people could experience: sonship, glory, covenants, the law, worship, the promises, the patriarchs, and Christ (9:1-5). God had elected them just as he had chosen Jacob over Esau before either was born, just as he had hardened the heart of Pharaoh, just as the potter molds the clay into the vessel he desires (9:6-26). It had nothing to do with their character or inherent worth; it was strictly a matter of God’s purpose for them. There is no injustice on God’s part in making this choice, because it was necessary in order for God to show his power through them so that his name might be proclaimed in all the earth. He had chosen Israel to serve his purposes just as he had chosen Pharaoh and Jacob and Moses; their salvation was a matter of faith (Heb 11). After all, only a remnant of Israel ever really believed (Rom 9:27-29).<\/p>\nSecond, Paul argues that Israel, in rejecting the Messiah and his gospel, is following a precedent that appears repeatedly throughout history (9:30–10:21). The Jews did not seek righteousness by faith, and thus never found it. They based their righteousness on the law and thus stumbled over their own Messiah (9:30-33).<\/p>\nThird, he argues that since a “remnant” of Israel has already believed the gospel, it is a clear indication that Israel as a whole will yet do so (11:1-16, 26). So, even though he says that God has rejected Israel, he argues that God has not rejected them finally and irrevocably. He has broken them off the cultivated branch of the Abrahamic promise, but he has not rejected his people. The elect (remnant) obtained what it sought, but the rest were hardened for a period of time until they could be provoked to jealousy by the Gentiles’ inclusion into the kingdom. So Israel’s alienation is not necessarily final.<\/p>\nFourth, Paul argues that since Israel’s rejection has been such a blessing for the inclusion of the Gentiles, the scenario of their conversion in large numbers would be like a resurrection from the dead. This argument runs throughout the rest of the chapter (11:17-36). The Gentiles should not be haughty, because Israel stumbled so as to make their inclusion possible (vv 17-19). Israel did not stumble just so they could fall (v 11); their fall was a blessing to Gentiles and was a part of the purpose of God. And God, who broke them off for their unbelief, will be able to regraft them back into the tree from which they were cut off, if they do not persist in their unbelief.<\/p>\nChapters 12–16 deal with the pragmatic implications of Paul’s impressive arguments. Thus the chapter begins with “I appeal to you therefore . . .” (12:1). What follows is a lengthy list of Christian virtues and responsibilities. Paul frequently includes advice in his letters so as to assist the young converts in their transition from paganism into the Judeo-Christian ethical and moral value system. He often even modifies some behavior patterns among Jewish converts. Chapter 13 discusses the important relationship that should exist between Christians in the capital city of the Roman Empire and their government officials. They should recognize that civil government is, as such, ordained by God and has a right to exist even if those who hold the offices are corrupt. They are God’s servants to execute judgment on the disobedient (13:4). Chapter 14 encourages Christians enjoying freedom in Christ to live without influencing others to violate their own consciences in various matters, such as eating meat. Nor should those with weaker consciences try to restrict others who have found this precious freedom. Mutual love and respect is the mark of a true disciple of Christ. Chapter 15 contains Paul’s travel plans and his understanding of his role as a priestly minister to Gentiles, offering their conversion to God symbolically on the altar at Jerusalem in the form of a large collection of money taken up among the Gentile churches. Chapter 16 closes typically with greetings and commendations from various individuals. Twenty-seven people are greeted by name.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Paul, The Apostle.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>ROMANS, Letter to the<\/h3>\nPreview<\/p>\n• Author<\/p>\n• Date, Origin, and Destination<\/p>\n• Background<\/p>\n• Audience<\/p>\n• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n• Content<\/p>\nAuthor<\/p>\nWritten in the first person (Rom 1:5, 10, etc.), this epistle was authored by the apostle Paul. (The first words of the first verse are “Paul, a slave of Christ Jesus, called an apostle.”) The actual transcription of the letter, however, was done by Tertius (16:22), who acted as Paul’s amanuensis (secretary). The letter’s authenticity has never been disputed by reputable scholarship, liberal or conservative, and Romans stands at the head of virtually every ancient list or collection of Pauline letters.<\/p>\nDate, Origin, and Destination<\/p>\nThe destination of the letter is stated to be Rome (1:7). That Paul was in Corinth at the time of the writing seems clear from his reference to Erastus in 16:23 as the treasurer of the city. An inscription in the stone pavement beside the large theater in Corinth states that it was laid by Erastus, the city treasurer, in appreciation for his election. This could hardly be coincidental. Erastus evidently remained in Corinth, because it is mentioned as his home (2 Tm 4:20). Furthermore, Paul refers to Gaius as his host at the time he wrote Romans (Rom 16:23), probably the same Gaius who lived in Corinth (1 Cor 1:14). Finally, Phoebe, likely the carrier of this epistle, was a deaconess of the church at Cenchrea, the eastern port of Corinth (Rom 16:1).<\/p>\nFrom the epistle itself we can determine when Paul wrote it. Romans 15:23-28 indicates that Paul was just about ready to make his visit to Jerusalem with a contribution for its Christian poor from the churches of Macedonia and Achaia, after which his purpose was to visit Rome on his way to Spain (15:23-28). He carried this contribution with him from Corinth, at the close of his third visit to that city, which lasted three months (Acts 20:2, 23; 24:17). On this occasion certain persons accompanied him from Corinth, whose names are given by the historian of Acts (20:4), and four of these are expressly mentioned in this epistle as being with the apostle when he wrote it—Timothy, Sosipater, Gaius, and Erastus (Rom 16:21, 23). Paul’s visit to Jerusalem is usually dated around AD<\/span> 57–58. As such, the Epistle to the Romans was written around the same time.<\/p>\nBackground<\/p>\nIn a previous visit to Corinth, during his second missionary journey, Paul established the church there and remained in the city for 18 months (Acts 18:1, 11). His arrival coincided with the arrival of Priscilla and Aquila, who had recently come from Rome. At the end of his 18-month stay, Paul was brought before the newly appointed proconsul, Gallio (Acts 18:12), whose arrival can be dated from the Gallio inscription found at Delphi to the spring of AD<\/span> 51. Thus, Paul arrived in Corinth in the winter of AD<\/span> 49.<\/p>\nLeaving the city, he returned to Antioch, gave a report on his work, and set out on his last journey to collect the contribution for Jerusalem from the Gentile churches (Rom 15:25-29), for which he had previously prepared (1 Cor 16:1; 2 Cor 9:5). Continued problems in Corinth (1 Cor 1:11; 7:1) necessitated his return to the city (Acts 20:3), at which time he wrote Romans. It is clear from the last two chapters of the letter that he planned to take the contribution to Jerusalem almost immediately and from there go on to Rome (Rom 15:23-24). The occasion for the letter, therefore, is to alert the Romans to his coming so that they can assist him in his journey to Spain (15:24, 28). Rome was the only church, other than Colosse, which Paul did not establish. His letter, consequently, does not reflect awareness of specific problems in the membership there.<\/p>\nAudience<\/p>\nThe Roman church at this time was composed of both Jewish and Gentile believers. The church was probably started by Jewish believers who were at Jerusalem on the Day of Pentecost (Acts 2:10) and were among the 3,000 converts. Evidently, some of these took the gospel back with them to Rome. Probably some of the believers addressed in the salutations of the epistle were Christians already of long standing, if not among the earliest converts to the Christian faith. Thus, it is not improbable that up to the time of the apostle’s arrival, the Christian community at Rome had been dependent upon its own members for the increase of its numbers, aided perhaps by occasional visits from preachers.<\/p>\n\nEvidently, the gospel had gone out to Gentiles, because there were Gentiles in the church, as is evidenced by Paul’s remarks throughout the letter. In fact, it is clear that the apostle wrote to them expressly as to a Gentile church (Rom 1:13, 15; 15:15-16). Perhaps the major constituency of the Gentiles were “God-fearers” (see Acts 10:2).<\/p>\nPurpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\nOf all the epistles of Paul, this is the most elaborate and, at the same time, the most glowing. It has just as much in common with a theological treatise as with a personal, heartfelt epistle. The major theme running throughout the book is that both Jew and Gentile have fallen short of God’s glory and stand in need of salvation (Rom 3:21-31). God’s righteousness has not been revealed only to the Jew—because God is not God only to the Jews but to the Gentiles as well, since there is only one God (3:29). He will justify the Jews on the basis of the saving work of Christ at Calvary, and the Gentiles on the basis of that same act of faithfulness to Abraham’s promise (v 30). Their common faith gives them access to this grace (5:2). The gospel is thus to the Jew first and also to the Greek (1:16).<\/p>\nOnce a person believes, that person is justified before God (chs 1–3). This new relationship with God provides the believer with a new life in Christ and makes him or her a part of God’s people (chs 4–8). This is the deepest and most difficult part of the whole epistle; it carries us directly to the eternal springs of grace, sovereign love, and the inscrutable purposes of God. After this, we are told about the calling of the Gentiles, the preservation of a faithful Jewish remnant amidst the general unbelief and the fall of the nation, and the ultimate recovery of all Israel to constitute, with the Gentiles in the latter day, one universal church of God upon earth (chs 9–11). The remainder of the epistle is devoted to the practical application (in church life) of the truths previously revealed (chs 12–15). And then the epistle concludes with Paul’s heartfelt salutations to several different believers in Rome (ch 16).<\/p>\nContent<\/p>\n<h5>Overview<\/h5>\nThe thematic statement of the first eight chapters of the letter is set forth in 1:17: “It is through faith that a righteous person has life” (nlt<\/span>). This quotation from Habakkuk 2:4 sets Paul’s teaching on faith over against that of the OT on works. Thus, he affirms the fact that his teaching on faith is not new but is squarely rooted in the OT prophets. What was new was that the Gentiles would be fellow citizens with the Jews on the basis of faith in Christ (Eph 3:5-6). They would not have to become proselytes to Judaism in order to be acceptable to God, as some Jewish Christians demanded (Acts 15:1). This was the mystery of which Paul spoke in Ephesians (Eph 3:6).<\/p>\nThe first part of the epistle dwells on the theme that righteousness is attained by faith. The first three chapters demonstrate that Jew and Gentile are under sin and that the redemption of Christ is applicable to both (Rom 3:21-22). The fourth chapter demonstrates that Abraham is the father of Gentiles as well as Jews, because he is the spiritual father of believing Israel just as he is of believing Gentiles. Then, in chapters 5–8, Paul deals with the latter part of the theme of how a justifed person lives<\/em> by faith. Whether Jew or Gentile, the person who accepts the righteous acts of God on Calvary through Christ will live free from the wrath of God (ch 5), the power of sin (ch 6), the enslaving power of the law (ch 7), and the power of death (ch 8).<\/p>\nIn chapters 9–11, Paul discusses the nation of Israel “according to the flesh” (physical Jews) in relation to the future purpose of God, concluding that God has not cast off his people who were Israelites descended from Abraham (11:1-2). He can regraft them back into the tree from which they have been cut off, if they will accept Jesus as their Messiah (v 23).<\/p>\nThen in his closing section, he discusses the implications of the first 11 chapters for everyday Christian living (chs 12–16), closing the book with a reminder of the importance of the “offering of the Gentiles” through his own ministry (ch 15).<\/p>\n<h5>In Detail<\/h5>\nIn the first chapter Paul argues that the pagan Gentile world was in a state of rebellion against God, and the wrath of God had been revealed against their ungodliness (1:18). Even though God had given sufficient revelation of his existence to them in the world of nature, they had nevertheless become polytheistic and idolatrous, with all the accompanying moral degradations (vv 20-23). Thus, three times Paul emphasizes that God gave them up to their lusts (v 24), to dishonorable passions (v 26), and to a base mind and improper conduct (v 28). The meaning is that he passed over their sins (3:25), overlooked their spiritual ignorance of his true existence (Acts 17:30), and did not put a stop to such idolatry (7:42).<\/p>\nThe Jews fared little better because, even though they had received the law of Moses containing a revelation of the will of God for their nation, they had not kept the law (2:17-29). Even the Gentiles had those among them who did by nature the things contained in the law and were acceptable because their consciences were pure (vv 14-15). For a Jew, keeping the law was insufficient unless he did so as a spiritual conviction, not as a mere legal requirement (v 29). God-fearing Gentiles who kept the essence of the law were a model for condemning the Jews who did not (vv 14, 27). However, the faithlessness of the chosen nation did not nullify the faithfulness of God to the fulfillment of the promise to Abraham (3:3). Although the Jew had every advantage over the Gentile, he was no better off because both had given themselves over to the power of sin (vv 1, 9). The situation now was that “all have sinned [both Jew and Gentile] and fall short of the glory of God” (v 23, rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\nGod had therefore made Christ the Redeemer for the sins of the world (3:21-31). The righteousness of God had been manifested apart from the law, through the “faith of Christ” (v 22; i.e., the faithfulness of Christ to the promise) and was available to the Gentile as well as Jew on the basis of personal faith. If this righteousness were available only through keeping the commandments of the law, as good and holy as it was (7:12), then God was a God of Jews only and not of Gentiles, because the law was given to the Jews (3:29). But God is also the God of the Gentiles and justifies the Jew on the basis of Christ’s faithfulness, and the Gentile on the basis of that same faithful act. Christ died for all who believe in him (v 22). Thus God’s righteousness was manifested through Christ’s faithfulness (vv 3, 22) and provides the basis of salvation for everyone who believes (5:9).<\/p>\nSeveral times in the fourth chapter Paul insists that Abraham was the father of the Jews and of the Gentiles (vv 11-12, 16-18). Christ’s faithfulness to the promise to Abraham that all nations (Gentiles) would be blessed through his seed (the descendants of Isaac) enabled Abraham to become the father of all nations, that is, of all who believe (v 11).<\/p>\nHaving laid this broad theological base, Paul then argues that the impact of this justification or righteousness is that all believers experience salvation from the wrath of God and thereby experience peace (5:1, 9). Sin entered the world through the first transgression and passed to all people (v 12). Justification, however, was brought by the second Adam, Christ, who gives salvation to those who believe and receive the abundance of his grace (vv 16-18).<\/p>\nThe function of the law was not to save the Jew. It was added because of transgressions (Gal 3:19); it served to intensify the awareness of sin, present in all people, to the point of transgression of the law (Rom 5:20). Sin used the law to deceive and destroy those who tried to keep it (7:11). Paul had known what it was to covet before he knew the law, but when he became subject to the dictates and penalties of the law at age 12 or 13, the commandment against covetousness became even more demanding and destroyed him (7:11). After the law was known, the penalty for its disobedience was fully applicable. Sin had been intensified because it became a transgression of the law. This very fact caused the need for greater grace, because where sin abounded, grace abounded all the more (5:20). But it would be a gross perversion of what it means to live free from wrath, law, sin, and death to argue that one should therefore continue in sin that grace may abound (6:1). Paul argues that those who have been justified and saved by Christ have died to the power of sin, which no longer has enslaving power (vv 2, 6). The key thought here is that sin (i.e., Satan—sin personified) cannot exercise dominion over the believer (vv 9, 14); it cannot reign over him (v 12) and make him its slave (vv 17, 20).<\/p>\nIn addition to being liberated from God’s anger, the law, and sin, those who have been justified by faith have been freed from death, and God will give life to their mortal bodies through his Spirit (8:2, 11). If they live according to the flesh, they will die; but if they live by the Spirit, they will enjoy a liberating life (vv 6-13). Not even death will be able to separate them from the love of Christ (v 38). The Spirit leads them and helps in their human infirmity, praying and interceding for them just as Christ does (vv 14, 26, 34).<\/p>\nPaul does not discuss the pragmatic application of these theological principles until chapter 12. In between, he deals with the issue of how and why the Jews could have rejected the Messiah. How is it that they, of all people on earth, with the history of God’s personal involvement with them, could have rejected the Promised One? Chapters 9–11 focus on this important question.<\/p>\nPaul’s answer is fourfold. First, it was God’s purpose by election. He chose Israel, knowing what would happen in the future. These were physical Jews, Israelites, who enjoyed all the special relationships to God that an elect people could experience: sonship, glory, covenants, the law, worship, the promises, the patriarchs, and Christ (9:1-5). God had elected them just as he had chosen Jacob over Esau before either was born, just as he had hardened the heart of Pharaoh, just as the potter molds the clay into the vessel he desires (9:6-26). It had nothing to do with their character or inherent worth; it was strictly a matter of God’s purpose for them. There is no injustice on God’s part in making this choice, because it was necessary in order for God to show his power through them so that his name might be proclaimed in all the earth. He had chosen Israel to serve his purposes just as he had chosen Pharaoh and Jacob and Moses; their salvation was a matter of faith (Heb 11). After all, only a remnant of Israel ever really believed (Rom 9:27-29).<\/p>\nSecond, Paul argues that Israel, in rejecting the Messiah and his gospel, is following a precedent that appears repeatedly throughout history (9:30–10:21). The Jews did not seek righteousness by faith, and thus never found it. They based their righteousness on the law and thus stumbled over their own Messiah (9:30-33).<\/p>\nThird, he argues that since a “remnant” of Israel has already believed the gospel, it is a clear indication that Israel as a whole will yet do so (11:1-16, 26). So, even though he says that God has rejected Israel, he argues that God has not rejected them finally and irrevocably. He has broken them off the cultivated branch of the Abrahamic promise, but he has not rejected his people. The elect (remnant) obtained what it sought, but the rest were hardened for a period of time until they could be provoked to jealousy by the Gentiles’ inclusion into the kingdom. So Israel’s alienation is not necessarily final.<\/p>\nFourth, Paul argues that since Israel’s rejection has been such a blessing for the inclusion of the Gentiles, the scenario of their conversion in large numbers would be like a resurrection from the dead. This argument runs throughout the rest of the chapter (11:17-36). The Gentiles should not be haughty, because Israel stumbled so as to make their inclusion possible (vv 17-19). Israel did not stumble just so they could fall (v 11); their fall was a blessing to Gentiles and was a part of the purpose of God. And God, who broke them off for their unbelief, will be able to regraft them back into the tree from which they were cut off, if they do not persist in their unbelief.<\/p>\nChapters 12–16 deal with the pragmatic implications of Paul’s impressive arguments. Thus the chapter begins with “I appeal to you therefore . . .” (12:1). What follows is a lengthy list of Christian virtues and responsibilities. Paul frequently includes advice in his letters so as to assist the young converts in their transition from paganism into the Judeo-Christian ethical and moral value system. He often even modifies some behavior patterns among Jewish converts. Chapter 13 discusses the important relationship that should exist between Christians in the capital city of the Roman Empire and their government officials. They should recognize that civil government is, as such, ordained by God and has a right to exist even if those who hold the offices are corrupt. They are God’s servants to execute judgment on the disobedient (13:4). Chapter 14 encourages Christians enjoying freedom in Christ to live without influencing others to violate their own consciences in various matters, such as eating meat. Nor should those with weaker consciences try to restrict others who have found this precious freedom. Mutual love and respect is the mark of a true disciple of Christ. Chapter 15 contains Paul’s travel plans and his understanding of his role as a priestly minister to Gentiles, offering their conversion to God symbolically on the altar at Jerusalem in the form of a large collection of money taken up among the Gentile churches. Chapter 16 closes typically with greetings and commendations from various individuals. Twenty-seven people are greeted by name.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Paul, The Apostle.<\/p>","summary_ro":"ROMANS, Letter to the Preview • Author • Date, Origin, and Destination • Background • Audience • Purpose and Theological Teaching • Content Author Written in the first person (Rom 1:5, 10, etc.), this epistle was authored by the apostle Paul. (The first words of the first verse are “Paul, a slave of Christ Jesus, called an apostle.”) The actual transcription of the letter, however, was done by Tertius (16:22), who acted as Paul’s amanuensis (secretary). The letter’s authenticity has never bee...","summary_en":"ROMANS, Letter to the Preview • Author • Date, Origin, and Destination • Background • Audience • Purpose and Theological Teaching • Content Author Written in the first person (Rom 1:5, 10, etc.), this epistle was authored by the apostle Paul. (The first words of the first verse are “Paul, a slave of Christ Jesus, called an apostle.”) The actual transcription of the letter, however, was done by Tertius (16:22), who acted as Paul’s amanuensis (secretary). The letter’s authenticity has never bee...","source":"Articles\/R.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":35924,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Sopater","title_en":"Sopater","content_ro":"<h3>SOPATER<\/h3>\nMan from the church at Berea who, with others, accompanied Paul to Jerusalem to deliver the offering collected by the gentile churches for the Jewish Christians who were suffering from the effects of a famine (Acts 20:4). Sopater is perhaps identical to Sosipater, the kinsman of Paul who sent greetings to the church at Rome (Rom 16:21).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>SOPATER<\/h3>\nMan from the church at Berea who, with others, accompanied Paul to Jerusalem to deliver the offering collected by the gentile churches for the Jewish Christians who were suffering from the effects of a famine (Acts 20:4). Sopater is perhaps identical to Sosipater, the kinsman of Paul who sent greetings to the church at Rome (Rom 16:21).<\/p>","summary_ro":"SOPATER Man from the church at Berea who, with others, accompanied Paul to Jerusalem to deliver the offering collected by the gentile churches for the Jewish Christians who were suffering from the effects of a famine (Acts 20:4). Sopater is perhaps identical to Sosipater, the kinsman of Paul who sent greetings to the church at Rome (Rom 16:21).","summary_en":"SOPATER Man from the church at Berea who, with others, accompanied Paul to Jerusalem to deliver the offering collected by the gentile churches for the Jewish Christians who were suffering from the effects of a famine (Acts 20:4). Sopater is perhaps identical to Sosipater, the kinsman of Paul who sent greetings to the church at Rome (Rom 16:21).","source":"Articles\/S.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":35945,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Sosipater","title_en":"Sosipater","content_ro":"<h3>SOSIPATER<\/h3>\nJewish Christian who joined Paul, Timothy, Lucius, and Jason in sending greetings to the church at Rome (Rom 16:21).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>SOSIPATER<\/h3>\nJewish Christian who joined Paul, Timothy, Lucius, and Jason in sending greetings to the church at Rome (Rom 16:21).<\/p>","summary_ro":"SOSIPATER Jewish Christian who joined Paul, Timothy, Lucius, and Jason in sending greetings to the church at Rome (Rom 16:21).","summary_en":"SOSIPATER Jewish Christian who joined Paul, Timothy, Lucius, and Jason in sending greetings to the church at Rome (Rom 16:21).","source":"Articles\/S.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":37338,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Timothy (Person)","title_en":"Timothy (Person)","content_ro":"<h3>TIMOTHY (Person<\/span>)<\/h3>\nPaul’s convert and companion, whose name means “one who honors God.”<\/p>\nTimothy first appears in Acts 16:1-3 as Paul’s disciple whose mother “was a believer; but his father was a Greek” (v 1). He was a third-generation Christian after his mother, Eunice, and grandmother, Lois (2 Tm 1:5). The apostle Paul, undoubtedly Timothy’s spiritual father, refers to him as “my true child in the faith” (1 Tm 1:2); he perhaps converted Timothy on his first or second missionary journey. The son of a Greek (or Gentile) father, Timothy was yet uncircumcised; however, when Paul decided to take Timothy with him on the second journey, he had him circumcised so as not to hinder their missionary endeavors among the Jews.<\/p>\nTimothy, who was well spoken of by the believers at Lystra and Iconium (Acts 16:2), became Paul’s companion and assistant on his second missionary journey at Lystra. He traveled with Paul into Europe following the Macedonian vision. When Paul decided to go to Athens, he left Silas and Timothy at Berea to establish the church there (17:14). Timothy and Silas eventually joined Paul in Corinth (18:5). He next appears with Paul in Ephesus on his third journey (19:22), from where Paul sends him into Macedonia ahead of himself. In the last mention of Timothy in Acts 20:4, he was included in the list of goodwill ambassadors who were to accompany Paul to Jerusalem with the offering for the Christian Jews.<\/p>\nTimothy is often mentioned in the Pauline letters. His name is included in the introductory salutations of 2 Corinthians, Philippians, Colossians, 1 and 2 Thessalonians, and Philemon. Timothy’s presence with Paul when he wrote these letters confirms the accuracy of the references to him in Acts. He was in Corinth on the second journey when Paul wrote 1 and 2 Thessalonians, at Ephesus on the third journey when Paul wrote 2 Corinthians, and in Rome during Paul’s first Roman imprisonment, when he wrote Philippians, Colossians, and Philemon. He is mentioned in the introductions of 1 and 2 Timothy as the recipient of those two letters.<\/p>\nIn the closing salutations of Romans 16:21, Timothy is listed along with others who send their good wishes to the believers in Rome. In 1 Corinthians 4:17 and 16:10, Paul speaks words of praise for Timothy as he sends him with a message to Corinth (see also Phil 2:19-23; 1 Thes 3:2-6). In 2 Corinthians 1:19 Timothy is named, along with Paul and Silas, as men who were proclaiming the good news about Jesus Christ. Paul put Timothy in charge of the church at Ephesus and wrote him two pastoral letters to help him perform that responsible task.<\/p>\nIn Hebrews 13:23 the author (probably not Paul) tells his readers that Timothy had been released from prison, and that he hoped to come with Timothy to visit the readers of that letter. By this note, we know that Timothy experienced imprisonment.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Timothy, First Letter to; Timothy, Second Letter to.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>TIMOTHY (Person<\/span>)<\/h3>\nPaul’s convert and companion, whose name means “one who honors God.”<\/p>\nTimothy first appears in Acts 16:1-3 as Paul’s disciple whose mother “was a believer; but his father was a Greek” (v 1). He was a third-generation Christian after his mother, Eunice, and grandmother, Lois (2 Tm 1:5). The apostle Paul, undoubtedly Timothy’s spiritual father, refers to him as “my true child in the faith” (1 Tm 1:2); he perhaps converted Timothy on his first or second missionary journey. The son of a Greek (or Gentile) father, Timothy was yet uncircumcised; however, when Paul decided to take Timothy with him on the second journey, he had him circumcised so as not to hinder their missionary endeavors among the Jews.<\/p>\nTimothy, who was well spoken of by the believers at Lystra and Iconium (Acts 16:2), became Paul’s companion and assistant on his second missionary journey at Lystra. He traveled with Paul into Europe following the Macedonian vision. When Paul decided to go to Athens, he left Silas and Timothy at Berea to establish the church there (17:14). Timothy and Silas eventually joined Paul in Corinth (18:5). He next appears with Paul in Ephesus on his third journey (19:22), from where Paul sends him into Macedonia ahead of himself. In the last mention of Timothy in Acts 20:4, he was included in the list of goodwill ambassadors who were to accompany Paul to Jerusalem with the offering for the Christian Jews.<\/p>\nTimothy is often mentioned in the Pauline letters. His name is included in the introductory salutations of 2 Corinthians, Philippians, Colossians, 1 and 2 Thessalonians, and Philemon. Timothy’s presence with Paul when he wrote these letters confirms the accuracy of the references to him in Acts. He was in Corinth on the second journey when Paul wrote 1 and 2 Thessalonians, at Ephesus on the third journey when Paul wrote 2 Corinthians, and in Rome during Paul’s first Roman imprisonment, when he wrote Philippians, Colossians, and Philemon. He is mentioned in the introductions of 1 and 2 Timothy as the recipient of those two letters.<\/p>\nIn the closing salutations of Romans 16:21, Timothy is listed along with others who send their good wishes to the believers in Rome. In 1 Corinthians 4:17 and 16:10, Paul speaks words of praise for Timothy as he sends him with a message to Corinth (see also Phil 2:19-23; 1 Thes 3:2-6). In 2 Corinthians 1:19 Timothy is named, along with Paul and Silas, as men who were proclaiming the good news about Jesus Christ. Paul put Timothy in charge of the church at Ephesus and wrote him two pastoral letters to help him perform that responsible task.<\/p>\nIn Hebrews 13:23 the author (probably not Paul) tells his readers that Timothy had been released from prison, and that he hoped to come with Timothy to visit the readers of that letter. By this note, we know that Timothy experienced imprisonment.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Timothy, First Letter to; Timothy, Second Letter to.<\/p>","summary_ro":"TIMOTHY (Person) Paul’s convert and companion, whose name means “one who honors God.” Timothy first appears in Acts 16:1-3 as Paul’s disciple whose mother “was a believer; but his father was a Greek” (v 1). He was a third-generation Christian after his mother, Eunice, and grandmother, Lois (2 Tm 1:5). The apostle Paul, undoubtedly Timothy’s spiritual father, refers to him as “my true child in the faith” (1 Tm 1:2); he perhaps converted Timothy on his first or second missionary journey. The so...","summary_en":"TIMOTHY (Person) Paul’s convert and companion, whose name means “one who honors God.” Timothy first appears in Acts 16:1-3 as Paul’s disciple whose mother “was a believer; but his father was a Greek” (v 1). He was a third-generation Christian after his mother, Eunice, and grandmother, Lois (2 Tm 1:5). The apostle Paul, undoubtedly Timothy’s spiritual father, refers to him as “my true child in the faith” (1 Tm 1:2); he perhaps converted Timothy on his first or second missionary journey. The so...","source":"Articles\/T.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":57441,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:21","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:21","content_ro":"16:21<\/strong> Timothy<\/em> was one of Paul’s closest ministry associates. Timothy accompanied Paul on his second missionary journey (Acts 16:2-3) and was with Paul in Corinth while Paul wrote this letter to the Roman church (see Acts 20:2-4).<\/p>","content_en":"16:21<\/strong> Timothy<\/em> was one of Paul’s closest ministry associates. Timothy accompanied Paul on his second missionary journey (Acts 16:2-3) and was with Paul in Corinth while Paul wrote this letter to the Roman church (see Acts 20:2-4).<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:21 Timothy was one of Paul’s closest ministry associates. Timothy accompanied Paul on his second missionary journey (Acts 16:2-3) and was with Paul in Corinth while Paul wrote this letter to the Roman church (see Acts 20:2-4).","summary_en":"16:21 Timothy was one of Paul’s closest ministry associates. Timothy accompanied Paul on his second missionary journey (Acts 16:2-3) and was with Paul in Corinth while Paul wrote this letter to the Roman church (see Acts 20:2-4).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":85067,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:21","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:21","content_ro":"16:21<\/strong> Timothy<\/em> was one of Paul’s closest ministry associates. Timothy accompanied Paul on his second missionary journey (Acts 16:2-3) and was with Paul in Corinth while Paul wrote this letter to the Roman church (see Acts 20:2-4).<\/p>","content_en":"16:21<\/strong> Timothy<\/em> was one of Paul’s closest ministry associates. Timothy accompanied Paul on his second missionary journey (Acts 16:2-3) and was with Paul in Corinth while Paul wrote this letter to the Roman church (see Acts 20:2-4).<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:21 Timothy was one of Paul’s closest ministry associates. Timothy accompanied Paul on his second missionary journey (Acts 16:2-3) and was with Paul in Corinth while Paul wrote this letter to the Roman church (see Acts 20:2-4).","summary_en":"16:21 Timothy was one of Paul’s closest ministry associates. Timothy accompanied Paul on his second missionary journey (Acts 16:2-3) and was with Paul in Corinth while Paul wrote this letter to the Roman church (see Acts 20:2-4).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":112693,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:21","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:21","content_ro":"16:21<\/strong> Timothy<\/em> was one of Paul’s closest ministry associates. Timothy accompanied Paul on his second missionary journey (Acts 16:2-3) and was with Paul in Corinth while Paul wrote this letter to the Roman church (see Acts 20:2-4).<\/p>","content_en":"16:21<\/strong> Timothy<\/em> was one of Paul’s closest ministry associates. Timothy accompanied Paul on his second missionary journey (Acts 16:2-3) and was with Paul in Corinth while Paul wrote this letter to the Roman church (see Acts 20:2-4).<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:21 Timothy was one of Paul’s closest ministry associates. Timothy accompanied Paul on his second missionary journey (Acts 16:2-3) and was with Paul in Corinth while Paul wrote this letter to the Roman church (see Acts 20:2-4).","summary_en":"16:21 Timothy was one of Paul’s closest ministry associates. Timothy accompanied Paul on his second missionary journey (Acts 16:2-3) and was with Paul in Corinth while Paul wrote this letter to the Roman church (see Acts 20:2-4).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":140319,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:21","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:21","content_ro":"16:21<\/strong> Timothy<\/em> was one of Paul’s closest ministry associates. Timothy accompanied Paul on his second missionary journey (Acts 16:2-3) and was with Paul in Corinth while Paul wrote this letter to the Roman church (see Acts 20:2-4).<\/p>","content_en":"16:21<\/strong> Timothy<\/em> was one of Paul’s closest ministry associates. Timothy accompanied Paul on his second missionary journey (Acts 16:2-3) and was with Paul in Corinth while Paul wrote this letter to the Roman church (see Acts 20:2-4).<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:21 Timothy was one of Paul’s closest ministry associates. Timothy accompanied Paul on his second missionary journey (Acts 16:2-3) and was with Paul in Corinth while Paul wrote this letter to the Roman church (see Acts 20:2-4).","summary_en":"16:21 Timothy was one of Paul’s closest ministry associates. Timothy accompanied Paul on his second missionary journey (Acts 16:2-3) and was with Paul in Corinth while Paul wrote this letter to the Roman church (see Acts 20:2-4).","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"22":[{"id":33202,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Letter to the Romans","title_en":"Letter to the Romans","content_ro":"<h3>ROMANS, Letter to the<\/h3>\nPreview<\/p>\n• Author<\/p>\n• Date, Origin, and Destination<\/p>\n• Background<\/p>\n• Audience<\/p>\n• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n• Content<\/p>\nAuthor<\/p>\nWritten in the first person (Rom 1:5, 10, etc.), this epistle was authored by the apostle Paul. (The first words of the first verse are “Paul, a slave of Christ Jesus, called an apostle.”) The actual transcription of the letter, however, was done by Tertius (16:22), who acted as Paul’s amanuensis (secretary). The letter’s authenticity has never been disputed by reputable scholarship, liberal or conservative, and Romans stands at the head of virtually every ancient list or collection of Pauline letters.<\/p>\nDate, Origin, and Destination<\/p>\nThe destination of the letter is stated to be Rome (1:7). That Paul was in Corinth at the time of the writing seems clear from his reference to Erastus in 16:23 as the treasurer of the city. An inscription in the stone pavement beside the large theater in Corinth states that it was laid by Erastus, the city treasurer, in appreciation for his election. This could hardly be coincidental. Erastus evidently remained in Corinth, because it is mentioned as his home (2 Tm 4:20). Furthermore, Paul refers to Gaius as his host at the time he wrote Romans (Rom 16:23), probably the same Gaius who lived in Corinth (1 Cor 1:14). Finally, Phoebe, likely the carrier of this epistle, was a deaconess of the church at Cenchrea, the eastern port of Corinth (Rom 16:1).<\/p>\nFrom the epistle itself we can determine when Paul wrote it. Romans 15:23-28 indicates that Paul was just about ready to make his visit to Jerusalem with a contribution for its Christian poor from the churches of Macedonia and Achaia, after which his purpose was to visit Rome on his way to Spain (15:23-28). He carried this contribution with him from Corinth, at the close of his third visit to that city, which lasted three months (Acts 20:2, 23; 24:17). On this occasion certain persons accompanied him from Corinth, whose names are given by the historian of Acts (20:4), and four of these are expressly mentioned in this epistle as being with the apostle when he wrote it—Timothy, Sosipater, Gaius, and Erastus (Rom 16:21, 23). Paul’s visit to Jerusalem is usually dated around AD<\/span> 57–58. As such, the Epistle to the Romans was written around the same time.<\/p>\nBackground<\/p>\nIn a previous visit to Corinth, during his second missionary journey, Paul established the church there and remained in the city for 18 months (Acts 18:1, 11). His arrival coincided with the arrival of Priscilla and Aquila, who had recently come from Rome. At the end of his 18-month stay, Paul was brought before the newly appointed proconsul, Gallio (Acts 18:12), whose arrival can be dated from the Gallio inscription found at Delphi to the spring of AD<\/span> 51. Thus, Paul arrived in Corinth in the winter of AD<\/span> 49.<\/p>\nLeaving the city, he returned to Antioch, gave a report on his work, and set out on his last journey to collect the contribution for Jerusalem from the Gentile churches (Rom 15:25-29), for which he had previously prepared (1 Cor 16:1; 2 Cor 9:5). Continued problems in Corinth (1 Cor 1:11; 7:1) necessitated his return to the city (Acts 20:3), at which time he wrote Romans. It is clear from the last two chapters of the letter that he planned to take the contribution to Jerusalem almost immediately and from there go on to Rome (Rom 15:23-24). The occasion for the letter, therefore, is to alert the Romans to his coming so that they can assist him in his journey to Spain (15:24, 28). Rome was the only church, other than Colosse, which Paul did not establish. His letter, consequently, does not reflect awareness of specific problems in the membership there.<\/p>\nAudience<\/p>\nThe Roman church at this time was composed of both Jewish and Gentile believers. The church was probably started by Jewish believers who were at Jerusalem on the Day of Pentecost (Acts 2:10) and were among the 3,000 converts. Evidently, some of these took the gospel back with them to Rome. Probably some of the believers addressed in the salutations of the epistle were Christians already of long standing, if not among the earliest converts to the Christian faith. Thus, it is not improbable that up to the time of the apostle’s arrival, the Christian community at Rome had been dependent upon its own members for the increase of its numbers, aided perhaps by occasional visits from preachers.<\/p>\n\nEvidently, the gospel had gone out to Gentiles, because there were Gentiles in the church, as is evidenced by Paul’s remarks throughout the letter. In fact, it is clear that the apostle wrote to them expressly as to a Gentile church (Rom 1:13, 15; 15:15-16). Perhaps the major constituency of the Gentiles were “God-fearers” (see Acts 10:2).<\/p>\nPurpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\nOf all the epistles of Paul, this is the most elaborate and, at the same time, the most glowing. It has just as much in common with a theological treatise as with a personal, heartfelt epistle. The major theme running throughout the book is that both Jew and Gentile have fallen short of God’s glory and stand in need of salvation (Rom 3:21-31). God’s righteousness has not been revealed only to the Jew—because God is not God only to the Jews but to the Gentiles as well, since there is only one God (3:29). He will justify the Jews on the basis of the saving work of Christ at Calvary, and the Gentiles on the basis of that same act of faithfulness to Abraham’s promise (v 30). Their common faith gives them access to this grace (5:2). The gospel is thus to the Jew first and also to the Greek (1:16).<\/p>\nOnce a person believes, that person is justified before God (chs 1–3). This new relationship with God provides the believer with a new life in Christ and makes him or her a part of God’s people (chs 4–8). This is the deepest and most difficult part of the whole epistle; it carries us directly to the eternal springs of grace, sovereign love, and the inscrutable purposes of God. After this, we are told about the calling of the Gentiles, the preservation of a faithful Jewish remnant amidst the general unbelief and the fall of the nation, and the ultimate recovery of all Israel to constitute, with the Gentiles in the latter day, one universal church of God upon earth (chs 9–11). The remainder of the epistle is devoted to the practical application (in church life) of the truths previously revealed (chs 12–15). And then the epistle concludes with Paul’s heartfelt salutations to several different believers in Rome (ch 16).<\/p>\nContent<\/p>\n<h5>Overview<\/h5>\nThe thematic statement of the first eight chapters of the letter is set forth in 1:17: “It is through faith that a righteous person has life” (nlt<\/span>). This quotation from Habakkuk 2:4 sets Paul’s teaching on faith over against that of the OT on works. Thus, he affirms the fact that his teaching on faith is not new but is squarely rooted in the OT prophets. What was new was that the Gentiles would be fellow citizens with the Jews on the basis of faith in Christ (Eph 3:5-6). They would not have to become proselytes to Judaism in order to be acceptable to God, as some Jewish Christians demanded (Acts 15:1). This was the mystery of which Paul spoke in Ephesians (Eph 3:6).<\/p>\nThe first part of the epistle dwells on the theme that righteousness is attained by faith. The first three chapters demonstrate that Jew and Gentile are under sin and that the redemption of Christ is applicable to both (Rom 3:21-22). The fourth chapter demonstrates that Abraham is the father of Gentiles as well as Jews, because he is the spiritual father of believing Israel just as he is of believing Gentiles. Then, in chapters 5–8, Paul deals with the latter part of the theme of how a justifed person lives<\/em> by faith. Whether Jew or Gentile, the person who accepts the righteous acts of God on Calvary through Christ will live free from the wrath of God (ch 5), the power of sin (ch 6), the enslaving power of the law (ch 7), and the power of death (ch 8).<\/p>\nIn chapters 9–11, Paul discusses the nation of Israel “according to the flesh” (physical Jews) in relation to the future purpose of God, concluding that God has not cast off his people who were Israelites descended from Abraham (11:1-2). He can regraft them back into the tree from which they have been cut off, if they will accept Jesus as their Messiah (v 23).<\/p>\nThen in his closing section, he discusses the implications of the first 11 chapters for everyday Christian living (chs 12–16), closing the book with a reminder of the importance of the “offering of the Gentiles” through his own ministry (ch 15).<\/p>\n<h5>In Detail<\/h5>\nIn the first chapter Paul argues that the pagan Gentile world was in a state of rebellion against God, and the wrath of God had been revealed against their ungodliness (1:18). Even though God had given sufficient revelation of his existence to them in the world of nature, they had nevertheless become polytheistic and idolatrous, with all the accompanying moral degradations (vv 20-23). Thus, three times Paul emphasizes that God gave them up to their lusts (v 24), to dishonorable passions (v 26), and to a base mind and improper conduct (v 28). The meaning is that he passed over their sins (3:25), overlooked their spiritual ignorance of his true existence (Acts 17:30), and did not put a stop to such idolatry (7:42).<\/p>\nThe Jews fared little better because, even though they had received the law of Moses containing a revelation of the will of God for their nation, they had not kept the law (2:17-29). Even the Gentiles had those among them who did by nature the things contained in the law and were acceptable because their consciences were pure (vv 14-15). For a Jew, keeping the law was insufficient unless he did so as a spiritual conviction, not as a mere legal requirement (v 29). God-fearing Gentiles who kept the essence of the law were a model for condemning the Jews who did not (vv 14, 27). However, the faithlessness of the chosen nation did not nullify the faithfulness of God to the fulfillment of the promise to Abraham (3:3). Although the Jew had every advantage over the Gentile, he was no better off because both had given themselves over to the power of sin (vv 1, 9). The situation now was that “all have sinned [both Jew and Gentile] and fall short of the glory of God” (v 23, rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\nGod had therefore made Christ the Redeemer for the sins of the world (3:21-31). The righteousness of God had been manifested apart from the law, through the “faith of Christ” (v 22; i.e., the faithfulness of Christ to the promise) and was available to the Gentile as well as Jew on the basis of personal faith. If this righteousness were available only through keeping the commandments of the law, as good and holy as it was (7:12), then God was a God of Jews only and not of Gentiles, because the law was given to the Jews (3:29). But God is also the God of the Gentiles and justifies the Jew on the basis of Christ’s faithfulness, and the Gentile on the basis of that same faithful act. Christ died for all who believe in him (v 22). Thus God’s righteousness was manifested through Christ’s faithfulness (vv 3, 22) and provides the basis of salvation for everyone who believes (5:9).<\/p>\nSeveral times in the fourth chapter Paul insists that Abraham was the father of the Jews and of the Gentiles (vv 11-12, 16-18). Christ’s faithfulness to the promise to Abraham that all nations (Gentiles) would be blessed through his seed (the descendants of Isaac) enabled Abraham to become the father of all nations, that is, of all who believe (v 11).<\/p>\nHaving laid this broad theological base, Paul then argues that the impact of this justification or righteousness is that all believers experience salvation from the wrath of God and thereby experience peace (5:1, 9). Sin entered the world through the first transgression and passed to all people (v 12). Justification, however, was brought by the second Adam, Christ, who gives salvation to those who believe and receive the abundance of his grace (vv 16-18).<\/p>\nThe function of the law was not to save the Jew. It was added because of transgressions (Gal 3:19); it served to intensify the awareness of sin, present in all people, to the point of transgression of the law (Rom 5:20). Sin used the law to deceive and destroy those who tried to keep it (7:11). Paul had known what it was to covet before he knew the law, but when he became subject to the dictates and penalties of the law at age 12 or 13, the commandment against covetousness became even more demanding and destroyed him (7:11). After the law was known, the penalty for its disobedience was fully applicable. Sin had been intensified because it became a transgression of the law. This very fact caused the need for greater grace, because where sin abounded, grace abounded all the more (5:20). But it would be a gross perversion of what it means to live free from wrath, law, sin, and death to argue that one should therefore continue in sin that grace may abound (6:1). Paul argues that those who have been justified and saved by Christ have died to the power of sin, which no longer has enslaving power (vv 2, 6). The key thought here is that sin (i.e., Satan—sin personified) cannot exercise dominion over the believer (vv 9, 14); it cannot reign over him (v 12) and make him its slave (vv 17, 20).<\/p>\nIn addition to being liberated from God’s anger, the law, and sin, those who have been justified by faith have been freed from death, and God will give life to their mortal bodies through his Spirit (8:2, 11). If they live according to the flesh, they will die; but if they live by the Spirit, they will enjoy a liberating life (vv 6-13). Not even death will be able to separate them from the love of Christ (v 38). The Spirit leads them and helps in their human infirmity, praying and interceding for them just as Christ does (vv 14, 26, 34).<\/p>\nPaul does not discuss the pragmatic application of these theological principles until chapter 12. In between, he deals with the issue of how and why the Jews could have rejected the Messiah. How is it that they, of all people on earth, with the history of God’s personal involvement with them, could have rejected the Promised One? Chapters 9–11 focus on this important question.<\/p>\nPaul’s answer is fourfold. First, it was God’s purpose by election. He chose Israel, knowing what would happen in the future. These were physical Jews, Israelites, who enjoyed all the special relationships to God that an elect people could experience: sonship, glory, covenants, the law, worship, the promises, the patriarchs, and Christ (9:1-5). God had elected them just as he had chosen Jacob over Esau before either was born, just as he had hardened the heart of Pharaoh, just as the potter molds the clay into the vessel he desires (9:6-26). It had nothing to do with their character or inherent worth; it was strictly a matter of God’s purpose for them. There is no injustice on God’s part in making this choice, because it was necessary in order for God to show his power through them so that his name might be proclaimed in all the earth. He had chosen Israel to serve his purposes just as he had chosen Pharaoh and Jacob and Moses; their salvation was a matter of faith (Heb 11). After all, only a remnant of Israel ever really believed (Rom 9:27-29).<\/p>\nSecond, Paul argues that Israel, in rejecting the Messiah and his gospel, is following a precedent that appears repeatedly throughout history (9:30–10:21). The Jews did not seek righteousness by faith, and thus never found it. They based their righteousness on the law and thus stumbled over their own Messiah (9:30-33).<\/p>\nThird, he argues that since a “remnant” of Israel has already believed the gospel, it is a clear indication that Israel as a whole will yet do so (11:1-16, 26). So, even though he says that God has rejected Israel, he argues that God has not rejected them finally and irrevocably. He has broken them off the cultivated branch of the Abrahamic promise, but he has not rejected his people. The elect (remnant) obtained what it sought, but the rest were hardened for a period of time until they could be provoked to jealousy by the Gentiles’ inclusion into the kingdom. So Israel’s alienation is not necessarily final.<\/p>\nFourth, Paul argues that since Israel’s rejection has been such a blessing for the inclusion of the Gentiles, the scenario of their conversion in large numbers would be like a resurrection from the dead. This argument runs throughout the rest of the chapter (11:17-36). The Gentiles should not be haughty, because Israel stumbled so as to make their inclusion possible (vv 17-19). Israel did not stumble just so they could fall (v 11); their fall was a blessing to Gentiles and was a part of the purpose of God. And God, who broke them off for their unbelief, will be able to regraft them back into the tree from which they were cut off, if they do not persist in their unbelief.<\/p>\nChapters 12–16 deal with the pragmatic implications of Paul’s impressive arguments. Thus the chapter begins with “I appeal to you therefore . . .” (12:1). What follows is a lengthy list of Christian virtues and responsibilities. Paul frequently includes advice in his letters so as to assist the young converts in their transition from paganism into the Judeo-Christian ethical and moral value system. He often even modifies some behavior patterns among Jewish converts. Chapter 13 discusses the important relationship that should exist between Christians in the capital city of the Roman Empire and their government officials. They should recognize that civil government is, as such, ordained by God and has a right to exist even if those who hold the offices are corrupt. They are God’s servants to execute judgment on the disobedient (13:4). Chapter 14 encourages Christians enjoying freedom in Christ to live without influencing others to violate their own consciences in various matters, such as eating meat. Nor should those with weaker consciences try to restrict others who have found this precious freedom. Mutual love and respect is the mark of a true disciple of Christ. Chapter 15 contains Paul’s travel plans and his understanding of his role as a priestly minister to Gentiles, offering their conversion to God symbolically on the altar at Jerusalem in the form of a large collection of money taken up among the Gentile churches. Chapter 16 closes typically with greetings and commendations from various individuals. Twenty-seven people are greeted by name.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Paul, The Apostle.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>ROMANS, Letter to the<\/h3>\nPreview<\/p>\n• Author<\/p>\n• Date, Origin, and Destination<\/p>\n• Background<\/p>\n• Audience<\/p>\n• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n• Content<\/p>\nAuthor<\/p>\nWritten in the first person (Rom 1:5, 10, etc.), this epistle was authored by the apostle Paul. (The first words of the first verse are “Paul, a slave of Christ Jesus, called an apostle.”) The actual transcription of the letter, however, was done by Tertius (16:22), who acted as Paul’s amanuensis (secretary). The letter’s authenticity has never been disputed by reputable scholarship, liberal or conservative, and Romans stands at the head of virtually every ancient list or collection of Pauline letters.<\/p>\nDate, Origin, and Destination<\/p>\nThe destination of the letter is stated to be Rome (1:7). That Paul was in Corinth at the time of the writing seems clear from his reference to Erastus in 16:23 as the treasurer of the city. An inscription in the stone pavement beside the large theater in Corinth states that it was laid by Erastus, the city treasurer, in appreciation for his election. This could hardly be coincidental. Erastus evidently remained in Corinth, because it is mentioned as his home (2 Tm 4:20). Furthermore, Paul refers to Gaius as his host at the time he wrote Romans (Rom 16:23), probably the same Gaius who lived in Corinth (1 Cor 1:14). Finally, Phoebe, likely the carrier of this epistle, was a deaconess of the church at Cenchrea, the eastern port of Corinth (Rom 16:1).<\/p>\nFrom the epistle itself we can determine when Paul wrote it. Romans 15:23-28 indicates that Paul was just about ready to make his visit to Jerusalem with a contribution for its Christian poor from the churches of Macedonia and Achaia, after which his purpose was to visit Rome on his way to Spain (15:23-28). He carried this contribution with him from Corinth, at the close of his third visit to that city, which lasted three months (Acts 20:2, 23; 24:17). On this occasion certain persons accompanied him from Corinth, whose names are given by the historian of Acts (20:4), and four of these are expressly mentioned in this epistle as being with the apostle when he wrote it—Timothy, Sosipater, Gaius, and Erastus (Rom 16:21, 23). Paul’s visit to Jerusalem is usually dated around AD<\/span> 57–58. As such, the Epistle to the Romans was written around the same time.<\/p>\nBackground<\/p>\nIn a previous visit to Corinth, during his second missionary journey, Paul established the church there and remained in the city for 18 months (Acts 18:1, 11). His arrival coincided with the arrival of Priscilla and Aquila, who had recently come from Rome. At the end of his 18-month stay, Paul was brought before the newly appointed proconsul, Gallio (Acts 18:12), whose arrival can be dated from the Gallio inscription found at Delphi to the spring of AD<\/span> 51. Thus, Paul arrived in Corinth in the winter of AD<\/span> 49.<\/p>\nLeaving the city, he returned to Antioch, gave a report on his work, and set out on his last journey to collect the contribution for Jerusalem from the Gentile churches (Rom 15:25-29), for which he had previously prepared (1 Cor 16:1; 2 Cor 9:5). Continued problems in Corinth (1 Cor 1:11; 7:1) necessitated his return to the city (Acts 20:3), at which time he wrote Romans. It is clear from the last two chapters of the letter that he planned to take the contribution to Jerusalem almost immediately and from there go on to Rome (Rom 15:23-24). The occasion for the letter, therefore, is to alert the Romans to his coming so that they can assist him in his journey to Spain (15:24, 28). Rome was the only church, other than Colosse, which Paul did not establish. His letter, consequently, does not reflect awareness of specific problems in the membership there.<\/p>\nAudience<\/p>\nThe Roman church at this time was composed of both Jewish and Gentile believers. The church was probably started by Jewish believers who were at Jerusalem on the Day of Pentecost (Acts 2:10) and were among the 3,000 converts. Evidently, some of these took the gospel back with them to Rome. Probably some of the believers addressed in the salutations of the epistle were Christians already of long standing, if not among the earliest converts to the Christian faith. Thus, it is not improbable that up to the time of the apostle’s arrival, the Christian community at Rome had been dependent upon its own members for the increase of its numbers, aided perhaps by occasional visits from preachers.<\/p>\n\nEvidently, the gospel had gone out to Gentiles, because there were Gentiles in the church, as is evidenced by Paul’s remarks throughout the letter. In fact, it is clear that the apostle wrote to them expressly as to a Gentile church (Rom 1:13, 15; 15:15-16). Perhaps the major constituency of the Gentiles were “God-fearers” (see Acts 10:2).<\/p>\nPurpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\nOf all the epistles of Paul, this is the most elaborate and, at the same time, the most glowing. It has just as much in common with a theological treatise as with a personal, heartfelt epistle. The major theme running throughout the book is that both Jew and Gentile have fallen short of God’s glory and stand in need of salvation (Rom 3:21-31). God’s righteousness has not been revealed only to the Jew—because God is not God only to the Jews but to the Gentiles as well, since there is only one God (3:29). He will justify the Jews on the basis of the saving work of Christ at Calvary, and the Gentiles on the basis of that same act of faithfulness to Abraham’s promise (v 30). Their common faith gives them access to this grace (5:2). The gospel is thus to the Jew first and also to the Greek (1:16).<\/p>\nOnce a person believes, that person is justified before God (chs 1–3). This new relationship with God provides the believer with a new life in Christ and makes him or her a part of God’s people (chs 4–8). This is the deepest and most difficult part of the whole epistle; it carries us directly to the eternal springs of grace, sovereign love, and the inscrutable purposes of God. After this, we are told about the calling of the Gentiles, the preservation of a faithful Jewish remnant amidst the general unbelief and the fall of the nation, and the ultimate recovery of all Israel to constitute, with the Gentiles in the latter day, one universal church of God upon earth (chs 9–11). The remainder of the epistle is devoted to the practical application (in church life) of the truths previously revealed (chs 12–15). And then the epistle concludes with Paul’s heartfelt salutations to several different believers in Rome (ch 16).<\/p>\nContent<\/p>\n<h5>Overview<\/h5>\nThe thematic statement of the first eight chapters of the letter is set forth in 1:17: “It is through faith that a righteous person has life” (nlt<\/span>). This quotation from Habakkuk 2:4 sets Paul’s teaching on faith over against that of the OT on works. Thus, he affirms the fact that his teaching on faith is not new but is squarely rooted in the OT prophets. What was new was that the Gentiles would be fellow citizens with the Jews on the basis of faith in Christ (Eph 3:5-6). They would not have to become proselytes to Judaism in order to be acceptable to God, as some Jewish Christians demanded (Acts 15:1). This was the mystery of which Paul spoke in Ephesians (Eph 3:6).<\/p>\nThe first part of the epistle dwells on the theme that righteousness is attained by faith. The first three chapters demonstrate that Jew and Gentile are under sin and that the redemption of Christ is applicable to both (Rom 3:21-22). The fourth chapter demonstrates that Abraham is the father of Gentiles as well as Jews, because he is the spiritual father of believing Israel just as he is of believing Gentiles. Then, in chapters 5–8, Paul deals with the latter part of the theme of how a justifed person lives<\/em> by faith. Whether Jew or Gentile, the person who accepts the righteous acts of God on Calvary through Christ will live free from the wrath of God (ch 5), the power of sin (ch 6), the enslaving power of the law (ch 7), and the power of death (ch 8).<\/p>\nIn chapters 9–11, Paul discusses the nation of Israel “according to the flesh” (physical Jews) in relation to the future purpose of God, concluding that God has not cast off his people who were Israelites descended from Abraham (11:1-2). He can regraft them back into the tree from which they have been cut off, if they will accept Jesus as their Messiah (v 23).<\/p>\nThen in his closing section, he discusses the implications of the first 11 chapters for everyday Christian living (chs 12–16), closing the book with a reminder of the importance of the “offering of the Gentiles” through his own ministry (ch 15).<\/p>\n<h5>In Detail<\/h5>\nIn the first chapter Paul argues that the pagan Gentile world was in a state of rebellion against God, and the wrath of God had been revealed against their ungodliness (1:18). Even though God had given sufficient revelation of his existence to them in the world of nature, they had nevertheless become polytheistic and idolatrous, with all the accompanying moral degradations (vv 20-23). Thus, three times Paul emphasizes that God gave them up to their lusts (v 24), to dishonorable passions (v 26), and to a base mind and improper conduct (v 28). The meaning is that he passed over their sins (3:25), overlooked their spiritual ignorance of his true existence (Acts 17:30), and did not put a stop to such idolatry (7:42).<\/p>\nThe Jews fared little better because, even though they had received the law of Moses containing a revelation of the will of God for their nation, they had not kept the law (2:17-29). Even the Gentiles had those among them who did by nature the things contained in the law and were acceptable because their consciences were pure (vv 14-15). For a Jew, keeping the law was insufficient unless he did so as a spiritual conviction, not as a mere legal requirement (v 29). God-fearing Gentiles who kept the essence of the law were a model for condemning the Jews who did not (vv 14, 27). However, the faithlessness of the chosen nation did not nullify the faithfulness of God to the fulfillment of the promise to Abraham (3:3). Although the Jew had every advantage over the Gentile, he was no better off because both had given themselves over to the power of sin (vv 1, 9). The situation now was that “all have sinned [both Jew and Gentile] and fall short of the glory of God” (v 23, rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\nGod had therefore made Christ the Redeemer for the sins of the world (3:21-31). The righteousness of God had been manifested apart from the law, through the “faith of Christ” (v 22; i.e., the faithfulness of Christ to the promise) and was available to the Gentile as well as Jew on the basis of personal faith. If this righteousness were available only through keeping the commandments of the law, as good and holy as it was (7:12), then God was a God of Jews only and not of Gentiles, because the law was given to the Jews (3:29). But God is also the God of the Gentiles and justifies the Jew on the basis of Christ’s faithfulness, and the Gentile on the basis of that same faithful act. Christ died for all who believe in him (v 22). Thus God’s righteousness was manifested through Christ’s faithfulness (vv 3, 22) and provides the basis of salvation for everyone who believes (5:9).<\/p>\nSeveral times in the fourth chapter Paul insists that Abraham was the father of the Jews and of the Gentiles (vv 11-12, 16-18). Christ’s faithfulness to the promise to Abraham that all nations (Gentiles) would be blessed through his seed (the descendants of Isaac) enabled Abraham to become the father of all nations, that is, of all who believe (v 11).<\/p>\nHaving laid this broad theological base, Paul then argues that the impact of this justification or righteousness is that all believers experience salvation from the wrath of God and thereby experience peace (5:1, 9). Sin entered the world through the first transgression and passed to all people (v 12). Justification, however, was brought by the second Adam, Christ, who gives salvation to those who believe and receive the abundance of his grace (vv 16-18).<\/p>\nThe function of the law was not to save the Jew. It was added because of transgressions (Gal 3:19); it served to intensify the awareness of sin, present in all people, to the point of transgression of the law (Rom 5:20). Sin used the law to deceive and destroy those who tried to keep it (7:11). Paul had known what it was to covet before he knew the law, but when he became subject to the dictates and penalties of the law at age 12 or 13, the commandment against covetousness became even more demanding and destroyed him (7:11). After the law was known, the penalty for its disobedience was fully applicable. Sin had been intensified because it became a transgression of the law. This very fact caused the need for greater grace, because where sin abounded, grace abounded all the more (5:20). But it would be a gross perversion of what it means to live free from wrath, law, sin, and death to argue that one should therefore continue in sin that grace may abound (6:1). Paul argues that those who have been justified and saved by Christ have died to the power of sin, which no longer has enslaving power (vv 2, 6). The key thought here is that sin (i.e., Satan—sin personified) cannot exercise dominion over the believer (vv 9, 14); it cannot reign over him (v 12) and make him its slave (vv 17, 20).<\/p>\nIn addition to being liberated from God’s anger, the law, and sin, those who have been justified by faith have been freed from death, and God will give life to their mortal bodies through his Spirit (8:2, 11). If they live according to the flesh, they will die; but if they live by the Spirit, they will enjoy a liberating life (vv 6-13). Not even death will be able to separate them from the love of Christ (v 38). The Spirit leads them and helps in their human infirmity, praying and interceding for them just as Christ does (vv 14, 26, 34).<\/p>\nPaul does not discuss the pragmatic application of these theological principles until chapter 12. In between, he deals with the issue of how and why the Jews could have rejected the Messiah. How is it that they, of all people on earth, with the history of God’s personal involvement with them, could have rejected the Promised One? Chapters 9–11 focus on this important question.<\/p>\nPaul’s answer is fourfold. First, it was God’s purpose by election. He chose Israel, knowing what would happen in the future. These were physical Jews, Israelites, who enjoyed all the special relationships to God that an elect people could experience: sonship, glory, covenants, the law, worship, the promises, the patriarchs, and Christ (9:1-5). God had elected them just as he had chosen Jacob over Esau before either was born, just as he had hardened the heart of Pharaoh, just as the potter molds the clay into the vessel he desires (9:6-26). It had nothing to do with their character or inherent worth; it was strictly a matter of God’s purpose for them. There is no injustice on God’s part in making this choice, because it was necessary in order for God to show his power through them so that his name might be proclaimed in all the earth. He had chosen Israel to serve his purposes just as he had chosen Pharaoh and Jacob and Moses; their salvation was a matter of faith (Heb 11). After all, only a remnant of Israel ever really believed (Rom 9:27-29).<\/p>\nSecond, Paul argues that Israel, in rejecting the Messiah and his gospel, is following a precedent that appears repeatedly throughout history (9:30–10:21). The Jews did not seek righteousness by faith, and thus never found it. They based their righteousness on the law and thus stumbled over their own Messiah (9:30-33).<\/p>\nThird, he argues that since a “remnant” of Israel has already believed the gospel, it is a clear indication that Israel as a whole will yet do so (11:1-16, 26). So, even though he says that God has rejected Israel, he argues that God has not rejected them finally and irrevocably. He has broken them off the cultivated branch of the Abrahamic promise, but he has not rejected his people. The elect (remnant) obtained what it sought, but the rest were hardened for a period of time until they could be provoked to jealousy by the Gentiles’ inclusion into the kingdom. So Israel’s alienation is not necessarily final.<\/p>\nFourth, Paul argues that since Israel’s rejection has been such a blessing for the inclusion of the Gentiles, the scenario of their conversion in large numbers would be like a resurrection from the dead. This argument runs throughout the rest of the chapter (11:17-36). The Gentiles should not be haughty, because Israel stumbled so as to make their inclusion possible (vv 17-19). Israel did not stumble just so they could fall (v 11); their fall was a blessing to Gentiles and was a part of the purpose of God. And God, who broke them off for their unbelief, will be able to regraft them back into the tree from which they were cut off, if they do not persist in their unbelief.<\/p>\nChapters 12–16 deal with the pragmatic implications of Paul’s impressive arguments. Thus the chapter begins with “I appeal to you therefore . . .” (12:1). What follows is a lengthy list of Christian virtues and responsibilities. Paul frequently includes advice in his letters so as to assist the young converts in their transition from paganism into the Judeo-Christian ethical and moral value system. He often even modifies some behavior patterns among Jewish converts. Chapter 13 discusses the important relationship that should exist between Christians in the capital city of the Roman Empire and their government officials. They should recognize that civil government is, as such, ordained by God and has a right to exist even if those who hold the offices are corrupt. They are God’s servants to execute judgment on the disobedient (13:4). Chapter 14 encourages Christians enjoying freedom in Christ to live without influencing others to violate their own consciences in various matters, such as eating meat. Nor should those with weaker consciences try to restrict others who have found this precious freedom. Mutual love and respect is the mark of a true disciple of Christ. Chapter 15 contains Paul’s travel plans and his understanding of his role as a priestly minister to Gentiles, offering their conversion to God symbolically on the altar at Jerusalem in the form of a large collection of money taken up among the Gentile churches. Chapter 16 closes typically with greetings and commendations from various individuals. Twenty-seven people are greeted by name.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Paul, The Apostle.<\/p>","summary_ro":"ROMANS, Letter to the Preview • Author • Date, Origin, and Destination • Background • Audience • Purpose and Theological Teaching • Content Author Written in the first person (Rom 1:5, 10, etc.), this epistle was authored by the apostle Paul. (The first words of the first verse are “Paul, a slave of Christ Jesus, called an apostle.”) The actual transcription of the letter, however, was done by Tertius (16:22), who acted as Paul’s amanuensis (secretary). The letter’s authenticity has never bee...","summary_en":"ROMANS, Letter to the Preview • Author • Date, Origin, and Destination • Background • Audience • Purpose and Theological Teaching • Content Author Written in the first person (Rom 1:5, 10, etc.), this epistle was authored by the apostle Paul. (The first words of the first verse are “Paul, a slave of Christ Jesus, called an apostle.”) The actual transcription of the letter, however, was done by Tertius (16:22), who acted as Paul’s amanuensis (secretary). The letter’s authenticity has never bee...","source":"Articles\/R.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":37121,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Tertius","title_en":"Tertius","content_ro":"<h3>TERTIUS<\/h3>\nPaul’s amanuensis (secretary) for the book of Romans (Rom 16:22). Since his name is a common Roman name, he was probably Roman and known by the recipients of the letter. The supposition that Tertius is the same person as Silas because their names had similar meanings in Latin and Hebrew lacks any biblical or traditional evidence.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>TERTIUS<\/h3>\nPaul’s amanuensis (secretary) for the book of Romans (Rom 16:22). Since his name is a common Roman name, he was probably Roman and known by the recipients of the letter. The supposition that Tertius is the same person as Silas because their names had similar meanings in Latin and Hebrew lacks any biblical or traditional evidence.<\/p>","summary_ro":"TERTIUS Paul’s amanuensis (secretary) for the book of Romans (Rom 16:22). Since his name is a common Roman name, he was probably Roman and known by the recipients of the letter. The supposition that Tertius is the same person as Silas because their names had similar meanings in Latin and Hebrew lacks any biblical or traditional evidence.","summary_en":"TERTIUS Paul’s amanuensis (secretary) for the book of Romans (Rom 16:22). Since his name is a common Roman name, he was probably Roman and known by the recipients of the letter. The supposition that Tertius is the same person as Silas because their names had similar meanings in Latin and Hebrew lacks any biblical or traditional evidence.","source":"Articles\/T.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":38798,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Writer","title_en":"Writer","content_ro":"<h3>WRITER<\/h3>\nProfessional scribe and\/or secretary; religious scribe and\/or secretary.<\/p>\nProfessional Scribes and Secretaries<\/p>\nScribes were employed as secretaries in Palestine, Egypt, Mesopotamia, and the Greco-Roman Empire. Court scribes would sometimes rise to positions of social prestige and considerable political influence, much as a secretary of state today.<\/p>\nThere were schools for the training of such scribes. To master the difficult art of writing on clay probably required as much time then as it takes students now to develop the ability to read and write. Would-be scribes could either enter a regular school or work as an apprentice under a private teacher, though most of them apparently followed the latter procedure. Scribes who were willing to teach could be found everywhere, even in the smaller towns. In fact, most of the scribes had at least one apprentice, who was treated like a son while learning the profession. Such students learned not only from private tutoring but also from the example of their teacher. This kind of education was sufficient to equip young scribes for the normal commercial branches of the craft. They were fully prepared to handle the necessary formulas for the various kinds of legal and business documents, and they could easily take dictation for private correspondence.<\/p>\nFor additional study and training, however, it was necessary to attend the regular schools. The schools were attached to temples, and only these schools had the proper facilities to teach the sciences (including mathematics) and literature, which the more advanced scribes had to master. There a budding scribe could study to become even a priest or a “scientist.” In the ruins of ancient cities archaeologists have discovered “textbooks” used by the pupils. Excavators have also uncovered schoolrooms with benches on which the students sat. Some of the ancient Near Eastern texts that have been unearthed are nothing but schoolboy exercises or student copies of originals. These copies are usually not as beautiful or as legible as the originals, which were written by master scribes.<\/p>\nWhen the teacher wanted to give the students an assignment, he had available in the temple school virtually every type of text imaginable. For elementary work he could have the students practice writing a list of cuneiform signs, much like our learning the letters of the alphabet—except that there were some 600 signs! Another simple assignment would have been to copy dictionaries containing lists of stones, cities, animals, and gods. After such preparatory work, the students could then move on to literary texts and, for example, accurately reproduce a portion of one of the great epics, a hymn, or a prayer. Through arduous study and a lengthy program of instruction and practice, a gifted student could become qualified for scribal service in almost any field.<\/p>\nReligious Scribe<\/p>\nThe scribe in Israel undertook a wide range of writing tasks. Often the scribe sat at the gate of the city or in an open area undertaking numerous kinds of writing tasks for illiterate citizens, correspondence, writing of receipts, and contracts. More officially, he kept records and wrote annals. Religious scribes copied the Scriptures. Several of these men are mentioned in the OT: Shebna (2 Kgs 18:18, 37), Shaphan (2 Kgs 22:8-12), Ezra (Ezr 7:6, 11; Neh 8:1, 9, 13; 12:26, 36), Baruch (Jer 36:26, 32), and Jonathan (Jer 37:15, 20).<\/p>\nPaul made use of secretaries or scribes (called amanuenses) when he composed his epistles. The usual procedure for a dictated epistle was for the amanuensis to take down the speaker’s words and produce a transcript, which the author would then review and edit. Taking the edited copy, the amanuensis would produce a final draft, which the author would sign in his own handwriting. Two NT epistles provide the name of an amanuensis: Tertius for Romans (Rom 16:22) and Silvanus for 1 Peter (1 Pt 5:12). Some of Paul’s epistles indicate that he provided the concluding salutation in his own handwriting: 1 Corinthians (1 Cor 16:21), Galatians (Gal 6:11), Colossians (Col 4:18), and 2 Thessalonians (2 Thes 3:17). This indicates that these epistles were penned by someone else—Paul’s amanuensis—prior to his signing off. By contrast, John penned his own epistles (1 Jn 1:4; 2:1, 7-8, 12-14; 2 Jn 1:12; 3 Jn 1:9, 13).<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Letter Writing, Ancient; Writing.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>WRITER<\/h3>\nProfessional scribe and\/or secretary; religious scribe and\/or secretary.<\/p>\nProfessional Scribes and Secretaries<\/p>\nScribes were employed as secretaries in Palestine, Egypt, Mesopotamia, and the Greco-Roman Empire. Court scribes would sometimes rise to positions of social prestige and considerable political influence, much as a secretary of state today.<\/p>\nThere were schools for the training of such scribes. To master the difficult art of writing on clay probably required as much time then as it takes students now to develop the ability to read and write. Would-be scribes could either enter a regular school or work as an apprentice under a private teacher, though most of them apparently followed the latter procedure. Scribes who were willing to teach could be found everywhere, even in the smaller towns. In fact, most of the scribes had at least one apprentice, who was treated like a son while learning the profession. Such students learned not only from private tutoring but also from the example of their teacher. This kind of education was sufficient to equip young scribes for the normal commercial branches of the craft. They were fully prepared to handle the necessary formulas for the various kinds of legal and business documents, and they could easily take dictation for private correspondence.<\/p>\nFor additional study and training, however, it was necessary to attend the regular schools. The schools were attached to temples, and only these schools had the proper facilities to teach the sciences (including mathematics) and literature, which the more advanced scribes had to master. There a budding scribe could study to become even a priest or a “scientist.” In the ruins of ancient cities archaeologists have discovered “textbooks” used by the pupils. Excavators have also uncovered schoolrooms with benches on which the students sat. Some of the ancient Near Eastern texts that have been unearthed are nothing but schoolboy exercises or student copies of originals. These copies are usually not as beautiful or as legible as the originals, which were written by master scribes.<\/p>\nWhen the teacher wanted to give the students an assignment, he had available in the temple school virtually every type of text imaginable. For elementary work he could have the students practice writing a list of cuneiform signs, much like our learning the letters of the alphabet—except that there were some 600 signs! Another simple assignment would have been to copy dictionaries containing lists of stones, cities, animals, and gods. After such preparatory work, the students could then move on to literary texts and, for example, accurately reproduce a portion of one of the great epics, a hymn, or a prayer. Through arduous study and a lengthy program of instruction and practice, a gifted student could become qualified for scribal service in almost any field.<\/p>\nReligious Scribe<\/p>\nThe scribe in Israel undertook a wide range of writing tasks. Often the scribe sat at the gate of the city or in an open area undertaking numerous kinds of writing tasks for illiterate citizens, correspondence, writing of receipts, and contracts. More officially, he kept records and wrote annals. Religious scribes copied the Scriptures. Several of these men are mentioned in the OT: Shebna (2 Kgs 18:18, 37), Shaphan (2 Kgs 22:8-12), Ezra (Ezr 7:6, 11; Neh 8:1, 9, 13; 12:26, 36), Baruch (Jer 36:26, 32), and Jonathan (Jer 37:15, 20).<\/p>\nPaul made use of secretaries or scribes (called amanuenses) when he composed his epistles. The usual procedure for a dictated epistle was for the amanuensis to take down the speaker’s words and produce a transcript, which the author would then review and edit. Taking the edited copy, the amanuensis would produce a final draft, which the author would sign in his own handwriting. Two NT epistles provide the name of an amanuensis: Tertius for Romans (Rom 16:22) and Silvanus for 1 Peter (1 Pt 5:12). Some of Paul’s epistles indicate that he provided the concluding salutation in his own handwriting: 1 Corinthians (1 Cor 16:21), Galatians (Gal 6:11), Colossians (Col 4:18), and 2 Thessalonians (2 Thes 3:17). This indicates that these epistles were penned by someone else—Paul’s amanuensis—prior to his signing off. By contrast, John penned his own epistles (1 Jn 1:4; 2:1, 7-8, 12-14; 2 Jn 1:12; 3 Jn 1:9, 13).<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Letter Writing, Ancient; Writing.<\/p>","summary_ro":"WRITER Professional scribe and\/or secretary; religious scribe and\/or secretary. Professional Scribes and Secretaries Scribes were employed as secretaries in Palestine, Egypt, Mesopotamia, and the Greco-Roman Empire. Court scribes would sometimes rise to positions of social prestige and considerable political influence, much as a secretary of state today. There were schools for the training of such scribes. To master the difficult art of writing on clay probably required as much time then as i...","summary_en":"WRITER Professional scribe and\/or secretary; religious scribe and\/or secretary. Professional Scribes and Secretaries Scribes were employed as secretaries in Palestine, Egypt, Mesopotamia, and the Greco-Roman Empire. Court scribes would sometimes rise to positions of social prestige and considerable political influence, much as a secretary of state today. There were schools for the training of such scribes. To master the difficult art of writing on clay probably required as much time then as i...","source":"Articles\/W.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":57442,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:22","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:22","content_ro":"16:22<\/strong> Tertius<\/em> was the scribe (or amanuensis<\/em>) who wrote the letter as Paul dictated. Most ancient letter writers employed such a scribe.<\/p>","content_en":"16:22<\/strong> Tertius<\/em> was the scribe (or amanuensis<\/em>) who wrote the letter as Paul dictated. Most ancient letter writers employed such a scribe.<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:22 Tertius was the scribe (or amanuensis) who wrote the letter as Paul dictated. Most ancient letter writers employed such a scribe.","summary_en":"16:22 Tertius was the scribe (or amanuensis) who wrote the letter as Paul dictated. Most ancient letter writers employed such a scribe.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":85068,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:22","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:22","content_ro":"16:22<\/strong> Tertius<\/em> was the scribe (or amanuensis<\/em>) who wrote the letter as Paul dictated. Most ancient letter writers employed such a scribe.<\/p>","content_en":"16:22<\/strong> Tertius<\/em> was the scribe (or amanuensis<\/em>) who wrote the letter as Paul dictated. Most ancient letter writers employed such a scribe.<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:22 Tertius was the scribe (or amanuensis) who wrote the letter as Paul dictated. Most ancient letter writers employed such a scribe.","summary_en":"16:22 Tertius was the scribe (or amanuensis) who wrote the letter as Paul dictated. Most ancient letter writers employed such a scribe.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":112694,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:22","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:22","content_ro":"16:22<\/strong> Tertius<\/em> was the scribe (or amanuensis<\/em>) who wrote the letter as Paul dictated. Most ancient letter writers employed such a scribe.<\/p>","content_en":"16:22<\/strong> Tertius<\/em> was the scribe (or amanuensis<\/em>) who wrote the letter as Paul dictated. Most ancient letter writers employed such a scribe.<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:22 Tertius was the scribe (or amanuensis) who wrote the letter as Paul dictated. Most ancient letter writers employed such a scribe.","summary_en":"16:22 Tertius was the scribe (or amanuensis) who wrote the letter as Paul dictated. Most ancient letter writers employed such a scribe.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":140320,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:22","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:22","content_ro":"16:22<\/strong> Tertius<\/em> was the scribe (or amanuensis<\/em>) who wrote the letter as Paul dictated. Most ancient letter writers employed such a scribe.<\/p>","content_en":"16:22<\/strong> Tertius<\/em> was the scribe (or amanuensis<\/em>) who wrote the letter as Paul dictated. Most ancient letter writers employed such a scribe.<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:22 Tertius was the scribe (or amanuensis) who wrote the letter as Paul dictated. Most ancient letter writers employed such a scribe.","summary_en":"16:22 Tertius was the scribe (or amanuensis) who wrote the letter as Paul dictated. Most ancient letter writers employed such a scribe.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"23":[{"id":6212,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Chamberlain*","title_en":"Chamberlain*","content_ro":"<h3>CHAMBERLAIN*<\/h3>\nOriginally, a royal official in charge of the private quarters of the king. They sometimes had other significant tasks and had great influence with those in authority (Acts 12:20). The chamberlain Erastus (Rom 16:23, kjv<\/span>) was actually the city treasurer. Nathan-melech the chamberlain (2 Kgs 23:11) was a court official at the time of Josiah. The Persian kings used eunuchs as chamberlains (Est 1:10, 12, 15; 2:3, 14-15; 4:4-5; 6:2, 14; 7:9).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>CHAMBERLAIN*<\/h3>\nOriginally, a royal official in charge of the private quarters of the king. They sometimes had other significant tasks and had great influence with those in authority (Acts 12:20). The chamberlain Erastus (Rom 16:23, kjv<\/span>) was actually the city treasurer. Nathan-melech the chamberlain (2 Kgs 23:11) was a court official at the time of Josiah. The Persian kings used eunuchs as chamberlains (Est 1:10, 12, 15; 2:3, 14-15; 4:4-5; 6:2, 14; 7:9).<\/p>","summary_ro":"CHAMBERLAIN* Originally, a royal official in charge of the private quarters of the king. They sometimes had other significant tasks and had great influence with those in authority (Acts 12:20). The chamberlain Erastus (Rom 16:23, kjv) was actually the city treasurer. Nathan-melech the chamberlain (2 Kgs 23:11) was a court official at the time of Josiah. The Persian kings used eunuchs as chamberlains (Est 1:10, 12, 15; 2:3, 14-15; 4:4-5; 6:2, 14; 7:9).","summary_en":"CHAMBERLAIN* Originally, a royal official in charge of the private quarters of the king. They sometimes had other significant tasks and had great influence with those in authority (Acts 12:20). The chamberlain Erastus (Rom 16:23, kjv) was actually the city treasurer. Nathan-melech the chamberlain (2 Kgs 23:11) was a court official at the time of Josiah. The Persian kings used eunuchs as chamberlains (Est 1:10, 12, 15; 2:3, 14-15; 4:4-5; 6:2, 14; 7:9).","source":"Articles\/C.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":11036,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Erastus","title_en":"Erastus","content_ro":"<h3>ERASTUS<\/h3>\nName mentioned three times in the NT. Whether only one individual is being referred to cannot be ascertained, although in each case Erastus is an associate of Paul’s. The three instances are (1) a helper of Paul sent with Timothy into Macedonia (Acts 19:22); (2) the city treasurer of Corinth (a steward of financial affairs, possibly a slave or freedman of some wealth and an important man in the Corinthian community), who sends greetings with Paul to the church in Rome (Rom 16:23); and (3) a friend of Paul’s who stayed at Corinth (2 Tm 4:20).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>ERASTUS<\/h3>\nName mentioned three times in the NT. Whether only one individual is being referred to cannot be ascertained, although in each case Erastus is an associate of Paul’s. The three instances are (1) a helper of Paul sent with Timothy into Macedonia (Acts 19:22); (2) the city treasurer of Corinth (a steward of financial affairs, possibly a slave or freedman of some wealth and an important man in the Corinthian community), who sends greetings with Paul to the church in Rome (Rom 16:23); and (3) a friend of Paul’s who stayed at Corinth (2 Tm 4:20).<\/p>","summary_ro":"ERASTUS Name mentioned three times in the NT. Whether only one individual is being referred to cannot be ascertained, although in each case Erastus is an associate of Paul’s. The three instances are (1) a helper of Paul sent with Timothy into Macedonia (Acts 19:22); (2) the city treasurer of Corinth (a steward of financial affairs, possibly a slave or freedman of some wealth and an important man in the Corinthian community), who sends greetings with Paul to the church in Rome (Rom 16:23); and...","summary_en":"ERASTUS Name mentioned three times in the NT. Whether only one individual is being referred to cannot be ascertained, although in each case Erastus is an associate of Paul’s. The three instances are (1) a helper of Paul sent with Timothy into Macedonia (Acts 19:22); (2) the city treasurer of Corinth (a steward of financial affairs, possibly a slave or freedman of some wealth and an important man in the Corinthian community), who sends greetings with Paul to the church in Rome (Rom 16:23); and...","source":"Articles\/E.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":13074,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Gaius","title_en":"Gaius","content_ro":"<h3>GAIUS<\/h3>\n<li>1. Native of Macedonia and traveling companion of Paul during the apostle’s third missionary journey. He and Aristarchus were both seized at Ephesus during the riot caused by Demetrius the silversmith (Acts 19:29).<\/li>\n<li>2. Native of Derbe in Lycaonia, who traveled with Paul from Ephesus to Macedonia (Acts 20:4). Some have identified him with #1 above.<\/li>\n<li>3. Prominent believer in Corinth and host to Paul and the whole church there (Rom 16:23). Since Romans was written in Corinth, the Gaius mentioned in 1 Corinthians 1:14 was probably the same person. If so, he was baptized by Paul.<\/li>\n<li>4. Man to whom John addressed his third letter (3 Jn 1:1).<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>GAIUS<\/h3>\n<li>1. Native of Macedonia and traveling companion of Paul during the apostle’s third missionary journey. He and Aristarchus were both seized at Ephesus during the riot caused by Demetrius the silversmith (Acts 19:29).<\/li>\n<li>2. Native of Derbe in Lycaonia, who traveled with Paul from Ephesus to Macedonia (Acts 20:4). Some have identified him with #1 above.<\/li>\n<li>3. Prominent believer in Corinth and host to Paul and the whole church there (Rom 16:23). Since Romans was written in Corinth, the Gaius mentioned in 1 Corinthians 1:14 was probably the same person. If so, he was baptized by Paul.<\/li>\n<li>4. Man to whom John addressed his third letter (3 Jn 1:1).<\/li>","summary_ro":"GAIUS 1. Native of Macedonia and traveling companion of Paul during the apostle’s third missionary journey. He and Aristarchus were both seized at Ephesus during the riot caused by Demetrius the silversmith (Acts 19:29). 2. Native of Derbe in Lycaonia, who traveled with Paul from Ephesus to Macedonia (Acts 20:4). Some have identified him with #1 above. 3. Prominent believer in Corinth and host to Paul and the whole church there (Rom 16:23). Since Romans was written in Corinth, the Gaius menti...","summary_en":"GAIUS 1. Native of Macedonia and traveling companion of Paul during the apostle’s third missionary journey. He and Aristarchus were both seized at Ephesus during the riot caused by Demetrius the silversmith (Acts 19:29). 2. Native of Derbe in Lycaonia, who traveled with Paul from Ephesus to Macedonia (Acts 20:4). Some have identified him with #1 above. 3. Prominent believer in Corinth and host to Paul and the whole church there (Rom 16:23). Since Romans was written in Corinth, the Gaius menti...","source":"Articles\/G.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":17591,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Inscriptions","title_en":"Inscriptions","content_ro":"<h3>INSCRIPTIONS<\/h3>\nTerm used to refer to writing in the ancient world that was done on a material of a permanent nature, such as stone or clay, rather than on ordinary and impermanent substances, such as papyri or parchment.<\/p>\nPreview<\/p>\n• Introduction<\/p>\n• Inscriptions on Monuments<\/p>\n• Historical Records<\/p>\n• Official Announcements<\/p>\n• Dedications<\/p>\n• Correspondence<\/p>\n• Mosaic Floor Decorations<\/p>\nIntroduction<\/p>\nThere are occasional references to inscriptions in the Bible; for example, the Ten Commandments were inscribed on stone (Ex 31:18) and given to Moses, and later written by Joshua on stone and set up at Mt Ebal near Shechem (Jos 8:32). In the excavations at Shechem, G. E. Wright found a large stone prepared to receive an inscription that he dated to the time of Joshua on stratigraphic grounds. It may still be seen at the site. A message from the hand of God to the Babylonian king Belshazzar was inscribed on the walls of his palace (Dn 5:5, 24). Paul observed an altar with the inscription “To an unknown god” in the marketplace of Athens (Acts 17:23). The book of Revelation speaks of the names of the 12 tribes of the sons of Israel being inscribed on the gates of the heavenly city (Rv 21:12).<\/p>\nInscriptions in the ancient world can be found in almost any language and from any period of history: Egyptian, Babylonian, Persian, Greek, Latin, Hebrew, Aramaic, Nabatean, Moabite, and so on. It was once popular to argue that Moses could not have written the Pentateuch because writing had not been invented that early. Inscriptions found at the turquoise mines of Serabit el-Khadim dating to the 15th century BC<\/span> have disproven this allegation. In addition, it might be noted that clay tablets found at Ras Shamra by Claude Schaeffer and dated to about 1400 BC<\/span> demonstrate a considerable period of literary activity, as do the tablets at Ebla from approximately 1,000 years earlier.<\/p>\nInscriptions may be found in almost any position or place, but the most common locations are in the floors of synagogues, church buildings, and mosques; the pavements of forums; the walls of public buildings; dedicatory stones and statues; stelae and monumental plaques; tombs and sarcophagi; and Roman milestones. An exhaustive list is impossible, but a few representative samples will illustrate the various kinds of extant inscriptional material.<\/p>\nInscriptions on Monuments<\/p>\nThe Egyptian pharaoh Merneptah commemorated his victory over the Sea Peoples in the 13th century BC<\/span> by inscribing a black granite stele with a record of his victory. It contains the earliest known reference to Israel outside the land of Palestine: “Israel lies desolate.”<\/p>\nThe Israelite king Omri (1 Kgs 16:16-30) is referred to in a text carved in the Moabite language on a stone dating near the end of the reign of the Moabite king Mesha, about 830 BC<\/span>. It was found at Diban (OT Dibon) in 1868 and contains a record of the successful rebellion of the king against Israelite oppression.<\/p>\nAnother monumental inscription was found in Persia carved into the steep slope of Mt Behistun. It is a trilingual (Old Persian, Elamite, Akkadian) record of the exploits of Darius I, providing the key to unlocking the mystery of the cuneiform script in which several of these ancient languages were written.<\/p>\nThe Assyrian king Shalmaneser III left a record of his first six campaigns of conquest inscribed on a monolith found in 1861 at Kurkh on the Tigris. The stone is carved front and back in cuneiform that is written over a bas-relief of the king. This same king left a black stone obelisk, six and a half feet (2 meters) high, depicting his triumphs over several other kings, among whom is Jehu, king of Israel, depicted in the second panel from the top, prostrating himself before the Assyrian monarch. This is the earliest picture available of an Israelite and the only known representation of an Israelite king by a contemporary. The inscription above the picture reads, “The tribute of Jehu, son [descendant] of Omri . . .” It dates to the mid-ninth century BC<\/span>.<\/p>\nHistorical Records<\/p>\nFrequently in the region of Mesopotamia, ancient kings recorded important events or proclamations in stone or clay. A notable example is the clay prism containing the final edition of Sennacherib’s Annals dated to 691 BC<\/span>. It is hexagonal, 15 inches (38.1 centimeters) high and 6 inches (15.2 centimeters) wide, and written on all sides in cuneiform script. The inscription speaks of “Hezekiah the Jew (king of Judah), who did not submit to my yoke. . . . Like a caged bird, I shut him up in Jerusalem, his royal city” (cf. 2 Kgs 18; Is 36–39).<\/p>\nEven though no annals comparable to those produced by the Assyrian kings have survived among the Babylonians, we do have some chronicles written on clay tablets covering the years from 626 BC<\/span> to the fall of Babylon to Cyrus in 539. One of these, the Babylonian Chronicle, provides an exact date of March 16, 597 BC<\/span>, for the fall of Jerusalem to the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar (cf. 2 Kgs 24:10-17).<\/p>\nBabylon itself fell to Cyrus the Mede, king of Persia, in 539. The event is not only referred to in the Bible (Ezr 1:1-3) but is also described on a clay barrel-shaped cylinder nine inches (22.9 centimeters) in length, written in cuneiform script, during the reign of Cyrus. It refers to his policy that allowed captive nations to rebuild their cities and temples. This provides an explanation of his encouragement and financial help to the Jews in returning to Jerusalem to rebuild the temple of Solomon that Nebuchadnezzar had destroyed (Ezr 1:2-4).<\/p>\nEgyptian pharaohs were fond of publishing records of their exploits in hieroglyphic script on the walls of temples and tombs. These were usually incised into the stone and then painted. One of the most interesting is Shishak’s description of his invasion of the land of Israel incised on the southern wall of a court of the temple of Amon at Karnak. The inclusion of Megiddo, as well as other cities in Israel, among the more than 75 cities whose names can still be read adds historical interest to the biblical account of Shishak’s invasion and conquest of Jerusalem and “Judah’s fortified cities” (1 Kgs 14:25-26; 2 Chr 12:2-10). Archaeological finds confirm a destruction and burning of the city at this time.<\/p>\nOfficial Announcements<\/p>\nWhen an ancient monarch or public official wanted to publish an announcement with some degree of permanency, it would be carved in stone or set in mosaic. An inscription on a marble slab dating to the reign of Claudius (AD<\/span> 41–54) was found in 1878, originating in the city of Nazareth. It contains a warning against grave robbing or any other desecration of cemeteries. The penalty for such violation was declared to be death. The inscription may reflect some of the troubles Claudius had in Rome over the person of Christ (Suetonius, Claudius<\/em> 25) which led to the expulsion of Jews from the capital city (Acts 18). At issue must have been the resurrection of Christ as proclaimed in Rome.<\/p>\nAnnouncements were placed even in temples. Josephus referred to a small wall surrounding the Jewish temple in Jerusalem that contained slabs of stone at regular intervals giving warning in Greek and Latin to Gentiles entering the temple (War<\/em> 5.193-34; 6.125-26; Antiquities<\/em> 15.417). Two fragmentary examples have been found. One discovered by Clermont-Ganneau in 1871 reads: “No foreigner is to enter within the balustrade and embankment around the sanctuary. Whoever is caught will have himself to blame for his death which follows.” The Romans allowed the Jews to put anyone to death, even a Roman, who went beyond this barrier (War<\/em> 6.126).<\/p>\nAn important inscription commissioned by the emperor Claudius, was found at the beginning of the 20th century in Delphi, Greece. It was written in Greek and mentions Gallio as proconsul with a date that can be established as AD<\/span> 51–52 for his term of office. This Gallio is the proconsul before whom Paul was brought by the Jews of Corinth (Acts 18:12-17). It is therefore extremely important for establishing the date of Paul’s 18-month stay in Corinth, and an important pivotal date for Pauline chronology in general. The inscription is an imperial announcement to the citizens of Delphi regarding the need for increasing the population of the city with eminent people.<\/p>\nThe name Pontius Pilate has appeared in a Latin inscription carved into a stone found in the Roman theater at Caesarea Maritima on the coast of Israel. It refers to him, in partially mutilated words, as prefect and contains the name Tiberium, which designates a structure built in honor of the emperor Tiberius.<\/p>\nDedications<\/p>\nInscriptions were commonly placed on walls or floors of buildings or attached to some other structure dedicating the completed edifice. An inscription was cut into the wall of a long tunnel built by the Jewish king Hezekiah in Jerusalem when the tunnel was finished (2 Kgs 20:20). It is in Hebrew and is now in the Istanbul museum. One of the oldest inscriptions we have in that language, it describes the construction of the Siloam tunnel.<\/p>\nIn the city of Corinth in Greece there is a dedicatory inscription cut into the pavement of a plaza on the north side of the large theater. The abbreviated Latin inscription reads: Erastus pro aedilitate sua pecunia stravit<\/em> (“Erastus, in return for his aedileship, laid the pavement at his own expense”). The bronze has long since been removed from the letters deeply cut into the gray Acrocorinthian limestone. This is probably the same “Erastus, the city treasurer” mentioned by Paul in Romans 16:23. A similar inscription from the Corinthian agora of Paul’s day reads: “Gnaeus Babbius Philinus, aedile and pontifex, had this monument erected at his own expense, and he approved it in his official capacity as duovir.”<\/p>\nA monumental dedicatory inscription in Greek was found in Jerusalem during excavations in 1913–14, which once stood on the wall of a first-century AD<\/span> synagogue on Mt Ophel. It refers to a Theodotus, the son of a ruler of the synagogue named Vettenos, who built the synagogue. Since the name Vettenos is Roman, it may be that Theodotus was a Jewish slave who had been freed and given the Roman name of his master. If so, this inscription may have hung on the “synagogue of the Freedmen” in Jerusalem (Acts 6:9).<\/p>\nThe British Museum contains a portion of a broken arch that stood over an entrance into the Greek city of Thessalonica from the first century AD<\/span> until 1867, when it was torn down to provide stone for the repair of the vast city wall. The inscription begins: “In the time of the politarchs . . .” This is a rare word referring to Roman officials and is used in the book of Acts (Acts 17:6) in reference to city authorities of Thessalonica. This word is found nowhere else in Greek literature.<\/p>\nCorrespondence<\/p>\nIn the second millennium before Christ, it was common practice to write correspondence on small clay tablets. More than half a million have been found in Mari, Nuzi, Nineveh, Ebla, and elsewhere. Interesting examples of such correspondence may be found in a great number of clay tablets found at Tell el-Amarna in Upper Egypt. They were written in the Babylonian language using the cuneiform script during the time when Akhenaton was captivated with his reformation of Egyptian art and religion at his new capital Tell el-Amarna (Akhetaten), and Palestine and Syria were left to the mercy of marauders called Habiru in the documents. Many of these are written from cities in Canaan under attack and ask for help from the pharaoh, whose vassals they are at this time (late 14th century BC<\/span>). Some think that these Habiru were the ancient Hebrews who invaded the land under the direction of Joshua.<\/p>\nSometimes correspondence was written in ink on broken pieces of ceramic pottery (potsherds) called ostraca. In 1935, 18 of these were found in the excavations at Lachish in southern Israel. They are written in Hebrew and provide examples of the kind of script used by the Judeans in the time of Jeremiah. The language is essentially identical with the Hebrew of the OT. The letters were sent by Hosha’yahu, an officer in charge of a nearby town, to Ya’osh, the military governor of Lachish, during the invasion of Judea by the Babylonians, which ended in the destruction of the temple in Jerusalem in 586 BC<\/span>.<\/p>\nEleven such potsherds were found in Masada, on the western shore of the Dead Sea, in excavations conducted by Yigael Yadin from 1963 to 1965. Masada was destroyed by the Roman army under the command of Flavius Silva in AD<\/span> 73. Nine hundred and sixty men, women, and children committed suicide rather than surrender to the Romans. Ten men were chosen to cut the throats of those who remained. They drew lots for the heartbreaking task, according to Josephus (War<\/em> 7.395), and Professor Yadin thinks the ostraca he found were the ones used in the drawing. One of them contained the name of Ben Yair, who was probably Eleazer ben Yair, the commander of the fortress.<\/p>\nMosaic Floor Decorations<\/p>\nIn the Roman and Byzantine periods it was popular to decorate the floors of basilicas, baths, synagogues, churches, and other public buildings with elaborate tesselation containing inscriptions and artwork. Excavation in 1972 disclosed a building in Caesarea Maritima with mosaic inscriptions in six floors throughout the structure. Two of them are the Greek text of Romans 13:3 set in a circular border. Another is a blessing on the one who enters and exits the room: “May the Lord bless your entry and your exit.” Two of them invoke the aid of Christ for people associated with the function and construction of the building. These were a part of a building that was destroyed in the seventh century AD<\/span>.<\/p>\nThe floors of the synagogues at Tiberias-hamath, Beth Shan, Beth Alpha, Eshtemoa, Susiya, Hamath-gader, En-gedi, and others in Israel have inscriptions in Greek and Aramaic that usually refer to benefactors of the synagogue. A synagogue floor has been found in Naro, Tunisia, which contains a Latin inscription. In the Tiberias synagogue, Hebrew was used only for defining the astrological symbols that appear in the zodiac. Aramaic was used primarily for Halakah (religious rule or law), and Greek was principally used in honoring donors.<\/p>\nOne of the best-known mosaic floor inscriptions in churches was in Madaba, Jordan, where the oldest known map of Israel and Jordan was set into the floor in the sixth century AD<\/span>. The place-names of cities, geographical features, and passages of Scripture are given in Greek. Church floors typically contain dated or undated dedications, blessings, and Scripture quotations that appear in Aramaic, Coptic, Syriac, Latin, and Greek. Symbolism often accompanies the inscriptions, but in AD<\/span> 427 an edict was issued forbidding the use of crosses and other religious symbols on pavements so that they might not be stepped on. It is not clear how widespread this prohibition was.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Archaeology and the Bible; Pottery.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>INSCRIPTIONS<\/h3>\nTerm used to refer to writing in the ancient world that was done on a material of a permanent nature, such as stone or clay, rather than on ordinary and impermanent substances, such as papyri or parchment.<\/p>\nPreview<\/p>\n• Introduction<\/p>\n• Inscriptions on Monuments<\/p>\n• Historical Records<\/p>\n• Official Announcements<\/p>\n• Dedications<\/p>\n• Correspondence<\/p>\n• Mosaic Floor Decorations<\/p>\nIntroduction<\/p>\nThere are occasional references to inscriptions in the Bible; for example, the Ten Commandments were inscribed on stone (Ex 31:18) and given to Moses, and later written by Joshua on stone and set up at Mt Ebal near Shechem (Jos 8:32). In the excavations at Shechem, G. E. Wright found a large stone prepared to receive an inscription that he dated to the time of Joshua on stratigraphic grounds. It may still be seen at the site. A message from the hand of God to the Babylonian king Belshazzar was inscribed on the walls of his palace (Dn 5:5, 24). Paul observed an altar with the inscription “To an unknown god” in the marketplace of Athens (Acts 17:23). The book of Revelation speaks of the names of the 12 tribes of the sons of Israel being inscribed on the gates of the heavenly city (Rv 21:12).<\/p>\nInscriptions in the ancient world can be found in almost any language and from any period of history: Egyptian, Babylonian, Persian, Greek, Latin, Hebrew, Aramaic, Nabatean, Moabite, and so on. It was once popular to argue that Moses could not have written the Pentateuch because writing had not been invented that early. Inscriptions found at the turquoise mines of Serabit el-Khadim dating to the 15th century BC<\/span> have disproven this allegation. In addition, it might be noted that clay tablets found at Ras Shamra by Claude Schaeffer and dated to about 1400 BC<\/span> demonstrate a considerable period of literary activity, as do the tablets at Ebla from approximately 1,000 years earlier.<\/p>\nInscriptions may be found in almost any position or place, but the most common locations are in the floors of synagogues, church buildings, and mosques; the pavements of forums; the walls of public buildings; dedicatory stones and statues; stelae and monumental plaques; tombs and sarcophagi; and Roman milestones. An exhaustive list is impossible, but a few representative samples will illustrate the various kinds of extant inscriptional material.<\/p>\nInscriptions on Monuments<\/p>\nThe Egyptian pharaoh Merneptah commemorated his victory over the Sea Peoples in the 13th century BC<\/span> by inscribing a black granite stele with a record of his victory. It contains the earliest known reference to Israel outside the land of Palestine: “Israel lies desolate.”<\/p>\nThe Israelite king Omri (1 Kgs 16:16-30) is referred to in a text carved in the Moabite language on a stone dating near the end of the reign of the Moabite king Mesha, about 830 BC<\/span>. It was found at Diban (OT Dibon) in 1868 and contains a record of the successful rebellion of the king against Israelite oppression.<\/p>\nAnother monumental inscription was found in Persia carved into the steep slope of Mt Behistun. It is a trilingual (Old Persian, Elamite, Akkadian) record of the exploits of Darius I, providing the key to unlocking the mystery of the cuneiform script in which several of these ancient languages were written.<\/p>\nThe Assyrian king Shalmaneser III left a record of his first six campaigns of conquest inscribed on a monolith found in 1861 at Kurkh on the Tigris. The stone is carved front and back in cuneiform that is written over a bas-relief of the king. This same king left a black stone obelisk, six and a half feet (2 meters) high, depicting his triumphs over several other kings, among whom is Jehu, king of Israel, depicted in the second panel from the top, prostrating himself before the Assyrian monarch. This is the earliest picture available of an Israelite and the only known representation of an Israelite king by a contemporary. The inscription above the picture reads, “The tribute of Jehu, son [descendant] of Omri . . .” It dates to the mid-ninth century BC<\/span>.<\/p>\nHistorical Records<\/p>\nFrequently in the region of Mesopotamia, ancient kings recorded important events or proclamations in stone or clay. A notable example is the clay prism containing the final edition of Sennacherib’s Annals dated to 691 BC<\/span>. It is hexagonal, 15 inches (38.1 centimeters) high and 6 inches (15.2 centimeters) wide, and written on all sides in cuneiform script. The inscription speaks of “Hezekiah the Jew (king of Judah), who did not submit to my yoke. . . . Like a caged bird, I shut him up in Jerusalem, his royal city” (cf. 2 Kgs 18; Is 36–39).<\/p>\nEven though no annals comparable to those produced by the Assyrian kings have survived among the Babylonians, we do have some chronicles written on clay tablets covering the years from 626 BC<\/span> to the fall of Babylon to Cyrus in 539. One of these, the Babylonian Chronicle, provides an exact date of March 16, 597 BC<\/span>, for the fall of Jerusalem to the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar (cf. 2 Kgs 24:10-17).<\/p>\nBabylon itself fell to Cyrus the Mede, king of Persia, in 539. The event is not only referred to in the Bible (Ezr 1:1-3) but is also described on a clay barrel-shaped cylinder nine inches (22.9 centimeters) in length, written in cuneiform script, during the reign of Cyrus. It refers to his policy that allowed captive nations to rebuild their cities and temples. This provides an explanation of his encouragement and financial help to the Jews in returning to Jerusalem to rebuild the temple of Solomon that Nebuchadnezzar had destroyed (Ezr 1:2-4).<\/p>\nEgyptian pharaohs were fond of publishing records of their exploits in hieroglyphic script on the walls of temples and tombs. These were usually incised into the stone and then painted. One of the most interesting is Shishak’s description of his invasion of the land of Israel incised on the southern wall of a court of the temple of Amon at Karnak. The inclusion of Megiddo, as well as other cities in Israel, among the more than 75 cities whose names can still be read adds historical interest to the biblical account of Shishak’s invasion and conquest of Jerusalem and “Judah’s fortified cities” (1 Kgs 14:25-26; 2 Chr 12:2-10). Archaeological finds confirm a destruction and burning of the city at this time.<\/p>\nOfficial Announcements<\/p>\nWhen an ancient monarch or public official wanted to publish an announcement with some degree of permanency, it would be carved in stone or set in mosaic. An inscription on a marble slab dating to the reign of Claudius (AD<\/span> 41–54) was found in 1878, originating in the city of Nazareth. It contains a warning against grave robbing or any other desecration of cemeteries. The penalty for such violation was declared to be death. The inscription may reflect some of the troubles Claudius had in Rome over the person of Christ (Suetonius, Claudius<\/em> 25) which led to the expulsion of Jews from the capital city (Acts 18). At issue must have been the resurrection of Christ as proclaimed in Rome.<\/p>\nAnnouncements were placed even in temples. Josephus referred to a small wall surrounding the Jewish temple in Jerusalem that contained slabs of stone at regular intervals giving warning in Greek and Latin to Gentiles entering the temple (War<\/em> 5.193-34; 6.125-26; Antiquities<\/em> 15.417). Two fragmentary examples have been found. One discovered by Clermont-Ganneau in 1871 reads: “No foreigner is to enter within the balustrade and embankment around the sanctuary. Whoever is caught will have himself to blame for his death which follows.” The Romans allowed the Jews to put anyone to death, even a Roman, who went beyond this barrier (War<\/em> 6.126).<\/p>\nAn important inscription commissioned by the emperor Claudius, was found at the beginning of the 20th century in Delphi, Greece. It was written in Greek and mentions Gallio as proconsul with a date that can be established as AD<\/span> 51–52 for his term of office. This Gallio is the proconsul before whom Paul was brought by the Jews of Corinth (Acts 18:12-17). It is therefore extremely important for establishing the date of Paul’s 18-month stay in Corinth, and an important pivotal date for Pauline chronology in general. The inscription is an imperial announcement to the citizens of Delphi regarding the need for increasing the population of the city with eminent people.<\/p>\nThe name Pontius Pilate has appeared in a Latin inscription carved into a stone found in the Roman theater at Caesarea Maritima on the coast of Israel. It refers to him, in partially mutilated words, as prefect and contains the name Tiberium, which designates a structure built in honor of the emperor Tiberius.<\/p>\nDedications<\/p>\nInscriptions were commonly placed on walls or floors of buildings or attached to some other structure dedicating the completed edifice. An inscription was cut into the wall of a long tunnel built by the Jewish king Hezekiah in Jerusalem when the tunnel was finished (2 Kgs 20:20). It is in Hebrew and is now in the Istanbul museum. One of the oldest inscriptions we have in that language, it describes the construction of the Siloam tunnel.<\/p>\nIn the city of Corinth in Greece there is a dedicatory inscription cut into the pavement of a plaza on the north side of the large theater. The abbreviated Latin inscription reads: Erastus pro aedilitate sua pecunia stravit<\/em> (“Erastus, in return for his aedileship, laid the pavement at his own expense”). The bronze has long since been removed from the letters deeply cut into the gray Acrocorinthian limestone. This is probably the same “Erastus, the city treasurer” mentioned by Paul in Romans 16:23. A similar inscription from the Corinthian agora of Paul’s day reads: “Gnaeus Babbius Philinus, aedile and pontifex, had this monument erected at his own expense, and he approved it in his official capacity as duovir.”<\/p>\nA monumental dedicatory inscription in Greek was found in Jerusalem during excavations in 1913–14, which once stood on the wall of a first-century AD<\/span> synagogue on Mt Ophel. It refers to a Theodotus, the son of a ruler of the synagogue named Vettenos, who built the synagogue. Since the name Vettenos is Roman, it may be that Theodotus was a Jewish slave who had been freed and given the Roman name of his master. If so, this inscription may have hung on the “synagogue of the Freedmen” in Jerusalem (Acts 6:9).<\/p>\nThe British Museum contains a portion of a broken arch that stood over an entrance into the Greek city of Thessalonica from the first century AD<\/span> until 1867, when it was torn down to provide stone for the repair of the vast city wall. The inscription begins: “In the time of the politarchs . . .” This is a rare word referring to Roman officials and is used in the book of Acts (Acts 17:6) in reference to city authorities of Thessalonica. This word is found nowhere else in Greek literature.<\/p>\nCorrespondence<\/p>\nIn the second millennium before Christ, it was common practice to write correspondence on small clay tablets. More than half a million have been found in Mari, Nuzi, Nineveh, Ebla, and elsewhere. Interesting examples of such correspondence may be found in a great number of clay tablets found at Tell el-Amarna in Upper Egypt. They were written in the Babylonian language using the cuneiform script during the time when Akhenaton was captivated with his reformation of Egyptian art and religion at his new capital Tell el-Amarna (Akhetaten), and Palestine and Syria were left to the mercy of marauders called Habiru in the documents. Many of these are written from cities in Canaan under attack and ask for help from the pharaoh, whose vassals they are at this time (late 14th century BC<\/span>). Some think that these Habiru were the ancient Hebrews who invaded the land under the direction of Joshua.<\/p>\nSometimes correspondence was written in ink on broken pieces of ceramic pottery (potsherds) called ostraca. In 1935, 18 of these were found in the excavations at Lachish in southern Israel. They are written in Hebrew and provide examples of the kind of script used by the Judeans in the time of Jeremiah. The language is essentially identical with the Hebrew of the OT. The letters were sent by Hosha’yahu, an officer in charge of a nearby town, to Ya’osh, the military governor of Lachish, during the invasion of Judea by the Babylonians, which ended in the destruction of the temple in Jerusalem in 586 BC<\/span>.<\/p>\nEleven such potsherds were found in Masada, on the western shore of the Dead Sea, in excavations conducted by Yigael Yadin from 1963 to 1965. Masada was destroyed by the Roman army under the command of Flavius Silva in AD<\/span> 73. Nine hundred and sixty men, women, and children committed suicide rather than surrender to the Romans. Ten men were chosen to cut the throats of those who remained. They drew lots for the heartbreaking task, according to Josephus (War<\/em> 7.395), and Professor Yadin thinks the ostraca he found were the ones used in the drawing. One of them contained the name of Ben Yair, who was probably Eleazer ben Yair, the commander of the fortress.<\/p>\nMosaic Floor Decorations<\/p>\nIn the Roman and Byzantine periods it was popular to decorate the floors of basilicas, baths, synagogues, churches, and other public buildings with elaborate tesselation containing inscriptions and artwork. Excavation in 1972 disclosed a building in Caesarea Maritima with mosaic inscriptions in six floors throughout the structure. Two of them are the Greek text of Romans 13:3 set in a circular border. Another is a blessing on the one who enters and exits the room: “May the Lord bless your entry and your exit.” Two of them invoke the aid of Christ for people associated with the function and construction of the building. These were a part of a building that was destroyed in the seventh century AD<\/span>.<\/p>\nThe floors of the synagogues at Tiberias-hamath, Beth Shan, Beth Alpha, Eshtemoa, Susiya, Hamath-gader, En-gedi, and others in Israel have inscriptions in Greek and Aramaic that usually refer to benefactors of the synagogue. A synagogue floor has been found in Naro, Tunisia, which contains a Latin inscription. In the Tiberias synagogue, Hebrew was used only for defining the astrological symbols that appear in the zodiac. Aramaic was used primarily for Halakah (religious rule or law), and Greek was principally used in honoring donors.<\/p>\nOne of the best-known mosaic floor inscriptions in churches was in Madaba, Jordan, where the oldest known map of Israel and Jordan was set into the floor in the sixth century AD<\/span>. The place-names of cities, geographical features, and passages of Scripture are given in Greek. Church floors typically contain dated or undated dedications, blessings, and Scripture quotations that appear in Aramaic, Coptic, Syriac, Latin, and Greek. Symbolism often accompanies the inscriptions, but in AD<\/span> 427 an edict was issued forbidding the use of crosses and other religious symbols on pavements so that they might not be stepped on. It is not clear how widespread this prohibition was.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Archaeology and the Bible; Pottery.<\/p>","summary_ro":"INSCRIPTIONS Term used to refer to writing in the ancient world that was done on a material of a permanent nature, such as stone or clay, rather than on ordinary and impermanent substances, such as papyri or parchment. Preview • Introduction • Inscriptions on Monuments • Historical Records • Official Announcements • Dedications • Correspondence • Mosaic Floor Decorations Introduction There are occasional references to inscriptions in the Bible; for example, the Ten Commandments were inscribed...","summary_en":"INSCRIPTIONS Term used to refer to writing in the ancient world that was done on a material of a permanent nature, such as stone or clay, rather than on ordinary and impermanent substances, such as papyri or parchment. Preview • Introduction • Inscriptions on Monuments • Historical Records • Official Announcements • Dedications • Correspondence • Mosaic Floor Decorations Introduction There are occasional references to inscriptions in the Bible; for example, the Ten Commandments were inscribed...","source":"Articles\/I.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":21469,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Justus","title_en":"Justus","content_ro":"<h3>JUSTUS<\/h3>\n<li>1. Surname for Joseph Barsabbas (Acts 1:23). See<\/em> Joseph #12.<\/li>\n<li>2. Godly Corinthian man (presumably a convert of Paul), who opened his home to Paul and the Christians after the Jewish synagogue was closed to Paul’s preaching (Acts 18:7). There is disagreement among the manuscripts as to the exact form of his name. Various readings are Justus or Titius Justus. He has also been identified as the Gaius of Romans 16:23.<\/li>\n<li>3. Surname of a believer named Jesus, a Jewish Christian (Col 4:11). See<\/em> Jesus #3.<\/li>","content_en":"<h3>JUSTUS<\/h3>\n<li>1. Surname for Joseph Barsabbas (Acts 1:23). See<\/em> Joseph #12.<\/li>\n<li>2. Godly Corinthian man (presumably a convert of Paul), who opened his home to Paul and the Christians after the Jewish synagogue was closed to Paul’s preaching (Acts 18:7). There is disagreement among the manuscripts as to the exact form of his name. Various readings are Justus or Titius Justus. He has also been identified as the Gaius of Romans 16:23.<\/li>\n<li>3. Surname of a believer named Jesus, a Jewish Christian (Col 4:11). See<\/em> Jesus #3.<\/li>","summary_ro":"JUSTUS 1. Surname for Joseph Barsabbas (Acts 1:23). See Joseph #12. 2. Godly Corinthian man (presumably a convert of Paul), who opened his home to Paul and the Christians after the Jewish synagogue was closed to Paul’s preaching (Acts 18:7). There is disagreement among the manuscripts as to the exact form of his name. Various readings are Justus or Titius Justus. He has also been identified as the Gaius of Romans 16:23. 3. Surname of a believer named Jesus, a Jewish Christian (Col 4:11). See ...","summary_en":"JUSTUS 1. Surname for Joseph Barsabbas (Acts 1:23). See Joseph #12. 2. Godly Corinthian man (presumably a convert of Paul), who opened his home to Paul and the Christians after the Jewish synagogue was closed to Paul’s preaching (Acts 18:7). There is disagreement among the manuscripts as to the exact form of his name. Various readings are Justus or Titius Justus. He has also been identified as the Gaius of Romans 16:23. 3. Surname of a believer named Jesus, a Jewish Christian (Col 4:11). See ...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":32228,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Quartus","title_en":"Quartus","content_ro":"<h3>QUARTUS<\/h3>\nChristian who joined the apostle Paul in sending greetings to the church in Rome (Rom 16:23).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>QUARTUS<\/h3>\nChristian who joined the apostle Paul in sending greetings to the church in Rome (Rom 16:23).<\/p>","summary_ro":"QUARTUS Christian who joined the apostle Paul in sending greetings to the church in Rome (Rom 16:23).","summary_en":"QUARTUS Christian who joined the apostle Paul in sending greetings to the church in Rome (Rom 16:23).","source":"Articles\/Q.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":33204,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Letter to the Romans","title_en":"Letter to the Romans","content_ro":"<h3>ROMANS, Letter to the<\/h3>\nPreview<\/p>\n• Author<\/p>\n• Date, Origin, and Destination<\/p>\n• Background<\/p>\n• Audience<\/p>\n• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n• Content<\/p>\nAuthor<\/p>\nWritten in the first person (Rom 1:5, 10, etc.), this epistle was authored by the apostle Paul. (The first words of the first verse are “Paul, a slave of Christ Jesus, called an apostle.”) The actual transcription of the letter, however, was done by Tertius (16:22), who acted as Paul’s amanuensis (secretary). The letter’s authenticity has never been disputed by reputable scholarship, liberal or conservative, and Romans stands at the head of virtually every ancient list or collection of Pauline letters.<\/p>\nDate, Origin, and Destination<\/p>\nThe destination of the letter is stated to be Rome (1:7). That Paul was in Corinth at the time of the writing seems clear from his reference to Erastus in 16:23 as the treasurer of the city. An inscription in the stone pavement beside the large theater in Corinth states that it was laid by Erastus, the city treasurer, in appreciation for his election. This could hardly be coincidental. Erastus evidently remained in Corinth, because it is mentioned as his home (2 Tm 4:20). Furthermore, Paul refers to Gaius as his host at the time he wrote Romans (Rom 16:23), probably the same Gaius who lived in Corinth (1 Cor 1:14). Finally, Phoebe, likely the carrier of this epistle, was a deaconess of the church at Cenchrea, the eastern port of Corinth (Rom 16:1).<\/p>\nFrom the epistle itself we can determine when Paul wrote it. Romans 15:23-28 indicates that Paul was just about ready to make his visit to Jerusalem with a contribution for its Christian poor from the churches of Macedonia and Achaia, after which his purpose was to visit Rome on his way to Spain (15:23-28). He carried this contribution with him from Corinth, at the close of his third visit to that city, which lasted three months (Acts 20:2, 23; 24:17). On this occasion certain persons accompanied him from Corinth, whose names are given by the historian of Acts (20:4), and four of these are expressly mentioned in this epistle as being with the apostle when he wrote it—Timothy, Sosipater, Gaius, and Erastus (Rom 16:21, 23). Paul’s visit to Jerusalem is usually dated around AD<\/span> 57–58. As such, the Epistle to the Romans was written around the same time.<\/p>\nBackground<\/p>\nIn a previous visit to Corinth, during his second missionary journey, Paul established the church there and remained in the city for 18 months (Acts 18:1, 11). His arrival coincided with the arrival of Priscilla and Aquila, who had recently come from Rome. At the end of his 18-month stay, Paul was brought before the newly appointed proconsul, Gallio (Acts 18:12), whose arrival can be dated from the Gallio inscription found at Delphi to the spring of AD<\/span> 51. Thus, Paul arrived in Corinth in the winter of AD<\/span> 49.<\/p>\nLeaving the city, he returned to Antioch, gave a report on his work, and set out on his last journey to collect the contribution for Jerusalem from the Gentile churches (Rom 15:25-29), for which he had previously prepared (1 Cor 16:1; 2 Cor 9:5). Continued problems in Corinth (1 Cor 1:11; 7:1) necessitated his return to the city (Acts 20:3), at which time he wrote Romans. It is clear from the last two chapters of the letter that he planned to take the contribution to Jerusalem almost immediately and from there go on to Rome (Rom 15:23-24). The occasion for the letter, therefore, is to alert the Romans to his coming so that they can assist him in his journey to Spain (15:24, 28). Rome was the only church, other than Colosse, which Paul did not establish. His letter, consequently, does not reflect awareness of specific problems in the membership there.<\/p>\nAudience<\/p>\nThe Roman church at this time was composed of both Jewish and Gentile believers. The church was probably started by Jewish believers who were at Jerusalem on the Day of Pentecost (Acts 2:10) and were among the 3,000 converts. Evidently, some of these took the gospel back with them to Rome. Probably some of the believers addressed in the salutations of the epistle were Christians already of long standing, if not among the earliest converts to the Christian faith. Thus, it is not improbable that up to the time of the apostle’s arrival, the Christian community at Rome had been dependent upon its own members for the increase of its numbers, aided perhaps by occasional visits from preachers.<\/p>\n\nEvidently, the gospel had gone out to Gentiles, because there were Gentiles in the church, as is evidenced by Paul’s remarks throughout the letter. In fact, it is clear that the apostle wrote to them expressly as to a Gentile church (Rom 1:13, 15; 15:15-16). Perhaps the major constituency of the Gentiles were “God-fearers” (see Acts 10:2).<\/p>\nPurpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\nOf all the epistles of Paul, this is the most elaborate and, at the same time, the most glowing. It has just as much in common with a theological treatise as with a personal, heartfelt epistle. The major theme running throughout the book is that both Jew and Gentile have fallen short of God’s glory and stand in need of salvation (Rom 3:21-31). God’s righteousness has not been revealed only to the Jew—because God is not God only to the Jews but to the Gentiles as well, since there is only one God (3:29). He will justify the Jews on the basis of the saving work of Christ at Calvary, and the Gentiles on the basis of that same act of faithfulness to Abraham’s promise (v 30). Their common faith gives them access to this grace (5:2). The gospel is thus to the Jew first and also to the Greek (1:16).<\/p>\nOnce a person believes, that person is justified before God (chs 1–3). This new relationship with God provides the believer with a new life in Christ and makes him or her a part of God’s people (chs 4–8). This is the deepest and most difficult part of the whole epistle; it carries us directly to the eternal springs of grace, sovereign love, and the inscrutable purposes of God. After this, we are told about the calling of the Gentiles, the preservation of a faithful Jewish remnant amidst the general unbelief and the fall of the nation, and the ultimate recovery of all Israel to constitute, with the Gentiles in the latter day, one universal church of God upon earth (chs 9–11). The remainder of the epistle is devoted to the practical application (in church life) of the truths previously revealed (chs 12–15). And then the epistle concludes with Paul’s heartfelt salutations to several different believers in Rome (ch 16).<\/p>\nContent<\/p>\n<h5>Overview<\/h5>\nThe thematic statement of the first eight chapters of the letter is set forth in 1:17: “It is through faith that a righteous person has life” (nlt<\/span>). This quotation from Habakkuk 2:4 sets Paul’s teaching on faith over against that of the OT on works. Thus, he affirms the fact that his teaching on faith is not new but is squarely rooted in the OT prophets. What was new was that the Gentiles would be fellow citizens with the Jews on the basis of faith in Christ (Eph 3:5-6). They would not have to become proselytes to Judaism in order to be acceptable to God, as some Jewish Christians demanded (Acts 15:1). This was the mystery of which Paul spoke in Ephesians (Eph 3:6).<\/p>\nThe first part of the epistle dwells on the theme that righteousness is attained by faith. The first three chapters demonstrate that Jew and Gentile are under sin and that the redemption of Christ is applicable to both (Rom 3:21-22). The fourth chapter demonstrates that Abraham is the father of Gentiles as well as Jews, because he is the spiritual father of believing Israel just as he is of believing Gentiles. Then, in chapters 5–8, Paul deals with the latter part of the theme of how a justifed person lives<\/em> by faith. Whether Jew or Gentile, the person who accepts the righteous acts of God on Calvary through Christ will live free from the wrath of God (ch 5), the power of sin (ch 6), the enslaving power of the law (ch 7), and the power of death (ch 8).<\/p>\nIn chapters 9–11, Paul discusses the nation of Israel “according to the flesh” (physical Jews) in relation to the future purpose of God, concluding that God has not cast off his people who were Israelites descended from Abraham (11:1-2). He can regraft them back into the tree from which they have been cut off, if they will accept Jesus as their Messiah (v 23).<\/p>\nThen in his closing section, he discusses the implications of the first 11 chapters for everyday Christian living (chs 12–16), closing the book with a reminder of the importance of the “offering of the Gentiles” through his own ministry (ch 15).<\/p>\n<h5>In Detail<\/h5>\nIn the first chapter Paul argues that the pagan Gentile world was in a state of rebellion against God, and the wrath of God had been revealed against their ungodliness (1:18). Even though God had given sufficient revelation of his existence to them in the world of nature, they had nevertheless become polytheistic and idolatrous, with all the accompanying moral degradations (vv 20-23). Thus, three times Paul emphasizes that God gave them up to their lusts (v 24), to dishonorable passions (v 26), and to a base mind and improper conduct (v 28). The meaning is that he passed over their sins (3:25), overlooked their spiritual ignorance of his true existence (Acts 17:30), and did not put a stop to such idolatry (7:42).<\/p>\nThe Jews fared little better because, even though they had received the law of Moses containing a revelation of the will of God for their nation, they had not kept the law (2:17-29). Even the Gentiles had those among them who did by nature the things contained in the law and were acceptable because their consciences were pure (vv 14-15). For a Jew, keeping the law was insufficient unless he did so as a spiritual conviction, not as a mere legal requirement (v 29). God-fearing Gentiles who kept the essence of the law were a model for condemning the Jews who did not (vv 14, 27). However, the faithlessness of the chosen nation did not nullify the faithfulness of God to the fulfillment of the promise to Abraham (3:3). Although the Jew had every advantage over the Gentile, he was no better off because both had given themselves over to the power of sin (vv 1, 9). The situation now was that “all have sinned [both Jew and Gentile] and fall short of the glory of God” (v 23, rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\nGod had therefore made Christ the Redeemer for the sins of the world (3:21-31). The righteousness of God had been manifested apart from the law, through the “faith of Christ” (v 22; i.e., the faithfulness of Christ to the promise) and was available to the Gentile as well as Jew on the basis of personal faith. If this righteousness were available only through keeping the commandments of the law, as good and holy as it was (7:12), then God was a God of Jews only and not of Gentiles, because the law was given to the Jews (3:29). But God is also the God of the Gentiles and justifies the Jew on the basis of Christ’s faithfulness, and the Gentile on the basis of that same faithful act. Christ died for all who believe in him (v 22). Thus God’s righteousness was manifested through Christ’s faithfulness (vv 3, 22) and provides the basis of salvation for everyone who believes (5:9).<\/p>\nSeveral times in the fourth chapter Paul insists that Abraham was the father of the Jews and of the Gentiles (vv 11-12, 16-18). Christ’s faithfulness to the promise to Abraham that all nations (Gentiles) would be blessed through his seed (the descendants of Isaac) enabled Abraham to become the father of all nations, that is, of all who believe (v 11).<\/p>\nHaving laid this broad theological base, Paul then argues that the impact of this justification or righteousness is that all believers experience salvation from the wrath of God and thereby experience peace (5:1, 9). Sin entered the world through the first transgression and passed to all people (v 12). Justification, however, was brought by the second Adam, Christ, who gives salvation to those who believe and receive the abundance of his grace (vv 16-18).<\/p>\nThe function of the law was not to save the Jew. It was added because of transgressions (Gal 3:19); it served to intensify the awareness of sin, present in all people, to the point of transgression of the law (Rom 5:20). Sin used the law to deceive and destroy those who tried to keep it (7:11). Paul had known what it was to covet before he knew the law, but when he became subject to the dictates and penalties of the law at age 12 or 13, the commandment against covetousness became even more demanding and destroyed him (7:11). After the law was known, the penalty for its disobedience was fully applicable. Sin had been intensified because it became a transgression of the law. This very fact caused the need for greater grace, because where sin abounded, grace abounded all the more (5:20). But it would be a gross perversion of what it means to live free from wrath, law, sin, and death to argue that one should therefore continue in sin that grace may abound (6:1). Paul argues that those who have been justified and saved by Christ have died to the power of sin, which no longer has enslaving power (vv 2, 6). The key thought here is that sin (i.e., Satan—sin personified) cannot exercise dominion over the believer (vv 9, 14); it cannot reign over him (v 12) and make him its slave (vv 17, 20).<\/p>\nIn addition to being liberated from God’s anger, the law, and sin, those who have been justified by faith have been freed from death, and God will give life to their mortal bodies through his Spirit (8:2, 11). If they live according to the flesh, they will die; but if they live by the Spirit, they will enjoy a liberating life (vv 6-13). Not even death will be able to separate them from the love of Christ (v 38). The Spirit leads them and helps in their human infirmity, praying and interceding for them just as Christ does (vv 14, 26, 34).<\/p>\nPaul does not discuss the pragmatic application of these theological principles until chapter 12. In between, he deals with the issue of how and why the Jews could have rejected the Messiah. How is it that they, of all people on earth, with the history of God’s personal involvement with them, could have rejected the Promised One? Chapters 9–11 focus on this important question.<\/p>\nPaul’s answer is fourfold. First, it was God’s purpose by election. He chose Israel, knowing what would happen in the future. These were physical Jews, Israelites, who enjoyed all the special relationships to God that an elect people could experience: sonship, glory, covenants, the law, worship, the promises, the patriarchs, and Christ (9:1-5). God had elected them just as he had chosen Jacob over Esau before either was born, just as he had hardened the heart of Pharaoh, just as the potter molds the clay into the vessel he desires (9:6-26). It had nothing to do with their character or inherent worth; it was strictly a matter of God’s purpose for them. There is no injustice on God’s part in making this choice, because it was necessary in order for God to show his power through them so that his name might be proclaimed in all the earth. He had chosen Israel to serve his purposes just as he had chosen Pharaoh and Jacob and Moses; their salvation was a matter of faith (Heb 11). After all, only a remnant of Israel ever really believed (Rom 9:27-29).<\/p>\nSecond, Paul argues that Israel, in rejecting the Messiah and his gospel, is following a precedent that appears repeatedly throughout history (9:30–10:21). The Jews did not seek righteousness by faith, and thus never found it. They based their righteousness on the law and thus stumbled over their own Messiah (9:30-33).<\/p>\nThird, he argues that since a “remnant” of Israel has already believed the gospel, it is a clear indication that Israel as a whole will yet do so (11:1-16, 26). So, even though he says that God has rejected Israel, he argues that God has not rejected them finally and irrevocably. He has broken them off the cultivated branch of the Abrahamic promise, but he has not rejected his people. The elect (remnant) obtained what it sought, but the rest were hardened for a period of time until they could be provoked to jealousy by the Gentiles’ inclusion into the kingdom. So Israel’s alienation is not necessarily final.<\/p>\nFourth, Paul argues that since Israel’s rejection has been such a blessing for the inclusion of the Gentiles, the scenario of their conversion in large numbers would be like a resurrection from the dead. This argument runs throughout the rest of the chapter (11:17-36). The Gentiles should not be haughty, because Israel stumbled so as to make their inclusion possible (vv 17-19). Israel did not stumble just so they could fall (v 11); their fall was a blessing to Gentiles and was a part of the purpose of God. And God, who broke them off for their unbelief, will be able to regraft them back into the tree from which they were cut off, if they do not persist in their unbelief.<\/p>\nChapters 12–16 deal with the pragmatic implications of Paul’s impressive arguments. Thus the chapter begins with “I appeal to you therefore . . .” (12:1). What follows is a lengthy list of Christian virtues and responsibilities. Paul frequently includes advice in his letters so as to assist the young converts in their transition from paganism into the Judeo-Christian ethical and moral value system. He often even modifies some behavior patterns among Jewish converts. Chapter 13 discusses the important relationship that should exist between Christians in the capital city of the Roman Empire and their government officials. They should recognize that civil government is, as such, ordained by God and has a right to exist even if those who hold the offices are corrupt. They are God’s servants to execute judgment on the disobedient (13:4). Chapter 14 encourages Christians enjoying freedom in Christ to live without influencing others to violate their own consciences in various matters, such as eating meat. Nor should those with weaker consciences try to restrict others who have found this precious freedom. Mutual love and respect is the mark of a true disciple of Christ. Chapter 15 contains Paul’s travel plans and his understanding of his role as a priestly minister to Gentiles, offering their conversion to God symbolically on the altar at Jerusalem in the form of a large collection of money taken up among the Gentile churches. Chapter 16 closes typically with greetings and commendations from various individuals. Twenty-seven people are greeted by name.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Paul, The Apostle.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>ROMANS, Letter to the<\/h3>\nPreview<\/p>\n• Author<\/p>\n• Date, Origin, and Destination<\/p>\n• Background<\/p>\n• Audience<\/p>\n• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n• Content<\/p>\nAuthor<\/p>\nWritten in the first person (Rom 1:5, 10, etc.), this epistle was authored by the apostle Paul. (The first words of the first verse are “Paul, a slave of Christ Jesus, called an apostle.”) The actual transcription of the letter, however, was done by Tertius (16:22), who acted as Paul’s amanuensis (secretary). The letter’s authenticity has never been disputed by reputable scholarship, liberal or conservative, and Romans stands at the head of virtually every ancient list or collection of Pauline letters.<\/p>\nDate, Origin, and Destination<\/p>\nThe destination of the letter is stated to be Rome (1:7). That Paul was in Corinth at the time of the writing seems clear from his reference to Erastus in 16:23 as the treasurer of the city. An inscription in the stone pavement beside the large theater in Corinth states that it was laid by Erastus, the city treasurer, in appreciation for his election. This could hardly be coincidental. Erastus evidently remained in Corinth, because it is mentioned as his home (2 Tm 4:20). Furthermore, Paul refers to Gaius as his host at the time he wrote Romans (Rom 16:23), probably the same Gaius who lived in Corinth (1 Cor 1:14). Finally, Phoebe, likely the carrier of this epistle, was a deaconess of the church at Cenchrea, the eastern port of Corinth (Rom 16:1).<\/p>\nFrom the epistle itself we can determine when Paul wrote it. Romans 15:23-28 indicates that Paul was just about ready to make his visit to Jerusalem with a contribution for its Christian poor from the churches of Macedonia and Achaia, after which his purpose was to visit Rome on his way to Spain (15:23-28). He carried this contribution with him from Corinth, at the close of his third visit to that city, which lasted three months (Acts 20:2, 23; 24:17). On this occasion certain persons accompanied him from Corinth, whose names are given by the historian of Acts (20:4), and four of these are expressly mentioned in this epistle as being with the apostle when he wrote it—Timothy, Sosipater, Gaius, and Erastus (Rom 16:21, 23). Paul’s visit to Jerusalem is usually dated around AD<\/span> 57–58. As such, the Epistle to the Romans was written around the same time.<\/p>\nBackground<\/p>\nIn a previous visit to Corinth, during his second missionary journey, Paul established the church there and remained in the city for 18 months (Acts 18:1, 11). His arrival coincided with the arrival of Priscilla and Aquila, who had recently come from Rome. At the end of his 18-month stay, Paul was brought before the newly appointed proconsul, Gallio (Acts 18:12), whose arrival can be dated from the Gallio inscription found at Delphi to the spring of AD<\/span> 51. Thus, Paul arrived in Corinth in the winter of AD<\/span> 49.<\/p>\nLeaving the city, he returned to Antioch, gave a report on his work, and set out on his last journey to collect the contribution for Jerusalem from the Gentile churches (Rom 15:25-29), for which he had previously prepared (1 Cor 16:1; 2 Cor 9:5). Continued problems in Corinth (1 Cor 1:11; 7:1) necessitated his return to the city (Acts 20:3), at which time he wrote Romans. It is clear from the last two chapters of the letter that he planned to take the contribution to Jerusalem almost immediately and from there go on to Rome (Rom 15:23-24). The occasion for the letter, therefore, is to alert the Romans to his coming so that they can assist him in his journey to Spain (15:24, 28). Rome was the only church, other than Colosse, which Paul did not establish. His letter, consequently, does not reflect awareness of specific problems in the membership there.<\/p>\nAudience<\/p>\nThe Roman church at this time was composed of both Jewish and Gentile believers. The church was probably started by Jewish believers who were at Jerusalem on the Day of Pentecost (Acts 2:10) and were among the 3,000 converts. Evidently, some of these took the gospel back with them to Rome. Probably some of the believers addressed in the salutations of the epistle were Christians already of long standing, if not among the earliest converts to the Christian faith. Thus, it is not improbable that up to the time of the apostle’s arrival, the Christian community at Rome had been dependent upon its own members for the increase of its numbers, aided perhaps by occasional visits from preachers.<\/p>\n\nEvidently, the gospel had gone out to Gentiles, because there were Gentiles in the church, as is evidenced by Paul’s remarks throughout the letter. In fact, it is clear that the apostle wrote to them expressly as to a Gentile church (Rom 1:13, 15; 15:15-16). Perhaps the major constituency of the Gentiles were “God-fearers” (see Acts 10:2).<\/p>\nPurpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\nOf all the epistles of Paul, this is the most elaborate and, at the same time, the most glowing. It has just as much in common with a theological treatise as with a personal, heartfelt epistle. The major theme running throughout the book is that both Jew and Gentile have fallen short of God’s glory and stand in need of salvation (Rom 3:21-31). God’s righteousness has not been revealed only to the Jew—because God is not God only to the Jews but to the Gentiles as well, since there is only one God (3:29). He will justify the Jews on the basis of the saving work of Christ at Calvary, and the Gentiles on the basis of that same act of faithfulness to Abraham’s promise (v 30). Their common faith gives them access to this grace (5:2). The gospel is thus to the Jew first and also to the Greek (1:16).<\/p>\nOnce a person believes, that person is justified before God (chs 1–3). This new relationship with God provides the believer with a new life in Christ and makes him or her a part of God’s people (chs 4–8). This is the deepest and most difficult part of the whole epistle; it carries us directly to the eternal springs of grace, sovereign love, and the inscrutable purposes of God. After this, we are told about the calling of the Gentiles, the preservation of a faithful Jewish remnant amidst the general unbelief and the fall of the nation, and the ultimate recovery of all Israel to constitute, with the Gentiles in the latter day, one universal church of God upon earth (chs 9–11). The remainder of the epistle is devoted to the practical application (in church life) of the truths previously revealed (chs 12–15). And then the epistle concludes with Paul’s heartfelt salutations to several different believers in Rome (ch 16).<\/p>\nContent<\/p>\n<h5>Overview<\/h5>\nThe thematic statement of the first eight chapters of the letter is set forth in 1:17: “It is through faith that a righteous person has life” (nlt<\/span>). This quotation from Habakkuk 2:4 sets Paul’s teaching on faith over against that of the OT on works. Thus, he affirms the fact that his teaching on faith is not new but is squarely rooted in the OT prophets. What was new was that the Gentiles would be fellow citizens with the Jews on the basis of faith in Christ (Eph 3:5-6). They would not have to become proselytes to Judaism in order to be acceptable to God, as some Jewish Christians demanded (Acts 15:1). This was the mystery of which Paul spoke in Ephesians (Eph 3:6).<\/p>\nThe first part of the epistle dwells on the theme that righteousness is attained by faith. The first three chapters demonstrate that Jew and Gentile are under sin and that the redemption of Christ is applicable to both (Rom 3:21-22). The fourth chapter demonstrates that Abraham is the father of Gentiles as well as Jews, because he is the spiritual father of believing Israel just as he is of believing Gentiles. Then, in chapters 5–8, Paul deals with the latter part of the theme of how a justifed person lives<\/em> by faith. Whether Jew or Gentile, the person who accepts the righteous acts of God on Calvary through Christ will live free from the wrath of God (ch 5), the power of sin (ch 6), the enslaving power of the law (ch 7), and the power of death (ch 8).<\/p>\nIn chapters 9–11, Paul discusses the nation of Israel “according to the flesh” (physical Jews) in relation to the future purpose of God, concluding that God has not cast off his people who were Israelites descended from Abraham (11:1-2). He can regraft them back into the tree from which they have been cut off, if they will accept Jesus as their Messiah (v 23).<\/p>\nThen in his closing section, he discusses the implications of the first 11 chapters for everyday Christian living (chs 12–16), closing the book with a reminder of the importance of the “offering of the Gentiles” through his own ministry (ch 15).<\/p>\n<h5>In Detail<\/h5>\nIn the first chapter Paul argues that the pagan Gentile world was in a state of rebellion against God, and the wrath of God had been revealed against their ungodliness (1:18). Even though God had given sufficient revelation of his existence to them in the world of nature, they had nevertheless become polytheistic and idolatrous, with all the accompanying moral degradations (vv 20-23). Thus, three times Paul emphasizes that God gave them up to their lusts (v 24), to dishonorable passions (v 26), and to a base mind and improper conduct (v 28). The meaning is that he passed over their sins (3:25), overlooked their spiritual ignorance of his true existence (Acts 17:30), and did not put a stop to such idolatry (7:42).<\/p>\nThe Jews fared little better because, even though they had received the law of Moses containing a revelation of the will of God for their nation, they had not kept the law (2:17-29). Even the Gentiles had those among them who did by nature the things contained in the law and were acceptable because their consciences were pure (vv 14-15). For a Jew, keeping the law was insufficient unless he did so as a spiritual conviction, not as a mere legal requirement (v 29). God-fearing Gentiles who kept the essence of the law were a model for condemning the Jews who did not (vv 14, 27). However, the faithlessness of the chosen nation did not nullify the faithfulness of God to the fulfillment of the promise to Abraham (3:3). Although the Jew had every advantage over the Gentile, he was no better off because both had given themselves over to the power of sin (vv 1, 9). The situation now was that “all have sinned [both Jew and Gentile] and fall short of the glory of God” (v 23, rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\nGod had therefore made Christ the Redeemer for the sins of the world (3:21-31). The righteousness of God had been manifested apart from the law, through the “faith of Christ” (v 22; i.e., the faithfulness of Christ to the promise) and was available to the Gentile as well as Jew on the basis of personal faith. If this righteousness were available only through keeping the commandments of the law, as good and holy as it was (7:12), then God was a God of Jews only and not of Gentiles, because the law was given to the Jews (3:29). But God is also the God of the Gentiles and justifies the Jew on the basis of Christ’s faithfulness, and the Gentile on the basis of that same faithful act. Christ died for all who believe in him (v 22). Thus God’s righteousness was manifested through Christ’s faithfulness (vv 3, 22) and provides the basis of salvation for everyone who believes (5:9).<\/p>\nSeveral times in the fourth chapter Paul insists that Abraham was the father of the Jews and of the Gentiles (vv 11-12, 16-18). Christ’s faithfulness to the promise to Abraham that all nations (Gentiles) would be blessed through his seed (the descendants of Isaac) enabled Abraham to become the father of all nations, that is, of all who believe (v 11).<\/p>\nHaving laid this broad theological base, Paul then argues that the impact of this justification or righteousness is that all believers experience salvation from the wrath of God and thereby experience peace (5:1, 9). Sin entered the world through the first transgression and passed to all people (v 12). Justification, however, was brought by the second Adam, Christ, who gives salvation to those who believe and receive the abundance of his grace (vv 16-18).<\/p>\nThe function of the law was not to save the Jew. It was added because of transgressions (Gal 3:19); it served to intensify the awareness of sin, present in all people, to the point of transgression of the law (Rom 5:20). Sin used the law to deceive and destroy those who tried to keep it (7:11). Paul had known what it was to covet before he knew the law, but when he became subject to the dictates and penalties of the law at age 12 or 13, the commandment against covetousness became even more demanding and destroyed him (7:11). After the law was known, the penalty for its disobedience was fully applicable. Sin had been intensified because it became a transgression of the law. This very fact caused the need for greater grace, because where sin abounded, grace abounded all the more (5:20). But it would be a gross perversion of what it means to live free from wrath, law, sin, and death to argue that one should therefore continue in sin that grace may abound (6:1). Paul argues that those who have been justified and saved by Christ have died to the power of sin, which no longer has enslaving power (vv 2, 6). The key thought here is that sin (i.e., Satan—sin personified) cannot exercise dominion over the believer (vv 9, 14); it cannot reign over him (v 12) and make him its slave (vv 17, 20).<\/p>\nIn addition to being liberated from God’s anger, the law, and sin, those who have been justified by faith have been freed from death, and God will give life to their mortal bodies through his Spirit (8:2, 11). If they live according to the flesh, they will die; but if they live by the Spirit, they will enjoy a liberating life (vv 6-13). Not even death will be able to separate them from the love of Christ (v 38). The Spirit leads them and helps in their human infirmity, praying and interceding for them just as Christ does (vv 14, 26, 34).<\/p>\nPaul does not discuss the pragmatic application of these theological principles until chapter 12. In between, he deals with the issue of how and why the Jews could have rejected the Messiah. How is it that they, of all people on earth, with the history of God’s personal involvement with them, could have rejected the Promised One? Chapters 9–11 focus on this important question.<\/p>\nPaul’s answer is fourfold. First, it was God’s purpose by election. He chose Israel, knowing what would happen in the future. These were physical Jews, Israelites, who enjoyed all the special relationships to God that an elect people could experience: sonship, glory, covenants, the law, worship, the promises, the patriarchs, and Christ (9:1-5). God had elected them just as he had chosen Jacob over Esau before either was born, just as he had hardened the heart of Pharaoh, just as the potter molds the clay into the vessel he desires (9:6-26). It had nothing to do with their character or inherent worth; it was strictly a matter of God’s purpose for them. There is no injustice on God’s part in making this choice, because it was necessary in order for God to show his power through them so that his name might be proclaimed in all the earth. He had chosen Israel to serve his purposes just as he had chosen Pharaoh and Jacob and Moses; their salvation was a matter of faith (Heb 11). After all, only a remnant of Israel ever really believed (Rom 9:27-29).<\/p>\nSecond, Paul argues that Israel, in rejecting the Messiah and his gospel, is following a precedent that appears repeatedly throughout history (9:30–10:21). The Jews did not seek righteousness by faith, and thus never found it. They based their righteousness on the law and thus stumbled over their own Messiah (9:30-33).<\/p>\nThird, he argues that since a “remnant” of Israel has already believed the gospel, it is a clear indication that Israel as a whole will yet do so (11:1-16, 26). So, even though he says that God has rejected Israel, he argues that God has not rejected them finally and irrevocably. He has broken them off the cultivated branch of the Abrahamic promise, but he has not rejected his people. The elect (remnant) obtained what it sought, but the rest were hardened for a period of time until they could be provoked to jealousy by the Gentiles’ inclusion into the kingdom. So Israel’s alienation is not necessarily final.<\/p>\nFourth, Paul argues that since Israel’s rejection has been such a blessing for the inclusion of the Gentiles, the scenario of their conversion in large numbers would be like a resurrection from the dead. This argument runs throughout the rest of the chapter (11:17-36). The Gentiles should not be haughty, because Israel stumbled so as to make their inclusion possible (vv 17-19). Israel did not stumble just so they could fall (v 11); their fall was a blessing to Gentiles and was a part of the purpose of God. And God, who broke them off for their unbelief, will be able to regraft them back into the tree from which they were cut off, if they do not persist in their unbelief.<\/p>\nChapters 12–16 deal with the pragmatic implications of Paul’s impressive arguments. Thus the chapter begins with “I appeal to you therefore . . .” (12:1). What follows is a lengthy list of Christian virtues and responsibilities. Paul frequently includes advice in his letters so as to assist the young converts in their transition from paganism into the Judeo-Christian ethical and moral value system. He often even modifies some behavior patterns among Jewish converts. Chapter 13 discusses the important relationship that should exist between Christians in the capital city of the Roman Empire and their government officials. They should recognize that civil government is, as such, ordained by God and has a right to exist even if those who hold the offices are corrupt. They are God’s servants to execute judgment on the disobedient (13:4). Chapter 14 encourages Christians enjoying freedom in Christ to live without influencing others to violate their own consciences in various matters, such as eating meat. Nor should those with weaker consciences try to restrict others who have found this precious freedom. Mutual love and respect is the mark of a true disciple of Christ. Chapter 15 contains Paul’s travel plans and his understanding of his role as a priestly minister to Gentiles, offering their conversion to God symbolically on the altar at Jerusalem in the form of a large collection of money taken up among the Gentile churches. Chapter 16 closes typically with greetings and commendations from various individuals. Twenty-seven people are greeted by name.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Paul, The Apostle.<\/p>","summary_ro":"ROMANS, Letter to the Preview • Author • Date, Origin, and Destination • Background • Audience • Purpose and Theological Teaching • Content Author Written in the first person (Rom 1:5, 10, etc.), this epistle was authored by the apostle Paul. (The first words of the first verse are “Paul, a slave of Christ Jesus, called an apostle.”) The actual transcription of the letter, however, was done by Tertius (16:22), who acted as Paul’s amanuensis (secretary). The letter’s authenticity has never bee...","summary_en":"ROMANS, Letter to the Preview • Author • Date, Origin, and Destination • Background • Audience • Purpose and Theological Teaching • Content Author Written in the first person (Rom 1:5, 10, etc.), this epistle was authored by the apostle Paul. (The first words of the first verse are “Paul, a slave of Christ Jesus, called an apostle.”) The actual transcription of the letter, however, was done by Tertius (16:22), who acted as Paul’s amanuensis (secretary). The letter’s authenticity has never bee...","source":"Articles\/R.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":37663,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Treasurer","title_en":"Treasurer","content_ro":"<h3>TREASURER<\/h3>\nAn officer in charge of financial matters. In OT times he had charge of the royal or sacred treasures, which consisted of goods, documents, money, and jewels. He was steward of the king’s possessions and overseer of the treasury. David appointed Azmaveth over the king’s treasuries, Jonathan over the treasuries in cities and villages (1 Chr 27:25), and Ahijah over the temple treasuries (26:20). Solomon’s temple treasury was in the care of Jehiel (29:7-8). In Isaiah’s day there was a treasurer for the household named Shebna (Is 22:15). An inscription found near Jerusalem may record his name.<\/p>\nTreasurers held positions in other lands too. King Cyrus of Persia entrusted his temple treasures to Mithredath (Ezr 1:8). Artaxerxes ordered the treasurers of the province “beyond the river” to supply funds to Ezra the priest (7:21-22). Nehemiah appointed treasurers over storehouses to distribute goods (Neh 12:44; 13:13).<\/p>\nIn the NT, two treasurers are known. The Ethiopian eunuch was in charge of the treasury of Candace, queen of Ethiopia (Acts 8:27), and Erastus was the city treasurer of Corinth (Rom 16:23). An inscription left at Corinth by Erastus, a Roman treasurer, may be his.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Money; Banker, Banking.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>TREASURER<\/h3>\nAn officer in charge of financial matters. In OT times he had charge of the royal or sacred treasures, which consisted of goods, documents, money, and jewels. He was steward of the king’s possessions and overseer of the treasury. David appointed Azmaveth over the king’s treasuries, Jonathan over the treasuries in cities and villages (1 Chr 27:25), and Ahijah over the temple treasuries (26:20). Solomon’s temple treasury was in the care of Jehiel (29:7-8). In Isaiah’s day there was a treasurer for the household named Shebna (Is 22:15). An inscription found near Jerusalem may record his name.<\/p>\nTreasurers held positions in other lands too. King Cyrus of Persia entrusted his temple treasures to Mithredath (Ezr 1:8). Artaxerxes ordered the treasurers of the province “beyond the river” to supply funds to Ezra the priest (7:21-22). Nehemiah appointed treasurers over storehouses to distribute goods (Neh 12:44; 13:13).<\/p>\nIn the NT, two treasurers are known. The Ethiopian eunuch was in charge of the treasury of Candace, queen of Ethiopia (Acts 8:27), and Erastus was the city treasurer of Corinth (Rom 16:23). An inscription left at Corinth by Erastus, a Roman treasurer, may be his.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Money; Banker, Banking.<\/p>","summary_ro":"TREASURER An officer in charge of financial matters. In OT times he had charge of the royal or sacred treasures, which consisted of goods, documents, money, and jewels. He was steward of the king’s possessions and overseer of the treasury. David appointed Azmaveth over the king’s treasuries, Jonathan over the treasuries in cities and villages (1 Chr 27:25), and Ahijah over the temple treasuries (26:20). Solomon’s temple treasury was in the care of Jehiel (29:7-8). In Isaiah’s day there was a ...","summary_en":"TREASURER An officer in charge of financial matters. In OT times he had charge of the royal or sacred treasures, which consisted of goods, documents, money, and jewels. He was steward of the king’s possessions and overseer of the treasury. David appointed Azmaveth over the king’s treasuries, Jonathan over the treasuries in cities and villages (1 Chr 27:25), and Ahijah over the temple treasuries (26:20). Solomon’s temple treasury was in the care of Jehiel (29:7-8). In Isaiah’s day there was a ...","source":"Articles\/T.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":57443,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:23","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:23","content_ro":"16:23<\/strong> This Erastus<\/em> was probably the individual Paul sent from Ephesus to Macedonia during his third missionary journey (Acts 19:21-22; see 2 Tim 4:20). An inscription in Corinth mentions an Erastus who was a city magistrate, possibly the same Erastus mentioned here.<\/p>","content_en":"16:23<\/strong> This Erastus<\/em> was probably the individual Paul sent from Ephesus to Macedonia during his third missionary journey (Acts 19:21-22; see 2 Tim 4:20). An inscription in Corinth mentions an Erastus who was a city magistrate, possibly the same Erastus mentioned here.<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:23 This Erastus was probably the individual Paul sent from Ephesus to Macedonia during his third missionary journey (Acts 19:21-22; see 2 Tim 4:20). An inscription in Corinth mentions an Erastus who was a city magistrate, possibly the same Erastus mentioned here.","summary_en":"16:23 This Erastus was probably the individual Paul sent from Ephesus to Macedonia during his third missionary journey (Acts 19:21-22; see 2 Tim 4:20). An inscription in Corinth mentions an Erastus who was a city magistrate, possibly the same Erastus mentioned here.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":85069,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:23","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:23","content_ro":"16:23<\/strong> This Erastus<\/em> was probably the individual Paul sent from Ephesus to Macedonia during his third missionary journey (Acts 19:21-22; see 2 Tim 4:20). An inscription in Corinth mentions an Erastus who was a city magistrate, possibly the same Erastus mentioned here.<\/p>","content_en":"16:23<\/strong> This Erastus<\/em> was probably the individual Paul sent from Ephesus to Macedonia during his third missionary journey (Acts 19:21-22; see 2 Tim 4:20). An inscription in Corinth mentions an Erastus who was a city magistrate, possibly the same Erastus mentioned here.<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:23 This Erastus was probably the individual Paul sent from Ephesus to Macedonia during his third missionary journey (Acts 19:21-22; see 2 Tim 4:20). An inscription in Corinth mentions an Erastus who was a city magistrate, possibly the same Erastus mentioned here.","summary_en":"16:23 This Erastus was probably the individual Paul sent from Ephesus to Macedonia during his third missionary journey (Acts 19:21-22; see 2 Tim 4:20). An inscription in Corinth mentions an Erastus who was a city magistrate, possibly the same Erastus mentioned here.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":112695,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:23","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:23","content_ro":"16:23<\/strong> This Erastus<\/em> was probably the individual Paul sent from Ephesus to Macedonia during his third missionary journey (Acts 19:21-22; see 2 Tim 4:20). An inscription in Corinth mentions an Erastus who was a city magistrate, possibly the same Erastus mentioned here.<\/p>","content_en":"16:23<\/strong> This Erastus<\/em> was probably the individual Paul sent from Ephesus to Macedonia during his third missionary journey (Acts 19:21-22; see 2 Tim 4:20). An inscription in Corinth mentions an Erastus who was a city magistrate, possibly the same Erastus mentioned here.<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:23 This Erastus was probably the individual Paul sent from Ephesus to Macedonia during his third missionary journey (Acts 19:21-22; see 2 Tim 4:20). An inscription in Corinth mentions an Erastus who was a city magistrate, possibly the same Erastus mentioned here.","summary_en":"16:23 This Erastus was probably the individual Paul sent from Ephesus to Macedonia during his third missionary journey (Acts 19:21-22; see 2 Tim 4:20). An inscription in Corinth mentions an Erastus who was a city magistrate, possibly the same Erastus mentioned here.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":140321,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:23","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:23","content_ro":"16:23<\/strong> This Erastus<\/em> was probably the individual Paul sent from Ephesus to Macedonia during his third missionary journey (Acts 19:21-22; see 2 Tim 4:20). An inscription in Corinth mentions an Erastus who was a city magistrate, possibly the same Erastus mentioned here.<\/p>","content_en":"16:23<\/strong> This Erastus<\/em> was probably the individual Paul sent from Ephesus to Macedonia during his third missionary journey (Acts 19:21-22; see 2 Tim 4:20). An inscription in Corinth mentions an Erastus who was a city magistrate, possibly the same Erastus mentioned here.<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:23 This Erastus was probably the individual Paul sent from Ephesus to Macedonia during his third missionary journey (Acts 19:21-22; see 2 Tim 4:20). An inscription in Corinth mentions an Erastus who was a city magistrate, possibly the same Erastus mentioned here.","summary_en":"16:23 This Erastus was probably the individual Paul sent from Ephesus to Macedonia during his third missionary journey (Acts 19:21-22; see 2 Tim 4:20). An inscription in Corinth mentions an Erastus who was a city magistrate, possibly the same Erastus mentioned here.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"25":[{"id":12887,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"of Time*, Fullness","title_en":"of Time*, Fullness","content_ro":"<h3>FULLNESS OF TIME*<\/h3>\nExpression meaning “when the time was ripe,” occurring in English translations of Galatians 4:4 and Ephesians 1:10. In Galatians the reference is to the time when “God sent forth his Son.” The apostle Paul used the image of a child coming of age to say that Jesus came at a point in human history when the time was ripe and released humanity from bondage to the law.<\/p>\nTraditionally, theologians have seen indications of the ripeness of the time of Jesus’ birth in the historical circumstances of his day. Rome’s conquests had produced “Roman peace,” so that travel was both safe and easy. That political unity was built on the earlier victories of Alexander the Great, whose expansion from Greece to Egypt to India left in its wake the Greek language and culture, which later made the spread of the gospel easier. Greek-speaking Jews lived in every city of the Roman Empire. Their religion was protected by Roman law, and that law protected Christianity for its first half century. Many Gentiles who were interested in the monotheism and morality of Judaism went to the Jewish synagogues. Thus, the synagogue was a natural starting point for the church’s early outreach to Gentiles.<\/p>\nIn Palestine the Jews were longing for a Messiah (deliverer) since they were politically subject to the Herods and the Romans. Messianic rebellion simmered constantly, and even repeatedly broke out in open battle. Socially, peasants were oppressed by large landholders, who used every opportunity and legal loophole to expand their properties. Many of those oppressors were from the chief priestly families, whose greed was well known to all. Throughout Palestine, messianic speculation was at a high point. The Pharisees talked about what would happen when the Messiah came, and the scribes at Qumran (the Dead Sea Scrolls community) wrote books about it. The time was ripe for Jesus’ coming, as he himself indicated (Mt 13:11, 16-17; Mk 1:15).<\/p>\nIn Ephesians 1:10, Paul used a slightly different Greek expression, which covers the whole of the time between Jesus’ first coming and his future return to complete God’s plan in history. Jesus revealed this plan (or “mystery,” as Paul called it—Rom 16:25-26; Eph 1:9; 3:4-5; Col 1:26), which works out in the church as people repent and are joined to him. In the ultimate sense, the full “ripeness” will come when God’s plan or purpose (“dispensation,” kjv<\/span>) is completed and Christ becomes head over all things. Paul knew that this completion was in progress, but he awaited its total realization in what he hoped would be the near future.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>FULLNESS OF TIME*<\/h3>\nExpression meaning “when the time was ripe,” occurring in English translations of Galatians 4:4 and Ephesians 1:10. In Galatians the reference is to the time when “God sent forth his Son.” The apostle Paul used the image of a child coming of age to say that Jesus came at a point in human history when the time was ripe and released humanity from bondage to the law.<\/p>\nTraditionally, theologians have seen indications of the ripeness of the time of Jesus’ birth in the historical circumstances of his day. Rome’s conquests had produced “Roman peace,” so that travel was both safe and easy. That political unity was built on the earlier victories of Alexander the Great, whose expansion from Greece to Egypt to India left in its wake the Greek language and culture, which later made the spread of the gospel easier. Greek-speaking Jews lived in every city of the Roman Empire. Their religion was protected by Roman law, and that law protected Christianity for its first half century. Many Gentiles who were interested in the monotheism and morality of Judaism went to the Jewish synagogues. Thus, the synagogue was a natural starting point for the church’s early outreach to Gentiles.<\/p>\nIn Palestine the Jews were longing for a Messiah (deliverer) since they were politically subject to the Herods and the Romans. Messianic rebellion simmered constantly, and even repeatedly broke out in open battle. Socially, peasants were oppressed by large landholders, who used every opportunity and legal loophole to expand their properties. Many of those oppressors were from the chief priestly families, whose greed was well known to all. Throughout Palestine, messianic speculation was at a high point. The Pharisees talked about what would happen when the Messiah came, and the scribes at Qumran (the Dead Sea Scrolls community) wrote books about it. The time was ripe for Jesus’ coming, as he himself indicated (Mt 13:11, 16-17; Mk 1:15).<\/p>\nIn Ephesians 1:10, Paul used a slightly different Greek expression, which covers the whole of the time between Jesus’ first coming and his future return to complete God’s plan in history. Jesus revealed this plan (or “mystery,” as Paul called it—Rom 16:25-26; Eph 1:9; 3:4-5; Col 1:26), which works out in the church as people repent and are joined to him. In the ultimate sense, the full “ripeness” will come when God’s plan or purpose (“dispensation,” kjv<\/span>) is completed and Christ becomes head over all things. Paul knew that this completion was in progress, but he awaited its total realization in what he hoped would be the near future.<\/p>","summary_ro":"FULLNESS OF TIME* Expression meaning “when the time was ripe,” occurring in English translations of Galatians 4:4 and Ephesians 1:10. In Galatians the reference is to the time when “God sent forth his Son.” The apostle Paul used the image of a child coming of age to say that Jesus came at a point in human history when the time was ripe and released humanity from bondage to the law. Traditionally, theologians have seen indications of the ripeness of the time of Jesus’ birth in the historical c...","summary_en":"FULLNESS OF TIME* Expression meaning “when the time was ripe,” occurring in English translations of Galatians 4:4 and Ephesians 1:10. In Galatians the reference is to the time when “God sent forth his Son.” The apostle Paul used the image of a child coming of age to say that Jesus came at a point in human history when the time was ripe and released humanity from bondage to the law. Traditionally, theologians have seen indications of the ripeness of the time of Jesus’ birth in the historical c...","source":"Articles\/F.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":21182,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Letter of Jude","title_en":"Letter of Jude","content_ro":"<h3>JUDE, Letter of<\/h3>\nShort, hard-hitting letter to a church being infiltrated by teachers who practiced all types of moral evil. Jude reveals the inner situation of a Jewish-Christian community and also presents some great difficulties for the Christian interpreter.<\/p>\nPreview<\/p>\n• Author<\/p>\n• Date, Origin, and Destination<\/p>\n• Background<\/p>\n• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n• Content<\/p>\nAuthor<\/p>\nThe Letter of Jude states that it was written by “Jude . . . [the] brother of James” (1:1). Many scholars understand this nomenclature to designate Jude (Greek “Judas”), Jesus’ brother, whose brother James became the leader of the Jerusalem church. But other scholars think that perhaps another Jude wrote it, or some later author wrote it in the spirit of the leader whom he revered. The hypothesis that another Jude wrote it seems unlikely, for the apostle Jude (Lk 6:16; Acts 1:13) is the son of a certain James, not a brother of James; besides, Jude 1:17 appears to distinguish Jude from the apostles. And since there was only one James who was prominent in the early church, James the Lord’s brother, it would be hard to believe that some other Jude would have a brother named James and would use such an identification in the title; it would have been too confusing. The title “brother of James” most likely means that Jude was James of Jerusalem’s brother and therefore Jesus’ brother; he did not use the title “brother of our Lord,” perhaps, as Clement of Alexandria said, out of modesty.<\/p>\nThe idea that a later author wrote using Jude’s name presents a major problem: Why would he pick such an obscure name, instead of Paul or Peter or James, and why would he not use a more exalted and authoritative title? We must conclude that, despite the difficulties of date and background, Judas the Lord’s brother wrote this letter.<\/p>\nDate, Origin, and Destination<\/p>\nAbout date, origin, and destination, the letter says nothing directly. Since the content of the faith is clearly fixed (Jude 1:3) and the recipients have personally heard the apostles (who may have died already, v 17), the date is probably between AD<\/span> 60 and 100.<\/p>\nPresumably, Jude traveled (with his wife and family) to promote the faith (1 Cor 9:5). Throughout his travels, he may have established some churches—or, at least, he probably taught at various local churches. It may be that he heard of false teachers infiltrating these churches and was prompted to write them this epistle.<\/p>\nJude may have written from Galilee in his old age, or perhaps he had returned to Jerusalem. The best guess we can make about the recipients would be that they were members of Jewish-Christian churches in Syria. Still, these locations remain little more than guesses.<\/p>\n\nBackground<\/p>\nThree facts about the Letter of Jude make its background difficult to reconstruct. First, it is hard to be sure what type of heresy it was combating. Some scholars believe that this was early Gnosticism, and others that it was simply teaching infiltrated with ethical error. If the heretics were Gnostics, they believed in a hierarchy of angels or demigods. In this case they probably saw Jesus as a lower rung on the way to salvation. Perhaps they also considered God to be the lower creator (the demiurge) and spoke of wanting to serve the true God (Jude 1:4). This might explain the interest in angels and demons (v 8) and the stress on the unity of God (v 25). But probably these were simply people who had found a way to rationalize immoral behavior and were unwisely mocking the evil powers. There is no clear evidence that they were Gnostic, while there is plenty of evidence that people turned the freedom of the gospel into an excuse for sin (e.g., Rom 6; 1 Cor 5–6). These teachers probably denied Christ by failing to follow his ethical teaching, and their blasphemy of angels (while they themselves were deep in sin) was another ethical sin. Such depravity is enough to explain the letter; however, knowing that doctrinal and ethical error often go hand in hand, we must not discount the possibility that some doctrinal error was also involved.<\/p>\nSecond, Jude surprises us by quoting from two apocryphal books, the Assumption of Moses (Jude 1:4) and 1 Enoch (Jude 1:14-15 quotes 1 Enoch 1:9). This fact and other allusions in the book reveal that Jude and probably his readers were well read in Jewish apocryphal literature. Moreover, it also shows that Jude regarded books outside the canon of the OT as transmitting true traditions and authoritative prophecy. That Jude accepted these books is not surprising, since many apocryphal books were used by Jews of that period, alongside the OT, as a type of devotional literature. Early Christians often included apocryphal literature along with canonical books as part of their Bibles (sometimes they would also omit NT books that were not yet considered authentic). The canon of NT Scripture was not firmly established until the third century, long after Jude’s epistle was written.<\/p>\nIt is important to realize that while Jude probably believed in the historicity of these citations, the teaching of the letter does not depend on that historicity. Jude wrote about neither Moses nor Enoch but about how one should behave toward authorities (Jude 1:8) and what God will do to ungodly people (v 13). The citations illustrate Jude’s teaching and probably carried weight with his first readers, but the fact that they are apocryphal should bother us no more than Paul’s quotations from pagan writers or the writer of Hebrews’ allusions to 2 Maccabees (Acts 17; Ti 1:12; Heb 11:35). The authority of Scripture rests in the point the author is making.<\/p>\nThird, Jude shows such a close relationship to 2 Peter 2 that either Jude is an expansion of 2 Peter 2 or else 2 Peter 2 is an abbreviation of Jude. Words, phrases, and illustrations are essentially identical in the two works. While it is hard to determine who borrowed from whom, probably the author of 2 Peter has adapted the strong denunciations of Jude to the more instructive tone of his work. It would be hard to imagine anyone writing Jude if 2 Peter already existed. Christians should have no problem with this borrowing, for no writer of Scripture believed himself so original that he could not borrow from other Scriptures, from hymns, or from noncanonical literature. It is no more a problem for God to inspire a quotation or adaptation from another writing than for him to inspire a new composition. Indeed, some passages in Scripture are total repetitions of others (e.g., Ps 18 and 2 Sm 22).<\/p>\nPurpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\nJude describes his work in terms of exhortation or encouragement (Jude 1:3). Obviously he wanted to strengthen the churches against false teachers who were perverting the gospel. Thus, he repeatedly urged the believers to hold fast or guard their purity and the gospel (vv 3, 20-21, 24). Yet he did not want the teachers simply kicked out, for he had hopes that the believers would be able to rescue some from this danger, although the rescue itself would be dangerous work (v 23).<\/p>\nIn framing his exhortation the author did not produce any new doctrines; rather, he underlined some old ones: (1) He stressed the ethical nature of the gospel and the need to maintain purity in life and speech. (2) He showed a high regard for salvation through Christ and a strong belief in one God. (3) He demanded respect for authority, both temporal and spiritual (vv 8-11). (4) He had a clear apocalyptic belief, stressing the coming last judgment (vv 14-15) and affirming that the last days had already come (v 18). (5) He warned of the necessity to persevere in the faith both doctrinally and ethically (vv 19-21). (6) He demonstrated zeal to reclaim those who had erred, for they were outside the grace of God (v 23).<\/p>\nContent<\/p>\n<h5>Salutation (1:1-2)<\/h5>\nThe author identifies himself humbly as a servant of Jesus Christ and addresses his letter to the faithful in the church—those who are loved, guarded, and called by God and Christ.<\/p>\n<h5>Called to Hold to the Faith (1:3-4)<\/h5>\nJude had been planning to write these Christians about “the salvation we all share” (v 3). We will never know what instruction he had planned to give, for in the middle of his preparations he heard news that forced him to change his plans. Instead, he penned an epistle in defense of “the faith”—that is, the true apostolic teachings concerning Jesus Christ that all genuine believers embrace. Some people had joined the church, perhaps with ulterior motives, who were dangerous to the church. The Christians must fight hard to keep pure the body of doctrine (meaning ethics as well as theology) that they had received from Jude and the apostles. Jude makes two charges against these false believers: (1) they had perverted God’s grace into licentiousness, perhaps openly flaunting sexual sins as a sign of freedom they had in Christ (cf. Rom 6; 1 Cor 5–6); and (2) they denied the Lord Jesus (by failing to follow his teachings).<\/p>\n<h5>Reminder of God’s Judgment (1:5-7)<\/h5>\nSince the recipients were probably Jewish Christians, they had learned the OT and Jewish tradition well. The author chose three illustrations of the results of apostasy: (1) Judgment can come to those once considered as God’s people (as it did to those “saved” from Egypt, Ex 32:28; Nm 11:33-34; 14:29-35). (2) The consequence of apostasy is eternal damnation (as in the case of the fallen angels of 1 Enoch 6–16—these ideas appear in other Jewish traditions as well). (3) Ethical corruption is in fact a type of apostasy and thus merits damnation (as in the case of Sodom—Gn 19; 2 Pt 2:4-6). The author stressed the homosexuality of Sodom rather than its injustice, which Ezekiel 16:49 condemns, so perhaps sexual misbehavior was a problem with the false teachers. These three illustrations drive home the seriousness of the problems that the church was facing.<\/p>\n<h5>Denunciation of the False Teachers (1:8-16; cf. 2 Pt 2:10-17)<\/h5>\nThe false teachers claimed to have received revelations in dreams as the basis of their evil behavior. Their sins were (1) sexual impurity (including, but not limited to, homosexuality); (2) rejection of Christ’s authority (as embodied in his ethical teaching); and (3) evil speech about angels (whether good ones, which is probably the case, or evil). This latter practice is shown to be sin by an example from the Assumption of Moses: even an archangel rebuking the devil himself would not use the language these teachers used about angels. But since these people were unspiritual, they were totally ignorant of what they insulted (cf. 1 Cor 2:7-16), yet they were experts in bodily sin—like savage animals. Their sin was destroying them.<\/p>\nTherefore, the teachers were just like Cain (the embodiment of violence, lust, greed, and rebellion against God in Jewish tradition), Balaam (who tried to make money by leading people into sin—Nm 31:16; Dt 23:4), and Korah (who rebelled against God’s authority in Moses—Nm 16). They were also dangerous to the believers, for they were turning the meal, which was part of the love feast and Lord’s Table (Eucharist), into an orgy (cf. 1 Cor 11:20-22), and would thereby corrupt the practice of the rest of the church. They cared only for themselves and were devoid of real spiritual gifts from God (like waterless clouds or the dead trees of winter, cf. Lk 13:6-9), being ready for the second death (their fate was so sure that it is seen as having already happened). They produced only evil deeds; in this they are like the fallen angels (stars are considered angels in Jewish tradition—1 Enoch 18:13-16; 21:1-10).<\/p>\nThe prophecy of Enoch in 1 Enoch 1:9 shows the certainty of their doom. Originally, the prophecy spoke of God coming in judgment, but Jude made it refer to Christ, who for Christians is the coming judge (Mt 25:31). Christ will come with the angelic hosts and execute justice on sinners for their sins (both evil deeds and evil words). That prophecy pertains to people who grumble or accuse God, as Israel did (Ex 16:7-12; 17:3); it also applies to people who do whatever they desire, are loud-mouthed, yet flatter when it is to their advantage.<\/p>\n<h5>Instructions for the Faithful (1:17-23)<\/h5>\nFaithful Christians must remember that the apostles (here meaning the Twelve, not the wider circle of apostles that included Paul, Barnabas, and others) had predicted just such a situation when they were alive: in the last days there would be scoffers, who would do any ungodly act they desired (2 Pt 3:3). These false teachers are such people. They divide the church, and although they claim to be spiritual and receive dreams, they are totally worldly, for they do not possess the Holy Spirit. The faithful must watch out that they remain in the love of God and do not drift into rebellion as these heretics have. This is done by (1) building themselves up (as opposed to causing divisions) on the basis of the faith, the apostolic teaching, and example; (2) praying in the Holy Spirit (Eph 6:18), which sets them off from those not having the Spirit; and (3) waiting expectantly for the mercy Jesus would show them in the soon-coming Last Judgment (1 Enoch 27:3-4).<\/p>\nYet the Christians must still deal with those influenced by the false teaching. While the Greek text here is very uncertain (it is not clear whether Jude had two or three groups in mind), Jude probably intended that the church should act mercifully toward those who were wavering over whether to follow the false teaching, restore those it could from the followers of the false teaching as if snatching them from hell, and while keeping a merciful attitude (a readiness to accept them back quickly if they repented), strictly avoid any social contact with the unrepentant out of fear of God’s judgment.<\/p>\n<h5>Benediction (1:24-25)<\/h5>\nJude closes with a doxology very much like that found in Romans 16:25-27. In the midst of many who have fallen from the faith, God is praised as the one who is able to keep the believers from falling and to bring them safely into his very presence. It is to this one who is alone God our Savior through Jesus Christ (meaning God saves us by means of Jesus) that the four attributes—glory, majesty, dominion, and authority—belong, now and forever.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Apostasy; Brothers of Jesus.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>JUDE, Letter of<\/h3>\nShort, hard-hitting letter to a church being infiltrated by teachers who practiced all types of moral evil. Jude reveals the inner situation of a Jewish-Christian community and also presents some great difficulties for the Christian interpreter.<\/p>\nPreview<\/p>\n• Author<\/p>\n• Date, Origin, and Destination<\/p>\n• Background<\/p>\n• Purpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\n• Content<\/p>\nAuthor<\/p>\nThe Letter of Jude states that it was written by “Jude . . . [the] brother of James” (1:1). Many scholars understand this nomenclature to designate Jude (Greek “Judas”), Jesus’ brother, whose brother James became the leader of the Jerusalem church. But other scholars think that perhaps another Jude wrote it, or some later author wrote it in the spirit of the leader whom he revered. The hypothesis that another Jude wrote it seems unlikely, for the apostle Jude (Lk 6:16; Acts 1:13) is the son of a certain James, not a brother of James; besides, Jude 1:17 appears to distinguish Jude from the apostles. And since there was only one James who was prominent in the early church, James the Lord’s brother, it would be hard to believe that some other Jude would have a brother named James and would use such an identification in the title; it would have been too confusing. The title “brother of James” most likely means that Jude was James of Jerusalem’s brother and therefore Jesus’ brother; he did not use the title “brother of our Lord,” perhaps, as Clement of Alexandria said, out of modesty.<\/p>\nThe idea that a later author wrote using Jude’s name presents a major problem: Why would he pick such an obscure name, instead of Paul or Peter or James, and why would he not use a more exalted and authoritative title? We must conclude that, despite the difficulties of date and background, Judas the Lord’s brother wrote this letter.<\/p>\nDate, Origin, and Destination<\/p>\nAbout date, origin, and destination, the letter says nothing directly. Since the content of the faith is clearly fixed (Jude 1:3) and the recipients have personally heard the apostles (who may have died already, v 17), the date is probably between AD<\/span> 60 and 100.<\/p>\nPresumably, Jude traveled (with his wife and family) to promote the faith (1 Cor 9:5). Throughout his travels, he may have established some churches—or, at least, he probably taught at various local churches. It may be that he heard of false teachers infiltrating these churches and was prompted to write them this epistle.<\/p>\nJude may have written from Galilee in his old age, or perhaps he had returned to Jerusalem. The best guess we can make about the recipients would be that they were members of Jewish-Christian churches in Syria. Still, these locations remain little more than guesses.<\/p>\n\nBackground<\/p>\nThree facts about the Letter of Jude make its background difficult to reconstruct. First, it is hard to be sure what type of heresy it was combating. Some scholars believe that this was early Gnosticism, and others that it was simply teaching infiltrated with ethical error. If the heretics were Gnostics, they believed in a hierarchy of angels or demigods. In this case they probably saw Jesus as a lower rung on the way to salvation. Perhaps they also considered God to be the lower creator (the demiurge) and spoke of wanting to serve the true God (Jude 1:4). This might explain the interest in angels and demons (v 8) and the stress on the unity of God (v 25). But probably these were simply people who had found a way to rationalize immoral behavior and were unwisely mocking the evil powers. There is no clear evidence that they were Gnostic, while there is plenty of evidence that people turned the freedom of the gospel into an excuse for sin (e.g., Rom 6; 1 Cor 5–6). These teachers probably denied Christ by failing to follow his ethical teaching, and their blasphemy of angels (while they themselves were deep in sin) was another ethical sin. Such depravity is enough to explain the letter; however, knowing that doctrinal and ethical error often go hand in hand, we must not discount the possibility that some doctrinal error was also involved.<\/p>\nSecond, Jude surprises us by quoting from two apocryphal books, the Assumption of Moses (Jude 1:4) and 1 Enoch (Jude 1:14-15 quotes 1 Enoch 1:9). This fact and other allusions in the book reveal that Jude and probably his readers were well read in Jewish apocryphal literature. Moreover, it also shows that Jude regarded books outside the canon of the OT as transmitting true traditions and authoritative prophecy. That Jude accepted these books is not surprising, since many apocryphal books were used by Jews of that period, alongside the OT, as a type of devotional literature. Early Christians often included apocryphal literature along with canonical books as part of their Bibles (sometimes they would also omit NT books that were not yet considered authentic). The canon of NT Scripture was not firmly established until the third century, long after Jude’s epistle was written.<\/p>\nIt is important to realize that while Jude probably believed in the historicity of these citations, the teaching of the letter does not depend on that historicity. Jude wrote about neither Moses nor Enoch but about how one should behave toward authorities (Jude 1:8) and what God will do to ungodly people (v 13). The citations illustrate Jude’s teaching and probably carried weight with his first readers, but the fact that they are apocryphal should bother us no more than Paul’s quotations from pagan writers or the writer of Hebrews’ allusions to 2 Maccabees (Acts 17; Ti 1:12; Heb 11:35). The authority of Scripture rests in the point the author is making.<\/p>\nThird, Jude shows such a close relationship to 2 Peter 2 that either Jude is an expansion of 2 Peter 2 or else 2 Peter 2 is an abbreviation of Jude. Words, phrases, and illustrations are essentially identical in the two works. While it is hard to determine who borrowed from whom, probably the author of 2 Peter has adapted the strong denunciations of Jude to the more instructive tone of his work. It would be hard to imagine anyone writing Jude if 2 Peter already existed. Christians should have no problem with this borrowing, for no writer of Scripture believed himself so original that he could not borrow from other Scriptures, from hymns, or from noncanonical literature. It is no more a problem for God to inspire a quotation or adaptation from another writing than for him to inspire a new composition. Indeed, some passages in Scripture are total repetitions of others (e.g., Ps 18 and 2 Sm 22).<\/p>\nPurpose and Theological Teaching<\/p>\nJude describes his work in terms of exhortation or encouragement (Jude 1:3). Obviously he wanted to strengthen the churches against false teachers who were perverting the gospel. Thus, he repeatedly urged the believers to hold fast or guard their purity and the gospel (vv 3, 20-21, 24). Yet he did not want the teachers simply kicked out, for he had hopes that the believers would be able to rescue some from this danger, although the rescue itself would be dangerous work (v 23).<\/p>\nIn framing his exhortation the author did not produce any new doctrines; rather, he underlined some old ones: (1) He stressed the ethical nature of the gospel and the need to maintain purity in life and speech. (2) He showed a high regard for salvation through Christ and a strong belief in one God. (3) He demanded respect for authority, both temporal and spiritual (vv 8-11). (4) He had a clear apocalyptic belief, stressing the coming last judgment (vv 14-15) and affirming that the last days had already come (v 18). (5) He warned of the necessity to persevere in the faith both doctrinally and ethically (vv 19-21). (6) He demonstrated zeal to reclaim those who had erred, for they were outside the grace of God (v 23).<\/p>\nContent<\/p>\n<h5>Salutation (1:1-2)<\/h5>\nThe author identifies himself humbly as a servant of Jesus Christ and addresses his letter to the faithful in the church—those who are loved, guarded, and called by God and Christ.<\/p>\n<h5>Called to Hold to the Faith (1:3-4)<\/h5>\nJude had been planning to write these Christians about “the salvation we all share” (v 3). We will never know what instruction he had planned to give, for in the middle of his preparations he heard news that forced him to change his plans. Instead, he penned an epistle in defense of “the faith”—that is, the true apostolic teachings concerning Jesus Christ that all genuine believers embrace. Some people had joined the church, perhaps with ulterior motives, who were dangerous to the church. The Christians must fight hard to keep pure the body of doctrine (meaning ethics as well as theology) that they had received from Jude and the apostles. Jude makes two charges against these false believers: (1) they had perverted God’s grace into licentiousness, perhaps openly flaunting sexual sins as a sign of freedom they had in Christ (cf. Rom 6; 1 Cor 5–6); and (2) they denied the Lord Jesus (by failing to follow his teachings).<\/p>\n<h5>Reminder of God’s Judgment (1:5-7)<\/h5>\nSince the recipients were probably Jewish Christians, they had learned the OT and Jewish tradition well. The author chose three illustrations of the results of apostasy: (1) Judgment can come to those once considered as God’s people (as it did to those “saved” from Egypt, Ex 32:28; Nm 11:33-34; 14:29-35). (2) The consequence of apostasy is eternal damnation (as in the case of the fallen angels of 1 Enoch 6–16—these ideas appear in other Jewish traditions as well). (3) Ethical corruption is in fact a type of apostasy and thus merits damnation (as in the case of Sodom—Gn 19; 2 Pt 2:4-6). The author stressed the homosexuality of Sodom rather than its injustice, which Ezekiel 16:49 condemns, so perhaps sexual misbehavior was a problem with the false teachers. These three illustrations drive home the seriousness of the problems that the church was facing.<\/p>\n<h5>Denunciation of the False Teachers (1:8-16; cf. 2 Pt 2:10-17)<\/h5>\nThe false teachers claimed to have received revelations in dreams as the basis of their evil behavior. Their sins were (1) sexual impurity (including, but not limited to, homosexuality); (2) rejection of Christ’s authority (as embodied in his ethical teaching); and (3) evil speech about angels (whether good ones, which is probably the case, or evil). This latter practice is shown to be sin by an example from the Assumption of Moses: even an archangel rebuking the devil himself would not use the language these teachers used about angels. But since these people were unspiritual, they were totally ignorant of what they insulted (cf. 1 Cor 2:7-16), yet they were experts in bodily sin—like savage animals. Their sin was destroying them.<\/p>\nTherefore, the teachers were just like Cain (the embodiment of violence, lust, greed, and rebellion against God in Jewish tradition), Balaam (who tried to make money by leading people into sin—Nm 31:16; Dt 23:4), and Korah (who rebelled against God’s authority in Moses—Nm 16). They were also dangerous to the believers, for they were turning the meal, which was part of the love feast and Lord’s Table (Eucharist), into an orgy (cf. 1 Cor 11:20-22), and would thereby corrupt the practice of the rest of the church. They cared only for themselves and were devoid of real spiritual gifts from God (like waterless clouds or the dead trees of winter, cf. Lk 13:6-9), being ready for the second death (their fate was so sure that it is seen as having already happened). They produced only evil deeds; in this they are like the fallen angels (stars are considered angels in Jewish tradition—1 Enoch 18:13-16; 21:1-10).<\/p>\nThe prophecy of Enoch in 1 Enoch 1:9 shows the certainty of their doom. Originally, the prophecy spoke of God coming in judgment, but Jude made it refer to Christ, who for Christians is the coming judge (Mt 25:31). Christ will come with the angelic hosts and execute justice on sinners for their sins (both evil deeds and evil words). That prophecy pertains to people who grumble or accuse God, as Israel did (Ex 16:7-12; 17:3); it also applies to people who do whatever they desire, are loud-mouthed, yet flatter when it is to their advantage.<\/p>\n<h5>Instructions for the Faithful (1:17-23)<\/h5>\nFaithful Christians must remember that the apostles (here meaning the Twelve, not the wider circle of apostles that included Paul, Barnabas, and others) had predicted just such a situation when they were alive: in the last days there would be scoffers, who would do any ungodly act they desired (2 Pt 3:3). These false teachers are such people. They divide the church, and although they claim to be spiritual and receive dreams, they are totally worldly, for they do not possess the Holy Spirit. The faithful must watch out that they remain in the love of God and do not drift into rebellion as these heretics have. This is done by (1) building themselves up (as opposed to causing divisions) on the basis of the faith, the apostolic teaching, and example; (2) praying in the Holy Spirit (Eph 6:18), which sets them off from those not having the Spirit; and (3) waiting expectantly for the mercy Jesus would show them in the soon-coming Last Judgment (1 Enoch 27:3-4).<\/p>\nYet the Christians must still deal with those influenced by the false teaching. While the Greek text here is very uncertain (it is not clear whether Jude had two or three groups in mind), Jude probably intended that the church should act mercifully toward those who were wavering over whether to follow the false teaching, restore those it could from the followers of the false teaching as if snatching them from hell, and while keeping a merciful attitude (a readiness to accept them back quickly if they repented), strictly avoid any social contact with the unrepentant out of fear of God’s judgment.<\/p>\n<h5>Benediction (1:24-25)<\/h5>\nJude closes with a doxology very much like that found in Romans 16:25-27. In the midst of many who have fallen from the faith, God is praised as the one who is able to keep the believers from falling and to bring them safely into his very presence. It is to this one who is alone God our Savior through Jesus Christ (meaning God saves us by means of Jesus) that the four attributes—glory, majesty, dominion, and authority—belong, now and forever.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Apostasy; Brothers of Jesus.<\/p>","summary_ro":"JUDE, Letter of Short, hard-hitting letter to a church being infiltrated by teachers who practiced all types of moral evil. Jude reveals the inner situation of a Jewish-Christian community and also presents some great difficulties for the Christian interpreter. Preview • Author • Date, Origin, and Destination • Background • Purpose and Theological Teaching • Content Author The Letter of Jude states that it was written by “Jude . . . [the] brother of James” (1:1). Many scholars understand this...","summary_en":"JUDE, Letter of Short, hard-hitting letter to a church being infiltrated by teachers who practiced all types of moral evil. Jude reveals the inner situation of a Jewish-Christian community and also presents some great difficulties for the Christian interpreter. Preview • Author • Date, Origin, and Destination • Background • Purpose and Theological Teaching • Content Author The Letter of Jude states that it was written by “Jude . . . [the] brother of James” (1:1). Many scholars understand this...","source":"Articles\/J.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":26728,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Mystery","title_en":"Mystery","content_ro":"<h3>MYSTERY<\/h3>\nCounsel, or secret plan, that God shares only with his people. In most biblical passages it relates to the wise counsel of God in his guidance of history to its destiny. The most specific and significant application of the concept of mystery is to the plan of God regarding the death of Christ. It does not refer to a secret that God is unwilling to tell or to something so obscure that it could not be understood even if told.<\/p>\nThe passages in which its theological meaning is most clearly seen (among over 30 occurrences in Scripture) are Daniel 3:18-28; 4:6 (Septuagint); Matthew 13:11; Mark 4:11; Luke 8:10; Romans 11:25; 16:25; 1 Corinthians 2:7; 4:1; 15:51; Ephesians 1:9; 3:3-6, 9-12; Colossians 1:26-29; 2:2; 2 Thessalonians 2:7; 1 Timothy 3:9, 16; Revelation 1:20; 10:7; 17:5-18.<\/p>\nIn the passages in Daniel, the emphasis is on the revelation that God gave Daniel concerning the content and meaning of King Nebuchadnezzar’s dream about the future. It is important to note here that the dream was about what God was going to do. No wise man, enchanter, magician or diviner could explain it, but “there is a God in heaven who reveals mysteries” (Dn 2:28).<\/p>\nScholarly studies in recent years have determined that similar themes are found in other Jewish writings, including the Dead Sea Scrolls. The stress is on the decisions God has made about the future, especially the end time. The world wrestles with such matters as the problem of evil (i.e., Why, if God is both good and powerful, do people still suffer?). The believer identifies with these problems but knows that God has his providential plans and that one day he will make all things clear. The way God will bring vindication for those who are wronged in this world and judgment to those who do wrong is part of the content of the “mystery” and was a major emphasis in the writings around the time of Christ. God controls the affairs of the universe. The nations will eventually fulfill his purposes.<\/p>\nMatthew 13:11, Mark 4:11, and Luke 8:10 are part of the parables of the kingdom. The kingdom itself is related to the final climactic work of God in history. This is seen in some of the imagery of the parables, such as the harvest, which symbolizes future judgment. Therefore, the word “mystery” is appropriate and significant here. In the immediate context Jesus is explaining why he uses parables. They both vividly illustrate truth and conceal truth from those who are not receptive to it. Therefore, the word “mystery” (plural in Mt and Lk) describes the inner meaning of Jesus’ teaching about the kingdom. Those who accept the message will know its meaning; those who do not will lose not only the meaning but apparently also the opportunity to hear and respond to the message of salvation (Mt 13:12-15).<\/p>\nAnother aspect of this passage lies in the unasked question as to why, if the Messiah has come, evil still persists in the world. The servants in one of the parables wanted to pull up the weeds, symbolizing evil or evil persons, but were told to allow them to grow until the time of harvest—that is, the judgment (Mt 13:24-30). The persistence of evil in the world and the way God will eventually deal with it is one of the “mysteries.”<\/p>\nRomans 11:25 occurs in a large section (chs 9–11) that deals with the people of Israel and their future. Once again, the issue concerns a present problem and its future resolution. In this case the problem is the unbelief of Israel. The hardening of Israel during the present time is called a “mystery” (Rom 11:25). God’s purposes will not be thwarted, however, “and so all Israel will be saved” (v 26). This emphasis on the purposes of God is closely intertwined with the concept of the “mystery” and is basic to this entire passage.<\/p>\nRomans 16:25 is broader in its scope, connecting the “revelation of the mystery hidden for long ages past” with Paul’s “gospel and the proclamation of Jesus Christ.” Here the focus is more closely on the meaning of the death of Christ.<\/p>\nGod’s “secret wisdom” is mentioned in 1 Corinthians 2:7. The context is the message of the cross that Paul preaches. This message is foolishness to those who consider themselves wise but are lost, and it is the “foolishness” of what is preached that brings salvation to believers (1:18-25). Paul does not attempt to proclaim worldly “wisdom,” but he does declare a “message of wisdom” to those who are spiritually mature (2:6). To these he speaks the “secret wisdom,” or literally, “wisdom in a secret” (v 7). This passage clearly connects the basic concept of “mystery” as the counsel of God with the death of Christ as the means of salvation. It also connects mystery with the process of history (“the rulers of this age”) and with the sweep of God’s purposes from OT times into the future. Verse 10 emphasizes the fact that God has indeed revealed these mysteries to us.<\/p>\nIn 1 Corinthians 4:1 Paul again speaks from the context of a contrast between God’s wisdom and that of the world (3:18-23). He speaks not only of secret things or mysteries but also introduces the concept of stewardship. He has been entrusted with the revelation of God’s mystery and must be faithful in his ministry of declaring it. This theme will reappear in Ephesians 3:2-6.<\/p>\nPaul returns to the relationship of mystery and the end time in 1 Corinthians 15:51. The earlier passage (2:9-16) showed that human knowledge cannot possibly anticipate what God has planned, but God has revealed this mystery to believers. A major aspect of this revealed mystery is the way in which the faithful will be brought into the presence of God: “Lo! I tell you a mystery. We shall not all sleep, but we shall all be changed, in a moment, in the twinkling of an eye, at the last trumpet” (15:51-52, rsv<\/span>). The other references to mystery in 1 Corinthians occur in the broad context of chapters 12–14 dealing with spiritual gifts, which include receiving divine revelation, so the term “mysteries” in 13:2 and 14:2 is appropriate.<\/p>\nEphesians opens with a series of statements about God’s purpose in history, culminating in the universal headship of Christ (Eph 1:10). These statements include such terms as “chose,” “destined,” “will,” “purpose,” “plan,” and “counsel.” This is clearly the range of ideas associated with the word “mystery” in ancient Jewish writings, and these ideas shed light on Paul’s use of the summary expression: “For he has made known to us . . . the mystery of his will” (v 9, rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\nPart of God’s purpose was to form a body of believers, reconciled to himself and to each other through the cross (Eph 2:14-18). In this body, Jewish and Gentile believers have been made members together of one body and sharers together in the promise in Christ Jesus, a new phase of God’s revealed plan, which Paul here calls a “mystery” (3:6). As noted above, Paul himself has a responsibility to minister the truth of this “mystery” faithfully (3:2-5; cf. 1 Cor 4:1-5).<\/p>\nColossians continues to show Paul’s sense of responsibility regarding this “mystery,” which is now identified with the “word of God” (Col 1:25-29). Once again there is the idea of the span of history linked with the mystery that is known only by revelation: “the mystery that has been kept hidden for ages and generations, but is now disclosed to the saints” (v 26). As in Ephesians, the church is the locus for the working out of God’s mystery, “which is Christ in you, the hope of glory” (v 27). This Christ is proclaimed in wisdom, so that believers may reach mature completion in him (v 28). The Colossian believers are asked to pray for Paul as he preaches this “mystery” (4:3).<\/p>\nIt is made clear in 1 Timothy 3:16 that the “mystery of godliness” includes the basic elements associated with the “mystery,” such as its manifestation in the world and ultimate vindication. However, this grand plan of God does not unfold without opposition. In connection with the coming of the end time, Paul again mentions a mystery. This time it is a dark mystery, called the “secret power of lawlessness” (2 Thes 2:7). A similar evil force, “Babylon the Great, the Mother of Prostitutes,” is introduced in the book of Revelation with the word “mystery” (Rv 17:5). Perhaps the idea is that there are forces counter to God whose workings are also impossible for humans to understand. God’s truth and power will, however, prevail over these, as he brings his own mystery, his wise counsel, to fulfillment.<\/p>\nRevelation 10:6-7 declares this fulfillment. The ages of waiting in perplexity, of enduring evil, are over, as the angel announces, “There will be no more delay!” The time has finally come when “the mystery of God will be accomplished.” Note the dynamic quality of the mystery in this context. It is not just static truth but something that can be “accomplished.” This great climax to history is in accord with God’s previous revelation “to his servants, the prophets.” The mystery, then, is God’s wise counsel, which both guides history and is revealed in its culmination. It expresses God’s answer to the problem of evil and the vain opposition by evil powers. It declares the meaning of the central event in history, the death of Christ, and reveals the results of the resurrection in the ultimate transformation of all believers at the coming of Christ.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>MYSTERY<\/h3>\nCounsel, or secret plan, that God shares only with his people. In most biblical passages it relates to the wise counsel of God in his guidance of history to its destiny. The most specific and significant application of the concept of mystery is to the plan of God regarding the death of Christ. It does not refer to a secret that God is unwilling to tell or to something so obscure that it could not be understood even if told.<\/p>\nThe passages in which its theological meaning is most clearly seen (among over 30 occurrences in Scripture) are Daniel 3:18-28; 4:6 (Septuagint); Matthew 13:11; Mark 4:11; Luke 8:10; Romans 11:25; 16:25; 1 Corinthians 2:7; 4:1; 15:51; Ephesians 1:9; 3:3-6, 9-12; Colossians 1:26-29; 2:2; 2 Thessalonians 2:7; 1 Timothy 3:9, 16; Revelation 1:20; 10:7; 17:5-18.<\/p>\nIn the passages in Daniel, the emphasis is on the revelation that God gave Daniel concerning the content and meaning of King Nebuchadnezzar’s dream about the future. It is important to note here that the dream was about what God was going to do. No wise man, enchanter, magician or diviner could explain it, but “there is a God in heaven who reveals mysteries” (Dn 2:28).<\/p>\nScholarly studies in recent years have determined that similar themes are found in other Jewish writings, including the Dead Sea Scrolls. The stress is on the decisions God has made about the future, especially the end time. The world wrestles with such matters as the problem of evil (i.e., Why, if God is both good and powerful, do people still suffer?). The believer identifies with these problems but knows that God has his providential plans and that one day he will make all things clear. The way God will bring vindication for those who are wronged in this world and judgment to those who do wrong is part of the content of the “mystery” and was a major emphasis in the writings around the time of Christ. God controls the affairs of the universe. The nations will eventually fulfill his purposes.<\/p>\nMatthew 13:11, Mark 4:11, and Luke 8:10 are part of the parables of the kingdom. The kingdom itself is related to the final climactic work of God in history. This is seen in some of the imagery of the parables, such as the harvest, which symbolizes future judgment. Therefore, the word “mystery” is appropriate and significant here. In the immediate context Jesus is explaining why he uses parables. They both vividly illustrate truth and conceal truth from those who are not receptive to it. Therefore, the word “mystery” (plural in Mt and Lk) describes the inner meaning of Jesus’ teaching about the kingdom. Those who accept the message will know its meaning; those who do not will lose not only the meaning but apparently also the opportunity to hear and respond to the message of salvation (Mt 13:12-15).<\/p>\nAnother aspect of this passage lies in the unasked question as to why, if the Messiah has come, evil still persists in the world. The servants in one of the parables wanted to pull up the weeds, symbolizing evil or evil persons, but were told to allow them to grow until the time of harvest—that is, the judgment (Mt 13:24-30). The persistence of evil in the world and the way God will eventually deal with it is one of the “mysteries.”<\/p>\nRomans 11:25 occurs in a large section (chs 9–11) that deals with the people of Israel and their future. Once again, the issue concerns a present problem and its future resolution. In this case the problem is the unbelief of Israel. The hardening of Israel during the present time is called a “mystery” (Rom 11:25). God’s purposes will not be thwarted, however, “and so all Israel will be saved” (v 26). This emphasis on the purposes of God is closely intertwined with the concept of the “mystery” and is basic to this entire passage.<\/p>\nRomans 16:25 is broader in its scope, connecting the “revelation of the mystery hidden for long ages past” with Paul’s “gospel and the proclamation of Jesus Christ.” Here the focus is more closely on the meaning of the death of Christ.<\/p>\nGod’s “secret wisdom” is mentioned in 1 Corinthians 2:7. The context is the message of the cross that Paul preaches. This message is foolishness to those who consider themselves wise but are lost, and it is the “foolishness” of what is preached that brings salvation to believers (1:18-25). Paul does not attempt to proclaim worldly “wisdom,” but he does declare a “message of wisdom” to those who are spiritually mature (2:6). To these he speaks the “secret wisdom,” or literally, “wisdom in a secret” (v 7). This passage clearly connects the basic concept of “mystery” as the counsel of God with the death of Christ as the means of salvation. It also connects mystery with the process of history (“the rulers of this age”) and with the sweep of God’s purposes from OT times into the future. Verse 10 emphasizes the fact that God has indeed revealed these mysteries to us.<\/p>\nIn 1 Corinthians 4:1 Paul again speaks from the context of a contrast between God’s wisdom and that of the world (3:18-23). He speaks not only of secret things or mysteries but also introduces the concept of stewardship. He has been entrusted with the revelation of God’s mystery and must be faithful in his ministry of declaring it. This theme will reappear in Ephesians 3:2-6.<\/p>\nPaul returns to the relationship of mystery and the end time in 1 Corinthians 15:51. The earlier passage (2:9-16) showed that human knowledge cannot possibly anticipate what God has planned, but God has revealed this mystery to believers. A major aspect of this revealed mystery is the way in which the faithful will be brought into the presence of God: “Lo! I tell you a mystery. We shall not all sleep, but we shall all be changed, in a moment, in the twinkling of an eye, at the last trumpet” (15:51-52, rsv<\/span>). The other references to mystery in 1 Corinthians occur in the broad context of chapters 12–14 dealing with spiritual gifts, which include receiving divine revelation, so the term “mysteries” in 13:2 and 14:2 is appropriate.<\/p>\nEphesians opens with a series of statements about God’s purpose in history, culminating in the universal headship of Christ (Eph 1:10). These statements include such terms as “chose,” “destined,” “will,” “purpose,” “plan,” and “counsel.” This is clearly the range of ideas associated with the word “mystery” in ancient Jewish writings, and these ideas shed light on Paul’s use of the summary expression: “For he has made known to us . . . the mystery of his will” (v 9, rsv<\/span>).<\/p>\nPart of God’s purpose was to form a body of believers, reconciled to himself and to each other through the cross (Eph 2:14-18). In this body, Jewish and Gentile believers have been made members together of one body and sharers together in the promise in Christ Jesus, a new phase of God’s revealed plan, which Paul here calls a “mystery” (3:6). As noted above, Paul himself has a responsibility to minister the truth of this “mystery” faithfully (3:2-5; cf. 1 Cor 4:1-5).<\/p>\nColossians continues to show Paul’s sense of responsibility regarding this “mystery,” which is now identified with the “word of God” (Col 1:25-29). Once again there is the idea of the span of history linked with the mystery that is known only by revelation: “the mystery that has been kept hidden for ages and generations, but is now disclosed to the saints” (v 26). As in Ephesians, the church is the locus for the working out of God’s mystery, “which is Christ in you, the hope of glory” (v 27). This Christ is proclaimed in wisdom, so that believers may reach mature completion in him (v 28). The Colossian believers are asked to pray for Paul as he preaches this “mystery” (4:3).<\/p>\nIt is made clear in 1 Timothy 3:16 that the “mystery of godliness” includes the basic elements associated with the “mystery,” such as its manifestation in the world and ultimate vindication. However, this grand plan of God does not unfold without opposition. In connection with the coming of the end time, Paul again mentions a mystery. This time it is a dark mystery, called the “secret power of lawlessness” (2 Thes 2:7). A similar evil force, “Babylon the Great, the Mother of Prostitutes,” is introduced in the book of Revelation with the word “mystery” (Rv 17:5). Perhaps the idea is that there are forces counter to God whose workings are also impossible for humans to understand. God’s truth and power will, however, prevail over these, as he brings his own mystery, his wise counsel, to fulfillment.<\/p>\nRevelation 10:6-7 declares this fulfillment. The ages of waiting in perplexity, of enduring evil, are over, as the angel announces, “There will be no more delay!” The time has finally come when “the mystery of God will be accomplished.” Note the dynamic quality of the mystery in this context. It is not just static truth but something that can be “accomplished.” This great climax to history is in accord with God’s previous revelation “to his servants, the prophets.” The mystery, then, is God’s wise counsel, which both guides history and is revealed in its culmination. It expresses God’s answer to the problem of evil and the vain opposition by evil powers. It declares the meaning of the central event in history, the death of Christ, and reveals the results of the resurrection in the ultimate transformation of all believers at the coming of Christ.<\/p>","summary_ro":"MYSTERY Counsel, or secret plan, that God shares only with his people. In most biblical passages it relates to the wise counsel of God in his guidance of history to its destiny. The most specific and significant application of the concept of mystery is to the plan of God regarding the death of Christ. It does not refer to a secret that God is unwilling to tell or to something so obscure that it could not be understood even if told. The passages in which its theological meaning is most clearly...","summary_en":"MYSTERY Counsel, or secret plan, that God shares only with his people. In most biblical passages it relates to the wise counsel of God in his guidance of history to its destiny. The most specific and significant application of the concept of mystery is to the plan of God regarding the death of Christ. It does not refer to a secret that God is unwilling to tell or to something so obscure that it could not be understood even if told. The passages in which its theological meaning is most clearly...","source":"Articles\/M.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":30841,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Biblical Poetry","title_en":"Biblical Poetry","content_ro":"<h3>POETRY, Biblical<\/span><\/h3>\nPoetic language in Scripture.<\/p>\nIn the Old Testament<\/p>\nThe OT contains all that we know of the poetry of Israel, and what we have occupies an important place in that literature. It was presumably well known throughout the ancient Near East, for its fame had spread even to Babylon (Ps 137:3). Much of the OT is poetic in spirit and structure—a feature of the prophetic writings as well as the poetic literature. In the former are found passages of elevated poetry, studded with brilliant gems of imagery. The movement is rhythmical, with meter, parallelism, and strophic arrangement, as in the poetry books.<\/p>\nThe English Revised Version of the Bible (1881) first rendered a great service to English readers by printing OT poetry in parallel lines. Where this is not done in the prophetic literature, the poetic quality of these books is obscured. Note that besides the OT books recognized as poetry—the Psalms, Job, Lamentations, Song of Songs, and Proverbs—Ecclesiastes and the Prophets consist of prose and poetry. The historical books also contain fine examples of poetry.<\/p>\nThe Hebrew language was an ideal instrument for expressing poetic speech. Its simplicity of form combined intensity of feeling and pictorial power and allowed great play of imagination. Figures, metaphors, and hyperboles are extremely common. In its powerful imagery the genius of Hebrew poetry comes to its finest expression.<\/p>\nThe normal unit of Hebrew verse is the couplet of two parallel lines. But this is not the only grouping of lines in Hebrew poetry. Units of three (Pss 1:1; 5:11; 45:1-2), four (Pss 1:3; 55:21; Prv 27:15-16), five (Ps 6:6-7; Prv 24:23-25), six (Ps 99:1-3; Prv 30:21-23), and even larger combinations of parallel lines occur.<\/p>\nAs far as can be determined, meter is absent from biblical poetry. Certainly there is little concern for the careful meter that marks classic Greek and Latin, as well as much of English, poetry. The only exception is found in wailing songs or laments (Jer 9:18-20; Lam 1–4). This is called the lamentation meter, where the verse is in two parts. Rhyme also is so rare as to be almost nonexistent.<\/p>\nOn the other hand, Hebrew poetry is rhythmical—one of its distinguishing features. Its rhythm recurs with stressed and unstressed syllables in relatively regular succession. There are usually three or four accents or beats to a line, but the rhythmic unit is not uniform. Rhythm in Hebrew poetry, however, is not confined to the balance of accents or beats in a line. The meaning of the words and their position in the line are also significant—a feature called parallelism. This distinguishing characteristic was first clearly recognized by Dr. Robert Lowth, who in 1753 developed the principle of parallelism.<\/p>\nHe distinguished three types. The first is synonymous parallelism,<\/em> where the thought expressed in the first part of the verse is repeated in the second part, in different but equivalent terms (Pss 2:4; 19:1; 36:1-2; 103:11-12; Prv 3:13-18). The second is antithetic parallelism,<\/em> where the thought in the first part of the verse is contrasted with its opposite in the second (Ps 1:6; Prv 10:1-4, 16-18; 13:9). The third is synthetic parallelism,<\/em> where the idea expressed in the first line of a verse is developed and completed in the following lines (Pss 1:1; 3:5-6; 18:8-10; Prv 26:3). There are more complicated forms of parallelism, but these three are the most common.<\/p>\nAnother characteristic of biblical poetry is the use of the letters of the Hebrew alphabet. Psalms in which verses are linked together by this means are called acrostic. Today, an acrostic is formed by taking a name and beginning the successive lines of the short poem with the letters that make up the name. The Hebrews took only the alphabet and arranged the lines of the poem according to the succession of the letters.<\/p>\nEach line of a psalm may begin with a different letter, as in Psalm 25. Or each of the stanzas may begin with the same letter until all 22 letters of the alphabet are exhausted, as in Psalm 119. However, this psalm, which is the most conspicuous example of a Hebrew acrostic poem, is quite complicated in its arrangement. Not only does each stanza begin with a letter, but each of the eight lines of every stanza begins with the same letter, so that eight alphabetic arrangements move through the psalm in parallel lines. Other elaborate acrostics are Psalms 9, 10, 34, 37, 111, 112, and 145.<\/p>\nThe first four chapters of Lamentations also follow an acrostic arrangement. This example of acrostic arrangement is less noticeable to the English reader because the names of the Hebrew letters do not mark the beginning of the stanzas. In Lamentations 3 each letter of the alphabet begins three successive lines numbered as verses. Another acrostic occurs in Proverbs 31:10-31. It is an alphabetic description of the virtuous woman.<\/p>\nAnother poetic device giving unity to a poem and marking its divisions is the refrain. Psalm 136 is an outstanding example of this arrangement. The refrain is “His faithful love endures forever” and is used to conclude every verse.<\/p>\nThe meter of Hebraic poetry is dependent on accentuation; the unit is the couplet, in which the members may be of equal or varying length. Couplets are often arranged into strophes. The fundamental category of Hebrew poetry is the song or lyric. The song was accompanied by music (Gn 31:27; Ex 15:20; 1 Chr 25:6; Is 23:16; 30:29; Am 6:5) and could be associated with dance (Ex 15:20-21).<\/p>\nSome complete poems in the OT are embedded in the narrative books and represent various types of Hebrew poems. The first recorded poem in the Bible is a battle song (Gn 4:23-24). Other famous examples of this type are the Song of Moses (Ex 15:1-18) and the Song of Deborah (Jgs 5:1-31). Then there is the Taunt Song (Nm 21:27-30), the Song of the Well (vv 17-18), and songs of blessing. Of this latter type, well-known examples are the Blessing of Jacob (Gn 49:1-27), the Blessing of Moses (Dt 33:2-29), and the four Blessings of Balaam (Nm 23:7-10; 23:18-24; 24:3-9; 24:15-24). There are also laments for the dead (2 Sm 1:19-27) and didactic poems that warn against improvidence (Prv 6:6-11) and drunkenness (23:29-35). Common throughout all of these various types of poems is religious emotion and fervor. The songs of Moses and Deborah praise God as the giver of victory.<\/p>\nMost poems of distinctively religious fervor characterize the worship of the sanctuary. The psalms are religious poems sung with musical accompaniment. Many are private prayers, while others were composed for public worship, especially hymns of thanksgiving sung at the tabernacle or temple. It is in the Psalter that the soaring spirit of Hebrew poetry rises to a level never achieved by Israel’s pagan neighbors; the Hebrews worshiped God in spirit and in truth, and as they did so, they were giving expression to a personal experience of the living God in their soul.<\/p>\nThe internal qualities of Hebrew poetry are in part influenced by the age, social conditions, and environment in which the writers lived. Although the OT is of divine authorship, it also comes within the scope of literature and should be appreciated as such. Though the Holy Spirit inspired the message of the Hebrew writers, their individual writing styles remain clearly evident. Using simple and vivid diction, figures of speech, and literary devices, each poet expressed a wealth of religious thought, experience, and emotion; simile, metaphor, allegory, hyperbole, personification, irony, and wordplay all variously enhanced each writer’s pattern of thinking. Hebrew poetry is the expression of the poet’s human spirit, and it is the literature of revelation—the Word of God to humankind.<\/p>\nIn the New Testament<\/p>\nThe NT has a limited number of poetical passages. Probably the NT contains less poetry than the OT (relatively speaking) because the early Christians found the OT Psalter (in the Hebrew and LXX) adequate for their devotional purposes. All the writers of the NT were Jews, except Luke. He has given us some memorable poems: the Magnificat (Lk 1:46-55), the Benedictus (vv 68-79), and the Nunc Dimittis (2:29-32). Interestingly, these poems are strongly Hebraic in form, character, and content. Matthew has given us the poetic Beatitudes (Mt 5:3-12). These Beatitudes have the parallelism that is common in OT poetry—specifically, synthetic parallelism (where the second line of each verse completes the meaning of the first line). There is also a definite rhythmic quality in Matthew 11:28-30. John’s Prologue to his Gospel of John (1:1-18) is a fine example of Hellenistic poetry.<\/p>\nThe NT Epistles contain a number of poetic passages, especially in the doxologies (see, for example, Rom 16:25-27; Jude 1:24-25). Other sections are distinctly poetry and\/or early Christian hymns. These include Philippians 2:6-11 (“The Humility of Christ” hymn\/ poem); Colossians 1:15-20 (“The Preeminence of Christ” hymn\/poem); and 1 Timothy 3:16 (“The Incarnation” hymn\/poem). The writer to Hebrews also produced a noteworthy poetic prologue (1:1-3). Other sections of Paul’s writings display poetic language, where rhythm and exalted diction are prominent (see, for example, 1 Cor 13; 15:54-57).<\/p>\nThe book of Revelation also contains a number of poems of praise as well as hymns (see Rv 5:9-10, 12-13; 7:12; 11:17-18; 15:3-4).<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Ecclesiastes, Book of; Job, Book of; Lamentations, Book of; Music; Proverbs, Book of; Psalms, Book of; Song of Solomon; Wisdom; Wisdom Literature.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>POETRY, Biblical<\/span><\/h3>\nPoetic language in Scripture.<\/p>\nIn the Old Testament<\/p>\nThe OT contains all that we know of the poetry of Israel, and what we have occupies an important place in that literature. It was presumably well known throughout the ancient Near East, for its fame had spread even to Babylon (Ps 137:3). Much of the OT is poetic in spirit and structure—a feature of the prophetic writings as well as the poetic literature. In the former are found passages of elevated poetry, studded with brilliant gems of imagery. The movement is rhythmical, with meter, parallelism, and strophic arrangement, as in the poetry books.<\/p>\nThe English Revised Version of the Bible (1881) first rendered a great service to English readers by printing OT poetry in parallel lines. Where this is not done in the prophetic literature, the poetic quality of these books is obscured. Note that besides the OT books recognized as poetry—the Psalms, Job, Lamentations, Song of Songs, and Proverbs—Ecclesiastes and the Prophets consist of prose and poetry. The historical books also contain fine examples of poetry.<\/p>\nThe Hebrew language was an ideal instrument for expressing poetic speech. Its simplicity of form combined intensity of feeling and pictorial power and allowed great play of imagination. Figures, metaphors, and hyperboles are extremely common. In its powerful imagery the genius of Hebrew poetry comes to its finest expression.<\/p>\nThe normal unit of Hebrew verse is the couplet of two parallel lines. But this is not the only grouping of lines in Hebrew poetry. Units of three (Pss 1:1; 5:11; 45:1-2), four (Pss 1:3; 55:21; Prv 27:15-16), five (Ps 6:6-7; Prv 24:23-25), six (Ps 99:1-3; Prv 30:21-23), and even larger combinations of parallel lines occur.<\/p>\nAs far as can be determined, meter is absent from biblical poetry. Certainly there is little concern for the careful meter that marks classic Greek and Latin, as well as much of English, poetry. The only exception is found in wailing songs or laments (Jer 9:18-20; Lam 1–4). This is called the lamentation meter, where the verse is in two parts. Rhyme also is so rare as to be almost nonexistent.<\/p>\nOn the other hand, Hebrew poetry is rhythmical—one of its distinguishing features. Its rhythm recurs with stressed and unstressed syllables in relatively regular succession. There are usually three or four accents or beats to a line, but the rhythmic unit is not uniform. Rhythm in Hebrew poetry, however, is not confined to the balance of accents or beats in a line. The meaning of the words and their position in the line are also significant—a feature called parallelism. This distinguishing characteristic was first clearly recognized by Dr. Robert Lowth, who in 1753 developed the principle of parallelism.<\/p>\nHe distinguished three types. The first is synonymous parallelism,<\/em> where the thought expressed in the first part of the verse is repeated in the second part, in different but equivalent terms (Pss 2:4; 19:1; 36:1-2; 103:11-12; Prv 3:13-18). The second is antithetic parallelism,<\/em> where the thought in the first part of the verse is contrasted with its opposite in the second (Ps 1:6; Prv 10:1-4, 16-18; 13:9). The third is synthetic parallelism,<\/em> where the idea expressed in the first line of a verse is developed and completed in the following lines (Pss 1:1; 3:5-6; 18:8-10; Prv 26:3). There are more complicated forms of parallelism, but these three are the most common.<\/p>\nAnother characteristic of biblical poetry is the use of the letters of the Hebrew alphabet. Psalms in which verses are linked together by this means are called acrostic. Today, an acrostic is formed by taking a name and beginning the successive lines of the short poem with the letters that make up the name. The Hebrews took only the alphabet and arranged the lines of the poem according to the succession of the letters.<\/p>\nEach line of a psalm may begin with a different letter, as in Psalm 25. Or each of the stanzas may begin with the same letter until all 22 letters of the alphabet are exhausted, as in Psalm 119. However, this psalm, which is the most conspicuous example of a Hebrew acrostic poem, is quite complicated in its arrangement. Not only does each stanza begin with a letter, but each of the eight lines of every stanza begins with the same letter, so that eight alphabetic arrangements move through the psalm in parallel lines. Other elaborate acrostics are Psalms 9, 10, 34, 37, 111, 112, and 145.<\/p>\nThe first four chapters of Lamentations also follow an acrostic arrangement. This example of acrostic arrangement is less noticeable to the English reader because the names of the Hebrew letters do not mark the beginning of the stanzas. In Lamentations 3 each letter of the alphabet begins three successive lines numbered as verses. Another acrostic occurs in Proverbs 31:10-31. It is an alphabetic description of the virtuous woman.<\/p>\nAnother poetic device giving unity to a poem and marking its divisions is the refrain. Psalm 136 is an outstanding example of this arrangement. The refrain is “His faithful love endures forever” and is used to conclude every verse.<\/p>\nThe meter of Hebraic poetry is dependent on accentuation; the unit is the couplet, in which the members may be of equal or varying length. Couplets are often arranged into strophes. The fundamental category of Hebrew poetry is the song or lyric. The song was accompanied by music (Gn 31:27; Ex 15:20; 1 Chr 25:6; Is 23:16; 30:29; Am 6:5) and could be associated with dance (Ex 15:20-21).<\/p>\nSome complete poems in the OT are embedded in the narrative books and represent various types of Hebrew poems. The first recorded poem in the Bible is a battle song (Gn 4:23-24). Other famous examples of this type are the Song of Moses (Ex 15:1-18) and the Song of Deborah (Jgs 5:1-31). Then there is the Taunt Song (Nm 21:27-30), the Song of the Well (vv 17-18), and songs of blessing. Of this latter type, well-known examples are the Blessing of Jacob (Gn 49:1-27), the Blessing of Moses (Dt 33:2-29), and the four Blessings of Balaam (Nm 23:7-10; 23:18-24; 24:3-9; 24:15-24). There are also laments for the dead (2 Sm 1:19-27) and didactic poems that warn against improvidence (Prv 6:6-11) and drunkenness (23:29-35). Common throughout all of these various types of poems is religious emotion and fervor. The songs of Moses and Deborah praise God as the giver of victory.<\/p>\nMost poems of distinctively religious fervor characterize the worship of the sanctuary. The psalms are religious poems sung with musical accompaniment. Many are private prayers, while others were composed for public worship, especially hymns of thanksgiving sung at the tabernacle or temple. It is in the Psalter that the soaring spirit of Hebrew poetry rises to a level never achieved by Israel’s pagan neighbors; the Hebrews worshiped God in spirit and in truth, and as they did so, they were giving expression to a personal experience of the living God in their soul.<\/p>\nThe internal qualities of Hebrew poetry are in part influenced by the age, social conditions, and environment in which the writers lived. Although the OT is of divine authorship, it also comes within the scope of literature and should be appreciated as such. Though the Holy Spirit inspired the message of the Hebrew writers, their individual writing styles remain clearly evident. Using simple and vivid diction, figures of speech, and literary devices, each poet expressed a wealth of religious thought, experience, and emotion; simile, metaphor, allegory, hyperbole, personification, irony, and wordplay all variously enhanced each writer’s pattern of thinking. Hebrew poetry is the expression of the poet’s human spirit, and it is the literature of revelation—the Word of God to humankind.<\/p>\nIn the New Testament<\/p>\nThe NT has a limited number of poetical passages. Probably the NT contains less poetry than the OT (relatively speaking) because the early Christians found the OT Psalter (in the Hebrew and LXX) adequate for their devotional purposes. All the writers of the NT were Jews, except Luke. He has given us some memorable poems: the Magnificat (Lk 1:46-55), the Benedictus (vv 68-79), and the Nunc Dimittis (2:29-32). Interestingly, these poems are strongly Hebraic in form, character, and content. Matthew has given us the poetic Beatitudes (Mt 5:3-12). These Beatitudes have the parallelism that is common in OT poetry—specifically, synthetic parallelism (where the second line of each verse completes the meaning of the first line). There is also a definite rhythmic quality in Matthew 11:28-30. John’s Prologue to his Gospel of John (1:1-18) is a fine example of Hellenistic poetry.<\/p>\nThe NT Epistles contain a number of poetic passages, especially in the doxologies (see, for example, Rom 16:25-27; Jude 1:24-25). Other sections are distinctly poetry and\/or early Christian hymns. These include Philippians 2:6-11 (“The Humility of Christ” hymn\/ poem); Colossians 1:15-20 (“The Preeminence of Christ” hymn\/poem); and 1 Timothy 3:16 (“The Incarnation” hymn\/poem). The writer to Hebrews also produced a noteworthy poetic prologue (1:1-3). Other sections of Paul’s writings display poetic language, where rhythm and exalted diction are prominent (see, for example, 1 Cor 13; 15:54-57).<\/p>\nThe book of Revelation also contains a number of poems of praise as well as hymns (see Rv 5:9-10, 12-13; 7:12; 11:17-18; 15:3-4).<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Ecclesiastes, Book of; Job, Book of; Lamentations, Book of; Music; Proverbs, Book of; Psalms, Book of; Song of Solomon; Wisdom; Wisdom Literature.<\/p>","summary_ro":"POETRY, Biblical Poetic language in Scripture. In the Old Testament The OT contains all that we know of the poetry of Israel, and what we have occupies an important place in that literature. It was presumably well known throughout the ancient Near East, for its fame had spread even to Babylon (Ps 137:3). Much of the OT is poetic in spirit and structure—a feature of the prophetic writings as well as the poetic literature. In the former are found passages of elevated poetry, studded with brilli...","summary_en":"POETRY, Biblical Poetic language in Scripture. In the Old Testament The OT contains all that we know of the poetry of Israel, and what we have occupies an important place in that literature. It was presumably well known throughout the ancient Near East, for its fame had spread even to Babylon (Ps 137:3). Much of the OT is poetic in spirit and structure—a feature of the prophetic writings as well as the poetic literature. In the former are found passages of elevated poetry, studded with brilli...","source":"Articles\/P.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":31553,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Prophecy","title_en":"Prophecy","content_ro":"<h3>PROPHECY<\/h3>\nTerm, along with its English cognates (“prophet,” “to prophesy,” “prophetism,” and “prophetic”), derived from a group of Greek words that, in secular Greek, mean “speak forth,” “proclaim,” “announce.” In biblical Greek, however, these terms always carry the connotation of speaking, proclaiming, or announcing something under the influence of spiritual inspiration.<\/p>\nPreview<\/p>\n• Prophecy in the Old Testament<\/p>\n• Types of Old Testament Prophets<\/p>\n• The Message of the Prophets<\/p>\n• Prophecy in the New Testament<\/p>\n• The Role of the Christian Prophet<\/p>\nProphecy in the Old Testament<\/p>\nOne of the clearest and most significant statements on the nature of prophetic inspiration in the OT is found in Numbers 12:6-8: “The Lord<\/span> said to them, ‘Now listen to me! Even with prophets, I the Lord<\/span> communicate by visions and dreams. But that is not how I communicate with my servant Moses. He is entrusted with my entire house. I speak to him face to face, directly and not in riddles! He sees the Lord<\/span> as he is’ ” (nlt<\/span>). Several important insights into the nature of prophetic inspiration are found in this passage: (1) The prophetic gift of Moses was unique in that he alone received revelations directly from God. (2) Ordinarily, prophetic revelation was received through the medium of a dream or a vision. (3) The meaning of prophetic revelation is not always completely clear; prophecy is sometimes ambiguous.<\/p>\nFurther insight into the nature of prophetic revelation is found in Deuteronomy 18:18: “I [God] will raise up for them a prophet like you [Moses] from among their brethren; and I will put my words in his mouth, and he shall speak to them all that I command him” (rsv<\/span>). While this passage is of interest because Jesus was identified as “the prophet like Moses” who came in fulfillment of this prediction (Acts 3:22; 7:37), the more immediate historical reference is to the succession of prophets that guided Israel from Joshua to Malachi. The phrase “I will put my words in his mouth” refers to the process of divine inspiration and is reminiscent of the common OT prophetic formula “the word of the Lord came to [such and such a prophet]” (for examples, see 1 Sm 15:10; 2 Sm 24:11; 1 Kgs 19:9; Jon 1:1; Hg 1:1; 2:1, 20; Zec 7:1, 8; 8:1). A true prophet is one who speaks (or repeats) all that God has told him.<\/p>\n<h5>Modes of Prophetic Inspiration<\/h5>\nDreams were a commonly recognized mode of inspiration throughout the ancient world, though they were more highly regarded in Greece than in ancient Israel. Revelatory dreams in the Bible fall into two major categories: (1) dreams whose meaning is self-evident, and (2) symbolic dreams that usually require the expertise of an interpreter of dreams. Both types normally involve both visual and auditory elements. In those dreams whose meaning is self-evident, normally a supernatural being (God or an angel) appears to the dreamer and speaks to him or her in a straightforward manner.<\/p>\nMore frequently, revelatory dreams have symbolic elements that require interpretation. The two great dream interpreters of the OT are Joseph and Daniel; the latter is clearly a prophet. The two symbolic dreams that Joseph himself dreamed (Gn 37:5-11) had sufficiently self-evident meaning so that his brothers and father were able to interpret them immediately. More complex were the dreams of the butler and baker (40:1-19) and of Pharaoh (41:1-36), which Joseph was able to interpret with the help of God. Similarly, Daniel was enabled to interpret the dreams of Nebuchadnezzar (Dn 2:25-45; 4:4-27). The skill in interpreting such dreams was attributed by both Joseph and Daniel to God (Gn 40:8; 41:16, 25; Dn 2:27-30; cf. 4:9). While dreams are used almost interchangeably with visions in referring to modes of prophetic inspiration (Jl 2:28), dreams do not occupy a significant part in the prophetic revelations of any of the OT prophets, with the exception of Daniel.<\/p>\nOne of the most characteristic modes of prophetic inspiration was the vision (Nm 12:6; 24:4, 16; Hos 12:10). The revelatory visions experienced by the prophets were not limited to visual phenomena alone but also included the auditory dimension as well. In Isaiah 1:1, the author describes his entire prophetic book as a “vision”: “These visions concerning Judah and Jerusalem came to Isaiah son of Amoz during the reigns of Uzziah, Jotham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah—all kings of Judah” (nlt<\/span>). Yet in the very next verse, Isaiah says, “Hear, O heavens! Listen, O earth! This is what the Lord<\/span> says.” Again, in Amos 1:1, “The words<\/em> of Amos, who was among the shepherds of Tekoa, which he saw<\/em> concerning Israel” (rsv<\/span>, emphasis added).<\/p>\n<h5>Manifestations of Prophetic Inspiration<\/h5>\nAll prophecy, whether biblical or not, presupposes that the prophet either possessed or was possessed by a personal supernatural power. The external behavioral manifestations of this possession can exhibit great variety.<\/p>\nThe prophetic phenomenon generally designated “ecstatic” prophecy appears to have existed in Canaan prior to the arrival of the Hebrew tribes in the 13th century BC<\/span>. The first reference to ecstatic prophecy in Israel occurs in 1 Samuel 10:5-13 (11th century BC<\/span>), and it persisted at least till the sixth century BC<\/span> (Jer 29:26).<\/p>\nThe ecstatic prophet achieves a trancelike state by self-induced means. The most common devices used to achieve a state of ecstasy were musical instruments, such as the harp, tambourine, flute, and lyre (1 Sm 10:5). Among the prophets of Baal, self-flagellation was another means of inducing ecstasy (1 Kgs 18:28-29).<\/p>\nThis kind of prophetic ecstasy was usually practiced by groups of prophets (1 Sm 10:5), and such ecstasy was contagious. When Saul met a band of such prophets, the Spirit of God came upon him and he, too, began to prophesy (vv 10-13), a phenomenon that occurred repeatedly to various messengers sent by Saul on a later occasion (19:20-22). At that time Saul again prophesied, and his ecstatic behavior is described in 1 Samuel 19:24. When Elisha was asked to prophesy for King Jehoram of Israel, he first requested a minstrel. When the minstrel played, the power of the Lord came upon him (2 Kgs 3:15).<\/p>\nTypes of Old Testament Prophets<\/p>\nThere are two basic types of prophetic commission in the OT. One type is that of a narrative call by God to a particular individual whose objections to the call are gradually overcome in a dialogue between himself and God. The classic example of this type of prophetic commission is found in Jeremiah 1:4-8:<\/p>\nThe Lord<\/span> gave me a message. He said, “I knew you before I formed you in your mother’s womb. Before you were born I set you apart and appointed you as my spokesman to the world.”<\/p>\n<blockquote>“O Sovereign Lord<\/span>,” I said, “I can’t speak for you! I’m too young!”<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<blockquote>“Don’t say that,” the Lord<\/span> replied, “for you must go wherever I send you and say whatever I tell you. And don’t be afraid of the people, for I will be with you and take care of you. I, the Lord<\/span>, have spoken!” (nlt<\/span>)<\/p><\/blockquote>\nSimilar prophetic commissions including such dialogues are associated with the calls of Moses (Ex 3:1–4:17) and Gideon (Jgs 6:11-17).<\/p>\nThe second major form of prophetic commission is the “throne vision.” An outstanding example is Isaiah 6:1-8:<\/p>\nIn the year King Uzziah died, I saw the Lord. He was sitting on a lofty throne, and the train of his robe filled the Temple. . . .<\/p>\n<blockquote>Then I said, “My destruction is sealed, for I am a sinful man and a member of a sinful race. Yet I have seen the King, the Lord<\/span> Almighty!”<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<blockquote>Then one of the seraphim flew over to the altar, and he picked up a burning coal with a pair of tongs. He touched my lips with it and said, “See, this coal has touched your lips. Now your guilt is removed, and your sins are forgiven.”<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<blockquote>Then I heard the Lord asking, “Whom should I send as a messenger to my people? Who will go for us?”<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<blockquote>And I said, “Lord, I’ll go! Send me.” (nlt<\/span>)<\/p><\/blockquote>\nHere we have an account of the visionary presence of a prophet in the heavenly council; in this case, however, the prophet participates in the deliberations and thereby receives a prophetic commission. Though few prophets have left accounts of their divine commissions, most of them appear to have been conscious of having been “sent” by God (Is 48:16; Hos 8:1; Am 7:14-15). According to Jeremiah, false prophets did not receive such divine commissions (Jer 23:21, 32; 28:15).<\/p>\nThe Message of the Prophets<\/p>\n<h5>The Form of the Message<\/h5>\nThe most common introductory formula for prophetic oracles in the OT is the phrase “Thus says the Lord,” which occurs hundreds of times in prophetic contexts. This formula clearly implies that the pronouncement so introduced is not the word of the prophet who utters the oracle but of the God of Israel who delivered his word to his prophet. The use of this formula also reiterates the prophet’s sense of divine commission. In oracles introduced in this manner, God speaks in the first person. In fact, virtually all Israelite prophetic utterance is formulated as the direct speech of the God of Israel.<\/p>\nThe prophets used many literary forms in which to express their oracles. Two of the more widely used forms of prophetic speech are the judgment speech and the oracle of salvation. The judgment speech is composed of at least two central elements: the speech of rebuke or invective, and the pronouncement of judgment (see 2 Kgs 1:3-4). The second common prophetic speech form is the oracle of salvation (see Is 41:8-13). Other fixed forms of prophetic speech include the prophecy of salvation (43:14-21), the proclamation of salvation (41:17-20; 42:14-17; 43:16-21; 49:7-12), and the woe oracle (Is 5:8-10; 10:1-4; Am 5:18-24; 6:1-7; Mi 2:1-5).<\/p>\n<h5>The Content of the Message<\/h5>\nThe common adage that OT prophets were not “foretellers” but “forthtellers” is not strictly correct. All of the prophets predict the future. Such prediction, however, is based not on human curiosity of what the future will hold but rather is rooted in the future consequences of past or present violations of the covenant, or on a future act of deliverance that will provide hope for a discouraged people. Most of the prophetic speeches that have been preserved in the OT were originally delivered as public proclamations or sermons. Most of these prophetic proclamations were evoked by the iniquity and apostasy of Israel. Hosea and Jeremiah condemned Israel because she had broken the covenant (Jer 11:2-3; Hos 8:1).<\/p>\nThe prophets are frequently associated with social justice and social reform, and these elements were unquestionably an important dimension of their message. Amos denounced the rich who afflicted the poor (Am 2:6-8; 4:1; 5:11; 8:4-6). He railed against sexual immorality (2:6-8) and against those who take bribes (5:12). Hosea provided a list of prevalent vices, including lying, killing, stealing, adultery, and idolatry (Hos 4:2). Idolatry was a particular target for his denunciations (8:5; 11:2). The background for such heated denunciations of Israel’s behavior is God’s unquenchable love for Israel (Is 43:4; Jer 31:3; Hos 3:1; 11:1-4; 14:4; Mal 1:2), which is inseparable from his election of Israel (Is 43:1; Jer 33:24; Ez 20:5; Hos 3).<\/p>\nThe prophets were concerned not only with the transgressions of Israel and the historical judgment that would inevitably follow but also with the achievement of a final future time of bliss. The message of many of the prophets is thoroughly eschatological (i.e., pertaining to the end times). One such eschatological concept is that of the Day of the Lord. The concept of the Day of the Lord first appears in Amos, where the emphasis lies on the disaster that will befall Israel on that day. Amos’s emphasis on disaster notwithstanding, the Day of the Lord is a conception that had both salvific as well as judgmental overtones for Israel. While the disaster that will occur in the Day of the Lord can be viewed in terms of a literal historical fulfillment in the tragic events of 722 BC<\/span> (the fall of Samaria) and 586 BC<\/span> (the fall of Judah), there are nevertheless features of these predictions that transcend historical fulfillment and reach toward eschatological fulfillment.<\/p>\nSince the Israelite conception of “salvation” was largely temporal in its dimensions, it included such blessings as length of life, fruitfulness of the womb and field, peace and victory over one’s enemies, the abundance of water, and so on. In harmony with this conception of salvation, the future age is conceived in precisely those terms, as in Amos 9:13-15.<\/p>\nThe prophets pictured a time when David himself, or someone very much like him, would return and inaugurate a golden era reminiscent of the great Davidic and Solomonic period. The covenant of God with David was not a conditional covenant but rather one that was absolutely inviolable (2 Sm 7:4-17; Ps 89; Jer 33:19-22), and it was with this knowledge that the prophets could look forward confidently to a restoration of David’s throne (Jer 17:24-26; 23:5-6; 33:14-15).<\/p>\n\nProphecy in the New Testament<\/p>\nIn contrast to the few self-proclaimed prophets of the intertestamental period, early Christianity began with a flurry of prophetic activity that lasted well into the second century AD<\/span>. Jesus, his disciples and followers, and the early Christians were convinced that the times in which they lived were times in which OT prophecy was being fulfilled (Mk 1:14-15; Acts 2:16-21; Rom 16:25-27; 1 Cor 10:11). Yet this era was not only one of fulfillment but also one of the renewal of the prophetic gift.<\/p>\n<h5>John the Baptist<\/h5>\nJohn the Baptist is remembered in the NT primarily as the forerunner of Jesus whose coming was predicted by Malachi (Mal 4:5-6). Yet, in his own right, John proclaimed the imminent judgment of God with a flair of denunciation and rebuke reminiscent of the OT prophets. John’s costume, consisting of a hairy cloak and a leather girdle (Mk 1:6), was reminiscent of the typical garb of OT prophets (1 Kgs 19:19; 2 Kgs 1:8; 2:13-14; Zec 13:4). John was regarded as a prophet by people everywhere (Mt 14:5; 17:10-13; Mk 9:11-13; 11:32; Lk 1:76; 7:26). Luke reports, in a style similar to the OT prophetic narratives, that “the word of God came to John” (Lk 3:2). Two short prophetic speeches have been preserved in Matthew 3:7-10 (cf. Lk 3:7-9) and Mark 1:7-8 (cf. Mt 3:11-12; Lk 3:15-18). In the first speech, John denounced those of his generation who had transgressed the covenant law and exhorted them to change their manner of life. In the second speech, John predicted the coming of the Mighty One, Jesus (Mt 3:11; Mk 1:7; Lk 3:16; Jn 1:15, 27, 30; Acts 13:25). John’s style, however, was not precisely that of the OT prophets. His pronouncements were made on his own authority; never did he use formulas such as “thus says the Lord,” or present his prophetic utterances as if they were speeches made by God. Yet, in spite of these differences, John is appropriately regarded as the last representative of the OT prophetic tradition (Mt 11:13; Lk 16:16).<\/p>\n<h5>Jesus of Nazareth<\/h5>\nJesus was popularly regarded as a prophet (Mt 16:14; 21:10-11; Mk 6:14-15; 8:28; Lk 7:16, 39; 9:8, 19; Jn 6:14; 7:40, 52). This assessment was based as much on the mighty deeds Jesus performed as on his prophetic speeches and predictions. Though Jesus nowhere claimed prophetic status directly, that claim is implicit in Mark 6:4: “A prophet is honored everywhere except in his own hometown” (cf. Mt 13:57; Lk 4:24). It is implicit as well in Luke 13:33: “Yes, today, tomorrow, and the next day I must proceed on my way. For it wouldn’t do for a prophet of God to be killed except in Jerusalem!” (nlt<\/span>). In Acts, Jesus is regarded as “the prophet like Moses” predicted in Deuteronomy 18:18 (Acts 3:22; 7:37). Matthew presents Jesus as the New Moses, but he does not particularly emphasize his prophetic role. John, however, like Luke, emphasizes Jesus’ role as the prophet (Jn 4:19; 6:14-15; 7:40).<\/p>\nWhile the Gospels and Acts reflect the notion that Jesus was a prophet, they also emphasize the fact that he was much more than a prophet. Nevertheless, the notion of prophetism was sufficiently important in early Judaism that Jesus’ recognition as a prophet is very significant. There are 12 solid reasons for regarding Jesus as a prophet in the OT tradition: (1) The sovereign authority of Jesus’ teaching (Mk 1:27), a feature underlined by his use of the introductory formula “(Amen) I say to you,” which is reminiscent of the formula “thus says the Lord” used by the OT prophets. (2) The poetic character of many of Jesus’ sayings is unlike contemporary rabbinic teaching but is similar to the poetic rhetoric of the OT prophets. (3) Jesus experienced visions (Lk 10:18) like the ancient prophets. (4) Jesus, like the prophets, made many predictions (Mt 23:38; Mk 13:2; 14:58; Lk 13:35; etc.). (5) Like the OT prophets, Jesus performed symbolic acts (such as the cleansing of the temple, the entry into Jerusalem, and the Last Supper). (6) Jesus, like the prophets, when necessary, rejected the formal observance of religious ritual and emphasized the moral and spiritual dimensions of obedience to God. (7) Jesus announced the imminent arrival of the kingdom of God—an eschatological proclamation similar to those made by the prophets. (8) Like the OT prophets, Jesus functioned as a preacher of repentance. (9) Jesus, like many of the prophets, was conscious of a special calling of God (Mt 15:24; Mk 8:31; 9:37; 14:36; Lk 4:18-26). (10) Jesus, like the prophets, received divine revelation through intimate communion with God (Mt 11:27; Lk 10:22). (11) Like the prophets, Jesus represented God; to obey him was to obey God, to reject him was to reject God (Mk 9:37; cf. Ez 33:30-33). (12) Like the prophets, Jesus was conscious of a mission to all Israel (Mt 15:24; 19:28; Lk 22:30).<\/p>\nAmong the many prophetic predictions of Jesus are the following:<\/p>\n1. Predictions of the imminent arrival of the kingdom of God (Mt 10:7-8, 23; 23:39; Mk 1:15; 9:1; 13:28-29)<\/p>\n<li>2. Predictions of the destruction of Jerusalem and the temple (Mt 23:37-39; 24:2; 26:61; 27:40; Mk 13:2; 14:58; 15:29; Lk 13:34-35; 21:6; Jn 2:19-21)<\/li>\n<li>3. Predictions of the coming of the Son of Man (Mt 10:23, 32-33; 12:40; 13:40-41; 16:27; 24:27, 37-39; Mk 8:38; 13:26-27; 14:62; Lk 9:26; 11:30; 12:8-9; 17:24, 26)<\/li>\n<li>4. Predictions of the end of the age. The longest prophetic section in the Gospels is the eschatological discourse of Jesus in Mark 13:1-32 (cf. Mt 24:1-36; Lk 21:5-33), in which a number of predictions concerning the destruction of Jerusalem and the end of the age are woven into a lengthy discourse to the disciples.<\/li>\n<h5>Prophecy as a Gift for the Believers<\/h5>\nThe beginning of prophetic activity in early Christianity, according to Acts, coincided with the outpouring of the Holy Spirit upon the earliest Christians on the Day of Pentecost (Acts 2:1-21). Peter’s sermon on the Day of Pentecost indicates that the outpouring of the Spirit fulfilled Joel’s prophecy (Acts 2:4, 17-21; cf. Jl 2:28-32). Further, since the Spirit had been poured out upon all early Christians (that Spirit being a Spirit of prophecy), all are actual or potential prophets.<\/p>\nAccording to 1 Corinthians 12:28 (see also Rom 12:6; Eph 4:11), God has appointed in the church first apostles, second prophets, and third teachers. The names of several early Christian prophets have been preserved. These include Agabus (Acts 11:27-28; 21:10-11); Judas and Silas (15:32); Barnabas, Simeon Niger, Lucius of Cyrene, Manaen, and Paul (13:1); and the four virgin daughters of Philip the evangelist (21:8-9). John, the author of Revelation, was certainly a prophet (Rv 1:3; 22:9, 18), though he never directly assumed that title.<\/p>\nThe Role of the Christian Prophet<\/p>\nChristian prophets were leaders in early Christian communities (1 Cor 12:28; Eph 4:11), who exercised their gift in church gatherings (Acts 13:1-3; 11:27-28; 1 Cor 12–14; Rv 1:10). Since the Spirit of God was particularly active in Christian worship, prophecy was a major means whereby God communicated with his people. Prophets, like apostles and teachers, did not hold offices in local communities like bishops, elders, and deacons. Rather, they were chosen, not by individual congregations, but by divine commission and so were honored and accepted in all local communities.<\/p>\nEarly Christian prophets were both itinerant and settled, though itinerant prophets seem to have been more prevalent in Syria-Palestine and Asia Minor than in the European churches.<\/p>\n<h5>The Function of Prophecy<\/h5>\nAccording to Paul, the central purpose of prophecy (as of all other spiritual gifts) is that of building up or edifying the church. According to 1 Corinthians 14:3, “one who prophesies is helping others grow in the Lord, encouraging and comforting them” (nlt<\/span>). Again, in 1 Corinthians 14:4, Paul states that the “one who speaks a word of prophecy strengthens the entire church.” Paul discussed the subject of spiritual gifts, particularly tongues speaking and prophecy, because the Corinthians had placed an excessive emphasis on speaking in tongues. Paul did not object to speaking in tongues (1 Cor 14:18, 39), but he did point out that, since it was generally incomprehensible, the church could not be edified by it. Prophecy, which consisted of comprehensible speech inspired by the Spirit, contributed to the mutual edification, encouragement, and consolation of all present (1 Cor 14:20-25, 39).<\/p>\n<h5>The Content of Christian Prophecy<\/h5>\nWe know only a little about the content of prophecies uttered in the first-century church. Prophetic utterance occasionally provided divine guidance in making important decisions in early Christianity. Through a prophetic utterance, Paul and Barnabas were selected for a particular mission (Acts 13:1-3; cf. 1 Tm 1:18; 4:14). Probably through prophetic utterance, Paul and Timothy were forbidden to preach the gospel in Asia (Acts 16:6), and they were similarly forbidden by the Spirit of Jesus to go into Bithynia (v 7). Perhaps the most frequent use of prophecy is the prediction of the future. Agabus predicted a universal famine (11:28) and the imminent arrest of Paul (21:11). Other prophets had also predicted his impending imprisonment (20:23). The prophecies contained in the Revelation of John are all oriented toward the future events that will gradually unfold in the last days. Yet the purpose of John’s elaborate prophecy is not to satisfy the curiosity of his audience but rather to comfort and encourage them in the midst of persecution.<\/p>\n<h5>The Form of Christian Prophecy<\/h5>\nUnlike the prophets of the OT, Christian prophets did not always present their message in the form of a direct speech from God or Jesus. There are few, if any, formal indicators of the presence of prophetic speech in early Christian literature. The book of Revelation is one notable exception.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Dreams; Oracle; Promise; Prophet, Prophetess; Prophets, False; Visions.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>PROPHECY<\/h3>\nTerm, along with its English cognates (“prophet,” “to prophesy,” “prophetism,” and “prophetic”), derived from a group of Greek words that, in secular Greek, mean “speak forth,” “proclaim,” “announce.” In biblical Greek, however, these terms always carry the connotation of speaking, proclaiming, or announcing something under the influence of spiritual inspiration.<\/p>\nPreview<\/p>\n• Prophecy in the Old Testament<\/p>\n• Types of Old Testament Prophets<\/p>\n• The Message of the Prophets<\/p>\n• Prophecy in the New Testament<\/p>\n• The Role of the Christian Prophet<\/p>\nProphecy in the Old Testament<\/p>\nOne of the clearest and most significant statements on the nature of prophetic inspiration in the OT is found in Numbers 12:6-8: “The Lord<\/span> said to them, ‘Now listen to me! Even with prophets, I the Lord<\/span> communicate by visions and dreams. But that is not how I communicate with my servant Moses. He is entrusted with my entire house. I speak to him face to face, directly and not in riddles! He sees the Lord<\/span> as he is’ ” (nlt<\/span>). Several important insights into the nature of prophetic inspiration are found in this passage: (1) The prophetic gift of Moses was unique in that he alone received revelations directly from God. (2) Ordinarily, prophetic revelation was received through the medium of a dream or a vision. (3) The meaning of prophetic revelation is not always completely clear; prophecy is sometimes ambiguous.<\/p>\nFurther insight into the nature of prophetic revelation is found in Deuteronomy 18:18: “I [God] will raise up for them a prophet like you [Moses] from among their brethren; and I will put my words in his mouth, and he shall speak to them all that I command him” (rsv<\/span>). While this passage is of interest because Jesus was identified as “the prophet like Moses” who came in fulfillment of this prediction (Acts 3:22; 7:37), the more immediate historical reference is to the succession of prophets that guided Israel from Joshua to Malachi. The phrase “I will put my words in his mouth” refers to the process of divine inspiration and is reminiscent of the common OT prophetic formula “the word of the Lord came to [such and such a prophet]” (for examples, see 1 Sm 15:10; 2 Sm 24:11; 1 Kgs 19:9; Jon 1:1; Hg 1:1; 2:1, 20; Zec 7:1, 8; 8:1). A true prophet is one who speaks (or repeats) all that God has told him.<\/p>\n<h5>Modes of Prophetic Inspiration<\/h5>\nDreams were a commonly recognized mode of inspiration throughout the ancient world, though they were more highly regarded in Greece than in ancient Israel. Revelatory dreams in the Bible fall into two major categories: (1) dreams whose meaning is self-evident, and (2) symbolic dreams that usually require the expertise of an interpreter of dreams. Both types normally involve both visual and auditory elements. In those dreams whose meaning is self-evident, normally a supernatural being (God or an angel) appears to the dreamer and speaks to him or her in a straightforward manner.<\/p>\nMore frequently, revelatory dreams have symbolic elements that require interpretation. The two great dream interpreters of the OT are Joseph and Daniel; the latter is clearly a prophet. The two symbolic dreams that Joseph himself dreamed (Gn 37:5-11) had sufficiently self-evident meaning so that his brothers and father were able to interpret them immediately. More complex were the dreams of the butler and baker (40:1-19) and of Pharaoh (41:1-36), which Joseph was able to interpret with the help of God. Similarly, Daniel was enabled to interpret the dreams of Nebuchadnezzar (Dn 2:25-45; 4:4-27). The skill in interpreting such dreams was attributed by both Joseph and Daniel to God (Gn 40:8; 41:16, 25; Dn 2:27-30; cf. 4:9). While dreams are used almost interchangeably with visions in referring to modes of prophetic inspiration (Jl 2:28), dreams do not occupy a significant part in the prophetic revelations of any of the OT prophets, with the exception of Daniel.<\/p>\nOne of the most characteristic modes of prophetic inspiration was the vision (Nm 12:6; 24:4, 16; Hos 12:10). The revelatory visions experienced by the prophets were not limited to visual phenomena alone but also included the auditory dimension as well. In Isaiah 1:1, the author describes his entire prophetic book as a “vision”: “These visions concerning Judah and Jerusalem came to Isaiah son of Amoz during the reigns of Uzziah, Jotham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah—all kings of Judah” (nlt<\/span>). Yet in the very next verse, Isaiah says, “Hear, O heavens! Listen, O earth! This is what the Lord<\/span> says.” Again, in Amos 1:1, “The words<\/em> of Amos, who was among the shepherds of Tekoa, which he saw<\/em> concerning Israel” (rsv<\/span>, emphasis added).<\/p>\n<h5>Manifestations of Prophetic Inspiration<\/h5>\nAll prophecy, whether biblical or not, presupposes that the prophet either possessed or was possessed by a personal supernatural power. The external behavioral manifestations of this possession can exhibit great variety.<\/p>\nThe prophetic phenomenon generally designated “ecstatic” prophecy appears to have existed in Canaan prior to the arrival of the Hebrew tribes in the 13th century BC<\/span>. The first reference to ecstatic prophecy in Israel occurs in 1 Samuel 10:5-13 (11th century BC<\/span>), and it persisted at least till the sixth century BC<\/span> (Jer 29:26).<\/p>\nThe ecstatic prophet achieves a trancelike state by self-induced means. The most common devices used to achieve a state of ecstasy were musical instruments, such as the harp, tambourine, flute, and lyre (1 Sm 10:5). Among the prophets of Baal, self-flagellation was another means of inducing ecstasy (1 Kgs 18:28-29).<\/p>\nThis kind of prophetic ecstasy was usually practiced by groups of prophets (1 Sm 10:5), and such ecstasy was contagious. When Saul met a band of such prophets, the Spirit of God came upon him and he, too, began to prophesy (vv 10-13), a phenomenon that occurred repeatedly to various messengers sent by Saul on a later occasion (19:20-22). At that time Saul again prophesied, and his ecstatic behavior is described in 1 Samuel 19:24. When Elisha was asked to prophesy for King Jehoram of Israel, he first requested a minstrel. When the minstrel played, the power of the Lord came upon him (2 Kgs 3:15).<\/p>\nTypes of Old Testament Prophets<\/p>\nThere are two basic types of prophetic commission in the OT. One type is that of a narrative call by God to a particular individual whose objections to the call are gradually overcome in a dialogue between himself and God. The classic example of this type of prophetic commission is found in Jeremiah 1:4-8:<\/p>\nThe Lord<\/span> gave me a message. He said, “I knew you before I formed you in your mother’s womb. Before you were born I set you apart and appointed you as my spokesman to the world.”<\/p>\n<blockquote>“O Sovereign Lord<\/span>,” I said, “I can’t speak for you! I’m too young!”<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<blockquote>“Don’t say that,” the Lord<\/span> replied, “for you must go wherever I send you and say whatever I tell you. And don’t be afraid of the people, for I will be with you and take care of you. I, the Lord<\/span>, have spoken!” (nlt<\/span>)<\/p><\/blockquote>\nSimilar prophetic commissions including such dialogues are associated with the calls of Moses (Ex 3:1–4:17) and Gideon (Jgs 6:11-17).<\/p>\nThe second major form of prophetic commission is the “throne vision.” An outstanding example is Isaiah 6:1-8:<\/p>\nIn the year King Uzziah died, I saw the Lord. He was sitting on a lofty throne, and the train of his robe filled the Temple. . . .<\/p>\n<blockquote>Then I said, “My destruction is sealed, for I am a sinful man and a member of a sinful race. Yet I have seen the King, the Lord<\/span> Almighty!”<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<blockquote>Then one of the seraphim flew over to the altar, and he picked up a burning coal with a pair of tongs. He touched my lips with it and said, “See, this coal has touched your lips. Now your guilt is removed, and your sins are forgiven.”<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<blockquote>Then I heard the Lord asking, “Whom should I send as a messenger to my people? Who will go for us?”<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<blockquote>And I said, “Lord, I’ll go! Send me.” (nlt<\/span>)<\/p><\/blockquote>\nHere we have an account of the visionary presence of a prophet in the heavenly council; in this case, however, the prophet participates in the deliberations and thereby receives a prophetic commission. Though few prophets have left accounts of their divine commissions, most of them appear to have been conscious of having been “sent” by God (Is 48:16; Hos 8:1; Am 7:14-15). According to Jeremiah, false prophets did not receive such divine commissions (Jer 23:21, 32; 28:15).<\/p>\nThe Message of the Prophets<\/p>\n<h5>The Form of the Message<\/h5>\nThe most common introductory formula for prophetic oracles in the OT is the phrase “Thus says the Lord,” which occurs hundreds of times in prophetic contexts. This formula clearly implies that the pronouncement so introduced is not the word of the prophet who utters the oracle but of the God of Israel who delivered his word to his prophet. The use of this formula also reiterates the prophet’s sense of divine commission. In oracles introduced in this manner, God speaks in the first person. In fact, virtually all Israelite prophetic utterance is formulated as the direct speech of the God of Israel.<\/p>\nThe prophets used many literary forms in which to express their oracles. Two of the more widely used forms of prophetic speech are the judgment speech and the oracle of salvation. The judgment speech is composed of at least two central elements: the speech of rebuke or invective, and the pronouncement of judgment (see 2 Kgs 1:3-4). The second common prophetic speech form is the oracle of salvation (see Is 41:8-13). Other fixed forms of prophetic speech include the prophecy of salvation (43:14-21), the proclamation of salvation (41:17-20; 42:14-17; 43:16-21; 49:7-12), and the woe oracle (Is 5:8-10; 10:1-4; Am 5:18-24; 6:1-7; Mi 2:1-5).<\/p>\n<h5>The Content of the Message<\/h5>\nThe common adage that OT prophets were not “foretellers” but “forthtellers” is not strictly correct. All of the prophets predict the future. Such prediction, however, is based not on human curiosity of what the future will hold but rather is rooted in the future consequences of past or present violations of the covenant, or on a future act of deliverance that will provide hope for a discouraged people. Most of the prophetic speeches that have been preserved in the OT were originally delivered as public proclamations or sermons. Most of these prophetic proclamations were evoked by the iniquity and apostasy of Israel. Hosea and Jeremiah condemned Israel because she had broken the covenant (Jer 11:2-3; Hos 8:1).<\/p>\nThe prophets are frequently associated with social justice and social reform, and these elements were unquestionably an important dimension of their message. Amos denounced the rich who afflicted the poor (Am 2:6-8; 4:1; 5:11; 8:4-6). He railed against sexual immorality (2:6-8) and against those who take bribes (5:12). Hosea provided a list of prevalent vices, including lying, killing, stealing, adultery, and idolatry (Hos 4:2). Idolatry was a particular target for his denunciations (8:5; 11:2). The background for such heated denunciations of Israel’s behavior is God’s unquenchable love for Israel (Is 43:4; Jer 31:3; Hos 3:1; 11:1-4; 14:4; Mal 1:2), which is inseparable from his election of Israel (Is 43:1; Jer 33:24; Ez 20:5; Hos 3).<\/p>\nThe prophets were concerned not only with the transgressions of Israel and the historical judgment that would inevitably follow but also with the achievement of a final future time of bliss. The message of many of the prophets is thoroughly eschatological (i.e., pertaining to the end times). One such eschatological concept is that of the Day of the Lord. The concept of the Day of the Lord first appears in Amos, where the emphasis lies on the disaster that will befall Israel on that day. Amos’s emphasis on disaster notwithstanding, the Day of the Lord is a conception that had both salvific as well as judgmental overtones for Israel. While the disaster that will occur in the Day of the Lord can be viewed in terms of a literal historical fulfillment in the tragic events of 722 BC<\/span> (the fall of Samaria) and 586 BC<\/span> (the fall of Judah), there are nevertheless features of these predictions that transcend historical fulfillment and reach toward eschatological fulfillment.<\/p>\nSince the Israelite conception of “salvation” was largely temporal in its dimensions, it included such blessings as length of life, fruitfulness of the womb and field, peace and victory over one’s enemies, the abundance of water, and so on. In harmony with this conception of salvation, the future age is conceived in precisely those terms, as in Amos 9:13-15.<\/p>\nThe prophets pictured a time when David himself, or someone very much like him, would return and inaugurate a golden era reminiscent of the great Davidic and Solomonic period. The covenant of God with David was not a conditional covenant but rather one that was absolutely inviolable (2 Sm 7:4-17; Ps 89; Jer 33:19-22), and it was with this knowledge that the prophets could look forward confidently to a restoration of David’s throne (Jer 17:24-26; 23:5-6; 33:14-15).<\/p>\n\nProphecy in the New Testament<\/p>\nIn contrast to the few self-proclaimed prophets of the intertestamental period, early Christianity began with a flurry of prophetic activity that lasted well into the second century AD<\/span>. Jesus, his disciples and followers, and the early Christians were convinced that the times in which they lived were times in which OT prophecy was being fulfilled (Mk 1:14-15; Acts 2:16-21; Rom 16:25-27; 1 Cor 10:11). Yet this era was not only one of fulfillment but also one of the renewal of the prophetic gift.<\/p>\n<h5>John the Baptist<\/h5>\nJohn the Baptist is remembered in the NT primarily as the forerunner of Jesus whose coming was predicted by Malachi (Mal 4:5-6). Yet, in his own right, John proclaimed the imminent judgment of God with a flair of denunciation and rebuke reminiscent of the OT prophets. John’s costume, consisting of a hairy cloak and a leather girdle (Mk 1:6), was reminiscent of the typical garb of OT prophets (1 Kgs 19:19; 2 Kgs 1:8; 2:13-14; Zec 13:4). John was regarded as a prophet by people everywhere (Mt 14:5; 17:10-13; Mk 9:11-13; 11:32; Lk 1:76; 7:26). Luke reports, in a style similar to the OT prophetic narratives, that “the word of God came to John” (Lk 3:2). Two short prophetic speeches have been preserved in Matthew 3:7-10 (cf. Lk 3:7-9) and Mark 1:7-8 (cf. Mt 3:11-12; Lk 3:15-18). In the first speech, John denounced those of his generation who had transgressed the covenant law and exhorted them to change their manner of life. In the second speech, John predicted the coming of the Mighty One, Jesus (Mt 3:11; Mk 1:7; Lk 3:16; Jn 1:15, 27, 30; Acts 13:25). John’s style, however, was not precisely that of the OT prophets. His pronouncements were made on his own authority; never did he use formulas such as “thus says the Lord,” or present his prophetic utterances as if they were speeches made by God. Yet, in spite of these differences, John is appropriately regarded as the last representative of the OT prophetic tradition (Mt 11:13; Lk 16:16).<\/p>\n<h5>Jesus of Nazareth<\/h5>\nJesus was popularly regarded as a prophet (Mt 16:14; 21:10-11; Mk 6:14-15; 8:28; Lk 7:16, 39; 9:8, 19; Jn 6:14; 7:40, 52). This assessment was based as much on the mighty deeds Jesus performed as on his prophetic speeches and predictions. Though Jesus nowhere claimed prophetic status directly, that claim is implicit in Mark 6:4: “A prophet is honored everywhere except in his own hometown” (cf. Mt 13:57; Lk 4:24). It is implicit as well in Luke 13:33: “Yes, today, tomorrow, and the next day I must proceed on my way. For it wouldn’t do for a prophet of God to be killed except in Jerusalem!” (nlt<\/span>). In Acts, Jesus is regarded as “the prophet like Moses” predicted in Deuteronomy 18:18 (Acts 3:22; 7:37). Matthew presents Jesus as the New Moses, but he does not particularly emphasize his prophetic role. John, however, like Luke, emphasizes Jesus’ role as the prophet (Jn 4:19; 6:14-15; 7:40).<\/p>\nWhile the Gospels and Acts reflect the notion that Jesus was a prophet, they also emphasize the fact that he was much more than a prophet. Nevertheless, the notion of prophetism was sufficiently important in early Judaism that Jesus’ recognition as a prophet is very significant. There are 12 solid reasons for regarding Jesus as a prophet in the OT tradition: (1) The sovereign authority of Jesus’ teaching (Mk 1:27), a feature underlined by his use of the introductory formula “(Amen) I say to you,” which is reminiscent of the formula “thus says the Lord” used by the OT prophets. (2) The poetic character of many of Jesus’ sayings is unlike contemporary rabbinic teaching but is similar to the poetic rhetoric of the OT prophets. (3) Jesus experienced visions (Lk 10:18) like the ancient prophets. (4) Jesus, like the prophets, made many predictions (Mt 23:38; Mk 13:2; 14:58; Lk 13:35; etc.). (5) Like the OT prophets, Jesus performed symbolic acts (such as the cleansing of the temple, the entry into Jerusalem, and the Last Supper). (6) Jesus, like the prophets, when necessary, rejected the formal observance of religious ritual and emphasized the moral and spiritual dimensions of obedience to God. (7) Jesus announced the imminent arrival of the kingdom of God—an eschatological proclamation similar to those made by the prophets. (8) Like the OT prophets, Jesus functioned as a preacher of repentance. (9) Jesus, like many of the prophets, was conscious of a special calling of God (Mt 15:24; Mk 8:31; 9:37; 14:36; Lk 4:18-26). (10) Jesus, like the prophets, received divine revelation through intimate communion with God (Mt 11:27; Lk 10:22). (11) Like the prophets, Jesus represented God; to obey him was to obey God, to reject him was to reject God (Mk 9:37; cf. Ez 33:30-33). (12) Like the prophets, Jesus was conscious of a mission to all Israel (Mt 15:24; 19:28; Lk 22:30).<\/p>\nAmong the many prophetic predictions of Jesus are the following:<\/p>\n1. Predictions of the imminent arrival of the kingdom of God (Mt 10:7-8, 23; 23:39; Mk 1:15; 9:1; 13:28-29)<\/p>\n<li>2. Predictions of the destruction of Jerusalem and the temple (Mt 23:37-39; 24:2; 26:61; 27:40; Mk 13:2; 14:58; 15:29; Lk 13:34-35; 21:6; Jn 2:19-21)<\/li>\n<li>3. Predictions of the coming of the Son of Man (Mt 10:23, 32-33; 12:40; 13:40-41; 16:27; 24:27, 37-39; Mk 8:38; 13:26-27; 14:62; Lk 9:26; 11:30; 12:8-9; 17:24, 26)<\/li>\n<li>4. Predictions of the end of the age. The longest prophetic section in the Gospels is the eschatological discourse of Jesus in Mark 13:1-32 (cf. Mt 24:1-36; Lk 21:5-33), in which a number of predictions concerning the destruction of Jerusalem and the end of the age are woven into a lengthy discourse to the disciples.<\/li>\n<h5>Prophecy as a Gift for the Believers<\/h5>\nThe beginning of prophetic activity in early Christianity, according to Acts, coincided with the outpouring of the Holy Spirit upon the earliest Christians on the Day of Pentecost (Acts 2:1-21). Peter’s sermon on the Day of Pentecost indicates that the outpouring of the Spirit fulfilled Joel’s prophecy (Acts 2:4, 17-21; cf. Jl 2:28-32). Further, since the Spirit had been poured out upon all early Christians (that Spirit being a Spirit of prophecy), all are actual or potential prophets.<\/p>\nAccording to 1 Corinthians 12:28 (see also Rom 12:6; Eph 4:11), God has appointed in the church first apostles, second prophets, and third teachers. The names of several early Christian prophets have been preserved. These include Agabus (Acts 11:27-28; 21:10-11); Judas and Silas (15:32); Barnabas, Simeon Niger, Lucius of Cyrene, Manaen, and Paul (13:1); and the four virgin daughters of Philip the evangelist (21:8-9). John, the author of Revelation, was certainly a prophet (Rv 1:3; 22:9, 18), though he never directly assumed that title.<\/p>\nThe Role of the Christian Prophet<\/p>\nChristian prophets were leaders in early Christian communities (1 Cor 12:28; Eph 4:11), who exercised their gift in church gatherings (Acts 13:1-3; 11:27-28; 1 Cor 12–14; Rv 1:10). Since the Spirit of God was particularly active in Christian worship, prophecy was a major means whereby God communicated with his people. Prophets, like apostles and teachers, did not hold offices in local communities like bishops, elders, and deacons. Rather, they were chosen, not by individual congregations, but by divine commission and so were honored and accepted in all local communities.<\/p>\nEarly Christian prophets were both itinerant and settled, though itinerant prophets seem to have been more prevalent in Syria-Palestine and Asia Minor than in the European churches.<\/p>\n<h5>The Function of Prophecy<\/h5>\nAccording to Paul, the central purpose of prophecy (as of all other spiritual gifts) is that of building up or edifying the church. According to 1 Corinthians 14:3, “one who prophesies is helping others grow in the Lord, encouraging and comforting them” (nlt<\/span>). Again, in 1 Corinthians 14:4, Paul states that the “one who speaks a word of prophecy strengthens the entire church.” Paul discussed the subject of spiritual gifts, particularly tongues speaking and prophecy, because the Corinthians had placed an excessive emphasis on speaking in tongues. Paul did not object to speaking in tongues (1 Cor 14:18, 39), but he did point out that, since it was generally incomprehensible, the church could not be edified by it. Prophecy, which consisted of comprehensible speech inspired by the Spirit, contributed to the mutual edification, encouragement, and consolation of all present (1 Cor 14:20-25, 39).<\/p>\n<h5>The Content of Christian Prophecy<\/h5>\nWe know only a little about the content of prophecies uttered in the first-century church. Prophetic utterance occasionally provided divine guidance in making important decisions in early Christianity. Through a prophetic utterance, Paul and Barnabas were selected for a particular mission (Acts 13:1-3; cf. 1 Tm 1:18; 4:14). Probably through prophetic utterance, Paul and Timothy were forbidden to preach the gospel in Asia (Acts 16:6), and they were similarly forbidden by the Spirit of Jesus to go into Bithynia (v 7). Perhaps the most frequent use of prophecy is the prediction of the future. Agabus predicted a universal famine (11:28) and the imminent arrest of Paul (21:11). Other prophets had also predicted his impending imprisonment (20:23). The prophecies contained in the Revelation of John are all oriented toward the future events that will gradually unfold in the last days. Yet the purpose of John’s elaborate prophecy is not to satisfy the curiosity of his audience but rather to comfort and encourage them in the midst of persecution.<\/p>\n<h5>The Form of Christian Prophecy<\/h5>\nUnlike the prophets of the OT, Christian prophets did not always present their message in the form of a direct speech from God or Jesus. There are few, if any, formal indicators of the presence of prophetic speech in early Christian literature. The book of Revelation is one notable exception.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Dreams; Oracle; Promise; Prophet, Prophetess; Prophets, False; Visions.<\/p>","summary_ro":"PROPHECY Term, along with its English cognates (“prophet,” “to prophesy,” “prophetism,” and “prophetic”), derived from a group of Greek words that, in secular Greek, mean “speak forth,” “proclaim,” “announce.” In biblical Greek, however, these terms always carry the connotation of speaking, proclaiming, or announcing something under the influence of spiritual inspiration. Preview • Prophecy in the Old Testament • Types of Old Testament Prophets • The Message of the Prophets • Prophecy in the ...","summary_en":"PROPHECY Term, along with its English cognates (“prophet,” “to prophesy,” “prophetism,” and “prophetic”), derived from a group of Greek words that, in secular Greek, mean “speak forth,” “proclaim,” “announce.” In biblical Greek, however, these terms always carry the connotation of speaking, proclaiming, or announcing something under the influence of spiritual inspiration. Preview • Prophecy in the Old Testament • Types of Old Testament Prophets • The Message of the Prophets • Prophecy in the ...","source":"Articles\/P.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":40295,"type":"textbox","type_label":"Notă explicativă","type_icon":"💡","type_color":"#8b5cf6","title_ro":"The Mystery of the Kingdom","title_en":"The Mystery of the Kingdom","content_ro":"<h3>The Mystery of the Kingdom<\/h3>\nA “mystery” is a divine truth hidden in the heart of God but in due time revealed to people (see Rom 16:25-26). The mystery of the kingdom (Mt 13:11; Mk 4:11) is precisely this: that prior to its eschatological consummation, the kingdom has come in an unexpected form in the historical mission of Jesus. This mystery is illustrated in Jesus’ parables (Mt 13; Mk 4). Modern scholarship recognizes two critical norms in interpreting the parables. First, a parable is not an allegory but a story taken from daily life, teaching essentially a single truth. Second, the parables must be interpreted in the life setting of Jesus’ mission.<\/p>\nThe parable in Mark 4:26-29 is not a parable of stages of growth but an illustration that “the earth produces of itself” (v 28, rsv<\/span>). The kingdom is God’s reign—a supernatural thing, not a human work.<\/p>\nThe parable of the four soils (Mt 13:3-9, 18-23) does not intend to teach that there are precisely four kinds of hearers of the word of the kingdom. The central truth is that the word of the kingdom must be received;<\/em> otherwise it does not bear fruit. In other words, the kingdom as Jesus proclaimed and embodied it requires a human response to be effective.<\/p>\nThe parable of the wheat and weeds (Mt 13:24-30) teaches that the kingdom of God has actually come into history without effecting the eschatological judgment that will separate the good from the bad. Both are to grow together in the world (v 38) until the Day of Judgment, when the eschatological separation will take place.<\/p>\nThe parables of the mustard seed and leaven (Mt 13:31-33) are parables of contrast between present insignificance and future magnificence. The emphasis is not upon how the kingdom progresses from small beginnings. Jesus never spoke of the growth of the reign of God. What is now like a tiny seed—a Galilean prophet and a handful of followers—will one day be like a great tree.<\/p>\nThe parables of the treasure and pearl (Mt 13:44-46) teach that this apparently insignificant appearance of the kingdom in Jesus nevertheless merits every effort to attain it.<\/p>\nThe parable of the net (Mt 13:47-50) teaches that the movement set up by the presence of the kingdom in Jesus brings together a mixed people. (Jesus’ disciples even harbored a traitor.) There will nevertheless be an eschatological separation.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Mystery of the Kingdom<\/h3>\nA “mystery” is a divine truth hidden in the heart of God but in due time revealed to people (see Rom 16:25-26). The mystery of the kingdom (Mt 13:11; Mk 4:11) is precisely this: that prior to its eschatological consummation, the kingdom has come in an unexpected form in the historical mission of Jesus. This mystery is illustrated in Jesus’ parables (Mt 13; Mk 4). Modern scholarship recognizes two critical norms in interpreting the parables. First, a parable is not an allegory but a story taken from daily life, teaching essentially a single truth. Second, the parables must be interpreted in the life setting of Jesus’ mission.<\/p>\nThe parable in Mark 4:26-29 is not a parable of stages of growth but an illustration that “the earth produces of itself” (v 28, rsv<\/span>). The kingdom is God’s reign—a supernatural thing, not a human work.<\/p>\nThe parable of the four soils (Mt 13:3-9, 18-23) does not intend to teach that there are precisely four kinds of hearers of the word of the kingdom. The central truth is that the word of the kingdom must be received;<\/em> otherwise it does not bear fruit. In other words, the kingdom as Jesus proclaimed and embodied it requires a human response to be effective.<\/p>\nThe parable of the wheat and weeds (Mt 13:24-30) teaches that the kingdom of God has actually come into history without effecting the eschatological judgment that will separate the good from the bad. Both are to grow together in the world (v 38) until the Day of Judgment, when the eschatological separation will take place.<\/p>\nThe parables of the mustard seed and leaven (Mt 13:31-33) are parables of contrast between present insignificance and future magnificence. The emphasis is not upon how the kingdom progresses from small beginnings. Jesus never spoke of the growth of the reign of God. What is now like a tiny seed—a Galilean prophet and a handful of followers—will one day be like a great tree.<\/p>\nThe parables of the treasure and pearl (Mt 13:44-46) teach that this apparently insignificant appearance of the kingdom in Jesus nevertheless merits every effort to attain it.<\/p>\nThe parable of the net (Mt 13:47-50) teaches that the movement set up by the presence of the kingdom in Jesus brings together a mixed people. (Jesus’ disciples even harbored a traitor.) There will nevertheless be an eschatological separation.<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Mystery of the Kingdom A “mystery” is a divine truth hidden in the heart of God but in due time revealed to people (see Rom 16:25-26). The mystery of the kingdom (Mt 13:11; Mk 4:11) is precisely this: that prior to its eschatological consummation, the kingdom has come in an unexpected form in the historical mission of Jesus. This mystery is illustrated in Jesus’ parables (Mt 13; Mk 4). Modern scholarship recognizes two critical norms in interpreting the parables. First, a parable is not a...","summary_en":"The Mystery of the Kingdom A “mystery” is a divine truth hidden in the heart of God but in due time revealed to people (see Rom 16:25-26). The mystery of the kingdom (Mt 13:11; Mk 4:11) is precisely this: that prior to its eschatological consummation, the kingdom has come in an unexpected form in the historical mission of Jesus. This mystery is illustrated in Jesus’ parables (Mt 13; Mk 4). Modern scholarship recognizes two critical norms in interpreting the parables. First, a parable is not a...","source":"Textboxes\/Textboxes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":57444,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:25","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:25","content_ro":"16:25-27<\/strong> This doxology makes a very appropriate conclusion to Paul’s letter and its argument, reprising many of the themes found at the very beginning (1:1-15). • The doxology is missing in two late manuscripts and is in different places in other manuscripts (after 14:23 and after 15:33). Therefore, these verses might have been added to Paul’s letter at a later time. However, the majority of manuscripts do include the doxology at the end of the letter, and it uses vocabulary and themes common in the rest of the letter. Paul most likely wrote it himself as a conclusion to the letter.<\/p>","content_en":"16:25-27<\/strong> This doxology makes a very appropriate conclusion to Paul’s letter and its argument, reprising many of the themes found at the very beginning (1:1-15). • The doxology is missing in two late manuscripts and is in different places in other manuscripts (after 14:23 and after 15:33). Therefore, these verses might have been added to Paul’s letter at a later time. However, the majority of manuscripts do include the doxology at the end of the letter, and it uses vocabulary and themes common in the rest of the letter. Paul most likely wrote it himself as a conclusion to the letter.<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:25-27 This doxology makes a very appropriate conclusion to Paul’s letter and its argument, reprising many of the themes found at the very beginning (1:1-15). • The doxology is missing in two late manuscripts and is in different places in other manuscripts (after 14:23 and after 15:33). Therefore, these verses might have been added to Paul’s letter at a later time. However, the majority of manuscripts do include the doxology at the end of the letter, and it uses vocabulary and themes common...","summary_en":"16:25-27 This doxology makes a very appropriate conclusion to Paul’s letter and its argument, reprising many of the themes found at the very beginning (1:1-15). • The doxology is missing in two late manuscripts and is in different places in other manuscripts (after 14:23 and after 15:33). Therefore, these verses might have been added to Paul’s letter at a later time. However, the majority of manuscripts do include the doxology at the end of the letter, and it uses vocabulary and themes common...","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":57445,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:25","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:25","content_ro":"16:25<\/strong> plan<\/em> (literally mystery<\/em>): For Paul, the mystery<\/em> is the truth about God and his plan that was not clearly known in the Old Testament era but which has been revealed in the New Testament era. While the Old Testament predicted the conversion of Gentiles, it did not make clear that Gentiles would become equal members of the people of God without becoming proselytes of Judaism.<\/p>","content_en":"16:25<\/strong> plan<\/em> (literally mystery<\/em>): For Paul, the mystery<\/em> is the truth about God and his plan that was not clearly known in the Old Testament era but which has been revealed in the New Testament era. While the Old Testament predicted the conversion of Gentiles, it did not make clear that Gentiles would become equal members of the people of God without becoming proselytes of Judaism.<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:25 plan (literally mystery): For Paul, the mystery is the truth about God and his plan that was not clearly known in the Old Testament era but which has been revealed in the New Testament era. While the Old Testament predicted the conversion of Gentiles, it did not make clear that Gentiles would become equal members of the people of God without becoming proselytes of Judaism.","summary_en":"16:25 plan (literally mystery): For Paul, the mystery is the truth about God and his plan that was not clearly known in the Old Testament era but which has been revealed in the New Testament era. While the Old Testament predicted the conversion of Gentiles, it did not make clear that Gentiles would become equal members of the people of God without becoming proselytes of Judaism.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":85070,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:25","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:25","content_ro":"16:25-27<\/strong> This doxology makes a very appropriate conclusion to Paul’s letter and its argument, reprising many of the themes found at the very beginning (1:1-15). • The doxology is missing in two late manuscripts and is in different places in other manuscripts (after 14:23 and after 15:33). Therefore, these verses might have been added to Paul’s letter at a later time. However, the majority of manuscripts do include the doxology at the end of the letter, and it uses vocabulary and themes common in the rest of the letter. Paul most likely wrote it himself as a conclusion to the letter.<\/p>","content_en":"16:25-27<\/strong> This doxology makes a very appropriate conclusion to Paul’s letter and its argument, reprising many of the themes found at the very beginning (1:1-15). • The doxology is missing in two late manuscripts and is in different places in other manuscripts (after 14:23 and after 15:33). Therefore, these verses might have been added to Paul’s letter at a later time. However, the majority of manuscripts do include the doxology at the end of the letter, and it uses vocabulary and themes common in the rest of the letter. Paul most likely wrote it himself as a conclusion to the letter.<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:25-27 This doxology makes a very appropriate conclusion to Paul’s letter and its argument, reprising many of the themes found at the very beginning (1:1-15). • The doxology is missing in two late manuscripts and is in different places in other manuscripts (after 14:23 and after 15:33). Therefore, these verses might have been added to Paul’s letter at a later time. However, the majority of manuscripts do include the doxology at the end of the letter, and it uses vocabulary and themes common...","summary_en":"16:25-27 This doxology makes a very appropriate conclusion to Paul’s letter and its argument, reprising many of the themes found at the very beginning (1:1-15). • The doxology is missing in two late manuscripts and is in different places in other manuscripts (after 14:23 and after 15:33). Therefore, these verses might have been added to Paul’s letter at a later time. However, the majority of manuscripts do include the doxology at the end of the letter, and it uses vocabulary and themes common...","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":85071,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:25","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:25","content_ro":"16:25<\/strong> plan<\/em> (literally mystery<\/em>): For Paul, the mystery<\/em> is the truth about God and his plan that was not clearly known in the Old Testament era but which has been revealed in the New Testament era. While the Old Testament predicted the conversion of Gentiles, it did not make clear that Gentiles would become equal members of the people of God without becoming proselytes of Judaism.<\/p>","content_en":"16:25<\/strong> plan<\/em> (literally mystery<\/em>): For Paul, the mystery<\/em> is the truth about God and his plan that was not clearly known in the Old Testament era but which has been revealed in the New Testament era. While the Old Testament predicted the conversion of Gentiles, it did not make clear that Gentiles would become equal members of the people of God without becoming proselytes of Judaism.<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:25 plan (literally mystery): For Paul, the mystery is the truth about God and his plan that was not clearly known in the Old Testament era but which has been revealed in the New Testament era. While the Old Testament predicted the conversion of Gentiles, it did not make clear that Gentiles would become equal members of the people of God without becoming proselytes of Judaism.","summary_en":"16:25 plan (literally mystery): For Paul, the mystery is the truth about God and his plan that was not clearly known in the Old Testament era but which has been revealed in the New Testament era. While the Old Testament predicted the conversion of Gentiles, it did not make clear that Gentiles would become equal members of the people of God without becoming proselytes of Judaism.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":112696,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:25","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:25","content_ro":"16:25-27<\/strong> This doxology makes a very appropriate conclusion to Paul’s letter and its argument, reprising many of the themes found at the very beginning (1:1-15). • The doxology is missing in two late manuscripts and is in different places in other manuscripts (after 14:23 and after 15:33). Therefore, these verses might have been added to Paul’s letter at a later time. However, the majority of manuscripts do include the doxology at the end of the letter, and it uses vocabulary and themes common in the rest of the letter. Paul most likely wrote it himself as a conclusion to the letter.<\/p>","content_en":"16:25-27<\/strong> This doxology makes a very appropriate conclusion to Paul’s letter and its argument, reprising many of the themes found at the very beginning (1:1-15). • The doxology is missing in two late manuscripts and is in different places in other manuscripts (after 14:23 and after 15:33). Therefore, these verses might have been added to Paul’s letter at a later time. However, the majority of manuscripts do include the doxology at the end of the letter, and it uses vocabulary and themes common in the rest of the letter. Paul most likely wrote it himself as a conclusion to the letter.<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:25-27 This doxology makes a very appropriate conclusion to Paul’s letter and its argument, reprising many of the themes found at the very beginning (1:1-15). • The doxology is missing in two late manuscripts and is in different places in other manuscripts (after 14:23 and after 15:33). Therefore, these verses might have been added to Paul’s letter at a later time. However, the majority of manuscripts do include the doxology at the end of the letter, and it uses vocabulary and themes common...","summary_en":"16:25-27 This doxology makes a very appropriate conclusion to Paul’s letter and its argument, reprising many of the themes found at the very beginning (1:1-15). • The doxology is missing in two late manuscripts and is in different places in other manuscripts (after 14:23 and after 15:33). Therefore, these verses might have been added to Paul’s letter at a later time. However, the majority of manuscripts do include the doxology at the end of the letter, and it uses vocabulary and themes common...","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":112697,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:25","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:25","content_ro":"16:25<\/strong> plan<\/em> (literally mystery<\/em>): For Paul, the mystery<\/em> is the truth about God and his plan that was not clearly known in the Old Testament era but which has been revealed in the New Testament era. While the Old Testament predicted the conversion of Gentiles, it did not make clear that Gentiles would become equal members of the people of God without becoming proselytes of Judaism.<\/p>","content_en":"16:25<\/strong> plan<\/em> (literally mystery<\/em>): For Paul, the mystery<\/em> is the truth about God and his plan that was not clearly known in the Old Testament era but which has been revealed in the New Testament era. While the Old Testament predicted the conversion of Gentiles, it did not make clear that Gentiles would become equal members of the people of God without becoming proselytes of Judaism.<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:25 plan (literally mystery): For Paul, the mystery is the truth about God and his plan that was not clearly known in the Old Testament era but which has been revealed in the New Testament era. While the Old Testament predicted the conversion of Gentiles, it did not make clear that Gentiles would become equal members of the people of God without becoming proselytes of Judaism.","summary_en":"16:25 plan (literally mystery): For Paul, the mystery is the truth about God and his plan that was not clearly known in the Old Testament era but which has been revealed in the New Testament era. While the Old Testament predicted the conversion of Gentiles, it did not make clear that Gentiles would become equal members of the people of God without becoming proselytes of Judaism.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":140322,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:25","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:25","content_ro":"16:25-27<\/strong> This doxology makes a very appropriate conclusion to Paul’s letter and its argument, reprising many of the themes found at the very beginning (1:1-15). • The doxology is missing in two late manuscripts and is in different places in other manuscripts (after 14:23 and after 15:33). Therefore, these verses might have been added to Paul’s letter at a later time. However, the majority of manuscripts do include the doxology at the end of the letter, and it uses vocabulary and themes common in the rest of the letter. Paul most likely wrote it himself as a conclusion to the letter.<\/p>","content_en":"16:25-27<\/strong> This doxology makes a very appropriate conclusion to Paul’s letter and its argument, reprising many of the themes found at the very beginning (1:1-15). • The doxology is missing in two late manuscripts and is in different places in other manuscripts (after 14:23 and after 15:33). Therefore, these verses might have been added to Paul’s letter at a later time. However, the majority of manuscripts do include the doxology at the end of the letter, and it uses vocabulary and themes common in the rest of the letter. Paul most likely wrote it himself as a conclusion to the letter.<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:25-27 This doxology makes a very appropriate conclusion to Paul’s letter and its argument, reprising many of the themes found at the very beginning (1:1-15). • The doxology is missing in two late manuscripts and is in different places in other manuscripts (after 14:23 and after 15:33). Therefore, these verses might have been added to Paul’s letter at a later time. However, the majority of manuscripts do include the doxology at the end of the letter, and it uses vocabulary and themes common...","summary_en":"16:25-27 This doxology makes a very appropriate conclusion to Paul’s letter and its argument, reprising many of the themes found at the very beginning (1:1-15). • The doxology is missing in two late manuscripts and is in different places in other manuscripts (after 14:23 and after 15:33). Therefore, these verses might have been added to Paul’s letter at a later time. However, the majority of manuscripts do include the doxology at the end of the letter, and it uses vocabulary and themes common...","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":140323,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:25","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:25","content_ro":"16:25<\/strong> plan<\/em> (literally mystery<\/em>): For Paul, the mystery<\/em> is the truth about God and his plan that was not clearly known in the Old Testament era but which has been revealed in the New Testament era. While the Old Testament predicted the conversion of Gentiles, it did not make clear that Gentiles would become equal members of the people of God without becoming proselytes of Judaism.<\/p>","content_en":"16:25<\/strong> plan<\/em> (literally mystery<\/em>): For Paul, the mystery<\/em> is the truth about God and his plan that was not clearly known in the Old Testament era but which has been revealed in the New Testament era. While the Old Testament predicted the conversion of Gentiles, it did not make clear that Gentiles would become equal members of the people of God without becoming proselytes of Judaism.<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:25 plan (literally mystery): For Paul, the mystery is the truth about God and his plan that was not clearly known in the Old Testament era but which has been revealed in the New Testament era. While the Old Testament predicted the conversion of Gentiles, it did not make clear that Gentiles would become equal members of the people of God without becoming proselytes of Judaism.","summary_en":"16:25 plan (literally mystery): For Paul, the mystery is the truth about God and his plan that was not clearly known in the Old Testament era but which has been revealed in the New Testament era. While the Old Testament predicted the conversion of Gentiles, it did not make clear that Gentiles would become equal members of the people of God without becoming proselytes of Judaism.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":66482,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Good News Message","title_en":"The Good News Message","content_ro":"<h3>The Good News Message<\/h3>\nThe apostles proclaimed the Good News (or \"gospel\") message in a definite sequence, with the following elements: (1) The Old Testament promises have been fulfilled in the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus Christ. (2) God has exalted Jesus by resurrecting him to be the head of the new people of God as the divinely appointed Messiah. (3) The apostles were witnesses of God’s work in Jesus Christ, both as eyewitnesses of his public ministry and resurrection (Acts 2:32; 3:15; 4:33; 5:30-32; 13:30-31) and as his chosen advocates (10:39-43). (4) The proper response to this Good News is repentance and faith (2:38; 3:19; 13:39, 48; 17:30; 20:21; 26:20). (5) The Holy Spirit is promised to those who accept this offer of God’s forgiveness and salvation from sin through Jesus Christ.<\/p>\nThis basic message was repeatedly preached to both Jews and Gentiles throughout the Mediterranean world (see 1:8; 9:15), including in the words of Peter and Philip recorded in Acts 2:14-41; 3:12-26; 4:8-12; 5:29-32; 8:4-13, 26-40; and 10:34-43. The same themes also characterize Paul’s preaching (e.g., Acts 13:16-49; 1 Cor 15:1-11).<\/p>\nIt is through this powerful message of God’s saving grace that people’s hearts and minds are turned toward him. And the reception of this message ushers in salvation. All people are summoned to repentance from sin and faith in the saving power of Jesus (Acts 4:12; 13:38; 16:30-31)—through his death we can be “made right in God’s sight” (13:39).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nMatt 4:23-24; 24:14; Mark 1:1, 14-15; Luke 4:18-21; Acts 2:14-40; 3:12-26; 8:25-40; Acts 10:34-43; 13:16-41; 16:31; 17:16-31; 20:21; Rom 1:1-5, 15-17; 10:15-17; 16:25-27; 1 Cor 1:18; 15:3-8; 2 Cor 4:3-7; Eph 1:13; 2:4-18; 2 Thes 2:13-14; 2 Tim 1:9-10; 2:8-13; Heb 4:1-16; 1 Pet 1:3-12; Rev 14:6-7<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Good News Message<\/h3>\nThe apostles proclaimed the Good News (or \"gospel\") message in a definite sequence, with the following elements: (1) The Old Testament promises have been fulfilled in the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus Christ. (2) God has exalted Jesus by resurrecting him to be the head of the new people of God as the divinely appointed Messiah. (3) The apostles were witnesses of God’s work in Jesus Christ, both as eyewitnesses of his public ministry and resurrection (Acts 2:32; 3:15; 4:33; 5:30-32; 13:30-31) and as his chosen advocates (10:39-43). (4) The proper response to this Good News is repentance and faith (2:38; 3:19; 13:39, 48; 17:30; 20:21; 26:20). (5) The Holy Spirit is promised to those who accept this offer of God’s forgiveness and salvation from sin through Jesus Christ.<\/p>\nThis basic message was repeatedly preached to both Jews and Gentiles throughout the Mediterranean world (see 1:8; 9:15), including in the words of Peter and Philip recorded in Acts 2:14-41; 3:12-26; 4:8-12; 5:29-32; 8:4-13, 26-40; and 10:34-43. The same themes also characterize Paul’s preaching (e.g., Acts 13:16-49; 1 Cor 15:1-11).<\/p>\nIt is through this powerful message of God’s saving grace that people’s hearts and minds are turned toward him. And the reception of this message ushers in salvation. All people are summoned to repentance from sin and faith in the saving power of Jesus (Acts 4:12; 13:38; 16:30-31)—through his death we can be “made right in God’s sight” (13:39).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nMatt 4:23-24; 24:14; Mark 1:1, 14-15; Luke 4:18-21; Acts 2:14-40; 3:12-26; 8:25-40; Acts 10:34-43; 13:16-41; 16:31; 17:16-31; 20:21; Rom 1:1-5, 15-17; 10:15-17; 16:25-27; 1 Cor 1:18; 15:3-8; 2 Cor 4:3-7; Eph 1:13; 2:4-18; 2 Thes 2:13-14; 2 Tim 1:9-10; 2:8-13; Heb 4:1-16; 1 Pet 1:3-12; Rev 14:6-7<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Good News Message The apostles proclaimed the Good News (or \"gospel\") message in a definite sequence, with the following elements: (1) The Old Testament promises have been fulfilled in the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus Christ. (2) God has exalted Jesus by resurrecting him to be the head of the new people of God as the divinely appointed Messiah. (3) The apostles were witnesses of God’s work in Jesus Christ, both as eyewitnesses of his public ministry and resurrection (Acts 2:32; ...","summary_en":"The Good News Message The apostles proclaimed the Good News (or \"gospel\") message in a definite sequence, with the following elements: (1) The Old Testament promises have been fulfilled in the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus Christ. (2) God has exalted Jesus by resurrecting him to be the head of the new people of God as the divinely appointed Messiah. (3) The apostles were witnesses of God’s work in Jesus Christ, both as eyewitnesses of his public ministry and resurrection (Acts 2:32; ...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":67432,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Secret of the Good News","title_en":"The Secret of the Good News","content_ro":"<h3>The Secret of the Good News<\/h3>\nIn Paul’s letters, the word secret<\/em> (sometimes translated mystery<\/em>) is applied to the Good News. Sometimes secret<\/em> is used as an abbreviation for the Good News itself (2:2; 4:3; 1 Cor 2:1; Eph 1:9; 6:19). Frequently, as in Col 1:26, Paul claims that the secret had been hidden in the past but has now been revealed (see also Rom 16:25; 1 Cor 2:7; Eph 3:9). Paul does not mean by this that the Good News is a secret that has to be probed or that it is some kind of Gnostic idea only a few can discover. Rather, he adapts the term from Jewish apocalyptic teaching (the term apocalyptic<\/em> is from a Greek word that means “uncovering” or “revelation”; the same word supplies the name for the book of Revelation). In the apocalyptic perspective, the plan God has mapped out for all of history already exists in his mind but is hidden from human eyes until God chooses to disclose it. For Paul, the secret plan has now been disclosed in Christ, and it is broadcast throughout the world by his apostles.<\/p>\nThrough the Old Testament prophets, God foretold many elements of the Good News, but he kept some aspects of it hidden until he revealed them in the New Testament era. These include the full participation of Gentiles as fellow-heirs with Jews (Col 1:27; Eph 3:1-9); the indwelling of Christ in believers (Col 1:27; 2:2); and the union of Christ and the church, as illustrated by the union of husband and wife (Eph 5:32). Some elements of God’s plan are still hidden and await further revelation, such as the salvation of all Israel (Rom 11:25-27) and the transfiguration of Christians at the time of Christ’s return (1 Cor 15:51-53).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nRom 11:25; 16:25; 1 Cor 2:1, 7; 15:51; Eph 1:9; 3:1-9; 5:32; 6:19; Col 1:26-27; 2:2; 4:3<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Secret of the Good News<\/h3>\nIn Paul’s letters, the word secret<\/em> (sometimes translated mystery<\/em>) is applied to the Good News. Sometimes secret<\/em> is used as an abbreviation for the Good News itself (2:2; 4:3; 1 Cor 2:1; Eph 1:9; 6:19). Frequently, as in Col 1:26, Paul claims that the secret had been hidden in the past but has now been revealed (see also Rom 16:25; 1 Cor 2:7; Eph 3:9). Paul does not mean by this that the Good News is a secret that has to be probed or that it is some kind of Gnostic idea only a few can discover. Rather, he adapts the term from Jewish apocalyptic teaching (the term apocalyptic<\/em> is from a Greek word that means “uncovering” or “revelation”; the same word supplies the name for the book of Revelation). In the apocalyptic perspective, the plan God has mapped out for all of history already exists in his mind but is hidden from human eyes until God chooses to disclose it. For Paul, the secret plan has now been disclosed in Christ, and it is broadcast throughout the world by his apostles.<\/p>\nThrough the Old Testament prophets, God foretold many elements of the Good News, but he kept some aspects of it hidden until he revealed them in the New Testament era. These include the full participation of Gentiles as fellow-heirs with Jews (Col 1:27; Eph 3:1-9); the indwelling of Christ in believers (Col 1:27; 2:2); and the union of Christ and the church, as illustrated by the union of husband and wife (Eph 5:32). Some elements of God’s plan are still hidden and await further revelation, such as the salvation of all Israel (Rom 11:25-27) and the transfiguration of Christians at the time of Christ’s return (1 Cor 15:51-53).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nRom 11:25; 16:25; 1 Cor 2:1, 7; 15:51; Eph 1:9; 3:1-9; 5:32; 6:19; Col 1:26-27; 2:2; 4:3<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Secret of the Good News In Paul’s letters, the word secret (sometimes translated mystery) is applied to the Good News. Sometimes secret is used as an abbreviation for the Good News itself (2:2; 4:3; 1 Cor 2:1; Eph 1:9; 6:19). Frequently, as in Col 1:26, Paul claims that the secret had been hidden in the past but has now been revealed (see also Rom 16:25; 1 Cor 2:7; Eph 3:9). Paul does not mean by this that the Good News is a secret that has to be probed or that it is some kind of Gnostic ...","summary_en":"The Secret of the Good News In Paul’s letters, the word secret (sometimes translated mystery) is applied to the Good News. Sometimes secret is used as an abbreviation for the Good News itself (2:2; 4:3; 1 Cor 2:1; Eph 1:9; 6:19). Frequently, as in Col 1:26, Paul claims that the secret had been hidden in the past but has now been revealed (see also Rom 16:25; 1 Cor 2:7; Eph 3:9). Paul does not mean by this that the Good News is a secret that has to be probed or that it is some kind of Gnostic ...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":94108,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Good News Message","title_en":"The Good News Message","content_ro":"<h3>The Good News Message<\/h3>\nThe apostles proclaimed the Good News (or \"gospel\") message in a definite sequence, with the following elements: (1) The Old Testament promises have been fulfilled in the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus Christ. (2) God has exalted Jesus by resurrecting him to be the head of the new people of God as the divinely appointed Messiah. (3) The apostles were witnesses of God’s work in Jesus Christ, both as eyewitnesses of his public ministry and resurrection (Acts 2:32; 3:15; 4:33; 5:30-32; 13:30-31) and as his chosen advocates (10:39-43). (4) The proper response to this Good News is repentance and faith (2:38; 3:19; 13:39, 48; 17:30; 20:21; 26:20). (5) The Holy Spirit is promised to those who accept this offer of God’s forgiveness and salvation from sin through Jesus Christ.<\/p>\nThis basic message was repeatedly preached to both Jews and Gentiles throughout the Mediterranean world (see 1:8; 9:15), including in the words of Peter and Philip recorded in Acts 2:14-41; 3:12-26; 4:8-12; 5:29-32; 8:4-13, 26-40; and 10:34-43. The same themes also characterize Paul’s preaching (e.g., Acts 13:16-49; 1 Cor 15:1-11).<\/p>\nIt is through this powerful message of God’s saving grace that people’s hearts and minds are turned toward him. And the reception of this message ushers in salvation. All people are summoned to repentance from sin and faith in the saving power of Jesus (Acts 4:12; 13:38; 16:30-31)—through his death we can be “made right in God’s sight” (13:39).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nMatt 4:23-24; 24:14; Mark 1:1, 14-15; Luke 4:18-21; Acts 2:14-40; 3:12-26; 8:25-40; Acts 10:34-43; 13:16-41; 16:31; 17:16-31; 20:21; Rom 1:1-5, 15-17; 10:15-17; 16:25-27; 1 Cor 1:18; 15:3-8; 2 Cor 4:3-7; Eph 1:13; 2:4-18; 2 Thes 2:13-14; 2 Tim 1:9-10; 2:8-13; Heb 4:1-16; 1 Pet 1:3-12; Rev 14:6-7<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Good News Message<\/h3>\nThe apostles proclaimed the Good News (or \"gospel\") message in a definite sequence, with the following elements: (1) The Old Testament promises have been fulfilled in the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus Christ. (2) God has exalted Jesus by resurrecting him to be the head of the new people of God as the divinely appointed Messiah. (3) The apostles were witnesses of God’s work in Jesus Christ, both as eyewitnesses of his public ministry and resurrection (Acts 2:32; 3:15; 4:33; 5:30-32; 13:30-31) and as his chosen advocates (10:39-43). (4) The proper response to this Good News is repentance and faith (2:38; 3:19; 13:39, 48; 17:30; 20:21; 26:20). (5) The Holy Spirit is promised to those who accept this offer of God’s forgiveness and salvation from sin through Jesus Christ.<\/p>\nThis basic message was repeatedly preached to both Jews and Gentiles throughout the Mediterranean world (see 1:8; 9:15), including in the words of Peter and Philip recorded in Acts 2:14-41; 3:12-26; 4:8-12; 5:29-32; 8:4-13, 26-40; and 10:34-43. The same themes also characterize Paul’s preaching (e.g., Acts 13:16-49; 1 Cor 15:1-11).<\/p>\nIt is through this powerful message of God’s saving grace that people’s hearts and minds are turned toward him. And the reception of this message ushers in salvation. All people are summoned to repentance from sin and faith in the saving power of Jesus (Acts 4:12; 13:38; 16:30-31)—through his death we can be “made right in God’s sight” (13:39).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nMatt 4:23-24; 24:14; Mark 1:1, 14-15; Luke 4:18-21; Acts 2:14-40; 3:12-26; 8:25-40; Acts 10:34-43; 13:16-41; 16:31; 17:16-31; 20:21; Rom 1:1-5, 15-17; 10:15-17; 16:25-27; 1 Cor 1:18; 15:3-8; 2 Cor 4:3-7; Eph 1:13; 2:4-18; 2 Thes 2:13-14; 2 Tim 1:9-10; 2:8-13; Heb 4:1-16; 1 Pet 1:3-12; Rev 14:6-7<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Good News Message The apostles proclaimed the Good News (or \"gospel\") message in a definite sequence, with the following elements: (1) The Old Testament promises have been fulfilled in the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus Christ. (2) God has exalted Jesus by resurrecting him to be the head of the new people of God as the divinely appointed Messiah. (3) The apostles were witnesses of God’s work in Jesus Christ, both as eyewitnesses of his public ministry and resurrection (Acts 2:32; ...","summary_en":"The Good News Message The apostles proclaimed the Good News (or \"gospel\") message in a definite sequence, with the following elements: (1) The Old Testament promises have been fulfilled in the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus Christ. (2) God has exalted Jesus by resurrecting him to be the head of the new people of God as the divinely appointed Messiah. (3) The apostles were witnesses of God’s work in Jesus Christ, both as eyewitnesses of his public ministry and resurrection (Acts 2:32; ...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":95058,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Secret of the Good News","title_en":"The Secret of the Good News","content_ro":"<h3>The Secret of the Good News<\/h3>\nIn Paul’s letters, the word secret<\/em> (sometimes translated mystery<\/em>) is applied to the Good News. Sometimes secret<\/em> is used as an abbreviation for the Good News itself (2:2; 4:3; 1 Cor 2:1; Eph 1:9; 6:19). Frequently, as in Col 1:26, Paul claims that the secret had been hidden in the past but has now been revealed (see also Rom 16:25; 1 Cor 2:7; Eph 3:9). Paul does not mean by this that the Good News is a secret that has to be probed or that it is some kind of Gnostic idea only a few can discover. Rather, he adapts the term from Jewish apocalyptic teaching (the term apocalyptic<\/em> is from a Greek word that means “uncovering” or “revelation”; the same word supplies the name for the book of Revelation). In the apocalyptic perspective, the plan God has mapped out for all of history already exists in his mind but is hidden from human eyes until God chooses to disclose it. For Paul, the secret plan has now been disclosed in Christ, and it is broadcast throughout the world by his apostles.<\/p>\nThrough the Old Testament prophets, God foretold many elements of the Good News, but he kept some aspects of it hidden until he revealed them in the New Testament era. These include the full participation of Gentiles as fellow-heirs with Jews (Col 1:27; Eph 3:1-9); the indwelling of Christ in believers (Col 1:27; 2:2); and the union of Christ and the church, as illustrated by the union of husband and wife (Eph 5:32). Some elements of God’s plan are still hidden and await further revelation, such as the salvation of all Israel (Rom 11:25-27) and the transfiguration of Christians at the time of Christ’s return (1 Cor 15:51-53).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nRom 11:25; 16:25; 1 Cor 2:1, 7; 15:51; Eph 1:9; 3:1-9; 5:32; 6:19; Col 1:26-27; 2:2; 4:3<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Secret of the Good News<\/h3>\nIn Paul’s letters, the word secret<\/em> (sometimes translated mystery<\/em>) is applied to the Good News. Sometimes secret<\/em> is used as an abbreviation for the Good News itself (2:2; 4:3; 1 Cor 2:1; Eph 1:9; 6:19). Frequently, as in Col 1:26, Paul claims that the secret had been hidden in the past but has now been revealed (see also Rom 16:25; 1 Cor 2:7; Eph 3:9). Paul does not mean by this that the Good News is a secret that has to be probed or that it is some kind of Gnostic idea only a few can discover. Rather, he adapts the term from Jewish apocalyptic teaching (the term apocalyptic<\/em> is from a Greek word that means “uncovering” or “revelation”; the same word supplies the name for the book of Revelation). In the apocalyptic perspective, the plan God has mapped out for all of history already exists in his mind but is hidden from human eyes until God chooses to disclose it. For Paul, the secret plan has now been disclosed in Christ, and it is broadcast throughout the world by his apostles.<\/p>\nThrough the Old Testament prophets, God foretold many elements of the Good News, but he kept some aspects of it hidden until he revealed them in the New Testament era. These include the full participation of Gentiles as fellow-heirs with Jews (Col 1:27; Eph 3:1-9); the indwelling of Christ in believers (Col 1:27; 2:2); and the union of Christ and the church, as illustrated by the union of husband and wife (Eph 5:32). Some elements of God’s plan are still hidden and await further revelation, such as the salvation of all Israel (Rom 11:25-27) and the transfiguration of Christians at the time of Christ’s return (1 Cor 15:51-53).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nRom 11:25; 16:25; 1 Cor 2:1, 7; 15:51; Eph 1:9; 3:1-9; 5:32; 6:19; Col 1:26-27; 2:2; 4:3<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Secret of the Good News In Paul’s letters, the word secret (sometimes translated mystery) is applied to the Good News. Sometimes secret is used as an abbreviation for the Good News itself (2:2; 4:3; 1 Cor 2:1; Eph 1:9; 6:19). Frequently, as in Col 1:26, Paul claims that the secret had been hidden in the past but has now been revealed (see also Rom 16:25; 1 Cor 2:7; Eph 3:9). Paul does not mean by this that the Good News is a secret that has to be probed or that it is some kind of Gnostic ...","summary_en":"The Secret of the Good News In Paul’s letters, the word secret (sometimes translated mystery) is applied to the Good News. Sometimes secret is used as an abbreviation for the Good News itself (2:2; 4:3; 1 Cor 2:1; Eph 1:9; 6:19). Frequently, as in Col 1:26, Paul claims that the secret had been hidden in the past but has now been revealed (see also Rom 16:25; 1 Cor 2:7; Eph 3:9). Paul does not mean by this that the Good News is a secret that has to be probed or that it is some kind of Gnostic ...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":121734,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Good News Message","title_en":"The Good News Message","content_ro":"<h3>The Good News Message<\/h3>\nThe apostles proclaimed the Good News (or \"gospel\") message in a definite sequence, with the following elements: (1) The Old Testament promises have been fulfilled in the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus Christ. (2) God has exalted Jesus by resurrecting him to be the head of the new people of God as the divinely appointed Messiah. (3) The apostles were witnesses of God’s work in Jesus Christ, both as eyewitnesses of his public ministry and resurrection (Acts 2:32; 3:15; 4:33; 5:30-32; 13:30-31) and as his chosen advocates (10:39-43). (4) The proper response to this Good News is repentance and faith (2:38; 3:19; 13:39, 48; 17:30; 20:21; 26:20). (5) The Holy Spirit is promised to those who accept this offer of God’s forgiveness and salvation from sin through Jesus Christ.<\/p>\nThis basic message was repeatedly preached to both Jews and Gentiles throughout the Mediterranean world (see 1:8; 9:15), including in the words of Peter and Philip recorded in Acts 2:14-41; 3:12-26; 4:8-12; 5:29-32; 8:4-13, 26-40; and 10:34-43. The same themes also characterize Paul’s preaching (e.g., Acts 13:16-49; 1 Cor 15:1-11).<\/p>\nIt is through this powerful message of God’s saving grace that people’s hearts and minds are turned toward him. And the reception of this message ushers in salvation. All people are summoned to repentance from sin and faith in the saving power of Jesus (Acts 4:12; 13:38; 16:30-31)—through his death we can be “made right in God’s sight” (13:39).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nMatt 4:23-24; 24:14; Mark 1:1, 14-15; Luke 4:18-21; Acts 2:14-40; 3:12-26; 8:25-40; Acts 10:34-43; 13:16-41; 16:31; 17:16-31; 20:21; Rom 1:1-5, 15-17; 10:15-17; 16:25-27; 1 Cor 1:18; 15:3-8; 2 Cor 4:3-7; Eph 1:13; 2:4-18; 2 Thes 2:13-14; 2 Tim 1:9-10; 2:8-13; Heb 4:1-16; 1 Pet 1:3-12; Rev 14:6-7<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Good News Message<\/h3>\nThe apostles proclaimed the Good News (or \"gospel\") message in a definite sequence, with the following elements: (1) The Old Testament promises have been fulfilled in the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus Christ. (2) God has exalted Jesus by resurrecting him to be the head of the new people of God as the divinely appointed Messiah. (3) The apostles were witnesses of God’s work in Jesus Christ, both as eyewitnesses of his public ministry and resurrection (Acts 2:32; 3:15; 4:33; 5:30-32; 13:30-31) and as his chosen advocates (10:39-43). (4) The proper response to this Good News is repentance and faith (2:38; 3:19; 13:39, 48; 17:30; 20:21; 26:20). (5) The Holy Spirit is promised to those who accept this offer of God’s forgiveness and salvation from sin through Jesus Christ.<\/p>\nThis basic message was repeatedly preached to both Jews and Gentiles throughout the Mediterranean world (see 1:8; 9:15), including in the words of Peter and Philip recorded in Acts 2:14-41; 3:12-26; 4:8-12; 5:29-32; 8:4-13, 26-40; and 10:34-43. The same themes also characterize Paul’s preaching (e.g., Acts 13:16-49; 1 Cor 15:1-11).<\/p>\nIt is through this powerful message of God’s saving grace that people’s hearts and minds are turned toward him. And the reception of this message ushers in salvation. All people are summoned to repentance from sin and faith in the saving power of Jesus (Acts 4:12; 13:38; 16:30-31)—through his death we can be “made right in God’s sight” (13:39).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nMatt 4:23-24; 24:14; Mark 1:1, 14-15; Luke 4:18-21; Acts 2:14-40; 3:12-26; 8:25-40; Acts 10:34-43; 13:16-41; 16:31; 17:16-31; 20:21; Rom 1:1-5, 15-17; 10:15-17; 16:25-27; 1 Cor 1:18; 15:3-8; 2 Cor 4:3-7; Eph 1:13; 2:4-18; 2 Thes 2:13-14; 2 Tim 1:9-10; 2:8-13; Heb 4:1-16; 1 Pet 1:3-12; Rev 14:6-7<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Good News Message The apostles proclaimed the Good News (or \"gospel\") message in a definite sequence, with the following elements: (1) The Old Testament promises have been fulfilled in the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus Christ. (2) God has exalted Jesus by resurrecting him to be the head of the new people of God as the divinely appointed Messiah. (3) The apostles were witnesses of God’s work in Jesus Christ, both as eyewitnesses of his public ministry and resurrection (Acts 2:32; ...","summary_en":"The Good News Message The apostles proclaimed the Good News (or \"gospel\") message in a definite sequence, with the following elements: (1) The Old Testament promises have been fulfilled in the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus Christ. (2) God has exalted Jesus by resurrecting him to be the head of the new people of God as the divinely appointed Messiah. (3) The apostles were witnesses of God’s work in Jesus Christ, both as eyewitnesses of his public ministry and resurrection (Acts 2:32; ...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":122684,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Secret of the Good News","title_en":"The Secret of the Good News","content_ro":"<h3>The Secret of the Good News<\/h3>\nIn Paul’s letters, the word secret<\/em> (sometimes translated mystery<\/em>) is applied to the Good News. Sometimes secret<\/em> is used as an abbreviation for the Good News itself (2:2; 4:3; 1 Cor 2:1; Eph 1:9; 6:19). Frequently, as in Col 1:26, Paul claims that the secret had been hidden in the past but has now been revealed (see also Rom 16:25; 1 Cor 2:7; Eph 3:9). Paul does not mean by this that the Good News is a secret that has to be probed or that it is some kind of Gnostic idea only a few can discover. Rather, he adapts the term from Jewish apocalyptic teaching (the term apocalyptic<\/em> is from a Greek word that means “uncovering” or “revelation”; the same word supplies the name for the book of Revelation). In the apocalyptic perspective, the plan God has mapped out for all of history already exists in his mind but is hidden from human eyes until God chooses to disclose it. For Paul, the secret plan has now been disclosed in Christ, and it is broadcast throughout the world by his apostles.<\/p>\nThrough the Old Testament prophets, God foretold many elements of the Good News, but he kept some aspects of it hidden until he revealed them in the New Testament era. These include the full participation of Gentiles as fellow-heirs with Jews (Col 1:27; Eph 3:1-9); the indwelling of Christ in believers (Col 1:27; 2:2); and the union of Christ and the church, as illustrated by the union of husband and wife (Eph 5:32). Some elements of God’s plan are still hidden and await further revelation, such as the salvation of all Israel (Rom 11:25-27) and the transfiguration of Christians at the time of Christ’s return (1 Cor 15:51-53).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nRom 11:25; 16:25; 1 Cor 2:1, 7; 15:51; Eph 1:9; 3:1-9; 5:32; 6:19; Col 1:26-27; 2:2; 4:3<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Secret of the Good News<\/h3>\nIn Paul’s letters, the word secret<\/em> (sometimes translated mystery<\/em>) is applied to the Good News. Sometimes secret<\/em> is used as an abbreviation for the Good News itself (2:2; 4:3; 1 Cor 2:1; Eph 1:9; 6:19). Frequently, as in Col 1:26, Paul claims that the secret had been hidden in the past but has now been revealed (see also Rom 16:25; 1 Cor 2:7; Eph 3:9). Paul does not mean by this that the Good News is a secret that has to be probed or that it is some kind of Gnostic idea only a few can discover. Rather, he adapts the term from Jewish apocalyptic teaching (the term apocalyptic<\/em> is from a Greek word that means “uncovering” or “revelation”; the same word supplies the name for the book of Revelation). In the apocalyptic perspective, the plan God has mapped out for all of history already exists in his mind but is hidden from human eyes until God chooses to disclose it. For Paul, the secret plan has now been disclosed in Christ, and it is broadcast throughout the world by his apostles.<\/p>\nThrough the Old Testament prophets, God foretold many elements of the Good News, but he kept some aspects of it hidden until he revealed them in the New Testament era. These include the full participation of Gentiles as fellow-heirs with Jews (Col 1:27; Eph 3:1-9); the indwelling of Christ in believers (Col 1:27; 2:2); and the union of Christ and the church, as illustrated by the union of husband and wife (Eph 5:32). Some elements of God’s plan are still hidden and await further revelation, such as the salvation of all Israel (Rom 11:25-27) and the transfiguration of Christians at the time of Christ’s return (1 Cor 15:51-53).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nRom 11:25; 16:25; 1 Cor 2:1, 7; 15:51; Eph 1:9; 3:1-9; 5:32; 6:19; Col 1:26-27; 2:2; 4:3<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Secret of the Good News In Paul’s letters, the word secret (sometimes translated mystery) is applied to the Good News. Sometimes secret is used as an abbreviation for the Good News itself (2:2; 4:3; 1 Cor 2:1; Eph 1:9; 6:19). Frequently, as in Col 1:26, Paul claims that the secret had been hidden in the past but has now been revealed (see also Rom 16:25; 1 Cor 2:7; Eph 3:9). Paul does not mean by this that the Good News is a secret that has to be probed or that it is some kind of Gnostic ...","summary_en":"The Secret of the Good News In Paul’s letters, the word secret (sometimes translated mystery) is applied to the Good News. Sometimes secret is used as an abbreviation for the Good News itself (2:2; 4:3; 1 Cor 2:1; Eph 1:9; 6:19). Frequently, as in Col 1:26, Paul claims that the secret had been hidden in the past but has now been revealed (see also Rom 16:25; 1 Cor 2:7; Eph 3:9). Paul does not mean by this that the Good News is a secret that has to be probed or that it is some kind of Gnostic ...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":149360,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Good News Message","title_en":"The Good News Message","content_ro":"<h3>The Good News Message<\/h3>\nThe apostles proclaimed the Good News (or \"gospel\") message in a definite sequence, with the following elements: (1) The Old Testament promises have been fulfilled in the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus Christ. (2) God has exalted Jesus by resurrecting him to be the head of the new people of God as the divinely appointed Messiah. (3) The apostles were witnesses of God’s work in Jesus Christ, both as eyewitnesses of his public ministry and resurrection (Acts 2:32; 3:15; 4:33; 5:30-32; 13:30-31) and as his chosen advocates (10:39-43). (4) The proper response to this Good News is repentance and faith (2:38; 3:19; 13:39, 48; 17:30; 20:21; 26:20). (5) The Holy Spirit is promised to those who accept this offer of God’s forgiveness and salvation from sin through Jesus Christ.<\/p>\nThis basic message was repeatedly preached to both Jews and Gentiles throughout the Mediterranean world (see 1:8; 9:15), including in the words of Peter and Philip recorded in Acts 2:14-41; 3:12-26; 4:8-12; 5:29-32; 8:4-13, 26-40; and 10:34-43. The same themes also characterize Paul’s preaching (e.g., Acts 13:16-49; 1 Cor 15:1-11).<\/p>\nIt is through this powerful message of God’s saving grace that people’s hearts and minds are turned toward him. And the reception of this message ushers in salvation. All people are summoned to repentance from sin and faith in the saving power of Jesus (Acts 4:12; 13:38; 16:30-31)—through his death we can be “made right in God’s sight” (13:39).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nMatt 4:23-24; 24:14; Mark 1:1, 14-15; Luke 4:18-21; Acts 2:14-40; 3:12-26; 8:25-40; Acts 10:34-43; 13:16-41; 16:31; 17:16-31; 20:21; Rom 1:1-5, 15-17; 10:15-17; 16:25-27; 1 Cor 1:18; 15:3-8; 2 Cor 4:3-7; Eph 1:13; 2:4-18; 2 Thes 2:13-14; 2 Tim 1:9-10; 2:8-13; Heb 4:1-16; 1 Pet 1:3-12; Rev 14:6-7<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Good News Message<\/h3>\nThe apostles proclaimed the Good News (or \"gospel\") message in a definite sequence, with the following elements: (1) The Old Testament promises have been fulfilled in the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus Christ. (2) God has exalted Jesus by resurrecting him to be the head of the new people of God as the divinely appointed Messiah. (3) The apostles were witnesses of God’s work in Jesus Christ, both as eyewitnesses of his public ministry and resurrection (Acts 2:32; 3:15; 4:33; 5:30-32; 13:30-31) and as his chosen advocates (10:39-43). (4) The proper response to this Good News is repentance and faith (2:38; 3:19; 13:39, 48; 17:30; 20:21; 26:20). (5) The Holy Spirit is promised to those who accept this offer of God’s forgiveness and salvation from sin through Jesus Christ.<\/p>\nThis basic message was repeatedly preached to both Jews and Gentiles throughout the Mediterranean world (see 1:8; 9:15), including in the words of Peter and Philip recorded in Acts 2:14-41; 3:12-26; 4:8-12; 5:29-32; 8:4-13, 26-40; and 10:34-43. The same themes also characterize Paul’s preaching (e.g., Acts 13:16-49; 1 Cor 15:1-11).<\/p>\nIt is through this powerful message of God’s saving grace that people’s hearts and minds are turned toward him. And the reception of this message ushers in salvation. All people are summoned to repentance from sin and faith in the saving power of Jesus (Acts 4:12; 13:38; 16:30-31)—through his death we can be “made right in God’s sight” (13:39).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nMatt 4:23-24; 24:14; Mark 1:1, 14-15; Luke 4:18-21; Acts 2:14-40; 3:12-26; 8:25-40; Acts 10:34-43; 13:16-41; 16:31; 17:16-31; 20:21; Rom 1:1-5, 15-17; 10:15-17; 16:25-27; 1 Cor 1:18; 15:3-8; 2 Cor 4:3-7; Eph 1:13; 2:4-18; 2 Thes 2:13-14; 2 Tim 1:9-10; 2:8-13; Heb 4:1-16; 1 Pet 1:3-12; Rev 14:6-7<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Good News Message The apostles proclaimed the Good News (or \"gospel\") message in a definite sequence, with the following elements: (1) The Old Testament promises have been fulfilled in the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus Christ. (2) God has exalted Jesus by resurrecting him to be the head of the new people of God as the divinely appointed Messiah. (3) The apostles were witnesses of God’s work in Jesus Christ, both as eyewitnesses of his public ministry and resurrection (Acts 2:32; ...","summary_en":"The Good News Message The apostles proclaimed the Good News (or \"gospel\") message in a definite sequence, with the following elements: (1) The Old Testament promises have been fulfilled in the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus Christ. (2) God has exalted Jesus by resurrecting him to be the head of the new people of God as the divinely appointed Messiah. (3) The apostles were witnesses of God’s work in Jesus Christ, both as eyewitnesses of his public ministry and resurrection (Acts 2:32; ...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":150310,"type":"theme_note","type_label":"Temă biblică","type_icon":"🎯","type_color":"#ef4444","title_ro":"The Secret of the Good News","title_en":"The Secret of the Good News","content_ro":"<h3>The Secret of the Good News<\/h3>\nIn Paul’s letters, the word secret<\/em> (sometimes translated mystery<\/em>) is applied to the Good News. Sometimes secret<\/em> is used as an abbreviation for the Good News itself (2:2; 4:3; 1 Cor 2:1; Eph 1:9; 6:19). Frequently, as in Col 1:26, Paul claims that the secret had been hidden in the past but has now been revealed (see also Rom 16:25; 1 Cor 2:7; Eph 3:9). Paul does not mean by this that the Good News is a secret that has to be probed or that it is some kind of Gnostic idea only a few can discover. Rather, he adapts the term from Jewish apocalyptic teaching (the term apocalyptic<\/em> is from a Greek word that means “uncovering” or “revelation”; the same word supplies the name for the book of Revelation). In the apocalyptic perspective, the plan God has mapped out for all of history already exists in his mind but is hidden from human eyes until God chooses to disclose it. For Paul, the secret plan has now been disclosed in Christ, and it is broadcast throughout the world by his apostles.<\/p>\nThrough the Old Testament prophets, God foretold many elements of the Good News, but he kept some aspects of it hidden until he revealed them in the New Testament era. These include the full participation of Gentiles as fellow-heirs with Jews (Col 1:27; Eph 3:1-9); the indwelling of Christ in believers (Col 1:27; 2:2); and the union of Christ and the church, as illustrated by the union of husband and wife (Eph 5:32). Some elements of God’s plan are still hidden and await further revelation, such as the salvation of all Israel (Rom 11:25-27) and the transfiguration of Christians at the time of Christ’s return (1 Cor 15:51-53).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nRom 11:25; 16:25; 1 Cor 2:1, 7; 15:51; Eph 1:9; 3:1-9; 5:32; 6:19; Col 1:26-27; 2:2; 4:3<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>The Secret of the Good News<\/h3>\nIn Paul’s letters, the word secret<\/em> (sometimes translated mystery<\/em>) is applied to the Good News. Sometimes secret<\/em> is used as an abbreviation for the Good News itself (2:2; 4:3; 1 Cor 2:1; Eph 1:9; 6:19). Frequently, as in Col 1:26, Paul claims that the secret had been hidden in the past but has now been revealed (see also Rom 16:25; 1 Cor 2:7; Eph 3:9). Paul does not mean by this that the Good News is a secret that has to be probed or that it is some kind of Gnostic idea only a few can discover. Rather, he adapts the term from Jewish apocalyptic teaching (the term apocalyptic<\/em> is from a Greek word that means “uncovering” or “revelation”; the same word supplies the name for the book of Revelation). In the apocalyptic perspective, the plan God has mapped out for all of history already exists in his mind but is hidden from human eyes until God chooses to disclose it. For Paul, the secret plan has now been disclosed in Christ, and it is broadcast throughout the world by his apostles.<\/p>\nThrough the Old Testament prophets, God foretold many elements of the Good News, but he kept some aspects of it hidden until he revealed them in the New Testament era. These include the full participation of Gentiles as fellow-heirs with Jews (Col 1:27; Eph 3:1-9); the indwelling of Christ in believers (Col 1:27; 2:2); and the union of Christ and the church, as illustrated by the union of husband and wife (Eph 5:32). Some elements of God’s plan are still hidden and await further revelation, such as the salvation of all Israel (Rom 11:25-27) and the transfiguration of Christians at the time of Christ’s return (1 Cor 15:51-53).<\/p>\nPassages for Further Study<\/strong><\/p>\nRom 11:25; 16:25; 1 Cor 2:1, 7; 15:51; Eph 1:9; 3:1-9; 5:32; 6:19; Col 1:26-27; 2:2; 4:3<\/p>","summary_ro":"The Secret of the Good News In Paul’s letters, the word secret (sometimes translated mystery) is applied to the Good News. Sometimes secret is used as an abbreviation for the Good News itself (2:2; 4:3; 1 Cor 2:1; Eph 1:9; 6:19). Frequently, as in Col 1:26, Paul claims that the secret had been hidden in the past but has now been revealed (see also Rom 16:25; 1 Cor 2:7; Eph 3:9). Paul does not mean by this that the Good News is a secret that has to be probed or that it is some kind of Gnostic ...","summary_en":"The Secret of the Good News In Paul’s letters, the word secret (sometimes translated mystery) is applied to the Good News. Sometimes secret is used as an abbreviation for the Good News itself (2:2; 4:3; 1 Cor 2:1; Eph 1:9; 6:19). Frequently, as in Col 1:26, Paul claims that the secret had been hidden in the past but has now been revealed (see also Rom 16:25; 1 Cor 2:7; Eph 3:9). Paul does not mean by this that the Good News is a secret that has to be probed or that it is some kind of Gnostic ...","source":"ThemeNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"26":[{"id":11222,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"Eternity","title_en":"Eternity","content_ro":"<h3>ETERNITY<\/h3>\nDuration of time that cannot be measured.<\/p>\nThe OT does not have a single word corresponding to our English word “eternity.” The concept grows out of such expressions as “from generation to generation” and “from age to age.” The understanding of God as the Creator and controller of history led to the understanding of his endless life span. Thus, God himself is designated by the adjective “eternal” (cf. Gn 21:33; Is 26:4; 40:28). The Hebrews simply understood that God is the God of the past and the God who will always be—in stark contrast to humans whose days on earth are limited.<\/p>\nThe NT picked up these concepts from Judaism and the OT. In Greek the same root word is used to describe the ages of time and God’s agelessness. For example, the word “eternal” used in Romans 16:26 comes from the Greek root transliterated into English as “eon.” The God who rules the ages or eons is himself the ageless one who brings continuity and stability into the human life so severely bounded by this age. The clear understanding that time will come to an end, provided by NT revelation, added to the OT’s vivid understanding of creation, serves to underline and clarify the concept of an eternal God. God’s preexistence and postexistence is yet another way of expressing his eternal being.<\/p>\nThe NT regularly spoke of the temporal sequences of God’s revelation in Christ in much the same way as the OT spoke of God’s self-revelation to Israel. The NT usage of prepositions with “eon” is particularly instructive: for example (translated literally) “out of the age” (Jn 9:32), “from the age” (Lk 1:70; Acts 3:21), “into the age” (Jude 1:13), “into the ages” (Jn 4:14). The first two phrases reflect an indefinite time preceding the present moment, and the last two point to a future indefinable time (often translated as “forever”).<\/p>\nThe biblical concept of eternity stands in contrast to that of other cultures of the time, which often thought in cyclical terms. The Greek world particularly thought of time in the analogy of a circle—an ever-recurring sequence of events. Salvation was to find an exit from that vicious cycle, thus being freed from time in order to experience timelessness. The biblical concept pictures time as a line with beginning and end guaranteed by the eternal God. Thus, in the biblical view, salvation could not occur within a designated sequence; it only occurs in the experience of the individual and moves on to the historical consummation directed by the eternal God.<\/p>\nThe contrast between Greek and biblical ways of viewing time raises the question of the exact nature of eternity. Is it to be understood as merely unlimited time or, in direct contrast to present time, as timelessness? The biblical view seems to be that eternity is not timelessness and does not stand in contrast to present time as its opposite, since present time and eternity share basic qualities.<\/p>\nThe NT (following Judaism) uses “eon” or “age” to divide time into “this present eon” and “the eon that is about to be” or “the coming eon.” The contrast is not simply between time and timelessness, for the “eon that is about to be” is future and shares a specific and identifiable character. The biblical picture of the start of the “coming age” is dramatically painted with broad sequential brush strokes. The new age is not simply a restoration to the primitive and naive innocence of the earliest stage, but a consummation according to the purposes of him who is and who was and who is to come (Rv 1:4). Thus, it is designated as the new creation.<\/p>\nThe NT clearly teaches that the “age that is to be” has now begun in the life and ministry of Christ, although there is a definite overlap in the two ages. The frequency of such terms as “the firstfruits,” “the earnest of the Spirit,” and “the last days,” reflects this understanding (e.g., Heb 6:5: “and have tasted . . . the powers of the age to come”). The believer enjoys the blessings of the future age imported into the present through Christ’s redemptive work.<\/p>\nThe concept of eternity, then, does not stand in opposition and contrast to time as timelessness. Eternity is the unlimited and incalculable space of time bounded at its beginning by the introduction of the kingdom of God in Christ and stretching out into the unlimited future. Both time (“the present evil age,” Gal 1:4) and eternity are governed by God as the Lord of all time, the one who gives content and meaning to both.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Age; God, Being and Attributes of.<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>ETERNITY<\/h3>\nDuration of time that cannot be measured.<\/p>\nThe OT does not have a single word corresponding to our English word “eternity.” The concept grows out of such expressions as “from generation to generation” and “from age to age.” The understanding of God as the Creator and controller of history led to the understanding of his endless life span. Thus, God himself is designated by the adjective “eternal” (cf. Gn 21:33; Is 26:4; 40:28). The Hebrews simply understood that God is the God of the past and the God who will always be—in stark contrast to humans whose days on earth are limited.<\/p>\nThe NT picked up these concepts from Judaism and the OT. In Greek the same root word is used to describe the ages of time and God’s agelessness. For example, the word “eternal” used in Romans 16:26 comes from the Greek root transliterated into English as “eon.” The God who rules the ages or eons is himself the ageless one who brings continuity and stability into the human life so severely bounded by this age. The clear understanding that time will come to an end, provided by NT revelation, added to the OT’s vivid understanding of creation, serves to underline and clarify the concept of an eternal God. God’s preexistence and postexistence is yet another way of expressing his eternal being.<\/p>\nThe NT regularly spoke of the temporal sequences of God’s revelation in Christ in much the same way as the OT spoke of God’s self-revelation to Israel. The NT usage of prepositions with “eon” is particularly instructive: for example (translated literally) “out of the age” (Jn 9:32), “from the age” (Lk 1:70; Acts 3:21), “into the age” (Jude 1:13), “into the ages” (Jn 4:14). The first two phrases reflect an indefinite time preceding the present moment, and the last two point to a future indefinable time (often translated as “forever”).<\/p>\nThe biblical concept of eternity stands in contrast to that of other cultures of the time, which often thought in cyclical terms. The Greek world particularly thought of time in the analogy of a circle—an ever-recurring sequence of events. Salvation was to find an exit from that vicious cycle, thus being freed from time in order to experience timelessness. The biblical concept pictures time as a line with beginning and end guaranteed by the eternal God. Thus, in the biblical view, salvation could not occur within a designated sequence; it only occurs in the experience of the individual and moves on to the historical consummation directed by the eternal God.<\/p>\nThe contrast between Greek and biblical ways of viewing time raises the question of the exact nature of eternity. Is it to be understood as merely unlimited time or, in direct contrast to present time, as timelessness? The biblical view seems to be that eternity is not timelessness and does not stand in contrast to present time as its opposite, since present time and eternity share basic qualities.<\/p>\nThe NT (following Judaism) uses “eon” or “age” to divide time into “this present eon” and “the eon that is about to be” or “the coming eon.” The contrast is not simply between time and timelessness, for the “eon that is about to be” is future and shares a specific and identifiable character. The biblical picture of the start of the “coming age” is dramatically painted with broad sequential brush strokes. The new age is not simply a restoration to the primitive and naive innocence of the earliest stage, but a consummation according to the purposes of him who is and who was and who is to come (Rv 1:4). Thus, it is designated as the new creation.<\/p>\nThe NT clearly teaches that the “age that is to be” has now begun in the life and ministry of Christ, although there is a definite overlap in the two ages. The frequency of such terms as “the firstfruits,” “the earnest of the Spirit,” and “the last days,” reflects this understanding (e.g., Heb 6:5: “and have tasted . . . the powers of the age to come”). The believer enjoys the blessings of the future age imported into the present through Christ’s redemptive work.<\/p>\nThe concept of eternity, then, does not stand in opposition and contrast to time as timelessness. Eternity is the unlimited and incalculable space of time bounded at its beginning by the introduction of the kingdom of God in Christ and stretching out into the unlimited future. Both time (“the present evil age,” Gal 1:4) and eternity are governed by God as the Lord of all time, the one who gives content and meaning to both.<\/p>\nSee also<\/em> Age; God, Being and Attributes of.<\/p>","summary_ro":"ETERNITY Duration of time that cannot be measured. The OT does not have a single word corresponding to our English word “eternity.” The concept grows out of such expressions as “from generation to generation” and “from age to age.” The understanding of God as the Creator and controller of history led to the understanding of his endless life span. Thus, God himself is designated by the adjective “eternal” (cf. Gn 21:33; Is 26:4; 40:28). The Hebrews simply understood that God is the God of the ...","summary_en":"ETERNITY Duration of time that cannot be measured. The OT does not have a single word corresponding to our English word “eternity.” The concept grows out of such expressions as “from generation to generation” and “from age to age.” The understanding of God as the Creator and controller of history led to the understanding of his endless life span. Thus, God himself is designated by the adjective “eternal” (cf. Gn 21:33; Is 26:4; 40:28). The Hebrews simply understood that God is the God of the ...","source":"Articles\/E.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":57446,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:26","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:26","content_ro":"16:26<\/strong> so that they too might believe and obey him:<\/em> Paul uses the same language about the mission to the Gentiles that he used in 1:5, creating a beautiful frame around the letter as a whole.<\/p>","content_en":"16:26<\/strong> so that they too might believe and obey him:<\/em> Paul uses the same language about the mission to the Gentiles that he used in 1:5, creating a beautiful frame around the letter as a whole.<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:26 so that they too might believe and obey him: Paul uses the same language about the mission to the Gentiles that he used in 1:5, creating a beautiful frame around the letter as a whole.","summary_en":"16:26 so that they too might believe and obey him: Paul uses the same language about the mission to the Gentiles that he used in 1:5, creating a beautiful frame around the letter as a whole.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":85072,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:26","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:26","content_ro":"16:26<\/strong> so that they too might believe and obey him:<\/em> Paul uses the same language about the mission to the Gentiles that he used in 1:5, creating a beautiful frame around the letter as a whole.<\/p>","content_en":"16:26<\/strong> so that they too might believe and obey him:<\/em> Paul uses the same language about the mission to the Gentiles that he used in 1:5, creating a beautiful frame around the letter as a whole.<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:26 so that they too might believe and obey him: Paul uses the same language about the mission to the Gentiles that he used in 1:5, creating a beautiful frame around the letter as a whole.","summary_en":"16:26 so that they too might believe and obey him: Paul uses the same language about the mission to the Gentiles that he used in 1:5, creating a beautiful frame around the letter as a whole.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":112698,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:26","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:26","content_ro":"16:26<\/strong> so that they too might believe and obey him:<\/em> Paul uses the same language about the mission to the Gentiles that he used in 1:5, creating a beautiful frame around the letter as a whole.<\/p>","content_en":"16:26<\/strong> so that they too might believe and obey him:<\/em> Paul uses the same language about the mission to the Gentiles that he used in 1:5, creating a beautiful frame around the letter as a whole.<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:26 so that they too might believe and obey him: Paul uses the same language about the mission to the Gentiles that he used in 1:5, creating a beautiful frame around the letter as a whole.","summary_en":"16:26 so that they too might believe and obey him: Paul uses the same language about the mission to the Gentiles that he used in 1:5, creating a beautiful frame around the letter as a whole.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false},{"id":140324,"type":"study_note","type_label":"Notă de studiu","type_icon":"📝","type_color":"#06b6d4","title_ro":"Notă de studiu: Romani 16:26","title_en":"Study Note: Romani 16:26","content_ro":"16:26<\/strong> so that they too might believe and obey him:<\/em> Paul uses the same language about the mission to the Gentiles that he used in 1:5, creating a beautiful frame around the letter as a whole.<\/p>","content_en":"16:26<\/strong> so that they too might believe and obey him:<\/em> Paul uses the same language about the mission to the Gentiles that he used in 1:5, creating a beautiful frame around the letter as a whole.<\/p>","summary_ro":"16:26 so that they too might believe and obey him: Paul uses the same language about the mission to the Gentiles that he used in 1:5, creating a beautiful frame around the letter as a whole.","summary_en":"16:26 so that they too might believe and obey him: Paul uses the same language about the mission to the Gentiles that he used in 1:5, creating a beautiful frame around the letter as a whole.","source":"StudyNotes.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}],"27":[{"id":17619,"type":"article","type_label":"Articol","type_icon":"📖","type_color":"#d4af37","title_ro":"of Christ*, Intercession","title_en":"of Christ*, Intercession","content_ro":"<h3>INTERCESSION OF CHRIST*<\/h3>\nTheological term for Christ’s activity of petitioning God the Father to save, help, and sustain people on earth.<\/p>\nThe Hebrew word meaning “to make intercession” is from a root meaning “to strike”; hence it means “to assail or encounter with a request.” That word is used prophetically of the ministry of the “servant of the Lord”: “He bore the sin of many, and made intercession for the transgressors” (Is 53:12, rsv<\/span>). The principal Greek verb meant in secular usage to “meet,” “approach,” or “make an appeal.” In intertestamental literature that word was employed in the sense of personally petitioning an official to gain a favor (e.g., 2 Macc 4:8). The noun form of the word is translated in the NT both as “intercession” (1 Tm 2:1) and as “prayer” (4:5).<\/p>\nTheologians generally see intercession as the second phase of Christ’s “high priestly work,” after he first made satisfaction for sin through his suffering and death on the cross (1 Tm 2:5-6). In the OT one of the priest’s functions was to petition God on the people’s behalf. In particular, on the annual Day of Atonement the high priest carried the blood of the sin offering into the Holy of Holies, sanctified the sacred place by means of incense, and sprinkled the sacrificial blood on and about the “mercy seat” (Lv 16:11-19). Correspondingly, after Christ offered himself on the cross as the sacrifice for sins, he ascended to the Father and entered the heavenly sanctuary where he now represents his people (Heb 7:25).<\/p>\nChrist’s Intercession on Earth<\/p>\nBefore his life of intercession in heaven, Jesus Christ exercised such a ministry on earth, consistent with his own teaching that the disciples should always pray and not get discouraged (Lk 18:1). Scripture often points to Jesus in prayer. For example, Jesus interceded at the grave of his friend Lazarus (Jn 11:41-42). Jesus prayed all night on a mountain before selecting the 12 apostles (Lk 6:12-13). After warning his disciple Peter that Satan had designs on him, Jesus said to Peter, “I have prayed for you that your faith may not fail” (Lk 22:32, rsv<\/span>). Jesus’ first words on the cross were a prayer for those who had persecuted him (23:34).<\/p>\nThe “high priestly prayer” recorded in John 17 provides the most complete account in Scripture of an intercessory prayer by Jesus. The ground, or basis, of his impassioned petition was his intimate relationship with his heavenly Father (Jn 17:5, 8). The objects of his prayer were (1) himself, that he might glorify the Father and complete the work he had been sent to accomplish (Jn 17:1-5); (2) his disciples, who were chosen to spread the gospel after his departure (vv 8-9); and (3) the entire family of believers (v 20). The goals of his intercession included (1) the unity of God’s people (vv 11, 21), (2) their joy in spite of hardships and discouragement (v 13), (3) their preservation from evil (v 15), (4) their sanctification by the Word of God (v 17), and (5) their eternal fellowship with Christ (v 24).<\/p>\nChrist’s Intercession in Heaven<\/p>\nChrist’s intercession for his people, begun on earth, is continued in heaven. The Epistle to the Hebrews depicts Christ as a priest, placing considerable emphasis on his continuing ministry of intercession. Christ’s heavenly intercession is a sequel to his earthly sacrifice accomplished “once for all” (Heb 10:10-18). Jesus himself said, “Every one who acknowledges me before men, I also will acknowledge before my Father who is in heaven” (Mt 10:32, rsv<\/span>). His continuing intercession is recognized in such NT phrases as “through Jesus Christ” (Rom 1:8; 16:27; 1 Pt 2:5), “through him” (Col 3:17; Heb 13:15), and “in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ” (Eph 5:20).<\/p>\nThe doctrine of Christ’s heavenly intercession is explicitly affirmed in four NT texts. The apostle Paul spoke of Christ “at the right hand of God, who indeed intercedes for us” (Rom 8:34, rsv<\/span>). The writer of Hebrews affirmed that Christ “is able for all time to save those who draw near to God through him, since he always lives to make intercession for them” (Heb 7:25, rsv<\/span>). Further, Christ has entered “into heaven itself, now to appear in the presence of God on our behalf” (9:24). The apostle John also described that ministry: “If any one does sin, we have an advocate with the Father, Jesus Christ the righteous” (1 Jn 2:1). The Greek word for “advocate” meant a legal counselor who appeared before a magistrate to plead a client’s cause. John thus pictured the ascended Lord as appearing before God on behalf of his people, presenting his own obedience and suffering as the ground for the believer’s acquittal.<\/p>\nThe Way Intercession Works<\/p>\nChrist’s heavenly intercession has both a static aspect (his redemptive work has been completed) and a dynamic aspect (he continues to care for God’s people). Thus Christ’s intercession is seen as including (1) his presence with the Father as the ground of each believer’s justification (Heb 9:24); (2) his thwarting of Satan’s accusations against each believer (Rom 8:33; Rv 12:10); (3) his claim for each believer’s right of access to the divine presence (Heb 4:14-16); and (4) his mediation of the prayers of each believer. The heavenly Father’s response is to impart the full range of spiritual blessings on believers. In the words of the Puritan John Owen (1616–83), “The intercession of Christ . . . is his continual appearance for us in the presence of God, representing the efficacy of his oblation, accompanied with tender care, love and desires for the welfare, supply, deliverance and salvation of the church.”<\/p>\nThose for whom Christ intercedes in heaven are described in Scripture both broadly and narrowly. Christ is said to pray for all people everywhere (Is 53:12; cf. Mt 26:28). More specifically, and perhaps more profoundly, he prays for his own redeemed community, the church (Jn 14:16; 17:9, 20; Heb 4:15-16). Nevertheless, Christ’s prayers are also centered on the specific needs of individual believers (Lk 22:31-32; 1 Jn 2:1).<\/p>","content_en":"<h3>INTERCESSION OF CHRIST*<\/h3>\nTheological term for Christ’s activity of petitioning God the Father to save, help, and sustain people on earth.<\/p>\nThe Hebrew word meaning “to make intercession” is from a root meaning “to strike”; hence it means “to assail or encounter with a request.” That word is used prophetically of the ministry of the “servant of the Lord”: “He bore the sin of many, and made intercession for the transgressors” (Is 53:12, rsv<\/span>). The principal Greek verb meant in secular usage to “meet,” “approach,” or “make an appeal.” In intertestamental literature that word was employed in the sense of personally petitioning an official to gain a favor (e.g., 2 Macc 4:8). The noun form of the word is translated in the NT both as “intercession” (1 Tm 2:1) and as “prayer” (4:5).<\/p>\nTheologians generally see intercession as the second phase of Christ’s “high priestly work,” after he first made satisfaction for sin through his suffering and death on the cross (1 Tm 2:5-6). In the OT one of the priest’s functions was to petition God on the people’s behalf. In particular, on the annual Day of Atonement the high priest carried the blood of the sin offering into the Holy of Holies, sanctified the sacred place by means of incense, and sprinkled the sacrificial blood on and about the “mercy seat” (Lv 16:11-19). Correspondingly, after Christ offered himself on the cross as the sacrifice for sins, he ascended to the Father and entered the heavenly sanctuary where he now represents his people (Heb 7:25).<\/p>\nChrist’s Intercession on Earth<\/p>\nBefore his life of intercession in heaven, Jesus Christ exercised such a ministry on earth, consistent with his own teaching that the disciples should always pray and not get discouraged (Lk 18:1). Scripture often points to Jesus in prayer. For example, Jesus interceded at the grave of his friend Lazarus (Jn 11:41-42). Jesus prayed all night on a mountain before selecting the 12 apostles (Lk 6:12-13). After warning his disciple Peter that Satan had designs on him, Jesus said to Peter, “I have prayed for you that your faith may not fail” (Lk 22:32, rsv<\/span>). Jesus’ first words on the cross were a prayer for those who had persecuted him (23:34).<\/p>\nThe “high priestly prayer” recorded in John 17 provides the most complete account in Scripture of an intercessory prayer by Jesus. The ground, or basis, of his impassioned petition was his intimate relationship with his heavenly Father (Jn 17:5, 8). The objects of his prayer were (1) himself, that he might glorify the Father and complete the work he had been sent to accomplish (Jn 17:1-5); (2) his disciples, who were chosen to spread the gospel after his departure (vv 8-9); and (3) the entire family of believers (v 20). The goals of his intercession included (1) the unity of God’s people (vv 11, 21), (2) their joy in spite of hardships and discouragement (v 13), (3) their preservation from evil (v 15), (4) their sanctification by the Word of God (v 17), and (5) their eternal fellowship with Christ (v 24).<\/p>\nChrist’s Intercession in Heaven<\/p>\nChrist’s intercession for his people, begun on earth, is continued in heaven. The Epistle to the Hebrews depicts Christ as a priest, placing considerable emphasis on his continuing ministry of intercession. Christ’s heavenly intercession is a sequel to his earthly sacrifice accomplished “once for all” (Heb 10:10-18). Jesus himself said, “Every one who acknowledges me before men, I also will acknowledge before my Father who is in heaven” (Mt 10:32, rsv<\/span>). His continuing intercession is recognized in such NT phrases as “through Jesus Christ” (Rom 1:8; 16:27; 1 Pt 2:5), “through him” (Col 3:17; Heb 13:15), and “in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ” (Eph 5:20).<\/p>\nThe doctrine of Christ’s heavenly intercession is explicitly affirmed in four NT texts. The apostle Paul spoke of Christ “at the right hand of God, who indeed intercedes for us” (Rom 8:34, rsv<\/span>). The writer of Hebrews affirmed that Christ “is able for all time to save those who draw near to God through him, since he always lives to make intercession for them” (Heb 7:25, rsv<\/span>). Further, Christ has entered “into heaven itself, now to appear in the presence of God on our behalf” (9:24). The apostle John also described that ministry: “If any one does sin, we have an advocate with the Father, Jesus Christ the righteous” (1 Jn 2:1). The Greek word for “advocate” meant a legal counselor who appeared before a magistrate to plead a client’s cause. John thus pictured the ascended Lord as appearing before God on behalf of his people, presenting his own obedience and suffering as the ground for the believer’s acquittal.<\/p>\nThe Way Intercession Works<\/p>\nChrist’s heavenly intercession has both a static aspect (his redemptive work has been completed) and a dynamic aspect (he continues to care for God’s people). Thus Christ’s intercession is seen as including (1) his presence with the Father as the ground of each believer’s justification (Heb 9:24); (2) his thwarting of Satan’s accusations against each believer (Rom 8:33; Rv 12:10); (3) his claim for each believer’s right of access to the divine presence (Heb 4:14-16); and (4) his mediation of the prayers of each believer. The heavenly Father’s response is to impart the full range of spiritual blessings on believers. In the words of the Puritan John Owen (1616–83), “The intercession of Christ . . . is his continual appearance for us in the presence of God, representing the efficacy of his oblation, accompanied with tender care, love and desires for the welfare, supply, deliverance and salvation of the church.”<\/p>\nThose for whom Christ intercedes in heaven are described in Scripture both broadly and narrowly. Christ is said to pray for all people everywhere (Is 53:12; cf. Mt 26:28). More specifically, and perhaps more profoundly, he prays for his own redeemed community, the church (Jn 14:16; 17:9, 20; Heb 4:15-16). Nevertheless, Christ’s prayers are also centered on the specific needs of individual believers (Lk 22:31-32; 1 Jn 2:1).<\/p>","summary_ro":"INTERCESSION OF CHRIST* Theological term for Christ’s activity of petitioning God the Father to save, help, and sustain people on earth. The Hebrew word meaning “to make intercession” is from a root meaning “to strike”; hence it means “to assail or encounter with a request.” That word is used prophetically of the ministry of the “servant of the Lord”: “He bore the sin of many, and made intercession for the transgressors” (Is 53:12, rsv). The principal Greek verb meant in secular usage to “mee...","summary_en":"INTERCESSION OF CHRIST* Theological term for Christ’s activity of petitioning God the Father to save, help, and sustain people on earth. The Hebrew word meaning “to make intercession” is from a root meaning “to strike”; hence it means “to assail or encounter with a request.” That word is used prophetically of the ministry of the “servant of the Lord”: “He bore the sin of many, and made intercession for the transgressors” (Is 53:12, rsv). The principal Greek verb meant in secular usage to “mee...","source":"Articles\/I.xml","external_url":null,"has_map":false,"has_picture":false}]},"labels":{"article":"Articol","map":"Hartă","chart":"Diagramă","textbox":"Notă explicativă","picture":"Imagine","profile":"Profil","study_note":"Notă de studiu","theme_note":"Temă biblică"},"icons":{"article":"📖","map":"🗺️","chart":"📊","textbox":"💡","picture":"🖼️","profile":"👤","study_note":"📝","theme_note":"🎯"},"typeColors":{"article":"#d4af37","map":"#2d7d46","chart":"#3b82f6","textbox":"#8b5cf6","picture":"#ec4899","profile":"#f59e0b","study_note":"#06b6d4","theme_note":"#ef4444"}}

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